\

University of California.

l^I-p'X OIF

'

*<

DUDLEY W. ADAMS.
Master of the National Grang<

THE GROUNDSWELL.

0 ____^____— — . — • — --

A HISTORY 1

OF THE

ORIGIN, AIMS, AND PROGRESS

OF THE

FAKMERS' MOVEMENT:

EMBRACING

AN A UTHORITA TIVE A CCO UNT OF FARMERS' CL UBS,

GRANGES, ETC.; A FULL DISCUSSION OF THE

TRANSPORTATION QUESTION AND OTHER

GRIEVANCES; AND A HISTORY OF

INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION IN

THE UNITED STATES;

•

TOGETHER WITH

SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF PROMINENT LEADERS,

Etc., Ktc., Etc.
BY

HON. JONATHAN PERIAM,

n

Editor Western Rural : First Recording Secretary of Board of Trustees and Superintend

of Agriculture, Illinois Industrial University ; Vice President Illinois Mat
f Agriculture ; Secretary Northern Illinois Horticultural Society for 1S72 ;
President Chicago Agricultural and Horticultural Society, organized 1557; etc.

ate Board
First

Illustration*,

CINCINNATI :

E, HANNAFORD & COMPANY,

CHICAGO :

HANNAFORD & THOMPSON,

SAN FRANCISCO: F. DEWING & co.

1874.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1874, by

JOSEPIJ ^THOMPSON,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

ELECTROTYPED AT FRANK
LIN TYPE FOUNDRY, CIN.

TO

^rotructng Otta^es irf America,

THIS VOLUME,
(BACK OF WHICH LIES THIKTY YEARS' PRACTICE WITH PLOW AND PEN)

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY

THE AUTHOE.

PREFACE.

Notwithstanding the somewhat unusual facilities which my editor
rial and other relations had furnished me for the collection of data,
etc., it is quite probable that I should have regretted yielding to the
solicitations of my present publishers to prepare a history of the ori
gin, aims, arid progress of the FARMERS' MOVEMENT, had I not been
so fortunate as to secure the co-operation of a number of gentlemen,
whose assistance has been valuable to both the reader and myself in
the highest degree. I desire here to return my thanks to my fellow-
laborer on the " Western Rural," Mr. Avern Pardoe, without whose
aid it would have been extremely difficult, if not impossible, for me
to have responded to this extra demand upon my time. Grateful
acknowledgments are also due to my friends Hon. W. C. Flagg and
Mr. J. W. Midgley for the papers on Transportation and Railroads
which are given in Chapters XXXIV to XXXVII of this work.
No apology can be needed for the admission of the " Railroad side,"
so strongly presented by. Mr. Midgley. Intelligent and practically
useful discussion of the farmers' undoubted grievances in respect to
railroads will be greatly facilitated by a true understanding and care
ful sifting of the arguments presented by the opposing interest.
I also desire to return thanks to many other friends, East, West, and
South, who have favored me with valuable information and advice ;
and to bear testimony to the kind and often painstaking courtesy
extended to me by the secretaries and other officers of the Granges,
Clubs, and other societies organized in the interest of agriculture.

Want of space has compelled the omission of considerable matter
which it was my original intention to embody in this volume — among
which are, a list of the Clubs, Granges, etc., in the United States and
Canadas ; extracts from such of the leading agricultural and other
journals of the country as have taken a prominent part in the dis
cussion of the Farmers' Movement ; and an admirable paper by my
friend Rufus K. Slosson, of Morris, 111.

In the following pages the endeavor has been made to present his
tory with accuracy and impartiality. When my own opinions have
been expressed upon the great and still growing power of monopoliz'
ing capital, it has been sought to clo so without prejudice or bitter

(vii)

PREFACE.

ness; and, in fact, on many points I have expressed myself far less
strongly than I have really felt. The breach between the Farmers
and the Railroads, though wide, by no means seems to me past all
healing. It has been perniciously widened by hot-headed enthusiasts
and designing demagogues upon both sides. Time and again, with
vituperation and invective without stint, it has been declared that the
railroad companies would never be satisfied until they had "wrung
the last drop of blood from the people." Simultaneously, and with
equal lack both of judgment and truth, the railroad organs have de
nounced the farmers as having no just grounds of complaint ; and said
they merely seek a pretext for the repudiation of their bonds and the
confiscation of railroad property, and even (as a prominent railroad
official has lately asserted) that they are really casting about for a
method of establishing a sort of commune !

As long as this spirit prevails, a peaceful solution of the matters at
issue lies in the future. The railroads will yield nothing unless com
pelled, while believing, or at least professing to believe, that a con
cession would be but the occasion for further demands; and the
farmers will not abate one jot or tittle of their claims for redress,
while insulted by the transparent falsehood that they have no just
cause for complaint. Among a people who profess to be self-gov
erned, it ought to be possible to remedy all such grievances without
an appeal to regulatory legislation ; and the writer, for one, would
yet gladly see delegations appointed in behalf of the contending
parties, empowered to confer and arrange the basis for an amicable
compromise, reasonable, practicable, and just to all parties.

Whatever may be the issue of the pending war between the pro
ducers and transporters, however, it is clear that from the Farmers'
Movement, as a whole, great good must result. It has opened the
eyes of the masses to gigantic frauds in other directions. Even if
this were not the case, the increased interest which the members of
Farmers'Clubs, Patrons of Husbandry, and like Associations, have
manifested in our social and public affairs must be productive of
great good to the masses, in the proper education of the present and
rising generations in their duties as individuals and citizens. It is
through this great quickening of the toiling masses, and their stimu
lation to higher endeavor, that either the renovation or overthrow of
the effete and corrupt political parties of the day is to be effected.

J, P,

CHICAGO, ILL., 19th January, 1S74

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY—A Groundswell-The origin of Groundawell. - Some
modern Groundswells-The Groundswell of to-day-Types and •

type?

CHAPTER II.

AGRICULTURE AND ITS SuBDivisioHS.-What Agriculture embraces-Effect
of Science on Agricalture-Tho fathers of modern Agriculture-
Scientific Experiments in the United States-Status of Agriculture in
ancient times-The true definition of Agriculture-Co-operatio i
panacea. .

CHAPTER III.

RELATION OF AGRICULTURE TO HoRTicuLTURK.-Education the key-note to
progress-Advanced state of horticultural science-Gardening of old
and its progress-The future influence of Horticulture-Why are
farmers behind horticulturists ?-A little knowledge a dangerc .
thin-

CHAPTER IV.

FARMERS' CLUBS IN GREAT BuiT.uN.-In Scotland and Ireland— The first
Farmers' Club in Bngland-The Royal Agricultural Society and pre-

.- sent organizations of England-Conditions of English farmers-
farm laborers of England— English farmers agitating— A good
time coming.

CHAPTER V.

AMERICAN FARMERS' CLUBS.-At the time of the Revolution-Clubs in
Pennsylvania-Clubs in the South-Clubs in New York-" Amend

X CONTENTS.

MGZ.

Institute Farmers' Club "—Clubs in Massachusetts— The spread of
Agricultural Societies— The present want and future duty. . . 62

CHAPTER VI.

POWER OF THE FARMERS.— Why farmers do not wield political power—
Our defective educational system — Farmers must arouse themselves —
Numerical strength of the farmers— Representation of the farmers— 4
United, earnest action demanded — Union of Clubs and Granges neces
sary 73

CHAPTER VII.

CO-OPERATIOV AMONG THE INDUSTRIES. — What organization may accom
plish — Superior organization of other industries — The penalty paid
for past negligence — The agricultural press a trusty counselor — The
power of the moneyed classes consolidated — How panics are generated
— Combine, consolidate, concentrate 84

CHAPTER VIII.

CONSTITUTION AND BUSINESS OF FARMERS' CLUBS. — Preliminary steps in
organization — After working? — Model for a Constitution — Standing
committees, order of business, etc. — Co-operation of Clubs — Form of
Illinois Farmers' Clubs' Constitution — State organization — Constitu
tion of the Tennessee Farmers' Association. . . . .94

CHAPTER IX.

INNER WORKINGS OF FARMERS' CLUBS. —Farmers' Clubs must be social —
Clubs must collect facts — Subject for debate in Clubs, etc. — Horticul
turists better organized than farmers — Organized pleasure taking —
Co-operative buying and selling — The advantage of mutual assistance. 104

CHAPTER X.

THE ORDER OK PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY.— What is a Grange '/—Degrees
of the Order symbolized — Higher stages of progress — Objects and ad
vantages of the Granges— What a Grange is not 115

CHAPTER XL

THE ORIGIN OF THE ORDER. — How it came about — The germ-idea —
Maturing plans — Forming the first degree of the Order — The founders
of the Order— Selecting a name— Organizing the " National Grange." 125

CONTENTS. XI

CHAPTER XII.

PAGE.

EARLY STRUGGLES AND THEIR FRUITION. — Testing the work already done—
Carrying the work forward — The first four dispensations issued — Dis
couragement, but not despair — Working against difficulties — The
Headquarters of the Order — Wonderful growth of the Order — Strength
of the Order. 134

CHAPTER XIII.

AIMS AND OBJECTS OP THE ORDER. — Salient features of the Order — Edu
cating the intellects — The business feature — A thirst for knowledge —
The secret nature of the Order — The secret feature exaggerated and
misapprehended — The real character of the Order 146

CHAPTER XIV.

OTHER PROMINENT FEATURES OP THE ORDER. — Woman's mission in the
Grange — Women as keepers of secrets — How the Patrons prevent law
suits — The colored brother as a Patron — No Granges speaking foreign
languages — The Illinois " Staats-Zeitung " on the Granges — Some of
the unjust charges against the Granges — Some gains of the Granges —
A case in point — Co-operation of independent organizations necessary
to ultimate success 155

CHAPTER XV.

LAWS AND BY-LAWS OP THE ORDER. — Officers and Constitution of the
National Grange — Constitution of State Granges — County Councils, Con
stitution, etc. — Constitution of Subordinate Granges. . . . 168

CHAPTER XVI.

THE MOVEMENT TOWARD CO-OPERATION. — What are the farmers' griev
ances ? — Farmers' troubles of modern growth — Operations of railroad
rings — Where the blame originally lies — The village merchant as an
extortioner — Growth of grievances — Building of the first railroad and
its effects— The Centralia, Illinois, Convention 196

CHAPTER XVII.

THE NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS OP 1872. — Revival of Clubs at
the South — The Tennessee Farmers' Association — The first National
Agricultural Congress 207

Xi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XVIII.

MM
THE FIRST BLOOMINQTON (ILLINOIS) CONVENTION. — Effect of the war on

Agriculture — The end of endurance — The bugle-call— Gov. Palmer's
letter — General business of the Convention — Only a partial success, and
why .............. 222

CHAPTER XIX.

THE KEWANEE (ILLINOIS) CONVENTION.— Origin of the Convention— The
delegates, and their difficulties — Business of the meeting — Speeches
and poetry—Results of the discussion ....... 232

CHAPTER XX.

THE SECOND BLOOMINGTON (ILLINOIS) CONVENTION.— The storm gather
ing — The call for the Convention — Opening for business — The Railroad ,
abuses— Farmers in council— Railway legislation and railway reform
— Charters and contracts— Rights of the people versus railroads-
Formation of the Illinois State Farmers' Association — The resolutions. 242

CHAPTER XXI.

THE PATRONS OP IOWA, AND THEIR WORK.— Two meetings of the State
Grange — Railroads, land grants, salaries, and Grange Agents-
Speech of Worthy Master A. B. Smedley ..... -. .263

CHAPTER XXII.

THE KANSAS FARMERS' CO-OPERATIVE ASSOCIATION.— The State Conven
tion at Topeka — Resolutions, and debate thereon — Constitution, By-
Laws, and Officers — Local organizations, etc ...... 271

CHAPTER XXIII.

THE SPRINGFIELD (ILLINOIS) CONVENTION.— Growth of the movement, and
call of the Convention— Gov. Beveridge on the Movement— Gov. Pal
mer on Railway Monopolies — The resolutions — Divided counsels —
Concerning reconsideration. ...... . 280

CONTENTS. xiil

CHAPTER XXIV.

PAG-B

THK TEST CASK ON THE UNCONSTITUTIONAL ILLINOIS RAILROAD LAW. —
The McLean County test case — Judge Tipton's decision — The three-
cent-a-mile war — The argument on the appeal — Decision of the
Supreme Court ; the law unconstitutional. ..... 292

CHAPTER XXV.

THE NEW ILLINOIS RAILBOAD LAW, AND ITS WORKINGS.— The Railroad
Commission squabble— The new Railroad Law— Working of the new
law ............. 302

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE ILLINOIS JUDICIAL ELECTIONS.— The first charge along the line— The
Princeton Convention— The result at the polls— The result of the
election misconstrued. ......... 312

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE AMERICAN CHEAP TRANSPORTATION ASSOCIATION. — The Grain Growers*
Transportation and Loan Association — The Farmers' and Producers'
Convention— The resolutions— President Quincy's call for the Wash
ington Convention ........ ... 317

CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS OP 1873.— Opening formalities,
etc. — Financial, horticultural, and entomological — Exhaustive report
on the transportation question — Report on the railway system — The
Agricultural College land grand bill — Pro and con — The election of
officers, etc ............. 327

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE NORTHWESTERN FARMERS CONVENTION AT CHICAGO.— The call, at
tendance, and organization — Tho question of governmental aid — Hon.
W. C. Flagg's address on the regulation of Railroads — Mr. Hooten on
Railroad abuses — The resolutions, and their consideration — Pork to be
held for a rise— Report on the Illinois Railroad Law. . . .342

XIV CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXX.

PAGE

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP WM. SAUNDERS.— One of the fathers of the
Patrons of Husbandry — Early career — Literary labors — Connection
ith the Agricultural Department — Future projects 363

CHAPTER XXXI.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP GEN. JACKSON. — Early life — At West Point
and in the army — War breaks out — His part in the war — After the
war — The warrior as a farmer . 369

CHAPTER XXXII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF JOHN DAVIS. — Early pioneer life — Grinding at
the horse-mill — Getting an education, and start in life — " Westward
Ho " — Present prominence and labors. 377

CHAPTER XXXIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF HON. W. C. FLAGG.— Parentage and educa
tion—Connection with Illinois Horticultural Society— Legislative
career— Agricultural education from a scholar's stand point— Editorial
connections and further honors. . . . 333

CHAPTER XXXIV.
(By Hon. W. C. Ftagg, President Illinois State Farmers1 Association.)

THE PKOPLE versus RAILWAY MONOPOLIES.— A great public danger— Pri
vate corporations governing States — Railway corporations defiant —
Facts and figures — Highways of transportation should be controlled by
the public authorities — Actual cost of carrying passengers — Transport
ation rates in Europe and the United States — What freights cost, and
what is charged — Western experience — Excessive charges in Tennessee
and Iowa — Self-interest the railway rule of action — Evils of unjust
discrimination — Railway interference with legislation — The beginning
of the end 389

CONTENTS. XV

CHAPTER XXXV.

PAGE

(By J. W. Midgley, Esq., Chicago, President's Secretary, Northwestern Railway.}
RAILWAY LEGISLATION AT HOME AND ABROAD. 406

CHAPTER XXXVI.

( Continuation of Mr. Midgley's Article.)

CONCERNING RATES AND GOVERNMENTAL RAILWAYS 427

CHAPTER XXXVII.

(Conclusion of Mr. Midgley' '« Article.)
THE BENEFITS CONFERRED BY RAILROADS 436

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

TRANSPORTATION AND THE MONEY-KINGS. — The question from antagon
istic stand-points — Legislation not the panacea for all evils — We must
strike at the root, corruption — One way of robbing the West — How the
greo.t railroad corporations corrupt public morals — Vanderbilt as a
phlebotomist — The communism of capital 452

CHAPTER XXXIX.

MONOPOLIES AND SPECIAL PRIVILEGES. — What are monopolies ? — The
communism of protected industries— Examples of odious protection-
Railroads as protected monopolies — Vested rights and politicians —
Special privileges dangerous to the people at large— The farmers not
inimical to railroads 464

CHAPTER XL.

CREDITS MOBILIER, FAST FREIGHTS, ETC.— " Credit Mobilier" defined—
The great Credit Mobilier — Smaller Credit Mobilier associations —
Wheels within wheels — Watered stock. . 474

XVi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XLI.

PAGE

GOVERNMENTAL OWNERSHIP OF RAILWAYS.— Its corrupting power— The
cost of railroads in the United States— Watered stock ; New York
Central— Central Pacific Stock— Government purchase of railroads a
fallacy ..... , . . . . • • . . -484

CHAPTER XLII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP COL. A. B. SMEDLEY.— Outline of a useful
career— As a Patron of Husbandry ........ 493

CHAPTER XLIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP DUDLEY W. ADAMS. — Youth and emigration
westward — Services in behalf of Agriculture — Early struggles and
public services — Services in the Order of Patrons of Husbandry. . 495

CHAPTER XLIV.

INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. — Importance of the subject — Where shall our
children learn ? — How shall we begin ? — Farmers as craftsmen — Ex
perience as a thorough teacher — The classics and Agriculture . . 501

CHAPTER XLV.

POPULAR AGITATION ON INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.— A want long felt— In
dustrial League and further agitation — Memorial to the Illinois
Legislature — The legislative resolutions — Leading utterances of
twenty years ago — The Albany (N. Y.) convention on Industrial
Education — The voice of Agriculture ....... 510

CHAPTER XLVI.

CONGRESSIONAL ACTION ON INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. — How the Agricul
tural College bill became a law— Text of the Act of Congress— The
Amendment to the Act— Distribution of the lands to the several
States . . 524

CONTENTS. XVII

CHAPTER XLVII.

PAGE

AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE EDUCATION. — Its scope and aim—One great mis
take — Practical education to Agriculture — The study of chemistry,
physiology, and other specialities — Practical education need not be
restricted or sordid— " In the sweat of thy brow "—The future of
Industrial Education 532

CHAPTER XLVIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF PROP. J. B. TURNER. — Early struggles— Professor
at Illinois College — Introducer of Osage Orange as a hedge plant —
The educator as an inventor — Contributions to science — Championship
of education to the industries — Advocacy of a National Bureau of
Agriculture, etc. — Personal simplicity, and greatness of his work. . 544

CHAPTER XLIX.

WHAT THE GROUNDSWELL HAS ACCOMPLISHED.— The good work in Cali
fornia — In other Western States — Action of the Iowa State Grange,
December, 1873— What the Illinois State Grange Believes— Action of
the Illinois State Farmers' Association 555

CHAPTER L.

THE NATIONAL GRANGE OF PATBONS OF HUSBANDKY.— The Annual Meeting at
St. Louis, Mo., February, 1874 — Master Adams1 Address — The Boston Grange
— Some Others — Constitutional Revision of the National Grange — Proposed
Amendments to the By -Laws — The Declaration of Principles — The Order
Law-abiding and Benevolent 566

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Dudley W. Adams, Esq. — Portrait — frontispiece.

A Groundswell, ....... 23

" Thou, too, sail on ! " . . . . . .26

"Watch 'em!" 28

Vignette, ........ 30

English Farm Scene, ...... 32

Great Seal of the United States, ..... 35

Agriculture Speaking English, ..... 41

The Wealth of Orchards, etc., 43

Fruit Piece, etc., ....... 45

The Cabin of the Peaceful Pioneer, . . . .47

Coat-of-Arms of Great Britain, . . • . ' 53
Shall we Emigrate ? . . . . . . .56

One of the Grievances of English Farmers, ... 59

A Pennsylvania Barn-yard, ...... 63

When Cotton was King, ...... 65

1620— The Genius of History, ..... 69

The Old South— Negro Quarters, .... 70

Brought to the Bar at last, ...... 76

The Motto for Farmers, ...... 81

Some of the Classes that should Co-operate, embracing :

The Farmer, ....:.. 87

The Machinist, ...... 87

The Miner, ....... 87

The Seamstress, ...... 87

The Blacksmith, 87

The Builder, 87

Fidelity, 93

Going to the Club Meeting, . . . , . 95

State Seal of Illinois, ...... 99

State Seal of Tennessee, . . . ... 101

Not to be Trusted— The Farmer versus the Politician, . . 107

Brawn and Brains, . . . . . . 109

Neighborly Help, .' , , , . .113

(xviii)

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XIX

PAGE

What the "Granger" is Not — The Opinions of Some to the Contrary
Notwithstanding — embracing :

Owl, .. 123

Bear, . . . . * . . .123

Frog, 123

Sheep, 123

Crawfish, 123

William Saunders, Esq.— Portrait, . . . . .129

O. H. Kelley, Esq.— Portrait, 137

What the Order is Not, . . . . . .143

A Farm Scene, 150

The Matron at Home, . . . . . .157

Justice, ........' 158

Cotton Plant, . . . . . . . .160

"What shall We do with Him? "—The "Granger's" Advent among

the Politicians, ...... 175

State Seal of Missouri, . . . . . .176

In Union there is Strength, ..... 205

A Virginia Tobacco Barn, ...... 208

All forgotten save the Nation's Unity, .... 222

The Monopolists' Mistake— Not the Type of the Farmer, . . 224

Steamboat and Kailway Cars, ..... 235

"For them the Bobolink sang not," . . . . .239

The Demand of the Industries, ..... 243

Life on a Prairie Farm — Receiving Reports at Evening, . . 245

Railway Train, 252

State Seal of Iowa, . 264

" Through Trial, Toil, and Blood," .... 266

Danger! 267

State Seal of Kansas, ...... 272

"Other Interests also," 282

A Model Monopolist, . . . . . . 285

The Highway of Civilization, . . . . .295

Obsolete Method of Transportation in the Tobacco Country, 305

A Princeton Convention Man, ..... 314

3,000 Majority for Craig, ..... 316

Constituents of the S. P. C. A., for whose Transportation Congress

has already Legislated, ..... 318

Loading a Steamboat on the Mississippi, . . . 322

A Farm in Indiana, !.'!'..'.. 329
Busy Bees, 344

XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

*AGE

Harvest Scene, . . . . . . .353

At Three Cents a Pound, . . 35$

"Pay as you go." Live in the Old House till the Farm is all

paid for, . 353

Held for $5.00 per 100, ...... 361

General W. H. Jackson — Portrait, . 371

John Davis, Esq. — Portrait, . . . f 379

Colonel A. B. Smedley — Portrait, ..... 379

Hon. Willard C. Flagg— Portrait, .... 391

Homestead on the Elver, . . . . , .419

" Speed, Comfort, Safety." .... ' 428

The Kural Toilers of Forty Years Ago, . . ' . .437

Before the Era of Railroads, .... 445

The Old Bird Fairly Aroused, 455

State Seal of New York, ..... 459

Interior of Farm-house in the Olden Time, .... 465
" We 're going to have a Eailroad ! " . . . . 471

The Stalking-horse of Swindlers, ..... 475
The Water-Sprite — Farmer's Daughter, .... 480

Farm Scene — The First Snow, ..... 487

The Capitol at Washington, . 49 j

Off to School, 503

What has made Industrial Education possible, . . . 504

Pegging Away, , . . 512

The Farmer's Boys, ..... 521

The Rural Home, ..... 525

The Stock-Breeder's Museum, ..... 536

Feeding the Lamb, ....... 537

" Nature's Miracles on Every Side," .... 538

Prof. J. B. Turner— Portrait, . . . . . .545

Bird, 558

Saturday Afternoon, ....... 563

A Page for the Little Folks, embracing

Lots of Fun, ....... 567

Picking Apples, . . . . . . .567

One of the Pets, . . . . . . . 567

Back of the Barn, ....... 567

Nooning in the Shade, . . . . . . 567

A Sly Little Customer, . . . . . .567

Finis, 576

THE GROUND SWELL.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.

A GROUNDSWELL.

"AHOY!" "Bear a hand!" "Cut that painter!" "Cast
loose ! " A score of such cries, with sundry incoherent yells,
broke suddenly upon the repose of a small fishing hamlet
nestling in a cove that opened out upon the wide Atlantic.

There had been almost a dead calm. The sea, stretching
far in the distance, rocked in gentle undulations, like a child
in its cradle, and clear as a mirror curled gently up on the
shore. The tsough of the waters, as they lazily rose and fell,
Was varied only by a soft, long-continued "swi-i-ah" as the
ever-recurring, ever-advancing wave of the incoming tide
rolled over the shells and pebbles, with a tinkle murmurous
and musical. Nothing suggested the resistless power of
this calm blue water when lashed into fury by Old Boreas ;
nothing in the state of the weather indicated aught but a
long-continued calm ; for the tranquillity which reigned over
all seemed the result of a settled determination upon the
weather's part to remain serene, and was not, by any means,

(21)

22 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the ominous, oppressive stillness which precedes a storm.
All was beauty and peace.

The boats belonging to the village were drawn up on the
beach, in orderly array, the sails of some hanging listlessly,
and those of others stowed carefully away or lashed trimly
to the masts. Of the sturdy fishermen lolling about on
the beach, the younger ones were chatting gayly, or lazily
smoking their short pipes, evidently enjoying their enforced
idleness ; others, more restless, and chafing under their in
activity, strolled to and fro, ever and anon casting an eye,
now seaward, and now toward the line of cliffs shutting in
the broad sandy beach. But not a sign did they discern of
the much desired change of the monotonously fine weather.
The longed-for breeze which was to take them to their fish
ing grounds gave no token yet of its appearance. Even the
older salts, whom a life of constant watchfulness had ren
dered wary as cats, had* relaxed some of their accustomed
vigilance, and, gathered in little groups, were smoking and
discussing old times.

Suddenly, almost instantaneously, the scene changed as if
by magic, and the beach became a spectacle of bustling con
fusion and activity. The sun still shone with grateful warmth,
and the same dead calm continued; but, far in the distance,
there was a sudden upheaval of the waters, innocent in the
depths of the ocean, but terrible in its force against the shore.
One of the veterans who had been watching the sea, from
force of habit rather than any thought of danger, saw it, and
suddenly leaped up. "A. swell ! A groundswell !" he shouted ;
" Quick ! Quick !" And, motioning to his two mates, he
rushed, as with the vigor of youth, to where his boat lay
with the others upon the beach. In an instant the craft was
launched, and he and his comrades were rowing out to sea,
as if for life.

A CffiOUNDSWELL.

23

Scarcely had their boat got well out from shore, before
the waters swiftly receded, only to be suddenly brought
back by a huge wave, swelling in resistless majesty as it ad
vanced. As its base touched the bottom of the shoaling
water, the top curled into a gigantic comb, and, as it fell for
ward, the mighty mass was thrown with deafening roar
upon the beach. The boats still lying at their moorings were
caught up like feathers, and hurled yards farther inland.
With the same -terrific dignity which marked their incoming,

A Groundswell.

the waters rolled back, leaving the little fleet in indescriba
ble confusion — bottom up, or end up, or on their sides, some
piled two or three together, others stove in, and not a few
wrecked irreparably. Around their boats quickly swarmed
the now thoroughly aroused fishermen. Each crew seizing
their craft, if happily it could be got at, ran it up the beach

24 THE GROUNBSWELL.

still higher, out of the reach of the waves which experience
had taught them were yet to come, and higher than before.

Not half the work was done, when a very mountain of
water buried the recedence of the first wave out of sight,
advanced as before, picked up a number of the unfortunate
boats, and dashed their luckless owners, half-strangled,
bruised and dripping, high up the beach. Eecovering their
feet as the water left them, these returned bravely to the
rescue of their crafts, and by dint of tugging and hauling,
when the third and greatest wave rolled thundering on the
beach, most of them were safe, high and dry.

Soon the ocean settled down into its accustomed quiet,
and the inspection of damages commenced. The sides of
Jack's boat were stove in, Bill's thwarts torn out, and Bob's
mast, oars, and tackle all lost, while Steve's craft was an en
tire wreck. Hardly a boat had saved its mast and rigging
unharmed, saving alone the one which got out to sea before
the first swell came in.

THE ORIGIN OF GROUNDSWELLS.

Such is a groundswell — a mighty upheaving of the waters,
grand, resistless, terrible, its power never to be withstood,
and to be eluded only by the utmost watchfulness and skill.
It is born of a struggle for mastery between the winds and
waters, perhaps hundreds of miles away, or it may be even
in mid-ocean. Cast a stone into a pond, and it produces
ripples, at first large and well defined, then gradually fading
out, but not dying away entirely until they have broken upon
the shore, be it never so faintly. So a tornado or a submarine
earthquake in mid-ocean stirs the mass of living waters,
and transmits its mighty undulations to the utmost shores.
When least expected, when the knowing ones and weather-

SOME MODERN GROTTNDSWELL. 25

j>*<5dict a continuance of fine weather, when there is no
appearance of a commotion among the elements, near or re
mote, the far-reaching effects of a distant storm may catch
the unwary coaster in his fancied security, and dash him
high on the beach, crippled for life., or a dead and sightless
corpse.

. As the effects of a grounds well are proportionate to the
violence of the storm or disturbance which occasioned it, so
in the bodies politic and social we observe a similar pro
portion in the strength of periodic agitations resulting from
nial-administration, or other grievances which have grown
up in the lapse of years and become strong and odious.

SOME MODERN GROUNDSWELLS.

Modern history records many popular upheavals which
may well be termed groundswells, some of them actually
marking epochs in the life of the human race upon the
earth.

Such was the convulsion, which, after centuries of mis
rule and corruption, shook English society to its center, in
the days of the first Charles, and ended only after that mon
arch, more sinned against than sinning, had lost his life.
Not even then was the struggle between kingly domination
and the rights of the people to a voice in the government
permanently decided. The " last and worser Charles," re
called to the throne of his ancestors, provoked another storm,
which James II. was unwise enough to raise to fury, and
this time the Stuart was expelled from England, finally and
forever.

That awful tragedy in modern history, known as the French
Revolution, in like manner was the direct consequence of
long years of oppression and misery, coupled with ignorance
2

26

THE GBOUNDSWELL.

and superstition. That groundswell was a fearful thing,
wave following wave, until every city and hamlet in France
had been baptized with the bloody spray. Every nation in
Europe felt the successive shocks, and before their force was
fully expended, more than one of them found themselves
stranded on the shores of the nineteenth century, in the
condition of battered wrecks after a storm.

The Ke volution in our own country was another ground-
swell of gigantic proportions, having a corresponding origin
in the resentment of a high-spirited people against manifest
injustice. The monarchical principle was virtually swept

"Thou, too, Sail On!"

from the continent, and the founders of our glorious repub
lic were left free to build, broad and strong, the framework
of a popular government, the very best ever launched upon
the sea of Time.

Let us hope also that it will prove the most enduring ; for
what American heart but thrills to the prayer in song of
our best-loved poet —

THE GBOUNDSWELL OP TO-DAY. 27

1 Thou, too, sail on, 0 Ship of State !

Sail on, 0 Union, strong and great
Humanity with all its fears,

With all the hopes of future years,
Is hanging breathless on thy fate ! "

THE GROUNDSWELL OF TO-DAY.

If there be one danger of more threatening aspect than
any other in the present juncture of affairs in the United
States, it is the disturbing and corrupting influences flowing
out of the existence of great moneyed corporations that,
year by year, take on more and more of the characteristics
of conscienceless and irresponsible monopolies. By various
arts, extending even to the shameless purchase of legislative
votes, these strive to shape the domestic policy of the State
to their own ends, with less and less regard for the general
welfare. The industrial classes are keenly sensitive to the
effects of this policy of selfishness and greed, since upon
them the burdens imposed by the " all-controlling few " fall
the first and most heavily. What wonder, then, that we
behold to-day another popular uprising, in earnest protest
against attempted wrongs ; or, that the farmers, emphati
cally the great producing class of the whole community,
should seek a closer union in council, business plans and in
fluence, and thus to roll onward the waves of their mighty.
groundswell f

A groundswell on approaching the shore is irresistible ;
the surging waters, as one mass upheaving and sweeping on
ward, bear all before them ; no anchorage will hold. The
only chance of safety is to give way by degrees, and thus
allow the wave to spend its strength more gradually. Di
rectly the force of one shock is past, the slack must be hauled
in, and the vessel drawn back to its anchors, ready to be.

28 THE GROUNDSWELL.

\

" slacked off " again at the approach of the next swell. Just
so, the class at whose door lies the grievances of which the
" Farmers' Movement" is the natural consequence, if they

be wise, will yield with what grace
they may to the pressure of public
opinion. Persistence in a line of
conduct constantly growing more
and more intolerable will assuredly
overwhelm them with disaster, if
prolonged. Give way they must;
and the people must see to it that
vv^iT^n!'' whatsoever of wantonly usurped

rights are now remanded to themselves, be maintained invio
late in the future.

TYPES AND ANTITYPES.

Our metaphor need not be enlarged upon. The people find
a fitting type in the vast, majestic ocean; popular opinion in
its waves, moving gently and quietly, when the elements
around are at peace, but sweeping all before them, when
lashed by the fury of a tornado.

There is another groundswell, not born of the winds,
but of deep-hidden, volcanic fires. An earthquake occurs,
and an island or a continent is upheaved. The on-moving
waves thus resulting surge against the shores of an empire,
engulfing not only the fishermen's craft, but the stately
merchant- vessel and the man-of war ; even the villages and
cities that lie exposed are submerged. Here the antitype is
the fire that lives deep in the heart, where lie the springs
of human action.

What a mere tidal wave, as to force, is to the storm-begot
ten groundswell, this mighty rush of waters, originating in

TYPES AND ANTITYPES. 29

the throes of a submerged volcano, is to the angry passions
of man as they burst forth after long repression. The tidal
wave is easily avoided; the groundswell may be guarded
against ; but the moral groundswell generated of human pas
sion, aggravated by long continued wrongs, may culminate
in a wave so overwhelming as to carry a nation to its utter
ruin.

CHAPTER II.

AGRICULTURE AND ITS SUBDIVISIONS.

WHAT AGRICULTURE EMBRACES.

Agriculture, in its broad sense, embraces husbandry, or
the art of cultivating the soil and obtaining therefrom its
increase in the shape of cereals and grasses ; stock-breed
ing, and the feeding and fattening of the domestic animals ;
and all that pertains to the making and applying of ma
nures, to draining, and, in general, to all other processes
which go to increase the productive capacity of the soil.

Agriculture also includes the sub-industry of horticul
ture, which again is subdivided into vegetable gardening,
floriculture,' pomology, or the cultivation of fruits ; arbori
culture, or the cultivation of timber ; forestry, or the con
servation and culture of forests ; and landscape gardening,
or the beautifying of natural, or creation of artificial, scen-
(30)

EFFECT OF SCIENCE ON AGRICULTURE. 31

ery. These, in turn, are often infinitely subdivided; and
especially has this been the case within the last thirty years,
or since the multiplication of Agricultural Societies.

The breeder is not necessarily the fattener of cattle for
market. The grain-farmer may not be either a breeder or
feeder, except to a very limited extent. He may confine
himself exclusively to the raising of grass for pasturage or
hay; or the products from which he derives his revenue
may be exclusively grain. The breeder, on the other hand,
must raise both hay and grain, in order to enable him to
prosecute his business successfully.

The fruit-grower is seldom engaged in other branches of
horticulture, and the florist more rarely still; the veget
able gardener is least frequently of all engaged in other hor
ticultural pursuits. The landscape gardener alone has to
deal with all the branches of the noble profession of horti
culture, which has been called " the Eeligion of Agricul
ture." If this metaphor be accepted, floriculture must cer
tainly be termed the poetry of horticulture.

EFFECT OF SCIENCE ON AGRICULTURE.

Since the establishment of agricultural schools in Europe
and the United States, the division of agriculture into its
multiform sub-industries has been found exceedingly profit
able. It is not too much to expect that, as science pro
gresses in this direction, its subdivision will become more
and more extensive. The day is certainly not far distant
when pomology, forestry, floriculture, and many other
branches of agriculture, will be more and more distinct
ively followed; just as threshing and draining are even now
followed as distinct professions. The future is not remote
in which steam-plowing, and hauling to the local market by
steam, will be accomplished in connection with threshing

32

THE GROUNDSWELL.

and ditching, by persons who will make these their exclu
sive occupations.

From" the Dark Ages until within the last fifty years there
was no great and general advance of agriculture. There
were improvements in various localities, it is true, but, at
the close of the seventeenth century, England, then begin
ning to= secure the mastery of the seas, had but one-half
the area of the kingdom in arable and pasture laud, the

English Farm Scene.— Shepherd and Flock.

remainder consisting of moor, forest, and fen. As late as
the beginning of the nineteenth century much of the land
in England either remained in forest or else was exhausted
of its "fertility. But all this is changed, and now, as Ma-
caulay remarks, a hundred acres, which, under the old sys
tem, produced annually, as food for cattle and manures, not
more than forty tons, under improved culture yields the
vast increase of 577 tons.

THE FATHERS OP MODERN AGRICULTURE. 33

THE FATHERS OF MODERN AGRICULTURE.

Until the commencement of the present century there
Was but little systematic cultivation in America. The for
ward movement was, undoubtedly, commenced by Washing
ton (as good and conscientious a farmer as he was a states
man) and by Thomas Jefferson, whose scientific investiga
tions into mechanics led him to make the first really valu
able improvement in plows.

Great Britain is more indebted to Lord Bacon, undoubt
edly, than to any of his contemporaries for the impetus
which agriculture received in his day. This great philoso
pher taught men the inductive method — to inquire into and
to discover by experiment, step by step, through the great
alphabet of nature — soils, gases, elements, etc. — the true re
lation which each bears to each.

If all the votaries of agriculture had followed this great
man's teachings we should have heard less of that myth the
" Science of Agriculture." It might more truly be called
the sum of all sciences, since, though it is made up of some
thing of all sciences, nevertheless, it will never, in the na
ture of things, become in itself a true science.

Early in the eighteenth century Jethro Tull, one of the
earliest and one of the best writers on agriculture that
England ever had, did much, through the record of his
experiments in new and improved modes of culture, to ad
vance the customary system of tillage, and to reduce it to
rule. Tull was the father of drill husbandry, and the in
ventor of the horse-hoe. He also invented, but failed to
perfect, the threshing-machine, leaving the final triumph in
this direction for American genius to achieve, more than a
century later.

Arthur Young is also justly celebrated for his labors in
behalf of agriculture. He traveled extensively over Europe,

34 THE GROUNDSWELL.

to observe the various methods of tillage which prevailed,
and is said to have edited nearly one hundred volumes re
lating to the profession.

In Scotland, Lord Kames, and still more, Sir John Sin
clair, were earnest and persevering patrons of agriculture.
To the latter gentleman, Scotland is indebted for a complete
agricultural survey of the country, with statistical accounts
relating to it. The publication of the fruits of his labors
had the important result, among others, of leading to the
establishment of the Board of Agriculture, in 1793, by Mr.
Pitt.

Sir Humphrey Davy was another benefactor of hus
bandry, deserving prominent mention. It was the result
of his experiments which led to the establishment of Agri
cultural Chemistry as a recognized branch of modern science ;
and this is truly the " corner-stone of agriculture." Recog
nizing a plant as a living thing, he held that the laws of its
existence must be studied in order to develop the most per
fect growth. By experiments, and in his lectures, he demon
strated that plants derive their component parts either from
the atmosphere by which they are surrounded, or from the
soil in which they grow. These elements being principally
carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and hydrogen, he showed by
analysis of soils and plants the relative nature of each, and
the conditions necessary to best furnish the elements for
growth, and proved that the process of vegetation depends
upon their constant assimilation by the organs of plants, by
means of moisture, light, and heat.

SCIENTIFIC EXPERIMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
*e

In the United States but little scientific experimenting,
having for its end the promotion of agriculture, was officially

SCIENTIFIC EXPERIMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 35

attempted until the endowment of Agricultural Colleges
began; and but little has been done even at those institu
tions, except in a crude and confused way. In the practical
application of science to agriculture, however, and in the
invention and introduction of labor-saving machinery of the
most diversified kinds, our people have become celeW>*4 all
over the civilized world.

In the construction of machinery for steam-plowing we
do not yet compete with our English brethren, for the sim
ple reason that our virgin soils, where steam-plowing is
practicable, can not be advantageously worked by steam,
except when an extraordinary depth of furrow is required,
such, for instance, as in the cultivation of root crops; and
these crops in our country, where corn is so cheap, can not
be made profitable unless it be in special localities or sea
sons. Nevertheless, of late attention has been turned in
this direction, and I confidently believe that in the Parvin
motor will be found the principle which will eventually
compete successfully with horse-power, not only in plowing
our soils, but in all the operations of the farm where steam

36 THE GROUNDSWELL.

power is required, and also in hauling our grain to the rail
road stations on our common country roads.

Our agricultural machinery, in general, has won the high
est encomiums wherever exhibited, both in our own country
and Europe, as models of strength combined with elegance
and lightness.

The first cast-iron plow, made in New Jersey in 1797,
has undergone various modifications, until now its mirror-
like surface of polished steel, and the admirable adaptation
of each part to the work required, would seem to leave but
little more to be desired. Yet, not satisfied still, the rnind
of man is now seeking for some mechanism that shall en
tirely supersede the plow in the preparation of the soil for
the perfect growth of the seed.

Science has enabled the farmer to plow his ground, sow
his seed, cultivate his crops, harvest his grain, and make it
ready for the stock, thresh, winnow, and send it to the
market by the mere act of superintending machines, which
do the work like so many creatures of intelligence. He
mows his grass, makes it into hay, rakes it into windrows,
cocks or loads it directly on the wagon, stacks or puts it in
the barn, and even does the heavy work of feeding, entirely
by machinery. Water is pumped for his stock and carried
into his house by the agency of the wind or steam.

He digs, drains, makes roads, subsoils, and trench-
plows his land; plants, hauls, and grinds his grain; pre
pares fodder for and feeds it to his stock ; pumps, saws, and
threshes ; spades and hoes ; loads and unloads ; stacks his
hay and straw, and does an infinity of other work besides,
by the power of automatic sinews of iron and steel. How ?
By the power of mind applied to the direction of material
forces ; by true knowledge of cause and effect ; in a word, by
science. And yet, if asked the question to-day, it is highly

STATUS OF AGRICULTURE IN ANCIENT TIMES. 37

probable that two-thirds of the farmers of this country
would laugh at the idea of the existence of any intimate
relation between science and agriculture.

STATUS OF AGRICULTURE IN ANCIENT TIMES.

It is well known that, at some periods of ancient times,
and in some countries, agriculture was held to be an honor-?
able calling, and kings, princes, and statesmen did not
disdain to till the soil with their own hands. In ancient
Egypt, where labored the men who reared the mighty pyra
mids, the priests and soldiers owned the lands, about six
acres of the Delta of the Nile being allotted to each warrior,
At war's alarm they sprang forth ready armed to fight for
their estates and homes. In times of peace they grew and
spun flax, and with the roots, herbs, wheat, and leguminous
fruits which they raised, they supplied food for a large por
tion of the then known civilized earth.

The Carthaginians considered agriculture to be of all call
ings the most aristocratic, and the kings, princes, and nobles
were among the most active cultivators of the soil. When
the Romans finally subdued and laid waste the land, the
only books which they deemed worthy of being carried away,
it is said, were twenty-eight volumes of manuscripts relating
to agriculture.

The Chinese, who have bridges constructed two thousand
years ago, still consider agriculture so noble an art that a
solemn ceremony is each year performed at which the em
peror is required to turn the soil. This nation fed silk
worms before Solomon reared his temple. They built the
great wall around the empire while Europe was yet wrapped
in the gloom of the Dark Ages. They cultivated cotton cen
turies before the discovery of America. In many respects,

38 THE GROUNDSWELL.

their knowledge and practice concerning the careful tilling
of the soil is to-day superior to ours, with all our boasted
enlightenment. A tract of fifty square miles about Shang
hai is called the Garden of China; and, while we of the
United States are lamenting our worn-out farms, and talking,
about emigrating to virgin lands, this people, for countless
generations, have tilled the same soil, and, under their man
agement, it is to-day as productive as ever.

Some of the States of ancient Greece esteemed agriculture
as the mother of arts, and their agricultural products were
exhibited at the Olympic games. With the Spartans, how
ever, agriculture was contemned. It was left to the Helots,
their slaves, whom they thought fit only to cultivate the soil.
It is not strange, -therefore, that they should have been
obliged to sup black broth (whatever that may have been).
Nor is it strange that they took a distaste to their wretched
fare, and finally rivalled even the Athenians in luxury, the
laws of Lycurgus to the contrary notwithstanding.

THE TRUE DEFINITION OF AGRICULTURE.

Agriculture is not simply getting the utmost present
wealth from the soil with the least outlay of labor. It is
not the mere rearing of flocks and herds, to convert into as
much ready money as possible. It is not hewing down for
ests to such a degree that the next generation must replant.
It is not a system of culture that will exhaust the soil
before the farmer's hair turns gray. And most certainly it
is not raising crops to sell at such price as the buyer may
arbitrarily choose to offer.

High and progressive agriculture is such a system of till
age as shall give the greatest present returns, while the soil
retains its full fertility, or, still better, increases its powers

CO-OPERATION THE PANACEA. 39

from year to year. It is such a system of breeding and
feeding stock that, while the enhanced value of animals
shall amply repay the labor and care bestowed, they shall
improve in character and quality from generation to genera
tion. It is such an intelligent appreciation of present condi
tions and future needs as, in clearing a timbered farm, shall
lead to sparing trees enough for farm uses, and prevent the
excessive denudation that will render a country arid and in
fertile from the want of rain and dew, or subject it to the
unbroken force of sweeping and frightful storms. In im
proving a prairie farm, it is to set about planting the neces
sary timber that ultimately must be among the best paying
crops on the farm. It is such a system of husbandry and
rotation, by means of a diversified agriculture, that the
farmer need not be dependent upon any one or two crops for
his wealth. It is a business tact and thrift that always en
ables him to sell at the highest price, or at least on a strong
and rising market. It is that counsel and assistance between
neighbor and neighbor that draws close the bond of brother
hood, and by co-operation renders each one in the commu
nity helpful each to the other.

CO-OPERATION THE PANACEA.

It is by associated effort in Clubs, Granges, and other
organizations of like social nature that much of this good.
can be accomplished. Communities in cities unite for the
mutual protection of their interests ; as witness the Trades'
Unions and similar brotherhoods. Financiers have their
Boards where they meet to lay plans, to deal in gold and
paper money, and make stocks subserve their purposes of
speculation. Railroad companies have their societies, and
their yearly conventions, at which all assemble and organize

40 THE GROUNDSWELL.

new methods or combinations to secure the utmost returns
for their investments.

Why should there not be organized effort among farmers ?
The greatest difficulty, heretofore, has been their apathy,
and their segregation one from another. But now the per
sistent exertions of a few leaders have awakened them and
broken up that apathy, and the wonderful increase of late
years in Clubs and Granges has counteracted, in a great
measure, the disability caused by their segregation. The
whole continent is aroused to the depredations of capital
upon labor, and the evil influences which monopolies are ex
ercising upon the consciences of our public men.

There must now be no step backward. If the farmers of
the country now fail in asserting and maintaining their just
rights, they will cease to be free agents, and become
fitting subjects for the virtual slavery into which they will
then surely drift. Their only salvation is in their Societies,
their Clubs, their Granges. In union there is strength,
and in union there is growth.

CHAPTEE III.

RELATION OF AGRICULTURE TO HORTICULTURE.

EDUCATION THE KEY-NOTE TO PKOGRESS.

The history of agriculture will show that, until the dis
covery of the art of printing, and the dissemination of knowl
edge thereby, the farmer was either a slave outright, or, at
best, a mere vassal, who had no rights of which his feudal
lord might not dispossess him at will. The tiller of the soil
was the pioneer who made his way into new countries, hewed
down forests, reared flocks and herds, ditched and delved,

"Agriculture Speaking English."

reclaimed the wilds, fenced in fields, planted vineyards, and
founded communities, too often only to find himself dis
possessed by some armed tyrant, who ate of his providing,

(41)

42 THE GROUNDSWELL.

and reduced him to slavery. Thenceforth, he held nothing,
except by the will of his master.

Such was agriculture until the era of the printing press,
which not only marvelously lightened the burdens of scho
lastic training, but rendered comparatively easy the dissem
ination of knowledge among the masses. Then, to use the
language of that old English farmer and writer, Evelyn,
"Agriculture first began to speak English."

The savage is but little above the brute. His agriculture,
if indeed he have any, consists simply in the planting, reap
ing, and storing away of the seeds of a few of the wild
grasses, and digging a few of the wild roots that he may find
growing beneath his tread. Emerging from barbarism, he
gathers flocks and herds, and builds a permanent shelter for
himself and family. Having a fixed habitation, he next
learns to till the soil systematically as a means of subsistence.
Art is now born, and manufactures begin to flourish. He
plants a vineyard, becomes civilized, and horticulture and
religion follow. Enlightenment ensues, and the cultivation of
flowers comes in as a natural sequence, and with it poetry.

ADVANCED STATE OF HORTICULTURAL SCIENCE.

To show that husbandry is less progressive than its child,
horticulture, we have only to observe the relative advance
that has been made by agricultural and horticultural socie
ties. The wide difference which this comparison will bring
to light is due, chiefly, to the fact, that, while the prominent
agricultural societies have, in most cases, confined their
efforts to holding fairs, horticultural societies have been
earnestly engaged in discussing the theory and practice of
their art, comparing results, and educating themselves up to
a high standard of excellence,

ADVANCED STATE OF HORTICULTUEAL SCIENCE. 43

Such a proficiency is only attained among farmers by a
certain class here and there, who have been educated to
study the principles of their profession, precisely as the
lawyer, the physician, and the divine study the principles of
theirs. Associations of these learned professions have long
been diligently employed in debating the various means of
advancing their interests, and otherwise educating themselves
to their respective callings, while agriculture has been, com
paratively, standing still.

y

"The Wealth of Orchards," etc.

With horticulturists so situated that they have been able
to avail themselves of the benefits of discussion, the attrition
of mind against mind has made business men of them; has
enlarged their ideas in various ways; and has led them to
examine the principles and details of their aft, and the studies
relating thereto. They have made themselves especially con
versant with botany and vegetable physiology, the effects of
root and twig pruning, the circulation of the sap, fungous and
other parasitic growths, the relation of the leaf and bark to

44 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

the woody parts of the plant, cell growth, the effects of heat
and cold on various portions of plants, acclimation, and the
influence of the scion on the stock, with a great variety of
similar practical details. The Transactions of the various
Horticultural Societies existing in the United States consti
tute a compendium of knowledge relating to the arts in
question that will compare favorably with those of any other
societies extant.

Horticulture has been especially fortunate in securing the
services of many scholarly minds, who have applied their
scientific training to the elucidation of important questions
that otherwise might have remained hidden for generations.
It is a fact that among the leading horticulturists of to
day, a large proportion are men who have left the so-called
learned professions to follow this fascinating branch of agri
culture, where they have become actual life-workers. Thus
it holds in its ranks teachers, physicians, clergymen, and
painters, in about the order named. It is especially taken
up by medical men, probably from the fact that their knowl
edge of anatomy and physiology in animals points them in
the same direction as regards plants.

GARDENING OF OLD AND ITS PROGRESS.

Twelve years ago I wrote for the Transactions of the Illinois
Horticultural Society an essay on gardening, in which I used
the following language :

" It is more than probable that a higher state of system
atic science has been attained within the last hundred years
than had before been known since the foundation of the world.
It is said that Egypt, ' the cradle of civilization,' so far perfected
her tillage that the banks of the Nile were adorned with
plantations, from the Cataract of Syrene to the shores of the

GARDENING OF OLD AND ITS PROGRESS. 45

Delta; but this was not until Thebes, with her hundred
gates, and the ancient cities of Memphis and Heliopolis were
rising in grandeur, and the stupendous pyramids, obelisks,
and temples of Egypt had become the wonders of the world.
" Solomon had not delighted to dwell in gardens, nor planted
the ' vineyard of Baal-hamon ' until after the Queen of Sheba
had heard of his power and glory. The hanging gardens
of Semiramis were works of art rather than of scientific
culture, and the villas of Pvome and Greece were more noted
for their sculpture, statuary, and paintings, than for the
extraordinary culture of their gardens.

" With the Dark Ages came the destruction of the arts
and sciences, and the obliteration of almost every trace of
agricultural and horticultural art as it had theretofore been
taught. As returning civilization began to spread over
Western Europe, gardens were again cultivated. And yet so
gradual was the progress of horticulture, that, until the
reign of Henry VIII, scarcely any kitchen vegetables had
been cultivated in England. Since that time, with the in
creased facilities for knowledge, by means of cheap printing,
it has made rapid strides toward that perfect science which
it may ultimately reach. .

" Kitchen gardening will not receive the attention it de
serves from the farmer until scientific agriculture has be
come widely practiced. And yet a single half acre, well
cultivated, will produce, from year to year, half the suste-

46 THE GKOUtfDSWELL.

nance of a large family. Horticulturists, as a class, are in
telligent, thinking people. Why? Because the products
of the garden are better sustainers of the brain than hog
and hominy. Show me a country without orchards and,
gardens, and you will there find a stolid, embruted race.
But where the trees drop ripe fruits, and well-tilled gardens
are swelling with vegetable wealth, and casting their sweet
perfume of flowers over all, there we may be sure dwells an
intelligent, thinking, onward-moving people, whose motto is
Excelsior.

" Let one or two individuals in each neighborhood set the
example, and it will not be long before others will follow,
and soon gardens will be planted by all. Why, then, will
not all decide to do something more for the next year than
they have already done in the past, that our homes may be
made more smiling and happy, from season to season ? It
is neither a small business nor unprofitable. Do you lack
knowledge? Learn from books and other products of the
teeming press — the depositories of all knowledge."

THE FUTURE INFLUENCE OF HORTICULTURE.

The words above, _ written twelve years ago for Illinois,
would apply, in many situations, with as much force now.
With wealth comes the desire for all that can make life
comfortable and smooth. . "f he road to wealth lies as much
through the garden as the farm. That farmer who neglects
this branch of his profession does justice neither to his God,
his family, nor himself; for the garden gives health, and.
with health, thrift and economy ; if wealth do not follow, cer
tainly the man has but to blame himself.

Where once the painted savage lived by rapine and plun
der, the cabins of the peaceful pioneer have been built.

THE FUTURE INFLUENCE OF HORTICULTURE. 47

These again have given place to comfortable dwellings, oc
cupied with happy and intelligent faces. Begirt with well-
tilled fields, prosperous farms have grown up all over our
favored land. The lack yet remaining is orchards and gar
dens. Add but these, and it will not be long until flowers
will blossom and stately trees grow up, shading smooth

"The Cabin of the Peaceful Pioneer.'*

lawns, and the next generation will bless the fathers who
left them the inheritance. Each home will possess its gar
den, and this country, for which the All- Giver has done so
much and man so little, will become the paradise and glory
of the world — a country such as the ancients never knew.
It is a fact which can not be controverted that until hor
ticulture is successfully practiced, high farming can not
flourish, or rather high farming or improved agriculture
follows, and is the result of, progress in horticultural art.
The lessons learned through a study of the details of hor
ticulture are found tc apply as well to husbandry, and the

48 THE GROUtfDSWELL.

farmer soon learns that the careful saving and application
of manure, thorough drainage, perfect disintegration and
working of the soil, careful selection of seed, attention to
meteorological influence, etc., are as much a part of good
farming as of horticulture.

Hence, the farmer begins to read and reflect, study the
effect of various manures on different crops, and the exact
value of each crop in the rotation. He finds that the soil
returns value just in proportion as it is fed. He sees again
that feeding crops is not the only sustenance necessary to
maintain the ;strength of the land he cultivates, but also
that certain conditions of the soil enable it to store up plant
food from the great storehouse of nature, the atmosphere.
He is taught to study the anatomy and physiology of plants.
From this the gradation is easy to that of animals ; and
hence the present superior condition of horses, cattle, sheep,
swine, and other farm stock. At last he comes to know
that agriculture is simply an unceasing transition from
plant to animal, and from animal again to plant, in which
nothing is lost, nothing gained. All was once dust, and to
dust it ascain returns.

WHY ARE FARMERS BEHIND HORTICULTURISTS'!

The principal reason, however, why farmers, as a class,
are behind horticulturists is, that they have kept themselves
isolated ; have been too intent on the all-absorbing routine
duties of the farm ; have moved, plodding along in the
grooves their forefathers hewed out; have not kept pace
with the times ; have neglected the higher education of the
mind, to which members of other professions have devoted
themselves so diligently; and have carried their not unjusti
fiable contempt of " book-farming" to an extent that has re-

A LITTLE KNOWLEDGE A DANGE&OtTS THING. 49

dounded to their own injury. They have stood still while
others have been moving forward, until the wheel of time
in its revolutions has shown them losers in the race of
intelligent industry. They have cried "Help, Jupiter!"
meanwhile withholding to put their own shoulders to the
wheel of the car of progress.

These conditions must exist no longer. Henceforth, be
ing now thoroughly awakened, they must not only labor
steadily and with persistent aim, by and through their lead
ers, but they themselves must help, with brains and money,
to work out their plans for emancipation from the shackles
of a monopolizing power that seeks to reduce them to a
mere serfdom. The ambition of the farmer should no longer
be to send his son to a university, where he will be given an
education totally unfitting him for rural life, unless he in
tends to become a lawyer, a doctor, or, as the good old
Scotch housewife had it, qualify himself to " wag his pow in
a pulpit."

A LITTLE KNOWLEDGE A DANGEROUS THING.

Our cities are too full already of ambitious young men
who have received education sufficient only to make them
consider themselves above honest toil. Failing to earn a
livelihood by other means, they become mere penny-a-liners,
or sink into degraded insignificance behind the bar of some
saloon ; or, perhaps, they mouth vile comedy, nonsense-songs,
or worse, behind the footlights of disreputable haunts, where
brutish humanity seeks its brutish amusements.

The picture is severe but not overdrawn. There are hun
dreds of once pure and intelligent young men, who, furnished
an education superior to their former playmates, have felt
themselves better than mere drudges on the farm, and have
3

50 THE GROUNDSWELL.

sought the city, where, in their disdain of daily toil, they
have gone down, step by step, until they have reached the
lowest depths of degradation, and sometimes even of crime.
Our penitentiaries are filled with just such backsliders from
the ranks of honest industry, who once were good and true,
and actuated by high moral principle.

Is there no remedy ? Yes ! Make home attractive. Cease
the tomfoolery of shutting up from year's end to year's end
the best room of the house, never to be opened save on state
occasions, and then striking a chill to the innermost
soul with its uncomfortable grandeur. Use the parlor as a
gathering place where all may meet in social converse for
mutual improvement. Furnish the room well and plainly,
wasting no money on gorgeous furniture, easily ruined and
a pleasure only to the eye. Educate the youth of the coun
try to a taste for a literature that shall improve the mind.
Fill the book-shelves with works pertaining to every-day
life, interspersed with standard novels and poetry, written ir?
the pure style of such writers as our own Irving and Bryant.
Let us do this, and then assuredly shall be laid the broad
and solid basis of an education that will make the genera
tion next to come better and purer than that of to-day.

CHAPTER I?.

FARMERS' CLUBS IN GREAT BRITAIN.

IN SCOTLAND AND IRELAND.

Farmers' Clubs, publishing their Transactions are no " new
invention," but have the venerable age of a full century and
a half. In 1723, there was established, in Scotland, a soci
ety to which its founders gave the name of " Improvers in
the* Knowledge of Agriculture." It became extinct in
1755, but was succeeded by another, which was merged into
the " Highland Agricultural Society." This association, in
1787 received a royal charter, and in 1834, it was re-char
tered. Annual fairs were thenceforward held, at each of
which premiums were given to the amount of £10,000.

In Ireland, an agricultural society was established in
1747. From the influence exerted by the members of this
organization many others sprang up in various parts of the
island, which were productive of great benefit, not only
among the aristocratic landed gentry, for whom all these
earlier organizations were instituted, but also among the
small proprietors and tenant farmers, and, indirectly, among
the laborers themselves.

The passage of the Irish Land Act is of too recent a date
to enable an authoritative declaration to be made as to its
efficacy. Viewed in the light of the steady decrease of emi
gration from that country since the law was enacted, it

(51)

52 THE GROUNDS WELL..

appears to be working well. Ireland seems to be entering
on a career of unexampled prosperity, in which the farmers
must participate. There has been a substantial increase in
the wealth of the country during the unparalleled exodus
which has taken place. The Land Act gives the tenant
fixity of tenure ; that is, they can not be ejected from their
holdings until compensated for the money they have expended
in improvements. These improvements sometimes amount
to much more than the original value of the land. Thus,
in some cases, the law amounts to a virtual handing over
of the land from the landlord to the tenant, subject simply
to a fixed annual rent.

THE FIRST FARMERS' CLUB IN ENGLAND.

In 1777, " The Bath Agricultural Society, of England,"
was organized, having for its aim the encouragement of
agriculture, arts, manufactures, and commerce, in the coun
ties of Somerset, Wilts, Gloucester, and Dorset. Through
its volumes, published yearly, it disseminated a vast amount
of practical information relative to the culture of the vari
ous crops then grown, and especially of those recently intro
duced. The breeding of cattle, horses, sheep, swine, and
other stock, was fully treated of in 'their reports, which also
contained much valuable data concerning manufactures, both
general and as relating to agriculture, arts, and commerce.

Among the contributions to its literature we find such
names as Dr. Falconer, Dr. Campbell, Sir Christopher Haw
kins, Hobhouse, Arthur Young, M. DeSaussaure, Dr. J.
Anderson, Dr. Fothergill, Rev. Alexander Campbell, Count
DeBerchtold, Gen. Abercrombie, and other eminent men of
the day. This shows the interest taken in agriculture, in

THE FIKST FARMERS' CLUB IN ENGLAND. 53

England, almost a century ago, by the best minds. This in
terest has borne abundant fruit, in making England to-day,
for the number of acres cultivated, the most productive
country in the world, both as to the variety of staples grown
and the quantities obtained yearly from the soil.

We find, by the Transactions of the Bath Agricultural
Society, for the year 1810, that there were then in Great
Britain (besides the Board of Agriculture, of which Sir John
Sinclair was President and no less a person than Arthur

* Coat-of-Arms of Great Britain.

Young, Esq., Secretary) eighty-one Agricultural Societies in
regular working order ; and to show that they believed, also,
in women's rights, we might point to the fact that one of
them, the Badenach and Strathspey Society, had a woman
for President, in the person of the celebrated Duchess of
Gordon.

54 THE GROUNDSWELL.

THE ROYAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY AND PRESENT
ORGANIZATIONS OF ENGLAND.

The Eoyal Agricultural Society, which has exerted so
wide-spread and beneficial an influence upon agriculture
throughout the civilized world, was founded in 1838, and,
adopted for its motto, "PRACTICE WITH SCIENCE." Within
seven years it had established, or had been the means of es
tablishing, four hundred other societies; one hundred and
fifty of these being practical Farmers' Clubs. Ten years
later (in 1855), the societies and clubs amounted to over
seven hundred. The most important of these clubs, the
London Central Farmers' Club, became so firmly rooted,
was so thoroughly supported, and its influence was so widely
felt, that it received the appellation of the " Bridge Street
Parliament," and gave rise to the aphorism by a celebrated
English statesman, that " neither our fleets, however well
manned, nor our armies, however valorous, nor our diplo
macy, however successful, can do so much as the plow."

The Eoyal Agricultural Society owes much of its popu
larity to the deep interest manifested in it by the late Prince
Consort — "the Farmer Prince" — who, indeed, always ap
preciated the fact that the welfare of the farmer meant the
welfare of the nation at large. The Society yet continues to
hold its annual exhibitions, which are peripatetic in their
nature, and the distinction of being selected as the place for
the yearly show is a much coveted one.

In most of the counties of England, there are County
Agricultural Societies, which, also, hold annual exhibitions.
These societies, as a rule, are in a healthy condition, and of
great value to the farmers ; but, now, the recognized repre
sentatives of the farming interests are the Chambers of Ag
riculture, composed of landlords, farmers, grain merchants,
and others concerned in interests connected with the soil.

CONDITION OF ENGLISH FARMERS. 55

There is a Central Chamber, subordinate to which are
County Chambers ; and these, in turn, are the superiors of the
local or district Chambers. These organizations are of
quite recent growth, and the interest taken in them is im
mense.

CONDITION OF ENGLISH FARMERS.

It must be borne in mind that, in England, the relation
of the farming class to the community at large is widely
different from that which exists in our own country. There,
the greater proportion of the farming land is in the hands
of a few large proprietors, who rent their farms to a class of
men, in nearly every case, possessing considerable capital.
It is an actual fact that one hundred and sixty families own
more than half of England, four-fifths of Scotland, and an
immense proportion of Wales and Ireland.

The farmers of England, as a class, do not themselves
work, but confine their personal share in the farm details to
superintending the small army of laborers, (as an American
farmer would consider them), who are the actual workers.

The parts of England which are suitable for modern,
scientific farming, are few in number and not large in area.
The smallness and irregular shapes of the inclosures, the
diversified surface of the country, and the closeness with
which each foot of ground has to be worked in order to
realize a profit, in many cases preclude the employment of
machinery. Hitherto, there has been little inducement
to the English farmer to adopt the latter. Labor has been
plentiful and cheap, and the prices of produce have gen
erally been good.

Still, the present condition of most English farmers is
yery far from being satisfactory. Ground down by rent,

56

THE GEOUNBSWELL.

Shall we Emigrate?

THE FARM LABORERS OF ENGLAND. 57

rates, and taxes, oppressed by that vexatious and iniquitous
remnant of feudalism, the game laws, and dictated to by
their landlords at elections and elsewhere, their position is
by no means enviable. Nor, as a class, do they now make
a profit out of their business. There are many wealthy
tradesmen and retired manufacturers who want a farm for
purposes of pastime, and who care but little how much they
lay out upon their hobby. The consequent competition for
farms runs rents up to a figure that makes it impossible
to obtain a living and fair interest for the capital invested.
As a proof of the wide-spread discontent existing among
English farmers, may be mentioned the immense and increas
ing numbers who annually expatriate themselves, and in the
United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South
America, seek that subsistence which unjust laws and extor
tionate landlords deny them at home.

With unlimited capital, a long lease of a good farm
(which is not frequently obtainable), and a situation adapted
for all modern appliances and improvements, a man of energy
and education can still make farming pay in England ; but
so far as the mass of small farmers is concerned, the ten
dency of the age is to drive them to the wall and improve
them out of existence. Small farms, as the tenancies expire,
are lumped together and let to some pushing man of capital,
to the exclusion of that class of tenant farmers who have
heretofore been England's boast.

THF FARM LABORERS OF ENGLAND.

The condition of the farm laborers in England has for

ages been a burning scandal. It is a natural consequence

of the land laws of that country, that the village 'Squire

and the parson (whose income is mainly derived from the

3*

58 THE GROUNDSWELL.

rent of land) should be found rolling in wealth and luxury,
while, hard by, the poor laborer, with his wife and almost
invariably large family, is suffering from want of the actual
necessaries of life.

Eecently, under the leadership of Joseph Arch, a War
wickshire hedge-cutter and Primitive Methodist preacher,
the laborers have roused themselves from the apathy of cen
turies, and have formed Unions, modeled after the Trades'
Unions, the result of which has already shown itself in a
marked amelioration of their lot. Arch has proven himself
possessed of the sterling qualities of courage, modesty, and
foresight, which go so far to form the character of a true
leader of the people. In pursuance of his purpose to right
the wrongs of his fellow-laborers, he left England and un
dertook a tour of observation through Canada and the Uni
ted States. He expresses his determination, unless the
grievances of his fellow-workers receive immediate atten
tion, to organize a vast emigration scheme, which shall
bring the landlords and farmers of England to a truer
appreciation of the value of a man. He intends to devote
five or six years to looking about, carefully avoiding haste,
in order that he may not arrive at any conclusion likely to
be disastrous to those whom he wishes to serve.

ENGLISH FARMERS AGITATING.

The farmers themselves, too, are arriving at the conclu
sion that they are an abused and really oppressed class.
Now that voting by ballot has become the law of England,
(though it has not yet been tried on a large scale), they
hope to get at the true sentiments of their class, free from
the intimidation and undue influence which their lords and
masters have not scrupled to use hitherto. The " 'Squire-

ENGLISH FARMERS AGITATING.

59

archy," as the landlord class is called, are well aware that
the scepter of power is passing from them. Therefore,
being wise in their generation, they seek to conciliate the
farmers by temporizing, and condescending patronage.
The meetings of the Chambers of Agriculture are at-

One of the Grievances of English Farmers.

tended by dukes, marquises, viscounts,
earls, and so on, including the "knights
of low degree" and esquires of still "less
dignity." These blue-blood gentry are
fully alive to the fact that, unless they can keep the farm
ers and the people in good humor, their power will depart
from them, and, perhaps, their property as well. Therefore,

60 THE GROUNDSWELL.

they are eager to impart " what they know about farming "
to their humble but restive dependents.

As it is, the grumblings are loud and deep. The justice
of allowing thousands of fertile acres to lie waste, to no
other end than that their noble owner may delight himself
by the slaughter of partridges, pheasants, and hares, is
questioned, and justly questioned, in view of the vast
amount of farm produce that England is compelled to im
port to feed her teeming millions.

The people also begin to inquire whether it be a sufficient
ground for their own and their children's suffering for bread
that William the Norman passed bad laws and gave land,
which did not belong to him, to his sans culotte followers
eight hundred years ago. Pinched, as they are, by the
scarcity and dearness of meat, they do not see the equity
of allowing a land-owner to rob the country by raising a
couple of rabbits, worth a shilling apiece, for the pleasure
of shooting them, while on what those rabbits eat and spoil
could be grown a sheep, furnishing a dozen times as much
food. These, and similar questions, are being thoroughly
agitated and debated. Parliament shows its knowledge
that these grievances are real ones, and its desire that they
should be shelved, by appointing commissioners to investi
gate them.

A GOOD TIME COMING.

It is evident, to all far-seeing minds, that the law of pri
mogeniture in England is doomed, and that with it, or per
haps before it, will go down the connection of the Church
with the State, which is intimately associated with those
laws.

These relics of Norman barbarism, the primogeniture

A GOOD TIME COMING. 61

laws, whereby " families " are built up at the expense of the
nation, have already received a shattering blow by the late
abolition of the purchase of commissions in the army.
Commissions are now given only after the passage of exam
inations severe enough to eliminate from the candidates the
hosts of younger sons and poor relations of whom army
officers have hitherto been composed. Here is one avenue
closed against the juniors. By and by will come the sever
ance of Church and State, and the loss of the right to give
away or sell the cure of souls. Then the landed gentry will
have to provide for their entire families, instead of getting
all their sons, save the eldest, supported at the public ex
pense, as is the custom now. When this is forced upon
them, they will no longer bar the correction of the ancient,
unjust laws of entail and inheritance; and then, in natural
sequence, will follow the breaking up of the large aggrega
tions of land in single hands. Thus it is plain that the griev
ances of the English farmers, which consist in the actual
existence of injurious laws, and not, as is the case with
American farmers, in the evasion and open breaking of laws
by high-handed aud too-powerful corporations, are in a fair
way of being abolished. There, as here, it will have to be
done by organization and concerted action. In both cases,
the enemies of the farmers are well organized, wealthy, and
unscrupulous; in both cases, it is a battle of the weak
against the strong ; and in both cases, the odds are greatly
in the favor of the weak, if they will be true to themselves.
They have the numerical majority, and it is only by
fomenting divisions among them that their exactors can
longer hope to continue their usurped power.

CHAPTER V.

AMERICAN FARMERS' CLUBS.

AT THE TIME OF THE REVOLUTION.

While eminent citizens of England were seeking, by
every legitimate means, to foster the interests of agricul
ture, a corresponding class in the then infant States of
America were not idle. Manufactures at that day were
comparatively unknown, or only in their infancy. Then
the foremost men of the nation were farmers, and derived
their revenue directly from the soil. Of those engaged in the
various professions of life, many still clung to the pursuit
of their youth, and gave their farms their personal super
vision. A large proportion of the heroes of the Revolu
tion left the plow for the battle-field, and when the war
was over returned again to their peaceful art.

Those, indeed, were days that may never again return.
Then there was no swindling, no stock jobbing, no Credit
Mobilier, no open buying and selling of votes, no fine art
of lobbying, no overshadowing monopolies. The offer of a
bribe was scorned, and the tempter held up to public in
dignation. If the first American bribe-taker, the traitor
Arnold, could have been secured, he would have swung on
a gibbet higher than Haman.

Alas ! how changed. In this day of fraud and corrup
tion, we see the bribe-taker and the swindling and drunken
(62)

THE AMERICAN FARMERS CLUBS.

63

statesman honored and courted on every hand. They grow
rich by gambling in gold and securities — the life-blood of
the nation; they fatten and grow proud on panics, which
shatter legitimate industries ; when their bubbles burst they
bring bankruptcy to the honest tradesman, and poverty

A Pennsylvania Barn-yard.

to innocent women and children, without any compunction.
Why should they care ? The law protects them, or at least
connives at them. They have wealth. This species of
crime is not odious, as it was in the days of our forefathers,
when farmers were law-makers and the rulers in the land.
It never will be made odious, until farmers again take the
helm. This is a great work — how great has only lately
begun to be appreciated. Happily the means of its accom
plishment already exist, and this great social and political

64 THE GROUNDSWELL.

renovation may yet be brought about, through the agency
of farmers' associations, under the various names of Clubs,
Societies, Unions, or Granges.

CLUBS IN PENNSYLVANIA.

The first society formed in America was " The Philadel
phia Society for Promoting Agriculture." This was estab
lished in March, 1785, by a number of citizens who, al
though but a small portion of them were actually engaged
in farming, were actuated by a sense of the necessity of
such an organization as an auxiliary to the development of
the resources of the State and the agricultural interests
of the country. It flourished for some years, and at its. reg
ular meetings much valuable information was elicited from
practical men. This was published by the society, and
thus disseminated through the country by means of the
press. Among the awards made by this society was a
gold medal to Mr. Mathewson, in 1790, for the best sam
ple and greatest quantity of cheese.

Like many another benevolent association, it afterward
lost much of its vitality; dark days came upon it, and it
slumbered for years. In 1804, however, it was resuscita
ted through the patriotic exertions of Judge Peters, and
thenceforward for a considerable period continued to do
much good. It was finally incorporated by the Legislature
of Pennsylvania in 1809, but has since died a natural death.

The example set by the earlier societies in Pennsyl
vania has not been lost. Local organizations and Boards
of Agriculture, for holding fairs, etc., have sprung up in
every part of the United States. These have exercised an
immense power for good, not only in the locality where the
original societies were organized, but throughout the land.

CLUBS IN THE SOUTH. 65

The seed sown has spread and borne abundant fruit in the
newer States, as fast as the population has become sufficiently
numerous to justify the formation of similar organizations;
and, in fact, they have not been a whit behind the older sec
tions of the country.

CLUBS IN THE SOUTH.

The first Agricultural Society ever incorporated in Amer
ica was that established in South Carolina, in 1785, called

""When Cotton was King."

the " Society for the Promotion of Agriculture." Its ob
jects included the institution of a farm for experiments in
agriculture, and the importation and distribution of foreign
productions suited to the climate of that State. Another
prominent object was to direct the attention of farmers and
planters to the economies connected with the agriculture of
the State, and to enlist them generally in the improvement
of their condition. The society accomplished an excellent
work, among other things, that of introducing the cultiva
tion of the olive and the vine into the State.

Societies for the promotion of agriculture were always re
garded by the planters and statesmen of the South as being
of the first importance ; and naturally so, for the reason that

66 THE GROUNDSWELL.

agriculture always was the dominant — in fact, almost the ex
clusive — interest there; more than this, however, from the
settlement of the country until about 1860, it was con
fined to special products, as, at first, tobacco, then cotton, and,
later, sugar ; these with blooded horses and cattle, comprising
the chief sources of wealth of the southern planter. In the
earlier history of the South, her clubs and societies were
composed of men of wealth and position, and, like the ear
lier kindred societies of Great Britain, were exclusive in
their nature.

More recently, Agricultural Societies in the South have
taken on a more popular character, and the last five years
has witnessed a wonderful, increase in the number of clubs
and similar organizations, which have had the effect to re
awaken interest in this rich and diversified portion of our
common country, and to induce emigration thither. It is
to be hoped that this will be the means of developing the
immense resources of this fertile region.

CLUBS IN NEW YORK.

A society for the " Advancement of Agriculture" was in
corporated in New York in 1791, but it became defunct
after a brief existence of ten years. In 1792, the Legisla
ture of the same State incorporated another organization,
under the title of the " Society for the Promotion of Agri
culture, Manufactures, and Arts," and again, in 1804, a
"Society for the Promotion of Useful Arts," in the recital
of which arts, agriculture is first named. This society
published seven volumes of Transactions previous to 1815.

The New York State Agricultural Society held its first-
regular fair in 1840, the small sum of twelve and a half
cents being charged for admission. Since that time the so.'

CLUBS IN NEW YORK. 67

ciety has grown in magnitude year by year, exercising a
powerful influence upon the growth of agricultural art in
the State. Clubs have multiplied, and the Legislature of
the State, being finally roused to action, principally through
the writings of Judge Buell and the efforts of his contem
poraries, many of whom are still living, has done its duty
toward agriculture.

The result has been the introduction of a systematic cul
ture, under whose beneficent operations New York now
stands the first State in the Union in the diversity and
wealth of its products. Its agriculture has stimulated
manufactures, built large cities, opened avenues of trade
and commerce, and scattered all over it a population
that has made it the Empire State of our great Kepub-
lic. Its farmers have demonstrated that in a diversi
fied agriculture consists the true wealth of a community,
whether of a town, county, or State.

While this has been the case, however, its great maritime
city, New York, has managed, through its vast aggrega
tion of wealth, chiefly in the hands of a few unscrupulous
individuals, to manipulate and get possession of the carry
ing trade to and from the West. It has bought legisla
tures and controlled the finances of the country. By a nod,
a few of its money kings can signify how much or how
little western farmers are to get for their produce. The
unconscionable exactions of its railroad potentates have
roused a bitter feeling of indignation, and just now it is
waking up to the fact that, though powerful, it is not om
nipotent. It begins to realize that, unless some change is
made, the traffic which once poured money into its coffers
will find other channels, and Montreal, Quebec, Boston,
Baltimore, and New Orleans reign, perchance, in its stead,

68 THE GROUNDSWELL.

"AMERICAN INSTITUTE FARMERS' CLUB."

This society, founded in 1843, had a more than usually
active career for thirty years, or until the summer of 1873,
when, from various causes, many of them of chronic standing,
it ceased to hold its regular meetings. During the first
twenty years of its existence, it effected a vast amount of
good, and, through its published Transactions and the news
paper press, exercised an immense influence, reaching over
the whole country. It has numbered many eminent men
among its members, and its fairs, held annually in New
York City, have always excited much interest.

Of late years, unfortunately, it has been managed by
unpractical, theoretical men, and has lost its former hold on
public attention, various rumors of " axe-grinding " and
other irregularities becoming current. In the summer of
1873, its meetings ceased to be held, and, to all appearance, the
Club was a thing of the past. A few months later, however,
its meetings were resumed, and it is to be hoped that it will
profit by its season of rest.

The Institute Farmers' Club has certainly borne a prom
inent and most honorable part in bringing the agriculture of
the State to the advanced position which it now occupies ; and,
had its labors extended to no other field, it might well be
proud of the manner in which its members strove for agri
cultural education during its days of vigor and practical
endeavor. Let us hope that it will renew its youth, and
more than emulate its former usefulness.

CLUBS IN MASSACHUSETTS.

But, away back beyond the date of the organization last
named; we had Farmers' Clubs; for we find that, in 1803,

CLUBS IN MASSACHUSETTS. DV

in the old Bay State, the Trustees of the " Massachusetts
Society for Promoting Agriculture," offered, among others,
the following premiums : .

" To the person who shall discover a cheap and effectual
method of destroying the canker-worm, a premium of $100,
or the society's Gold Medal."

162O— The Genius of History.

" For a heap of best compost manure from the common
materials of the farm — for not less than 200 tons — with a
description of the method, $50."

" For the most thri'fty trees from seed, not less than 600,
and not less than at the rate of 2,400 per acre, of oak, ash,
elm, sugar-maple, beech, black and yellow birch, chestnut,
Walnut, or hickory, $25 ; or, if all of oak, $50 ; to be claimed
On or before October 1, 1806."

" For accurate analyses of the constituent parts of several
fertile soils, respectively so of poor soils, and how, by actual
experiment, to remedy the evils, so that it can be practiced
by common farmers, $50. And if it shall appear to the
satisfaction of the Trustees, that the improvement is more
than equal to the expense, then an additional $100,"

70

THE

THE PRESENT WANT AND FUTUHE DUTY. 71

TEE SPREAD OF AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES.

From the beginnings thus imperfectly sketched, Agricul
tural Societies and Farmers' Clubs have multiplied and spread,
until now there are none of the States, and but few of the
Territories, which are destitute of more or less organizations
of this character. These hold annual fairs, and distribute
large amounts in premiums yearly, embracing the entire
scope of agricultural and horticultural art, and domestic
manufactures. Agricultural Societies are in active operation
in nearly every county of the Northern States. In the
South, the popular interest in these matters is spreading
steadily, and deepening every-where. It will be but a few
years, at most, before this section of the Union will be enabled
to organize societies as generally as have the East and West.

THE PRESENT WANT AND FUTURE DUTY.

What is now wanted, and what is slowly being secured, is a
unity of action by which the town and district clubs proper
may become the integrals of the county societies, these again
sustaining the same relation to the State Boards of Agricul
ture, which, in their turn, may form the constituent members
of a National Society, whose duty it shall be to advance the
true interests of the agricultural masses. The perfect or
ganization thus outlined must be formed by the persistent
action of the Clubs, Granges, Farmers' Unions, etc., that are
now being organized in vast numbers throughout the land.

When the prime object for which these societies are now
being instituted shall have been attained ; that is, when the
Transportation Companies have been brought back to a prac
tical realization of their position as servants of the people,
instead of being as now their masters ; when the towering
monopolies now overshadowing the land have been crippled;

72 THE QROUNDSWELL.

and when a purer class of men have been elevated to pub
lic office, high and low, then these societies can settle down
into the steady work pertaining to their position and the
profession which they represent.

They can go on collecting data relating to the every-day
economy of farm life, and make themselves useful to the
country in a thousand various ways. Meanwhile, and always,
it will behoove them to continue " standing guard " over the
interests of the agricultural classes, and see to it that these
do not again find themselves bound as with fetters of iron,
and thrown helpless before the car of the Juggernaut, cap
ital.

CHAPTER VL

POWER OF THE FARMERS*

WHY FARMERS DO NOT WIELD POLITICAL POWER.

We have shown that heretofore our legislative bodies
have been composed of professional men chiefly. There are
a number of reasons why this has been the case; the
principal one being that we are all too much inclined to be
led away by what has been vulgarly called the gift of gab.
A good talker, that is, one who is able, from a natural flow
of words, to talk glibly, albeit without argument, naturally
leads the masses the world over. Lawyers are, notably,
sophists, and many of them sound reasoners and deep think
ers. Their education gives them such training that they
naturally wield great influence. Hence their vast prepon
derance amdng those elected to do the legislation.

Another reason why farmers have not secured a proper
representation is, that, as a class, they are not a reading
people ; and yet there is no calling in life, requiring contin
ued manual labor, in which so much of that invaluable ele
ment, brains, can be exercised, or where so much is accom
plished in this direction by natural thinkers, as that of the
farmer. He may pursue any given train of thought while
plowing, driving his team along the road, and during many
other of his occupations, which the mechanic or artisan can
not do.

4 (73)

74 THE GROUNDSWELL.

The statistics of the book trade, however, show that the
average farmer is not an average reader, either of books or
newspapers — especially of those devoted to his profession.
But farmers, although working slowly for the better in this
respect, are nevertheless working surely. The rising gener
ation is thirsting after knowledge, and when it has fairly en
tered the arena of public action must, if its predecessors
do not, solve the problem of the social and political equal
ity of the masses.

OUR DEFECTIVE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM.

One great difficulty is that our "higher system " of edu
cation has tended to bring labor into contempt. Happily,
this also is being changed. The elements of science are now
taught in many of our common schools, though imperfectly,
in most cases, and through the old groove-channels of the
dead past. Our colleges are beginning to see the necessity
of instruction in the practical application of science. Our
agricultural colleges, especially, are manifesting a just ap
preciation of that higher education which teaches of things
rather than of theories.

The " coming farmer " must be educated to a fairer and
broader comprehension of the true status of the masses, and
the advancement of the industries. He must study for his
business, just as the merchant does for his, and as the pro
fessional man does for his. This attainment is growing
easier every day ; for, with the progressive settlement of
a country, the agricultural masses become less and less seg
regated, and neighborhood Clubs, Granges, and social re
unions are more and more possible.

If the farmer and the artisan longer refuse to do their
share in the education to; and the legislation for, the great

THE FARMERS MUST AROUSE THEMSELVES. 75

body politic, they will have none to blame save themselves.
The initial point upon which all this must hinge, so far as
concerns the farmer, is the neighborhood Club or Grange, in
like manner as with Unions among artisans. The latter
class, by the way, are still far in advance of the farmers in
this respect. Their organizations can make themselves felt,
and are growing daily in power and importance.

FARMERS MUST AROUSE THEMSELVES.

Farmers, you must arouse yourselves to the dignity and
importance of your calling. You must educate yourselves
to that intellectual status which will enable you to rule, as
you are entitled to do by your numerical strength, instead
of being ruled, as now, by classes in nowise your superiors,
save as you permit them so to make themselves.

To do this, you must work, you must read, you must
think ! You must combine, and support the organizations
for your elevation and advancement already founded. You
must array yourselves in solid column, and insist, by your
voting power, that the law-makers whom you elect do their
duty, by subserving the interests of the whole people, and
not those of merely a class.

A nation should be represented by its dominant industries.
Agriculture is the dominant interest of the United States.
You have the power, if you choose to use it. You represent
a majority of the voting power, and your productions con
stitute one-half the gross annual value of all the products of
all the varied industries of the country, or nearly four
thousand millions of dollars.

The artisan should have his full share of representation,
and the merchant, the manufacturer, and the other profes
sions should have theirs. Nay, even the gambler in stocks

THE GROUNDSWELL.

ought, perhaps, to have what representation he is entitled
to, although it would be somewhat difficult, under a just
pro rata, to see just where his individual member of Con
gress would come in. Perhaps, New York and some other
of the great cities might gain one by clubbing together.

There is one important point in this connection which
farmers must constantly keep before their minds. It is
that, having put their hands to the plow, there must be no
looking back. "Revolutions never go backward," is a good
saying and a true one. The agitation now going on must

Brought to the Bar at Last.

be continued, until the corruption now rife among our
public men has received its death wound. The centralizing
and monopolizing tendencies of capital must be unceasingly
combatted until they be checked, or our country will soon
be free only in name. The Transportation Companies must
be made to feel that the power which created them can also
regulate them; that, while their just rights will be re
spected, such vested interests as they claim, which are
antagonistic to the public good, are, de facto, nullities.

The results of the Farmers' Movement have, already, un
mistakably shown themselves. The infant Hercules has

NXJMEBICAL STKENGTH OF THE FARMEKS. 77

strangled the serpent in his cradle — witness the Illinois
judicial elections, the Illinois "Bailroad Law," and the panic
precipitated among stock-jobbers by the prescience of their
impending fate. And truly it is time that the many-headed
hydra of corruption prepared for its approaching end.

NUMERICAL STRENGTH OF THE FARMERS.

Twenty years ago, the numerical strength of the Agri
cultural, compared with all other of the producing, classes
in this country, was as three and a half to one. The rela
tive difference in the number of farmers and that of the ag
gregate of mechanics and manufacturers was as five to one.
The preponderance of the farmer over the so-called " learned
professions " was in the proportion of fifty-six to one ; and
of all the producing classes over all the learned professions,
as seventy-two to one.

Thus it will be seen that, over the whole country, it then
took one individual out of seventy-three to bleed and blister,
preach to, and plead for, the people of the United States.
Nearly seven-eighths of the legislation of the country, how
ever, has always been performed by one of these professions,
namely, the law.

At the present time (using the latest tabulated statement
which I have seen) the adult population of the United
States is divided, as to occupations, as mentioned in the first
table on the page following.

A glance at the second table reveals the fact that nearly
one-half of the total earnings of the country are composed
of the earnings of the agriculturist. But it will be ob
served that this sum, immense as it is, represents less than
five hundred dollars per caput, per annum, for those actually
engaged therein.

8 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

Agrieultural pursuits 5,922,471

Domestic servants 975,734

Ordinary laborers 1,031,666

Trade and transportation 1,191,238

Manufactures 2,555,314

Miners 152,107

Total engaged in non-professional pursuits 11,828,530

Engaged in professional pursuits ..„..,,..,. 677,393

Total.. 12,505,923

The value of the products of the several industries is
estimated in approximate figures as follows :

Products of artisans, machinists, carpenters, blacksmiths,

masons, and the like $1,000,000,000

Leather manufactures 226,000,000

Iron and steel manufactures 120,000,000

Cotton manufactures 71,500,000

Woolen manufactures 66,000,000

Unskilled laborand distributors 1,600,000,000

Fisheries 100,000,000

Railway services 360,000,000

Agriculture 3,300,000,000

This makes the gross products of the country not quite $7,000,000,000

REPRESENTATION OF THE FARMERS.

When we come to compare the actual amount of the rep
resentation of the farmers, both in our National and State
legislatures, with the amount to which they are entitled, both
in respect of their numbers and property, an astonishing dis
proportion is revealed. Of the two hundred and ninety-two
Kepresentatives in Congress, only six per cent, are farmers,
while of the remainder sixty-five per cent, are lawyers ; the
residue is mostly composed of other professional men. In the
State legislatures the proportions are not very different. As
long as this is the case — as long as farmers suffer themselves

REPRESENTATION OF THE FARMERS. 79

to be represented by men who have no interests in common
with themselves, whose advantage it is, indeed, that the
laws should be as complicated and obscure as possible —
farmers can not hope that their interests will receive proper
attention.

If this state of things be suffered to continue, the farmers
will have themselves to blame for their various grievances.
They must no longer suffer the village caucus to be manipu
lated by the 'Squire, the doctor, the merchant, and the
" bummer," to whom, hitherto, they have been too ready to
leave the direction of their affairs. Farmers must attend the
primary meetings and see that, for the town and county
offices, as well as for the State and National legislatures,
persons of their own class, or known to be in sympathy with
them, be elected.

Our farmers are not by any means free from blame for the
condition into which public affairs have drifted. They have
allowed their business to monopolize their attention, blind to
the fact that, while their assiduity may have netted them a
dollar, designing rascals were laying their plans for robbing
them of fifty cents. As a class, they neglected to inform
themselves upon the current topics of the day. Therefore,
they have fallen easy victims to swindlers of all shades —
political swindlers chief of all. Now that they have awak
ened to their interests, we see the work of political regenera
tion making cheering progress, and still the tide is rising.

UNITED, EARNEST ACTION DEMANDED.

All other trades and professions, both in this country and
in England, have their recognized organs. Most of them have
an Association, Society, Club, Union, or something that
answers the same purpose. They never indulge in bickerings

80 THE GROUNDSWELL.

and strife among themselves; but they are, at all times,
willing to unite and sow dissension among the farmers. The
latter, in this country, if united, as their enemies are, could
carry any measure they please, by sheer weight of metal.

Some statisticians place the voting power of the farmers
at less than two-fifths of the entire vote of the country. I
am inclined to think that the actual power of the farmers far
exceeds this proportion. But even if my estimate of their
strength is somewhat in excess of the actual figures, it must
be borne in mind that there are certain classes, in small
towns and villages especially, whose interests are intimately
connected with those of the farmers, and whose votes natu
rally belong with theirs, and in any distinctively drawn contest
could be depended on by them.

I repeat that, in future, the farmer must, as a matter of
self-preservation, take a more active interest in politics.
The concerns of the nation, State, county, and township,
must no longer be left to be manipulated by professional
politicians, whose conception of the whole duty of man con
sists simply in looking sharp and making the most of every
possible chance of advancing the interests of " Number One."
The Clubs, Granges, and* other organizations will eventually
here find, perhaps, their most useful field. A scattering
vote of the farmers would, of course, be ineffectual. What
is to be done will have to be done in concert and en masse.

The Granges, by their regulations, can not discuss politics
or religion at their meetings; but this does not prevent
individual Patrons from using their judgment in selecting
their candidates, nor does it preclude them from combining
their votes, if they see proper to do so. When the Clubs
and Granges have solidified their organizations (which they
are now actively doing), then will be an excellent time for
small politicians to stand frc-m under,

tJNION OF CLUBS AND ORANGES NECESSARY. 81

UNION OF CLUBS AND GRANGES NECESSARY.

It is apparent to every one who has carefully followed up
the Farmers' Movement that there has been a certain ai»ount
of jealousy and rivalry existing between the Grange* and

The Motto for Farmers,

Clubs. These little differences have been fomented by cer
tain interests, speaking through organs which have spared
no means of sowing dissensions between them ; on the one
hand, decrying the Grange as being a secret society, and, on
the other, stigmatizing the open workings of the Club as
foolish, or at least, ineffectual, from the facility with which
politicians manipulate them.

It is absolutely essential that these petty differences should
cease. The leading spirits both of the Clubs and Granges
are well aware of this, and do their best to make common
4*

82 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

cause against the enemy. In those States where both Clubs
and Granges exist, an organization, similar in character to
that of the Illinois Farmers' Association, which consists of
both orders, should be set on foot. From the first inception
of the agitation against Transportation Companies and monop
olies generally, one fact has been more and more clearly devel
oping itself, namely, that the only remedy for the grievances
of the farming community is a radical one — the substitution,
in large degree, of farmers' representatives in our legislatures,
State and National, for the present cliques of lawyers and
politicians. Combined, the Granges and Clubs will shortly
be able to effect this ; separate and semi-antagonistical, they
will fail utterly.

It is proper to say that I am not a member of the Order
of Patrons of Husbandry. So far as I am informed, judging
from the stand-point of an outside but much interested spec
tator, the secret feature of that order seems to be sufficient
to disqualify it for receiving into its ranks our Eoman Cath
olic farmers. At any rate, there are many most excellent
citizens who are opposed, on principle, to secret societies of
any kind. For these reasons it is necessary, if the organiza
tion of our farmers is to go to the length required to make it
invincible, that there should be open Clubs, working con
jointly with the Granges, and to the same end.

It is far from desirable, however, in my opinion, that our
farmers should attempt to organize themselves into a political
party ; for even if they should succeed in the endeavor, they
would but exchange King Log for King Stork. The easiest
way out of their difficulties, it seems to me, clearly is for the
farmers to vote for such men, and such men only, as they
know to be identified with their interests and those of the
whole people; in fact, that their policy should largely be
" men; not measures."

UNION OF CLUBS AND GRANGES NECESSARY. 83

Men of known worth and strength of character must be
induced to take office— men whose sturdy integrity and
intelligence shall make them proof against the sophistry and
blandishments of the insinuating lobbyist, no matter in what
disguise his "job" may be presented. When this is done,
" politician " and " corruptionist " will cease to be synonyms,
and the cloud of dishonor which now rests on our legislation
will be lifted, and, let us hope, forever.

CHAPTEE VII.

CO-OPERATION AMONG THE INDUSTRIES

WHAT ORGANIZATION MAY ACCOMPLISH.

It can not be doubted that, if organizations of a social
nature were established in every school district, auxiliary to
County Societies having for their object the protection and
advancement of the best interests of the agricultural classes ;
if these, again, were the units of a State Society or Club
which, in similar manner, should guard and conserve all
the varied elements concerned in making agriculture re
spectable and successful, and should secure for it a just
share, through its own members, in the management of state
affairs; and if, finally, these State organizations, through
delegates elected each year, should meet at some designated
point in the country to agree upon principles of action, and
arrange and provide for the necessary means for carrying
them out — it would be but a short time before the agricul
tural fraternity of the nation might —

First. Arrange for a co-operative system of trade.

Second. Purchase implements and machinery at whole
sale rates.

Third. Dispose of grain and other agricultural products
at the highest prices.

Fourth. Direct shipments on the most favorable terms,
and at equitable rates to all.

(84)

CO-OPERATION AMONG THE INDUSTRIES. 85

Fifth. Store grain and negotiate advances, at the lowest
rates of interest.

Sixth. Establish banks to be controlled by farmers.

Seventh. Replace the credit with a cash system in all the
ordinary transactions of life.

Eighth. Through co-operation, sell or hold, as circum
stances rendered necessary, the various products, of the na
tional industries, thus controlling, or entirely abolishing, the
present system of gambling in the prime necessaries of life.

Ninth. Dispense with a large proportion of commission
and middle men.

Tenth. Keduce railroad and water freights and fares to a
minimum.

Eleventh. Break up monopolies, whether in trade, com
merce, manufactures, or money.

Twelfth. Through co-operation of the farmers with me
chanics and other laboring classes, establish manufactures
at home, as near as possible to the production of the raw
material, so that we might gradually produce at home nearly
all that may be needed, in place of importing heavily from
foreign countries.

Thirteenth. Encourage the breeding of superior stock.

Fourteenth. Establish a more thorough system of cultiva
tion, and a greater diversity of products, thus preventing a
glut of any one of them, such as there has been of corn dur
ing the last two seasons at the West.

Fifteenth. Promote education to the industries by insist
ing that every college or university which has received en
dowment from the State or General Government as such,
shall use the funds for instruction in science, and the ap
plication of science to art.

Sixteenth. Through co-operation with the several indus
tries of the country, present and future, insist upon a just

86 THE GROUNDSWELL.

representation of these industries in our State and National
Governments, in proportion to the voting powers of each,
and its legitimate importance and value in the nation.

SUPERIOR ORGANIZATION OF OTHER INDUSTRIES.

Many of the industrial classes, not only in the United
States, but also throughout the civilized world, and espe
cially in England, have been for years assiduously engage^
in organizing for the elevation and advancement of their
several trades and industries — socially, financially, and
politically — by means of Unions and Societies of various
kinds. For one reason or another, the most important of
these industries, and the one upon which all others are
based — Agriculture — has not yet been organized so as to
present a united and solid front to the encroachments of
capitalized power, as existing in corporations and monopo
lies, or the overweening political aspirations of the so-called
learned professions. The result is, that, while the various
Trades' Unions have measurably held their own as against
these encroachments, the farmer, contenting himself with
raising raw material with which to feed the great masses
of progressive humanity, has suddenly found himself with
but few rights which any one seemed bound to respect.

THE PENALTY PAID FOR PAST NEGLIGENCE.

Our farmers have helped to elect congressmen who legis
lated away the public lands in the most shameful manner
to those who would divide the proceeds of this knavery
with them to the largest extent. They have made legisla
tures which have granted to corporations vested rights dan
gerous in the highest degree to the well-being of the com-

PENALTY PAID FOR PAST NEGLIGENCE. 87

THE FARMER.

THE MINER.

THE BLACKSMITH.

THE MACHINIST.

THE SEAMSTRESS.

THE BUILDER.

Some of the Classes that should Co-operate,

-88 THE GROUNDSWELL.

munity at large. They have subsidized railroads with
money obtained by the mortgage of their farms, which rail
roads, being completed, have been absorbed by the great
trunk lines, controlled and manipulated by a handful of
money-grabbing adventurers in the great cities of the East.
The American farmers' case, in a nut- shell, is about as
follows : He was a hard worker, and the lawyer legislated
away his substance. Needing help and health and
strength, the doctor purged and bled him; whereupon the
undertaker, believing him nearly ready for the last rites, be
gan preparing the shroud and coffin for his burial. By the
lawyer we mean the politician; by the doctor, the railroad
and other moneyed corporations; and by the undertaker,
the consolidation of power, through monopoly, which, in its
arrogance, has undertaken to say what the farmer shall re
ceive as the price of his sweat and toil.

THE AGRICULTURAL PRESS A TRUSTY COUN
SELOR.

Happily, during all this time, the farmer has had the
stimulating counsel of the Agricultural press, which has
maintained a stubborn front, and has been the means of set
ting on foot the organizations out of which deliverance is
to come. The power of that press for good, however, has
been limited, compared with the influence of the organs of
other professions, first, from the fact that farmers are scat
tered over wide areas, while other professions are concentra
ted in villages and cities ; and, second, because farmers, as a
class, are not a reading people. In proportion to their num
bers, they read less of general news and the current litera
ture devoted to their profession than any other class, not
even excepting the day laborers of the cities. They have

THE POWER OF THE MONEYED CLASSES. 89

had all along an overweening faith in the honesty of human
nature, forgetting that faith without good works is of but
little avail, and that among good works lies the faithful im
provement of the privilege which Providence has given each
class to use for its own good every legitimate means that is
placed in its power.

The most available of these means are the journals devo
ted to the interests of agriculture, and good books. Next, are
his organizations, at the meetings of which he may consult
and debate. In short, he must first read, study, and reflect,
and then he may intelligently resolve, wisely remedy, and
thoroughly regenerate.

One of the great means for carrying forward the good
work which is the immediate end and aim of the Farmers'
Movement, is aggregation by co-operation — the bringing to
gether of homogeneous bodies, and causing them to work
unitedly to a particular end. The varied industries of which
Agriculture consists are homogeneous. Husbandry, Stock-
breeding and feeding, Dairying, Horticulture (including, as it
does, Pomology, Arboriculture, Floriculture, Vegetable Gar
dening, and rural adornment) — these several professions
make up over three-fourths in number of the population of
civilized communities, and ought actually to represent a con
trolling power in the . nation. Two reasons why they do
not have been stated. Another might be mentioned, the re
sult of their unavoidable segregation, namely, the lack of
cohesion among the various parts which constitute the
whole.

THE POWER OF THE MONEYED CLASSES CONSOLIDATED.

The commercial and manufacturing interests concentrate
their power by aggregation, as at New York and Pittsburg,

90 THE GROUNDSWELL.

for instance ; the agricultural, must always necessarily remain
scattered broad-cast over the continent. The power of a
corporation is represented by its money; that of the mer
chant by his goods and wares ; that of the manufacturer by
his fabrics ; that of the farmer by his lands and their prod
ucts. His monetary power lies in his crops. A single
farmer's crop is of but little value to the commerce of the
world, or of that of a nation. Aggregated, the agriculturists
represent a power which all others may not equal.

Yet, in spite of this, as matters now are, the financier and
gambler in stocks and bonds hold not only the farmer, but
the entire industries of a nation as in the hollow of their
hands. Should the farmers of a country withhold for a single
season the produce of their labors, manufactures, trade,
commerce, and every other industry would languish and lie
prone in the dust. A wail would go up such as has not
been heard since the seven lean seasons of Egypt.

The gold gamblers, the stock jobbers, the dealers in ficti
tious and watered stocks, however, have gone on from year to
year " bulling " and "bearing" stocks, absorbing every
dollar of successive inflations of the currency, buying and
burying every coined eagle of the mint ; tempting, subsidiz
ing, purchasing, our legislatures, statesmen, and even the
executive officers of the government, until the nation itself
stands appalled at the enormity of the iniquity. The excite
ment dies away and is forgotten, for, when so many are cor
rupt, each is willing to cover his neighbor as with a mantle.

HOW PANICS ARE GENERATED.

The financier hurls masses of money against the stock of
some particular corporation as an objective point ; values are
inflated; stock gamblers become wild; they buy and sell,

HOW PANICS ARE 'GENERATED. ' 91

until the wire-pullers, having gained their ends, unload at
far higher prices than those at which they bought, leaving
the struggling smaller fry to suffer their losses as best
they may.

Again, a railroad is projected (a Pacific Eailroad, for
instance) through a region of swamps, mountains, and deserts.
Congress is partly bribed and wholly duped to aid the scheme,
and passes a law granting a territory equal in extent to
Illinois and Indiana combined— a territory comprising land
enough to found an empire. Financiers are posted off to
Europe to negotiate the bonds. Banks are cajoled into lend
ing the money, much of it deposited by customers, hoping
to be reimbursed from the sale of lands before the bubble
bursts. European capital has been bitten by this dog before,
and is shy ; it does not take the well-covered bait ; there are
rumors that all is not right ; apprehension ensues. A great
banking corporation, that has accumulated millions from the
treasury of the nation, through the sale of its bonds, goes
down. Consternation seizes the money kings, the brokers,
and gamblers of Wall street, as bank after bank succumbs
to the pressure. And now the banks can not pay, the mer
chant can not pay, the manufacturer can not pay, and — the
laborer may starve. Business stagnates, the price of every
commodity depreciates, and financial ruin engulfs thousands
in quick succession.

Depreciated stocks and commodities are then quietly ab
sorbed by those who set the ball in motion. By a series of
such moves, these accumulate fortunes — ten, twenty, fifty, or
even seventy millions of dollars, perhaps. They retire to
their fastnesses, but only to issue forth, like Ghouls, at the
chosen time, to again arid again rob the graves of buried
hopes and reputations, and revel once more in those fearful
charnel houses — horror and despair.

92 THE GROUNDSWELL.

This is no overdrawn picture. What care these money
lords, who are seeking to carry the nation to a point where
consolidated capital will hold a centralized government at
its beck and to crush out the last vestige of that liberty which
was gained by the labor and the life-blood of the heroes of
the Eevolution?

COMBINE, CONSOLIDATE, CONCENTRATE.

Co-operation was inaugurated by the original framers of
Farmers' Clubs and kindred societies. Its growth has been
slow, extending now over a century and a half. It is still
continuing to take shape; witness the increased interest mani
fested in practical education, and in Clubs, Granges, Farmers'
"Unions, and Agricultural Conventions. It may be consoli
dated by a movement to unite the farmer and the artisan,
which is even now engaging the talent of some of the best
minds of the country.

Let the farmers of the country take hold unitedly in this
matter of co-operation, using the calm judgment for which,
as a class, they have always been noted, and they can hurl
from power those who have pandered to the monopolizing
tendency of capital. For it is this monopolizing power of
centralized capital that is sapping the foundation of the
people's liberties, and; through the open and unblushing
purchase and sale of public men, rendering the government
a byword of contempt. The farmers of the United States
can accomplish this of themselves, if thoroughly combined.
United with the other industrial classes, their power will be
not merely irresistible, but overwhelming.

"When crime and false intent — whether in the Judiciary,
in the Legislature, in Congress, or in the departments of
State — shall have been made odious ; when the penitentiary

COMBINE, CONSOLIDATE, CONCENTRATE. 93

shall receive the criminal of high degree, as the Bridewell
does the thimble-rigger of the low dens of vice; when the
statesman, bribed through Credit Mobiliers or with actual
hard cash, to betray his constituents, shall be made to suffer
the penalty of his crimes, as certainly and swiftly as does
the sneak-thief, or the petty swindler at the street corners ;
when vice shall be thought hideous, because it is vice ; when
for proven corruption in office it shall be insisted that a

Fidelity.

man shall be stripped of place and power, and buried politi
cally, forever, without hope of resurrection; when all this
is brought to pass, then shall we hope to see the beginning
of the end. The raid on the railroads is but a trimming of
the edges of the vast and horrid ulcer that is eating out the
vitals of our free government — the ulcer whose real name is
Corruption in Office!

CHAPTER VIII.

CONSTITUTION AND BUSINESS OF FARMERS'
CLUBS.

PRELIMINARY STEPS IN ORGANIZATION.

Farmers in many communities are prevented from or
ganizing Clubs for the reason that they are not conversant
with the mode of organization. A few simple rules may
suffice. Any number of individuals, male and female, (and
in the organization of the social clubs it has been found nec
essary to perfect success that both sexes participate), may
meet together and agree upon the time and place for meet
ing. It is also better, in summer, at least, that an afternoon
be selected, and that the meeting be in the open air, when
the weather is favorable.

It is also a pleasant adjunct to the social features to have
a simple lunch provided, unless it be deemed preferable to
make a pic-nic, each family furnishing its own basket of
eatables. This latter plan certainly approves itself, as paving
work to the hosts for the time being, and causing F, sub
division of the labor and expense of the gathering, as well
as adding to its enjoyability.

Until the machinery is well in motion, and the newness of
the situation wears off, it is well to have the gatherings en
tirely informal and conversational ; in fact, principally de
voted to social chat upon the prospects of the crops, the
(94)

AFTERWORKINGS. 95

probable yield, prices, and arrangements for mutual assist
ance in gathering and marketing, and the discussion of some
general plan of co-operation. If there be musical talent
among the members, let there be singing by all means, with
instrumental accompaniments, if possible. There will al
ways be found some among the members who will be able,
even at the outset, to deliver short extempore addresses, or
to prepare short practical essays on subjects connected with
agriculture.

AFTER WORKINGS.

Gradually, debates may be introduced, taking care always
that the exercises be not too long-continued at any one time.

" Going to the Club Meeting."

To vary this, the music and lunch will be in order. It will
be found surprising how soon the genial influence will

THE GfcOttNDSWELL.

spread, and how eager all who are within walking or riding
distance of the meeting will be to join in the work.

Thus Clubs may be instituted in every school district in
the land, accomplishing great present good, and exercising a
powerful influence upon the rising generation. And it will
not be long until every man, woman and child will look for
ward to the day of meeting as a holiday, and a time of social
enjoyment and improvement.

The first thing, of course, after organizing, will be to form
a constitution under which to work.

The following is a simple, and yet comprehensive, consti
tution. It has been adopted, with slight modifications, by
some of the most energetic and influential clubs in the West.
The Club should meet on a fixed day in each month at the
residence of one or another of its members.

MODEL FOR A CONSTITUTION.

I. This organization shall be known as the County

Farmers' Club, No. .

II. Its object shall be the improvement of its members in
the theory and practice of Agriculture.

III. Its members, additional to its original number, shall
consist of such persons as shall receive a two-thirds vote for
admission, and pay the sum of one dollar, and such ad
ditional annual sum as may be annually fixed by a two-
thirds vote of the members.

IV. Its officers shall consist of a President, Vice-Presi
dent, Secretary, Treasurer, and Librarian (who shall consti
tute the Executive Committee, etc.), and the Chairmen of
Standing Committees. The officers shall all be elected an
nually.

V. Its meetings shall be held monthly, and at such other
times and places as the President may deem necessary to
promote the aims of the Society.

STANDING COMMITTEES, ORDER OP BUSINESS, ETC. 97

VI. This Constitution may be amended at any regular
meeting, said amendment having been proposed in writing
at the next preceding meeting.

BY-LAWS. — 1. The President shall preside at all meetings
of the club and Executive Committee, and have power to
call special meetings.

2. In the absence of the President, the Vice-President
shall have the full powers of the President, and shall preside
over the meeting during such absence or inability of the
President.

3. The Secretary shall record the proceedings of the Club,
and conduct its correspondence.

4. The Treasurer shall receive all moneys, and shall pay
out the same on the written order of the President.

5. Regular meetings shall be held on the second Satur
day of each month.

STANDING COMMITTEES, ORDER OF BUSINESS, ETC.

Standing committees take cognizance of all regular sub
jects, of which the most important (in the Northern States)
may be named, as follows :

Soils and their improvement; Grasses, Pastures, and
Meadows; Grains (Wheat, Oats, Corn, etc.) on Exhibition,
and other farm crops ; Fruits and Fruit Trees ; Grass and
Shrubbery ; domestic animals ; and library.

These may be- grouped together, according to their impor
tance, or each made the labor of a committee, three to
five individuals constituting a committee.

The order of business may be as follows :

1. Reading minutes of last meeting.

2. Reports of Special Committees.

3. Unfinished Business. . .

4. New Business, Essays, Discussions, Report of Standing
Committees.

5. Adjournment.

5

THE GROUNDSWELL.

CO-OPERATION OF CLUBS.

One of the objects of designating the Clubs of a district
or county by numbers is that it paves the way to co-opera
tion. The several Clubs will thus be enabled to meet to
gether each year for the discussion of matters of general in
terest, and to elect delegates to attend a yearly State Con
vention. These, again, can elect delegates for the National
Convention, or Congress, which should also meet yearly.
The Club may also have a local name, or a name indicating
its special work, if any, such as Stock Breeding, Husbandry,
Pomology, or General Horticulture, etc. At the yearly
meetings, all these various branches of Agriculture should
meet on common ground the interests of the whole being
identical.

The meetings being held at the homes of the several
members in succession, the Club will have a pleasant visit,
and an opportunity to inspect the various systems of agri
culture practiced. The comments elicited, and the general
interchange of opinions, will be valuable and instructive to
all. They will create and elevate taste, and tend to improve
and simplify many of the processes of the farm, besides
being the means of cultivating the social refinements, and
the harmony of purpose so indispensable to the well-being
of every community.

FORM OF ILLINOIS FARMERS' CLUBS' CONSTITUTION.

Subjoined is given the form of Constitution and By-Laws
for Farmers' Clubs, as adopted by the Illinois (State) Farm
er's Association. They are simple and practical in their
construction.

ILLINOIS FARMERS' CLUB CONSTITUTION. 99

CONSTITUTION.

I. This organization shall be known as the Farm
ers' Club.

II. Its objects shall be improvement in the theory and
practice of Agriculture and Horticulture; to promote the
moral, intellectual, social, and pecuniary welfare of its
members, and by active and cordial co-operation with other
Clubs, and with its County Committee, to assist in carrying
to a successful issue the object of the State Association.

III. Its members, other than the original ones, shall be
elected by ballot, and all members shall be subject to pay
an initiation fee of $ — — , and, thereafter, such sums as shall
be necessary to defray the expenses of the Club.

State Seal of Illinois.

IV. Its officers shall consist of a President, Vice-Presi-
dent, Secretary, Corresponding Secretary, and Treasurer,
who shall jointly constitute the Executive Committee, and
shall be elected annually.

V. Its meetings shall be held monthly, and at such other
times as the President may deem necessary for the good of
the society.

VI. This Club shall become auxiliary to the County
Association, whenever it shall be formed.

VII. This Constitution may be amended at any regular
meeting, by a two-thirds vote of the members present, said

100 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

amendment having been proposed in writing at a previous
meeting.

BY-LAWS. — 1. The President shall, when present, preside
at all meetings of the Club and Executive Committee.

2. The Vice-President shall, during the absence or ina
bility of the President, perform all the duties of the execu
tive officer.

3. The Secretary shall record all the proceedings of the
Club, and the Corresponding Secretary shall conduct its
correspondence, and maintain an active correspondence with
the County Committee, and other Clubs of the county and
district.

4. The Treasurer shall receive all moneys paid into the
Club, and disburse the same only on the order of the Presi
dent and Secretary.

5. The regular meetings of this Club shall be held on the
day of each month, at o'clock.

The order of business shall be :

1. Reading minutes of last meeting.

2. Reports of Special Committees.

3. Unfinished Business.

4. New Business, Essays, Discussions, Reports of Stand-
ing Committees.

STATE ORGANIZATION— CONSTITUTION OF THE TENNES
SEE FARMERS' ASSOCIATION.

As Societies increase in the towns and counties of a State,
a general organization will be required. Below is appended
the Constitution and By-Laws adopted by the Tennessee
Farmers' Association, containing many excellent provisions,
Which may be modified to meet existing wants. This form
may also be easily altered, so as to adapt it perfectly to
county organizations. The Constitution is as follows :

STATE ORGANIZATION. 101

CONSTITUTION.

I. We, the Farmers of Tennessee, in Convention as
sembled, in order to form a more perfect union, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity, do establish this State organiza
tion, which shall be known as, and styled, the TENNESSEE
FARMERS' ASSOCIATION.

II. Its object shall be the promotion of the moral, intel
lectual, social, and pecuniary welfare of the farmers of the
State.

III. Its members shall consist of delegates from the

State Seal of Tennessee.

various Farmers' Clubs, Granges, and Agricultural and Hor
ticultural Societies of the State, each of which shall be entitled
to at least one delegate, and where the number of its mem
bers exceeds fifty, to one delegate additional for each one
hundred members or fraction exceeding half that number.
The members of the State Bureau of Agriculture, also the
President and Professors of the Agricultural College of the
State, shall be, ex-offido, members of this Association, and
from counties, or from civil districts, in which no form of
farmers' organization exists, farmers not delegates may be
admitted by a vote of this Association. All members shall
pay an annual fee of one dollar.

IV. Its officers shall consist of a President, and a Vice-
President from each Congressional district of the State to
be nominated by the delegates therefrom; of a Secretary

102 THE GHOUNDSWELL.

and Treasurer, and these officers shall constitute the State
Central Committee of this organization, with power to
appoint an Executive Committee of three from its members ;
also, of a County Committee of one from each county in the
State, to be nominated by the delegates from each county.
Said officers shall be elected annually, and serve for one year,
or .until their successors are chosen. This organization
shall meet annually, at such time and place as the Associa
tion, or, in case of its failure to designate, the State Central
Committee may determine. Special meetings may be called
by the Executive Committee.

V. This Constitution may be amended at any annual
meeting by a two-thirds vote, provided said meeting be
composed of delegates from one-naif of the counties which
are members of this Association.

BY-LAWS. — 1. The President shall perform the duties of
presiding officer, and have power to call meetings of the
btate Central Committee.

2. The Senior Vice-President shall, in the absence or dis
ability of the President, perform the duties of that office.
It shall be the duty of each Vice-President to secure the
organization in each county of his district of a Farmers'
Association, to be composed of delegates from the various
Farmers' Clubs and Granges in the county, and of such
other persons as the County Association may determine to
admit.

3. The Secretary shall, under the direction of the Asso
ciation and committees, open and maintain an active corre
spondence with the Vice-Presidents and County Committees,
furnishing them with forms and Constitutions, and other
documents and information to aid them in organization, and
performing such other duties of correspondence as may be
assigned him. He shall also keep a record of the proceedings
of the Association, and of its Central and Executive Com
mittees, and may be paid such compensation for his services
as is found expedient and practicable.

4. The Treasurer shall hold the moneys of the Associa^
tion, and disburse them upon the written order of the Presi-

THE TENNESSEE FARMERS' ASSOCIATION. 103

dent and Secretary. He shall give such bond as the State
Central Committee may require.

5. The State Central Committee shall have the general
management of the affairs of the Association. It shall be
their duty to promote and effect the thorough organization
of the farmers of the State; to aid, by their advice and in
struction, in such organization in all parts of the State ; to
ask and secure necessary legislation, State and National,
upon matters affecting the farmers' interests ; and, in general,
to do all things in their power to further the objects and
advance the interests of the Association.

6. The Executive Committee shall perform such duties as
may be assigned to it by the State Central Committee, and
may call special meetings.

7. These By-Laws may be amended at any annual meet
ing by a majority vote, provided said meeting is composed
of delegates from one-half of the counties which are mem
bers of this Association.

CHAPTEE IX.

INNER WORKINGS OF FARMERS' CLUBS.

.FARMERS' CLUBS MUST BE SOCIAL.

If we could have Clubs throughout the length and breadth
of the land, conducted on true social principles, so that the
farmers of each neighborhood might meet together, both
men and women, at stated times, especially during the win
ter months, and discuss matters of general interest (eschew
ing politics, of course), it would go a great way toward
elevating the status of the fraternity. Heretofore, this has
not been possible, but every day is making it easier and
easier of accomplishment, as the country becomes more
thickly settled, and facilities for locomotion increase. All
that is wanted, is that individual leaders in each neighbor
hood inaugurate the movement, and hold out faithfully until
it is accomplished. It would soon be found surprising how
many facts could be gathered, even from the seemingly ig
norant, which, stored up, would lay the foundation for future
usefulness.

Thus each Farmers' Club would become the nucleus, from
which agricultural societies, occupying a still higher plane,
might be formed, to discuss and compile from the facts there
gathered, some of the more important changes and trans
mutations that nature is working out so silently and with
such seeming mystery.
(104)

CLUBS MUST COLLECT FACTS. 105

Let these societies increase, until their ramifications extend
upward through town, county, district, and State societies ;
and culminate in one grand, yearly convention for the whole
nation, composed of delegates from each State or district.
If this were accomplished, we could eventually so organize
as to control — for good, I trust — the destinies of a country,
the inhabitants of which are made up of the most energetic
and intelligent of the working populations of the earth.

CLUBS MUST COLLECT FACTS.

It is the duty of every farmer in the land to endeavor to
collect facts. Nay, there is not a farmer in the whole
country but does so, and again loses or forgets them.
Through Farmers' Clubs, these valuable data might be
preserved, and eventually classified, by means of the county
and State societies, into definite shape. This done, we should
be surprised to see how long we had been groping in igno
rance, simply for the want of organized study. Even the
simplest operations of the farm, for the lack of accurate
knowledge relating to the fixed and simple law that some
where governs each and every thing in nature, is lost to the
farmer, and, consequently, to the world.

The collection of experimental facts is the legitimate work
of our Agricultural Colleges also. These facts should be
supported by the results of isolated experiments that the
working farmer is collecting every day in the year, and los
ing again for the want of some place and means suitable for
putting them on record for the benefit of 'others. The ag
gregation of these isolated units from year to year, properly
condensed into readable shape, would, in the end, furnish data
valuable to science in the highest degree.

Let us illustrate. The farmer, being of an experimental
turn of mind, throughout the course of a lifetime collects

106 THE GROUNDSWELL.

many facts — amasses a rich, store of actual, practical, thor
oughly-tested knowledge connected with his art. If a
writer, he is likely to give the results through the public
press ; but if not, they are entirely lost at his death, unless,
happily, the son succeeds the father, and happens to be im
bued with the same love of experiment. Even in the former
case, many of those who read his articles will not profit by
them; for, having no personal acquaintance with him, they
pass his writings by, as but the opinion of one unknown
farmer — a man of like frailties of judgment with themselves.
At all events, his contributions to agricultural science are
not in their most valuable shape. But if the facts are gath
ered at our colleges, where the experiments carried out from
year to year are chronicled and tabulated systematically, we
shall, sooner or later, gather data that will be of immense
value. If the professor die to-morrow, the observations and
experiments are still carried forward by his successor.

In the case of the private individual, such records do not
carry equal weight. To say nothing of the known fallibility
of human judgment, there is, quite frequently, a disposition
to suspect that the individual experimenter has some private
end, or pet theory, to advance. Very much less of this
feeling attaches to the work done, in the same direction, at
a public institution. There the observer is supposed to be
the servant of the people, and to be actuated by motives
entirely above suspicion ; and, hence, by virtue of his posi
tion, he can speak as one having authority.

SUBJECTS FOR DEBATE IN CLUBS, ETC.

While the local societies, founded solely on a social basis,
must have a wide and beneficial effect upon our State Boards
of Agriculture, this is not their only duty. The Granges

Not to be Trusted— The Patron versus the Politician.

107

108 THE GROUNDSWELL.

are directly prohibited, by their fundamental regulations,
from discussing politics, but this the Farmers' Clubs may do
freely. Now, it would not be at all advisable to consider
questions of politics from a partisan stand-point. But all
matters pertaining to the welfare of the farmer, and the
relation which each and every measure brought before the
State and National Legislatures sustains to the interests of
agriculture and the agricultural masses, should be freely
discussed and debated. This would be one way to make and
keep legislators honest.

If to this were added the firm resolve to send farmers
in numbers proportionate to their ratio of voting power, to the
Legislature, and also to Congress, a long stride would have
been taken towards securing those rights for which the
farmer is now struggling.

HORTICULTURISTS BETTER ORGANIZED THAN FARMERS.

I have already mentioned the undoubted fact that the
average horticulturist is far in advance of the average
farmer, as regards scientific familiarity with their respective
callings. He has also made much further progress in the
direction of organization.

In most of the older States, and many of the younger,
there are active and thoroughly organized State societies in
the interests of horticulture, the members of which meet
regularly once a year. They discuss the experiences gained
through the local societies, legislate upon such matters as are
of general interest to the fraternity, and compile and publish
the record of whatever is new or valuable to the profes
sion. Their Transactions, often published at their own ex
pense, will compare favorably with other literature pertain-

ORGANIZED PLEASURE TAKING.

109

ing to technical knowledge. So, also, the papers and essays
contributed are, many of them, models of their class.

The educated farmer, in this country, is the exception;
the educated horticulturist, the rule. The latter neyer
allows any thing to escape his eye that may profitably be
published, either in books, or in the journals devoted to the
profession. He is constantly educating himself to a better
and better acquaintance with the mysteries of nature. He
reads, marks, learns, and inwardly
digests, continually.

If one will only educate himself
to it, it is perfectly easy to do as
the horticulturist does — work with
the brain while working with the
hands. The operator at any labor,
except such as is really laborious,
as chopping, pitching, heavy lift
ing, etc., may employ the brain
constantly. If the conversation
Usually carried on at ordinary
labor were such as to expand
the mind, rather than small talk, very small talk, sometimes,
the civilized portion of the human family would soon be
educated to a point where gossip would seem flat. Does
the farmer thus educate himself to the minutia of his pro
fession ? The few do, the many do not.

Brawn and Brains.

ORGANIZED PLEASURE TAKING.

A prominent feature of the farmers' agitation, during
1873, was the organized observance of the Fourth of July
by the Clubs and Granges. These bodies held meetings,

110 THE GROUNDS WELL.

throughout the West and North-west, at which it is estimated
that fully two hundred thousand persons assisted. Immense
gatherings took place all over Iowa, Illinois, Wisconsin, and
Minnesota, chief in importance of which was the one in
Livingston County, 111., a county which, from the first, has
taken a leading part in the movement. If any doubt had
previously existed as to the hold which the movement had
popularly secured, the gatherings on the " Farmers' Fourth,"
as it was known, must have been sufficient to satisfy the
veriest Thomas.

Though Jupiter Pluvius was the reigning deity on the
Farmer's Fourth of 1873, he was utterly unable to damp the
enthusiasm of the meetings. Not that they were simply
merry-makings. Far from it. The farmers were smart
ing under a sense of intolerable wrongs, and the seek
ing of redress for the past, and insurance against their
repetition in the future, formed the principal topics of de
bate. However, I am hopeful that better days have dawned,
and that, ere long, the fathers of the Farmers' Movement
will be looked up to with the same veneration as that with
which the Revolutionary forefathers were regarded after the
liberation of our nation was achieved. Unless i am egre-
giously mistaken in the character of the Farmers' Move
ment, its success is certain, sooner or later. The utmost its
enemies can do is to postpone their evil day by dividing
the farmers' counsels ; but postponement will only make the
blow more severe when, at length, it does fall.

Hereafter, by all means, let the various societies combine
and take an annual holiday on the Fourth, when they can
join with their wives and children in merry-making, casting
aside all business, except the addresses, without which a
gathering of this sort would be incomplete.

CO-OPERATIVE BUYING AND SELLING. Ill

CO-OPERATIVE BUYING AND SELLING.

If there existed the thorough neighborhood, county,
State, and National organization of Clubs and Granges that
I have advocated, co-operation in buying and selling would
be an easy matter. Until this is accomplished, these Asso
ciations must work from their own individual bases, or
through combination with such districts as may be enabled
to join together.

The Treasurer of the Club may be the financial or purchas
ing agent, or some member of the Club may be appointed to
that office separately. Suppose the Club, containing twenty
to fifty members, intends to sell a certain amount of pro
duce, for the purchase of necessary stores. The families
represented in the Club require annually from fifty to one
hundred dollars worth of dry goods and groceries each,
according to size. The individual can not get as good a
price on two to three hundred bushels of corn, a hundred
bushels of wheat, a pair of steers, a half dozen fat hogs, or
fifteen to twenty barrels of apples, as he who has from
twenty to fifty times this quantity to dispose of at once.

The fiscal agent of the Club becomes the custodian of the
property— say, a car load of hogs, another of cattle, ten
cars of corn, half a dozen of wheat, and, perhaps, one or
two of fruit. Accounts are opened with the grain merchant,
the produce commission man, the cattle broker, etc., unless
the respective dealers in the village or town consider it to
their interest (which they soon come to do) to buy this
property, and give cash in return, or such articles as may be
wanted at fair prices. If not, the agent appointed makes the
best terms he can for transportation, and sells in the best mar
ket he can find, buys the stores, and distributes to the several

112 THE GROUNDSWELL.

individuals of the Club. If the agent be a shrewd business
man, consent to put aside his ordinary work, and does this
business as a matter of accommodation to his Club, or at a
lower rate than when done through the customary channels,
money will be saved. If not, money is lost.

It is evident that, under the modern system, this plan
can not be fully and permanently carried out, for the reason
that the agent soon becomes the actual commission man or
produce buyer, the actual merchant or middle man, with all
the acquisitiveness of these classes. What may be done,
legitimately, and with better results in most cases, is this:
a community of farmers may combine to sell a certain quantity
of produce, and buy for it certain other produce. A certain
number of car loads of grain, for instance, may be delivered
upon a fixed day, to be sold in the best market. With the
proceeds certain goods are bought and distributed, according
to the wants of the individuals. So with the purchase of
farm machinery, etc. The principal of co-operation, how
ever, can not be carried into practice with any economy,
where competition is already sufficient to check a monopo
lizing tendency.

THE ADVANTAGE OF MUTUAL ASSISTANCE.

Farmers, from their isolation and peculiar position, have
constantly felt the necessity of mutual assistance. In case
of sickness, the neighbor must often go long distances for
the doctor. In sparsely settled districts, when one farmer
went to market, it has always been expected that he would
do errands for his neighbors. In butchering, a reciprocity
of service is extremely common, a return in kind in time of
need being the only pay tendered or expected. Husking-.
bees, and other frolics of like nature, are always eagerly

ADVANTAGE OF MUTUAL ASSISTANCE.

113

Neighborly Help.

looked forward to by coun
try-bred youth. These, and
many other neighborly acts,
have been common in every
community of farmers from
time immemorial. Through
a close social organization
among them, the principle
may be applied in a variety
of ways, keeping alive a
kindly and generous feeling,
one toward another, and
proving of great material
benefit, also, through co-op
erative assistance in carrying out the labors of the farm.

The soil of one farm may become ready to plow, or sow,
or harvest, days before another. In the Society, this might
be arranged, and the labor mapped out in succession, so that
much valuable time now lost might be saved. A.'s field
may be plowed and seeded to-day, B.'s field to-morrow, and
so on. If B. has double the land of A., he has, or should
have, double the team. If he do one day's work for A.
with two teams, he should receive in return two day's work
with one team. The rich neighbor may, perhaps, have the
better teams, and, therefore, the poor neighbor may receive
more than he gave; but, again, the gain in having the
work of both accomplished just when it should be, would
more than balance this.

Plans may also be laid in the Council or Club, that will
enable the farmer to successfully compete with his city
neighbor, who is acutely educated to trade. The farmer
owning a thousand acres or more is able to economize labor
in a variety of small things, and thus saves, where the

114 THE GROUNDSWELL.

workers of small farms must lose. Mutual assistance and
co-operation will obviate this in a great degree.

A single instance will suffice to illustrate the point here
presented. I once had occasion to purchase nineteen corn
cultivators in one season, having increased the area of corn
to require this additional number. Two of my neighbors
wanted three each, making twenty-five in all. I wrote let
ters to several manufacturers, asking the lowest cash price
for the quantity. The dealers at the nearest railroad town
soon found out what I had done, and waited on me, offering
to sell at prices lower than the factory price and freight
would cost me, being content with the relative difference
between the freight on my twenty-five, and the freight on
car lots. They did not relish this interference with their
prerogatives, but, of course, they could not help themselves.
This was before the manufacturers combined to sell only
through their agents. They are beginning to find that the
project of forcing farmers to buy of whom they please,
and as they please, is like having too many cooks in making
broth — the dish is sure to be spoiled.

CHAPTER X.
THE ORDER OF PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY.

WHAT IS A GRANGE f

Webster says that the French word grange signifies a
farm; grangier, a farmer; the Spanish word grangear, is
to cultivate, and grangero a farmer. In Scotland, the build
ings belonging to a grain-farm are called a grange ; since,
originally, the place where the rents and tithes due to the
priesthood, and payable in grain, were deposited, was the
grange, from the Latin word granum, grain. Shakespeare
and Milton both use the word grange as meaning a farm
house, with the buildings and stables attached.

In England, " grange" is generally used to signify an old
farm or manor house, surrounded by ancient trees, and
sometimes by a moat or ditch. During the civil wars
which devastated England up to two centuries ago, these
manor houses and farm strongholds were made the scenes
of bitter strife between tbe contending factions, and were
often stubbornly defended. Hence, the term may be liber
ally construed as " stronghold " — happily expressive of the
sense in which the Patrons of Husbandry use it.

The wealth of the farmer consists in his lands, buildings,
stock, implements, and grain. Upon his cattle and grain
are dependent, not only himself and his family, but also the
entire community. In time of civil war, or other great na-

(115)

116 THE GROUNDSWELL.

tional danger, the care of that which will support life is of
vital importance. In time of strife, under the old baronial
rule, neither party was especially careful to pay for what
they wanted. If they found it, they took it, and the poor-
husbandman was left with nothing to maintain his family ;
hence, when able to do so, he made his house his stronghold.
The Patrons of Husbandry could scarcely have found a
more appropriate designation for their places of meeting
than the word Grange. It is, literally, their stronghold.
The means of access may be aptly symbolized by the actual
approaches of the Grange, as they existed in England dur
ing times of trouble, to-wit, a drawbridge and a ladder.
Here the defenders meet — the Laborer and the Maid, the
Cultivator and the Shepherdess, the Harvester and the
Gleaner, the Husbandman and the Matron.

DEGREES OF THE ORDER SYMBOLIZED.

The above are the names of the degrees of the subordi
nate or local Granges, in which communities of farmers,
their wives, and those of their children who are approaching
maturity, meet to labor for the general good ; to devise
plans for social improvement ; to discuss means for the
mutual welfare of the fraternity ; and to assist each other
in the every day business of life. When the younger ones
shall have arrived at the full age and stature of Husband
man and Matron, they will have climbed the first four steps
of the ladder. To gain thus much, the candidate must have
broken up the stubborn glebe of ignorance, and cultured it
with the harrow and roller of good intent, that it may re
ceive the seeds of education, which, in due time, shall return
the husbandman an hundred-fold of knowledge. The suc
cession of these four stages may be represented by the rise

DEGREES OF THE ORDER SYMBOLIZED. 117

of man from the state of a savage. First, having neither
flocks nor herds, primeval man gains a precarious subsist
ence by the chase and slaughter of such wild beasts as h^
may be able to overcome. While living this hand-to-mouth
existence — to-day overburdened with meat and having no
incentive to exertion, anon, driven by extreme want to re
sume his toil — but slight mental improvement is possible.
Rising slowly in intelligence, he gathers flocks and herds,
and emerges from his primeval barbarism, and the light of
civilization begins to dawn upon him. Still his condition is
that of a nomad, and improvable only to a limited extent ;
the pastoral life necessitates frequent changes of location as
his flocks and herds exhaust the pasture.

In the course of time he seeks a more settled mode of life.
He learns to till the soil in a rude way, and provide stores
for the winter; gathers his fellows together into communities,
makes laws for the general welfare, and becomes qualified to
subdue and replenish the earth. The progress of strug
gling humanity, however, is still very slow. The discoveries
and inventions of one generation are handed down to the
next orally, and, necessarily, imperfectly; the craftsman
hands down by word of mouth to his son the secrets of his
trade. Thus, for ages, the improvement goes on, certain but
slow, till the invention of the art of writing gives a vast
impulse to the rate of progress. Thenceforward the advance
is at an accelerating rate, and the achievements of man, once
on record, relapse into oblivion no more. The higher, God
like nature becomes expanded, and man goes on, step by
step, forming empires, surmounting difficulties apparently
unconquerable but only met to be overcome ; the rate of
progress quickening, till, at length, he no longer advances
step by step, but by leaps and bounds toward that perfec
tion which he was created to attain.

118 THE GHOUNDSWELL.

HIGHER STAGES OF PROGRESS.

The Grange, whether it be allegorized as the fold for shelter
ing the flock, the storehouse of prosperous industry, or the place
where all meet to enjoy the fruits of their mutual labors, is
typical of the whole state of man. Here are gathered the
golden grain, the ripe fruits, and the bright flowers of human
progress; corresponding, respectively, to the Labors of Agri
culture, the Religion of Agriculture, and the Poetry of
Agriculture; the three — Husbandry, Pomology, and Gar
dening—comprising the whole art of Agriculture. This is
the field where labor the Husbandman and the Matron, with
their fellows. They have passed over the stile or ladder
of the outer field of labor, and are now ready to enter the
Orchard.

The Orchard is dedicated to Pomona. The Patrons reach
this degree through a portal connecting the boundary of the
field adjoining with the Orchard beyond. The ripe fruit of
the trees planted therein is called Hope. The fruit will not
be perfect unless, after the seeds are planted and the seed
lings large enough to graft, the scions be properly placed,
and guarded, nursed, watered, and pruned. They must be
protected from the burning sun of summer by ample foliage,
and by kindly mulching from the deadly frosts of winter;
its blossoms must be shielded from the blasting east wind,
and its overburdened boughs thinned of superfluous fruit,
that all may be equal in size and beauty, and the perfect fruit
brought, in due season, safely to the storehouse or Grange,
to be shared with the fellow-laborers in the field and the
fold.

The Orchard adjoins the Garden, represented by Flora, or
Charity. It is divided from it by a beautiful hedge, from
one side of which hang garlands of flowers ; on the other

DEGREES OF THE ORDER SYMBOLIZED. 119

side, fruits. The entrance to it is known only to those
within. In it are winding paths, leading to bowers shaded
by beautiful climbing plants. The most lovely flowers,
gathered from every clime, grow, singly or in masses, every
where, while foliage, plants and rare exotics are interspersed
by the master minds who have labored to make it beautiful.
A grassy slope, of the softest and smoothest turf, stretches
away to a calm lake of pure water in the distance. In the
lake is an island, reached by a rustic bridge. Upon the
island are trees from every quarter of the globe, among
whose branches song-birds nestle, while aquatic fowl are
ever busy on the clear lake. A winding path from the
bridge leads to a bower, formed by the interlacing branches
of trees, over which climbing roses, honeysuckles, ivies,
passion flowers, and trum^t vines are trailing in beautiful
masses. The delicate perfume of flowers, the gentle breezes,
cooled by ever-playing fountains, and birds of sweetest song
or loveliest plumage, make this bower the fit court for the
Goddess Flora, or Charity.

To the novice, upon entering, all seems enchantment.
His perception has been rendered acute in the outer fields,
and in the Orchard he has enjoyed the fruits of his labor.
In the Garden the work is both for the true and the beau
tiful. The worker here must not only reflect upon the lines
of beauty drawn throughout the garden, but must study the
effect produced by ever- varying light and shade, the group
ing of trees, the masses and lines of flowers, the emerald
hue of the grassy turf, the gentle slope, the abrupt ascent,
or the beetling cliff" overhanging the torrent that dashes its
waters over the rocky bed beneath, only, at last, to find rest
in the glassy and peaceful lake beyond. As the Husband
man has studied the groundwork of his profession in the
Field of Art; and in the Orchard of Hope has gathered thq

120 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

ripe fruits, the Keligion of Agriculture — here, in the beau^
tiful Garden, dedicated to Flora, the Poetry of Horticul
ture, he perfects himself in the science which underlies all
art — the Science of Life.

He now sees before him the temple of Ceres, Faith, the
goddess of the fruitful, productive earth ; the inventress of
Agriculture, without which man is a savage ; the founder
of civil society, which fixes the wandering savage to the
soil, by making him a tender of flocks and herds. Softening
his nature by degrees, she grants rights to property, and
gives the protection of laws. He is no longer a barbarian,
for now he has property, civil rights, and is a respecter
of the property of others.

OBJECTS AND ADVANTAGES OF THE GRANGES.

We hear it constantly dinned in our ears, that "Agricul
ture is the most important and elevated occupation of any on
earth." It is important as furnishing food for mankind, and
elevated in proportion to the intelligence of the community
which practices it. The farmer's vocation must depend for its
relative status upon the intelligence of the individuals compos
ing the fraternity. It is a mournful fact that the average
farmer is not the equal of any of the other middle classes in
education, and, consequently, not in business tact. One reason,
as we have seen, is that he is isolated, in a great measure, from
his kind, so that it is difficult for him to continue at school
long enough to acquire more than the rudiments of an Eng
lish education. The fault is too often with the parents, who,
even when near schools, seem indifferent whether the child
attend or not, or think they can't spare him or her from
other work. Many of them fail to comprehend that this

OBJECTS AND ADVANTAGES OF THE GRANGES. 121

negligence en their part, is almost certain to have an evil in
fluence on the future of the man.

This is, and should be, one of the legitimate fields of work
for the Granges, because herein lies their power in the next
generation. The child of to-day will be the man or woman
then ; the boy of to-day, the drudge and indifferent farmer,
or the intelligent worker, and the successful tiller of the
soil — the law maker or the ruler — according as his educa
tion has been neglected or fostered.

But a short time ago, the Order of Patrons of Husbandry
was the vague idea of one individual ; a year ago, a compara
tive handful of men and women ; to-day, they are a vast army
of earnest workers, strong in their will to resist the aggres
sions that have accumulated with each recurring year, to
burden the farmer and carry the fraternity lower and lower
in the social scale. Their watchwords are hailed and an
swered from the Atlantic to the Pacific — from the head
waters of the Great Lakes, and the wild forests of Canada,
to the everglades of Florida and the Texas plains whose
shores are washed by the Gulf of Mexico. Their banners
are unfurled, not alone to a nation, but over a continent.
Political organizations arise, culminate, accomplish or fail
of their ends, and die. They are weak from want of cohe
sion and unity of purpose. But the Grange was strong in
its infancy, and while yet weak in numbers, because laboring
with a unity of purpose for the right. It is still but a
youth, with its best powers undeveloped ; but the stripling
David has already cast the stone that is to smite the Goliath
of Monopoly in the forehead. Those who despised it a few
months ago, in its supposed weakness, are now praying to it
in its young strength. When it shall have arrived at its
full stature, a giant in strength, irresistible if it remain pure
in its intentions, it will wield a power such as no other
6

122 THE GHOUNDSWELL.

m

social organization has known since the advent of man upon
the earth.

WHAT A GRANGE IS NOT.

The Grange is not a political organization, and, notwith
standing the efforts of politicians to sway its destinies, so far
they have signally failed. Therefore, any person, of what
soever political creed, eligible to the rites of the Order, may
become a member.

It is not a religious Order. Its record on that score is as
broad as the Constitution of the United States. Hence, all
persons may meet here — provided, simply, that they recog
nize a Supreme Being — on terms of perfect equality.

It is not an Order composed solely of the male sex. It
includes both men and women, and herein is one great mani
festation of sagacity in its founders. Herein, again, lies its
pre-eminent strength ; as the best bow-anchor it will hold
the ship secure at its moorings, where, when not under sail
fighting for the rights of the brotherhood, in its harbor of
safety, no groundswells rising in the sea of discord can
injure it.

It is not partisan in its nature, favoring one class at the
expense of another; asking no more than simple justice at
the hands of its enemies, nor desiring that which it is not
willing to concede. The Grange teaches that " Human hap
piness is the acme of earthly ambition."

It is not sectional in its aims. For, while all are properly
excluded from the Order, who have not a direct interest in
Agriculture, it is not in antagonism with any industry, but
rather seeks to foster and build up industries of every kind;
holding that "Individual happiness depends upon the gen
eral prosperity.'*'

The " Graiiger " is not an

TO HOOT AT MIDNIGHT.

Nor is he a

TO GROWL.

NOT A NATURAL BORN CROAKER.

He is not such as these

Least of all is he a

TO BE FLEECED.

TO " ADVANCE BACKWARD."

What the " Granger " is Not— The Opinions of Some to the
Contrary Notwithstanding. (123)

124 THE GROtTNDSWELL.

It is not even a secret society, except in the sense that
every corporation, and every business firm, and even every
family, are secret. The members simply do not tell the world
all they know. Corporations have their secret transactions,
known only to the officers. Every business firm has its
secret marks or cipher, known only to its members and
their assistants, by which they, and they only, know at what
prices they buy, and at what prices they are willing to sell.
Their books are not thrown open to the gaze, or curiosity,
of any one who may choose to pry into their business.

And thus, dear reader, here you have, condensed in a nut
shell, what a grange is, and what it is not. It is a social and
business organization, for the promotion of the well-being of
its individual members. It is not a conclave, seeking to do
injury to any man or woman on earth.

CHAPTEE XI.

THE ORIGIN OF THE ORDER.

HOW IT CAME ABOUT.

In January, 1866, Mr. 0. H. Kelley, a native of Boston,
but owning a farm in Minnesota, and at the time employed
in the Department of Agriculture at Washington, was com
missioned by President Johnson to make a tour of the South,
to collect data as to its agricultural and mineral resources.
He found the country struggling to recuperate from the
effects of the war; the planters and farmers, few in num
ber and widely scattered, with but little means for success
fully carrying on their avocation.

Southern born planters have always been noted for their
generous hospitality, and geniality, but it was not expected
they would take kindly to a stranger and a government
officer, whom they might naturally regard as an enemy.
One reason, perhaps, for the generous spirit displayed by
this people is that Freemasonry is largely established
among them. The " mystic tie of brotherhood " saved many
a poor soldier's life during the war, alleviated the sufferings
of many wounded, and created countless friendships between
individuals of the contending parties that will never be
sundered while life lasts. Mr. Kelley, himself a Masonic
brother, and of straightforward and pleasing address, made

(125)

126 THE GROUNDSWELL.

friends wherever he went, and traveled throughout the
entire district south-east of the Mississippi, without an un
pleasant incident; and, having satisfactorily executed the
mission upon which he was sent, he returned North.

THE GERM-IDEA.

Feeling deeply the disabilities under which the southern
planters labored, from the want of trained labor— themselves,
from their antecedents, unfitted as yet to direct their affairs
with practical efficiency— he gave much thought to the means
to be employed to rouse the lower classes to an appreciation
of the dignity of agriculture, and the necessity of steady
work, through which they might make comfortable homes
for themselves and their children.

While at Mobile, Ala., he thought deeply over the subject
of practical co-operation by the union of the Agricultural
Societies then existing. He knew that these societies were
distinct and independent of each other, but he asked himself
the question which had so often occurred to other minds, but
without result, Why should not the Agricultural Societies
co-operate for the general welfare of the farmers of the whole
country ? At least, why could not some plan be originated,
by which these societies in the South could mutually assist
each other in ameliorating the condition of the southern
farmers ?

Continuing to think and to talk upon, this matter, he
remembered, that, according to tradition, the tie that binds
Mason to Mason had existed from time immemorial; he
remembered that the hand of brotherhood had extended
with civilization, until now in almost every land, and among
nearly all people, the tie was found which bound man
to man as brethren— religion, honor, and manhood being

MATURING PLANS. 127

the only qualifications for the unity of brother with
brother.

At last, he asked himself the question, Why should not
the farmers, both North and South, unite in the same man
ner as the Masons, who have clung together for hundreds
of years, for social and educational purposes, with a view to
promote their common interests ?

Why not ? was the answer echoed back. And now the
solution was reached. All that remained was to mould the.
germ-idea into practical, tangible shape. To do this, would
require constant energy, untiring labor, and much self-
sacrifice.

MATURING PLANS.

The future founder of the Order was not a man to shrink
from the responsibility. During the remaining months of
his stay in the South, he mentioned the project to prominent
gentlemen whom he met. It was received with favor. The
only difficulty was, with the means at his disposal, to unite
individual to individual, and mind to mind, in the working
out of plans that should harmonize conflicting views, and
enable them to make the conception of his brain a beneficent
reality, for the elevation of the^ masses, through the sweat
of whose faces the nations eat their bread.

Mr. Kelley returned to Washington, and from thence to
Minnesota, where he spent the succeeding summer, still
revolving the project in his mind. In November, 1866, he
returned to Washington, to take a clerkship in the Post-
Office Department. He now began to move seriously toward
developing the idea, that, within the last eighteen months,
has spread over the entire West and South like a prairie
fire, and is now making rapid progress, not only in the East,
but even in Canada*

128 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

Among the gentlemen whose co-operation he sought, no
one enlisted more heartily than Mr. William Saunders, then
(as now) Superintendent of the gardens and grounds of the
Department of Agriculture at Washington. Other gentle
men who cordially co-operated with Mr. Kelley, were Mr.
William M. Ireland, chief clerk of the finance bureau of the
Post-Office Department (which position he still holds), Rev.
John Trimble, Jr., Eev. A. B. Grosh, so familiarly known
from his connection with Odd Fellowship, and Mr. J. R>.
Thompson.

FORMING THE FIRST DEGREE OF THE ORDER.

The above were all members, with high rank, of secret
social and benevolent orders, and therefore proficients in
ritualism ; and all are gentlemen of education and refinement.
They met from time to time, canvassing the grand work and
suggesting various means of promoting the organization. At
length, acting upon the suggestions offered at the different
meetings, Messrs. Kelley and Ireland, on the 5th of August,
1867, at their quarters at the United States Hotel, upon
Pennsylvania Avenue at Washington, together compiled and
worked out a draft of the First Degree of the Order.

Immediately after this date, Mr. Saunders was directed
by the Commissioner of Agriculture to proceed to the West
and South, upon business connected with the Department.
Proceeding West, he wrote Mr. Kelley from Sandusky, 0.,
on August 30th : " I have mentioned your Order to a good
many, and all agree in considering the thing a grand idea."
Among other prominent farmers and horticulturists whose
attention Mr. Saunders called to the new Order, were, Mr.
Anson Bartlett, of Ohio, who was subsequently elected
Overseer of the National' Grange, and Mr. Wm. Muir; of

FORMING THE FIRST DEGREE OF THE ORDEE. 129

Hon. WILLIAM SAUNDERS,

(First Master National Grange, and Member National
Executive Committee.)

130 THE GROUNDS WELL.

Missouri, the well-known horticulturist, (who was afterward
elected Steward of the National Grange), then of the Rural
World, and now one of the editors of the Illustrated Journal
of Agriculture.

In St. Louis, Mr. Saunders conferred the First Degree.
He reported progress, periodically, to the Agricultural Syn
dicate at Washington, and furnished the names of those who
from time to time agreed to co-operate. The gentlemen
previously mentioned, and others to whom the new move
ment was communicated, all took an earnest interest in the
work, and thenceforward labored peristently for its success.

Besides those whose names have been given, correspond
ence was entered into with Mr. A. S. Moss and Mr. F. M.
McDowell, of New York, and other prominent gentlemen in
various States, connected with agriculture, from whom valu
able suggestions were received in elaborating the ritual, and
forming the ground-work of the Order.

THE FOUNDERS OF THE ORDER.

To Mr. Kelley, then, belongs the credit of originating the
idea which was so energetically and promptly worked up
and carried out by the worthy few heretofore mentioned.
But it is due to Mr. Saunders more than to any other single
individual that it became popularized among the farmers,
and especially among horticulturists. His official position,
his knowledge of the real wants of these classes, and his
wide popularity as a working member in agriculture and
agricultural art, gave him great personal influence. His
persistent devotion to the interests of the Order, since his
connection with it, has been singularly free from bias as to
its objects and aims. While this is true, indeed of the great
proportion of its officers, it is pre-eminently so of this earnest
and honorable man.

SELECTING A NAME. 131

It is a singular fact in connection with the Order, that, of
the original members, not one of them, it is believed, except
Mr. Kelley, ever organized a subordinate Grange. ISTo less
remarkable is the fact that, of those early correspondents
who gave substantial aid and encouragement in earnest
words of praise, not more than five or six have ever taken
an active part in the practical work of the Order. Thomas
B. Bryan, of Chicago, for instance, early in the organization,
felt deeply its necessity, urged strongly its merits, and gave
liberally of his means, while yet the Order was in its greatest
straits. At various times, the funds freely given by this
gentleman were urgently needed. These gifts, too, possessed
the added merit of having been earned in legitimate and
honorable business pursuits; and, unlike the large sums
occasionally donated, with so much ostentation, by the rail
road and other Wall Street jobbers to found religious and
other institutions, his donations were neither given to divert
public opinion, nor to cover up some nefarious scheme, by
which the ill-gotten wealth was obtained, nor yet to smother
by good deeds the cries of the struggling masses, by whose
blood and sweat it was gathered.

SELECTING A NAME.

In September, 1867, a circular was prepared by the lead
ers in the movement, and sent out to individuals prominent
in agriculture. This document stated what had been so far
done toward organizing the system for association and co
operation* Suggestions were asked for, and, among other
things, as to the proper name to be adopted, in case the
project met their approval. Responses came, which, as a
rule, were favorable to the work contemplated ; suggestions

132 THE GROUNDSWELL.

were given, and the work on the ritual at last became so far
advanced that it was imperative that a fitting and suggestive
name should be decided on for the new Order, still, as it
were, in embryo.

About forty titles in all were received for consideration.
Among these were, "Agricultural Lodges," " Bee Hives,"
" Knights of Husbandry," " Knights of the Plow," " Tern-,
pies of Industry," and "Tillers of the Soil." But the
name that has since made the Order so famous, and which
is so expressive of the true nature of the association,
" Patrons of Husbandry," was happily adopted, as the title
of the members, while another term, equally expressive,
was decided on to indicate the hall or place of meeting, and
thus the word " Grange " was wedded to enduring fame. .

It would be well for all to remember this fact, and not
mutilate the English language by calling the individuals
Grangers, as is so often done, not only in contempt of
the Order, but often, for want of knowing better, by
those who do not feel inimical to the Order. The individual is
a " Patron of Husbandry ;" the place of meeting, a " Grange."

ORGANIZING THE "NATIONAL GRANGE."

On the fourth day of December, 1867, the National Grange
was organized. Less than twenty persons assembled at the
office of Mr. Win. Saunders, in Washington, on 4J Street,
between Missouri Avenue and the old canal ; but these were
individuals from various States, who were actuated by a
feeling unanimous in its resolve, to draw together the agri
cultural masses throughout the whole country, and endeavor,
by precept and example, to show the necessity of such a
thorough organization as should enable the fraternity to

ORGANIZING THE NATIONAL GRANGE. 133

counteract the influences that had long been at work, in
various directions, to divert the legitimate profits from the
hands of the farmer.

After a free and most earnest discussion of the means best
adapted to forward the project, it was resolved to organize
the National Grange. A ballot for officers resulted in the
election of the following : William Saunders, of the District
of Columbia, Master; J. R. Thompson, of Vermont, Lec
turer; Anson Bartlett, of Ohio, Overseer; Wm. Muir, of
Missouri, Steward; A. S. Moss, of New York, Assistant
Steward ; Rev. A. B. Grosh, of Pennsylvania, Chaplain ; Wm.
M. Ireland, of Pennsylvania, Treasurer ; 0. H. Kelley, of
Minnesota, Secretary; and Edward P. Paris, of Illinois,
Gate-Keeper.

The persons thus elected were not all present, but they
were all well known, and were selected because of their inter
est in the Order, and the constancy which they had shown
in supporting the new movement. The majority of them had
been earnest and untiring in the establishment of the Order ;
they had matured their plan of operation so far as possible ;
and it was necessary that sufficient time be given to carry
out this plan, according to the pre-conceived idea. In the
discussion of ways and means, it was decided, therefore,
that this election should be for five years.

CHAPTER XII.

EARLY STRUGGLES AND THEIR FRUITION.

TESTING THE WORK ALREADY DONE.

Very soon after the establishment of the parent or Na
tional Grange, a subordinate Grange was organized at
Washington, numbering about sixty members. This was
intended, not only as a school of instruction, but also as a
means of testing the efficiency of the ritual. The latter
being found good, so far as it went, in January, 1868, a
second circular was sent out to various portions of the
States, in which the objects of the Order were announced.

Some of these objects were stated to be, " to advance edu
cation, to elevate and dignify the occupation of the farmer,
and to protect its members against the numerous combina
tions by which their interests were injuriously affected."

Among the benefits to be derived, as stated by the circu
lar, were : " Systematic arrangements for procuring and
disseminating, in the most expeditious manner, information
relative to crops, demand and supply, prices, markets,
transportation throughout the country, and for the estab
lishment of depots for the sale of special and general prod
ucts in the cities ; also, for the purchase and exchange of
stock, seeds, and desired varieties of plants and trees, and
for the purpose of procuring help at home or from abroad,
and situations for persons seeking employment; also, for
(134)

CARRYING THE WORK AHEAD. 135

ascertaining and testing the merits of newly-invented farm
ing implements, and those not in general use, and for detect
ing and exposing those that are unworthy, and for protect
ing, by all available means, the farming interests from fraud
and deception of every kind."

CARRYING THE WORK FORWARD.

Four months had now elapsed since the organization of
the National Grange. It wanted money, which had here
tofore been taken freely from the pockets of the founders of
the Order, to satisfy the necessary current expenses. These
gentlemen were not wealthy, and the sums already advanced
had been a heavy tax upon them. The organization now
owed one hundred and fifty dollars, most of which was for
printing. Progress had been made, it is true, through the
circulars sent out and the personal efforts of the members ;
and it will also be seen that progress had been made in cre
ating a debt, which, though small, was onerous, nevertheless,
to men of moderate or limited means, who had already liber
ally furnished the " sinews of war."

To create new Granges, it was necessary that individuals
familiar with the work should meet with the new candidates.
The head officers, who were devoting their time to the organ
ization, did not receive any compensation. How, then, could
the money be raised to enable the proper officers to travel
and disseminate the ritual of the Order?

Mr. Kelley, the Secretary, was found equal to the emer
gency, and even hopeful that he could make his necessary
traveling expenses, from the ordinary fees derived from the
granting of dispensations. It was, therefore, decided to
send him out, on a salary of two thousand dollars a year,
provided this amount could be realized out of the fees ob-

136 THE GROUNDSWELL.

tained from the establishment of the Granges in the various
States. The National Grange, however, expressly stipu
lated that, if the fees did not meet the sum named, he
should have no claim on that organization, and that it would
assume the payment of no expenses whatever.

Hopeful and enthusiastic, Mr. Kelley immediately resigned
his clerkship in the Post-office Department. Being fur
nished with a general letter of introduction, Harrisburg,
Pa., was selected as the first point for trial. His ticket
bought, he found himself with but two dollars and a half in
currency of the United States, for expenses. How many
men would have left a lucrative office, and thus launched out
upon an unknown sea, on a voyage which might eventuate
in the wreck of his fondest hopes? He carried nothing
with him but the best wishes and earnest prayers of the
brotherhood left behind.

THE FIRST FOUR DISPENSATIONS ISSUED.

Armed with the necessary power to grant dispensations
for the organization of subordinate Granges, Mr. Kelley ar
rived at Harrisburg, where he enlisted the co-operation of a
sufficient number of persons to form a Grange, and there
the first dispensation was granted.

Proceeding from this point, he traveled on, talking,
wherever opportunity offered, with the farmers whom he
met; here and there meeting with hearty encouragement,
but, in the majority of cases, finding the farmers afflicted
with that species of conservatism which looks with doubt
upon any thing that seems like breaking out of old ruts.
They did not like to take stock in any chimerical venture,
content to suffer the ills they had rather than fly to those
they knew not of.

THE FIRST FOUR DISPENSATIONS GRANTED. 137

O. H. KELLEY, ESQ.,
Secretary of the National Grange,

138 THE GROUNDSWELL.

At length, reaching Fredonia, 1ST. Y., a second dispensa
tion was granted. From here he went to Columbus, 0.,
where another Grange was organized. From thence, in due
course of travel, he went to Chicago, where the fourth dis
pensation was granted.

Of these four dispensations, the first two retained vital
action, tfie third resulted in a total failure, and the fourth
proved but little better. Before long, the Chicago Grange
ceased to hold meetings, and became as virtually dead as
the one in Ohio. In this condition it remained until No
vember, 1873, when an effort was made to revive the inter
est of its members ; and while this history is being written,
strong hopes are entertained that the reorganization of this,
the first Grange in Illinois, will be entirely successful. It
has amply proved that large cities are not favorable to the
growth of an Order for asserting the rights of the farmer.

The history of the Order will show that the principal ob
stacles to the successful prosecution of the enterprise lay
with the farmers themselves. The reasons were, that they
required to be roused by their enemies no less than by their
friends — they had first to be educated to the proper point,
through the well-organized and constantly increasing power
of legalized monopolies, using their accumulated capital to
bind still closer the shackles of the farmer and the other
producing classes of the nation.

DISCOURAGEMENT, BUT NOT DESPAIR.

Discouraged, but not despairing, still urging the import
ance of the Order, and wanting only money to carry on the
good work, Mr. Kelley, one month after leaving Washington,
reached Minnesota, in which State, it will be recollected,
his. farm was situated. In this great grain-growing State

DISCOURAGEMENT, BUT NOT DESPAIR. 139

he met with somewhat better success. Six Granges were
organized before the close of the year, making ten in all.
One of these, the North Star Grange, of St. Paul, deserves
more than a passing notice. Its members took hold of the
work with alacrity ; they persisted, nowithstanding the dif
ficulties under which the new organization labored ; and, to its
credit be it said, the Grange has never missed a meeting
since.

Among those who most vigorously denounced the scheme,
were the class who, while conducting their own affairs with
secrecy, saw in the future of this organization a power that
might combat and render nugatory their own schemes of
aggrandizement. The journals devoted to this class were
not slow in ringing the changes on the terrible abuse of
power that would ensue, if the organization should prove
successful and become powerful.

The journals of our large cities, acting in the interests of
great organizations, were especially virulent. Even a por
tion of the religious press attempted to cast obloquy on the
Order, having suddenly bethought itself that all secret
orders were inimical to the interests of humanity ; unaware,
perhaps, that through secret societies and means some of
the most self-sacrificing and disinterested actions that have
ever cast a halo over the divine-human in man have been
performed ; and taking no note of the fact that the admis
sion of wives and mothers into full communion with the
Order was the element that must conserve the purity of the
organization. Happily for the Order, and happily for its
members, that this idea early suggested itself to the found
ers. Happy for humanity all over the earth, if this sacred
element could pervade, not only each and every secret
society, but all political organizations as well,

140 THE GROUNDSWELL.

WORKING AGAINST DIFFICULTIES.

After reaching his farm in Minnesota, Mr. Kelley re
mained there until the early part of 1871. Meanwhile, he
wrote and talked about the Order, made journeys, when
necessary to grant dispensations, and, in connection with his
brethren of the various Granges, encountered manifold dis
couragements with fortitude. But all working for a com
mon purpose, the small nucleus of Granges slowly increased.

The first Grange established in Minnesota was at Itasca.
In a short time, one was organized in Jasper County, Ind.
Another was organized at Waukon, Iowa, at the home
of Mr. Adams, the present Master of the National Grange.
A few more Granges were organized in Iowa, Minnesota,
"Wisconsin, and Illinois ; but, up to the beginning of 1873, the
entire membership of the Order in the United States was
not computed at over seventy-five thousand. Before the
issue of this work, it will undoubtedly exceed seven hundred
thousand. One reason for the slow growth of the Order
until within the last eighteen months, was that the farmers
still looked to their Clubs as the way out of their difficul
ties. But it was at last found that the only way to solve
the problem of concentrated effort was by co-operation
with and through the Granges.

Slowly, yet surely, the organization gained friends and
strength. The annual meetings of the National Grange at
Washington, which was working steadily forward, were
regularly attended by the Masters of the State Granges;
and, at length, the business of the Order had reached such
magnitude that Mr. Kelley found that he must either relin
quish his position as Secretary of the National Grange, or
give up his farm. He proposed to continue his labors for
the Order, and; in January, 1871, removed to Washington,

THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE ORDER. 141

whence, a year later, lie removed his office to Georgetown,
D. C., and here the headquarters of the National Grange
have since remained. Since this date, the principal difficul
ties which originally embarrassed the movement have been
overcome, and many conscientious men and women, who
formerly opposed the Order from principle, have learned to
view the matter in a different light, since they have found
that the secret feature of the organization could not, by the
rules of the Order itself, be used for evil. Thus it has come
about that many heretofore bitterly opposed to the system
are now its staunchest friends, and labor heartily in their
new field of usefulness.

THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE ORDER.

As we have just mentioned, the Order has its headquar
ters at Georgetown, D. C. Here its vast business is carried
on ; the accounts are kept and compared, circulars, tracts, and
pamphlets issued, correspondence conducted, dispensations
granted, etc. Ten clerks are unremittingly engaged, find
ing it difficult to keep pace with the constantly increasing
business of the office.

In 1872, more than five hundred thousand publications
of various kinds were sent out. The number largely increased
in 1873, corresponding with the growth of the Order. Franks
have never been used, under any circumstances. In 1872,
about two thousand five hundred dollars worth of postage
stamps were used, while the express charges aggregated
about one hundred dollars per month.

Notwithstanding the great drain on its treasury, the Na
tional Grange" is in excellent financial condition. So much
have its circumstances changed since the period of its early
struggles, when " the forlorn hope " traveled westward, that it

142 THE GftOtWDSWELL,

now has over thirty thousand dollars in bank, and does not
owe a dollar. The motto, is " Pay as you go." This alone
ought to commend it to every business man in the land. The
Secretary writes : "I make no purchases, except C. 0. D.,
and every clerk is paid promptly 'each Saturday night."
The Constitution requires that moneys shall be deposited
once a month, but it is proposed to alter this provision so as
to require such deposits to be made weekly ; indeed, this has
been the practice of the National Secretary for a considerable
time past. The depository has, we believe, always been the
Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, of New York City.

It has been said that all new organizations must have the
measles, whooping-cough, and other infantile complaints.
This organization has fairly got through with these disor
ders ; indeed they were taken very lightly, and no evils en
sued. It is now fully grown, of mature vigor, clear in intel
lect, and with conscience unstained.

WONDERFUL GROWTH OF THE ORDER.

The Order of Patrons of Husbandry has been repeatedly
decried as of mushroom growth, and it has as often been
prophesied that its decay would be as speedy. Those who
make this assertion are evidently conversant with its history
for only the last two years, and even with that but imper
fectly. It seems to have been forgotten that the organiza
tion is six years old, or else the assumption is made up from
the old-fashioned stand-point that, in order to be respectable,
an order must be covered with the dust of ages. Such ia
not the modern way of organizing reforms.

Let us look at the real growth of the Order. In tha
year 1868, ten subordinate Granges were organized; in
1869, thirty-nine; in 1870, thirty-nine; in 1871, one

WONDERFUL GROWTH OF THE ORDER.

143

dred and twenty-five ; in 1872; one thousand one hundred and
five. Since January 1,
1873, subordinate Gran
ges have been organized
as follows:

January 158

February 347

March 666

April 571

May 696

June 625

July 612

August 829

September 919

October 1050

The number of Gran
ges in the several States
and Territories, accord
ing to the official list,
on November 15, 1873,
was:

^Alabama 240

^-Arkansas 80

^California 110

Georgia 327

^ Illinois 712

^Indiana 587

"Iowa 1830

"Kansas 664

Kentucky 50

Louisiana 31

Massachusetts 14

Michigan 124

Minnesota 378

* Missouri 1056

Mississippi 457

Maine. ~ 1

Nebraska 346 | New Jersey 19

New Hampshire 8| New York 22

What the Order is Not.

144 THE GHOtJNDSWELL.

Wisconsin 245

Colorado 2

Dakota 29

Canada 8

Washington 5

Maryland 6

Florida 16

Total 8260

Ohio 199

Oregon 43

; Pennsylvania 37

' South Carolina 188

- Tennessee 219

/Texas 31

.' Vermont 30

Virginia 8

. West Virginia 21

It will thus be seen that there are subordinate Granges
established in thirty-six States and Territories, besides
those in Canada, where, there is no reason to doubt, the
Order will become as popular as it is in the United States.
If it is of mushroom growth, its bitterest opponent can not
deny that it has the sympathy and support of many of the
leading minds of the United States and Canada. A reference
to the statistics of the subordinate Granges established in
1873 will convince the most skeptical that the growth is
entirely healthy; otherwise, its popularity could not so
steadily increase.

STRENGTH OF THE ORDER.

The strength of the Order has been variously estimated.
The membership of the subordinate Granges ranges from
eleven to two hundred and fifty. Our figures show eight
thousand two hundred and sixty Granges. Taking seventy
as a fair average membership for each Grange, which is not
too high an estimate, we have a total membership of nearly
six hundred thousand. It will undoubtedly be increased,
before the first of January, 1874, by a hundred thousand
The female membership (included, of course, in the above
estimate) is believed to be from seventy-five to one hundred
thousand strong.

STRENGTH OF THE ORDER. 145

"While, for the inception of this work, full credit should
be accorded the originators, Messrs. Saunders and Kelley,
and their worthy co-laborers, the rank and file — the working
members — must not be forgotten. The Deputies especially
have had an onerous task. They have had to battle with
opposition, submit to reproach, disarm suspicion, and guard
the Order at all points against the attacks of wily and in
sidious enemies. They have borne the emblems of the fra
ternity among foes difficult to overcome ; they have had to
steady the irresolute, and support the timid. With unbend
ing purpose, and a firm reliance in the integrity of their
cause, they have planted the banner of co-operative effort
in every State of the Union. They have gathered a harvest
of members — men whose strong arms have hewed out homes
from the forest, or reared habitations on the prairie or the
mountain slope, the plain or the hillside— all over the land.
So far, this great army of the bone and sinew of the land have
used their power in the most careful and considerate man
ner. The wonderful success of the organization might
naturally have turned the heads of men who have long
struggled hopelessly for their natural rights. That it has
not thus far done so may certainly be accepted as evidence
that the Order, in the future as in the past, will be actuated
only by motives of honor, and a strict regard to justice and
the inherent rights of man.
7

CHAPTEE XIII.

AIMS AND OBJECTS OF THE ORDER.

SALIENT FEATURES OF THE ORDER.

Three salient and distinct features of the Order of Patrons
of Husbandry are, respectively, its social, intellectual, and
business elements.

The feature first named aims to bring together men and
women, young and old", who, in social converse, may discuss
whatever pertains to the well-being of the community.
Purity of thought and expression are inculcated ; and, while
any question pertaining to innocent gossip may be broached,
coarseness and backbiting are allowed no place.

In 1870, Mr. Saunders, at the annual meeting of the Na
tional Grange, of which he was then the Master, expressed
himself as follows : " To make country homes and country
society attractive, refined, and enjoyable, to balance exhaust
ive labors by instructive social amusements and accomplish
ments, is part of our mission and our aim."

Among the pleasant social features are the feasts pro
vided, once a month, by the ladies in summer, not unfre-
quently taking the form of pic-nics in some grove. It is
pleasant to record that this idea originated with a lady,
Miss Carrie A. Hall, of Boston, Mass., who, with untiring
zeal and self-abnegation, has devoted herself to the further
ance of the best interests of the Order almost from its incep-
(146)

EDUCATING THE INTELLECTS. 147

tlon. These banquets, whether held within the Grange or
in the grove, help to bind together the various other features
in one harmonious whole. The popularity of the pic-nics
especially, leaves no doubt as to their utility, not only among
the members themselves, but as exercising an influence upon
many who would not otherwise become united with the fra
ternity. The lack of social enjoyment has long been felt
among farmers, and this want the Grange supplies most
thoroughly.

EDUCATING THE INTELLECTS.

Another want always felt most keenly by progressive
farmers has been the difficulty experienced in meeting to
gether for intellectual improvement. The Farmers' Clubs,
except in a few isolated instances, have always failed in this.
It seemed impossible to make the incongruous elements of
masculine humanity cohere sufficiently for persistent effort
in this direction"; and only when the feminine element was
permitted to unite therein has it ever become permanently
successful.

In the ritual of the Grange, there is music to enliven, ed
ucate, and refine; many of the Granges already possess
libraries, constantly added to, whose benefits all the mem
bers may share alike. While the Grange is a place where
each sex and every condition in life, if respectable, may
meet upon terms of perfect equality, the refining influences
therein gained have already prevented many a young man
from spending his time and means in the village saloons,
or billiard halls, and many soul-destroying resorts of vice.
The Grange has undoubtedly redeemed some who, but for
its influence, would have gone from bad to worse, and have
died drunkards, and perhaps have filled paupers' graves.

The Grange is intended to be the moral and intellectual

148 THE GROUNDSWELL.

club -room, where husband and wife, father and mother, brother
and sister, may meet, when the labors of the day permit, to
improve themselves in that social and intellectual intercourse
that has hitherto seemed unavailable to a class who com
pose at least two -fifths of the population of the country.
If no other problem in human life were solved by the Pa
trons of Husbandry, this alone would stamp it indelibly as
one of the most harmonizing institutions of either ancient
or modern times.

THE BUSINESS FEATURE.

While the Patrons seek to inculcate precepts of morality,
educate the intellectual, and provide innocent amusement,
business is the chief aim of the Order. This includes plans
for assisting each other in buying and selling; discussions
on the best means for the improvement of tillage ; on drain
ing, landscape adornments, and the best methods of making
home beautiful ; and educating the members to a general
knowledge of business, so that they will not become the
prey of sharpers, who have heretofore found our agricultu
ral classes only too easy dupes.

There is one class of swindlers to whom the farmers have
especially fallen victims, the class called " scalpers " by
railroad men. They sell tickets on their own account to
any part of the world, cheating the purchaser when oppor
tunity occurs. They are self-constituted agents, who buy
up blocks of nursery trees and plants already culled until
•entirely worthless for practical use. These are sorted, tied
into suitable bundles, to correspond to the orders taken from
farmers by their agents, carefully labeled, and delivered as
first-class stock of the varieties ordered. These tricks have
filled the orchards of the unwary with fruits unsuited to

A THIRST FOE KNOWLEDGE. 149

v^_

the climate and locality, or even entirely spurious, wholly
untrue to name.

Another species of sharpers are the various so-called
agents, who are traveling over the country purporting to
have bought goods at bankrupt sales, which goods they pro
fess to sell at merely nominal prices. Still another stripe
of these precious scamps are the swindlers in our cities who
flood the country with circulars, proposing to sell tickets at
from twenty-five cents to one dollar each, entitling the
holder to select from a stock of goods to an amount many
times their value.

These, then, are some of the objects for which the Order
of Patrons of Husbandry was organized, namely, to abolish,
through the social and intellectual elevation of the mem
bers, the nefarious practices of unscrupulous sharpers, who
constantly prey upon those who, thrown seldom into contact
with the world, have not the means of discerning the lurk
ing swindle beneath.

A THIRST FOE KNOWLEDGE.

As the farmer gains information, he sees the necessity of
supplementing his own empirical attainments with the
knowledge richly stored in the books and journals devoted
to his especial interests, of which heretofore by far too little
use has been made, and which should be to the agriculturist
what the technical books and journals are to the other several
classes that compose a civilized nation. If the farmer ig
nores these means, he must continue not only to be the prey
of sharpers and confidence men, but, in a great degree, to be
worsted in the every-day transactions of legitimate busi
ness ; for it is human nature to make money wherever one
can, and in this the farmer is not different from other men.

150

THE GROUNDSWELL.

He wins from his fellow, if he can. The higher his social
and intellectual nature is developed, the less liable is he to
depart from strict honesty and descend to meanness or

A Farm Scene.

downright dishonesty. Fair and honorable dealing marks
the true business man ; deceit and fraud belong only to the
sharper and swindler.

THE SECRET NATURE OF THE ORDER.

It was considered necessary to the permanency of the
organization, early in the inception of the Order, that its

THE SECRET NATURE OF THE ORDER. 151

workings be secret. There are many reasons why this
secrecy should be imperative. It was intended to bind the
agricultural masses together firmly, but without severity.
To use the expressive language of Mr. Saunders : " Unity
of action can not be acquired without discipline, and disci
pline can not be enforced without significant organization;
hence, we have a ceremony of initiation which binds us in
mutual fraternity as with a band of iron ; but, although its
influence is so powerful, its application is as gentle as that of
the silken thread that binds a wreath of flowers."

Why should it not be secret? No member of any busi
ness firm would long retain his position if he should allow
the whole town to know the means used to forward the
enterprises in which the firm was engaged; for, by this
course, it would inevitably be bankrupted. If the lawyer
was not bound by oaths to preserve inviolate the secrets
entrusted to him by his clients, how could the ends of justice
be subserved? If the physician should tell at the street
corner, every thing that might come to his knowledge in the
course of his practice, the social privacy of our homes and
firesides would be gone, and all the decencies of life be out
raged. If the divine should tell every idle gossip, each
incident of sin or wrong done, that came to his ear, or if the
priesthood should reveal the secrets of the confessional, what
would be the result ? Society would be convulsed to its
center ; for that which was innocent in itself would be mag
nified into absolute wrong, and that which was only venial
would be contorted into the blackness of iniquity.

Persons in every vocation and degree of life have secrets
that may not be told outside of the immediate circle in which
they move. Even our political organizations have secrets
that are not freely communicated. Our associations of every
kind, and corporations, hold secrets essential to their success

152 THE GROUNDSWELL.

in business. Our legislative bodies, and even the Senate of
the United States, hold executive sessions with closed doors.
While it might be freely confessed that a political organi
zation, conducted with secrecy, would be likely to prove
inimical to the liberties of the people, there can be no danger
from the secrecy obligatory on the Patrons of Husbandry,
one of whose fundamental principles is that politics shall not
be discussed in meetings of the Order. Certainly, one thing
has been proved, that women, from whom secrets were
wrongfully supposed to leak as freely as water from a sieve,
have proved themselves as trustworthy in this particular as
men, thus disproving one more of the slanders against
the sex.

THE SECRET FEATURE EXAGGERATED AND MIS
APPREHENDED.

From first to last, there has been the wildest misappre
hension of the extent and importance of the secrecy specialty
of the Granges. This feature has been grossly misrepresented.
Good people, in their anxiety to discountenance any thing
savoring of Know-Nothingism or the like, have held up
their hands in horror when asked to join. "What? Join
a secret society? Never! Never/!" Straightway, they
have gone home, and, with hair on end, outpoured to the
partners of their bosom the unheard-of wickedness they have
been tempted to perpetrate.

There exists, among persons who are not members and are
therefore unacquainted with its workings, a fixed impression
that the Order of Patrons of Husbandry is modeled after
the German Vehm Gericht — a sort of agricultural "Holy
League ; " that it holds midnight sessions to which no one is
admitted, except after giving certain cabalistic grips and
passwords ; that its councils are presided over by mysterious,

THE REAL CHARACTER OF THE ORDER. 153

closely-masked, scarlet-clad persons, in whose hands are the
life and death, goods and chattels, of its members ; that these
head centres are entitled to require, and do require, neo
phytes to prove their fitness to join the Order by some deed
of blood; that, at a sign of hesitancy, "Off with his head"
is the command, and straightway the unfortunate trembler
is minus his caput. In short, the general impression abroad
is, that the Order of Patrons of Husbandry is a concatenation
Of masked meetings, grips, passwords, dark lanterns, stilet
toes, poisoned chalices, skulls and crossbones, drowning in
sacks, anonymous denunciations, and mysterious disappear
ances. And all this because it chooses to exclude out
siders from its business deliberation, and not to let their ene
mies know their every move.

The real state of the case (and, though not a member of
the Order, I know it to be so — which is itself a proof that the
secrecy required is not very rigorous) is, that this feature of
the Grange is of the mildest character, and in very rare
cases is it vigorously enforced. The wonderful spread of
the Order is a guarantee that its principles are such as a
good citizen may conscientiously subscribe to. In fact, the
secrecy feature has been one of the greatest reasons for the
marvelous success of the Order — perhaps the greatest,
except the vigor which the leaders of the movement have
shown in developing it.

0

THE REAL CHARACTER OF THE ORDER.

The real character and aims of the Order of Patrons of
Husbandry were thus detailed to the writer by Col. A. B.
Smedley, Master of the State Grange of Iowa :

It has no politics of a partisan character, yet it could
hardly be expected that those consecrated to the work of

154 THE GROUNDSWELL.

reform and purification should consent to be longer in the
leading-strings of political tricksters and demagogues, who
have bartered their trusts for money. In fact, this Order
proposes to invite office-seekers to back seats, while the
people shall seek and designate their servants.

The Order is no respecter of persons, color, sects, or sexes,
but has reference most positively to character, declining to
admit drunkards, gamblers, professional politicians, or those
whose pursuits or associations place them antagonistic to
farm interests.

The Order means business, and will labor to bring the
greatest good to the greatest number. Some of its general
objects may be stated as follows, viz. :

1st. The ennoblement of labor, and the fraternity of the
producing classes.

2d. Mutual instruction, and the lightening of labor by
diffusing a better knowledge of its aims.

3d. Social culture, as also mental and moral develop
ment.

4th. Mutual relief in sickness and adversity.

5th. The prevention of litigation.

6th. Prevention of cruelty to animals.

7th. Bringing more nearly together the producer and
consumer.

8th. The overthrow of the credit system.

9th. Building up and fostering our home industries.

10th. Mutual protection to husbandmen against sharpers
and middle-men.

CHAPTER XIV.

OTHER PROMINENT FEATURES OF THE ORDER.

WOMAN'S MISSION IN THE GRANGE.

This subject has already been touched upon, but will bear
amplifying. During the early days of the Order, every
means was used by its enemies to throw disrepute upon this
feature of the plan of association. All sorts of charges-
moral, philosophical, humorous, satirical, and vindictive —
were hurled against it. Time, however, has proved the ex
cellence and strength of this element. One firm friend it
has had, from first to last, in that brotherhood who acknowl
edge the mystic tie, wherever on earth it is habitable for
man; who are bound with a cord of union that can not be
broken ; who recognize that all men are the children of one
God, and who follow the divine precept, " Love ye one an
other."

Mr. Saunders, in an address heretofore quoted from, said
of the work of women in the Grange: " Their assistance in
the workings of the Order is proving of incalculable value ;
it is, indeed, doubtful whether the objects of the institution,
especially in regard to the refinements of education, and all
that tends to brighten hearths and enliven homes, could
have been accomplished without their presence and aid."

Woman's work in the Grange is to elevate and refine. If
her influence were felt and acknowledged in every secret or-

(155)

156 THE aROUNDSWELL.

ganization having for its object the rounding off the rough
edges of every-day life, its power for good would be
greater than it was ever before able to exercise in any one
single direction ; for, as is truly said in one of the circulars
sent out by the Patrons : " Every husband and brother
knows that where he can be accompanied by his wife or sis
ter, no lessons will be learned but those of purity and truth."

WOMEN AS KEEPERS OF SECRETS.

Another fear, early expressed, was that women could not
keep a secret. It is unnecessary to say that this idea is now
thoroughly exploded. In all the workings of the Order
nothing is yet believed to have escaped the lips of one of the
female members where it should not be told. The reason is
obvious. The wives and daughters of farmers are not sur
rounded by the false glitter and deceptions of fashionable
life. They share the labors and the sorrows of their fami
lies ; they are treated as the equals of, and co-workers with,
the men. Their tastes are simple, their aspirations pure.

Many a city belle envies the robust health, the blending
of the rose with the lily, characterizing the country girl.
The one is engaged in frivolities and fashionable dissipation,
such as drive the carmine from the cheek ; the other takes a
healthy, practical interest in the affairs of daily life around
her. The mere votary of fashion may be able to keep her
own secrets, but she does not always keep those of her
friend. The rural wife or maiden keeps not only her own,
but also those of her friends which may not be told.

Maidens as true and faithful abound also in our cities,
but they are not found in the circles of those butterflies
who worship at the altar of fashion, but rather around the
fireside of the God-fearing man of business, the artisan and

The Matron at Home.

(157)

158 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

the mechanic. If the lately-established Order of Patrons
of Industry should do for the working classes of our cities
what the Patrons of Husbandry have done and will do for
our rural population, the united strength of these organiza
tions will become a power for good absolutely irresistible;
and they can sweep from the land the last vestige of cor
ruption and fraud, even to the cleansing of the Augean sta
bles of party politics and "ring" jobbery.

HOW THE PATRONS PREVENT LAW SUITS.

Lawyers make our laws, and in framing them it is not
strange that they should so arrange them as to make the
most capital for themselves. As now con
stituted, the majority of our legislative
enactments are such a mass of verbiage
that none but an adept, educated to the
art, can unravel the tangled skein. In
deed, so intricate are they that even the
lawyers themselves, nay, even our best
judges, are not able to pronounce upon
their meaning with precision.

Many of the Granges have incorpora
ted into their constitutions a clause bind
ing the members, when differences arise
between them, to submit their cases to ar
bitration. Here is a beneficent expedient
that, if rigidly adhered to, will save to the members not only
enough to pay the working expenses of the Grange, but also,
in the course of a few years, to stock each organization so
electing with a library amply sufficient to meet all their
ordinary wants.

In some instances this method of settling disputes has en:

THE COLORED BROTHER AS A PATRON. 159

tirely done away with the petty suits that are constantly
stirring up neighborhood strife, and filling the pockets of
pettifogging lawyers, growing rich, in many cases, from the re
sults of their own machinations. If this class, who are held
in contempt by the honorable portion of their profession,
persist in stirring up strife, let the quarrels by all means be
settled by the Granges without their further intervention.
A Patron who refuses to abide by the pledge he takes in
this respect when he signs the constitution, should justly be
considered to have a greater love for the law than justice,
and properly ought to be subject to Grange discipline, even
to expulsion.

The time and money often wantonly squandered in litiga
tion (to say nothing of the ill-feeling engendered), if properly
expended, would, in many cases, save the farmer's family
much needless suffering, and not unfrequently lift the mort
gage from the farm, and leave its possessor in the undis
turbed enjoyment of the results of his previous hard labors.
This clause in the constitution of Granges we believe to
have been first started in that enterprising banner State,
Iowa. May her people long enjoy the results of their strug
gle against extortion.

THE COLORED BROTHER AS A PATRON.

It has been said that, sooner or later, the colored element
in our population, and especially at the South, would clamor
for admittance into the Order ; and that this question would
prove annoying and difficult of adjustment. This is one
of the myths gotten up originally in Washington, and dis
patched to a daily paper of New York city, apparently for
the purpose of not only exciting prejudice among those out
side the Order, but also of creating discord within. But

160 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the bomb fell harmless ; the still-born myth failed to stir up
the feeling among Southern Patrons that was intended.

On the other hand, it is a gratifying fact that in no portion
of the country, except the Western States, has the Order made
so rapid progress as at the South. There, at least, the col
ored element gives no trouble. Why
should it in this Order, any more
than in Masonry, for instance ? No
individual, unless he or she be a
farmer, or at least connected with
agricultural pursuits, and respecta
ble, is admitted into the Order.

The constitution of the Order
does not allow either politics or re
ligion to interfere with the work.

Cotton Plant. ,,..,, ,

Every individual member is as

free and untrammeled in these matters as though not a Pa
tron. Nor does the constitution contain any reference to
color. If the requisite number of persons of color should
apply for a dispensation, it would be issued ; or, if not, it
would be a proceeding, on the part of the officer refusing, of
an entirely arbitrary character, for which he could not readily
account to the National Grange. It is to be hoped, indeed,
that Granges, composed of persons of color, will be estab
lished all over the South and elsewhere, provided the agri
cultural element is strong enough to support one. In the
North there will rarely be any necessity for Granges of col
ored brethren, for, there, comparatively few persons of color
take to farming regularly. Their tropical nature leads them
to engage in such labor in cities as save them from exposure
to the weather in winter. There is nothing in the ritual of
the Order that precludes the admission of any person on ac
count of nationality or color, no matter what it be. Ther<*

NO GRANGES SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGES. 161

is an especial field of usefulness for the Grange at the South.
It would be just the school, combining the esthetic with the
practical, in which to educate the freedmen, who, having
just emerged from slavery, requires every possible agency
for informing, refining, and elevating his untutored nature,
and fitting him for his duties as a man and citizen.

NO GEANGES SPEAKING FOREIGN LANGUAGES.

It has also been flung in the teeth of the Patrons that no
German Granges have been established. With the same
truth, and to-^he same point, it might be observed that there
have been no Irish, nor French, nor Swedish, nor Dutch
Granges established. The fact is, there should not be, except
in certain special localities, or in settlements sufficiently
large for organization, where the inhabitants have not yet
learned to speak our language. In such exceptional cases
the ritual should be translated into the language required,
that the perfect affiliation of all farmers might be secured.

Where the community of any nationality is sufficiently
strong to allow the formation of a Grange, although they
might speak English in the most imperfect manner, there
could be no objection to dispensations therefor. Indeed,
being subordinate to the National and State Granges, it
would help to cement and bind together the whole with a
still stronger bond of unity, and in a closer brotherhood.
It is to be hoped that the Order will work strongly in this
direction, granting dispensations in every language, if need
be, that is spoken in the United States.

It is unquestionably true that all the foreign nationalities
in our midst, and especially the German, who are naturally
imbued with a strong fraternal feeling, prefer to join bene-

162 THE GROUNDSWELL.

ficiary societies having their own branches. The feature in
question could work no harm among the Patrons, any more
than among other order, in the country. On the contrary,
it might be the means of still further consolidating the ag
ricultural masses.

THE ILLINOIS " STAATS-ZEITUNG" ON THE GRANGES.

The following extract from this leading German news
paper well expresses the feeling which should govern this
matter :

" A German recently publicly protested against the
' Granges.' He thought the control of the reform move
ment ought not to be left in the hands of secret societies
with mystic signs and ceremonies of inauguration. Like
the country, he regarded its welfare, and the furthering of
the same, as the common privilege and duty of all ; and here,
where every laudable object may be openly prosecuted, so
patriotic an undertaking must not become the exclusive
property of a few, nor yet must it be enveloped in a mantle
of secrecy, and surrounded with a mysterious hocus-pocus.
Such secrecy and hocus-pocus is hypocrisy and deception on
the one hand, and superstition and folly on the other.

"The man who wrote this views the thing in too gloomy
a light. Deception and folly can not be discovered in the
farmer associations. The thing, of course, would be wrong
if they sought to accomplish a specific political object in a
secret manner. But, as is to be seen from the declarations
of the chiefs of the Order, politics is not really the object.
Not in their capacity as members of granges do the farmers
take part in politics, but in their capacity of members of
public farmers' associations, who publicly discuss, and in their
resolutions publicly declare, what they want. We will only
point to the county conventions of the farmers in Illinois,
and to their platforms and nominations.

" Not a few German farmers belong to the English-
American granges. But their participation in the Order
would be far greater if there were German granges, which,

UNJUST CHARGES. 163

of course, would be just as subordinate to the principal
body as are German Odd Fellow lodges to the Grand
Lodges of their Order."

SOME OF THE UNJUST CHARGES AGAINST THE GRANGES.

It has been asserted that the Granges were simply orga
nized for political effort, which in time would become appar
ent ; that the ritual is simply a cheap glitter that, in a short
time, would lose its power, and end in dissolution, leaving
the farmer worse oft' than before; that, if successful, they
would crush manufactures, and involve the country in
financial ruin ; that the Order is fatally defective in coher
ence, from the want of education and intelligence among the
rank and file of the Order; with many more harsh things
of the same general tenor.

The first proposition has already been sufficiently dis--
proved by the action of the Granges themselves. The second
is well known in the Order to be incorrect, unless by cheap
glitter is meant the simplicity of the ritual and the few
ceremonies of initiation. The saving in purchases of every
kind needed by the members is a feature that must inevit
ably bind together this most remarkable social organization
of any age. The want of intelligence and education has
more foundation in truth, if by this is meant that the average
farmer lacks the training that would enable him to cope
with those shrewd fellows whose only aim in life is the
gathering together of the almighty dollar, from every avail
able source, and by whatsoever means possible.

It is conceded that agriculture is the ground-work of
national wealth; and that the prosperity of the country
depends upon the prosperity of the agricultural interests.
Yet the farmer of the West has seen himself grow poorer
and poorer each year, although his granaries were overflow-

164 THE GROUNDSWELL.

ing with the cereals, while millions far away wanted cheap
food. While in one nation thousands were starving, the
Western farmer, in many localities, was burning his corn for
fuel, because freights were so high that he could not trans
port it.

The fault, it must be said, was not all with the railways,
exorbitant as were their charges, and grasping as were their
combinations to extend 'their power. The farmers of the
West had been raising too much of the raw material for
export. They had failed to keep up with the progress of
the age, and did not diversify their agriculture to meet the
requirements of the times. Therefore, education to a proper
business managment is one of the tenets of the Order.

SOME GAINS OF THE GRANGES.

They have gained much socially, in having been enabled to
bring together neighborhoods between which social inter
course had previously seemed impossible. Instances are
recorded where families have ridden fifteen miles, regularly,
to attend the meetings of the Order. The reason was, the
gathering was not only made the occasion when friends could
meet together in social converse, but the ritual, both written
and unwritten, tends to expand the mind ; the aim and scope
of the work in general being to make the members better
and more intelligent men and women. For as the action of
flint upon steel elicits sparks, so the attrition of mind with
mind elicits ideas and stimulates the intellect.

The educational features are, by lectures and discussions,
to show the true value of business qualifications, not only
in buying and selling, but also as applied to the every
day routine of farm life. The Patron will be a better busi
ness man and a better farmer as well. The work of the

A CASE IN POINT. 165

Order not only shows the business relation of individual to
individual, but also the business relation of the individual
to the Government, and to the community in which he or
she lives.

Buying cheaper and selling dearer, are simply incidents
that come in correlatively in the work. A certain class of
business men have endeavored to inculcate the idea that the
Order was to make a raid upon the various industries of the
country, in order to concentrate all business in the hands of
the Patrons themselves. But the truth is, the Patrons do not
propose interference with any legitimate business ; and they
seek, by every lawful means, to build up manufactures every
where. When a business or manufacture becomes an onerous
monopoly, that seeks to obtain excessive profits by crushing
out the weak who seek the same line of business, the counter
acting of this iniquity must undoubtedly be regarded as
legitimate and proper work for the Granges. They are seek
ing to build up business, not kill it.

A CASE IN POINT.

The cost of shipping agricultural machinery and manufac
tured implements is exceedingly great. It occurred to the
Patrons of Iowa that much of this expense might be reduced
by making at least some of these at home. Plow factories
were started under the auspices of the Order, and now a
large percentage of the plows used by the members of the
Order, are manufactured in this State, and at prices materially
below what they cost under the old regime, when they had
to go through the hands of the various agents, employed by
manufacturers for the purpose of enabling them to keep up
the retail price to the farmer.

Some of the more sagacious of the manufacturers have

166 DHfi GROtIKt>SWELL.

retracted their overbearing diction to deal with the Granges
only through the manufacturers' agents, and they acknowledge
that their profits remain unimpaired. In the end, all manu
facturers must come under the same system, or go to the
wall. One of their great savings, and one not previously
estimated, is, that they are not obliged to keep immense
stocks scattered all over the land, constantly depreciating in
value, and in various ways entailing a considerable percent
age of losses. The new system of direct purchases will
eventually do away with a class of middle men or agents,
many of whom have been but little better than " grain
scalpers," living as they did, and growing rich from their
inordinate commissions, and having a monopoly of the
articles sold. One of the very proper aims of the Patrons
is to do away with such exactions.

CO-OPERATION OF INDEPENDENT ORGANIZATIONS
NECESSARY TO ULTIMATE SUCCESS.

Every Grange, Farmers' Club, Farmers' Union, Farmers'
Co-operative Association, and every similar organization of
whatsoever name that has sprung up throughout the land,
• since the banner of resistance to monopoly has been raised,
must not only co-operate with other Granges, Clubs, Unions,
etc., but these several organizations must learn to work
unitedly, as one coherent whole, toward all legitimate ends
that it may seem necessary to secure.

The assumption is reiterated and insisted on, that all
these bodies must assist and co-operate with each other
upon all vital questions, whether social, financial, or even
political.

Some of the leading partisan journals of the day begin to
see the beginning of the end, and are endeavoring to preju-

CO-OPERATION OF INDEPENDENT, ETC. 16?

dice public opinion against all combinations of farmers. At
first, many of the politicians and political editors were
especially anxious to assist in working out the problems
that agitated the agricultural masses. The more sensible
of them are now inclined to allow these organizations to
manage their own affairs. This is especially true of the
Granges, and for a cogent reason, namely, they can not, to
use a slang phrase, get the inside track.

One of the leading journals of Chicago, which, when not
indecent or vulgar, is bitterness itself, in calling attention
to the meeting of the Illinois Farmers' Association which
held its annual session at Decatur, on the 16th of December
last, headed a double-leaded leader on the subject, "Agri
cultural Jackasses," and rounded it off with "Dam phool;"
by such terms referring to men like Professor Turner, W. C.
Flagg, and others of justly high standing for intelligence and
philosophical breadth of mind.

If these men are not capable of discussing questions re
lating to agriculture, and agricultural interests, as connected
with national or political economy, it is not probable that
the penny-a-liner of the Chicago Times will ever shine
in that direction. That journal might well be proud if its
entire staff possessed a moiety of the scholarly attainments
that belong to either of the two working farmers above
named.

CHAPTEB XV.

LAWS AND BY-LAWS OF THE ORDER.

OFFICERS AND CONSTITUTION OF THE NATIONAL
GRANGE.

The officers of the National Grange, at present, are as
follows : Master— Dudley W. Adams, Waukon, Iowa ; Over
seer — Thomas Taylor, Columbia, S. C.; Lecturer — T. A.
Thompson, Plainview, Wabasha Co., Minnesota; Steward —
A. J. Vaughan, Early Grove, Marshall Co., Mississippi;
Assistant Steward — G-. W. Thompson, New Brunswick,
New Jersey ; Chaplain — Rev. A. B. Grosh, Washington,
D. C. ; Treasurer — F. M. McDowell, Corning, New York ;
Secretary — 0. H. Kelley, Washington, D. C. ; Gate-Keeper
— 0. Dinwiddie, Orchard Grove, Lake Co., Indiana; Ceres
— Mrs. D. W. Adams, Waukon, Iowa; Pomona — Mrs. 0.
H. Kelley, Washington, D. C.; Flora— Mrs. J. C. Abbott,
Clarkesville, Butler Co., Iowa; Lady Assistant Steward —
Miss C. A. Hall, Washington, D. C. ; Executive Committee
— William Sounders, Washington, D. C. ; D. Wyatt Aiken,
Cokesbury, Abbeville Co., S. C. ; E. E. Shankland, Du-
buque, Iowa.

PREAMBLE TO THE CONSTITUTION.

Human happiness is the acme of earthly ambition. Individual
happiness depends on general prosperity.

The prosperity of a nation is in proportion to the value of its pro
ductions.

(168)

CONSTITUTION. 169

The soil is the source from whence we derive all that constitutes
wealth ; without it, we would have no agriculture, no manufactures,
no commerce. Of all the material gifts of the Creator, the various
productions of the vegetable world are of the first importance. The
art of agriculture is the parent and precursor of all arts, and its pro
ducts the foundation of all wealth.

The productions of the earth are subject to the influence of natural
laws, invariable and indisputable; the amount produced will, conse
quently, be in proportion to the intelligence of the producer, and
success will depend upon his knowledge of the action of these laws,
and the proper application of their principles.

Hence, knowledge is the foundation of happiness.

The ultimate object of this organization is mutual instruction
and protection, to lighten labor by diffusing a knowledge of its aims
and purposes, to expand the mind by tracing the beautiful laws the
Great Creator has established in the universe, and to enlarge our
views of Creative wisdom and power.

To those who read aright, history proves that in all ages society is
fragmentary, and successful results of general welfare can be secured
only by general effort. Unity of action can not be acquired without
discipline, and discipline can not be enforced without significant or
ganization ; hence, we have a ceremony of initiation, which binds us
in mutual fraternity as with a band of iron ; but although its influ
ence is so powerful, its application is as gentle as that of the silken
thread that binds a wreath of flowers.

The Patrons of Husbandry consist of the following :

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I. — Officers. — Section 1. The officers of a Grange, either
National, State, or Subordinate, consist of and rank as follows : Mas
ter, Overseer, Lecturer, Steward, Assistant Steward, Chaplain, Treas
urer, Secretary, Gate-Keeper, Ceres, Pomona, Flora, and Lady
Assistant Steward. It is their duty to see that the laws of the Order
are carried out.

Sec. 2. How Chosen. — In the Subordinate Granges they shall be
chosen annually ; in the State Granges once in two years, and in the
National Grange once in three years. All elections to be by ballot.

Vacancies by death or resignation to be filled at a special election
at the next regular meeting thereof — officers so chosen to serve until
the annual meeting.

Sec. 3. The Master of the National Grange may appoint members
of the Order as Deputies to organize Granges where no State Grange
exists.

Sec. 4. There shall be an Executive Committee of the National
Grange, consisting of three members, whose term of office shall be
three years, and one of whom shall be elected each year.

8

170 TH£ GROUNDStVELL.

Sec. 5. The officers of the respective Granges shall be addressed as
" Worthy."

ARTICLE II.— Meetings. — Section 1. Subordinate Granges shall
meet once each month, and may hold intermediate meetings as may
be deemed necessary for the good of the Order. All business meet
ings are confined to the fourth degree.

Sec. 2. State Granges shall meet annually, at such time and place
as the Grange shall from year to year determine.

Sec. 3. The National Grange shall meet annually, on the first
Wednesday in February, at such place as the Grange may from year
to year determine. Should the National Grange adjourn without
selecting the place of meeting, the Executive Committee shall ap
point the place, and notify the Secretary of the National Grange
and the Masters of State Granges, at least thirty days before the
day appointed.

ARTICLE III. — Laws.— The National Grange, at its annual session,
shall frame, amend, or repeal such laws as the good of the Order may
require. All laws of State and Subordinate Granges must conform
to this Constitution and the laws adopted by the National Grange.

ARTICLE IV. — Ritual. — The Ritual adopted by the National
Grange shall be used in all Subordinate Granges, and any desired
alteration in the same must be submitted to, and receive the sanction
of, the National Grange.

ARTICLE V.— Membership.— Any person interested in agricultural
pursuits, of the age of sixteen years (female), and eighteen years
(male), duly proposed, elected, and complying with the rules and
regulations of the Order, is entitled to membership and the benefit
of the degrees taken. Every application must be accompanied by
the fee of membership. If rejected, the money will be refunded.
Applications must be certified by members, and balloted for at a
subsequent meeting. It shall require three negative votes to reject
an applicant.

ARTICLE VL—J^ees for Membership. — The minimum fee for mem
bership in a Subordinate Grange shall be, for men five dollars, and
for women two dollars, for the four degrees, except charter members,
who shall pay — men three dollars and women fifty cents.

ARTICLE VII. — Dues. — Section 1. The minimum of regular monthly
dues shall be ten cents from each member, and each Grange may
otherwise, regulate its own dues.

Sec. 2. The Secretary of each Subordinate Grange shall report
quarterly to the Secretary of the State Grange the names of all per
sons initiated or passed to higher degrees.

Sec. 3. The Treasurer of each Subordinate Grange shall report
quarterly, and pay to the Treasurer of his State Grange, the sum of

CONSTITUTION. 171

one dollar for each man, and fifty cents for each woman, initiated
during that quarter; also, a quarterly due of six cents for each
member.

Sec. 4. The Secretary of each State Grange shall report quarterly
to the Secretary of the National Grange the membership in his
State, and the degrees conferred during the quarter.

Sec. 5. The Treasurer of each State Grange shall deposit, to the
credit of the National Grange of Patrons of Husbandry, with some
banking or trust company in New York (to be selected by the Exec
utive Committee), in quarterly installments, the annual due of ten
cents for each member of his State, and forward the receipts for the
same to the Treasurer of the National Grange.

Sec. 6. All moneys deposited with said company shall be paid out
only upon the drafts of. the Treasurer, signed by the Master and
countersigned by the Secretary.

Sec. 7. No State Grange shall be entitled to representation in the
National Grange whose dues are unpaid for more than one quarter.

ARTICLE VIII. — Requirements. — Section 1. Reports from Subordi
nate Granges relative to crops, implements, stock, or any other mat
ters called for by the National Grange, must be certified to by the
Master and Secretary, and under seal of the Grange giving the
same.

Sec. 2. All printed matter, on whatever subject, and all informa
tion issued by the National or State to Subordinate Granges, shall be
made known to the members without unnecessary delay.

Sec. 3. If any brothers or sisters of the Order are sick, it shall be
the duty of the Patrons to visit them, and see that they are well
provided with all things needful.

Sec. 4. Any member found guilty of wanton cruelty to animals
shall be expelled from the Order.

Sec. 5. The officers of Subordinate Granges shall be on the alert in
devising means by which the interests of the whole Order may be
advanced ; but no plan of work shall be adopted by State or Subor
dinate Granges without first submitting it to, and receiving the sanc
tion of, the National Grange.

ARTICLE IX. — Charters and Dispensations. — Section 1. All charters
and dispensations issue directly from the National Grange.

Sec. 2. Nine men and four women, having received the four subor
dinate degrees, may receive a dispensation to organize a Subordinate
Grange.

Sec. 3. Applications for dispensations shall be made to the Secre
tary of the National Grange, and be signed by the persons applying
for the same, and be accompanied by a fee of fifteen dollars.

Sec. 4. Charter members are those persons only whose names are
upon the application, and whose fees were paid at the time of organ
ization. Their number shall not be less than nine men and four
women, nor more then twenty men and ten women.

172 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Sec. 5. Fifteen Subordinate Granges, working in a State, can apply
for authority to organize a State Grange.

Sec. 6. When State Granges are organized, dispensations will be
replaced by charters, issued without further fee.

Sec. 7. All charters must pass through the State Granges for re
cord, and receive the seal and official signatures of the same.

Sec. 8. No Grange shall confer more than one degree (either First,
Second, Third, or Fourth) at the same meeting.

Sec. 9. After a State Grange is organized, all applications for char
ters must pass through the same, and be approved by the Master and
Secretary.

ARTICLE X. — Duties of Offers.— The duties of the officers of the
National, State, and Subordinate Granges shall be prescribed by laws
of the same.

ARTICLE XI. — Treasurers. — Section 1. The Treasurers of the Na
tional, State, and Subordinate Granges shall give bonds, to be ap
proved by the respective Granges.

Sec. 2. In all Granges, bills must be approved by the Master and
countersigned by the Secretary, before the Treasurer can pay the
same.

ARTICLE XII. — Restrictions. — Religious or political questions will
not be tolerated as subjects of discussion in the work of the Order,
and no political or religious tests for membership shall be applied.

ARTICLE XIII. — Amendments.— This Constitution can be altered
or amended by a two-thirds vote of the National Grange at any an
nual meeting, and when such alteration or amendment shall have
been ratified by three-fourths of the State Granges, and the same
reported to the Secretary of the National Grange, it shall be of full
force.

BY-LAWS.

ARTICLE 1. The fourth day of December, the birthday of the
Patrons of Husbandry, shall be celebrated as the anniversary of the
Order.

ART. 2. Not less than the representation of ten States, present at
any meeting of the National Grange, shall constitute a quorum for
the transaction of business.

ART. 3. At the annual meeting of each State Grange, it may elect
a proxy to represent the State Grange in the National Grange, in
case of the inability of the Master to attend, but such proxy shall
not thereby be entitled to the Sixth degree.

ART. 4. Questions of administration and jurisprudence, arising iu

BY-LAWS. 173

and between State Granges, and appeals from the action and decision
thereof, shall be referred to the Master and Executive Committee of
the National Grange, whose decision shall be respected and obeyed
until overruled by action of the National Grange.

ART. 5. It shall be the duty of the Master to preside at meet-

and the usages of the Order, are observed and obeyed ; to sie;n all
drafts drawn upon the treasury, and, generally, to perform all duties
pertaining to such office.

ART. 6. It shall be the duty of the Secretary to keep a record of
all proceedings of the National Grange ; to keep a just and true
account of all moneys received and paid out by him; to countersign
all drafts upon the treasury; to conduct the correspondence of the
National Grange, and, generally, to act as the administrative officer
of the National Grange, under the direction of the Master and the
Executive Committee.

It shall be his duty, at least once each month, to deposit with the
Fiscal Agency holding the funds of the National Grange, all moneys
that may have come into his hands, and forward a duplicate receipt
therefor to the Treasurer, and to make a full report of all transac
tions to the National Grange at each annual session.

It shall be his further duty to procure a monthly report from the
Fiscal Agency with whom the funds of the National Grange are
deposited, of all moneys received and paid out by them during each
month, and send a copy of such report to the Executive Committee
and the Master of the National Grange.

ART. 7. It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to issue all drafts
upon the Fiscal Agency of the Order, said drafts having been pre
viously signed by the Master and countersigned by the Secretary of
the National Grange.

He shall report monthly to the Master of the National Grange,
through the office of the Secretary, a statement of all receipts of de
posits made by him, and of all drafts or checks signed by him during
the previous month.

He shall report to the National Grange, at each annual session, a
statement of all receipts of deposits made by him, and of all drafts
or checks signed by him since his last annual report.

ART. 8. It shall be the duty of the Lecturer to visit, for the good
of the Order, such portions of the United States as the Executive
Committee may direct, for which services he shall receive compen
sation.

ART. 9. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to ex
ercise a general supervision of the affairs of the Order during the

174 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

recess of the National Grange ; to instruct the Secretary in regard
to printing and disbursements, and to place in his hands a contin
gent fund ; to decide all questions and appeals referred to them by
the officers and members of State Granges ; and to lay before the
National Grange, at each session, a report of all such questions and
appeals, and their decisions thereon.

ART. 10. Such compensation for time and service shall be given
the Master, Lecturer, Secretary, Treasurer, and Executive Commit
tee, as the National Grange may, from time to time, determine.

Whenever General Deputies are appointed by the Master of the
National Grange, said Deputies sliall receive such compensation for
time and services as may be determined by the Executive Commit
tee": Provided, In no case shall pay from the National Grange be
given General Deputies in any State after the formation of its State
Grange.

ART. 11. The financial existence of Subordinate Granges shall
date from the first day of January, first day of April, first day of
July, and the first day of October subsequent to the day of their or
ganization, from which date their first quarter shall commence.

State Granges shall date their financial existence three months
after the first day of January, first of April, first of July, and first
of October, immediately following their organization.

ART. 12. Each State Grange shall be entitled to send one repre
sentative, who shall be the Master thereof, or his proxy, to all meet
ings of the National Grange. Ho shall receive mileage, at the rate
of five cents per mile, both ways, computed by the nearest practicable
route, to be paid as follows : The Master and Secretary of the Na
tional Grange shall give such Representative an order for the amount
on the Treasurer of the State Grange which he represents, and this
order shall be receivable by the National Grange in payment of
State dues.

ART. 13. Special meetings of the National Grange shall be called
by the Master upon the application of the Masters of ten State
Granges, one month's notice of such meeting being given to all mem
bers of the National Grange. No alterations or amendments to the
By-Laws or Ritual shall be made at any special meeting.

ART. 11. These By-Laws may be altered or amended at any annual
meeting of the National Grange, by a two-thirds vote of the mem
bers present.

The Manual containing the Constitution of the National
Grange has the following pertinent remarks, relating to the
work of subordinate Granges, and their legitimate sphere
of action :

First, we organize the Granges, and study to become familiar with
the work of the Lodge room. We study to take in the essence and

Shall we do with Him?" The "Granger's" Advent among
the Politicians. (175)

176 THE GROUNDS WELL.

spirit of our beautiful and elevating Ritual. We also get acquainted
with each other. As a people, we pay too little regard to the so
cial and fraternal element in society. There are, perhaps, reasons
why this is so, growing out of our earnest practical life in develop
ing a new country, but it is none the less true that our happiness
and well-being would be better promoted by cultivating more fully
our social natures.

After the organizing period has passed, we come to the business
or material phase of our work. Here we need to be governed by a
large and enlightened wisdom. We are suffering from the oppression
of corporations. Manufacturers combine against us, and, owing to
circumstances by which we are surrounded, we, perhaps, do not un
derstand, at present, just the best and most business-like method of
remedying the evil. We need, then, to carefully study and mature
our plans before we begin to act. We talk over among ourselves
what we desire to do, and compare opinions as to the best methods
of arriving at results. Having perfected our plans, we should be
more than careful that we carry out in good faith, and in a business
like way, all agreements and contracts.

State Seal of Missouri.

CONSTITUTION OF STATE GRANGES.

The following is stated, by authority, to be among the
most perfect of the Constitutions of the State Granges,
especially those articles (III and XXIII) entitled "Leg
islative " and " Councils : "

CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE GRANGE OF MISSOURI.
ARTICLE I.— This Grange shall be known as the Missouri State
Grange of the Patrons of Husbandry.

ARTICLE II.— Members.— The members of the State Grange shall
be composed of Masters of Subordinate Granges and their wives,
who are Matrons. Past Masters and their wives, who are Matrons,
are honorary members, and shall be eligible to hold office, but not
entitled to vote.

THE STATE GRANGE OP MISSOURI. 177

ARTICLE III.— Legislative. — The legislative and all other powers,
of this Grange shall be vested in certain of its members, to be
selected as follows : All members of the State Grange, resident in
each county, shall meet on the first Tuesday in February, at such
place as they may from time to time designate, and elect one of their
members for the county at large, and one additional member for
each eight Granges, or fraction equal to five. Providing, nothing in
this act shall be construed to prevent Masters and Past Masters and
their wives, who are Matrons, from attending the meetings of the
State Grange, and receiving the Fifth degree.

ARTICLE IV. — Meetinyif. — This Grange shall hold regular annual
meetings on the third Wednesday in February, at such place as the
Grange may, from time to time, determine. Special meetings may
be called by the Master and Secretary, upon the written request of
the Executive Committee ; written notices of such meeting being
given to each Subordinate Grange thirty days preceding, or by a
vote of the Grange at a regular meeting.

ARTICLE V. — Duties of Officers.— Fifty members shall constitute a
quorum for the transaction of business, but a less number may
adjourn from day to day.

ARTICLE VI.— It shall be the duty of the Master to open and pro-
side at all meetings of the Grange, and, in conjunction with the Serf"
retary, call special meetings of the Grange.

ARTICLE VII. — The duties of the Lecturer shall be such as usually
devolve upon that officer in a Subordinate Grange.

ARTICLE VIII. — It shall be the duty of the Overseer to assist the
Master in preserving order, and he shall preside over the Grange in
the absence of the Master. In case of a vacancy in the office of
Master, he shall fill the same until the next annual meeting.

ARTICLE IX. — It shall be the duty of the Steward to have charge
of the Inner Gate.

ARTICLE X. — The Assistant Steward shall assist the Steward in
the performance of his duties.

ARTICLE XI.— Section 1. The Secretary shall keep an accurate
record of all proceedings of the Grange, make out all necessary re
turns to the >i utional Grange, keep the accounts of the Subordinate
Granges with the State Grange, and pay over quarterly to the Treas
urer all moneys coining into his hands, and take a receipt for the
same. He shall also keep a complete register of the number and
names of all Subordinate Granges, and the name and address of the
Master and Secretary.

Sec. '2. The Secretary shall receive as compensation for his serv-

178 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

ices, a sum of money, not exceeding One Thousand Dollars per annum,
to be paid quarterly.

Sec. 3. It shall be the duty of Secretaries of Subordinate Granges
to report quarterly to the Secretary of the State Grange statistical
information in regard to the condition of crops, stock, prices, and
other information that may be for the good of the Order— under Seal
of his Grange.

The Secretaries of Subordinate Granges shall report to the Secre
tary of this Grange, all rejections or expulsions from their respective
Granges, and the Secretary of this Grange shall report the same to
all Subordinate Granges in the State.

ARTICLE XII.— It shall be the duty of the Treasurer of the State
Grange to receive all moneys, giving his receipt for the same ; to
keep an accurate account thereof, and pay them out on the order of
the Master of the State Grange, countersigned by the Secretary ; he
shall render a full account of his office at each annual meeting, and
deliver to his successor in office all moneys, books, and papers per
taining to his office, and he shall give bonds in a sufficient amount
to secure the money that may be placed in his hands ; said bond to
be approved by the Executive Committee. The Treasurer of each
Subordinate Grange shall report quarterly, and pay to the Treasurer
of the State Grange the sum of one dollar for each man, and fifty
cents for each woman initiated during that quarter ; also a quarterly
due of six cents for each member.

The Treasurer of the State Grange shall send a receipt for the
same to the Treasurer, and a duplicate to the Secretary of the Sub
ordinate Grange, who 'shall forward his duplicate copy to the Secre
tary of the State Grange in his quarterly report.

ARTICLE XIII.— It shall be the duty of the Gate-keeper to see that
the gates are properly guarded.

ARTICLE XIV. — The duties of the Chaplain and the Lady Officers
shall be such as are denned by the Constitution of the National
Grange, and in the Manual adopted for our use.

ARTICLE XV.— Elections. All elections shall be by ballot, and a
majority vote elects.

ARTICLE XVI.— Committees. All committees, unless otherwise
ordered, shall consist of five members, and shall be appointed as fol
lows : three members by the Master, and two by the Overseer.

ARTICLE XVII.— At the regular annual meeting a Committee of
Finance shall be appointed, whose duty it shall be to audit all ac
counts previous to their being paid. To them shall be referred the
reports of the Secretary and Treasurer for examination.

ARTICLE XVIII.— The Executive Committee shall consist of six
members, to be elected by ballot, three for one year and three for two

THE STATE GRANGE OF MISSOURI. 179

years, and at each annual meeting hereafter three members shall be
elected, to hold their office for two years. The members of this
committee shall select one of their number for Chairman, who shall
not have a vote, except in case of a tie. They shall have authority
to act in all matters of interest to the Order when the State Grange
is not in session ; shall provide for the welfare of the Order in busi
ness matters, and shall fill all vacancies in office occurring in the
State Grange, unless otherwise provided for. They shall be allowed
pay for all their necessary expenses incurred in the transaction of
business for the Order, and shall report their acts in detail to the
State Grange on the first day of the annual meeting.

ARTICLE XIX. — Official and Fiscal Year. The official year of Sub
ordinate Granges shall commence on the first Saturday in July, and
the fiscal year shall commence on the first days of January, April,
July, and October succeeding their organization. The fiscal year of
this Grange shall commence on the first day of October.

ARTICLE XX. — Quarterly Dues. The Secretary shall see that the
quarterly clues of Subordinate Granges are promptly paid, and in case
the dues remain delinquent two quarters, the delinquent Grange shall
be reported to the Master of the State Grange. On receiving such
notice, it shall be the duty of the Master to warn the delinquent
Grange, and if the dues are not forwarded in thirty days it shall be
the duty of the Master to advise the Master of the National Grange
of suoh delinquency, and recommend the revocal of the charter of
the delinquent Grange ; and any Grange whose charter has been
thus revoked, may petition the State Grange for reinstatement.

ARTICLE XXI. — Applications. — Section 1. Persons making appli
cation for membership in our Order shall apply to the Subordinate
Grange nearest to them, unless good, sufficient reasons exists for doing
otherwise, which reasons must be submitted in writing. In such case
the Grange shall judge the reasons, and, if thought best, it shall
consult the Grange nearest the applicant.

Sec. 2. Any person, whose application for membership shall have
been rejected, may renew such application at the expiration of six
months thereafter.

Sec. 3. No application for membership in this Order shall be
entertained, unless it shall be known that the agricultural interests
of the applicant predominates over all other interests, financially.

ARTICLE XXII.— D".puties.~ Section 1. There shall be appointed
by the Master of the State Grange at least one Deputy in each
county, where a proper person can be found, who shall be nominated
by a majority of the Masters present from said county. In case of
vacancy or non-representation in any county, then the Master may
appoint a Deputy for such county or counties.

Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of the Deputies so appointed to organize
new Granges, on application having been made to them by those

180 IKE SROUNDSWELL.

desiring such an organization ; to install officers of Granges when the
same have been elected ; and they shall be vigilant that no disorder
shall obtain in the Granges under their jurisdiction, and shall promptly
report any such disorder to the Master. Deputies shall receive, for
organizing new Granges, their necessary traveling expenses. The
Deputies shall be appointed for one year, but shall be subject to re
moval, for cause, by the Master. No other Granges shall hereafter
be recognized excep't those organized by Deputies appointed as herein
specified, excepting only those organized by the Master of the State
Grange.

Sec. 3. In counties where there is no organization, the Deputies
appointed by the Master shall receive as compensation for their serv
ices ten dollars for each Grange organized, said compensation and
expenses to be taken from the fees paid by the charter members
organized by said Deputies.

ARTICLE XXIIL— Councils.— It shall be lawful for Subordinate
Granges to form themselves into associations to be called Councils,
for the purpose of facilitating the transaction of business, of buying,
selling, and shipping, and for such other purposes as may seem for
the good of the Order.

They shall be governed, and the membership decided, by such
laws, as the Council may from time to time make, not in conflict
with the constitution of the National and State Granges.

They may elect a business agent to act in concert with the Execu
tive Committee, and it shall be their duty to inform the Master of
the State Grange of any irregularities practiced by Deputies within
their jurisdiction.

ARTICLE XXIV.— Amendments.— This Constitution may be amended
or revised at any regular meeting of the Grange, by a vote of two-
thirds of the members present.

BY-LAWS OF THE STATE GRANGE OF MISSOURI.

ARTICLE I.— Order of Business.— Section 1. Opening the Grange.

Sec. 2. Calling of Roll by counties and presentation of credentials.

Sec. 3. Conferring the fifth degree.

Sec. 4. Reports of Standing Committees.

Sec. 5. Reports of Special Committees.

Sec. 6. Unfinished Business.

Sec. 7. Election of Officers.

Sec. 8. Appointment of Committees.

Sec. 9. New Business.

Sec. 10. Suggestions for the good of the Order.

ARTICLE II.— Rules of Order.— Section 1. When the presiding
officer takes the chair, the officers and members shall take their re-

THE STATE GRANGE OF MISSOURI. 181

spective stations, and at the sound of the gavel there shall be a
general silence. The Grange shall then proceed to open in regular
form.

Sec. 2. No question shall be stated unless moved by two members,
or be open for consideration unless stated by the Master. And when
a question is before the Grange, no motion shall be received, unless
to close ; to lay on table ; the previous question ; to postpone ; to
refer; or to amend. They shall have precedence in the order in
which they are arranged, the first three of which shall be decided
without debate.

Sec. 3. Any member may call for a division of a question when the
sense of it will permit.

Sec. 4. The yeas and nays may be ordered by the Master, on the
call of any member, duly seconded.

Sec. 5. After any question (except one of indefinite postponement)
has been decided, any member who voted in the majority may, at
the same or next meeting, move for a reconsideration therof ; but no
discussion of the main question shall be allowed unless reconsidered.

Sec. 6. No member shall speak more than once on the same subject,
nor occupy more than five minutes, except by the consent of a major
ity of the members. And no member, while speaking, shall name
another by his or her proper name, but shall use the appropriate
designation belonging to his or her standing in the Grange.

Sec. 7. The Master or any member may call a brother or sister to
order while speaking ; when the debate is suspended, and the brother
or sister shall not speak until the point of order be determined, unless
to appeal from the chair, when he or she may use the words follow
ing, and no others : " Master, I respectfully appeal from the decision
of the chair to the Grange." Whereupon the Grange shall proceed
to vote on the question : " Will the Grange sustain the decision of
the chair?"

Sec. 8. When a brother or sister intends to speak on a question,
he or she shall rise in his or her place and respectfully address his or
her remarks to the Worthy Master, confining him or herself to the
question, and avoid personality. Should more than one member rise
to speak at the same time, the Worthy Master shall determine who is
entitled to the floor.

' Sec. 9. When a brother or sister has been called to order by the
Worthy Master for the manifestation of temper or improper feelings,
he or she shall not be allowed to speak again on the subject under
discussion in the Grange, at that meeting, except to apologize.

Sec. 1 0. On the call of five members, a majority of the Grange
may demand that the previous question shall be put, which shall al
ways be in this form: " Shall the main question now be put?" And
until it is decided, shall preclude all amendments to the main ques
tion and all further debate.

Sec. 11. All motions or resolutions offered in the Grange shall be
reduced to writing, if required.

Sec. 12. When standing or special committees are appointed, the

182 THE GROUNDSWELL.

individual first named is considered as the chairman, although each
has a right to elect its own chairman. Committees are required to
meet and attend to the matters assigned them with system and
regularity, and not by separate consultation, or in a loose or indefinite
manner.

Sec. 13. The Worthy Master, by virtue of his office, may attend all
meetings of committees, take part in their deliberations (without
voting, however), and urge them to action. In the appointment of
committees, the Worthy Master, who should ever preserve a courte
ous and conciliatory deportment to all, not overlooking the humblest
member, has many opportunities of bringing humble merit into no
tice, and of testing and making available the capabilities of those
around him. He should carefully avoid both petulancy and favor
itism, and act with strict impartiality.

ARTICLE III. — Deputies. — Deputies appointed to organize Granges
by the Master of the State Grange, shall be examined by the Master
or Lecturer of the State Grange (applying to the one nearest to his
residence) as to his qualifications, and, if found competent, a com
mission shall be given him, certified by the Secretary of the State
Grange, under seal of the Grange.

ARTICLE IV. — Lecturer. — It shall be the duty of the Lecturer to
visit Granges by order of the Executive Committee, to see that the
work is properly done, and to instruct the members, for which he
shall receive such compensation as said committee may determine.
He may also be appointed a Deputy by the Master of the State
Grange, to organize Granges in counties where there are none, for
which he shall receive such compensation as is provided for in Art.
XXII of the Constitution.

ARTICLE V. — In organizing new Granges, Deputies must not allow
them to be located so near together as to prevent their having from
fifty to one hundred members.

ARTICLE VI. — County Meetings. — It shall be the duty of the Sec
retaries of the County Meetings, called in accordance with Art. Ill
of the Constitution, to immediately inform the Secretary of the State
Grange of such meeting, and the officers of the same; also, to furnish
the Secretary of the State Grange the names of the representatives
chosen, and to furnish to each representative a Avritten certificate
of such election, under Seal of some Grange in the county.

ARTICLE VII. — Minutes. — The minutes of the State Grange shall
be approved each morning while in session, and before final adjourn
ment shall be read by the Secretary and approved as a whole.

ARTICLE VIII. — Mileage. — Sec. 1. That each member in attend
ance upon this meeting of the State Grange be required to report,
under the seal of his Grange, to the Secretary of the State Grange,
the number of miles traveled by him to reach the place of meeting
of State Grange.

Sec. 2. That the Secretary of this Grange be required to exchange

COUNTY COUNCILS, CONSTITUTIONS, ETC. 183

for this an order upon the Treasury of the respective Subordinate
Granges equal in amount to a mileage of five cents going and re
turning from place of meeting of State Grange, and $2.00 per day
during time of attendance, and going to and returning from the
same.

Sec. 3. That these orders shall be cashed by the Treasurers of
Subordinate Granges, and received from them by the Treasurer of
the State Grange in lieu of cash in their quarterly reports.

ARTICLE IX. — Miscellaneous. — Smoking within the hall is forbid
den while the Grange is in session.

COUNTY COUNCILS— CONSTITUTION, ETC.

In some of the States where the Order of Patrons of Hus
bandry has become strong, it has been found advisable to
organize County Councils. In Iowa and Missouri, as well
as in some other States, the By-laws of the organization
provide for such. One of the principal objects of the Granges
is the more perfect transaction of business, especially buying
and selling.

It is lawful for these Subordinate Granges to form them
selves into associations, to be called Councils, for the purpose
of facilitating the transaction of business — of buying, selling,
and shipping, and for such purposes as may seem for the
good of the Order. They are governed, and the member
ship decided, by such laws as the Council may from time to
time make, not in conflict with the Constitution of the Na
tional and State Granges. They elect business agents to act
in concert with the Executive Committee, a part of whose
duty it is to inform the Master of the State Grange of any
irregularities practiced by Deputies within their jurisdic
tion. Subjoined are the Constitution and By-laws of the
Scotland County, Missouri, Council of Patrons of Hus
bandry, which are the most comprehensive that have come
under my notice.

184 THE GROUNDSWELL.

PREAMBLE.

Whereas, Other classes and professions of men have formed combi
nations to protect their own interests ; arid,

Whereas, Many of these combinations are working indirectly
against the best interests of the farmer ; therefore, in order to form
a more perfect union, secure our rights, and protect our interests
against the encroachments of such combinations, we the representa
tives of Subordinate Granges of Patrons of Husbandry, in

County, acting under the State Grange of , do hereby form our
selves into a mutual operative association, and adopt the following
articles of confederation :

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I. — Name. — This association shall be called the

CouHty Central Association of Patrons of Husbandry.

ARTICLE II. — Objects. — The objects of this association shall be the
promotion and attainment of the united and uniform action of the
Granges of which it is composed, in all matters affecting their inter
est and welfare; in bringing the producers and consumers of agricul
tural implements and products closer together by buying and selling
through this association, or through such parties as may make ar
rangements with it to buy or sell such articles or implements as we
may need, and to transact such other business as may be necessary to
secure these ends.

ARTICLE III. — Membership. — Section 1. This association shall be
composed of Subordinate Granges in regular working order, who have
complied with the rules and regulations of this association.

Sec. 2. All Granges in regular working order may become members
of this association oy the payment of five dollars to the Secretary,
and may retain such membership by the payment of annual dues in
a sum equal to five cents for each of its members.

ARTICLE IV.— Representation.— Section I. Each Grange belonging
to the association shall be entitled to representation as follows : One
delegate at large, and one delegate to every fifty members or moiety
thereof. And all members of Subordinate Granges belonging to this
association, in good and regular standing in their respective Granges,
shall be members of this association, and entitled to all its rights
and privileges except voting.

Sec. 2. Individual members of Granges not belonging to this as
sociation, may become members of the same by the payment of fifty
cents each, and any number of such members on the payment of five
dollars shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of a Grange,
but no Grange shall be entitled to more than one representative at
large.

BY-LAWS. 185

ARTICLE V.— Officers.— Section 1. The officers of this association
shall be a President, Vice-President, Secretary, Treasurer, Door
keeper, and three Trustees, whose powers and duties shall be fully
defined in the By-laws of this association.

Sec. 2. There shall be an Executive Committee of five, consisting
of President, Secretary, and three Trustees.

Sec. 3. These officers shall be elected annually by ballot at the first
regular meeting in each year, to be held on the first Tuesday in Sep
tember. A majority of all the votes cast shall be necessary to a
choice.

ARTICLE VI. — Laws.— Section 1. This association shall have power
to make all laws necessary for its government ; also, to alter, repeal,
or modify such laws as may be found objectionable or inoperative,
and to alter and amend this Constitution, whenever it shall be deemed
necessary, by a two-thirds majority of its delegates; proposed amend
ments, alterations or modification to be presented in writing and lay
over three months.

ARTICLE VII. — Meetings. — Section 1. The regular meetings of this
association shall be as follows: An annual meeting and three quar
terly meetings, to be held at such places as may be designated by the
association and its trustees — the annual meeting on the first Tuesday
in September, at 10 o'clock A. M., and the quarterly meetings to be
held on the first Tuesday of December, March, and June in each
year, at 10 o'clock A. M.

Sec. 2. Special meetings may be called by the President and Secre
tary whenever it is deemed necessary for the good of the association,
and the Secretary shall give each Grange at least ten days notice of
such special meeting.

-BY-LAWS.

ARTICLE!. — Duties of officers. — Section 1. It shall be the duty of
the President to preside at all meetings of the association, sign all or
ders drawn on the Treasurer, and perform other duties ordinarily
required of such presiding officer.

Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of the Vice-President to perform the
duties of the President in his absence, or whenever required to do so.

Sec. 3. It shall be the duty of the Secretary to keep an accurate
record of the proceedings of this association, conduct its correspond
ence, receive and pay over all moneys to the Treasurer, taking his
receipt for the same, draw and countersign all orders on the Treas
urer, make a full report of the condition of the association and do
ings of the Executive Committee at the annual and each quarterly
meeting, and have his books ready for inspection by the Trustees at
any time,

186 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to receive from the
Secretary all moneys belonging to the association, giving his receipt
for the same; to keep accurate account of all such moneys received;
to pay all orders drawn on him by the President and countersigned
by the Secretary; to make a report of all moneys received and paid
out by him at the annual and each quarterly meeting, and to deliver
to his successor all moneys and other property belonging to the as
sociation.

Sec. 5. It shall be the duty of the Door-keeper to examine the
members before opening meeting, and perform such other duties as
may be required by the President or association.

Sec. 6. It shall be the duty of Trustees to examine all bills and
accounts of the officers and' members of this association; also, the
books and papers of the Secretary and Treasurer when required to
do so by the association, and report on all matters they may have on
hand at the annual and each quarterly meeting, or whenever required
to do so.

Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to see that
all the laws and resolutions of the association are enforced in all its
business transactions, when it is not in session.

ARTICLE II.— Vacancies.— Vacancies in any of the offices of this
association may be filled by the Executive Committee until the next
regular meeting, when an election shall be had to fill the rest of said
vacancies.

ARTICLE III.— Compensation— Section 1. The Executive Commit
tee shall be allowed two dollars per day for time actually spent in the
services of the association, except at meetings of the association.

Sec. 2. All bills and accounts against the association shall be pre
sented in writing, and shall specify the articles or services charged
for.

ARTICLE IV.— The Secretary and Treasurer shall each be required
to give such bond for faithful performance of duty and safe keeping
of funds as shall be required and approved by the Trustees.

ARTICLE V.— Order of bu«inc#*.—l. President calls to order.

2. Door-keeper examines members.

3. Secretary calls the roll of Granges.

4. President appoints Committee on Credentials.

5. Reading minutes of last meeting.

6. Reports of Committees, Special and Standing.

7. Bills and accounts.

8. Unfinished business.

9. New' business.

10. Reports of delegates as to progress, work, and news.

11. Suggestions for the good of the association.

CONSTITUTION OF SUBORDINATE GRANGE. 187

CONSTITUTION OF SUBORDINATE GRANGES.

The Constitutions of Subordinate Granges are founded
upon those of the State Granges, mutatis mutandis.

The following form was prepared by Secretary W. H.
Baxter, of the Slate Grange of California, and Master cf
Napa Grange, No. 2; and we give it, to make our series
complete.

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.— Section 1. This Grange .shall be known and distin-

tinguished as Grange, No. — , Patrons of Husbandry of the State

of California.

Officers. — Sec. 2. The officers shall consist of and rank as follows:
Master, Overseer, Lecturer, Steward, Assistant Steward, Chaplain,
Treasurer, Secretary, Gate-Keeper, Ceres, Pomona, Flora, and Lady
Assistant Steward. It is their duty to see that the laws of the OrdeV
are carried out.

Sec. 3. The officers of this Grange shall be chosen annually, and
elected by ballot. Vacancies by death, resignation, or otherwise, to
be filled at a special election at the next regular meeting thereof.
Officers so chosen to serve until the annual meeting.

Sec. 4. There shall be an Executive Committee" of this Grange,
consisting of three members, whose term of office shall be three
years, one of whom shall be elected each year.

Sec. 5. The officers of the respective Granges shall be addressed as
" Worthy."

Sec. 6. Nominations for officers shall be made only at the two meet
ings immediately preceding that of the regular election, except when
the nominees for an office all decline. Election of officers shall take
place at the last regular meeting of the term, who shall be installed
at the first regular meeting in the new term, provided the installing
officer be present ; if absent, it must be postponed until the proper
officer can attend.

Sec. 7. Any officer absenting himself from the meetings of the
Grange three successive times, except in case of sickness, or absence
from home on business, or for misconduct as an officer, may be re
moved by a vote of two-thirds of the members voting, at the next
meeting after a resolution therefor has been offered in the Grange.

Sec. 8. No person shall be eligible to, or hold, office in this Grange
who if> not clear of all pecuniary charges on the books, or charges
of any and every kind whatsoever, and shall not have attained the
Fourth Degree of the Order.

ARTICLE II. — Meetings. — Section 1. This Grange shall meet once in
each month, and may hold such intermediate meetings as may be
deemed necessary for the good of the Order,

188 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Sec. 2. All business meetings are confined to the Fourth Degree.

ARTICLE III.— Laws.— This Constitution, and the By-Laws formed
under it for the guidance of this Grange, must conform with the
Constitution and the Laws adopted by the National Grange.

ARTICLE IV. — Ritual. — The Eitual adopted by the National
Grange shall be used in this Grange, and any desired alteration in
the same must be submitted to, and receive the sanction of, the Na
tional Grange.

ARTICLE V '.—Membership. — Any person interested in agricultural
pursuits, of the age of sixteen years (female), and eighteen years
(male), duly proposed, elected, and complying with the rules and
regulations of the Order, is entitled to membership and the benefit
of degrees taken. Every application must be accompanied by the
fee of membership. If rejected, the money will be refunded. Ap
plications must be certified by members, and balloted for at a subse
quent meeting. It shall require three negative votes to reject an ap
plicant.

Sec. 2. A.11 candidates for membership must be of good moral char
acter and industrious habits, and whose interest in agriculture is
paramount to all other interests, and believe in the existence of a
Supreme Being, the Creator and Preserver of the universe, and be
proposed in the Grange nearest his residence, unless good and suf
ficient reasons appear for his being proposed in this Grange.

ARTICLE VI. — Application for Membership.— Section 1. The name
of a person offered for membership, with his age, residence, and oc
cupation, and, in conformity with the form prescribed by the Na
tional Grange, shall forthwith be referred to a committee of three
members for investigation, who shall report at the next regular meet
ing (unless circumstances prevent), when the candidate may be bal
loted for with ball ballots; and if any, or less than three, cubes shall
appear, further balloting or announcement shall be deferred until the
next regular meeting. During this interval the member casting the
cube may (and it is his duty to) inform the Worthy Master of the
cause thereof, and the Maste/shall, at the next regular meeting, state
the reason, if any is given, to the Grange, without exposing the
name of the person ; and if the person who shall have cast the cube
fail to inform the Master of the reason thereof, the Master shall, at
the next regular meeting, if no other objection be made, declare the
applicant duly elected ; but if reasons are given, or other objections
be made, then" the ballot shall again be held, and if no more than two
cubes appear, the candidate shall be declared elected.

Sec. 2. No reconsideration of an unfavorable ballot can be had
unless all the persons who shall have cast cubes against an applicant
voluntarily make a motion for a reconsideration of the ballot, when
a vote on the reconsideration shall be taken by ballot, and if all the
ballots cast be in favor, the reconsideration shall be had ; the applica
tion shall then lie over till the succeeding meeting, when another

CONSTITUTION otf SUBORDINATE GRANGE. 189

ballot shall be had, and if the same be unanimously in favor of the
applicant, he shall be elected ; but if one or more cubes appear, the
applicant shall be rejected. A favorable balloting can be reconsid
ered at any meeting prior to the admission of a candidate, provided
a majority of the members present agree thereto.

Sec. 3. When a candidate has been rejected, notice thereof shall be
sent by the Secretary of this Grange to all the Granges in this
county and district.

Sec. 4. A proposition may be withdrawn at any time before the
candidate shall have been balloted for, with consent of a majority of
members present voting in favor the same.

Sec. 5. If any person shall gain admittance to this Grange upon a
petition containing any false representation, such person shall be ex
pelled.

ARTICLE VII. — Fees and Dues. — Section 1. The minimum fee for
membership in a Subordinate Grange shall be, for men five dollars,
and for women two dollars ; for the four degrees, except charter
members, who shall pay, men three dollars, and women fifty cents.

Sec. 2. The dues in this Grange shall be in conformity with " Ar
ticle VII" of the Constitution of the National Grange regulating
the same, and the By-Laws of this Grange.

ARTICLE VIII. — Requirements. — All requirements applicable to
Subordinate Granges by the Constitution of the National Grange in
Articles VIII and IX are hereby made part of the Constitution of
this Grange.

ARTICTE IK.— Duties of Officers.— The duties of the officers of this
Grange shall be prescribed by the By-Laws of the same.

ARTICLE X.— Section 1. The Treasurer shall give bonds to be ap
proved by the Executive Committee of this Grange.

Sec. 2. All bills must be audited by the Finance Committee and
approved by the Master and countersigned by the Secretary be
fore the Treasurer can pay the same.

ARTICLE XI. — Restriction. — Religious or political questions shall
not be tolerated as subjects of discussion in the work of the Order,
and no political or religious tests for membership shall be applied.

ARTICLE XII. — Penalties and Suspension. — Section 1. Clause 1. Any
member neglecting to pay the dues required by the By-Laws of this
Grange for the space of twelve months, shall be notified by the Sec
retary of the Grange in writing, and if, after receiving such notifica
tion, such member still neglect to pay said dues for the space of one
month, shall, upon vote of the majority of members present voting,
be suspended from membership. Provided, that no person shall be
suspended until after the fact of said dues being in arrears and un
paid for six months shall have been announced in open Grange at
two regular meetings prior to such suspension.

190 THE .GROtJKfcSWELL,

Clause 2. Any member suspended as above may be reinstated on
payment of the dues \vhich caused suspension, and all accruing dues
intervening, on a two-thirds vote of the members of the Grange pres
ent voting in favor of said reinstatement. Provided, that no member
so suspended shall be entitled to any of the benefits or privileges of
the Order during said suspension ; nor shall a dismissal card ^ be
granted until all delinquencies are liquidated, and all charges with
drawn, should there be any; and then, upon a vote of the Grange and
payment for withdrawal card, such dismissal may be granted.

feec. 2. Any member who shall violate any of the principles of the
Order, or offend against the Constitution, By-Laws, or Kules of Order
of this Grange, shall be fined, reprimanded, suspended, or expelled,
as the By-Laws may direct, or the Grange determine.

Sec. 3.* Every member shall be entitled to a fair trial, and no mem
ber shall be put on trial, unless charges, duly specifying the offense,
shall be submitted to the Grange in writing, and signed by a mem
ber of the Grange, and a copy, under seal of the Grange, be served
upon the member accused.

Sec. 4. Such charges shall be referred to a committee of Jive mem
bers, peers of the accused, who shall summon the parties and try the
case. They shall keep full minutes of the proceedings and report
the same to the Grange with their verdict; the witnesses shall give
their testimony on oath or affirmation, and no testimony shall be
taken without an opportunity for cross-examination by the accused.
Upon judgment being rendered, an appeal may be taken, at any time.
within one month, to the State Grange, in the persons of its Execu
tive Committee, whose decree shall be final. If no appeal be taken,
the verdict, being ratified by the Grange, shall be final. If excep
tions to the report of the Committee be filed, the Grange may deter
mine upon their merits, and either sustain the report or refer the
same back, or to another Committee, or grant a new trial. If the
Grange deem the exceptions ill-founded, it shall proceed to pro
nounce its judgment and affix the penalty.

Sec. 5. If the accused refuse or neglect to stand trial when duly
summoned, the committee shall report such refusal or neglect as con
tempt of the Grange, which report shall be conclusive, and the pun
ishment shall be expulsion.

ARTICLE XIII.— The funds and property of this Grange shall be
held exclusively as a trust fund, to be devoted to the uses of the
Grange, as may be required, from time to time, under and by the di
rection of such action as may be taken in the Grange, by its mem
bers, at any regular meeting.

ARTICLE XIV.— The officers for the term about expiring shall pre
pare and deliver to their successors in office all books, papers, funds,
and other Grange property on their retiring from office, taking a re
ceipt for the same, being careful to have all the business of the
Grange recorded and finished so far as it may have progressed.

FORM OF BY-LAWS FOU SUBORDINATE GRANGES. 191

ARTICLE XV. — Withdrawal and dismissal cards may be granted
to members who are clear of the books, by a majority vote, in con
formity with Article XII.

ARTICLE XVI. — The masculine pronoun shall be constructed to
include both sexes, and any question in regard to the meaning of
any part of these Articles shall be determined by the Master of the
State Grange.

ARTICLE XVII. — Section 1. This Grange may make, alter, or re
scind such By-Laws, Rules, and Resolutions, from time to time, a^
may be deemed expedient, provided they do not in any wise contra
vene the Constitution and By-Laws of the National Grange or the
State Grange of California.

Sec. 2. The By-Laws of this Grange are in force from the time of
their adoption.

Sec. 3. This Constitution may be amended or revised at any regu
lar meeting of the Grange, by a vote of two-thirds of the members
present, upon notification having been given in open Grange at four
regular meetings preceding such proposed change.

FORM OF BY-LAWS FOR SUBORDINATE GRANGES.

The following are the By-Laws proposed for the Su-bor-
dinate Grange in the State of Iowa. They are not obliga
tory, however, but may be adopted or modified, as the
Grange may see fit :

ARTICLE I. — Section 1. This Grange shall be known and distin
guished as Grange, No. — , of the State of Iowa.

Sec. 2. The regular meetings of this Grange shall be held .

Sec. 3. The time of meeting from the first of October to the first

of April shall be , and from the first of April to the first of

October shall be . Special meetings may be called by the

Grange or the Master of the Grange, or, in his absence, by the Over
seer, when deemed necessary for the good of the Grange.

Sec. 4. members shall constitute a quorum for the transac
tion of business.

Sec. 5. The Grange shall be opened at the above appointed time,
in the Fourth Degree, if a sufficient number of members be present.

ARTICLE II. — Membership. — The members of this Grange are all
who have been or may be initiated in, or affiliated therewith, who
have subscribed to the roll-books, and who have not withdrawn, or
been excluded for unworthy conduct or non-payment of dues.

ARTICLE III, — Officers. — The officers of this Grange shall be ranked

192 THE GROUNDSWELL.

and titled as follows : Master, Overseer, Lecturer, Steward, Assistant
Steward, Chaplain, Treasurer, Secretary, Gate-Keeper, Ceres, Flora,
Pomona, and Lady Assistant Steward. It is their duty to see that
the laws of the Order are carried out.

How Chosen.— Hie officers of this Grange shall be chosen annually
at the last regular meeting in December, and installed at the first
meeting in January.

All elections shall be by ballot.

ARTICLE IV.— Duties of Oncers.— Section 1.— Master.— It shall be
the duty of the Master to preside at all meetings of the Grange ; to
see that all officers and members of committees perform their re
spective duties, as enjoined by the several charges and these By-laws ;
to inspect and announce the result of all balloting and other votes
of the Grange ; see that all the laws and usages of the Order are duly
understood and obeyed ; to sign all orders drawn on the Treasurer,
with the consent and approbation of the Grange; and perform such
other duties as may be required by the Ritual or Grange, properly
devolving upon that office.

Sec. 2.— Overseer.— It shall be the duty of the Overseer to assist
the Master in preserving order and decorum in the Grange, preside
in the absence of the Master, and perform all other duties devolving
upon that office.

Sec. 3.— Lecturer.— It shall be the duty of the Lecturer to always
be prepared with some useful information to read, or cause to be
read, when no regular business is before the meeting, and see partic
ularly that all addresses, lectures, and other information provided
for the good of the Order and members of this Grange are distrib
uted to them.

Sec. 4 — Steward.— It shall be the duty of the Steward to preside
in the absence of the Master, Overseer, or Past Master ; to have
charge of the Inner Gate ; to see that the iield is properly arranged
for labor ; the working tools in their places ; to conduct the ballot ;
and to provide for the introduction and accommodation of candidates.
Sec. 5.— Assistant Steward.— It shall be the duty of the Assistant
Steward to have charge of the candidates during initiation, and to
see that the regalias are properly distributed and cared for ; also, to
give all due assistance to the Steward.

ft gec> Q.~ Treasurer.— It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to re
ceive all moneys, giving his receipt for the same ; to keep an accu
rate account of said moneys, and pay them out on the order ot the
Master, with the consent of the Grange; to transmit all moneys due
the State Grange to the Treasurer thereof, at the request of the Sec
retary ; to render his books and a statement of his accounts with the
Grange to the Finance Committee, when called upon to do so ; and
to deliver to his successor all moneys, books, vouchers, etc., having
reference to the finance of the Grange.

Sec. 1.- Secretary.— It shall be the duty of the Secretary to record
accurately all the proceedings of the Grange ; to make out all necea-

FOEM OF BY-LAWS OF SUBORDINATE GRANGES. 193

sary returns for the State and National Granges ; to report to the
Treasurer at the end of each quarter the amount due the State
Grange ; to keep accounts of members with the Grange ; to receive
and pay over to the Treasurer all moneys, taking his receipt there
for ; to draw and countersign all orders voted by the Grange, and to
perform such other duties as may devolve upon that office.

Sec. 8.— Gate Keeper.— It shall be the duty of the Gate-Keeper to
see that the Gates are properly guarded, and to perform such other
duties as may be required.

ARTICLE V. — Applications for Membership. — Applications for mem
bership must be made in the form prescribed by the National Grange,
and when made shall be announced in open Grange, and referred to
a Committee of Investigation, consisting of three brothers or sisters,
two appointed by the Master and one by the Overseer, which shall
take the application in charge, and report at the next regular meet
ing.

ARTICLE VI. — Fees and Dues. — Section- 1. The fees for conferring
four degrees, for males, in this Grange shall be two dollars for the
First degree, and one dollar for each subsequent degree, which shall
accompany the petition.

The fees for conferring the four degrees on women shall be fifty
cents for each degree, the money to accompany the petition in all
cases.

Sec. 2. The regular dues of this Grange shall be ten (10) cents per
month for each member.

ARTICLE VII. — Committees. — Section 1. All special committees,
unless otherwise ordered, shall consist of three members each.

Sec. 2. The Master, on the night of his installation, shall appoint
a standing Committee on Finance, to consist of three members.

Sec. 3. It shall be the duty of the Committee on Finance to audit
all bills and accounts previous to their being passed upon by the
Grange, and they shall be authorized to examine the books and ac
counts of any officer, or member of any committee of the Grange,
whenever they think proper, and shall report, as speedily as possible,
on all matters they may have on hand.

Sec. 4. At the first regular meeting in each year there shall be
elected by ballot three Trustees, who shall have charge of all prop
erty of the Grange, as well as all business in which the Grange shall
have an interest.

ARTICLE VIII. — Charges. — Section I. If at any time it shall ap
pear that a member, by his or her general conduct, either morally
or otherwise, shall be working against the best interests of the Order,
charges may be preferred against the offending member, in accord
ance with the provisions of the following article, and they may be
expelled, or subjected to such penalties as a majority of the Grange
may direct.

9

194 THE GROUtfDSWELL.

Sec. 2. In no case shall members of a Grange enter into litigation
with each other, until they shall have presented a plain statement
of their differences to the Trustees of their Grange, and shall have
allowed them an opportunity to adjust them, if possible.

ARTICLE IX. — Suspensions, Withdrawals, etc. — Section 1. No brother
or sister of this Grange shall be suspended or expelled from member
ship unless charges be preferred in writing, duly specifying the offense,
presented by a brother or sister in good standing, and the accused
being allowed full opportunity to make his or her defense.

Sec. 2. Any member desirous of withdrawing from this Grange
must pay all indebtedness thereto, and obtain the consent of the
Grange.

ARTICLE X. — Amendments. — All propositions for amending or re
pealing these By-Laws, or any part of them, shall be presented in
writing at a regular meeting, and shall lie over until the next regu
lar meeting, when it may be acted upon, if agreed to by two-thirds
of all the members present.

RULES OF ORDER.

1. When the presiding officer takes the chair, the officers and
members shall take their respective stations, and at the sound of the
gavel there shall be a general silence. The Grange shall then pro
ceed to open in regular form.

2. No question shall be stated unless moved by two members, or
be open for consideration unless stated by the Master. And when
a question is before the Grange, no motion shall be received, unless
to close, to lay on the table, the previous question, to postpone, to
refer, or to amend. They shall have precedence in the order in
in which they are arranged, the first three of which shall be decided
without debate.

3. Any member may pall for a division of a question when the
sense of it will permit.

4. The yeas and nays may be ordered by the Master, on the call
of any member, duly seconded.

5. After any question (except one of indefinite postponement) has
been decided,' any member who voted in the majority, may, at the
same or next meeting, move for a reconsideration thereof; but no
discussion of the main question shall be allowed unless reconsidered.

6. No member shall speak more than once on the same subject,
until all the members wishing to speak have had an opportunity to
do so, nor more than twice without permission from the chair. And
no member, while speaking, shall name another member by his or
her proper name, but shall use the appropriate designation belonging
to his or her standing in the Grange.

RULES OF ORDER. 195

7. The Master or any member may call a brother or sister to order
while speaking ; when the debate shall be suspended, and the brother
or sister shall not speak until the point of order be determined,
unless to appeal from the Chair, when he or she may use the words
following, and no others : " Master, I respectfully appeal from the
decision of the Chair to the Grange." Whereupon the Grange shall
proceed to vote on the question : " Will the Grange sustain the
decision of the Chair?"

8. When a brother or sister intends to speak on a question, he or
she shall rise in his or her place and respectfully address his or her
remarks to the Worthy Master, confining him or herself to the ques
tion, and avoid personality. Should more than one member rise to
speak at the same time, the Worthy Master shall determine who is
entitled to the floor.

9. When a brother or sister has been called to order by the
Worthy Master for the manifestation of temper or improper feelings,
he or she shall riot be allowed to speak again on the subject under
discussion in the Grange, at that meeting, except to apologize.

10. On the call of five members, a majority of the Grange may de
mand that the previous question shall be put, which shall always be
in this form : "Shall the main question now be put?" And 'until
it is decided, shall preclude all amendments to the main question
and all further debate.

11. All motions or resolutions offered in the Grange shall be re
duced to writing, if required.

12. When standing or special committees are appointed, the indi
vidual first named is considered as the chairman, although each has
a right to elect its own chairman. Committees are required to meet
and attend to the matters assigned them with system and regularity,
and not by separate consultation, or in a loose and indefinite man
ner.

13. The Worthy Master, by virtue of his office, may attend all
meetings of committees, take part in their deliberations (without
voting, however), and urge them to action. In the appointment of
committees, the Worthy Master, who should ever preserve a courte
ous and conciliatory deportment to all, not overlooking the hum
blest member, has many opportunities for bringing humble merit
into notice, and of testing and making available the capabilities of
those around him. He should carefully avoid both petulancy and
favoritism, and act with strict impartiality.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE MOVEMENT TOWARD CO-OPERATION.

WHAT ARE THE FARMERS' GRIEVANCES?

The question has often been asked, What are the farmers'
grievances ? These have never, at the conventions, been
fully defined ; but they may be summed up in a few words:
The agricultural classes suffer, and always have suffered,
from the rapacity of capital, aggregated and centralized.

There are two principal ways in which capital is employed
to overreach them. The first is through the combination of
those who buy their produce, thereby creating a protected
monopoly, limited, it is true, but, nevertheless, uniformly
successful. In this class I do not mean to include the ordi
nary country merchant, who buys produce, or trades and
barters for it, but those rings, great and small, which are
formed to gamble in the necessaries of life in our cities.
Their ramifications sometimes extend to the regular dealers
in the principal railroad towns, and Sometimes even to the
leading railroad officials themselves, but oftener are confined
to a few of the great distributing centers, as New York,
Buffalo, Cincinnati, Chicago, St. Louis, etc. The minor com
binations in the ordinary railroad towns are merely local and
•of short duration, so that the intelligent man may hold his
produce, and thus assist in breaking them. If farmers were
(196)

OPERATIONS OF RAILROAD RINGS. W7

even partially organized, these lesser combinations would b$
impossible.

FARMERS' TROUBLES OF MODERN GROWTH.

Up to the breaking out of the war, these grievances were
principally confined to the exactions of local dealers, and the
commission men at the distributing point, or, as they were
called, middle men. During the war, and, more especially
since then, a variety of schemes to centralize capital for the
purpose of fictitiously lowering or increasing values, has led
to gigantic combinations, which have always tended to enrich
the wealthy and impoverish the poor. While these combi
nations have operated against all classes, the farmers have
been the greatest sufferers, and especially those of the West,
since, from the nature of the situation, and the limited
amount of manufactures, they have been compelled to sell their
produce in foreign markets.

Lands were granted by the government, in the most
wholesale manner, toward the building of railroads in every
direction. Combinations and consolidations were formed,
stocks were watered, the Credit Mobilier was put in opera
tion. At last, the fact was painfully unearthed that even
some of our most eminent statesmen (without respect to
party, and men who had been heretofore regarded as of the
strictest integrity) had become implicated. As to the rank
and file of mere politicians, that class was always rotten to
the core ; they always lived on corruption, and they expected
always to do so.

OPERATIONS OF RAILROAD RINGS.

(Railroad combinations and consolidations were formed,
operated by a few individuals in Wall Street, who virtually

198 THE GROUNDSWELL.

controlled the railroad system of the United States. Van-
derbilt, Tom Scott, Daniel Drew, and Jay Gould, were tHe
potentates to whom all must bow the knee. A handful of
such men have sought to control the inland navigation of
the country, that of the great lakes being the first objective
base, from which they hoped, apparently, to extend their
supremacy to the rivers.^

For years, their scheme seemed to prosper, and " all went
merry as a marriage bell." The farmer saw his profits
growing less and less, with each successive season. Still he
managed to live and pay his taxes, and if he complained at
all, it was but in a whisper. At last, the three great corn
seasons in the West filled the great granary of the world to
overflowing. The price of their grand staple went down,
down, down, and did not rally ; eight cents per bushel was all
that the farmer received in some localities. The farmer
began to ask himself the reason, why, when it cost only a cer
tain moderate sum to transport a car-load from Chicago to
New York, nearly a thousand miles, it should cost nearly
one-half the amount to transport the same car from his
market town to Chicago, or St. Louis, distant perhaps less
than one hundred miles.

In expostulating against this wrong, he naturally blamed
the management of these local roads, forgetting that many
of the leading lines in the West were really operated by in
dividuals in the great seaboard cities, who either owned or
controlled the greater part of the stock, and who were, by
the unjust discriminations on local traffic, eking out dividends
on watered stock, or assisting to swell the lesser profits of
the great through transportation lines between Chicago, St.
Louis, and Cincinnati, at the West, and Boston, New York,
and Philadelphia, at the East. This was but another means
of assisting the merchants and forwarders (the middle men)

WHERE THE BLAME ORIGINALLY LIES. 199

of our great cities, and for what ? Simply to keep them still.
The great " operators " could not fleece both classes, and so the
farmer must pay for all.

The great mistake made by the railroad magnates, East
and West, was in not heeding the smaller tidal waves that
were as mere ripples to the great September groundswell
that convulsed the country. The question may well be
seriously asked, Will it require a still greater explosion
of long-suppressed fires, a more terrible disorganization of
business than that through which we have just passed, to
show this class of men that henceforward their power for
evil is circumscribed, and that they must conform to the
requirements of justice? We believe it most certainly will,
unless the Government itself can be purified of the class of
politicians, who pander to the great money lords of the East.
The signs of the times persistently misread or unheeded,
there may come a wide-spread financial ruin, such as no
civilized people ever suffered. What a humiliation to a
nation of boasted freemen, who have allowed their law-makers
to become utterly corrupt, and their laws vicious and one
sided, through the buying and selling of human consciences !

WHERE THE BLAME ORIGINALLY LIES.

Much of the evil we have mentioned arises from the
want of a business education among the masses of the farm
ers themselves. For this, however, they are not entirely to
blame; their isolation one from another has, in a measure,
prevented it. Congress, while yet it was pure, endowed
schools for the instruction of the masses to the industries.
Let them allow mere scholiasts to fritter this endowment
away, and they will be utterly lost.

Looking at the grievances entailed since the settlement of

200 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the country, by the common methods of barter and sale, it
will become obvious to the most casual observer that their
lack of education has made the masses, constantly, the prey
of sharpers. It is not the reading and thinking portion of
the agricultural world who are readily victimized. And I
would that these words, uttered in all singleness of purpose,
might be taken home by each individual reader. Let him
ask if he really has done himself and his children justice, in
using all the means for education that were available. If so,
the words do not apply to him.

I repeat, that American farmers, as a class, have been con
tent to exist from year to year, and decade to decade, in this
dull, unprogressive manner. They have been seeking to
disenthrall themselves for generations, but have failed from
the fact that, until within the last twenty years they have
not r.een a reading, thinking class. They have received educa
tion sufficient to enable them to read intelligently their
Bible, hymn-book, and, at long intervals, perhaps, a news
paper — the last, in too many cases, borrowed from some
more enterprising neighbor; but the fact itself is patent
and incontrovertible that they have been much behind other
classes in their practical information concerning the ordinary,
every-day affairs of the business world. Hence, not know
ing the true values of what they had to sell, they were con
tinually overreached by the buyer, who had made it his
especial business to inform himself on this point.

THE VILLAGE MERCHANT AS AN EXTORTIONER.

The farmer saw the merchant, whom for want of a better
name he began to call a middle man, accumulating wealth
from year to year, and living in apparent comfort from the
profits of bargain and sale, while he himself had a hard pull

THE GROWTH OF GRIEVANCES. 201

to get along, and pay the interest on the mortgage, large or
small, as the case might be, on his farm. If he had any
thing to sell, say a load of wheat, it was taken to market.
The merchant was asked, "What are you paying for
wheat ? " He might think the price offered too small,
but the next dealer was asked, and the next, and the. next,
and the price was always the same. Here was a combination —
a monopoly, if you choose to call it so — by which, two, three
or a dozen country merchants ruled the price of produce in
the town. The farmer might sell or not, he was not ob
liged, there was no coercion ; for could he not haul it back to
his granary? But if he did, what then? Haul it back
once more, and take the price offered, at last.

Here and there, scattered far or near, were individual
farmers, who had educated themselves to business habits,
had regularly read the journals devoted to their interests,
and had kept a close account of the profit and loss of the
farm. This exceptional class, when prices were low, held
their grain, and, when the market was right, sold in bulk,
buying, perhaps, of their neighbors to make good the quan
tity contracted for. Here, again, was another monopoly,
and a legitimate one, which simply illustrates the advantages
of educating one's self to his business in life. The enterpris
ing farmer was coerced into this course, from the fact that
no means seemed available to enable him to co-operate with
his fellows for a more general good.

THE GROWTH OF GRIEVANCES.

By and by, a few individuals in a neighborhood would
form a Club or Society, to discuss their real or supposed
grievances, and systems of cultivation ; gradually, newspapers

would find their way into the homes of the members ; and,
9

202 THE GROUNDSWELL.

as knowledge begets a thirst for more, the number of these
would increase ; and so, in the course of a few years, not
only a more intelligent system of agriculture, but also a
more correct idea of doing business would be introduced.

In the development of all new countries, the first settlers
act in the capacity of merchants in selling their crops to
those who come later. These, again, join them in selling to
others, until, at last, the country becoming overstocked with
the raw material, a village springs up, and the farmers sell
to the merchants, who make an exclusive business of buying
produce, or bartering needed wares therefor. Up to this
point, there has been no trouble. The new comers needed
all that was produced for purposes of sale. The population
was a community to themselves; their tastes and lives were
simple, and they cared but little how the great outside world
was going on. It is only with the advent of high civiliza
tion that oppressive monopolies can exist.

The exact time when transportation charges begin to pinch
the farmer, it is evident, is when a country begins to produce
more than it can consume. When all that he can raise, or
even more, is wanted, the farmer fixes his price; when a
surplus is produced, it must be exported to be turned into
cash. The merchant, or middle man, steps in and buys in
' hopes of reaping a profit. Another merchant comes in, and
a healthy competition is created; they combine together
and form a monopoly. To counteract this evil, the farmers,
too, must combine, and face it boldly.

THE BUILDING OF RAILROADS AND ITS EFFECTS.

( Dating from about the year 1848, there was a general
feeling among the farmers throughout tHinois, that they
were not receiving the just reward of their labor. The

THE BUILDING OF BAILKOADS AND ITS EFFECTS. 203

country was settling up, and the cost of transporting pro
duce to St. Louis and Chicago, the principal distributing
points, over the common roads was so great that it left the
farmer little or nothing to carry back to his family. The
country villages were few and far between. Kailroads had
not been built, and it was with the greatest difficulty that
the farmer could gather enough money to pay his taxes.
The construction of railroads began, but before these were
in operation a feeling of awakening had so grown upon the
popular mind that Farmers' Clubs began organizing, though,
at first, more to discuss matters of cultivation than any
thing else.

In 1852, the exactions of the country merchants, or mid
dle men, as they were even then called, came in for a great
share of the blame, and justly, beyond a doubt. They were
the protected monopolists, who, by the force of their cohe
sion, controlled prices, and, while they grew rich themselves,
oppressed the farmers J I do not stop here to ask, Would
not, and does not, the farmer seek to do the same, if oppor
tunity or circumstances favor ? I am now simply writing
history.

In the year just named/the Michigan Southern Railroad
was completed to Chicago. The Galena Union, now North
western, was stretching westward, and the Illinois Central
was nearly completed. The opening of these lines gave
partial relief, and caused towns and villages to spring up as
if by magic along their routes. Heretofore, the only com
modity that brought the farmer any returns in cash was the
live stock which he fattened and sold to the drover, to be
driven on foot to the nearest point where it could be packed
and distributed. )

^Agriculture, which before had been languishing, suddenly
became remunerative. With the advent of the towns along

204 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the road came increased immigration. The farmer again
had a home maket ; he could again, in great measure, deal
without the intervention of a middle man. Other towns
sprang up, and other immigration followed. Other rings
were formed, and the farmer again found himself on rela
tively-losing ground, although not so badly off as before.")

THE CENTKALIA, ILLS., CONVENTION.

The feeling that relief must be had finally gained such
strength that a general convention or congress was called,
and held at Centralia, on the fifteenth of September, 1858.
The discussions of this body were earnest in tone and com
prehensive in scope. They resulted in the following plat
form, declaration of principles, and plan of operations :

FARMER'S PLATFORM OF 1858.

" We believe that the time has come when the producing classes
should assert, not only their independence, but their supremacy ;
that non-producers can not be relied upon as guarantees of fairneas ;
and that laws enacted and administered by lawyers are not a true
standard of popular sentiment.

" We believe that a general application to commerce of the prin
ciple that the majority should rule, would increase the income and
diminish the outlay of producers, and, at the same time, elevate the
standard of mercantile morality.

" We believe that the producer of a commodity and the purchaser
of it should, together, have more voice in fixing its price than he
who simply carries it from one to the other.

" We believe that the true method of guarding against commer
cial revulsions is to bring the producer and consumer as near to
gether as possible, thus diminishing the alarming number and the
more alarming power of non-producers.

THE CENTRALIA, ILLS., CONVENTION. 205

" We believe that in union there is strength, and that in union
alone can the necessarily isolated condition of farmers be so strength
ened as ,to enable them to cope, on equal terms, with men whose
callings are, in their very nature, a permanent and self-created com
bination of interests.

" We believe that system of commerce to be the best which transactg
the most business, with the least tax on production, and which, instead
of being a master, is merely a servant.

Union there is Strength.

" We believe that good prices are as necessary to the prosperity of
farmers as good crops, and, in order to create such a power as to
insure as much uniformity in prices as in products, farmers must
keep out of debt ; and that, in order to keep out of debt, they must pay
for what they buy and exact the same from others."

DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.

" These truths we hold to be self-evident, that, as production both
precedes barter and employs more labor and capital, it is more worthy
the care and attention of governments and of individuals; that in the
honorable transaction of a legitimate business there is no necessity
for secret cost-marks; that, in all well-regulated communities, there
should be the smallest possible number of non-producers that is
necessary to the welfare of the human race ; that labor and capital
employed in agriculture should receive as much reward as labor and
capital employed in any other pursuit ; that, as the exchanger is
merely an agent between the producer and consumer, he should not

206 THE GROUNDSWELL.

have a chief voice in the establishment of prices ; that the interests
of agriculture and of commerce can only be considered as identical
when each has an equal share in regulating barter ; and that the princi
pal road to honor and distinction, in this country, should lead
through productive industry."

PLAN OF OPERATIONS. .

"First. The formation of Farmers' Clubs wherever practical, the
object of which shall be to produce concert of action on all matters
connected with their interests.

"Second. The establishment, as far as possible, of the ready pay
system in all pecuniary transactions.

" Third. The formation of wholesale purchasing and selling agen
cies in the great centers of commerce, so that producers may, in a
great measure, have it in their power to save the profits of retailers.

"Fourth. The organization of such a power as to insure the crea
tion of a national agricultural bureau, the main object of which
shall be an annual or semi-annual census of all our national products,
and the collection and dissemination of valuable seeds, plants, and
facts.

"Fifth. The election of producers to all places of public trust and
honor the general rule, and the election of non-producers the excep
tion."

CHAPTER XVII.

THE NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS OF

1872.

REVIVAL OF CLUBS AT THE SOUTH.

Soon after the close of the late war, the more far-seeing
citizens of the South began to consider seriously the im
portance of organizing for the promotion of agriculture in
that fertile section. They recognized the fact that the pro
duce of the land is the basis of all national wealth, and
they felt this to be especially true of their portion of the
country, for the reason that it had always been essentially
an agricultural region; and they noted with sadness that,
during the war, its agriculture had languished, and its
manufactures had been entirely broken up.

Societies for the advancement of agriculture and its kin
dred interests consequently sprang up and flourished, and
eventually a general association was formed, which assumed
the name of the " Agricultural Congress." At the second
session of this body, held at Selma, Alabama, in December,
1871, the importance of the undertaking was generally rec
ognized. It was essentially a Southern institution, and
composed of Southern men. Its officers were as follows :
President, Dr. R. J. Spurr, of Kentucky : Vice-Presidents—
Hon. Reuben Gentry, of the same State ; General William
J. Hardee, of Alabama ; Major R. R. Hurt, of Tennessee ;

(207)

208 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Hon. W. H. Foote, of Mississippi ; W. M. Lawton, Esq., of
South Carolina; Hon. B. Compton, of Maryland; Hon.
Mark A. Cooper, of Georgia ; Hon. D. F. Kenney, of Louisi
ana ; Hon. Asa Hodges, of Arkansas ; Hon. Lee E. Shry-
ock, of Missouri ; Hon. F. Watts, of the District of Colum
bia; and General C. H. Dupont, of Florida: Secretary and
Treasurer, Charles W. Greene, of Tennessee.

A Virginia Tobacco Barn.

President Spurr, in his circular address, stated the object
of the association to be to hold consultations upon Agricul
ture and kindred interests, ignoring all partisan politics ; to
represent, in a general head, the local organizations ; and to
co-operate with these in promoting the general welfare. The
Association recognized the fundamental principle that agri
culture being the foundation-stone of -our prosperity as a
people, the farmers of the country should have proper rep
resentation in the councils of the State and Nation ; and it

THE TENNESSEE ASSOCIATION. 209

was held to be within the province of the Congress to assist
in securing such representation. The intention of this or
ganization was to unite every Agricultural Society through
out the land, but especially those of the Southern and West
ern States, into one body, in which there should be a delega
tion from each of these societies, the basis of representation
being one delegate to each fifty members or fraction thereof,
and to include representatives from any society, whether
State, County, District, or Township Association.

THE TENNESSEE ASSOCIATION.

Another organization, the Tennessee Agricultural and
Mechanics' Association, was also in existence at this time,
embracing among its members gentlemen from all sections
of the country, but principally from the Southern States.
Its President was F. J. LeMoyne, of Pennsylvania; Secre
tary, J. B. Killebrew, of Tennessee; Treasurer, F. H.
French, of the same State.

In October, 1871, at the instance of this association, there
was held at Nashville, Tennessee, an Agricultural Congress,
consisting of delegates from eleven States, and representing
more than forty different Agricultural Societies and associa
tions. The same body, by agreement with this Congress,
appointed a session to be held at St. Louis for the pur
pose of consolidating, and making the organization truly
national.

At the Nashville meeting, a committee was appointed to
prepare and publish an address to the people, setting forth
the aims of the Congress, and calling for a general partici
pation therein by agriculturists of all the States and Terri
tories, who were invited to send in delegates from their va
rious associations,

210 THE GROUNDSWELL.

THE FIRST NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS.

Accordingly, on the 27th day of May, 1872, the two socie
ties, numbering about three hundred delegates, met at Ma
sonic Hall, St. Louis, in convention. Colonel Arthur B.
Barrett, President of the St. Louis Agricultural and Me
chanical Association, called the assembly to order, where
upon the Eev. Dr. Means, of Georgia, in a prayer strongly
marked for its fervid eloquence, invoked the blessing of the
Almighty upon the deliberations of the assembly, praying
that the work accomplished might inaugurate a unity of
action that should redound to the welfare of the struggling
industries of the nation, of which agriculture was the true
corner-stone.

Colonel Barrett, in his address of welcome, alluding to
the unity of interests which had called the convention to
gether, said he felt that the common cause demanded a uni
ted action on the part of every farmer ; every one who would
advance the pursuits of agriculture through our broad land,
should unite in that common purpose of advancing such in
terest. It was one ramifying the whole country, represent
ing three-fourths of the brain and muscle of the land, and
when associated for good can accomplish every thing. No
Congress could stand before its will. It could dictate the
policy of the country ; it could open national highways to
the sea; and all that was necessary would be to unite in one
common, earnest desire to promote that end.

General William H. Jackson, of Tennessee, proposed a
general vote of thanks of the two bodies to the St. Louis
Agricultural and Mechanical Association, for the cordial
welcome that has been extended to them. This was heartily
and unanimously concurred in.

THE FIKST NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS. 21.1

Each organization retired to a separate apartment where,
after deliberation, it elected a committee to act with that of
the other as a joint committee. On the part of the Congress
the following gentlemen were appointed : Major K. B. Hurt,
Jackson, Tennessee ; D. E. Beatty, Illinois ; T. W. Wood
ward, South Carolina; Suel Foster, Iowa; Governor H. W.
Foote, Mississippi ; 0. P. Whitcomb, Minnesota ; Professor
W. H. Jamison, Alabama; James B. Clark, Kentucky; E.
B. Whitman, Georgia; Lee K Shryock, Missouri; John W.
Foote, North Carolina.

For the Agricultural Association the names of the com
mittee were as follows: H. M. McAllister, Pennsylvania;
E. W. West, Illinois; K. M. Patton, Alabama; 0. H. Jones,
Georgia ; John Scott, Iowa ; Gen. W. H. Jackson, Tennessee ;
A. B. Barrett, Missouri; H. Rawlings, Indiana; John Saul,
District of Columbia ; Commodore M. F. Maury, Virginia
and North Carolina; F. McArdle, Montana, and M. W.
Wood, Kentucky.

Secretary Greene, of the Congress, being engaged in the
main hall, Jonathan Periam, of Chicago, was requested to
act with Secretary Killebrew, of Tennessee, for the joint
committee. The association then adjourned until the next
clay for the purpose of allowing the committee to deliberate.
Upon reassembling, the committee reported that they had
agreed upon a consolidation of the two organizations, under
the name of the National Agricultural Congress, and had
also agreed upon the basis of a constitution, which an
nouncement was received with hearty and reiterated ap
plause.

On motion of Major Lee R. Shryock, it was resolved that
a committee of one from each State be appointed to report
permanent officers to the National Congress. The dele
gates from each State then conferred with each other, and

212 THE GROUNDSWELL.

appointed the following committee to name their permanent
officers :

Virginia, Commodore M. F. Maury ; South Carolina, Major
Thomas W. Woodward ; Georgia, E. B. Whitman ; Alabama,
Governor E. M. Patton ; Mississippi, J. L. Power ; Tennes
see, Colonel E. J. Chester ; Kentucky, Colonel J. B. Clarke ;
Pennsylvania, H. N. McAllister; Ohio, Dr. John A. War
der; Indiana, Hon. John Sutherland; Illinois, Professor J.
B. Turner ; Missouri, Colonel John H. Harris ; Iowa, J. H.
Bacon; Kansas, Major J. E. Hudson; District of Columbia,
John Saul.

On motion, there were added Dr. E. J. Spurr and Dr. F.
J. LeMoyne, the ex-presidents of the original societies.

The committee retired, and upon returning to the hall,
Commodore Maury said that he was instructed by the nom
inating committee to report the following names, which they
unanimously recommend for adoption : For President, Hon.
John P. Eeynolds, of Illinois. [Cheers.] For Secretary,
Charles W. Greene, of Tennessee. [Cheers.] For Treas
urer, Major L. E. Shryock, of St. Louis, Mo. [Cheers.]

Mr. Starr moved that the report be received, and that the
present chairman cast the vote of the association for the of
ficers reported.

General Jackson moved that they be declared chosen by
acclamation.

The motion was carried, and the President said that, in
obedience to the power conferred upon him, he voted for the
names presented by the committee as presiding officer, Sec
retary and Treasurer of this Congress.

A committee, consisting of General Jackson and Governor
Patton, were appointed to escort the President-elect to the
chair.

General Jackson, in introducing Mr, Eeynolds, made one

THE FIRST NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS. 213

of his characteristic and pleasant speeches, and, in conclu
sion, said : " It is with feelings of peculiar pleasure I present
the Hon. J. P. Keynolds, of Illinois, a gentleman so well
and favorably known to the agriculturists throughout the
length and breadth of the land, who has devoted so much
of his time and resources to this great work; who is now/
to use a farmer's phrase, in harness, and who is one of the
most active workers in the cause. I say it affords me pe
culiar pleasure. The committees have shown themselves
wise in selecting such a one to conduct this enterprise, as it
will be conducted under his leadership to a successful issue.
I am gratified to present to you the eminent gentleman from
Illinois."

President Reynolds, in returning thanks, tersely reviewed
the objects and aims of the Congress, and referred briefly to
its future scope and power. He thought the association, in
its aims and in its character, and in all other respects, was
certainly one to which the American people might look with
some sort of hope, and aid in the grand interests for which
all were working. He said it would be a waste of words to
now make any suggestion to the assembly ; indeed, at this late
stage it would be a waste of time. He, therefore, asked to
be excused from making any extended remarks, and tendered
his thanks for the honor conferred on him.

The President appointed the following committee on re
vision of the Constitution: Dr. LeMoyne, of Pennsylvania;
Dr. Spurr, of Kentucky ; General Jackson, of Tennessee ;
Mr. McArdle, of Montana Territory ; John Scott, of Iowa ;
John A. Warder, of Ohio, and General Marmaduke, of Mis
souri.

Mr. French moved that the delegates make nominations
for Vice-Presidents in the various States. Carried ; where
upon the following Vice-Presidents were chosen : Alabama,

214 THE GHOUNDSWELL.

C. C. Langdon, Mobile; District of Columbia, John Saul,
Washington; Georgia, 0. H. Jones, Atlanta; Illinois, Hon.
A. M. Garland, Springfield; Indiana, F. C. Johnson, New
Albany ; Iowa, Dr. J. M. Shaffer, Fairfield ; Kansas, George
F. Anthony, Leavenworth ; Kentucky, Dr. James H. Moore,
Harrisburg ; Minnesota, J. H. Stevens, Minneapolis ; Mis
sissippi, Dr. J. 0. Wharton, Terry; Missouri, Arthur B.
Barrett, St. Louis; North Carolina, William F. Kornigny,
Goldsboro; Ohio, Norton S. Townsend, Avon; Pennsylvania,
A. Boyd Hamilton, Harrisburg ; Tennessee, General W. H.
Jackson, Nashville; Virginia, Commodore M. F. Maury,
Lexington ; South Carolina, William M. Law ton, Charles
ton ; Maryland, Henry A. Parr, Baltimore.

Mr. J. B. Killebrew offered the following in relation to
Farmers' Clubs :

Resolved, That this Congress do earnestly recommend to
farmers in various districts and townships through the Uni
ted States to organize themselves into Clubs, and have
monthly meetings, and with this organization disseminate
through the newspapers the facts they may gather in the
interest of practical agriculture. Adopted.

On motion of Dr. Spurr, amended by Dr. Spalding, it was
resolved that a committee be appointed to whom any resolu
tions might be referred. The chair appointed Dr. Spurr,
Mr. G. B. Whitman, Dr. J. A. Warder, and Gen. Jackson.

As showing the wide scope taken in the deliberations of
this Congress, on motion and after considerable discussion,
the President, assisted by the members, selected the follow
ing committees : On Meteorology — Com. Maury, Professor
Turner, Rev. A. Means. On Forest Culture— E. S. Elliot,
Dr. Warder, W. C. Flagg. On Experimental Agriculture—
l)r. Spalding, Gen. W. H. Jackson, Chas. V. Eiley. On Agri
cultural Education — Col. E. E. Withers, H. M. McAllister,

THE FIRST NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS. 215

T. K. Hudson. On Grasses— L. D. Morse, M. Williams, 0.
H. P. Lear. On Transportation and Commerce — Gen.
Marmaduke, W. D. Williams, R M. Patton. On Fertiliz
ers — Prof. Jamison, M. F. Fontain, J. C. Burroughs. On
Labor and Emigration — W. M. Lawton, Geo. Edmunds, E.
B. Whitman, Wm. M. Wielandy. On Live Stock— Dr. Spurr,
D. B. Gilham, D. H. Jones. On Horticulture— Dr. E. S. Hull,
F. H. French, J. L. Ratliff.

The reading of an essay on immigration, by Mr. Lawton,
of South Carolina, which was politically violent and inflam
matory in its nature, gave rise to the following resolution,
by Mr. Flagg, of Illinois :

Resolved, That, inasmuch as topics supposed to have a
remote political bearing have been regarded as not proper
subjects for discussion by this convention, therefore, all
speakers and essayists be requested to avoid such allusions
to the "late unpleasantness" as may be denunciatory of per
sons differing in political opinions, and calculated to disturb
the harmony of the meeting.

Mr. Anthony, of Kansas, begged leave to inquire if the
resolution was retroactive. He could wish that it were, for
Mr. Lawton's essay on immigration was one purely political
in character, and one eminently qualified to revive the old
feeling of difference between the North and South. He
would not be willing to give even a tacit support to such a
paper. He did not wish to discuss the question, but moved
an amendment that the essay mentioned be not spread
upon the records.

Mr. Withers said the question was out of order, and could
not come up unless a motion to print was before the house.
Mr. Anthony said he understood that all essays read became
a part of official proceedings, and, if so, he wished the essay
on immigration eliminated.

216 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

The chair explained that but one essay read had thus far
been ordered printed. A special order would be necessary.
The resolution of Mr. Flagg was then read, and passed unani
mously.

It is worthy of remark that this discussion was conducted
in the most friendly spirit, both North and South, all parties
holding alike that it was in bad taste, and that hereafter all
subjects having a political bearing ought, properly, to be
ruled out of order.

Mr. Scott, of Illinois, offered the following resolution, re
lating to the preservation of timber :

WHEREAS, The destruction of our forests will ultimately
bring about drouths injurious to the agricultural interests of
the country ; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the preservation of our forests, and the ar
tificial planting of forest trees on our vast prairies, are sub
jects of most vital importance to the agriculturist, as well as
the people of the United States.

This was referred to the committee on forest trees.

Mr. F. C. Johnson, of Indiana, offered a resolution instruct
ing all agricultural and horticultural societies to offer pre
miums for the best agricultural and horticultural papers, and
to do all in their power to contribute to the extension of
their circulation. Adopted.

Mr, H. J. Schulte offered the following :

Resolved, That a memorial be forwarded from this body to
the next United States Congress, urging it to reserve at least
six sections of timber in each of the congressional townships
of the present government land covered with forest, in order
to avoid the extremes of drouth resulting from the want of
timber or trees. Referred to committee on forests.

Mr. J. B. Killebrew offered the following important reso
lution, which was adopted :

Resolved, That the farmers in every district and township
in the United States organize themselves into Clubs for

. THE FIRST NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS. 217

monthly meetings, to collect and disseminate the facts that
they may gather in the interest and practice of Agriculture.

On motion of Mr. Whitman, a committee of five was ap
pointed, to whom all resolutions might, at the pleasure of the
Congress, be referred without debate.

The convention then proceeded to discuss the different
sections of the Constitution. Several minor amendments
were adopted. The title of the association was changed to
that of the National Agricultural Society, but a reconsidera
tion was voted, and the old title of the National Agricultural
Congress was finally retained.

Com. Maury's paper on Meteorology was the most im
portant paper read before the Congress. It related to the
influence of rain storms, winds, dews, etc., their volume and
distribution, and the influence exercised by the planting of
timber. It comprehended, in its scope, the continuous meteor
ological observations throughout the world, by the combined
governments of every land. "By this means," said the
eminent lecturer, " we may eventually foretell the seasons
with a great degree of certainty." The address also com
prehended the regular publishing of reliable crop reports,
through which the farmer might keep himself informed in rela
tion to the future of prices, from the appearance of the crops
throughout the world.

Gov. Patton, of Alabama, from the Committee on Trans
portation, submitted the following resolutions :

Resolved, That this Congress appoint a special committee
of three to consider the subject in all its bearings, and to
report at the next meeting of this body such information
acquired as may seem to be necessary.

Resolved, That this Congress invite such correspondence
from all parts of the country, to be addressed to the chair-
10

218 THE GROUNDSWELL.

man of said committee, furnishing full and complete data
upon which to base a report.

The report of the committee was received and the resolu
tions adopted.

Mr. Fontaine, of Georgia, submitted a preamble and
resolution on the subject of fertilizing. The preamble re
cited that the annual outlay for fertilizing is $25,000,000.
It was, therefore, recommended that each county society
represented in this Congress, or hereafter to be admitted,
should, through its secretary, forward to the Secretary of the
Congress approximate statements giving the amount of fertil
izers used, their money value, kinds used, and cost of
transportation, with the distance transported.

The following resolution was offered and adopted :

Resolved, That the Congress of the United States, which
has heretofore so liberally protected the manufacturing
interests of the country, be memorialized to aid the Agri
culture of the United States by admitting, free of duty, the
following chemicals which we think contain all the great
essentials of plant food, to the end that the manufacture of
fertilizers be cheapened and agricultural interest proportion-
ably benefited : nitrate of potash, nitrate of soda, salt, gypsum,
sulphate of ammonia, German salts of potash, or potash in
any form, and sulphuric acid.

'Gen. Jackson read a series of resolutions, reported from
the committee to whom Com. Maury's address was referred.
The resolutions appealed to every agricultural or mechanical
society, club, and association, in behalf of the movement,
soliciting their co-operation by memorials to Congress, and
otherwise. Further, they looked to the raising of a com
mittee of one from each State of the Union to exert itself
in favor of Com. Maury's plan. They requested all journals
to note the proceedings and give them their sanction. The
resolutions were adopted.

THE FIUST NATIONAL AGKICULTURAL CONGRESS. 219

Mr. R. S. Elliott, of Kansas, read the report of the Com
mittee on Forest Culture.

To carry out the views embodied in the report the com
mittee submitted the following resolutions:

1. That we recommend farmers throughout the United
States to plant their hilly or otherwise waste lands, and at
least ten per cent, of their farms, with trees, in such manner
as to provide shelter belts or clumps of rapid growing and
useful timber.

2. That we solicit the Legislatures of the several States to
pass laws providing bounties for planting trees, encouraging
the planting of the highways, and for the provision of State
nurseries of young timber trees, and also the appointment of
an " arbor day" for the annual planting of trees, as has al
ready been done in the State of Nebraska.

3. That we ask the Congress of the United States to
require, so far as practicable, that railroad companies and
settlers hereafter receiving the benefit of the homestead and
other acts donating lands, shall plant with timber trees one-
tenth of the land so donated.

The importance of this subject was thoroughly discussed,
and the resolutions were adopted.

Professer Turner, of Jacksonville, 111., read an able and
characteristic essay on the education of farmers. The sub
ject was treated eloquently, and the essay was marked by
the originality and profound thought for which the professor
is noted. The lecturer showed that common school education
throughout the United States, as it was now administered,
was exerting its whole force to drive men away from the
farm and from industrial pursuits ; that farmers and indus
trial men were the only class of men in the United States
that could rectify the matter. Teachers can not do it. In
the elucidation of his subject, he pointed out what, he con
ceived to be radical errors in our common school system,
and showed how the common school discipline was calculated

220 THE GROtTNDSWELL.

to unfit boys for the active duties of life. On motion of
General Jackson, a vote of thanks was tendered Professor
Turner. Some discussion occurred on a proposition to adopt
the speaker's positions and print the address, but no action
was taken.

After assembling in the afternoon, the preliminary business
being "finished, an address on practical entomology was de
livered by Professor C. V. Riley, State Entomologist of
Missouri. A vote of thanks was tendered the eminent
speaker.

The committee to whom was referred a resolution memori
alizing Congress to make additional land grants for Agricul
tural College purposes, reported that in their judgment the
proposition for further national aid for Agricultural Colleges
was one of pre-eminent merit, provided such guards and,
guarantees could be thrown around it as to secure the end
sought. The lands already donated had generally been
frittered away. The committee conclude by an expression
of their belief that it was the duty of Congress to pass a,
declaratory act so clear as to settle all controversy, and to
withhold all further aid until such time that it was found
that the true ends of the original appropriation were being
reached by these institutions.

Several essays which were prepared, but not read for want
of time, were referred to appropriate committees.

After the usual votes of thanks, the Congress adjourned to
meet at Indianapolis, at ten o'clock A. M., on the fourth
Wednesday of May, 1873.

Thus ended one of the most important conventions ever
held by the farmers of America ; important as showing their
earnestness of purpose, and the uniform good feeling per-
vailing between different sections of the country. It was
not expected that the way would prove free of all difficulties.

THE FIRST NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS. 221

It was especially felt that to be successful the Congress must
be sustained by the agricultural masses throughout the
nation, and especially by the Industrial Societies, Farmers'
Clubs, and other organizations relating to agriculture, over
the length and breadth of the land. The door was opened,
however, and the way made clear.

3HAPTEB XVIII.

THE FIRST BLOOMINGTON, ILLS., CONVENTION.

EFFECT OF THE WAR ON AGRICULTURE.

From 1858 to the breaking out of the war, the subject of
the various taxes which all products paid before they
reached the consumer, were earnestly and
frequently discussed. But soon there
were mutterings of another kind, and
when the dogs of war were at length let
loose, convulsing the country from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the great
lakes to the Gulf, all questions were
dropped other than which related to the
salvation of our national unity. Produc
tion was stimulated, trade flourished,
prices were more and more inflated,
money was plenty, and farmers prospered,
and readily sold their surplus at remu
nerative prices.

The war, however, brought into exist
ence a horde of speculators, who exercised
their enterprise and craft, not only in the
processes of moving, maintaining, and

All forgotten,
save the Na

tion's Unity.

(222)

operating large armies, but in other mat-

THE END OF ENDURANCE. 223

ters as well. Speculation became rife in our cities in every
possible direction, but especially in money and in stocks, the
latter either real or fictitious, made to represent money.
Thus was built up that system of hollow unreality in mone
tary affairs, coupled almost constantly with fraud and cor
ruption, that has lately culminated in * the failure of Jay
Cooke & Co., and a general collapse of stocks of every kind,
showing at once the entire rottenness of the whole system of
building apparently colossal but really fictitious fortunes
upon the bulling and bearing of stocks.

THE END OF ENDURANCE.

\The encroachments and vexatious discriminations of the
transportation companies, and the exactions of agents and
middle men, had all been increasing, the farmers meanwhile
steadily growing poorer and poorer. On all sides were
heard the mutterings of discontent, like the scattering, des
ultory fire of skirmishers, preliminary to a general engage
ment.

The enemy laughed at the wri things of their captives.
bound, as they had them, with iron bands. " Pay us three,
or four, or five bushels of corn, and we will take one to
New York for you ! You object ? Then keep your corn !
Burn it, or let it rot ! Ingrates ! After all that we have done
for you!")

Again, it was the middle men who spoke : " You want a
plow, a reaper, a thresher? Pay us, then, three or four
times its cost, or you must do without. You will buy it
direct? No, you will not buy it direct from the maker!
We have stopped that little game ! You have it from us,
or not at all."

The wealthy farmer found that farming did not pay ; the

224 THE GROUNDSWELL.

well-to-do saw his capital disappearing ; while the one with
small means sold out and went West to seek that market
which a new, rapidly-developing country always affords.
Eailroad companies consolidated ; they grew rich, and had
to water their stocks, to keep clown the dividends to a figure
which would not call up blushes of shame to the manipula-

The Monopolists' Mistake— NOT the type of the Farmer.

tors. Meantime, the farmers' needs become more and more
pressing. Money they must have, and their crops were sold
at a loss. Even the less thoughtful began to wonder where
the robbery was going to cease. " Let us organize," became
the cry.

Early in 1869, the agitation began to assume definite
shape. Local meetings were held in many districts, and
plans were mooted (though all but despairingly, in some
cases) for a general organization similar to the Trades'
Unions, which, in England, and to a smaller degree in the
United States, were obtaining great power, in some instances

TRANSPORTATION QUESTION.

having successfully combatted and dictated terms to over
reaching capital.

THE BUGLE-CALL.

In March, 1869, the Hon. Henry 0. Wheeler, a farmer
of Du Page County, Illinois, who had distinguished hynself
by his efforts to stir up his fellow-workers to a due sense of
their power, issued a call for a convention of farmers of the
North-west, to be held at Bloomington, Illinois, on the fol
lowing 20th of April. This document possesses great inter
est, as a forcible statement of the case of the producers
against their enemies, and, still more, as leading to the first
clearly-defined protest of an organization of farmers against
the extortions of the monopolists, who were eating out their
substance. Mr. Wheeler's manifesto was published in the
principal papers of the North-west, and was as follows :

THE TKANSPOKTATION QUESTION.

THE RELATION OF THE CARRYING TO THE PRODUCING INTER
EST OF THE COUNTRY — CALL FOR A CONVENTION.

To the Farmers of the North-west : Will you permit a working
farmer, whose entire interest is identified with yours, to address to
you a word of warning ?

A crisis in our affairs is approaching, and dangers threaten.

You are aware that the price of many of our leading staples is so
low that they can not be transported to the markets of Europe, or
even to our own seaboard, and leave a margin for profits, by reason
of the excessive rates of transportation.

During the war but little attention was given to the great increase
in the price of freights, as the price of produce was proportionately
high; but we look in vain for any abatement, now that we are
obliged to accept less than half the former prices for much that we

226 THE QROUNDSWELL.

We look in vain for any diminution in the carrying rates, to cor
respond with the rapidly-declining prices of the means of living, and
of materials for constructing boats, cars, engines, and track ; but, on
the other hand, we see a total ignoring of that rule of reciprocity
between the carrying and producing interests which prevails in
every other department of trade and commerce.

Does it not behoove us, then, to inquire earnestly how long we can
stand this descending scale on the one hand, and the ascending on
the other, and which party must inevitably and speedily go to the
wall ?

I by no means counsel hostility to the carrying interest — it is one
of the producer's best friends-; but, like the fire that cooks our food
and warms our dwelling, it may also become the hardest of masters.
The fire fiend laughs as he escapes from our control, and in an hour
licks up and sweeps away the accumulations of years of toil.

As we cherish the fire fiend, so we welcome the clangor of the car
rier fiend as he approaches our dwellings, opening up communica
tion with the busy marts of trade. But it needs no great stretch of
imagination to hear also the each ! each ! cachinations of the carrier
fiend as he speeds beyond our reach, and leaving no alternative but
compliance with his exorbitant demands.

Many of us are not aware of the gigantic proportions the carrying
interest is assuming. Less than forty ye:.rs hince the £i>t railroad
fire was kindled en this eonili.cr.t, 1 ut v' ich i:< w, lil.e a ir.ighty
conflagration, io crackling an-1 ronrir.;!; over every prairie and through
every mountain gorge. 7! o first jrear produced f.ftcen miles; the
last, 5,000.

On the same i hi ; • > il.o work or organization ar-a

direction. Y>\ tl.e \. o < f ; .".. ioi t unlimited means, it enlists i
service the finest Luoiuss of tl.e kind as officers, attorneys, agents, and
lobbyists; gives free pusses and splendid entertainments to the repre
sentatives of the people ; and even transports whole legislatures i- :
exceeding high mountains, showing them the kingdoms of the we.
with lavish promises of reward for fealty and support: witness its
land grants and franchise secured from the powers that be, sucli as
no similar interest ever acquired even in the Old World.

In Europe every corporation returns its franchises to the Crown
within a specified time, while here their titles are more secure than
the farmers' warranty deeds.

THE TRANSPORTATION QUESTION. 227

Do you say that you are out of debt, and can stop producing when
it does not pay ?

I tell you, my friends, that the carrying interest, with its present
momentum unchecked, will soon acquire the power to tax your un-
incumbered possessions into leaseholds, and you and me into tenants
at will.

I fancy I hear the response : " These things are so, but what can
we do?"

Rather, my friends, what can we not do ? What power can with
stand the combined and concentrated force of the producing inter
est of this Republic? But what avails our strength if, like Polyphe
mus in the fable, we are unable to use it for want of eyesight ; or,
like a mighty army without discipline, every man fighting on his
own hook; or, worse, reposing in fancied security while Delilahs of
the enemy have well nigh shorn away the last lock of strength ? In
this respect we constitute a solitary exception, every other interest
having long since protected itself by union and organization.

As a measure calculated to bring all interested, as it were, within
speaking distance, and as a stepping stone to an efficient organiza
tion, I propose that the farmers of the great North-west concentrate
their efforts, power, and means, as the great transportation companies
have done theirs, and accomplish something, instead of frittering away
their efforts in doing nothing.

And, to this end, I suggest a convention of those opposed to the
present tendency to monopoly and extortionate charges by our
transportation companies, to meet at Bloomington, Illinois, on the
20th day of April next, for the purpose of discussion, and the ap
pointment of a committee to raise funds to be expended in the em
ployment of the highest order of legal talent, to put in form of re
port and argument an exposition of the rights, wrongs, interests, and
injuries (with their remedies) of the producing masses of the North
west, and lay it before the authorities of each State and of the gen
eral government. Congress is now in session, and the Constitu
tional Convention of this State will then again be convened. Farm
ers, now is the time for action !

The call was responded to, and, accordingly, on the day
designated a large number of the leading farmers from va
rious counties of Illinois, met at Bloomington, in mass

228 THE GROUtfDSWELL.

convention. An organization was effected by the election of
officers, as follows : President, Hon. J. H. Bryant, of Bureau
County. Vice-Presidents, Messrs. William Smith, of Mc
Lean ; S. H. McCrea, of Cook ; E. S. Topping, of White-
side ; Lewis Ellsworth, of Du Page ; John Davis, of Macon ;
W. W. Miller, of St. Glair; E. S. Hull, of Madison; A. M.
Brown, of Pulaski; G. W. Hered, of Marion; W. Selden-
gale, of Knox ; M. L. Dunlap, of Champaign ; and K. K.
Jones, of Adams.

GOVERNOR PALMERS LETTER.

The Governer of Illinois, Gen. John M. Palmer, in a letter to
the Convention, expressed the hope that tfie first work at
tempted would be to. convince the people of the State that they
had the power to rid themselves of the burdens of which they
so j ustly complained. Upon the practice of corrupting legisla
tors with money, he said : " Whether public men now in office
are corrupt or not, it will be the fault of the people them
selves if those hereafter selected are so. The people, reject
ing all the sophistry by which the real questions that concern
them are concealed or mystified, must hereafter investigate
for themselves, and take care of their own interests." He
hoped the Convention would assert, and prepare to maintain,
that there is no interest in this country that is or can be be
yond the control of the law.

The state of the question between the producing interest
of the State and the transporting interest, he held to be,
"that the whole subject of freights, and all subjects that are
dependent on, or collateral thereto, are absolutely under the
control of the owners and managers of railway lines, and
that practically they may and do grasp, and appropriate to
their own use, such proportion of the value of the products

GENERAL BUSINESS OF THE CONVENTION. 229

of the farmers and workshops of the country as they, in
the exercise of their uncontrolled discretion, may determine.
The object of the people of the State must be to overthrow
this pretension, and to establish the doctrine that freights,
and all that relates to the transportation, storage, and sale of
the products of the industry of the country, shall be relieved
from the arbitrary rule of monopolies, and be subjected to
such regulations as may harmonize with reason and justice."
He hoped the work of the convention would be to call the
attention of the people to these opposing propositions, and to
urge them to support that which is most reasonable and just,
and also to suggest the means by which success might be
secured for the right.

GENERAL BUSINESS OF THE CONVENTION.

The various phases of the transportation and warehouse
questions were earnestly discussed by the delegates, and, as
a rule, in an impartial spirit, only a small proportion of the
speakers indulging in appeals to the passions of the audience.
Strong resolutions were passed, denouncing the wrongs
under which the producers labored, and the necessity of
prompt and consecutive action to obviate these wrongs. A
motion to send an official copy of the resolution to the
President of the Constitutional Convention, then in session,
was carried, and the following declaration was adopted :

" This Convention declares, First : That the present rates of taxa
tion and transportation are unreasonable and oppressive, and ought
to be reduced.

"Second : That our legal rights to transportation and market ought
to be clearly set forth and denned.

" Third : That if there be any legal remedy under existing laws for
the wrongs we suffer, such remedy ought to be ascertained and en
forced.

230 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

" Fourth : That, if there be no such remedy, measures should be
taken to secure one by appropriate legislation.

" Fifth : That statistics should be collected and published to show
the relation of North-western products to those of the rest of the
country.

" Sixth : That nothing can be accomplished for the enforcement of
our rights, and the redress of our wrongs, without an efficient organi
zation on the well-known principles that give the great corporations
such tremendous power.

" Seventh : That, with honest pay for honest labor, and compensation
commensurate with great service, we can secure the assistance and
support of the highest order of learning, ability, and skill.

" Eighth : That this Convention should appoint a commissioner of
agricultural and carrying statistics, to prepare and publish, with thq
aid of eminent counsel, a report of the products of the North-west,
the rights to market and transportation, and the remedies available
for existing wrongs, the expenses thereof to be defrayed by subscrip
tion price for such report."

Hon. H. C. Wheeler was promptly, elected Statistician,
and after the appointment of an Executive Committee, the
Convention adjourned.

ONLY A PARTIAL SUCCESS, AND WHY.

Great results were expected from the meeting of this body.
Nothing practical, however, came of it, except that it was
the entering wedge, that opened the way to further work in
the same direction.

It was obvious to all thinking men that the Statistician
could not work without money, and that no working farmer
could stand the necessary drain upon his pocket in collecting
statistics, and in employing legal talent to sift existing laws.
Thus, so far as remedying abuses, the first Bloomington Con
vention was a failure. Not so, however, as to its moral
bearings. It was the plow that broke into the stubborn soil
of monopoly. But plowing alone, the farmer well knows,

ONLY A PARTIAL SUCCESS, AND WHY? 23}

avails but little, without the further aid of the harrow and,
the roller. The harrow was subsequently applied at the
Kewanee and other Conventions. It now looks as though
the iron roller of the farmer must be set in motion to crush
all smooth, and render the stubborn glebe fit for good seed.
But all will come in good time. How shall it be brought
about ? Must it be by taking pattern of the railroad engi
neer ? He, seeing an obstruction before him which he can
not avoid, drives his engine at its highest speed full upon it.
The good farmer, in laying out lands, does not put his
hand to the plow and look back. In the case we are con
sidering, as in many others, there were crooked furrows
made, for, in looking about to see where the money was to
come from, the team pulled awry.

CHAPTEB XIX.
THE KEWANEE (ILLINOIS) CONVENTION.

ORIGIN OF THE CONVENTION.

In the spring of 1872, the Farmers' Club of Avon sug
gested to a number of corresponding Clubs the advisability
of holding a convention, in order to compare notes, discuss
subjects of interest to the fraternity, inquire into the causes
of the depressed condition of Agriculture in the West, and
propose remedies therefor. A correspondence ensued among
men prominent in the Clubs, in which S. M. Smith, of Ke-
wanee ; Edward Maynard, of St. David ; John Me Adams,
of Avon; J. Howard, of Smithfield; A. M. Garland, of
Springfield, Secretary of the State Board of Agriculture ;
W. T. R. Finnessy, of Kewanee ; John Prickett, of Lewis-
town, and others, participated. Mr. Finnessy thought that
the movement would place farmers in a " higher position."
Mr. Garland expressed the opinion that the " idea concern
ing a unity of effort among Farmers' Clubs," etc., was " in
the right direction." Mr. Howard deemed something of
the kind " very necessary." Mr. McAdams desired greatly
the "more thorough organization of our farmers." It was
the hope of Mr. Maynard that those having the matter in
charge would "act promptly." The Club of which Mr.
Prickett was a member was " decidedly in favor of the
(232)

THE DELEGATES AND THEIR DIFFICULTIES. 233

measure." Many others added pertinent and encouraging
words.

A few disapproved of the proposition, but the notes of
dissent were drowned in the general unanimity, and it was
eventually decided to issue a formal call for a convention of
delegates, to meet at Kewanee, on the 16th and 17th of
October, 1872.

This call was made by Mr. S. M. Smith, both a cul
tured and working farmer, " for the purpose of comparing
views, and consulting together on the best means of organiz
ing a general union of farmers, for their mutual benefit and
protection against the monopolizing tendencies of the age."
Delegates were invoked to attend in the following words :
" Come, then, farmers, and help us to make the meeting a
success in numbers, intelligence, and results."

THE DELEGATES AND THEIR DIFFICULTIES.

About fifty delegates answered the call, composed of
members of the various organizations then existing in Illi
nois. Nearly all were strangers to each other ; they had
met with undefined ideas of their wrongs ; opinions as to
the future had not been matured ; and no plans or remedies
for future action had been devised. They had come to
gether, hoping almost against hope, that they might find a
way out of their difficulties. But order soon came out of
chaos. The delegates were eminent as farmers, and also
as thinkers ; many of them were • men of wealth, and some
of them were well known for their political prominence.

The Convention was an entire success, and became historic
as the first convention of farmers who had really succeeded
in making their power felt.

Among those present were the Hon. L. D. Whiting, of

234 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

Bureau County, State .Senator ; Henry C. Lawrence, brother
of Judge Lawrence ; C. C. Buell, formerly a prominent edu
cator, but now a farmer of Whiteside County ; Colonel A.
Woodford, one of the originators of the Grange in Illinois ;
James Smith, Jr.,. a farmer of Madison County; C. A. Bar
ney, of Bureau County, well known by his contributions to
the press; D. H. Goran, a large stock-raiser of Fulton
County, and H. D. Carson, an extensive stock-grower of
Weathersfield, Henry County. The county last named was
also represented by C. C. Blish, who is said to " feed more
cattle " than any man in that part of the State ; M. B. Pot
ter, a large farmer ; C. H. Loomis, who " farms three hun
dred acres," and G. 1ST. Paliner, a" noted hedge-raiser.

Character was also given to the meeting by the presence
of such men as Messrs. King, of Madison ; McElroy, of
Champaign; Saddoris, of Bock Island, and Prickett and
Campbell, of Fulton. Many other gentlemen of equal local
prominence were in attendance. All the delegates were
farmers. The bone, sinew, and brain of the agricultural
population of the State were fairly represented.

Letters were read from General Boss, of Avon, A. M.
Garland, of Springfield, Son. M. L. Dunlap, of Champaign,
and others, who were unable to be present, but who fully
sympathized with the ends in view.

BUSINESS OF THE MEETING.

The convention organized by the election of Hon. L. D.
Whiting, President ; Colonel A. Woodford, Vice-President ;
and S. M. Smith and L. W. Beer, Secretaries.

A committee, appointed for the purpose, recommended as
subjects for consideration : " How can farmers, through
their Clubs and other organizations, accomplish a saving to

BUSINESS OF THE MEETING.

233

their members in purchasing, selling, and in transporta
tion?"

" Benefits and results attainable through Farmers' Clubs
and kindred organizations."

The discussion on these subjects was animated and inter
esting. Several delegates from different Clubs spoke of the
benefits that had accrued to the members from their organ
ization, enabling them to make a large saving in the cost of
nearly all the supplies they needed. So far as the experi
ence of those associations represented was concerned, they

Steamboat and Railway Cars.

had all worked harmoniously, and much to the advantage
of the members pecuniarily, aside from their refining and
instructive social features.

The subject of transportation by railroad was considered,
and thoroughly shown up. It was stated by one member
that eighteen years previously a car load of cattle could be
sent from Abingdon to Chicago for twenty dollars, and that
for the same service fifty dollars was then the tariff. The
relative prices from other points was given, showing a large
advance within a few years on that class of shipments.

A State Central Committee was appointed, and also an
Executive Committee of three to fill vacancies, if any should

236 THE GROUNDSWE-LL.

occur, in the Central Committee. The appointment of these
committees and the passage of a series of stirring resolu
tions constituted the important business of the Convention.
The resolutions were as follows :

Resolved, That the agricultural interests of this country are the
primary source of its growth, wealth, and prosperity ; and that the
protection and development of these are essential to the prosperity
of every related industry, and also of every other vocation or busi
ness.

Resolved, That the immediate objects and purposes of the Conven
tion should be to devise some means, or system of means, to cheapen
the process of production, and lessen the expense of transportation.

Resolved, That the success of co-operative effort, as illustrated in
the accumulation of capital for the carrying forward of immense
business enterprises; in the combination of workingmen for the in
crease of wages, or the restriction of the hours of labor ; in the for
mation of rings for controlling the price of agricultural or manufac
tured products, and for " bulling " or " bearing " the markets of every
kind ; and in the thorough and efficient organization of political parties
for partisan ends, should teach the farmer the lesson, both of its
efficiency and its adaptation to the particular needs, if applied with
intelligence and wisdom.

Resolved, That it is the duty of Farmers' Clubs, and similar organ
izations, to put forth their best efforts for extending and multiplying
these organizations, until they shall compass the industrial interest
of the entire West.

Resolved, That this Convention regards with favor the growth and
prosperity of the organization called Patrons of Husbandry, and ac
cept the evidences of its benefits and efficiency with hopeful expecta
tions of its future usefulness.

Resolved, That the destruction of Canada thistles and noxious
weeds is a matter of vital importance to the agricultural interests
of the West ; and this Convention would commend the action of
the Legislature of Illinois in its efforts to accomplish this object.

Resolved, That the strength or weakness of the Railroad Law, so-
called, should be determined by its thorough trial and enforcement ;
and this Convention would demand additional legislation on the
subject, if required,

BUSINESS OF THE MEETING.

Resolved, That this Convention appoint a State Central Committee
of one, and a committee of one from each county, whose duties
shall be to act as a medium of communication between the various
farmers' organizations.

Resolved, That the Convention return a vote of thanks to the citi
zens of Kewanee and the Wethersfield Farmers' Club, for the very
generous hospitality extended to the members of this Convention ;
and that especial thanks are due the aforesaid Club for inaugurating
and carrying to so successful an issue this Convention.

These resolutions have sometimes been referred to as the
first formal protest by the farmers against the oppressions
under which they labored. This, however, is an error. The
first protest was made at Bloomington, in 1869, as noticed
in the last chapter. That was the entering wedge, this the
maul that struck it home. We shall soon see that it re
quired still harder pounding, and the use of still other
wedges, to widen the rent in the gnarled log of monopoly,
each individual splinter of which will hold its own until
severed with the keen edge of the axe.

A motion was adopted that " all Farmers' Clubs, Protect
ive Associations, and Granges, now existing in this State, and
not represented in this Convention, or which may hereafter
be organized, be requested to report their name, officers, and
location to the State Central Committee."

The Executive Committee above referred to consisted of
L. F. Koss, John Prickett, and William Beem.

The State and County Committees were elected as follows :
For State Central Committee, Hon. W. C. Flagg, Moro, Illi
nois. For County Committee, H. H. Gibson, Madison
County ; W. F. P. Hennesy, Fulton County ; 0. H. Loomis,
Henry County; L. D. Whiting, Bureau County; Cyrus
Humphrey, Knox County; G. W. McElroy, Champaign
County; Joseph Wright, Whiteside County; Henry Sad-

238 THE GBOUNDSWELL.

doris, Hock Island County; H. C. Lawrence, Warren
County.

The Executive Committee was empowered to appoint for
other counties as Clubs might report.

SPEECHES AND POETRY.

Various stirring addresses, interspersed with songs by the
Kewanee Glee Club, were delivered toward the close of the
Convention, one, upon the subject of education, by Mr. C.
C. Buell, being exceedingly well delivered. Mr. S. M.
Smith, since widely known as one of the great champions of
the cause, made a strong speech, in which he called atten
tion to the growing taste among the rural population for
home adornment, and recited the following extract from the
beautiful poem of John G. Whittier, " Among the Hil> ;"

I look across the lapse of half a century,

And call to mind old homesteads, where no flower

Told that the spring had come, but evil weeds,

Nightshade and rough-leaved burdock in the place

Of the sweet doorway greeting of the rose

And honeysuckle ; where the house walls seemed

Blistering in sun, without a tree or vine

To cast the tremulous shadow of its leaves

Across the curtainless windows, from whose panes

Fluttered the signal rag of shiftlessness ;

Within, the cluttered kitchen-floor, unwashed

(Broom-clean, I think they called it) ; the best room

Stifling with cellar damp, shut from the air

In hot midsummer, bookless, pictureless,

Save the inevitable sampler hung

Over the fire-place, or a mourning-piece,

A green-haired woman, peony-cheeked, beneath

Impossible windows; the wide-throated hearth

Bristling with faded pine-boughs, half concealing

The piled-up rubbish at the chimney's back ;

SPEECHES AND POETRY. 239

And, in sad keeping with all things about them,
Shrill, querulous women, sour and sullen men,
Untidy, loveless, old before their time,
With scarce a human interest, save their own
Monotonous round of small economies,
Or the poor scandal of the neighborhood ;
Blind to the beauty every- where revealed,
Treading the May-flowels with regardless feet ;

" For them the Bobolink sang not."

For them the song-sparrow and the bobolink

Sang not, nor winds made music in the leaves ;

For them in vain October's holocaust

Burned gold and crimson over all the hills,

The sacramental mystery of the woods.

Church-goers, fearful of the unseen Powers,

But grumbling over pulpit tax and pew rent,

Saving, as shrewd economists, their souls

And winter pork with the least possible outlay

Of salt and sanctity ; in daily life

Showing as little actual comprehension

Of Christian charity, and love, and duty,

As if the Sermon on the Mount had been

Outdated, like a last year's almanac ;

Rich in broad woodlands and in half-tilled fields,

240 THE GROUNDSWELL.

And yet so pinched, and bare, and comfortless,
The veriest straggler limping on his rounds,
The sun and air his sole inheritance,
Laughed at a poverty that paid its taxes,
And hugged his rags in self-complacency !
Not such should be the homesteads of a land
Where whoso wisely wills and acts may dwell
As king and lawgiver, in broad-acred state,
With beauty, art, taste, culture, books, to make
His hour of leisure richer than a life
Of fourscore to the barons of old time.
Our yeoman should be equal to his home
Set in the fair, green valleys, purple walled —
A man to match his mountains, not to creep
Dwarfed and abased below them.

RESULTS OF THE DISCUSSION.

One of the most important features of the Kewanee Con
vention was, that, though it was called a Convention of
Farmers' Clubs, it was attended by many influential mem
bers of the Order of Patrons of Husbandry. Up to this
time there had been, or was supposed, to have been, a degree
of jealousy existing between the two forms of association.
These differences had been fomented and magnified by de
signing persons who wished to see the associations antagon
istic, in the hope that the agitation would prove a failure.
The unanimity which marked this meeting showed that no
ill-feeling existed between the two organizations.

This Convention, upon the whole, may be characterized as
the most important meeting held up to that time, as far as
Western farmers are concerned. An immense stride was
there taken toward effecting the organizations that have
since developed into a power before which their foes, at first
derisive, now tremble. Not the least good effected was that

OP TSE DISCtTSSIOtf. 241

eacli delegate carried home to his constituents a keener per
ception of the importance of the questions at issue, of the
necessity of concerted action, and of the possibility, which
was before doubted, of the producing classes eventually de
feating their powerful antagonists. These opinions speedily
spread throughout the West, and public opinion became ripe
for carrying forward the grand movement for securing co
operation of effort.

Meantime, meetings were being held throughout the West,
and Farmers' Associations were forming rapidly. As the ag
itation developed, and grievances were ventilated, it became
apparent that a ball was set in motion which would not stop
until greater questions than the robberies by the transporta
tion companies and middle men had received their quietus.
Attention began to be directed to the iniquitous working of
the tariff laws, which protect monopolies at the expense of
the people, and absolutely impede the establishment of those
home manufactures which they ostentatiously pretend to
protect.

11

CHAPTER XX.

THE SECOND BLOOMINGTON (ILL.) CONVENTION.

THE STORM GATHERING.

The Executive Committee elected at the Kewanee Con
vention, set immediately to work. Meetings were held,
speeches made, and, from a variety of causes, the existing
feeling became still further intensified. Undoubtedly, one
of the principal causes was the extraordinarily low price
of corn.

The corn crop of the West, in 1872, was the largest which
had ever been gathered, aggregating, for the United States,
1,092,000,000 bushels. This, succeeding the large crops of
1871, had filled every crib and available storehouse to over
flowing. There was not sufficient stock in the country to
which even the half of this crop might be fed, and in con
sequence the markets were glutted. In many portions of
Illinois, Iowa, and Kansas, it was freely burned as fuel,
being actually cheaper, at existing prices, than either wood
or coal. Ten cents per bushel was the ruling price, at points
remote from transportation, and in many places it could not
be sold at all.

Here was the last feather that broke the camel's back.
In many instances, it required six or seven bushels of torn
to get one other bushel to the eastern markets. First, were
(242)

THE CALL FOR THE CONVENTION. 243

heard mutterings in Iowa from the Patrons of Husbandry ;
and with these mingled the voices of fellow-sufferers in
Kansas. Then other sources of still greater discontent
aroused indignation, and soon it became evident that a storm
was gathering, compared with which all previous demonstra
tions had been but the patterings of an April shower.

THE CALL FOR THE CONVENTION.

In compliance with the duty assigned them, the Executive
Committee appointed at Kewanee issued a call for a State
Convention, to be held at Bloomington, on the 15th and 16th
days of January 1873, of which call the following is the
more essential portion :

FARMERS' CONVENTION.

"Equal and exact justice to all; special privileges to none"
The undersigned, the Executive Committee appointed by the Con
vention of delegates from Farmers' Clubs, held at Kewanee, Oct.

The Demand, of the Industries.

16th and 17th, 1872, in pursuance of the duties assigned them, do
hereb7 invite each Farmers' Club, Grange, or other agricultural,

244 THE GROUNDSWELL.

horticultural, or industrial association of the State of Illinois, to
send delegates for every thirty-three members, and fraction in excess
of that number, (Provided, That every organization shall be entitled to
at least one delegate), to an Illinois Farmers' State Convention, to be
held in the City of Bloomigton, Wednesday and Thursday, Jan. 15
and 16, 1873, commencing at 9 A. M. on Wednesday, with three ses
sions each day— at 9 A. M., 2 P. M., and 7 P. M.

The purpose of said Convention is to perfect the organization made
at Kewanee, by the formation of a State Farmers' Association from
said delegates, adoption of a constitution, and for securing the organ
ization and representation of associations in every county, and, if
possible, in every township, of the State ; to discuss and insist upon
reform in railway transportation, the sale of agricultural implements,
the sale of farm products by commission merchants, and such other
abuses as have grown up in our midst, and are now taxing and im
poverishing producers and consumers; and to transact such other
business as may be brought before the Convention.

OPENING OF BUSINESS.

This call was earnestly responded to, and the assemblage
of delegates was a large one. A temporary organization
was effected by the election of Hon. L. D. Whiting, of
Bureau Co., as chairman, and Mr. S. M. Smith, of Henry
Co., and S. P. Tufts, of Marion Co., as secretaries. Mr.
Whiting stated the grievances of the people, and some of
the propositions for a remedy. Coming from the source
whence they did, his remarks are worthy of recapitulation.
He alluded to the fact that, in response to the Executive
Committee, he had left his public duties to meet the associa
tion, again to testify his sympathy with the purposes of the
convention, and catch inspiration from its spirit. He said :

" This is an age and an era of organization. We behold it, and feel
its effects in various ways. Nearly every profession, calling, and
pursuit, except our own, associate, organize, and combine, to promote
their interests. The agriculturists, isolated and scattered, away from

(245)

246 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the post-office, and telegraph, and lecture-room, is the last to move.
If he felt himself pressed and overburdened by high prices for all he,
bought, and low prices for all he sold, he has sought to cure the evil
by more rigid economy and longer and harder hours of labor. While
most other pursuits push up the prices of their commodities, if
need be by shortening their hours of labor, and sometimes by wholly
stopping the wheels, we have met this by more desperate struggles
to multiply our productions, and to hurry them upon the market.
Poverty, if not actual bankruptcy, stares the farmer in the face.

" There are remedies for all evils, so there must be somewhere a cure
for the ills that threaten the fraternity. For some months past the
producers in various and widely-separated places have been almost
spontaneously coming together in local organization. This conven
tion of the farmers of Illinois is to consider the matter of binding
together these local societies by a State organization.

" As it was somewhat new for our people to attempt any general
organization, the question was very naturally asked, What is the
purpose ?

" No one is authorized, or able, especially in advance, to pronounce
fully for any movement. He would answer as he saw it from his
own stand-point. Farmers' Associations are intended for mutual
improvement in our calling, — to call forth new thoughts, and diffuse
useful information among ourselves, so as to produce better results
with less labor— for social enjoyment, and for intellectual and moral
improvement. Such associations will afford the opportunity for
neighborhood co-operation in rural improvemeut, stock-breeding,
dairying, farmers' insurance — perhaps in buying and selling, to some
extent, and so, generally, to effect for our class what organization has
done for others.

"But we desire, also, to understand more fully the relation between
agriculture and the government, and, especially, to see that justice
is done on matters of taxation. As cheap transportation is vital to
our prosperity, we mean, in some manner, to solve this problem, and
it is to this matter especially I shall call attention.

" The West must long remain an exporting and an importing coun
try, to an enormous and increasing extent. The prices of our products
go up or down, as transportation varies its scale. As all interests
of a country prosper when its chief staples bring a good price, so
the West generally— all classes, professions, and trades are nearly
equally interested in cheap transportation,"

THE RAILROAD ABUSES. 247

THE RAILROAD ABUSES.

In discussing the question of railroad transportation, Mr.
Whiting said he believed railroads to be in perfect harmony
with the genius of the age ; remembered their feeble begin
nings in America; had watched with pride and hope their
marvelous growth, until now more than sixty thousand
miles stretched their network from the Great Lakes to the
Gulf of Mexico, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific. They
are nearly as vital to the present civilization as the air we
breathe, and he wanted to see every neighborhood pene
trated with them; and no wise man would desire to cripple
them by injustice.

It had been confidently believed that their multiplication
would lead to competition, " which is the most natural and
best regulator of business. But of this the country now
despairs. Eailroad kings have learned to flank competition
by combination."

" The whole railroad system is being consolidated in a few organi
zations, each of which represents hundreds of millions of dollars.
Already, the country is parceled out in lots and vast regions to the
different systems. Like hostile invading armies, they levy contribu
tions limited only by the ability of their victims to pay. These ex
actions are again aggravated by unjustly discriminating against
persons and places. If competition shows itself at a few points,
they remorsely double up on others within their grasp. They levy
an Internal Kevenue tax by their own fiat, and to fill their own
coffers. If this blood-money was well applied, it might be some
compensation, but it is now certain that in many cases, instead of
going to the stockholders, it is gobbled by some favorites and head-
centers, and spent in gambling and riotous living. So enormous is
the robbery that ex-president Gould, a few weeks ago, to compro
mise a little dispute in a settlement, without much ceremony handed

over seven or eight millions If the tidal-wave now

rising does not win, it must be followed by such a succession of

248 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

others, each higher and stronger, till the railroad Pharaohs are
brought to judgment. By their power over freights they may
'bull' or 'bear' the market at will. They may make real for
tunes for their favorites, as easily as the Frenchman fancied he made
a thousand dollars before breakfast by marking up his goods. . .
. . I look to ' competition ' as the most natural, legitimate, and
effectual cure. As this competition will not come of itself, and as
individually we can not apply it, Government must be invoked in
the matter. The water lines already have done much. The lakes
and the Erie Canal save us millions annually. The ocean around
by Cape Horn is a regulator to some extent to the Pacific Bail-
road. I would therefore open new lines of water. . . . Although
it would cost money, did not, does not, railroad extortion cost
money? Who can tell how much ? Which is better, to pay some
thing for permanent relief or be perpetually robbed? . • . ,
I have suggested these as means for bringing competition. I do not
surrender the claim that Government can and ought to regulate
railroads by fixing maximum rates, and forbidding unjust discrim
ination. The government power of eminent domain was invoked
by them in their construction on the ground that they were to be
public institutions. The people never clothed their legislators with
power to contract away, for all time, the inherent rights of the
people. In our advancing civilization, public interest and public
necessity will not be thwarted by old and musty cob-web prece
dents. ' Dartmouth College ' may have been well enough for that
day, and for an institution of learning ; but it can not much longer
be made a standard rule and hobby-horse for railroads. These vast
corporations, which stretch from sea to sea, and cover the whole
country like an enveloping atmosphere, can not much longer shield
their extortions by quoting a law decision concerning a school.
The judge or lawyer who shall narrow his visions to this infinites
imal point when dealing with the great question, will be laughed
to scorn."

He believed the " Dartmouth decision," which Webster
had wrung from the judges, would prove that a little learn
ing was a dangerous thing; held that the railroads of Illi
nois were in open rebellion against the constitution and
laws of the State, which commands the legislature to act,

THE FARMERS IN COUNCIL. 249

but which law they were only seeking " mildly to en
force."

" Let us institute the necessary machinery and apply the proper
force to execute the law. If we can not name the specific measures
of relief on some great matters, there are yet objects enough of a
lesser kind, and clearly within our reach, to induce organization. In
the meantime the great question will be studied, and when the true
solution shall appear we shall have a power to execute. The truth
is, there are, no doubt, many ways of relief. Just now none of
these ways are practical for the want of a compact organization.
Difficulties will disappear as we gather in strength. As the stars re
duced themselves to order, when the great Newton proclaimed true
nature's law, so will wrong and monopolies yield up their grasp when
confronted by a united people."

THE FARMERS IN COUNCIL.

While the Committee on Credentials was deliberating,
there was an informal discussion entered into upon the
grievances of the farmers, and the scope of work to be per
formed.

Mr. Creed, of Marion County, stated that there were
thirty farmers' organizations in his county ; that they were
originally organized as a protection against horse thieves.
He urged the thorough organization of the farmers in the
State, by which means they could become united in demand
ing a voice in the control of affairs affecting their interests.
Mr. Ewing, of Macon, thought the Convention should con
fine its action to one or two main points or questions. They
should limit action mainly to the great question of trans
portation. Mr. Wiley believed every CQunty should organ
ize, with Clubs in every school district. Through such or
ganizations, the evils complained of could be remedied.
Law-makers, who were careful observers, would not resist

250 ' THE GROUNDSWELL.

the demands of such organizations. Mr. Perry, of Mar
shall County, thought we should be striking at the root of
the evil, if we turned our attention to the aggregation of
capital in the hands of monopolies. Mr. Phoenix, of Mc
Lean County, said that now all organizations tended to mo
nopolies. It was soulless brains against muscle that ailed
us. We were sold soul and body, in bonds, in Europe
and at home. He thought the enfranchisement of women
would cure our troubles.

Mr. Ellice, of Bureau County, said that, through the or
ganization of Farmers' Clubs, they would be enabled to pro
cure the greatest recompense from their labor. They had
succeeded in producing, while corporations had succeeded in
getting the profits ; while the farmers poll a three-fifth vote,
they have had little or nothing to do with legislation. They
should make their political power felt by sending represent
atives of the farmers to the Legislature and National Con
gress. To control monopolies, we must do it through legis
lation, and that requires political action.

Mr. S. M. Smith, of Kewanee, said that, before we talked
about using our strength politically, we had first better learn
what our strength was. We must first have organizations,
complete, compact, and thorough, extending into every school
district. The gist of the mass of letters he had received
since the Kewanee meeting was: "Men and brethren,
what shall we do to secure relief from these monopolies?"
The movement then organized would, if wise and discreet,
sweep like a prairie fire, not only through this State, but
throughout the great North-west. We all know and feel
the existing evils. The question to decide is, how to rem
edy them.

The Committee on Credentials having reported two hun
dred and seventy-five regularly-appointed delegates in at-

EAILWAY LEGISLATION AND RAILWAY REFORM. 251

tendance, and the Convention being thus ready for work,
permanent officers were elected, as follows :

President — Hon. Willard C. Flagg, of Madison County;
Vice-Presidents— S. P. Tufts, 0. E. Fanning, H. C. Law
rence, John H. Bryant, and M. M. Hooton; Secretaries —
S. M. Smith and S. P. Tufts; Treasurer — Duncan McKay.

Several hours were given up to the discussion of Farm
ers' Associations as business organizations. The fact was
clearly brought out that these organizations had, for two
years past, made large savings to the members, both in sell
ing their products and in purchasing supplies, so that there
had been already a large advantage gained through co-oper
ation. The experience varied somewhat, as it necessarily
would, in different parts of the State, but the advantages
every-where were decided.

RAILWAY LEGISLATION AND RAILWAY REFORM.

The President addressed the Convention on the subject of
railway legislation and railway reform, giving a history of
the railway systems in various countries, their growth, costs,
tariffs, etc. He said :

" These systems have grown up under various governmental pro
visions, and may be classed as follows :

" 1. Roads built, owned, and managed by governments, as in the
case of Russia and other despotic countries.

" 2. Roads partly built and controlled by government, so that pri
vate and government enterprise compete on parallel lines, as in the
case of Belgium.

" 3. Roads built on guarantees and subsidies offered by government
to private companies, as in France, Austria, India, and in the case
of our own Pacific and Illinois Central roads.

" 4. Roads built under charters granted by government.

"Looking at all these facts, and at others, not in the line of argu
ment, I can not pronounce the railway systems of England and

252 £HE GROUNDSWELL.

America a success. I see the necessity of a recognition of the truth
long ago enunciated by John Stuart Mill, that roads, canals, and rail
ways, as well as gas and water companies, ' are always in a great de
gree, practical monopolies, and a government which concedes such
monopoly to a private company, does much the same thing as if it
allowed an individual or an association to levy any tax they choose
for their own benefit on all the malt produced in the country, or on
all the cotton imported.'

*••*•*•*•*#•* •*

" What is the most feasible manner of controlling the power we
have evoked, is the proper subject for the deliberation of this Con
vention. It may be direct regulation by act of our General Assem

bly; it may be by the condemnation of the franchises that have
been abused, and perhaps forfeited ; it may be by enforcing the prin
ciple of our State Constitution, and making the railroads in the
State in fact what they are in theory — public highways ; it may be
national legislation, under the constitutional power to regulate com
merce among the several States, or other power, if amendment be
necessary, so that the vast combinations of lines that already more
than half span the continent shall be made subject to one general
and equitable law of freight and passenger rates. It may be by
building or condemning national railways that shall traverse the
continent, north and south, east and west, and, running with fixed
rates, compel the private companies to reasonable rates. It may be
one or many. But that relief must be had is certain.

" If neither legislatures, nor courts, nor executives can furnish it,
the people themselves can. But I believe and maintain that there
is an adequate remedy in all, and that we only need to insist and

CHARTERS AND CONTRACTS. 253

require that our officers do their duty. The unjust judge that de
cides that the people have 110 rights that the railroad corporations
are bound to respect, should be retired to private life. The legisla
tive railway attorney should be excused from further service. It is
certain that all who falter or fear must make way for better men,
and our courts, our legislatures, and our executive officers should
be required to be a unit in making the railway corporations what
they were intended to be — the servants of the public, doing fair
work for fair pay."

CHARTERS AND CONTRACTS.

An earnest discussion ensued on charters and contracts.
Mr. H. C. Lawrence, of McDonough County, held that the
charters granted the railroads under the old constitution of
Illinois were in the nature of contracts, and, therefore, the
evils complained of could not feasibly be corrected by litiga
tion. He did not favor the project of a grand competing
trunk line to the seaboard. He thought the State had the
power of condemnation of the roads. He would rather re
sort to this power, and pay for them what they were worth,
but not the fictitious values placed on them by the excessive
watering of stock.

Mr. J. H. Rowell, one of the volunteer counsel in the fa
mous McLean County (Illinois) Suit, gave, at some length, a
history of the case. The points of his address were sub
stantially as follows :

The power of eminent domain, and the power of taxation,
have been lawfully used in the construction of railways.
They are, therefore, public highways. The corporators are
the trustees of the public engaged in administering a public
trust. They are a part of the machinery of the State — are
political officers as truly as are the sheriff and circuit clerk.
Like them, they receive compensation for their tima and

254 THE GROUNDSWELL.

capital by being permitted to charge fees, and, like them,
their fees may be established by the legislature, the power
that created them.

If it is a good law (and it is), what need has the State or
nation to build more lines of railroad? We own all the
roads now; freight cars, locomotives, depots, the road-bed,
ties, and iron, all belong to the State, the corporation hav
ing a qualified property in them, and the right to perpetu
ally execute the trust, if they obey the law ; for this is the
condition under which they invested their capital. Let us
regulate what roads we now have, and see how that works
before we build more.

A permanent railroad bureau is needed, as one of the ex
ecutive departments of the State, which should be charged
with the duty of overlooking the railroad property, examin^
ing into the cost of management, the amount of traffic, the
appliances for speed and safety, the exclusion of blood-suck
ing fast freight lines, and the enforcement of the law. It is
idle to talk about enforcing obedience from these masterful
monopolies by private effort. It will be found altogether
too costly and unequal. The State must take it in hand, as
it does the punishment of crime, and the penalty for willful
disobedience must be forfeiture.

The courts move slowly, but whenever public opinion be
comes crystalized conviction, they never fail to give it the
voice of authority. A good old maxim of the law tells us
that when the reason for a law ceases, the law itself ceases.
By its aid, many a musty precedent has been swept away,
and given place to a juster and better rule.

With the producers of Illinois organized and united ; with
an enlightened understanding of the issues involved, not for
getting that the lawyers may be found necessary evils in
the fight ; with faith in the purity and eminent ability of

RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE VS. RAILROADS. 255

our Supreme Court, the speaker hoped, within the six
months following the Convention, to hear the voice which
should emancipate the people from the tyranny of railway
monopoly.

EIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE VERSUS RAILROADS.

Mr. E. J. Benjamin, a well-known lawyer of Bloomington,
in a long and logical argument, which he sustained by many
quoted authorities, presented the rights of the people and
corporations, and believed that if the matters at issue were
pressed to a final termination in the courts, justice would
be done the people, without depriving the corporations of
any just or equitable compensation for the legitimate capital
represented by them.

A letter was read from Colonel Morgan, one of the Bail-
way Commissioners, in which he suggested that the ques
tions for discussion were, in a large degree, the same as had
officially come before the commission. First, it ought to be
conceded that the railroads have a right to present to the
courts their construction of certain laws. If the laws are
valid, the courts will sustain them, and if invalid, the roads
have a right to oppose them. He called attention to the
case recently tested in McLean County, wherein the validity
of the present law was sustained. The case had been ap
pealed, and if the Supreme Court of the State should affirm,
the railroad would undoubtedly carry it to the Supreme Court
of the United States. In this case, it could hardly be expected
that a final decision would be reached before 1876. The
combined capital invested in railroads in the State was not
less than $200,000,000. It is this immense power of capital
that had to be opposed.

Subsequent to the reading of the letter, Colonel JMorgan

256 THE GROUNDSWELL.

arrived in Bloomington, and, upon his arrival at the Con
vention, was loudly called for. Coming forward, he said
that he had not designed to take part in the deliberations of
the Convention, but would say that he had accepted the
appointment on the commission with the firm conviction
that in that position he was bound to do his duty. In this
State, the contest is against railroad companies that claimed
the right to fix the rate of transportation in their own way,
and this by reason of an irrevocable contract. Thanks to
Judge Tipton, that so-called right had received its first
knock-down. Who will set it on its feet again ? He be
lieved that retrospective relief could and must be obtained ;
and that the fictitious railroad capital of the United States
must be forever blotted out, and no more, under any form, be
permitted to rest as a wrongful burden on the people. He
believed this could be done. Every railroad had been taking
secretly and fraudulently from the people, and putting into
the pockets of dishonest managers. Seasonable rates, he
hoped, would some time be a reality.

FORMATION OF THE ILLINOIS STATE FARMERS1 ASSO
CIATION.

The Committee on State Organization presented its report
by the Secretary, S. T K. Prime, embodying a constitution,
as follows:

ARTICLE I. This organization shall be known as the Illinois State
Farmers' Association.

ARTICLE II. Its object shall be the promotion of the moral, intel
lectual, social, and pecuniary welfare of the farmers of Illinois.

ARTICLE III. Its members shall consist of delegates from the
various Farmers' Clubs, Granges, and Agricultural and Horticultural
Societies of the State, each of which shall be entitled to at least one
delegate, and where the number of its members exceed fifty, to one

THE RESOLUTIONS. 257

delegate for every one hundred members or fraction exceeding half
that number. The members of the State Board of Agriculture shall
be, ex-officio, members of this association, and from counties or parts
of counties in which Clubs, Granges, or other Agricultural or Horti
cultural Societies are not organized, persons, not delegates, may be
admitted by vote of this association. All members shall pay an
annual fee of $1.

ARTICLE IV. Its officers shall consist of a President, a Vice-Presi
dent from each Congressional District of the State, (to be nominated
by the delegates therefrom,) of a Secretary and Treasurer; and these
officers shall constitute the State Central Committee of this organi
zation, with power to appoint an Executive Committee of three from
the members, also a County Committee of one from each county in
the State, to be nominated by the delegates. Said officers shall be
elected annually and serve for one year, until their successors are
elected. This organization shall meet annually at such time and
place as the Association, or, in case of its failure to designate, the.
State Central Committee, may determine. Special meetings may be
called by the Executive Committee.

In the discussion upon the report of the Committee, the
Constitution and By-laws were considered seriatim. Mr.
Somers, of McLean County, moved to amend the title by
calling it "The Farmers' and Mechanics' Association," but
the amendment was lost, and each clause of the constitution
was adopted in the form reported by the Committee.

The officers elected were : President, W. C. Flagg ; Vice-
Presidents — first Congressional District, A. H. Dolton;
second, Daniel Worthington ; third, N. S. Church ; fourth,
P. B. Richards ; fifth, D. W. Dame ; sixth, Rufus Hoard ;
seventh, H. R. Conklin ; eighth, William Colon ; ninth, L.
F. Boss; tenth, H. C. Lawrence; eleventh, T. Butterworth;
twelfth, Benj. Dornblaser : thirteenth, Joshua Brown; four
teenth, J. B. Porterfield ; fifteenth, David Morrison ; six
teenth, Dr. M. M. Hooton; seventeenth, T. Smith, Jr.;
eighteenth, John M. Ferris; nineteenth, Richard Richard
son ; Secretary, S. M. Smith ; Treasurer, Duncan McKay.

258 THE GROUNDSWELL.

THE RESOLUTIONS.
The Committee on Resolutions reported as follows :

WHEREAS, The Constitution of Illinois requires the Legislature
to pass laws to correct abuses and prevent unjust discrimination and
extortion by railroads ; and,

WHEREAS, The Legislature has complied with this provision of the
Constitution; and,

WHEREAS, The Bailroads in the State of Illinois stand in open
defiance of the laws, by charging rates greatly in excess of what the
laws allow, and by unjust discriminations and extortions; and,

WHEREAS, These exactions and extortions bear most heavily upon
the producing classes ; therefore, be it

Resolved, That this convention of farmers and producers insist upon
the enforcement of these laws.

Resolved, That in obedience to the universal law that the creature
is not above the creator, we declare our unalterable conviction that
all corporations are subject to regulation by law.

Resolved, That we call upon every department of the State govern*
ment — the executive, legislative, and judicial — in their joint and sev^
eral capacities, to execute the Constitution and laws now in force ;
and if amendments or new laws are needed to enforce obedience, we
call for their speedy enactment.

Resolved, That cheap transportation is of vital interest to the West,
and that every combination to increase the price above what is just
and legitimate is a conspiracy against the rights of the people, and a
robbery which we loudly protest against.

Resolved, That in the efforts of our officers to execute the laws in
question, no narrow policy should be pursued by the Legislature, but
that the magnitude of the matter at stake demands that ample appro
priations be made, to enable those in charge of the object to act with
vigor and effect.

Resolved, That the power of this, and all local organizations, should
be wielded at the ballot-box by the election to all offices, from high
est to lowest — legislative, executive, and judicial — of such, and only
such, persons as sympathize with us in this movement, and be
lieve, as we do, that there is a rightful remedy for this wrong, and
that it can and must be enforced ; and to this end we pledge our
votes at all elections where they will have a bearing against tbe
wrong in question,

THE RESOLUTIONS. 259

Resolved, That the late decision in the McLean County Circuit
Court, sustaining the constitutionality of our railroad law, is sound,
and we hail it with satisfaction.

Resolved, That persons traveling upon the railroads of the State,
having tendered to the conductor the legal fare, are in line of their
duty, and as they have complied with all their legal obligations, are
entitled to the protection of the civil power of the State ; and any
conductor or other officer or employee of the road attempting to
disturb any such person, or eject him from the cars, are violators of
the peace and dignity of the State, and should be punished by exem
plary penalties.

The railroad question was again brought up, by Mr.
Stephen E. Moore, of Kankakee, who reviewed the subject,
and offered the following resolutions, which were referred to
the appropriate committee. They are as follows :

Resolved, That all transportation companies, lines, and persons
shall have the right to run their cars, said roads paying as toll
therefor such compensation as the Board of Directors shall determine
upon.

Resolved, That the Board of Directors for the management of the
said roads shall be elected by the lower House of Representatives of
the State named as corporators.

Resolved, That one Senator and Representative be requested to ap
point three persons who shall be empowered to proceed to the Legis
latures of States through which the road will pass, and ask co-oper
ation by the States, and request that each State will appoint three
persons, who shall constitute a joint committee.

Resolved, That the charter for the constitution of such national
railway should be granted by the national government, and said rail
way shall forever remain a public highway.

Resolved, That the States through which this national freight road
shall be built shall become corporators under said charter.

Resolved, That in the States through which, and along which, the
road should be built, the people thereof shall construct the same
through the territory of said States respectively.

Resolved, That said railway shall ever remain under the control of
said States, which States shall exercise the power of regulating the
tariff rates,

260 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that a double
track, steel rail, freight railway should be built from Lincoln, Neb., in
the West, crossing the States of Iowa and Missouri as near upon a
line as may be, running thence East on air line to Youngstown, near
the eastern boundary of Ohio ; thence following the Gardner survey
to some point in Pennsylvania, to be determined upon hereafter ;
from thence with three diverging lines running to New York, Phil
adelphia, and Baltimore ; and that said railway should be used ex
clusively for a freight line. The committee to prepare a charter for
the construction of the road, to submit it to the respective State Leg
islatures for approval, and, when approved, to present the same to
Congress, and ask for its passage.

Resolved, That the chairman appoint a committee of five to pre
sent these resolutions to the Legislature, and ask that body to carry
out their spirit.

Mr. Carter, from the Committee on ^Resolutions, submitted
a report, as follows :

Resolved, That we recommend to our Legislature the enactment of
a law making it a misdemeanor for any county or State officer to
accept a free pass from any railroad, while holding office-

Resolved, That we view with favor the opening of feasible water
communications, and all propositions to so improve and enlarge the
great water line of the lakes and the St. Lawrence as to practically
bring tide water to Chicago ; and, for this purpose, completing the
Illinois river improvement, and the extension of the canal to Rock
Island, so as to connect the vast interior river system with the ocean
commerce at our great commercial city, meet our approbation.

Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that in the ap
pointment of Railroad and Warehouse Commissioners, at Jeast one of
the members of that commission should be a man whose business in
terests, sympathies, and knowledge of the experiences and wants of
the farmer class, should fairly constitute him a representative man
of that class, and who shall be so recommended by them.

Resolved. That in order to accomplish the ends arrived »t by this
Convention, we earnestly recommend the organization of the farmers
throughout the State into Clubs, and Granges of Patrons of Hua-
bandry.

THE RESOLUTIONS. 261

The following resolution was offered and adopted :

Resolved, That this Convention appoint Capt. J. H. Rowell and R.
W. Benjamin to proceed to our Legislature, and procure an act con
demning all railroads that are running in violation of the law, and
we further recommend that a commission be appointed to take charge
of such road or roads, and run them in compliance with the law.

Resolved, That this Convention hails with joy and pleasure the late
action taken in Congress by representatives Sheilabarger, of Ohio,
and Hawley, of Illinois, as the harbinger of better things to come.

The following miscellaneous resolutions were offered and
referred to the Committee on Resolutions :

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be instructed to
forward to Hons. Sheilabarger, of Ohio, and Hawley, of Illinois, and
to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Rep
resentatives, copies of the resolutions of this Convention, with re
quest that they be laid before the respective Houses.

Resolved, That the names of the persons composing the meeting at
Kewanee, on the 15th and 16th of October, 1872, be inscribed on a
suitable tablet, for permanent preservation by this society.

Resolved, That in view of the power of the press, this Convention
urge upon the Farmers' Clubs over this State, the great importance
of reporting their proceedings to their local papers, and, so far as
practicable, to the papers having a State circulation.

Resolved, That the Legislature of this State be requested to instruct
our Senators, and request our Representatives in Congress, in view
of the depressed condition of the agricultural interests of this State
and all others dependent thereon, except that of railway transac
tions, to insist upon the utmost economy in appropriations and fru
gality in expenditure of national moneys consonant with the neces
sities of the country.

Resolved, That we are in favor of removing the duties on iron, lum
ber, and salt.

Resolved, That farmers buy no implements of those manufacturers
or their agents who have entered into any conspiracy agreeing not to
sell their implements to Farmers' Associations.

Resolved, That this Convention respectfully call the attention of
the General Assembly to the bill introduced by Senator Vaughn, of
Knox County, in 1871, affixing reasonable maximum rates of freights

262 THE GBOUNDSWELL.

on railroads, and that we urge the immediate passage of that or some
similar bill.

Eesolutions of thanks to the city of Bloomington, the
Board of Trade, and citizens generally, for their hospitality,
closed this Convention, which must ever rank with the most
important of its class, not only from the business actually
transacted, but from the life which it infused into the
Farmers' Movement. The Association formed at this meet
ing has since grown and flourished. It comprises members
of both Clubs and Granges, and, on that account alone, its
value to the farming interest throughout the West is incal
culable ; for it is by the union of these organizations that
the farmers' wrongs are to be righted.

CHAPTER XXI.

THE PATRONS OF IOWA AND THEIR WORK.

TWO MEETINGS OF THE STATE GRANGE.

The Order of Patrons of Husbandry early obtained a
strong foothold in Iowa, and this, for a considerable time
past, has been the banner State in the number of its
Granges, etc. Nearly two thousand Granges are now in
working operation there, and their influence is powerfully
felt in almost every county.

The last annual meeting of the State Grange was held at
Des Moines, on the ninth and tenth of December, 1873.
Worthy Master Smedley, in his opening address, reviewed
the growth of the Order in the State, showing that the
number of Subordinate Granges increased, during the pre
ceding year, from seven hundred and eighty-eight to one
thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, with an aggregate
membership of one hundred thousand. He warned the
members that the success of the Order depended upon the
observance of their rules, prohibiting the introduction of
politics into the Order. During the afternoon, a prominent
member made a speech favoring the formation of a new
political party.

After a sharp contest, concluded late on the tenth, the
following officers were elected: Col. A. B. Smedley (re-
elected), Master ; J. M. Dixon, Overseer ; J. G. H. Little,
(263)

264 THE GROUKBSWELL.

Secretary; J. W. Wilkinson, Lecturer; William Duane
Wilson, Chaplain; D. W. Prindle, Steward; Jonathan
Thacher, Assistant Steward; M. L. Devon, Treasurer;
Executive Committee — J. W. Whitman, E. K Shankland,

and Clark.

From a more perfect report of the annual meeting of the
Iowa State Grange, held on the twenty-eighth of January,
1873, 1 quote the following points, not only as embodying im
portant information concerning the workings of the Order in
its greatest stronghold, but also as showing the tendencies
of the Farmers' Movement. This meeting was attended by

State Seal of Iowa.

over one thousand delegates from the various Granges of
the State, representing forty thousand of the farmers of
Iowa. But for the railroad blockade, caused by the unprec
edented snow-storms that had visited the West, it is estim
ated that over two thousand delegates would have assembled,
As it was, however, the large hall used for the occasion
barely accommodated the number present.

RAILROADS, LAND GRANTS, SALARIES, AND ORANGE
AGENTS.

One of the memorials presented, asked Congress to build
a double track freight railroad to the seaboard, and another

Atft) LAtfD GRAtfTS. 265

asked the Legislature of Iowa to build a system of narrow
guage railroads in the State. The following resolution was
adopted with respect to the land-grant bill then before Con
gress :

"Resolved, By the State Grange of the Patrons of Hus
bandry, that the Worthy Master be requested to telegraph
to President Grant their earnest desire that he interpose
his veto on the bill recently passed by the House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States, making or confirming addi
tional grants of lands to railroads in this State."

A memorial was adopted asking the legislature to regu
late railroad tariffs. Resolutions were passed appointing a
Grange agent for each railroad in the State ; and organiz
ing the entire Grange of Iowa into a company for the reduc
tion of express rates.

The report of the Finance Committee, which was adopted,
recommended that the Master should receive a salary of
seven hundred dollars per annum, each member of the Ex
ecutive Committee one hundred and fifty dollars, and the
Treasurer two hundred dollars.

A motion was adopted that the memorial of the Grange
in regard to railroad legislation be presented to the Presi
dent of the Senate and the Speaker of the House.

At the meeting of the Executive Committee, there were
appointed a State Agent, and an agent for each of the main
lines of the East and West railroads in the State, whose
duty it should be to attend to all railroad interests of the
Granges, such as making freight rates, and seeing to
prompt and safe shipment of all Grange freights.

A. B. Smedley, of Howard County, the newly-elected

Master of the State Grange and Chairman of the Executive

Committee, was appointed Grange Agent for the McGregor

Western Railroad ; E. R. Shankland, of Dubuque, agent for

12

266 THE GBOUNDSWELL.

the Dubuque & Sioux City Eailroad; Spencer Day, of
Marshalltown, for the Chicago & North-western Eailroad;
0. H. P. Buchanan, of Mt. Pleasant, for the Burlington &
Missouri Eiver Eailroad ; J. D. Whitman, of Des Moihes,
as agent for the State at large, and also for the Chicago,
Eock Island & Pacific Eailroad.

SPEECH OF WORTHY MASTER A. B. SMEDLEY.

At the festivities at Epworth, Iowa, on the seventeenth
of September, 1873, Col. A. B. Smedley, one of the master
spirits in this great Order, in an eloquent address, enun
ciated sentiments which can not fail to find an echo in. the
heart of every delver of the soil. The following extracts
will show the tenor of his address :

The darkness, bigotry, and intolerance of feudal Europe drove to
the bleak shores of New England a few souls, in whose hearts re
sponded the divine element of freedom. What seemed to them
darkness, privation, and trial was the birth of a new nation, which
should be the home of the oppressed of all lands. Human slavery,
relic of the dark ages, cursed our nation. The time came when
slavery and freedom could not exist together; through trial, through

"Through Trial, Toil, and. Blood."

toil and blood and anguish, slavery went down into the realms of the
past, and freedom was triumphant. 'T is true that in a thousand
homes are empty seats ; 't is true that in a multitude of hearts there

SPEECH OF GRAND MASTER SMEDLEY. 267

are vacant chambers ; but God's purposes are accomplished, and the
stain that for so long had darkened our fair nation's fame was effaced,
and we began to say we were a nation of freemen.

But we had scarcely begun to congratulate ourselves on our suc
cess when a new enemy appeared. Circumstances growing partly
out of a long and terrible war, and partly from other causes, had led
to the creation of immense and powerful corporations, which threat
ened the safety, prosperity, and happiness of the people. Thought
ful men began to be troubled, and to look with painful anxiety as to
the probable result of a condition which threatened to usurp the
government, which destroyed confidence in our judiciary, and which
held in their hands the prosperity of all industrial and producing
classes. The national banks, although created to meet the exigency
of the darkest days of the war — the system designed by good men,
and serving, for a time, a wise purpose — had become an enormous
power, and one which, in the hands of designing men, might be
used as an instrument of oppression. Our system of railroads, de
signed by the beneficent genius
of good men, to bring vast and
incalculable blessings to all — the
capitalist and the laborer alike —
had become a power beyond the
control of the government, and
an engine of unheard-of oppres
sion. Here were new enemies.
Here was an unhappy condition,

Dan er! an<^ nonest men began to look

about for means of relief. It

was seen that the whole agricultural interests of the country, more
especially of the West, was made productive or unproductive, just
as the whim or caprice of those who controlled these corporations
led. The industry of a whole commonwealth might, and oftentimes
was, made of just such a nature as they desired, and people were
simply tools in their hands, with just such remuneration as they
pleased to give them. Men came to see that it was only a question
of time when these monopoly interests should be as absolute in their
ownership of the -agricultural and producing classes of the country
as the nobles of Russia are of the serfs. We saw, too, that this evil
was gainingln strength every clay, and unless some means was found

268 THE GHOtJNDSWELL.

to check this dangerous and growing evil, absolute serfdom would be
the result.

In casting about for some means of relief, various plans were de
vised. We, from time to time, heard of the Laborers' Unions of
Europe, of the Internationals of France, and of late years we have
been [studying the old system of the freehold cities of Germany,
with their perfect system of guilds and associations of labor, which
all finally went down under the iron heel of despotism. While look
ing for light, while casting about for relief, there were rumors of a
new organization, peculiarly American in its character, and one
which was designed to unite together, in one common bond of broth
erhood, the laboring and producing classes. This new organization
was called the Patrons of Husbandry. Born of a great and almost
terrible need, in obedience to the divine law of supply and demand, in
our day and hour of need, this organization came to strengthen our
hands, and to form a united interest from the Atlantic to the Pacific
slope. I remember very distinctly the first time I read the preamble
to the National Constitution of the National Grange. Volumes
might be written and not more clearly express man's relation to his
brother man, and to the Father.

I have sometimes been pained at the tenacity with which some
members of our Order cling, with an absorbing purpose, to simply
the pecuniary aspect of our work. Brothers, this is commendable,
but it is not all. Our sons and daughters must be educated. Edu
cated, not only in books, but in that broader education which takes
in all of the human character. Nowhere can this be so well done
as in the Grange room. Here the highest and broadest moral senti
ments are taught, line upon line, and precept upon precept. The
highest attributes of human character are here brought forward.
Meanness and bitterness are rebuked, and the mind is expanded.
Not alone, however, are our children educated in the Grange room.
We ourselves are benefited. How many men and women are learn
ing how business men do business, and the relations all sustain to
the government and to commerce. When our Order has passed the
elementary stages, and has become, so to speak, solidified, no class
of people in our land will be as learned, as broad in their views, as

SPEECH OF GBAND MASTER SMEDLEY. 269

farmers. I look for the time to come when from the farms and shops
of Iowa will go forth men who will fill our executive and legislative
halls; when intelligence will become so broad and general that it
will be impossible for our judiciary to be corrupt; and when we
shall cease to hear of venal legislators and corrupt public servants.

No experiment of modern times has been so important as the one
under consideration. The farmers of this nation are on trial before
the world. The question is now to be settled as to whether they are
capable of self-government; as to whether they are competent to do
business, and whether they are susceptible of a high condition of
educational advancement. The experiment is now to be tried, prac
tically, as to whether woman is competent to assume equal and like
responsibilities with man ; as to whether our wives, mothers, daugh
ters, and friends shall work with us, joining hands in all life's duties.

Sisters and brothers, do we feel the importance of this trial ? Are
we fully aware of the importance of this experiment ? Do we realize
just what it means ? That it means, upon the one hand, a servile,
slavish, and secondary condition ; on the other, manhood and wo
manhood in their highest and broadest sense? It means, on the
one hand, comparative poverty ; on the other, affluence. It means,
on the one hand, ignorance ; on the other, enlightenment. It means
serfdom on the one hand, and freedom on the other. It means that
our children shall be the future hewers of wood and drawers of
water in the nation, or American citizens, brave, strong, self-reliant,
and competent for all places of trust and responsibility. It means
that labor shall be a degradation, or that work shall be ennobled,
elevated, and a badge of conferring honor. Again I say, do we fully
realize the importance of this experiment? Do we take in all its
power and significance ?

**********
Let us, then, with clean hands and pure hearts, consecrate all
that is best and noblest in us, to the success of a work more patient
and sublime in its character than any ever before undertaken. Let
each lay upon the altar of this new Order whatever he or she may
have of selfish ambition or of mercenary motive, and, joining hands,
let us covenant that our best and highest thought and action shall
be dedicated to the cause of justice and humanity. Let us pledge,
each to the other, that we will labor faithfully, patiently, earnestly,

270 THE GEOUNDSWELL,

and persistently to purify and lift up ourselves, State and Nation
being ever in mind. Let us remember that if we would triumph
in the unequal conflict upon which we now enter, we must fear God,
obey our laws, maintain our honors, not forgetting that a good
matron, as well as a good husbandman, has taken solemn obligations
and assumed grave responsibilities. And now may the Great Master
of the universe bless us in our labor, and sustain and abide with us,
both here and when our work here is finished.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE KANSAS FARMERS' CO-OPERATIVE ASSO
CIATION.

THE STATE CONVENTION AT TO PER A.

On the 26th of March, 1873, a mass convention of the
farmers of Kansas was held at Topeka, at which was formed
the now powerful organization known as the " Farmers' Co
operative Association of the State of Kansas." The meet
ing originated with the Manhattan Farmers' Club, which
passed resolutions requesting the Secretary of the State
Board of Agriculture, Mr. Alfred Gray, to call a State Con
vention, to be composed of delegates from Farmers' Clubs.
This was done, and, subsequently, the call was enlarged so
as to include Farmers' Unions, Granges, and other similar
organizations.

While the formal initiatory business of the Convention
was being transacted, Mr. Henry Bronson, Dr. Lawrence,
and Mr. Van Winkle delivered addresses on the incidents
of taxation, and farmers' grievances generally. The speaker
first mentioned declared that it was because of a false financial
system, and a false political system no longer bearable, sad
dled on the people, that the farmers have come here to see
if they can not be righted. It is useless to say they can do
nothing ; for they have the votes and the power, though want
of organization has kept them from accomplishing these re-

(271)

272 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

forms. Just so soon as organization is effected they will
be as strong as they are now weak. It matters not whether
this be done by Farmers' Unions or by the Patrons of Hus
bandry, and he would never quarrel with the means tha.t
accomplished these ends, and desired all to work with the
means and tools that suited best ; but there should be no
antagonism. They had strong powers to combat, and when
they met them in fight should be confident that they were
strong enough to cope with the enemy. He counseled them
to avoid divisions, and believed that there was a working
force in the land that would culminate in a strength suffi
cient to make their efforts a success.

State Seal of Kansas.

The verification of credentials having been concluded, the
Committee on Organization recommended the following
named gentlemen :

Hon. John Davis for President; Jonathan Weaver and
Alfred Taylor for Vice-Presidents ; J. K. Hudson for Secre
tary; and J. T. Stevens, Assistant Secretary. The Presi
dent-elect briefly thanked the Convention, and business was
proceeded with.

After adopting a resolution limiting speeches to ten min
utes, a committee was appointed to draft a constitution for a
permanent organization. In the course of the discussion
which preceded this action, Governor Robinson said that the

*THl! STATE CONVENTION AT TOPEItA. 273

only benefit which the farmer could hope for was by well-
considered organization. The old question of demand and
supply was obsolete and played out ; none of the great inter
ests were using it. It was,, instead, the new word of combi
nation which determines the price at which iron and other
commodities are sold from New York to San Francisco.
All classes, whether they be mechanics, engineers, shoemak
ers, or boot-blacks, combine and fix the price for their dif
ferent products or labor. We have parallel lines of railroad,
but they combine and do not compete. If the poor farmers
were to combine and withhold their hands, the people would
perish. There was but one course for the farmer to pursue,
and he would not give one fig for any thing they would ac
complish unless they adopted it. He advocated county and
State organizations, auxiliary to a National one, all to be in
correspondence with headquarters ; and that the National
Directory should set the price for farm products in our
cities ; who should find out all the statistics of interest to
the farmer, average of grain and cost, and have an intelli
gent information of the prices determined in all our great
cities. The State organizations should, within their limits,
gather up such statistics and fix prices, and county societies
should do the same. The farmer would then handle the
same weapons, and be on the same footing with dealers in
iron, wool, and cotton. He urged organization, and whon
organized, to correspond with headquarters, and agree to
abide in good faith with the Board of Directory as to th*«
movement of grain and prices. We can then obtain laws,
regulate railroads and the price of every commodity to be
bought by the farmer. They will give it up when this state
of affairs occurs. While he did not advise any political ac
tion, his advice was to vote for the known friends of the
former, wherever they might be found, and they would soon

274 THE GROUNDSWELL.

find out that they had plenty of friends. He hoped that
some steps would be taken by the Convention in the right
direction.

RESOLUTIONS AND DEBATE THEREON.

Various resolutions were submitted and referred to a
committee, which, subsequently, reported the following:

Resolved, That organization is the great want of the producing
classes at the present time, and we recommend every farmer in the
State to become a member of some Farmers' Club, Grange of the
Patrons of Husbandry, or other local organization.

Resolved, That the taxes assessed and charged upon the people,
both by national, State, and local governments, are oppressive and
unjust, and vast sums of money are collected far beyond the needs
of an economical administration of government.

Resolved, That we respectfully request our Senators and Represent
atives in Congress to vote for, and secure, an amendment to the tariff
laws of the United States, so that salt and lumber shall be placed on
the free list, and that there shall be made a material reduction of
the duty on iron, and that such articles as do not pay the cost of
collection be also placed on the free list.

Resolved, That we demand that the Legislature of our State shall
pass a law limiting railroad freights and fares to a just and fair sum,
and that unjust discriminations against local freights be prohibited.

Resolved, That the act passed by the last Legislature, exempting
bonds, notes, mortgages, and judgments from taxation, is unjust, op
pressive, and a palpable violation of our State constitution, and we
call upon all assessors and the county boards to see that said securi
ties are taxed at their fair value.

A debate ensued on the first resolution. Mr. Lines ob
jected to the Granges on the ground of their secrecy fea
ture, and moved that the words " Granges of Patrons of
Husbandry '' be stricken out. After a discussion, in which
it appeared that Mr. Lines was almost alone in his views,
the amendment was withdrawn, and the orginal resolution

CONSTITUTION, BY-LAWS, OFFICES, ETC. 275

was afterward carried. The second resolution was passed
unanimously.

On the tariff resolution a lively discussion took place, in
which statistics were given by Major Miller, of the State
Agricultural College, showing that the tariff on iron did not
account for the difference in the price of that article in the
United States and England. Mr. Christopher gave some
details about the Syracuse salt ring, and their manner of
crowding out competition. Mr. Van Winkle moved to
amend the resolution by leaving out salt and iron. The
amendment was lost, and the resolution carried.

When the resolution on railroad freights came on for con
sideration, Mr. Lines moved, as a substitute :

That we earnestly request the Legislature of our State, at
its next session, to enact a law regulating freights and fares
upon our railroads upon a basis of justice ; and that we fur
ther request our members in Congress to urge the favorable
action of that body, where the same power exists beyond all
doubt, to the same end, and, if need be, to construct na
tional highways at the expense of the government.

After a discussion, this was adopted instead of the origi
nal resolution.

The other resolutions, after discussion, were adopted.

CONSTITUTION, BY-LAWS, AND OFFICERS.

The report of the Committee on Permanent Organization
was then taken up. It embodied a Preamble and Constitu
tion, as follows :

PREAMBLE.

As a means of obtaining a more perfect uniformity of action
among the farmers of the State, in order that we may secure a more
equal division of the profits arising from the different vocations

276 THE GROUNDSWELL.

of life, of diminishing the unreasonable transportation tariff now
charged by railroad companies, and of breaking down monopolies of
every character, we, whose names are hereto subscribed, do pledge
ourselves to sustain the following Constitution and By-Laws :

CONSTITUTION OF THE FARMERS' CO-OPERATIVE ASSOCIATION
OF THE STATE OF KANSAS.

ARTICLE I. This Association shall be called the Farmers' Co-op
erative Association of the State of Kansas.

ART. II. The objects of this Association shall be the collection of
statistics relative to the products of the State, their amount, cost,
and value; to assist the farmers in securing just compensation for
their labor ; to co-operate with similar organizations in other State?
in procuring cheap transportation and remunerative prices for sur
plus products, and act generally in the interest of the producing
class.

ART. III. The officers of this Association shall be elected annually
by ballot, and shall consist of a President, Vice-President, Secre-
tary, Treasurer, and an Executive Committee of five, who, with the
President, Vice-President, Secretary, and Treasurer, shall constitute a
Board of Directors. It shall be the duty of the several officers to
discharge the duties usually devolving upon such officers respect
ively.

ART. IV. The Secretary, in addition to recording the proceedings
of the Association and Board of Directors, shall conduct a corre
spondence with auxiliary associations of whatever name, transmit to
them all information of interest to farmers, and perform such other
duties as the Association or Directors may require.

ART. V. The Board of Directors shall have the general supervision
of the interests of the Association, and provide for carrying into
effect the provisions of Article II of this Constitution.

ART. VI. The terms of office after the first shall be one year, or
until their successors are elected, and the annual meeting and elec
tion shall be held on the second Tuesday in January of each year.

ART. VII. Any county, township, or district organization in this
State, whether called Union, Grange, Club, or other name, who
shall forward to the Treasurer the sum of five dollars for each county
society, and one dollar for all other local societies, and such assess-

CONSTITUTION. 277

ments as shall be made, from time to time, by the Executive Com
mittee for the benefit of the Association, whose Secretary shall cor
respond with the Secretary of this Association, and whose members
shall co-operate in its general objects, may become auxiliary to this
Association and be entitled to all its benefits.

ART. VIII. Each representative district shall be entitled to send
two delegates to all meetings of the Association. Such delegates to
be elected by all the auxiliary farmers' organizations in such district.

ART. IX. The Directors shall have power to call delegate conven
tions whenever they shall deem it expedient.

ART. X. All claims and accounts shall be audited by the Board
of Directors, and no money shall be paid out of the treasury except
upon its order.

ART. XI. This constitution may be altered or amended at any reg
ular meeting of this Association by a vote of two-thirds of the mem
bers present.

The same Committee reported the following resolutions,
which were adopted :

Resolved, That the act relating to the collection of statistics and
industries, approved March 6, 1873, and an act relating to District
and County Agricultural Societies and Farmers' Clubs, approved
March 6, 1873, meet with the approval of this Convention, so far as
they go in the accomplishment of the objects sought by this Conven
tion.

Resolved, That the Farmers' Co-operative Association of the State
of Kansas co-operate with the State Board of Agriculture, and the
State organization of the Patrons of Husbandry.

After discussion, the report and Constitution were adopted.

The Convention proceeded to the election of officers, with
the following result :

John Davis, of Eiley Co., President ; J. K. Hudson, of Wy-
andotte, Vice-President ; H. Bronson, of Douglas, Treasurer ;
Alfred Gray, Secretary and Corresponding Secretary. Di
rectors — T. B. Smith, of Douglas; John Mings, of Osage;
0. W. Bill, of Riley; A. H. Grass, of Montgomery; and J.
B. Van Winkle, of Leavenworth.

278 THE GROUNDSWELL.

LOCAL ORGANIZATIONS, ETC.

Mr. Alfred Gray was elected Corresponding Agent to
communicate with the principal manufacturers of agricul
tural implements, and dealers in the same, with a view to
obtaining low rates of purchase, and also to make application
for reduced rates of transportation on all the different rail
roads, and forward a statement of advantages obtained
monthly to each of the different organizations of farmers
within the State.

Mr. Coleman, of Douglas, offered the following resolution,
which was adopted :

Hesolved, That it is the sense of this Convention that the
farmers of Kansas, while they are ready to denounce in un
measured terms every monopoly that strikes at their inter
ests in the shape of robbery and oppression, are equally
ready to admit any and all wrongs and errors of their own
that have brought them into the dilemma which all com
plain of to-day.

Various other resolutions were adopted, among others
one recommending a form of constitution for use by the
local organizations of Kansas, as follows, after passing which
the Convention adjourned sine die:

PREAMBLE.

We, the undersigned, farmers of Township, County,

Kansas, and vicinity, for the better protection and further advance
ment of our interests, hereby form ourselves into an organization ;
and for the government of the Association we adopt the following
Constitution :

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE jf. This organization shall be known as

ART. II. Section 1. The officers of the organization shall consist
of a President, Vice-President, Secretary, and Treasurer.

THE RESOLUTIONS. 279

Sec. 2. The President shall preside at all meetings of the Associa,
tion, preserve order, give the casting vote in case of a tie, call special
meetings when deemed necessary, and perform all other duties be
longing to his office.

Sec. 3. The Vice-President shall preside in the absence of the
President, and shall perform all the duties of that officer.

Sec. 4. The Secretary shall keep correct minutes of the proceed
ings of the organization, and record the same in a book provided for
that purpose. He shall attest all orders signed by the President,
sign membership cards, and perform all other duties pertaining to
the office of Secretary.

Sec. 5. The Treasurer shall receive all moneys paid into the organ
ization, and pay out the same upon the order of the President, at
tested by the Secretary, and may be required to give such security as
the organization may deem necessary.

ART. III. Sec. 1. No person shall become a member of this organ
ization unless he is a farmer, or is practically interested in farming.

Sec. 2. Every member of this organization shall subscribe to the
Constitution, and abide by the decisions of the Association.

ART. IV. This Constitution may be amended on one week's notice
in writing, by a two-thirds vote of the members present.

CHAPTEE XXIII.

THE SPRINGFIELD (ILLINOIS) CONVENTION.

GROWTH OF THE MOVEMENT AND CALL OF THE CON
VENTION.

Immediately after its organization, as narrated in Chapter
XX, the Illinois State Farmers' Association set itself vigor
ously to work reorganizing the existing local Societies and
inaugurating new ones; and within three months over a
thousand organizations had been perfected in the State, in
response to the appeal made from Bloomington. Early in
the following Spring, the Legislature of Illinois being then
in session, it was considered desirable that another com
bined effort should be made, for the purpose of impressing
upon the legislature the earnestness of the movement, and
the fact that the people were determined that railroad
matters should be legislated upon both speedily and effectu
ally. A call was therefore made for a State Convention, to
be held at Springfield, Illinois.

Pursuant to this call, a gathering of delegates met April
2, 1873, more than three hundred in number, and repre
senting Farmers' Associations in seventy-two counties. They
were called to order by the President of the State Associa
tion, Mr. Flagg7 who briefly stated the object for which
they had met. After an informal debate touching various
minor subjects, a permanent organization was affected as
(280)

GOV. BEVERIDGE ON THE MOVEMENT. 281

follows: President, D. W. Dame, of Carroll Co.; Vice-
Presidents — State at large, W. C. Flagg, of Madison, and E.
Smith, of Bureau, with an additional Vice-President from
each congressional district, as follows : James Creed, Ma
rion ; S. S. Morgan, Livingston ; W. E. Magill, Mason ; T.
McD. Eichards, McHenry; C. W. Marsh, DeKalb; John
D. Armstrong, LaSalle ; A. N. Harris, Stark ; J. H. Pick-
rell, Macon; A. M. Hulling, Ford; Gen. W. B. Anderson,
Jefferson; H. W. Eincker, Shelby; Charles Snoad, Will;
Thomas Hendrickson, Vermillion; W. E. Alcorn, Eichland;

D. Gore, Macoupin , E. N. Coffeen, Champaign ; T. Butter ^
worth, Adams ; Joseph B. Barger, Gallatin ; Gen. J. Mc-
Connell, Sangamon. Secretaries, S. P. Tufts, Marion; L.

E. Morris, Macon.

GOV. BEVERIDGE ON THE MOVEMENT.

Gov. Beveridge, of Illinois, addressed the meeting at con
siderable length. In the course of his speech he said :

" I recognize the fact that the producing interest is the grandest
and noblest interest asking for our protection, our fostering, and our
care. A large proportion of the people of this State are engaged in
production ; in cultivating the soil, in bringing out from our fertile
prairie soil the richness placed there by the Creator; and it will
always be the case in this State that the farming interest will be the
largest interest in the State, made so by nature. But we can't get
along without other interests. We can not well get along without
the professional interests, and yet I know we sometimes think that
lawyers do not amount to much ; but if lawyers do not amount to
much, when we get sick we like to have the doctor ; and if we do
not care much about Sunday, when we are about to die we like to have
a preacher. Now these professional interests must be preserved ; the
manufacturing interests must not be crippled ; the commercial in
terest must not be crippled; and the transportation, or railroad in
terest must not be abolished. Now, as a producing class, we can

282 THE GIIOUNDSWELL.

not get along without the railroads. They are two great interests
that must subserve each other. Take away from the State the rail
roads of the State, and where will the producing interests go to ?
On the other hand, the railroad interests can not get along without
the producing interests. Let every farmer in this State cease pro
ducing — let him go to other States and other countries ; let them
cease cultivating the soil, and what interests would the railroads
have in occupying their lines of track over the prairies ? These two
interests must go together, hand in hand, working for each other's
good and each other's benefit.

Now, having said so much, I recognize this fact, that the railroad
interests of this State, or the railroads of this State, are exacting from
the producing class, and from the commercial, the professional, and
the manufacturing classes, extortionate rates for passenger and

Other Interests Also."

freight tariffs. I recognize the fact that this great interest, wielding
a capital of nearly two hundred and fifty million dollars," if not
more, as a unit readily combining all its powers and all its forces, is
exacting of the people of this State too much money— making too
many discriminations. Then, what I wish, to say to this convention,
gentlemen, is, that when you make this war upc.i railroads, do net
make it upon them to abolish them, but make your war to bring
them within subjection of the legislature, of the law of the land.
(Cheers, and cries of " That's the talk.")

"There is thrust in our faces, from time tc time, the Dartmouth
College decision ; there is thrust in our faces the argument that the
granting of charters to these corporations is a contract between the
people of the State and the corporations, in pursuance of the Con
stitution of the United States, and can not be impaired. Well,

QOV. PALMER ON RAILWAY MONOPOLIES. 283

now, it may be so ; I can not tell— neither can you tell — what our
courts will hold to ; but I predict that the time is coming, and I
want you to be patient — it won't come this afternoon, it won't come
next week, it won't come this year, it won't, perhaps, in five years,
it may not come, perhaps, until after a struggle of a quarter of a
century, but the time is coming, if you are as determined and per
sistent in your efforts as you are enthusiastic to-day, and have been,
when public opinion will mould the character of our courts, and com
pel them to reverse that decision in the Dartmouth College case. I
say that the time is coming when our courts will not hold that these
charters are a contract between the people of the State and the cor
porations, but, they will hold that they are, as in my opinion, but mere
grants of power which enable them to contract in getting the road
bed, enable them to contract in furnishing means of transportation,
enable them to contract with you in carrying your freight and your
person ; and that the amount of power can and must be controlled
by the legislature giving that power. I say the time is coming when
our courts will hold that the creature is not greater than the Creator ;
that the corporations created by law are not greater than the legisla
ture that created them ; that these corporations, called in one sense
persons, are not more sacred in their vested rights than are the
vested rights of you or me, of the rights given me by the great God
himself."

Gov. Beveridge then explained the difficulties with which
legislation on the subject of regulating railroads was beset,
stating that many persons who imagine they could settle
the whole question in half a day would find, on consideration,
that it was a most difficult question.

GOV. PALMER ON RAILWAY MONOPOLIES.

Ex-Governor Palmer followed in a strong speech. He
said:

*-*-*-*-*-*-fc#-H-

" The germ of this whole subject of vested rights is the Dartmouth
College case. The State never made a being more lofty than the
being that God makes, and no corporation can have rights superior

284 THE GROUNDSWELL.

to the rights of the citizens. The roads have a right to take your
lands, for you gave it to them ; but they have no right to go beyond
the limits of reason and justice in making their charges for carrying
freights and passengers. The principles of free government prohibit
the right to do injustice to the people. No government can be supe
rior to the people themselves, and when the people of Illinois deter
mine that they will not submit to exactions, they will begin to cease.
When it is understood that men will not submit to them their lib
erties are safe, and then only. Laws must be submitted to and
obeyed, so long as they are in force. But when laws do not accom
plish that for which they were framed they should be changed.
You must look at this railway question from a radical stand-point,
and must take the position that whatever it is necessary to do you
will do. You have declared railways to be highways ; that they are
under the control of the legislature, and that their officers are pub
lic agents. The managers of these railways are in Wall Street, New
York, and your troubles begin there among the jobbers in these
stocks. There, and in other large cities, railway stocks are personal
property, and pass from hand to hand, and you never know who
owns them. They are the subjects upon which men gamble. Now,
you should repeal the laws that make them personal property, and
have them so managed that you would know of their transfers and
who owned the stocks. You can not, as it now is, get at the real
managers of these western railways. I would sweep out of exist
ence the laws by which these stocks are made personal property. I
would fix it so the stock could not be watered. Who knows what
the roads in this State cost ? No one except railway men, for the
stocks are watered, and watered to death. I would declare these
railways to be highways, and allow farmers and others to put cars
upon these tracks, and compete with the railway companies in their
own business, and when this can be done, much will have been ac
complished. We are but in the infancy of this business, and men
lire now living who will see railways multiplied indefinitely, and
you must study this thing with a view to getting at what is to be.
You remember, in Jackson's time, how men shook at the idea of
having a corporation control thirty-six millions ! Why, there are
men here who can remember how that idea made men shake. What
do you see now ? Men who control untold millions to corrupt the
people. A man in Pennsylvania who can raise the price of every

. PALMER ON RAILWAY MONOPOLIES. 285

286 THE GHOUNDSWELL.

thing that you raise, for his own benefit and prosperity, keeps wnis-
periug, ' Do n't interfere with vested rights.' "

THE BESOLUTIONS.

A resolution was offered and passed, condemning the back-
pay steal, and censuring the President for signing the bill.
The committee appointed to draft resolutions submitted the
following:

Resolved, By the Farmers of Illinois in Mass Meeting Assembled, That
all chartered monopolies, not regulated and controlled by law, have
proved in that respect detrimental to the public prosperity, corrupt
ing in their management, and dangerous to republican institutions.

^Resolved, That the railways of the world, except in those coun
tries where they have been held under the strict regulation and
supervision of the government, have proved themselves arbitrary,
extortionate, and as opposed to free institutions and free commerce
between States as were the feudal barons of the middle ages.

Resolved, That we hold, declare, and resolve that this despotism,
which defies our laws, plunders our shippers, impoverishes ou*
people, and corrupts our government, shall be subdued and made to
subserve the public interest at whatever cost.

Resolved, That we believe the State did not and could not confer
any of its sovereign power upon any corporation, and that now is
the most favorable time to settle the question, so that it may never
be hereafter misunderstood that a State can not create a corporation
it can not thereafter control.

Resolved, That in view of the present extortions, we look with
alarm upon the future of an interest which can combine in the hands
of a few men a capital of nearly $250,000,000, and we believe it
essential to the prosperity of all classes that this contest continue
until these corporations acknowledge the supremacy of law.

Resolved, That we regard it as the undoubted power, and the im
perative duty of the legislature, to pass laws fixing reasonable maxi
mum rates for freight and passengers, without classification of roads,
and that we urge upon our General Assembly the passage of such

VS

Resolved, That the existing statute, providing for a classification of

THE HESOLUTIONS. 287

railroads with a view to adjusting a tariff of charges according to the
gross amount of earnings, is a delusion and a snare, and is so framed
that the railroads are able to classify themselves, and that it ought
to be carefully modified or repealed.

Resolved, That inasmuch as the Supreme Court has clearly pointed
out the way to reach unjust discriminations made by the railroads
of this State, we can see no reason for delay on the part of the Leg
islature in enacting the necessary laws on the subject, arid we urge
immediate action thereon.

Resolved, That we urge the passage of a bill enforcing the princi
ple that railroads are public highways, and requiring railroads to
make connections with all roads whose tracks meet or cross their
own, and to receive and transmit cars and trains offered over their
roads at reasonable maximum rates, whether offered at such cross
ings, or at stations along their roads, and empowering the making of
connections by municipal corporations for that purpose, and for the
public use.

Resolved, That we heartily indorse the action of the General As
sembly looking to the enforcement of the performance of their
duties by monopolies as common carriers ; and that, in addition
thereto, we believe that railroads should be required to carry all
freight and passengers offered from the country through which they
pass, and not permitted to limit the amount of their business and
destroy its natural increase.

Resolved, That the constitution and laws of Illinois are as binding
upon railroad corporations as upon the citizens, and that the State
must require obedience to the law from all alike, whether the same
be deemed constitutional or not by the parties affected, until re
pealed or declared unconstitutional.

Resolved, That we indorse most fully the action of those who ten
der legal rates of fare upon the railroads, and refuse to pay more ;
and that it is the duty of the Legislature to provide by law for the
defense by the State of Illinois of suits commenced, or that hereafter
may be commenced, by railroad companies against individuals who
have in good faith insisted, or hereafter may insist, upon the right
to ride on railroads at legal rates.

Resolved, That the presentation of railroad passes to our legisla
tors, whatever may be the Ifririt and intent with which they are
accepted, are demoralizing in their influence ; and we look to our

288 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Legislature, now in session, to rise above personal considerations of
pecuniary interest or convenience, and to pass a law making it a
misdemeanor for any Senator, or other State or county officers, to
accept any railroad pass, knowing, as we do, that the people look
upon the acceptance of these passes with decided and almost uni
versal disapprobation.

********
WHEREAS, The Constitution of 1848, Article X, prohibits the
Legislature from granting special railroad charters in the following
words : " And corporations not possessing banking powers or privi
leges, may be formed under general law, but shall not be created by
special acts, except for municipal purposes ; and in cases where, in
the judgment of the General Assembly, the objects of the corpora
tion can not be attained under general laws," therefore,

Resolved, That it is extremely doubtful whether any railroad
charter granted since April 1, 1848, by the Legislature of Illinois is
of any validity, and that the vested rights of railroad monopolies in
this State exist only by assumption of the monopolies and the suf-
e ranee of the people.

********
WHEREAS, The Constitution of 1870, Article XI, Section 13, pro
hibits any railroad company from issuing watered stock, in these
words: "No railroad corporation shall issue any stock or bonds ex
cept for money, labor, or property actually received and applied
to the purposes for which such corporation was created ; and all
stock, dividends, and other fictitious increase of the capital, stock, or
indebtedness of any such corporation shall be void. The capital
stock of no railroad corporation shall be increased for any purpose,
except upon giving sixty days' public notice in such manner as may
be provided by law ; " and, .

WHEREAS, This article of the Constitution has probably been
violated by nearly all the railroad companies in the State; therefore,
Resolved, That it is the duty of the Railroad Commissioners to look
carefully into this matter, and to commence proceedings in all clear
cases by quo warranto, or otherwise, against all railroad companies
which have disregarded this important provision of the organic law
of the State. *

Resolved, That we regard the improvement of the Illinois River as
not sectional, but of great importance ; and we request the members

DIVIDED COUNSELS. 289

of the House of Representatives to vote for the bill now pending
for the improvement of that river, as it will give our State abso
lutely into the hands of the people.

Resolved, That we demand of Congress a repeal of all laws pre
venting the competition of small vessels, which may choose to en
gage in the carrying trade on our inland lakes between ports in the
United States, without regard to nationality.

Resolved, That we are in favor of the immediate repeal of the
protective duties on iron, steel, lumber, and all materials which en
ter into the construction of railroad cars, steamships, sailing ves
sels, agricultural implements, etc., and that we urge upon Congress
immediate action for this purpose, that cheap railroads and cheap
ships are necessary to cheap freights ; and that we invite the railroad
companies to co-operate with us to that end.

DIVIDED COUNSELS.

In the debate which arose upon the resolutions, it became
apparent that the friends of free trade and of protection
were about equally represented. A long discussion of a
disorderly character took place, and various expedients were
resorted to for the purpose of impeding action. One delegate
said that party wire-pullers were at work to use the Con
vention to forward local improvements, and for political
purposes. Finally, the resolutions were taken separately,
and passed unanimously, until the question of passes to
legislators and other government officers came up. This
brought on an excited debate. It was passed, however,
with an addition that tbe Legislature was requested to en
act a law restricting members' pay to tbe time when actually
in service. The resolution relating to the Illinois River
was laid on the table amid much excitement. The tariff
resolution was objected to, as being a side issue and not
connected with the objects of the Convention. The meeting
13

290 THE

seemed about equally divided, but the chairman declared
the resolution carried.

Additional resolutions were adopted, as follows : Request
ing the Legislature to pass a railroad law before it ad
journed; that the practice of legislators voting on ques
tions on which they are directly interested, is contrary to
public morality ; that it is one of the necessary measures of
railroad reform that the laws that make the stocks of rail
road corporations personal property, be repealed, and the
law so amended as to withdraw such stock from speculation,
and give to them the permanency and certainty of owner
ship of the railroads themselves ; demanding that railroads
be no longer assessed taxes at less than one-tenth of their
value; and recommending that farmers keep a "farm ex
penses " account, so that the actual cost of production may
be ascertained arid made public. Some minor work closed
the first day's proceedings.

CONCERNING RECONSIDERATION.

On reassembling, it appeared that there were but seventy-
five delegates present, the remainder of those present on the
first day having gone home, considering the main business of
the Convention over. The advocates of the Illinois River
improvement made an effort to revive the resolution relat
ing thereto, but failed.

Senator Castle delivered a talented address, in which he
enlarged upon the power of the railroads, and said that the
question to be settled first was, " Do the railroads control the
State, or does the State control the railroads?" Let the
aims be single until these corporations acknowledge the su
premacy of the law, and yield obedience thereto.

Mr. S. M. Smith said the tariff resolution was a bone of

CONCERNING RECONSIDERATION. 291

contention, and ought not to have been introduced. The
Convention should have confined itself to the railroad ques
tion, and left out all disturbing issues. He ended by mov
ing that the vote by which the tariff resolution was adopted
be reconsidered. It was also moved to reconsider the reso
lution censuring the President. It was decided that the
consideration of the two resolutions be postponed, and the
Convention adjourned.

CHAPTEK XXIV.

THE TEST CASE ON THE UNCONSTITUTIONAL IL
LINOIS RAILROAD LAW.

THE Me LEAN COUNTY TEST CASE.

In obedience to the demand for action regulating railroads
and preventing unjust discriminations, the Legislature of Illi
nois, in April, 1871, passed a bill entitled "An Act to pre
vent unjust discriminations and extortions in the rates to be
charged by the different railroads in this State for the
transportation of freight on said roads." This act declared
that no railroad corporation should charge for the transpor
tation of property on its road, for any distance, the same,
nor any larger or greater amount, as toll or compensation,
than was at the same time charged or collected for the trans
portation of similar quantities of the same class of property
over a greater distance upon the same road, nor should any
railroad corporation charge or collect for the transportation
of property over any portion of its road, a greater amount
as toll or compensation than should be charged or collected
by it for the transportation of similar quantities of property
of the same class over any other portion of its road of equal
distance ; and that different charges for receiving, handling,
and delivering freight at different points should not be
(292)

THE MCLEAN COUNTY TEST CASE. 293

made. The act further provided that any willful violation
of its provisions should be deemed a forfeiture of the fran
chises of the corporation offending, and that, for such cause,
it might be proceeded against by information in the nature
of a quo ivarranto, to judgment of ouster and final execu
tion.

Doubts having been expressed of the validity of this law,
it was determined to institute a test case. This was ac
cordingly done, information being laid by the railroad and
warehouse commissioners in the Circuit Court of McLean
County, in the name of the people of Illinois against the
Chicago and Alton Railroad Company. The information
charged that said company had repeatedly charged for trans
porting lumber from Chicago to Lexington, a distance of
one hundred and ten miles, the sum of five dollars and
sixty-five cents per one thousand feet, while, at the same
time, it had only charged for the transportation of like lum
ber from Chicago to Blooinington, a distance of one hundred
and twenty-six miles, the sum of five dollars per thousand
feet. These acts, the information alleged, had forfeited the
charter of the Company.

The Company admitted the facts, and stated that the rates
to Blooming-ton were unreasonably low, but no one except the
Company was injured thereby; and that said charges were
adopted in order to compete with the Illinois Central Rail
road Company, and to protect the customers of appellant
from injury, by a reduction of rates from Chicago to Bloom-
ington on the Illinois Central Railroad. In short, the com
pany insisted that, although the acts charged against them
were in contravention of the act of April, 1871, still such
charges were lawful, for the reason that the said act was in
violation of the Constitution of the State, and also of that
of the United States,

294 THE GROUNDSWELL,

JUDGE TIPTON'S DECISION.

The case was heard before Judge Tipton, who gave judg
ment against the company. Judge Tipton delivered an
elaborate opinion, in which he considered fully the charac
ter of the laws under which the suit was brought, and cited
numerous authorities to prove that corporations have no
rights that can be maintained against the welfare of the
people, and that railroad companies can not be so hedged
about by special charters that they can override and oppose
the public by unjust discriminations and extortionate charges.
He said :

"The very object of granting charters to railroad companies
by the State, was that the people should have the right of trans
portation of the products of the country to and from the great
centers of trade, without unjust discrimination. The particular
method by which this object should be attained rests only in the
discretion of the legislature. If it has the power to legislate on the
subject at all, its legislation must control, whether the courts deem
the provisions wise or unwise. The legislature has determined that
discrimination between communities — that is, a greater charge for a
less distance over the same road — is unjust and hurtful to the inter
ests of the people at large.

"The effect of such discrimination is to transfer, by artificial
means, the natural advantages possessed by one community to an
other less favorably situated. To allow this is to subordinate the
general interests of the public to the real or supposed advantage of
the particular railroad corporation by whose action the unnatural
effect is produced, and would be to abandon the right and duty of
the legislature to afford by law equal protection to all citizens of the
State. By former reasoning it will be seen that railroad corpora
tions do not hold their property and franchises by a higher tenure
than the citizen holds his farm or other property. *****

" Railways are improved public highways, and therefore can be
constructed by the aid of the right of eminent domain ; and the cor
porations so created are public agents, created for the practical

JUDGE TIPTON'S DECISION.

295

administration of the public property (right of way) put into their
hands as such agents, to be administered to subserve public interests.
* " The lines of railways in this State are public highways. Their
use is for the people at large, for travelers and shippers. They are
compelled, as before stated, to receive and transport passengers and
freight according to the usage of the corporations. The public
have an easement over the roads, the right to which, in its proper
exercise, is as sacred as the right of individual property, or the right

The Highway of Civilization.

of the corporation to collect tolls or compensation. The right to
the use resides in the public, and is above the control of the corpora
tion. In the very act of fixing tolls or rates, the corporations are
only exercising the power delegated to them as public agents, in the
administration of the public property, which is put into their hands
by the exercise of the highest power of sovereignty. The legisla
ture evidently has power to protect the public right in the use of
easement, and to protect it in the enjoyment of it, at reasonable

296 THE GROUNDSWELL.

rates and without discrimination ; as much right to enforce such pro
tection as the corporation has to assert its claim to the right of way,
and to exact tolls for the use of it. The road, sub-modo, with all its
rolling stock, buildings, fixtures, machine shops, and other property
pertaining to it, is private property, owned and operated by the cor
poration for the mutual benefit of the public and the corporation.
The principles of the common law, and their charters accepted by
them, and which clothe them with such ample powers, impose duties
on them to the public, which they must discharge ; and the manner
of enforcing a faithful performance of these duties is within the leg
islative power of the State. The provision in defendant's charterr
authorizing the President and Directors to fix the rates of compensa
tion for the transportation of persons and property does not change
the legal effect from what it would have been had no such provision
been contained in the charter."

THE THEEE-CENT-A-MILE WAR.

Thus the first game in the great contest with monopolies
must be scored to the people. The railroad company im
mediately appealed to the Supreme Court of Illinois. The
more hot-headed of the farmers imagined that victory was
permanently secured, and, incited by demagogues who
wished to gain notoriety, boarded trains en masse, and in
sisted on riding for three cents a mile, the maximum fixed
by the law. In some cases they gained their ends, but in
others ludicrous incidents occurred. A party of farmers,
en route for the second Bloomington Convention, boarded a
train and tendered their three cents, whereupon the train
was shunted to a side-track, while an overwhelming force
of the company's employees were sent for. Meantime, the
farmers employed their enforced leisure in singing, and hav
ing a good time generally. A large force of brakemen and
laborers coming up, the farmers capitulated at discretion,
and paid the extra fare. On arriving at the scene of tliQ

THE AEGtTMENt Otf THE APPEAL. 297

Convention, where news of the occurrence had preceded
them, they were met by a band of music, and were the lions
of the day.

Other cases were less creditable to the persons concerned.
Some hotspurs, having tendered the fare fixed by law, re
fused either to be ejected from the train, or to pay the extra
money, producing revolvers and knives in support of the
legality of their proceedings. It is due to the farmers to
say that this high-handed way of settling the difficulty was
almost unanimously condemned. It was universally con
ceded among all intelligent men that riding for three cents
a mile, behind a knife or revolver, proved nothing. One
case of this sort went to trial. An Illinois Central Bailroad
conductor was arrested and fined for putting a farmer off
his train who would not " come down " with more than
three cents. The decision was against the company, which
again immediately appealed. Of course, it went by the
board, when the law under which it was made was, shortly
afterward, declared unconstitutional.

THE ARGUMENT ON THE APPEAL.

The appeal of the Chicago & Alton Eailroad Company from
Judge Tipton's decision came before the Supreme Court of
Illinois in the January term of 1873. The case for the appel
lant (the company) was prepared with great ability, and set
forth the reasons why the Illinois law was unconstitutional,
basing them upon the following facts :

1st. The company was especially authorized by law to
charge such rates of toll as its President and Directors
should from time to time establish.

2d. The said authority to charge toll was a contract be
tween the State and the appellant ; in support of which the,
13*

298 THE GROUNDSWELL.

famous Dartmouth College decision was principally re
lied on.

3d. Charging a greater compensation for transporting
persons and property a shorter distance than for a longer
one is not necessarily unreasonable or an unjust discrimi
nation. In support of this, it was alleged that in the case in
dispute the toll to Lexington was reasonable, and that the
toll to Bloomington was too low, but that no one was injured
thereby save the company. Examples were given of many
cases before the English courts where companies had been
upheld in similar cases.

4th. The judicial department of the government has the
sole authority to determine between the public and the
appellant what rates are reasonable and what are unreason
able, and what discriminations are just and what are unjust.

5th. The power of the General Assembly to pass all such
laws as are necessary to promote the health, safety, morals,
good order, and general welfare of the inhabitants of the
State, did not authorize the passage of the Act of April 7,
1871.

DECISION OF THE SUPREME COURT— THE LAW UNCON
STITUTIONAL.

In rendering its decision, the Supreme Court first quoted
from the constitution of the State of Illinois, as follows :

" The General Assembly shall pass laws to correct abuses and pre
vent unjust discrimination and extortion in the rate of freight and
passenger tariffs on the different roads in this State, and enforce such
laws by adequate penalties, to the extent, if necessary for that pur*
pose, of forfeiture of their property and franchises." Art. XI.,
Sec. 15.

The court argued that the discrimination forbidden by the
common law, and by the constitutional enactment in accord-

DECISION OF THE SUPREME COURT. 299

ance therewith, was against unjust discrimination, while the
law under consideration was directed against all discrimina
tions, whether they could be shown to be unjust or not. The
decision continues :

This provision, expressly directing the Legislature to pass laws to
prevent unjust discrimination, is a recognition of the palpable fact
that there may be discriminations which are not unjust, and by im
plication it restrains the power of the Legislature to a prohibition of
those which are unjust. That was undoubtedly the object of the
Legislature in passing the existing law. This is clearly shown by its
title. But the act itself goes further. It forbids any discrimination
whatever, under any circumstances whatever, and whether just or
unjust, in the charges for transporting the same classes of freight
over equal distances, even though moving in opposite directions, and
does not permit the companies to show that the discrimination is not
unjust. The mere proof of the discrimination makes out a case
against the railway companies, which they are not allowed to meet
by evidence showing the reason or propriety of the discrimination,
and then, upon this sort of ex-parte trial, imposes as a penalty for the
offense a forfeiture of the franchise, which would often be equivalent
to a fine of millions of dollars. The object of the law is commend
able, but such a proceeding, to be followed by such a penalty for the
first offense, can not be sustained. It could only have been author
ized through the inadvertence of the Legislature. The law as it now
stands makes an offense out of an act which might be shown not to
be an offense, but an exercise of a wise discretion really beneficial to
the people of the State ; and, while debarring the companies from all
right of explanation, confiscates their franchises upon the first con
viction. The Legislature can not raise a conclusive presumption of
guilt against a natural person from any act that may be innocent in
itself, taking from him the privilege of showing the actual innocence
or propriety of the act, and confiscating his property as a penalty
for the supposed offense. Those provisions of our constitution which
forbid the deprivation of life, liberty, or property, except by due process
of law, and which guarantee the right of trial by jury " as heretofore
enjoyed," and the right in all criminal prosecutions to appear and
defend in person and by counsel, would all be violated by such a
law. These provisions, it is true, are designed to apply only to

BOO THE

natural persons ; but artificial persons must be permitted to invoke
the spirit of justice which prompted them, so far as may be neces
sary to protect their property and franchises against the operation
of a law that substantially condemns without a trial.

* •* * * * •* *

The opinion of the court is, that while the Legislature has an
unquestionable power to prohibit unjust discrimination in railway
freights, no prosecution can be maintained under the existing act
until amended ; because it does not prohibit unjust discriminations
merely, but discrimination of any character, and because it does not
allow the companies to explain the reason of the discrimination, but
forfeits their franchise upon an arbitrary and conclusive presumption
of guilt, to be drawn from the proof of an act that might be shown
to be perfectly innocent. In these particulars, the existing act vio
lates the spirit of the constitution.

The judgment of the Circuit Court, ousting the appellant of its
franchises, must therefore be reversed.

The court advised further, that before this act could be
enforced it must be so amended as to correspond with the
requirements of the constitution, by directing its prohibition
against unjust discriminations. The court did not question
the power of the State to regulate railway rates ; and; fur
thermore, it expressed an opinion as to what is or is not a
discrimination, which is of much importance :

If a farmer, living three miles from the Springfield station, upon
this company's road, is charged fifteen cents per bushel for shipping
his corn to Chicago, is it just that a farmer living twenty miles nearer
Chicago should be charged a higher sum ? Certainly not, unless the
railroad company can show a peculiar state of affairs to justify the
discrimination, and this must be something more than the mere fact
that there are competing lines at one point, and not at the other.
The discrimination, in such a case, is as much a discrimination between
Individuals as it would be in reference to two persons living in the
same locality, and shipping at the same station, unless, as before
stated, a satisfactory reason can be given for discrimination between
the points of shipment; and such a reason, in the case supposed, it is
not very easy to conceive. * * * * * * *

DECISION OF THE SUPREME COtTHf. $01

The only issue to be made under a law properly framed would be
whether there was an unjust discrimination or not. If on the trial
of such an issue the prosecution proves a permanently established dis
crimination, like that disclosed by the present record, and the com
pany can show no other reason for it than the existence of a compet
ing line at the favored points, the defense must be held unsatisfactory,
notwithstanding witnesses may testify that they believe, as a matter
of theoretical opinion, that the rates to Lexington are reasonable.
They can not be reasonable, and the discrimination must be unjust,
if the lesser rates for the greater distance have been established merely
because the company has ceased to exercise at that point a practical
monopoly.

CHAPTER XXV.

THE NEW ILLINOIS RAILROAD LAW AND ITS
WORKINGS.

THE RAILROAD COMMISSION SQUABBLE.

The existing railroad law of Illinois having been pro
nounced unconstitutional, and the Legislature being at the
time in session, the amendment of the act was immediately
and diligently set about ; in fact, so diligently as to excite
the apprehension among the farmers that their legislators-
were going to "talk the subject to death." This feeling
began to strengthen as measure after measure was mooted,
yet always put aside. The Springfield Convention, of which
a condensed report has already been given, was called with
a view of enlightening the Legislature as to the earnestness
of the popular desire for an efficient law.

About this time (March, 1873) the term of office of the
Railroad and Warehouse Commissioners expired. The farm
ers began agitating for the appointment to the office of per
sons identified with agricultural interests. Governor Bev-
eridge, however, nominated Messrs. McCrea, Robinson, and
Stilwell — one of whom is a banker, another a lawyer. This
raised a storm about the Governor's ears which he will not
readily forget. Protest after protest, memorials and resolu
tions without end, were sent in, and the Governor, wisely
yielding to the pressure, finally conferred the vacant offices
(302)

THE NEW RAILROAD LAW. 303

on gentlemen intimately connected with farming pursuits,
and of approved honor — Messrs. J. M. Pearson, H. D. Cooke,
and David A. Brown.

THE NEW RAILROAD LAW.

Meanwhile, the Legislature was debating the various meas
ures submitted, and eventually passed a law which is here
given :

An Act to prevent extortion and unjust discrimination in the rates
charged for the transportation of passengers and freights on rail
roads in this State, and to repeal an act entitled, "An Act to pre
vent unjust discriminations and extortions in the rates to be charged
by the different railroads in this State for the transportation of
freights on said roads," approved April 7th, A. D. 1871.
Section 1. Be it enacted, by the people of the State of Illinois,
represented in the General Assembly. If any railroad corporation,
organized or doing business in this State, under any act of incor
poration, or general law of this State, now in force, or which may
hereafter be enacted, or any railroad corporation organized, or which
may hereafter be organized under the laws of any other State, and
doing business in this State, shall charge, collect, demand, or receive
more than a fair and reasonable rate of toll or compensation, for the
transportation of passengers or freight, of any description, or for the
use and transportation of any railroad car upon its track, or any of
the branches thereof, or upon any railroad within this State, which
it has the right, license, or permission to use, operate, or control, the
the same shall be deemed guilty of extortion, and upon conviction
thereof shall be dealt with as hereinafter provided.

Sec. 2. If any railroad corporation aforesaid shall make any unjust
discrimination in its rates or charges of toll or compensation for the
transportation of passengers or freight of any description, or for the
use and transportation of any railroad car upon its said road, or upon
any branches thereof, or upon any railroads connected therewith,
which it has the right, license, or permission to operate, control, or
use, within this State, the same shall fee deemed guilty of having
violated the provisions of this act, and upon conviction thereof shall
be dealt with as hereinafter provided.

304 THE GHOtTNDSWELL.

Sec. 3. If any such railroad corporation shall charge, collect, or
receive, for the transportation of any passengers, or freight of any
description, upon its railroad, for any distance within this State, the
same, or a greater amount of toll or compensation than is at the same
time charged, collected, or received for the transportation, in the
same direction, for any passenger, or like quantity of freight of the
same class, over a greater distance of the same railroad ; or if it shall
charge, collect, or receive, at any point upon its railroad, a higher
rate of toll or compensation for receiving, handling, or delivering
freight of the same class or like quantity, than it shall, at the same
time, charge, collect, or receive at any other point upon the same road ;
or if it shall charge, collect, or receive, for the transportation of any
passenger, or freight of any description, over its railroad, a greater
amount as toll or compensation than shall, at the same time, be
charged, collected, or received by it for the transportation of any
passenger, or like quantity of freight of the same class, being trans
ported in the same direction, over any portion of the same railroad,
of equal distance ; or if it shall charge, collect, or receive from any
person or persons a higher or greater amount of toll or compensation
than it shall, at the same time, charge, collect, or receive from any
other person or persons, for receiving, handling, or delivering freight
of the same class and like quantity, at the same point upon its rail
road ; or if it shall charge, collect, or receive from any person or per
sons, for the transportation of any freight upon its railroad, a higher
or greater rate of toll or compensation than it shall, at the same
time, charge, collect, or receive from any other person or persons, for
the transportation of the like quantity of freight of the same class,
being transported from the same point, in the same direction, over
equal distances of the same railroad ; or if it shall charge, collect, or
receive from any person or persons, for the use and transportation of
any railroad car or cars upon its railroad, for any distance, the same
or a greater amount of toll or compensation than is, at the same time,
charged, collected, or received from any other person or persons, for
the use and transportation of any railroad car of the same class or
number, for a like purpose, being transported in the same directionf
over a greater distance of the same railroad; or if it shall charge,
collect, or receive from any person or persons, for the use and trans
portation of any railroad car or cars upon its railroad, a higher or
greater rate of toll or compensation than it shall, at the same time,

THE NEW RAILROAD LAW,

305

charge, collect, or receive from any other person or persons for the
use and transportation on any railroad car or cars of the same class
or number, for a like purpose, being transported from the same point,
in the same direction, over an equal distance of the same railroad ;
all such discriminating rates, charges, collections, or receipts,
whether made directly, or by means of any rebate, drawback,

Obsolete Method of Transportation in the Tobacco Country.

or other shift or evasion, shall be deemed and taken, against such
railroad corporation, as prima facie evidence of the unjust dis
criminations prohibited by the provisions of this act; and it shall
not be deemed a sufficient excuse or justification of such discrimina
tions on the part of such railroad corporation, that the railway
station or point at which it shall charge, collect, or receive the same

306. THE GROUNDSWELL.

or less rates of toll or compensation, for the transportation of such
passenger or freight, or for the use and transportation of such rail
road car the greater distance than for the shorter distance, is a rail
way station or point at which there exists competition with any other
railroad or means of transportation. This section shall not be con
strued so as to exclude other evidence tending to show any unjust
discrimination in freight and passenger rates. The provisions of this
section shall extend and apply to any railroad, the branches thereof,
and any road or roads which any railroad corporation has the right,
license, or permission to use, operate, or control, wholly or in part
within this State ; Provided, however, that nothing herein contained
shall be so construed as to prevent railroad corporations from issuing
commutation, excursion, or thousand-mile tickets, as the same are
now issued by such corporations.

Sec. 4. Any such railroad corporation guilty of extortion, or of
making any unjust discrimination as to passenger or freight rates, or
the rates for the "use and transportation of railroad cars, or in receiv
ing, handling, or delivering freights, shall, upon conviction thereof,
be fined in any sum not less than one thousand dollars ($1,000), nor
more than five thousand dollars ($5,000), for the first offense ; and for
the second offense not less than five thousand dollars ($5,000), nor
more than ten thousand dollars ($10,000), and for the third offense
not less than ten thousand dollars ($10,000), nor more than twenty
thousand dollars ($20,000) ; and for every subsequent offense, and con
viction thereof, shall be liable to a fine of twenty-five thousand dol
lars ($25,000) ; Provided, That in all cases under this act either party
shall have the right of trial by jury.

Sec. 5. The fines hereinbefore provided for, may be recovered in an
action of debt, in the name of the people of the State of Illinois, and
there may be several counts joined in the same declaration, as to ex
tortion and unjust discrimination, and as to passenger and freight
rates, and rates for the use and transportation of railroad cars, and
for receiving, handling, or delivering freights. If, upon the trial of
any causes instituted under this act, the jury shall find for the people,
they shall assess and return with their verdict the amount of the fine
to be imposed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than one
thousand dollars ($1,000), nor more than five thousand dollars ($5,-
000), and the court shall render judgment accordingly; and if the
jury shall find for the people, and that the defendant has been once

THE NEW RAILROAD LAW. 307

before convicted of a violation of the provisions of this act, they shall
return such finding with their verdict, and shall assess and retnrn
with their verdicf the amount of the fine to be imposed upon the de
fendant, at any sum not less than five thousand dollars ($5,000), nor
more than ten thousand dollars ($10,000) ; and the court shall render
judgment accordingly ; and if the jury shall find for the people, and
that the defendant has been twice before convicted of a violation of
the provisions of this act, with respect to extortion or unjust dis
crimination, they shall return such finding with their verdict, and
shall assess and return with their verdict, the amount of fine to be
imposed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than ten thousand
dollars ($10,000), nor more than twenty thousand dollars ($20,000) ;
and in like manner for every subsequent offense, and conviction,
such defendant shall be liable to a fine of twenty-five thousand dollars
($25,000) ; Provided, that in all cases under the provisions of this act,
a preponderance of evidence in favor of the people shall be sufficient
to authorize a verdict and judgment for the people.

Sec. 6. If any such railroad corporation shall, in violation of any
of the provisions of this act, ask, demand, charge, or receive of any
person or corporation any extortionate charge or charges, for the
transportation of any passengers, goods, merchandise, or property, or
for receiving, handling, or delivering freights, or shall make any
unjust discriminations against any person or corporation in its
charges therefor, the person or corporation so offended against may,
for each offense, recover of such railroad corporations, in any form of
action, three times the amount of the damages sustained by the party
aggrieved, together with costs of suit, and a reasonable attorney's
fee, to be fixed by the court where the same is heard, on appeal or
otherwise, and taxed as a part of the costs of the case.

Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the Eailroad and Warehouse Commis
sioners to personally investigate and ascertain whether the provisions
of this act are violated by any railroad corporation in this State, and
to visit the various stations upon the line of each railroad for that
purpose as often as practicable ; and whenever the facts, in any man
ner ascertained by said commissioners, shall in their judgment war
rant such prosecution, it shall be the duty of said commissioners to
immediately cause suits to be commenced and prosecuted against any
railroad corporations which may violate the provisions of this act.
Such suits and prosecutions may be instituted in any county in this

308 THE GROUNDS-WELL.

State, through or into which the line of the railroad corporation sued
for violating this act may extend. And such railroad and warehouse
commissioners are hereby authorized, when the facts of the case pre
sented to them shall, in their judgment, warrant the commencement of
such action, to employ counsel to assist the attorney-general in con
ducting such suits on behalf of the State. No suits commenced by
said commissioners shall be dismissed, except said railroad and ware
house commissioners and the attorney-general shall consent thereto.

Sec. 8. The railroad and warehouse commissioners are hereby di
rected to make, for each of the railroad corporations doing business
in this State, as soon as practicable, a schedule of reasonable maxi
mum rates of charges for the transportation of passengers and freight
and cars on each of said railroads ; and said schedule shall, in all suits
brought against any such railroad corporations, wherein is in any way
involved the charges of any such railroad corporation, for the trans
portation of any passenger or freight or cars, or unjust discrimination
in relation thereto, be deemed and taken, in all courts of this State,
as prima facie evidence that the rates therein fixed are reasonable
maximum rates of charges for the transportation of passengers and
freight and cars upon the railroads for which said schedules may have
been respectively prepared. Said commissioners shall, from time to
time, and so often as circumstances may require, change and revise
said schedules. When such schedules shall have been made or re
vised, as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of said commissioners to cause
publication thereof to be made for three successive weeks, in some
public newspaper in the city of Springfield, in this State ; Provided,
that the schedules thus prepared shall not be taken as prima facie
evidence, as herein provided, until schedules shall have been prepared
and published as aforesaid, for all the railroad companies now or
ganized under the laws of this State, and until the 15th day of Jan
uary, A. D. 1874, or until ten days after the meeting of the next ses
sion of the general assembly, provided a session of the general assem
bly shall be held previous to the 15th of day of January aforesaid.
All such schedules, purporting to be printed and established as afore
said, shall be received and held, in all such suits, as prima facie the
schedules of said commissioners, without further proof than the pro
duction of the paper in which they were published, together with the
certificate of the publisher of said paper that the schedule therein
contained, is a true copv of the schedule furnished for publication by

WORKING OP THE tfEW LAW. 309

Said commissioners, and that it has been published the above speci
fied time ; and any such paper, purporting to have been published at
said city, and to be a public newspaper, shall be presumed to have
been so published at the date thereof, and to be a public newspaper.

Sec. 9. In all cases under the provisions of this act, the rules of
evidence shall be the same as in other civil actions, except as herein
before otherwise provided. All fines recovered under the provisions
of this act shall be paid into the county treasurer of the county in
which the suit is tried, by the person collecting the same, in the
manner now provided by law, to be used for county purposes. The
remedies hereby given shall be regarded as cumulative to the reme
dies now given by law against railroad corporations ; and this act shall
not be construed as repealing any statute giving such remedies.
Suits commenced under the provisions of this act shall have prece
dence over all other business, except criminal business.

Sec. 10. The term " railroad corporation," contained in this act,
shall be deemed and taken to mean all corporations, companies, or
individuals now owning or operating, or which may hereafter own or
operate, any railroad, in whole or in part, in this State ; and the pro
visions of this act shall apply to all persons, firms, and companies,
and to all associations of persons, whether incorporated or otherwise,
that shall do business as common carriers upon any of the lines of
railways in this State (street railways excepted), the same as to rail
road corporations hereinbefore mentioned.

Sec. 11. An act entitled "An act to prevent unjust discriminations
and extortions in the rates to be charged by the different railroads in
this State for the transportation of freight on said roads," approved
April 7, A. D. 1871, is hereby repealed; but such repeal shall not
affect nor repeal any penalty incurred, or right accrued, under said
act prior to the time this act takes effect, nor any proceedings 07
prosecutions to enforce such rights or penalties.

WORKING OF THE NEW LA W.

The new Eailroad Law has been thoroughly and conscien
tiously carried out by the Commissioners, as far as settling
schedules of freight and passenger charges is concerned. It
soon became apparent, however, that State legislation could
not give other than very partial relief to the producing class ;

310 THE

the through lines re-adjusted their rates, so as to oblige other
States to make up what was withheld from them in Illinois.
The 44th Congress will have to face this question, beset as
it is, with difficulties. And if that Congress dare to trifle
with this subject — to truckle to the monopolists — to waste
its time in whitewashing thieves and land-sharks, instead
of looking after the interests of the people, its master, a ball
will be set in motion which will stop — where ?

The Illinois State Fair of 1873, at Peoria, was taken
advantage of, to hold a conference between the Central Com
mittee of the State Farmer's Association and the Railroad
Commissioners. The schedule of tariffs, etc., was explained
by the Commissioners, and questions propounded by the
Committee, to whom the answers given were satisfactory.
The Commissioners had every confidence in the law, as far
as it went, though they considered it susceptible of improve
ment.

In the course of their investigations, it appeared that the
Commissioners had carefully examined the tariffs for the
leading roads for a series of years. Finding that as business
increased, the rates of transportation had steadily advanced,
they had fairly and candidly considered the interests of the
roads, and endeavored to establish such rates as would do
them no injustice, and which would stand. Bail way officials
had been courteously treated, though they had generally
ignored the Board, frequently submitting intricate questions
through inferior officers and agents. The rates adopted were
by comparison with the old company rates, and were simply
intended as a maximum, leaving the railway companies to
fix lower rates if they wished. The law permitted no unjust
discriminations, either of special lines or individuals. It
was important that it should be understood that the Com
missioners' tariffs were in force now, and that railway com-

WORKING OF THE KEW LAW. 311

panics Were liable to fine for non-compliance. In every case
of violation of the act, the offending company would be
rigorously prosecuted.

The Commissioners had a fund of $35,000 for paying
expenses of test cases. They and their counsel expressed
themselves satisfied with the law, and did not consider that
it could be materially improved by amendments, and thought
the enforcement of the law would accomplish the ends for
which it was devised. They believed the railway companies
throughout the country were combined to secure the repeal
of the law, and that, to do so, they would use every agency
at their command. It behooved the people of the State,
especially clubs and societies, to act promptly and deci
sively, instructing their representatives to sustain the law
as it stands, and the Commissioners in its enforcement.

CHAPTEK XXVI.

THE ILLINOIS JUDICIAL ELECTIONS.

THE FIRST CHARGE ALONG THE LINE.

The judicial elections in Illinois, in the summer of 1873,
have the distinction of being the occasion on which the
Farmers' Movement first showed its strength. There had
been plenty of speeches made, resolutions passed, and me
morials drafted, and the several bodies were in a tolerably
well organized shape. Farmers had become aware that the
only remedy for their grievances was a radical one — the
use of the ballot-box. The first opportunity for a display
of their power came in June, 1873, when the time came
around for the election of Judges for the local courts, and
two Justices for the Supreme Bench.

One of the retiring Justices was Chief Justice Lawrence,
a gentleman of unblemished name, and a jurist of very high
attainments. It was before Judge Lawrence that the ap
peal from the ruling of Judge Tipton, in the McLean County
test case, was heard, and it was by him that the decision
that the Illinois railroad law was unconstitutional was ren
dered. The attorneys of the Fifth Judicial District, where
the election was to take place, memoralized Judge Lawrence
to allow himself to be put in nomination for re-election, to
which he consented. The farmers felt themselves slighted
(312)

THE PRINCETON CONVENTION. 313

in not being consulted in the matter, and resolved to hold
a meeting on the subject, not with any intention of sup
planting Judge Lawrence (whom the originators of the Con
vention intended to nominate), but with the object of show
ing that the people were determined to be consulted on
questions affecting their interests. Unfortunately, between
the calling and the meeting of the Convention, Judge Law
rence, in accepting the nomination, expressed • himself in
contemptuous terms about the power of the people. This
put the farmers on their mettle. They considered them
selves as much entitled to be represented as any other class,
and determined to run a candidate of their own. Such was
the origin of the Princeton Convention.

THE PRINCETON CONVENTION.

This meeting ventilated farmers' grievances fully, and
unanimously passed the following resolutions :

Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution of 1870, of the
State of Illinois, in regard to railroads, are, equally with the other
provisions of the Constitution, the supreme law of the State, and our
Legislature should provide the necessary legislation to execute such
provisions, and our courts should sustain and adopt the same.

Resolved, That the charters of the railroads in this State are not
contracts in the sense that they are paramount to the Constitution
and laws of this State, and that the provisions of the Constitution of
the State in regard to railroads, and necessary legislation to enforce
the same, are not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States.

Resolved, That the railroads in this State are public highways, and
their operators common carriers, and the General Assembly, as re
quired by the Constitution of this State, should pass laws establish
ing reasonable maximum rates of charge for the transportation of
passengers and freight on the different railroads in this State, and
should also pass laws to correct abuses and to define and prevent
extortion in the rate of freight and passenger tariffs on such roads ;

14

§14

THE GROUNDSWELL,

and such legislation should be sustained and enforced by the judic
iary of the State.

Resolved, That we will support no man for office who is not in
accordance with the sentiments of these resolutions; and that we
recommend to the anti-monopolists of this State to nominate sucii
candidates for Supreme and Circuit Judges as are pledged to sustain
the Constitution and laws of this State in accordance therewith.

The Convention, with great una
nimity, then nominated Hon. Alfred
M. Craig, of Knox County, as can
didate for the Supreme Judgeship.
No pledge was required from Judge
Craig, and no questions were asked
in respect to his opinions on any
subject. His record as a member
of the Convention which framed the
present Constitution of Illinois was
such as to satisfy his supporters that
his sentiments were in harmony with
their own. He was known to be an
able and accomplished lawyer, though not possessing the
profound legal knowledge of his opponent.

In nearly all the judicial districts, farmers' candidates
were put in nomination for the vacant offices, and in those
cases in which there was any opposition there was a degree
of bitterness shown which would have been better in place
in a partisan political contest.

THE RESULT AT THE POLLS.

In nearly every circuit, where the farmers nominated a
candidate, they were successful, and the exceptional cases
were uniformly in sections where their organization had not
been fully perfected.

Princeton Conven
tion Man.

RESULT Af THE POLLS. Sl5

The grand, central point, attracting universal attention,
was, of course, the Fifth District, where the Lawrence-
Craig contest was going on. There the opposition to the
farmers' candidate was powerful, united, and determined.
Judge Lawrence had the support of all the legal talent of
the State. Some of the leading journals espoused his cause,
and in his own county every local interest that could possi
bly be brought to bear was arrayed against his opponent.
On the other hand, however, he had to contend with the
active, relentless animosity of the Chicago Journal, the ed
itor of which, a short time previously, he had fined for con
tempt of court. The State Farmers' Association did not
take an active part in the contest, some of its officers not
sympathizing with the opposition to Judge Lawrence. Yet
the farmers voted together manfully, and Craig was elected
by a majority of about 3,000.

THE RESULT OF THE ELECTION MISCONSTRUED.

This judicial contest attracted much attention, particu
larly in the East, where, up to this time, the Farmers'
Movement had been reckoned of small account. The East
ern journals, misinformed of the true state of the case, stig
matized it as an attempt to pack the judiciary in favor of a
class; declared that the judges were pledged beforehand to
decide cases regardless of the law; that it was to punish
Judge Lawrence for conscientiously deciding a case in favor
of a railroad that Judge Craig was elected ; that it was an
outrage which ought to be denounced every-where, etc.

The utmost that can be alleged against Judge Craig is,
that he accepted a nomination from a convention which had
made a certain declaration of principles, but which will all
bear examination, and to which no one can reasonably ob-

316

THE GBOUNDSWELL.

ject. Judge Craig gave no pledge whatever, and the word
ing of the resolutions of the Princeton Convention merely
expressed the resolution of the farmers to support only can
didates who would decide cases in strict accordance with the
law and the Constitution of the State.

Still, it was an understood thing with the farmers of
Illinois that, in the judicial contest, the battle between

3,OOO Majority for Craig.

monopolies and the people had begun in earnest. They
were anxious to know, at the mouth of a judiciary unbiased
and above suspicion, whether the railway acts of the State
were unconstitutional or not. If there were barriers by
reason of which an honest judge could not confirm existing
laws, they wanted to know it in order that the State Consti
tution might be amended. If necessary, they even looked
forward to initiating a movement for amending the Con
stitution of the United States.

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE AMERICAN CHEAP TRANSPORTATION ASSO
CIATION.

THE GRAIN GROWERS' TRANSPORTATION AND LOAN ASSO
CIATION.

Subsequent to the first convention at Bloomington, Illinois,
there was a meeting held in New York City, at which was
formed the " Grain Growers' Transportation and Loan Asso
ciation," a grand co-operative scheme, whose capital was
placed at $10,000,000, in 200,000 shares of $50 each. It
was organized under the laws of the State of New York, with
a numerous Board of Trustees, as follows : E. R. Shankland,
President Iowa Agricultural Society ; John Scott, Ex-Lieu-
tenant-Governor, S. B. Dumont, and John Grinnell, all of
Iowa; 0. P. Whitcomb, Wm. L. Ames, and Charles A.
Wheaton, respectively, President, member of Executive Com
mittee, and Treasurer of the State Agricultural Society of
Minnesota; B. R. Hinckley, President, and Wm. R. Taylor,
member of vthe Executive Committee, Wisconsin Agricul
tural Society; Edward Pier, of Wisconsin; Henry C.
Wheeler, Commissioner of Statistics Illinois Farmers' Con
vention ; Aaron T. Bates, and Carlos Glazier, of Illinois ;
Samuel Edwards, President Illinois Horticultural Society,
and Samuel P. Adams, Michigan.

It was thought that farmers would subscribe liberally,

(317)

318

THE GROUNDSWELL.

from the fact that the trustees were, principally, well-known
agriculturists, and all of them business men of high stand
ing. The scheme looked well on paper; but it was un
wieldy, and, I believe, the trustees never elected their officers.
Certainly, the capital stock was never subscribed. The sub-

Constituents of the S. P. C. A., for whose Transportation
Congress has already Legislated.

ject of transportation, however, continued to interest New
York, whose merchants began to foresee that, if some rem
edy were not instituted, a large portion of the grain trade
would be diverted from that city.

THE FARMERS' AND PRODUCERS' CONVENTION.

Finally, another Convention was decided on, to meet on
the 6th of May, 1873. This was known as " the Farmers'
and Producers' Convention." Pursuant to call, it assembled
at the Astor House, in New York city, and organized by the
election of the venerable Hon. Josiah Quincy, of Boston,
Massachusetts, as President, and E. H. Ferguson, of Troy,

THE FARMERS' AND PRODUCERS' CONVENTION. 319

New York, Secretary, with Vice-Presidents from various
States.

President Quincy, in his address to the Convention, said
that he had spent a large part of his life in building rail
roads, and he felt very keenly the danger growing out of
immense railroad monopolies. He appreciated their great
benefits, but was aware of their danger to the people. The
great granaries of the West held enough to supply the East
with food, but it depends on one or two men to say what
shall be paid for that food when delivered in Eastern cities.
He thought something must be done to take this matter out
of the hands of the few men. It was a matter that inter
ested deeply the whole country, and should not be controlled
by a very few. The object of this Association was to coun
teract the great evil. Eailroads have power to bribe Legis
latures, and will continue to dictate laws until the people
shall have come together and asserted their rights. The
rights of railroad shareholders are not to be infringed upon,
but the paramount right of the whole people to cheap trans
portation must be asserted and secured.

The Constitution and By-Laws reported provided that the
organization shall be known as "The National American
Cheap Transportation Association," whose object shall be the
cheapening and equalization of railroad transportation rates
throughout the United States, and to make provision also
for a subordinate association in each State, and regulate
minor matters for the guidance and government of national
and State associations.

After the discussion of the subject that had brought the
gentlemen together from the various States of the Union, a
committee was appointed which drafted resolutions and sub
mitted them to the Convention.

320 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

THE RESOLUTIONS.

WHEREAS, The productive industries of the United States — planta
tion and farm, mine and factory, commercial and mercantile — are
not only the sources of all our national and individual wealth, but
also elements on which our very national and individual existence
depend ; and,

WHEREAS, All national products are fruits of labor and capital, and
as neither labor nor capital wrill continue actively employed without
an equivalent measurably just ; and,

WHEREAS, The great national industries are only sustained and
prospered by the interchange of products of one section of the
country for those of another ; and,

WHEREAS, The existing rates of transportation for the varied prod
ucts of the Union from one part of the country to another, and to
foreign countries, as well as the transit cost of commodities required
in exchange, are in many instances injurious, and to certain interests
absolutely destructive, arising in part at least from an insufficiency
of avenues ; and,

WHEREAS, The great national want of the nation to-day is relief
from the present rates of transit upon American products; there
fore, be it

Resolved, 1. That it is the duty of the hour, and the mission of this
association, to obtain from Congress, and the different State Legis
latures such legislation as may be necessary to control and limit by
law, within proper constitutional and legitimate limits, rates and
charges of existing lines of transportation ; to increase, where prac
ticable, the capacity of our water-ways, and to aid such new avenues,
both water and rail, as our immensely increasing internal commerce
demands, so that the producer may be justly rewarded for his honest
toil, the consumers have cheap products, and our almost limitless sur
plus find foreign markets at rates to compete with the world.

2. That cheap transportation, both of persons and property, is most
conducive to free movement of the people ; that the widest inter
change and consumption of the produce of the different parts of the
Union is essential to the welfare and prosperity of the country.

3. That constant and frequent association of the inhabitants of re
mote parts of the United States is not only desirable, but necessary,
for the maintenance of a homogeneous and harmonious population
within the vast area of our territory.

THE RESOLUTIONS. 321

4. That the different parts of the country also demand the freest
possible interchange of industrial products of the varied climates and
industries of the United States, so that breadstuffs, textile fabric.-,
lumber, iron, sugar, and various other products, local in their produc
tion but general in their consumption, may all reach the consumer ut;
the least practicable cost for transportation ; and that an arbitrary and
unnecessary tax levied by the transporter over and above a fair re
muneration for his investment is a burden upon the producer and
consumer that it is the part of wise statesmanship to remove.

5. That certain leading railway corporations of the country,
although chartered to subserve the public welfare, and endowed with
the right of eminent domain solely for that purpose, have proved
themselves practically monopolists, and become the tools of avari-
cious and unscrupulous capitalists, to be used to plunder the pul>
lie, enrich themselves, and impoverish the country through which
they run.

6. That many of the railway corporations have not only disregarded
public convenience and prosperity, but have oppressed citizens, bribed
our Legislatures, and defied our executives and judges, and stand to
day the most menacing danger to American liberty and to repub
lican government.

7. That the present system of railway management having failed
to meet the just expectations and demands of a long-suffering people,
it must be radically reformed and controlled by the strong hand of
the law, both State and national, and railway corporations compelled
to perform their proper functions as servants and not masters of the
people.

8. That, to this end, we invoke the aid of all fair-minded men in
all the States of the Union in excluding from the halls of legislation,
from our executive offices, and from the bench, all railway officials,
railway attorneys, or other hirelings who prostitute public office to
the base uses of private gain.

9. That, leaving different sections and interests that desire cheap
transportation to work out the problem in such manner as they may
deem best, we earnestly invoke their careful consideration, their en
ergetic and their resolute will in regulating and controlling rates of
transportation, and in giving remunerative wages to the producer and
cheap products to the consumer, untaxed by unearned charges for
their carriage.

10. That we invite the people of the various States to organize sub-

822 THE GROUNDSWELL.

sidiary associations, State, county, and town, to co-operate with the
national associations. The power to accomplish the purposes desired
rests absolutely with the suffering millions; and relief is within their
reach and control. United action and the near future will give, as
certain as its need for all time and the good of all, the true solution
of the problem of cheap transportation.

The resolutions were taken up and discussed at length, and, finally,
were adopted unanimously.

On motion the following committee was appointed to draft
an address to the people : Hon. Josiali Quincy, Boston, Mass. ;

Loading a Steamboat on the Mississippi.

M. D. Wilbur, Michigan ; Horace H. Day, New York City ;
E. H. Ferguson, Troy, New York ; Henry Bronson, Kansas ;
J. A. Noonan, Milwaukee ; and W. H. C. Price, New York.
The Convention then adjourned to meet in Washington,
January, 1874, at the call of the Executive Committee.

PRESIDENT QUINCY'S CALL FOR THE WASHINGTON CON
VENTION.

The call for this Convention, to be held in Washington in
January, 1874, was looked forward to with the greatest in-

PBES. QUINCY'S CALL FOR THE WASHINGTON CONVENTION. 323

terest. In November, 1873, it was promulgated, and was as
follows :

In the month of May, 1873, delegates from several States met in
New York for the purpose of forming an American Cheap Transpor
tation Association. The organization was effected by the election of
a president, secretary, and treasurer, together with vice-presidents
from the several States represented. It was voted that a meeting of
the officers or delegates of the several State Associations then exist
ing, together with those of any other State Association that might be
formed, should be held in Washington in the month of January, 1874.
It was also voted that an address should be prepared and published,
setting forth the complaints against the management of some of the
railroads, together with suggestions of measures that might tend to
relieve the people from undue exactions, and facilitate transportation
between the different Staies. As the residences of the gentlemen ap
pointed to prepare the address were too distant to permit their per
sonal conference, it was thought best that they should submit their
views to the President of the Association, who was authorized to pre
sent their general drift to the people, when issuing the call for the
January meeting. As the address has not been submitted to the
other members of the committee, the chairman is alone responsible
for the form it has taken.

The subject should not be approached without a grateful acknowl
edgment of the blessings which the railroad has conferred upon our
country. Of all the mighty powers that are so rapidly changing the
face of the world this takes precedence as an educator and civilizer.
This mighty interest has absorbed the largest capitalists, the most
active minds, and the most gifted projectors of our time. Much
money has been made by it, and a great part of that money has been
honestly and honorably earned. Enterprising capitalists who took
great risks, far-sighted men of business who gave vigorous thought to
the internal development of their country, have made large fortunes
and have richly deserved them. They have provided the people with
a most valuable servant. But the time has come when it is evident
that this excellent servant is capable of becoming a most tyrannical
master. We are threatened with the curse of special rights, special
privileges, special favors, special powers, and the monopolies of cliques
and rings. An imperium in imperio, controlled by the ablest execu-

324 THE GROUNDSWELL.

lives that money can purchase, acts with peculiar advantages under a
popular government. If that eternal vigilance, which has been called
the price of liberty, is not exercised ; if an aggressive power is not
boldly met and restrained by wise and reasonable legislation, — we are
inviting those bad and lawless remedies which are too often worse
than the injustice they assail.

Among the many charges that have been preferred against the
managers of American railroads the mention of a few will be suffi
cient for the purposes of this address. Mr. Rufus Hatch, in his cir
cular upon " Frauds in Eailroad Management," offers statements to
show that at the time of his publication the watering of the stock
of the Hudson Eiver and the New York Central Railroads amounted
to $57,576,700, which exceeded the capital actually paid in by $7,-
368,400. He likewise asserts that the watering in the Cleveland,
Painesville and Ashtabula, the Buffalo and Erie, and the Cleveland
and Toledo, together with the excess of new capital over old, amounted
to $20,065,870 ; and this watering of the Lake Shore, added to that of
the Hudson Kiver and New York Central, amounted to $77,644,770,
equaling $79,000 a mile for the whole distance from Chicago to New
York, and paying on every mile an annual dividend of $6,325.

Mr. Geo. O. Jones, at a recent hearing before the Congressional
Committee on Transportation, corroborated these statements, and
estimates that New York pays $10,000,000 a year on watered stock.
It is also charged against some of the managers of the great line of
railroad that, while Congress has granted immense tracts of land in
order to reduce the cost of roads and the fares for transportation,
means have been employed to separate the railroads from these grants
for the purpose of dishonestly appropriating these benefits. Eailroads
thus favored by the government have been constructed at great cost,
through the issue of bonds, and then leased to lines of which their
managers had the control. Rings have thus obtained possession of
land and shares at nominal prices, and have imposed upon the people
such taxes as their directors might choose to levy.

It is charged that while our several States have granted charters
authorizing railroad corporations to take the land of any citizens, and
to issue shares for the construction of their roads, and permitting
them to collect a liberal interest for all moneys invested, shares have
been issued gratuitously to stockholders, with the view of exacting
interest upon fictitious values ; and also that officers or influential
shareholders who have been interested in express companies, mineral

PEES. QXJINCY'S CALL FOR THE WASHINGTON CONVENTION. 325

land companies, and other associations, have caused peculiar privi
leges to be given to such bodies, enabling them to gain unjust advan
tages over all others who depend upon railroad transportation for the
transaction of their business. It is also asserted that accommodation
has been refused to those who have made themselves obnoxious by
exposing the unjust proceedings above specified, and that shippers of
merchandise not in favor with inner rings have been denied fair op
portunities for competition.

Finally, it is alleged that no action of individuals is capable of re
sisting corporations wielding the vast power and backed by the im
mense wealth at the disposal of railroad managers. It is alleged that
some of these members have already packed conventions, bribed leg
islators, and subsidized judges, and have obtained, through corrupt
means, an influence subversive of the rights of the people and most
perilous to republican institutions.

The Cheap Transportation Association asks that these charges,
brought by responsible citizens against the managers of railroads, be
thoroughly investigated. We assert that it is the right and duty of
Congress to inquire how its liberal grants of land have been appro
priated. They were granted to give temporary credit to certain
railroad corporations, and to constitute a sinking fund which would
ultimately pay off debts contracted in the construction of roads.
They were granted, in the interest of the country, to reduce rates of
transportation to the cost of maintaining the roads. Should it be
found that these grants, covering an area greater than many of our
States, have been obtained under false pretenses, and used for private
aggrandizement, we ask that they be reclaimed from those who un
justly hold them in possession.

Our several States have surrendered the privilege of righting their
own wrongs, upon the understanding that Congress will do it for
them. The railroad power of the State of New York, for instance,
may levy for the benefit of watered stock the estimated tax of ten
cents per bushel upon corn and wheat, and the farmers of the West
and citizens of New England have no remedy except through the
action of the General Government. For this reason we are forced
to ask Congress for a thorough investigation of the measures that
have been adopted to eifect the interchange of products among our
States — measures that are alleged to have destroyed the value of the
productions of one section, and to have increased the cost of the nec
essaries of life in another. We ask for a thorough investigation into

326 THE GROUNDSWELL.

special contracts made for the transportation of freight and passen
gers that have given the contractors advantages over their fellow-
citizens.

We ask Congress to consider whether it be not expedient to make
certain laws for the regulation of railroads, in order to meet such
wrongs and avert such dangers as an investigation may bring to light;
and whether it be not expedient to create a permanent Kailroad Com
mission, with power, upon substantial complaints, to send for persons
and papers, to lay injunctions, and to abate violations of the laws.
Eailroad managers, as common carriers, should be required by law to
give no privileges to one customer above another under similar cir
cumstances. All deviations in price from the published schedule
made to companies or to individuals should be duly recorded in
books, at all times open to the inspection of the Railroad Commis
sion, as well as to citizens who make proper application to examine
them.

It is proposed to ask Congress to consider the expediency of estab
lishing national railroads or canals for the purpose of carrying freight
between distant States and the seaboard, or to require existing roads
to draw cars for individuals or companies at fixed rates.

But it is unnecessary further to anticipate the action of the meet
ing of the Association, which is hereby called to meet at Washington
on Wednesday, the 14th day of January, 1874. At this meeting del
egates from all kindred State organizations are invited to appear.

JOSIAH QUINCY,
President of the American Cheap Transportation Association.

CHAPTEE XXVIII

THE NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS OF

1873.

OPENING FORMALITIES, ETC.

Pursuant to adjournment, as mentioned in Chapter XVII,
the National Agricultural Congress held its second session
at Indianapolis, May 28, 1873, with a large attendance of
highly intelligent delegates from twenty-five States. In the
absence of the President, Hon. John P. Reynolds, A. M.
Garland, Esq., of Illinois, was called to the chair.

Governor Hendricks, of Indiana, delivered an address of
welcome, and was followed by Mayor Mitchell, of Indiana
polis, and Hon. John Sutherland, of the Indiana State Board
of Agriculture, in some pleasant remarks of similar tenor.
General W. H. Jackson, of Tennessee, in responding, on be*<
half of the Congress, gave a short history of the gatheriitc*
and its objects, concluding his remarks as follows :

" I regard it as a matter of great importance to all the interests of
the country. The reason that actuated us in the formation of this
organization was to have greater unity and concert of action among
the agricultural classes, whom, we thought, ought to have a voice in
the affairs of the State and nation. There was lack of concert of
action, and of that cohesiveness which exists in all other classes. We
have combinations of capitalists in mining and in manufacturing, in
seafaring, in commerce, and the thousand channels through which

(327)

328 THE GROUNDSWELL.

capital seeks accumulation. We desire that this association may
dignify and ennoble this most ancient and venerable calling, so that
it will have the effect of bringing about a wide diffusion of knowl
edge, and increase the general and individual prosperity of our citi
zens ; and in proportion as we can have a wider diffusion of knowl'
edge and elevate that class to which they belong, we believe that it
will increase the general prosperity of the whole country. These
associations will have the effect, if there be lingering prejudices and
asperities engendered in the times past, to smooth them over and
cause them to be forgotten.

"This is one of the grand ideas in my mind — it is one of the most
pleasant ideas to my mind— that it will unite the people of all the
sections of this broad land, to consult together as to the material
interests of the whole country.

u And here let me disclaim, as I am familiar with the origin and
inception of this movement, that by our unity and concert of action
we desire to crush and oppress any interests in this broad land. I
recognize them as all important in their places, but we simply wish
by unity of action, to promote the paramount interests of this great
class which we are here representing. That is the idea that is in
tended, as I say, by the wide diffusion of knowledge growing out of
the reported practical experiments. All these minor societies, all
State societies, will be tributary to this grand National Agricultural
Congress, and it will have the effect of spreading through the coun
try, more readily, improved implements and methods of recuperation,
fertilization and culture.

" These are some of the ideas we have in coming together.

"Members of this body, let prudence and caution and wisdom
guard all your deliberations. We are not here, as some suppose, to
fight railroads. We regard the railroad interests of the country as
one of the grand interests of the country. We regard the railroad
interests and agricultural, as hinging on each other, and so inti
mately connected that one can not be withdrawn without great det
riment to the other. Therefore, we want to see the railroad interest
cherished in every way ; but we feel that they, as well as middle
men who handle our produce, are getting a greater share of the
profits than by right they are entitled to. We simply ask and shall
endeavor to seek the line of equity as between the true producer and
the carrier, and having found that line, we dare maintain our rights.

OPENING FORMALITIES, ETC.

329

330 THE GROUNDSWELL.

That is the idea. We want nothing but a fair line, and we should
proceed in such a cautious way as not to do any thing imprudent.
I thank you, gentlemen, for the call that has been made upon me
of responding ; and I thank you, gentlemen, for this Convention, for
the very kind welcome extended."

FINANCIAL, HORTICULTURAL, AND ENTOMOLOGICAL.

Secretary Greene, in his annual report, alluded to the dif
ficulty under which he labored in consequence of the neglect
of the societies whom the Congress represented, (three thou
sand in number,) to send their quota of the expenses, and
spoke highly of the manner in which the agricultural press
had seconded his exertions. He estimated that there were
then in existence at least ten thousand societies under differ
ent names. Of these, two-thirds had been organized during
the six months last preceding. Commodore Maury's system
of weather signals, as explained to the last Congress, had
been established, and it was important that it should be
extended, but the appropriations from Congress were small
compared with the value of the undertaking. The financial
report showed an excess of expenditures over income of
$350.

Professor Riley, of Missouri, read a paper on the " cotton
worm and its destruction," which he appropriately prefaced
with the remark that he offered it as " a proposition whereby
millions of dollars may be saved to the people of the South."
He proposed an inexpensive remedy for the destruction of
this pestiferous insect, whose appearance in the cotton-field
strikes dismay to the heart of the planter.

The Committee on Horticulture and Entomology made a
report wherein they recommended that Congress be asked
to provide that railroad companies and homesteaders, re-

REPORT ON THE TRANSPORTATION QUESTION. 331

ceiving the benefit of acts donating land, shall plant with
timber trees one- half of the land so donated ; that our Ag
ricultural Colleges should give more attention to forestry,
as in similar institutions in Europe; asking railroad com
panies to co-operate in restoring the timber growth ; and
directing attention to the practical importance of the science
of entomology, and declaring that each State should appoint
an entomologist.

The " eight-hour law " was discussed at length, but no
decision was arrived at thereon.

EXHAUSTIVE REPORT ON THE TRANSPORTATION QUES
TION.

A committee appointed on the transportation question de
livered the following exhaustive report :

1. The cheap transportation of persons and property is a national
necessity. Our country is immense, and its climate, productions,
and wants very varied and diverse in its different parts. The emi
nent thinker, Dr. Draper, in his " Civil Policy of America," has
stated that he regards cheap transportation, even looking at it simply
as a means of commingling, fraternizing, and unifying our popula
tion, as a natural necessity. Even more true, if possible, is the state
ment that the greatest good of the masses of the people is to be
observed by furnishing all articles, whose production is local, but
whose consumption is general and necessary, at the lowest possible
cost of transportation. Eight States in the Northwest produced 800,-
000,000 of cereals in 1862 — eighty bushels for every man, woman, or
child of its population, and enough, properly distributed, to feed the
whole forty millions of the nation, whilst the East had not grain
enough to last her more than three months of the year, and the
four Southeastern States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and
Florida, required fifty millions of bushels more gram than they
grew. Pennsylvania has exhaustless mines of coal. Massachusetts,
with her immense factories, has none. The Southern States have a
soil eminently adapted to the production of cotton and sugar— arti-

332 THE GROUNDSWELL.

cles sought and needed by all portions of the more Northern States.
Missouri has her immense mines of iron, whose manufacture and use
goes every-where. The Pacific coast has her wines, her wheat, and
her minerals, valuable to all. To fetch and carry these raw products
and the secondary products of their manufacture from producer to
consumer, at the lowest possible cost, is the worthy and most desira
ble object of the day. It will remove an oppressive burden that now
rests like an incubus upon the producing interests of the country,
and give cheap food, cheap clothing, and cheap fuel to the people
every-where.

2. In examining into this subject, we find that, in the first place,
the present avenues for freight transportation are insufficient, or, at
least, as now organized and operated, do not do their proper work.
Our water routes are obstructed by falls and rapids that are not over
come ; by shoals and sand bars that are not removed ; and for months
of the year are blockaded by ice or by low water. The railways,
being used both for passenger and freight transportation, can carry
only relatively small amounts of freight, and both water and rail
way routes are blockaded by an insufficiency of warehouses, eleva
tors, and other means of transferring freight at our principal inland
and seaboard cities.

3. We find, moreover, that rates charged by these transportation
companies are exorbitant, as compared with the necessary cost, and
are really prohibitory in their character at points remote from the
great markets. The rates by water, while considerably lower, are
still much above the necessary cost, and in the northern part of
the country are inoperative during the winter season. The charges
of elevators and other warehouses have, at many points, been also
exorbitant and oppressive. Thus, in seasons of plenty, the producer
finds the price of his products reduced below the cost of production,
and in seasons of scarcity the consumer must pay unwarrantable
and unbearable prices for the necessaries of life. Not only this, but
inasmuch as the seaboard prices, except in cases of local scarcity, fix
the producers' prices at his own locality, the result is that the high
prices of freight are a cause of loss to the producer even upon what
he sells at home. With an immense region of wheat and other
grain-growing country opening up in the north-west, these evils to
our special farming interests threaten to be greatly aggravated and
increased in the future.

REPORT ON THE TRANSPORTATION QUESTION. 333

4. We may add that the unjust discriminations of railway corpor
ations have greatly aggravated and intensified this evil. Discrimi
nations are unduly exciting and building up the prosperity of com
peting points, and depressing and destroying that of other points ;
real estate is depreciated, manufactures and agriculture languish,
and the country even becomes depopulated by reason of unjust dis
criminations.

5. In view of these facts, your Committee believe that due en
couragement should be given to the opening of new routes, and the
improvement of the old ones, so as to furnish transportation at cheap
rates between all parts of the Republic. Among these we would
call attention to the following, which, from a cursory examination,
seem to have more or less merit: The Niagara Ship Canal, the
Caughnawaga and Champlain Canal route, from the St. Lawrence to
New York ; the Fox River Canal, of Wisconsin ; the James River
and Kanawha Through Water Line; the Illinois and Michigan
Canal and Illinois River Improvement; the Atlantic and Great
Western Canal ; and the Mississippi and Appalachicola Canal along
the Gulf Coast,

6. The Southern Pacific and Northern Pacific Railroads are aided
by grants of land, and their construction, it is believed, secured, and
we believe will be an important means of relieving the pressure of
trans-continental transportation. The scheme of the Eastern and
Western Transportation Company also promises a valuable new
through route from the Northwest to the Atlantic.

7. We call attention to, and ask an investigation of, the merits of
the narrow gauge railways, as much cheaper in their construction
and operation than the existing railways ; of freight tracks or rail
ways adapted especially to cheap transportation; and of tram-rail
ways laid upon the common highways of the country, which we
believe can be done at a cost not exceeding that of Macadamized
roads.

8. We recommend that efforts be made and persevered in, until
all railway corporations shall be subject to legislative regulation, so
as to insure the absolute and perpetual prohibition and prevention
of extortionate charges and unjust discriminations.

9. We recommend that all men who believe that the rights of the
people should be protected from the extortions and discriminations
of transportation monopolies, should unite in reforming the execu-

334 THE GttOUNDSWELL,

live, judicial, and legislative departments of our National and State
governments by excluding therefrom the proprietors and servants of
such monopolies.

10. We deprecate, finally, the practice of executive, judicial, and
legislative officers in accepting favors from transportation corpora--
tions, whose interests are more or less in conflict with those of the
people, whom such officers are elected to serve.

We further recommend the adoption of the following supple-'
mental report :

We, the farmers of the United States, in Congress assembled, re^
spectfully represent to the Senate and House of Eepresentatives of
the 43d Congress, that the great want of the whole country, and
especially the West and North-west, is increased facilities for trans
portation between the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi and the
Atlantic seaboard ; that, in consequence of the rapidly increasing
products of the West, and the corresponding increase of its demand
for the manufacturing, mechanical and other products of the East,
the necessity to meet this want is daily becoming more imperative.

That to respond to this want the best interests of the country de
mand continuous water line communication between the East and
West as public highways, made for the use of all on equal terms, and
subject to such tolls only as may be necessary to keep the same in
repair.

That the central water line through Virginia, by way of the James
River and Kanawha Canal, in connection with the proper improve
ments of the Ohio and Kanawha Rivers, is eminently of that char
acter, from its directness across the very center of our country from
north to south, with easy connections with the entire system of nav
igation of the great center basin, free from the climatic objections of
frost in winter and heat in summer, and from interruption in time
of war, with great capacity for freight; and it will furnish the cheap
est, shortest, and most direct outlet from the Mississippi to the
Atlantic.

That the character and feasibility of this improvement has been
thoroughly investigated and indorsed by eminent engineers in the
service of the State of Virginia through a long series of years; that
the survey more recently made by the General Government entirely
confirms the feasibility and eminent value of this work to the whole
country; and a bid is now pending before Congress, by which it is

REPORT ON THE RAILWAY SYSTEM. 335

asked that this work may be completed by the General Government,
the States of Virginia and West Virginia surrendering all owner
ship, jurisdiction, and control over the same.

That in the completion of this work, by cheapening the cost of
transportation of heavy products between East and West, and by in
vesting with value the products of the region through which it passes,
there will be a saving and profit annually to be shared in by the
whole country, greater than the entire cost of the work.

This National Congress of Farmers of the entire country respect
fully request that the next Congress of the United States take into
favorable consideration the bill now pending for the completion of
this great central water line.

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be furnished to the
President of the United States, and President of the Senate, and
Speaker of the House of Representatives, to be laid before their
respective bodies at the next session of Congress.

REPORT ON THE RAILWAY SYSTEM.

The Committee on the Railway System submitted the following
report :

WHEREAS, We recognize the railways of the country as an ef
fectual means of developing its agricultural resources, and as having
an interest, common and inseparable, with the country through
which they pass ; and,

WHEREAS, We have in times past fostered and aided them by
liberal charters and concessions, made by public and private parties,
and still desire to encourage further development of the railway
system; therefore,

Resolved, That a fair degree of reciprocity would suggest that cor
porations having a common interest and bublic aid, should, in their
turn, endeavor to subserve the interest of the country through which
they pass, by charging fair rates of freights, and by the equitable
and just treatment of all localities along their lines.

Resolved, That, on the contrary, railroad corporations in many
instances have been exorbitant in their charges, have discriminated
unjustly between localities, and have failed to respond to the gener
ous grants of powers and moneys that have been given them by
our National and State Governments.

336 THE G&QUNDSWELL.

Resolved, That the system adopted and now practiced in the build^.
ing of railroads, viz : The soliciting of stock subscriptions from indb
viduals, corporations, and counties, and after receiving these subi
sidies to depress the value of said stock by forcing it upon, the market
and depreciating its value to such an extent as to enable a few
speculators to secure control of the road, thereby depriving those
who aid in its construction of all voice in its management ; increas
ing the cost four or five times above the amount it would have cost
if °those managing it in the outset had had the foresight to have the
funds on hand at the start to build and equip said road ; then re
quiring the producer and shipper to pay dividends upon the ficti
tious cost by charging excessive freight and passenger tariffs— ope
rates most injuriously to the best interests of the farming class, and
calls loudly for reform and restraint by adequate legislation.

Resolved] That we recommend all farmers to withhold their voices
and their aid from railway corporations, unless it be fully conceded
and agreed that corporations so aided are subject to regulation by
the power incorporating them, and will not, after receiving the ad
vantages conferred by the public authority, claim the immunities of
a private corporation.

Resolved, That we indorse and will support the doctrine promulga
ted by some of our courts, that a railway corporation in receiving
and exercising the State's right of eminent domain, and receiving
aid raised by taxation from public authorities has thereby accepted
and admitted itself to be a corporation with a public function, and
subject to the power from which it has received its charter, in the
limitation of its rates.

Resolved, That a railway being practically a monopoly, controlling
the transportation of nearly all the country through which it passes;
and that as competition, except at a few points, can not be relied
upon to fix rates, therefore it becomes the duty of the State to fix
reasonable maximum rates, affording a fair remuneration to the
transporter, and without being an onerous charge to the producer
and consumer.

Resolved, That, inasmuch as Belgium has succeeded in regulating
the rates upon railways by Government lines, we ask an investigation
of the proposition to control the rates upon existing railways by
trunk lines built and controlled by the States authorities, and run
at fixed uniform and cheap rates.

THE AGRICtTLTtJKAL COLLEGE LAND GKANT BILL. 337

Resolved, That the consolidation of parallel lines of railway is
contrary to public policy, and should be prohibited by law.

Resolved, That wherever a railway corporation ov-ns or controls a
line or lines in two or more States, it is the right and duty of the
General Government to regulate the rates of freight and fare upon
such lines, under the constitutional power to regulate commerce be
tween the States.

Resolved, That we commend the thorough organization of the
farmers of the country in local, county, and State organizations, for
the purpose of reforming the great abuses and dealing out equal
and exact justice to all men.

The foregoing report and resolutions were discussed to
gether. Professor Brown, of Indiana; Dr. A. C. Steven
son, of Indiana; Mr. Flagg, of Illinois; Major Milliken, of
Ohio; Mr. Papin, of South Carolina; Mr. Marlin, of Indi
ana; General Duke, of Virginia; Mr. Dalton, of Illinois;
Colonel Anthony, of Kansas; Colonel Younger, of Califor
nia ; General Jackson, of Tennessee ; Mr. Williams, of In
diana ; Mr. Taylor, of Indiana ; and Colonel Langdon. of
Alabama participated in the debate, which was character
ized by great clearness and temperance of statement.

THE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE LAND GRANT BILL.

A committee previously appointed to discuss the subject
of the Agricultural Colleges, and the manner in which they
have been conducted, submitted a majority report, embody
ing the following resolutions :

Resolved, That the body here assembled for the promotion of agri
culture approve and indorse the efforts now being made to secure
additional aid from Congress in behalf of the colleges established, in
consequence of the land grant of 1862, in order to promote the lib
eral and practical education of the industrial classes in the several
pursuits and professions of life.

15

338 (THE GfeOtTNbSWELL.

Resolved, That the bill known as the Morrill Bill, which passed the
Senate by a large majority, with the amendment thereto which
passed the House of Representatives by a large majority, shows the
liberal spirit of Congress in behalf of scientific, practical education,
and an increasing interest in that kind of education which pertains
to the application of science to the practical arts of life.

Resolved, That a committee from this body be appointed to memor
ialize Congress on this subject, and otherwise promote it in any man
ner as they may think best.

Mr. Marlin, of Indiana, opposed the adoption of the re
port, because he did not want the public lands squandered
in that direction. He thought the Congress would probably
adopt the recommendation of the report, but he did not
think the people would approve their action. It is just as
much of a steal to give the lands to the agricultural col
leges as it is to give them to railroad monopolies or rings.
These agricultural colleges were raising up a class of kid-
gloved farmers, who looked with scorn upon the hardy til
lers of the soil, and refused to acknowledge them on the
street wherever they met.

Dr. Daniel Reid, of Missouri, one of the committee, ably
defended the resolutions and the report, giving the history
of legislation in connection with the subject under consider
ation. He further gave the opinions of eminent scholars
and scientific men upon the importance of action in the di
rection indicated by the resolutions. We must have the
application of science to the industrial arts to fully arrive
at the extent of our capabilities.

PRO AND CON.

At this point a minority of the Committee delivered a
report adverse to the adoption of the resolution.

Colonel Anthony, of Kansas, said the action of Congress

PRO AND CON. 339

upon this matter was not in answer to any demand from
the people. The men who represented the colleges at
Washington last winter were not farmers, and were never
connected with or interested in their caucuses. At the last
meeting of the Congress an attempt had been made to
commit the meeting to the same resolutions at the last hour
of the session. Discussion was staved off on this report last
year, and the Congress refused to pass the resolutions,
thanks to the noble efforts of Dr. J. A. Warder, of Ohio.
Will the gentlemen who preceded me tell me where are the
fruits of this tree, which has cost the people ten million
dollars' worth of public lands. Are they in the State of
Missouri ? Are they in the State of Ohio, where Senator
Patterson was chosen President of an Agricultural College ?
The gentleman wanted the Congress to consider this ques
tion seriously. The Agricultural Colleges in this country
have not been a success. The professors in them all, with
one exception, have dinned in our ears that classical educa
tion is the intent of the act upon this subject. Mr. Davis,
in his seat in Congress, charged Mr. Morrill with fraud in
this matter, and that under the name of Agricultural Col
leges, another attempt is being made to rob us of our lands.
These gentlemen claim that it is a generous paternal move
ment on the part of the government to educate poor agri
culturists' sons. It was to so educate all sons that they
may become agriculturists. The intention was that these
colleges should be to agriculture what the theological semi
nary is to the pulpit; what the medical college is to the
medical profession, and what the blacksmith shop is to the
apprentice. Have we any such Agricultural Colleges ?

Dr. Eeid rejoined that he was utterly amazed at the
statements he had heard made. Does the gentleman know
that these colleges are the growth of years ? Does he ex-

340 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

pect perfection at once ? It is utterly impossible. Eminent
mechanics and agriculturists of the country say we must
have another class of education for the people of the coun
try. We have never received a quarter of the ten millions
of acres of lands as charged by the gentleman who has just
taken his seat. Some of the colleges contemplated have
not even been commenced. In our State we have a success
ful institute in operation with by far the larger class of stu
dents in agriculture who throw aside classical and scientific
education. In the matter of grape culture alone we have
done more already than the whole cost of the institution.
The first year two of our young men went from the col
lege immediately into positions of superintendents of grape
yards. The demand for scientific agricultural education is
not of this country alone, but of the whole world. Let not
the Congress stamp with disapproval such education. It is
not intended to take one acre of the public domain from
actual settlers, nor will it be done. Dr. Reid hoped the
Congress would remember that the subject of Agricultural
Colleges was yet in its infancy, and great results could not
be immediately expected.

On of motion of A. C. Stevenson, of Indiana, the further
consideration of this subject was indefinitely postponed.

THE ELECTION OF OFFICERS, ETC.

The Committee on Nominations reported for President,
General W. H. Jackson of Tennessee ; for Secretary, Charles
W. Greene, of Tennessee ; for Treasurer, Solomon Meredith,
of Indiana. At the request of General Meredith, Mr. Poole,
of Indiana, was placed in nomination for Treasurer, instead
of himself.

On motion, the President was directed to cast the vote of

THE ELECTION OF OFFICEES, ETC. 341

the Congress for the nominees reported by the Committee,
which prevailed, and they were declared elected.

The list of States was then called, and the several delega
tions nominated their Vice-Presidents, and they were con
firmed by the Congress as follows : Alabama, C. C. Langdon,
Mobile ; California, Col. C. C. Younger, San Jose ; Colorado,
W. M. Byers, Denver ; Georgia, 0. H. Jones, Atlanta ; Illi
nois, A. M. Garland, Springfield ; Indiana, General Solomon,
Meredith, Cambridge City ; Kansas, J. K. Hudson, Wyan-
dotte; Kentucky, Dr. E. J. Spurr, Lexington; Minnesota,
Hon. William S. King, Minneapolis ; Missouri, Hon. Nor
man J. Colman, St. Louis ; Mississippi, Dr. M. W. Phillips,
Oxford ; Nebraska, Governor Kobert Furnas, Lincoln ; Ohio,
J. M. Millikin, Hamilton; Pennsylvania, Hon. A. Boyd
Hamilton, Harrisburg ; South Carolina, Winborn Lawton,
Charleston; Tennessee, C. "W. Charlton, Knoxville; Ver
mont, 0. S. Bliss, Georgia ; Virginia, Colonel H. E. Peyton,
Waterford ; West Virginia, H. S. Walker, Charleston ; Wis
consin, Eli Stilson, Oshkosh.

In the debate upon the selection of the place for the next
Congress, Atlanta, Georgia, Charleston, South Carolina, Lin
coln, Nebraska, and Columbus, Ohio, were put in nomina
tion. After a short discussion, from which it was evident
that nearly all of the members from the North-west were
favorable to Atlanta, it was so elected, and the second
Wednesday in May, 1874, was adopted as the time of
meeting.

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE NORTH-WESTERN FARMERS' CONVENTION
AT CHICAGO.

THE CALL, ATTENDANCE, AND ORGANIZATION.

On October 22d and 23d, 1873, a Convention composed of
about three hundred delegates from Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa,
New York, Indiana, Nebraska, Minnesota, and Canada, was
held in McCormick's Hall, Chicago, assembled at the call of the
Illinois State Farmers' Association. Mr. James M. Allen,
of Illinois, was elected to preside, and Mr. S. M. Smith and
Mr. S. T. K. Prime were chosen Secretaries. All speeches
were limited, by resolution, to ten minutes.

Mr. Flagg, President of the Illinois State Farmers' Asso
ciation, read a communication from the Senate Transporta
tion Committee, then about to hold a sitting at St. Louis,
expressing their desire to confer with any delegates whom
the Chicago Convention might appoint.

Mr. Norton, of Nebraska, offered a resolution, which was
adopted, providing for the appointment of a committee of
three citizens of Illinois, to report to the Convention the effect
upon producers and shippers, of the legislation on railroads
in Illinois, and whether they advise similar legislation in all
(34?)

THE QUESTION OF GOVERNMENTAL AID. 343

the States. Messrs. M. B. Loyd, L. F. Boss and M. M.
Hooton, were afterward selected as the Committee.

THE QUESTION OF GOVERMENTAL AID.

Mr. Caffeen, of Illinois, offered the following resolutions,
and advocated them with force and spirit :

Resolved, That the first duty of the people is to subject all transpor
tation companies or corporations to the restraints of law.

Resolved, That it is their next duty to urge the making of a ship-
canal from the Atlantic seaboard, by the way of the lakes and the Illi
nois and Mississippi rivers, to deep water in the Gulf of Mexico, by
the National Government.

Resolved, That it is their next duty to obtain the assistance of our
Federal Government by an advance of credit, for the purpose of build
ing a double-track freight railroad from near the line of the Kansas
& Nebraska, as near an air line as possible, to New York city.

In the discussion which ensued upon the resolutions, Mr.
Wright, of Wisconsin, was in favor of the water route pro
posed, but was opposed to the General Government under
taking to build it. Seventy-five thousand dollars a year
failed to keep the bar at the mouth of the Mississippi
dredged. A canal could be built making a way clear to the
ocean from New Orleans, at a cost of $8,000,000, and that
would give an outlet for the West by way of the Mississippi,
reducing the freight to Liverpool twenty cents a hundred.
If the railroads added five cents per hundred to their rates,
it would be equivalent to laying a tax upon the farmers of
$50,000,000 a year. He was in favor of the scheme, and
also of the Niagara route, but did not care to leave the work
to the government. They must elect men to Congress who
would do the people justice. Ten millions of white men were

344 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

being robbed every day out of half their earnings by these
monopolies.

Mr. Perry believed the government should do the work,
and take charge of it, and then we could elect honest men to
take charge of the works.

Mr. Bishop, of Illinois,
wanted present relief. He did
not object to being kept "busy
as a bee," but was tired of
working fifteen hours a day.
If they waited for ship canals
there would not be many of
them left. He wanted the ex
tension of patents to cease, and
thought we should have a lower
tariff.

Mr. Lockhardt, of Illinois, was opposed to the govern
ment going into the canal-building business.

Mr. Flagg wanted the government to do whatever it could
do better than private parties. The Erie Canal was better
managed than the Erie Railroad, and the Michigan Canal
was run better than some railroads. The question was,
which of the routes would give the most relief for the least
money ? There was the Kanawha and the Niagara Canals
schemes. Each had its favorite. The Convention should
choose something, and then urge it upon Congress.

Mr. Dixon, of Iowa, argued that water transportation was
slow. Railroads could be built and run cheaper than canals.
They should bring railroads down to hard pan, and then
they would have cheaper transportation. He gave instances
of discrimination in Iowa. What we want is immediate relief.
On motion, the resolutions and substitutes were referred
to the Committee on Resolutions,

HON w. c. FLAOG'S ADDRESS. 345

HON. W. C. FLAGG'S ADDRESS ON THE REGULATION OF
RAILROADS.

When the subject of State legislation to control the rates
of transportation came on, Mr. Flagg addressed the Conven
tion at length, substantially as follows :

In their original conception and execution, railroads were private
property ; built upon private laud, or by special permission of the
people through whose land they run. This kind of a road might
justly claim to be exempt from all government regulations, except
police regulation, so long as it did not offer itself to do the business
of a common carrier ; if it would do only the business of the persons
owning the road ; would undertake no public function, and would
not exercise the power of eminent domain conferred upon it by the
sovereign power. This is the kind of railway that attorneys ought to
be talking about, when they deny the right of government to inter
fere with railway management. But railways of that kind were few
and unimportant. Government generally was requested by the rail
ways themselves to interfere in the inception of their enterprise, to
the extent, at least, of giving certain privileges to a corporation, in
cluding the right to condemn and use the land of others. This was
done through a charter granted by the Legislature, under a general or
special law. In this country most of the railway charters were granted
by or under a State law ; by special act or under general laws ; but a
few lines have been chartered through the Territories by act of Con
gress.

By these charters, the State transferred, or attempted to transfer,
its right of eminent domain to the railway company, so that it may
go and take possession of such lands as it may need, on the alleged
ground of its being for the public use ; and also the town, county, or
township may vote subsidies to the railway company, on the ground
that such donation will be for the public benefit. The railway was
then vested with a public function. The State had given it privi
leges which it had no right to give, or else the railroad company was
no longer a private company, and owes special duties to the public.

Any one conveying for hire becomes a public carrier.

The railway was a common carrier, and a good deal more. In the
nature of the case, it was its duty to make a special point of serving

15*

346 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the public, even if the highest attainable profits were not realized.
The company had, it was true, a private duty to its stockholders of
paying the rate of interest that is reasonable in permanent and not
fluctuating investments. But besides this, it owed the duty of cheap
rates and large business, so as to build up the country through which
it passes.

The common carrier could limit his business. The railway com
pany was in duty bound to find railway service, at least to the capa
city of the average freight and passengers offered.

The common carrier was liable to have his rates of fares and freight
fixed or limited by law. They might say to the railway : " If you
don't want to carry passengers for three cents per mile, you can sell
out to some one who will, or tear up your track and let another com
pany see if they can not serve the public at reasonable rates." The
Dartmouth College decision was referred to. Eailway lawyers told
us that a railway is a private corporation ; that a charter of a private
corporation is an unlimited contract between the State and the cor
poration ; that the Constitution of the United States forbids a State
from passing any " law impairing the obligation of contracts ; " that a
law fixing reasonable maximum rates by our State Legislature was an
impairing of the charter contracts existing between the State of Illi
nois and many or most of the railroads in it, and therefore unconsti
tutional. All of which was based upon the Dartmouth College case.
But the railway received and used privileges which the State had no
right to confer upon private corporations, and therefore had admitted
itself, by its own solicitation and acts, to be at least a corporation
with a public function ; and in no wise in a condition analogous to
that of Dartmouth College. Then it was by no means an unques
tioned doctrine whether all charters, even of private companies, are
contracts. It was a most dangerous doctrine. It implied that who
ever can buy or steal a bill through the Legislature shall be protected
in his iniquity by that " contract " forever after. In any event, the
railway was reduced to this dilemma; either the State had conferred
upon it, and it had exercised, privileges to which it is not entitled,
and is a trespass upon the rights and property of others, or else it had
admitted its obligation to serve the public and the public welfare, and
is subject to regulation as a common carrier, perhaps, in either case.

Another class of roads were not only chartered, but received a
grant. The Union Pacific had received immense donations of this

HON. w. c. FLAGG'S ADRRESS. 347

kind. The Illinois Central and other western roads had been simi<
larly assisted. In all these cases, the right of government to control,
and the obligations of railway companies to serve the public, were
correspondingly increased.

Government intervention was practically sought in all of these
kind of roads. Difficulties and disputes arose only in reference to the
chartered and subsidised roads. Where private gain was antagonistic
to public welfare, something must be done to cure the avariciousness.
They had conspiracies against the welfare of the people in other
shapes, but in none so mighty as that of the railways. He wished to
notice the confused conceptions that have existed as to the nature of
railways and railway service. With all the changes that the railroad
had brought about, they could not appreciate what they might ac
complish in the future. Before fifty years had passed, narrow-guage
or horse-railways might occupy the principal country roads ; and thus
most farm houses would have railway access. The railroads of the
country were its highways, that must carry its travel and its com
merce. This was what the Constitution of Illinois meant, when it
declares the railways of the State public highways— free to all persons.
The people, after a little disastrous experimenting, forty years ago,
resolved to leave the management of railways, their building and
operating, to private corporations, with more or less regulating, and
this had caused the function of railways to be lost sight of. The
necessity of protecting the rights of travelers and shippers was not
appreciated. Feeble attempts had been made in the beginning to fix
maximum rates, but the prevailing idea had always been to rely upon
competition.

But that was a delusion, and as a rule a railroad had a practical
monopoly of the country through which it passes. " There are many
cases," said John Stuart Mill, "in which the agency of whatever
nature, by which a service is performed, is certain from the nature
of the case, to be virtually alone ; in which a practical monopoly,
with all the power it confers of taxing the community, can not be
prevented from existing.

" The community need some other security for the performance of
the service of corporations than the interests of the managers ; and it
is the part of government either to subject the business to reasonable
conditions for the general advantage, or to retain such power over it
that the profits of the monopoly may at least be obtained for the

"348 THE GROUNDS WELL.

public. This applied to a railway. There were always practical
monopolies, but the government which concedes such monopoly to a
private company, does much as if it allowed an individual or associa
tion to levy any tax they choose. To make the concession for a
limited time is as justifiable as the principle which justifies patents
for inventions ; but the State should fix a maximum of rates."

Mr. Mill, although a free-trader in the broadest sense of the term,
yet recognized a class of companies needing government control.

Mr. Frederick Hill was quoted to sustain the same opinion. All
who had studied the subject would agree with Mr. Adams, when he
said, in his speech in behalf of the Massachusetts railroad commis
sioners: " That while the result of ordinary competition is to reduce
and equalize prices, the result of railroad competition is to produce
local irregularities, and arbitrarily raise and depress prices."

They had had, for instance, a railroad system of some sort in Illinois
for about twenty years. The amount of service had wonderfully in
creased, and rogues had learned how to acquire railways at low
prices. Figures were given to show that, notwithstanding the in
crease in their business, the rates of some roads had materially in
creased.

In September, 1873, nine different roads, radiating from St. Louis
eastward, were charging, in violation of law, 4.69 cents per mile for
passengers, or more than fifty-five per cent, more than they were
twenty years ago.

Combination between rival lines had destroyed competition, except
that occasional cutting of rates made fluctuations that could only
be taken advantage 9f by a few shippers. Railroads were practically
regulated, not by competition but by combination.

This regulation meant that the railroad managers are feudal lords,
and the people are their serfs ; that every car of produce that passes
over the New York Central road must pay a heavy toll for right of
transit to Vanderbilt, the robber and baron of modern feudal
ism ; that the shipper must truckle to railroad officials for special
favors, and skulk and avoid the farmers' movement, when they knew
it was right, for fear they would compromise their pecuniary in
terests.

Dissatisfied with the results of this kind of regulation, the people
ask governmental interference and regulation thereby.

This might be national by act of Congress, which has power to regu
late commerce among the several States. Or this regulation might

HON. w. c. FLAGG'S ADDKESS. 349

be done by State power, confined, of course, to the limits of that State.
Or the roads might be placed under the control of a board of commis
sioners. Or by owning all or a portion of the roads and operating them
at cheap fixed rates.

The people preferred a law to which those who were aggrieved
might appeal, such as laws fixing maximum rates of fare and freight,
and punishing their violation. Instances of the operations of rail
road laws in several States were given. Thus far, in Illinois, the
legislation was faulty, but there was a more determined effort in that
direction because the constitution necessitates action, and the people
have ratified that section by a large majority.

The ignorance of legislation and the difficulty of the subject, had
caused the lack of success in passing laws of this character. The men
in the Legislature who worked for railroad rings always got the best
of the honest but not posted members. The circumstances surround
ing one road were very different from those affecting another. It was
about as difficult to adjust a railroad tariff as it is a protective tariff,
and many are not inclined to do it for the same reason. Charles
Francis Adams regarded relief under this head as hopeless. The par
liamentary committee of 1872 considered that legal maximum rates
afforded little real protection, since they are always fixed so high that
it was, or became sooner or later, the interest of the companies to
carry at lower rates. But the speaker thought that a uniform maxi
mum passenger rate of three cents per mile would relieve the public
and prevent a good deal of extortion, without much, if at all, diminish
ing the gross receipts of the roads. He had known a relatively better
business to follow such a course. If the Illinois Central were legal
ized to carry at three cent a mile, it would be for its benefit. The
rates on freight, especially on local business, were far above a reason
able maximum rate. They were, before the first of July, 4.72 cents
per ton per mile, and 2.16 cents for through rates, so that as a tem
porary recourse they should have legislation giving reasonable maxi
mum rates on freight. They wanted the cheapest rates obtainable.
Any thing which added to the cost of transportation aggravates the
tax, and any thing which reduces it, removes one more burden from
hnman toil. " It was not enough," says Drake, " that there should be
free movement for thought ; free movement for the people themselves
was equally as important." Travel increased as its cost diminished ;
whatever, therefore, operated as a tax on locomotion is inconsistent
with the highest principles of State policy.

350 THE GROUNDSWELL.

There was a need for something more flexible than statute law that
can adapt rates to different conditions and classes of railways. This
suggested the function of Eailway Commissioners assigned to our new
board, of making up schedules of maximum rates for each road. This
he thought was the best thing possible under the present circumstan
ces, but its sucess was not yet assured. They were hampered by a
pro rata requirement that compels them and the companies to fix
rates according to distance, whereas the expense of carriage depends
upon many other considerations. But they had a chance to ascertain
what was a fair compensation, and not a gross extortion. But the
great difficulty they had to encounter was insufficient and vicious
legislation, and the limitation of their power by State laws. There
was no proper legislation regarding reasonable maximum rates ; none
concerning railways as public highways. There was a disposition
already to find fault with the commissioners, but it was unjust. They
were making the most of the laws that were given them. But the
limitations of State lines would be a difficulty of a permanent char
acter. The Illinois commissioners wanted cheap freights to the sea
board, but they were powerless. Indiana, Ohio, and New York are
in the way. National legislation or regulation is required.

But the problem would increase in difficulty when the whole na
tion must be legislated for, or when the commissioners appointed by
government attempt to fix uniform rates for the Central Pacific
and the Old Colony railroads. It was deemed by many an impossi
ble task.

This suggested the theory of the government ownership of roads,
now advocated a good deal in England, and in this country by Mr.
Andrews, Prof. Amasa Walker, and others.

Mr. Hill, whom the speaker quoted, argues that State ownership
will alone give the advantages of competition, because amalgamations
and agreements are soon made by private companies, and State own
ership alone furnishes a steady opponent to combination. The exam
ple of Belgium was cited in confirmation of the soundness of the prin
ciple. Mr. Hill was of the opinion that State control furnishes the
only approximation to free trade in railway service. Prof. Walker
was quoted as advocating the idea that the United States Government
should buy or take possession of all the roads of the country, under
the right of eminent domain. As the roads would save the interest
on the expenditure, he holds it would involve really but little ex
pense to the government. Charles Francis Adams was in favor of

HON. w. c. FLAGG'S ADDBESS. 351

the country's owning a part of the lines, and running them so as to
compete with and lower the rates of the others.

Eegulations of our existing through rates by improving and in-*
creasing the water ways of the country was a favorite idea in many
quarters. A ship canal at Niagara, a canal connection of .the Ohio
and James rivers, a canal connection of the Tennessee and Savannah
rivers, the improvement of the mouth of the Mississippi, are among the
most prominent ; and in regulating commerce a part of the year, it was
likely they could be made effective. But water evaporates and freezes,
up ; iron rails do not, and he looked to them as the future carriers even
of cheap freights. Mr. Adams had said that steam locomotion abolished
the Mississippi. But it did not, until freight could be carried by rail for
one mill per ton per mile. But rivers, and lakes, and canals had lost
their prestige, and railways alone, he thought, could regulate railways.

Regulation was again sought by dividing, practically, the road and
the rolling stock ; making one company owner of the road, and per
haps of the motive power, and another owner of the cars carrying the
freight and passengers, thus securing competition of different trans
portation companies on the same road. The various " colored " lines,
were they not perverted in the hands of rings within the railway cor
porations, would speedily become something of this kind, if they had
the right of travel over all roads.

The speaker, after the above general history of experience concern
ing railway regulations, said he wished to give a few impressions of
his own, as to what was desirable and best.

First. He would favor a general system of national highways, lim
ited at present to three north and south, and four east and west ; rail
ways generally distributed and connecting the principal centres of
business. They should be constructed as fast as the States through
which they pass can assume the expense.

At present the great need was for a new northern freight route
from Omaha to the seaboard. No entirely new route to the east had
been built for fifteen years, and yet the local railways of the north
west, feeding these through routes, have at least trebled their mileage.
Hence the demand made at Chicago and at New York for increased
facilities ; and this line, in some shape, would be built before many
years. The commerce of the Mississippi was controlled by monopo
lies, and it would not be long before the southern trade would be
compelled to ask for transportation not controlled by single compan
ies, but by government.

352 THE GROUNDSWELL.

There was not the present demand for north and south lines that
will exist when emigration has measurably filled up the country.
Then would come the more natural exchange of products between
different latitudes,— sugar for wheat, and cotton for corn; and the
north and south would do the carrying trade. The seven roads sug
gested would have a mileage of 8,000 miles, and would intersect
about twenty-five States. These States would own, or at least control,
the bonds issued to build their respective proportion of these roads
and the whole system be managed by national laws.

He would like to see the State have the power to build such roads
as might, if they desired, connect them with these main arteries.

The power ought to be vested in every town, city, and county, to
build tram, horse, and steam railways, just as they would other roads
and thoroughfares. In other words, carry to its legitimate conclu
sion the principle that a railway is a highway, and just as much to
be made and controlled by public authority as our public roads.

In conclusion, the speaker drew a glowing picture of the future
under just and equitable legislation, and exhorted the convention to
work that the end might soon be attained. There were strong objec
tions to governmental interference, but he believed a happy medium
was attainable.

MR. HOOTON ON RAILROAD ABUSES.

Mr. M. M. Hooton then took up the subject of railroads,
and said :

Certain great questions, relating to the finance of the world, and
more especially of the north-western States of America, seem to be
pressing with unusual force at this time for a correct solution. The
present money panic is but the voice of justice, demanding, in unmis
takable language, that the laws of equity and fairness shall not be
violated, and wherein they have been infringed that just retribu
tion shall be made.

The natural forces, always at work in a well-regulated community,
make ultimate redress for great wrongs inevitable, in one way or
another. Hence, when a government and people have permitted
greedy speculation to corrupt all the channels of trade, and oppress
the great mass of the people for the enrichment and aggrandizement

ME. HOOTON ON KAILROAD ABUSES.

353

354 THE GROUNDSWELL.

of the few, as has been the case in this country for the last twenty
years, the exercise of ordinary prudence should induce them to pre
pare to receive the punishment which must come sooner or later.

I have said, the forces which make the punishment inevitable, are
always at work. In order that we may see more clearly how they
work, it will be necessary for us to take into consideration the varied
relations of the occupations and interests of the people. These are
all represented and comprehended in two great classes, which we
shall denominate productive and non-productive. And as we Amer
icans estimate every thing in dollars and cents, we will, for the pur
poses of this work, call them investments.

The productive investments are those which create and increase the
aggregate wealth of the country. The non-productive investments
are those which are devoted to the manipulation of industrial
products.

These two classes of investment, when properly balanced, are alike
essential to the constitution of a healthy and vigorous political soci
ety. But when this healthy balance is lost, the result can only be
detrimental. To illustrate more fully the relation of these two classes
of investments, and how one may affect the other, we will, figuratively,
establish a new community, so small in numbers as to make our esti
mates and illustrations easy of comprehension by all. Twenty fam
ilies go into a country where they engage in all the pursuits of
civilized society. Ten of them, with a capital of $100,000, engage in
non-producing enterprises. They lend money, establish banks, build
telegraphs, railroads, establish insurance companies, etc. The other
ten, with a like capital, engage in the productive industries. They
improve farms, raise wheat, corn, and cattle. They manufacture
all kinds of machinery, etc. They dig the ore from the ground,
and convert it first into iron, then into steel, and then again into
implements of industry. At the end of each year, it is found that
with their utmost industry and economy they have been able to in
crease the aggregate wealth of the entire community three per cent,
on both kinds of investments. This income was derived from indus
try and fair dealing under laws that bore equally upon all.

But it is a long lane that has no turning. In the course of years,
the non-producers, having more leisure time, get into mischief, as idle
hands are sure to do. They so influence the government as to get
laws made which give them an advantage. They raise the rates of
interest, and expand and innate all their sources of income, Not

MR. HOOTON ON RAILROAD ABUSES. 355

satisfied with this increased income on their legitimate investment,
they issue false certificates of bank, railroad, and telegraph stocks to
an equal amount. They now demand, and, by skillful manipulation
of Congress, the Legislature, and the courts, collect ten per cent, on
both true and false investments. The general prosperity of the
country is unchanged.

The creation of new wealth amounts to three per cent. But one-
half of the community receives ten per cent, on their real values, and
ten per cent, on a like amount of false certificates of value, making
their income equivalent to twenty per cent, on their real investment.
Under these circumstances what must be the condition of the other
half of the community? They have received their three per cent,
on the one hand, but on the other they have paid out enough to raise
the income of the non-producers from three per cent., and are there
fore losers to the amount of seventeen per cent, on their whole
wealth. The question naturally arises how long would it require for
the producers to become bankrupt, and their entire capital to be
transferred to the non-producers ? A little over five years would ac
complish this result.

General bankruptcy of the industrial classes or repudiation must
follow. But these are not the only resulting evils, for, during these
years of rampant speculation, many new enterprises have been put on
foot. The money of the country is diverted from the legitimate
channels of trade, and invested in railroads and telegraphs through
uninhabited regions of country, where the investment can not be ex
pected to pay for many years.

To supply this demand for ready cash, the banks have advanced
all the money in their vaults on false and true certificates, which in
time of a panic can not be realized upon; Money becomes scarce for
legitimate trade, and depositors attempt to withdraw their money
from the banks. A "run" begins, and the banks must fail, bringing
disaster to all concerned. This is but a picture of what has been
transacted in this country in the last few years. The non-producers
have so manipulated the government as to get from it vast subsidies
and monopolies, which have been used, not for the public good, but
to corrupt our Legislatures and Congress. Not being satisfied with
a fair income on their investments, they have watered their stock in
many instances to more than double the real value; they have
diverted the money of the country from its legitimate function ; the

356 THE GROUNDSWELL.

crops of the country can not be moved at remunerative prices.
Witness the corn burned for fuel in Iowa, and the pork sold in Illi
nois for three and three and one-half cents per pound.

The industrial classes have recently
discovered the injustice of this proced
ure, and will no longer pay rates on these
fraudulent investments. They have
come to their " bottom dollar," and are
led to inquire what has become of the
price of all their toil. They have dis
covered that they are now, and have

At Three Cents a Pound. , _ . ,

been for years, paying rates on the

railroads alone of near $800,000,000 above their real cost, and still
a larger sum more than they ought to have cost. This being so, who
will be surprised at the statement that these frauds cover billions
of dollars, held for private gain at the expense of the industries of
the country ? The labor of this country can and will pay these rates
no longer. They now call on all the powers of government to protect
them from the injustice thus put upon them.

The result is what the bankers and public journals call " a want,
great want, of confidence." Confidence in what ? Simply this : That
the producers of this country will be stupid enough to go on paying
ten or fifteen per cent, on fraudulent certificates and bonds in which
there was never one dollar invested. " Only this, and nothing more."
This is a big confidence game, but it won't win any longer. The
result is, that capitalists will no longer invest in these "bogus"
securities, arid the banks that have advanced largely on them will
be compelled to break. This is just as it should be. There is no
way out of the difficulty but to wholly purge our stock market and
finance of every dollar of these false stocks, or to reduce the aggregate
value of the real and false by the amount of the false. This implies
the breaking of many banks, brokers, and dealers, as well as many
innocent laboring men, but it can not be avoided. To continue the
present state of things, is only to defer the inevitable retribution, and
make it worse when it does come. It is this state of affairs which
has swept Jay Cooke & Co. from the boards, and shaken to its founda
tion nearly every bank in the country. We may well fear that the
worst of the crisis has not yet passed. The struggles of the financial
cormorants that have amassed millions through these frauds will be

ME. HOOTON ON RAILKOAD ABUSES. 357

terrible before they can be made to disgorge $2,000,000,000 ; and to
remove these false stocks from the business of the country will nec
essarily cause a great commotion. But it must be done before we
can have a solid basis of finance.

But this terrible ordeal once passed, a great reward may be ex
pected for all pains. Money will cease to go to the Northern Pacific
or any other railroad that will not pay interest on the investment.
It will cease to be hoarded for speculation in fancy stocks. The
money of the country will be used in legitimate trade. It will be
sufficiently abundant to enable dealers to pay fair prices for agricul
tural products.

When we have passed through this crisis, we may be expected to
enter upon an era of prosperity scarcely equaled in our history. But
before this good time can be fully realized, the voters must see to it
that every office-holder, whose hands are tarnished with monopolies,
Credit Mobiliers, salary-grab, back pay or forward pay, is finally
retired to private life or the penitentiary. Reforms necessarily move
slowly when the officers of the government may be bought and sold
like cattle in the open market.

In conclusion, I wish to call the attention of the Convention to a
term just now becoming very popular in connection with railroad in
comes. All parties agree that the owners of these roads are entitled
to a "reasonable" income on their real investments. The chief
difficulty seems to be in determining the basis of reasonableness. It
is plain, from what has been said in regard to the relations of pro
ductive and non-productive investments, that, as the producers of the
country must pay the income on the non-productive investments,
that any rate which exceeds the producer's rate of income must be
unreasonable.

Therefore, if, when the country is specially unprosperous, and the
industrial interests suffer loss, the capitalists' rates of income on cash
investments become so that he suffers loss in sympathy with the
general adversity, he has no right to complain.

This is the only true basis of reasonableness, the adoption of
which — in my opinion — can save a nation from financial convulsions.
It is claimed that the legal rate of interest should be accepted as
reasonable. But it is plain that this may be too high or too low, as it
is entirely arbitrary, and has, therefore, none of the elements of rea
sonableness in it.

358

THE GROUNDSWELL.

THE RESOLUTIONS AND THEIR CONSIDERATION.

The Committee on Eesolutions reported the following pre
amble and resolutions :

It is the duty of every government to protect its people. But cap
ital, directed by unscrupulous minds, reaps the profits of their labor.
Men of great wealth revel in luxury, while those who earn the
money are destitute of many of the comforts of life. Our State Leg
islatures have made laws depriving us of our land, for which we have
a title from the General Government, for the benefit of railroad com
panies, because it seemed for the public good. Subsidies have been
granted them, and Congress has, with a lavish hand, given them pub
lic lands — the people's inheritance ; and the result is extortion and
oppression. Therefore, be it

" Pay as you go." Live in the old house till the farm is all
paid for.

Resolved, By this Convention that we most respectfully but ear
nestly request Congress, without needless delay, to pass a maximum
freight and passage law regulating traffic between the States, and our
Legislatures a law regulating it within the States ; and we hereby pro
test against the further granting of any subsidies whatever to private
corporations of any kind.

THE &£soLtmotfs; ETC. 359

Resolved, That experience has proved that freight by water is the
cheapest, and we most respectfully ask that Congress, in order to re
lieve us of our burdens, speedily take measures to open water routes
from the Mississippi to the seaboard.

Resolved, That to lessen the burdens of transportation is, as far as
possible, to do without transportation, and therefore we ask and urge
our people to do all in their power to create and sustain by their pat
ronage home manufactures.

Resolved, That we hail with pleasure the prospect of the early com
pletion of the double-track Continental Freight Railway from the city
of New York to Omaha, which promises that grain shall be trans
ported over said railway at a cost not exceeding eight mills per ton
per mile.

Resolved, That debt should ever be held as one of our greatest ene
mies ; that it deprives us of manliness, and in a measure makes us
slaves ; that to live within our means, however small, and to pay as
we go, will contribute to our success. Recognizing the fact that the
people are in earnest, we would urge them to free themselves of this
curse, so that, if a final struggle must come between the people and
monopoly, our houses may be in order, and we the better able to
withstand it.

Resolved, That no one industry can be protected by legislation, ex
cept at the expense of all other industries, and that we are opposed
to all special legislation.

Resolved, That we recommend the thorough organization of the
farmers of the country in local, county, and State organizations, for
the purpose of reforming the great abuses now existing, and dealing
out equal justice to all men.

Considerable discussion arose on the adoption of the reso
lutions. The preamble and first resolution were adopted
without remarks.

The transportation clause was the occasion of a spirited de
bate, in which Mr. Morton, of Nebraska, Mr. H. C. Wheeler,
of Illinois, Mr. Beman, of Iowa, and other delegates partici
pated. The debate showed the Convention to be divided in
opinion in respect tq this question. Finally, a substitute, as
follows, was adopted :

360 THE GROUNBSWELL.

We demand the construction of railroads, and the improvement of
water communications, between the interior and seaboard, the same
to be owned and operated by the General Government, for the pur
pose of affording cheap and ample transportation, and to protect the
people from the exactions of monopolies.

The third resolution, relating to home manufactures, was
carried.

The fourth resolution, relating to the double-track conti
nental freight railroad from New York to Omaha, was con
sidered. A substitute was offered that it is imperatively
necessary that the people obtain from the National Govern
ment assistance for building a double-track freight railroad
from near the line of the Kansas & Nebraska, as nearly in air-
line as possible, to the city of New York. The substitute was
again read, put, and laid on the table. The fourth or orig
inal resolution was then put, and lost by a unanimous vote,
and the substitute carried. The fifth, the sixth, and the last
resolutions were carried unanimously.

Mr. Lawrence, of Illinois, offered two resolutions recom
mending the State Farmers' Association of Illinois to fur
nish such information to the Kailway Commissioners as
will warrant the prosecution of suits against the defaulting
companies, and advising the farmers of other States to ob
tain a similar law from their Legislatures. The resolutions
were adopted.

Mr. F. C. Capreol, of Canada, President of the Huron and
Ontario Ship Canal, in an elaborate address presented the
merits of the great scheme for water communication between
the ocean and the West, by which sea-going vessels of 1,200
tons burden might pass directly to the upper lake ports. He
stated that the construction of the canal would lessen the
length of route by some 800 miles, and increase the value of
grain ten per cent, a bushel. He showed that almost all the

EXPORT Otf THE ILLINOIS HAILHOAD LAW.

361

benefits arising from such a canal would go to the Western
agriculturists ; the only profit accruing to the Canadians
would be the toll charged for passing vessels.

On motion, Mr. Capreol was requested to present his plans
for cheap transportation in such form that they may be in
corporated in the printed proceedings of the Convention.

PORK TO BE HELD FOR A RISE.

After a short address from Rev. W. R. Alger, of Massachur
setts, Mr. Hunter, of Illinois, offered the following resolu
tion, which, after a spirited but principally one-sided debate,
was adopted :

Resolved, That this Convention
recommend to the farmers of the
North-west that, in order to carry
out in a practical manner the spirit
and the letter of co-operation, they
will withhold from the market their
live products until the price shall
reach such a figure that the producer
shall receive the legitimate fruits
of his labor ; and we consider that
$5.00 per 100 pounds, gross, is a just
and fair price, both to producer and

consumer.

Held for $B.OO per 1OO.

REPORT ON THE ILLINOIS RAILROAD LA W.

The Committee on Railway Legislation submitted the fol
lowing report, which was adopted :

The committee appointed to report to the Convention the effect
upon producers and shippers of the legislation on railways in Illi
nois, and whether they advise similar legislation in all the States,
kave had the subject under consideration, and would report that its
16

$62 THE GROUNBSWELL.

cost of transportation has not yet been reduced to the extent that
effect has not yet been such as its friends contemplated; that the
was expected when the law was first passed ; but when the railroads
of the State are compelled to a strict observance of the same, it is
believed that favorable results will follow. Your committee repect-
fully represent, on the advisory portion of the resolution, that they
are not yet prepared to advise other States, but believe that the
people of the other States in the Union would be benefited by the
passage of a law similar to the law of Illinois, or a better one if
they can.

It was moved that when the Convention adjourn, it be sine
die. Mr. Boone, of Jo Daviess County, 111., said they could
not afford to adjourn sine die. The producing classes sustain
the same relations in modern society as serfs did in the days
of history. This was to be considered as an agricultural
congress. He proposed an adjournment for one year, to the
same time and place.

An adjournment, subject to the call of the President of
the Illinois State Farmers' Association, was then proposed,
and adopted.

CHAPTEK XXX.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF WILLIAM SAUNDERS.

ONE OF THE FATHERS OF THE PATRONS OF HUS
BANDRY.

William Saunders has been termed the father of the
Order of Patrons of Husbandry. He was one of the
originators of the ideas upon which the Order is founded.
He wrote the preamble to the Constitution of the National
Grange, and enunciated the principles upon which the
organization is based. Although he never took the field as
an organizer of Granges, not being personally calculated for
that work, nevertheless, he has allowed no opportunity to
pass of asserting the importance of the organization and
the good that might be accomplished through its means.

His standing throughout the entire country as a working
horticulturist and landscape gardener, the importance of
his experiments, and the elucidation, through his writings,
of various subjects connected with practical horticulture,
have placed him at the head of his profession. His retiring
manners never allowed him to place himself conspicuously
before the public, and yet no person can converse with, or
listen to, him for five minutes without being aware that his
is a master mind, which works only to bring out results.
Hence, all who know him, either personally or by reputa
tion, have felt that if he recommended the Order of Patrons

(363)

364 ^HE UROUNDSWELL.

of Husbandry, that organization could not be very far
wrong ; and it is acknowledged that, without his influence
and aid, it would have been difficult to establish the Order
in the confidence of the agricultural masses — if, indeed, it
could have continued to exist at all.

EARLY CAREER.

Mr. Saunders was born at St. Andrews, Fifeshire, Scot
land, in December of 1822, and was educated in that city
of universities. After leaving college, in his sixteenth year,
he was articled as an apprentice to a gardener, and has fol
lowed that business, in its various branches, up to the pres
ent time. After serving out his apprenticeship, he engaged
as a journeyman, working under first-class instructors, both
in Scotland and England, and ultimately attaining the
responsible management of an important establishment.

Early in 1848, Mr. Saunders left London for New York.
His letters of introduction immediately secured him employ
ment in his profession. He was, for some time, employed
as overseer of the extensive farm and garden of John Hop
kins, Esq., of Baltimore, MdL, where he introduced import
ant improvements. He erected a cold grapery, three hun
dred feet in length ; formed flower gardens, artificial lakes, and
other landscape adornments ; introduced thorough draining on
the farm, fall plowing of the clayey soils, and deep plowing
of all. Finishing his work there, he was next employed in
laying out the grounds of Thomas Winans, of Baltimore.
From thence he went to Germantown, Pa., and devoted
himself exclusively to landscape gardening, the laying out
of cemeteries and extensive public and private grounds being
among his specialties.

In treating cemeteries, Mr. Saunders introduced a system

LITERARY LABORS. 365

. of combining the effect of landscape gardening with the
more utilitarian purposes of the grounds. In the arrange
ment of the grounds of suburban and country residences,
he introduced the planting of useful fruit-bearing trees, as
being ornamental objects as well. In order to study the hab
its, forms, and outlines of the various fruit trees, he visited
orchards in many parts of the country. Mr. Saunders also
combined garden architecture with other professional duties —
among other things, introducing the now common mode of
building glass greenhouses with fixed roofs, instead of the
older mode of sliding sashes.

An early, devoted attention to foreign grape culture in
duced the study of mildew and its causes. In this he was
led to the conclusion, which he afterward demonstrated as
fact, that this mildew was mainly produced by injudicious
ventilation. As a remedy, he advocated the admission of air
from the top only, and built many houses without any other
means of ventilation — none being provided at the bottom.

LITERARY LABORS.

In 1850, Mr. Saunders, in a paper written for Hoveys
Magazine, showed the principles governing plant growth in
propagating from cuttings — that of keeping the bottoms of
the cuttings from thirty to forty degrees Fahrenheit warmer
than the buds exposed above the surface — thus exciting the
root-forming process, while bud-growth was retarded. This
paper was widely copied in European horticultural journals.
The practice thus recommended is now universally followed.
A suggestion that the rooting of cuttings was in a great
measure dependent upon the amount of starch contained in
them was, twenty years later, demonstrated as fact by the
investigations of German physiologists.

366 THE GROUNDSWELL.

"While engaged as a landscape gardener, Mr. Saunders'
attention was early called to the lack of, and necessity for,
proper ornamentation in the grounds surrounding the public
schools, seminaries, and .colleges of the country. He has
long and urgently advocated, both by precept and example,
this great necessity. The growth of the public taste and
effort in this direction is largely due to his efforts.

Mr. Saunders has, first and last, furnished much practical
matter for the rural press. He was a frequent contributor
to Hoveys Magazine of Horticulture and the Horticulturist,
and furnished, for several years, a comprehensive monthly
calendar of operations for the vegetable garden, orchard,
forcing houses, and the conservatory, in the last named
journal. Besides writing much on landscape gardening, in
architectural and horticultural journals, he has also edited
and adapted various foreign works on horticulture and land
scape gardening for publication in this country. He also
edited, for some years, the Farmer and Gardener, of Phil
adelphia ; in addition to which, his labors on other period
icals have been considerable.

CONNECTION WITH THE AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT.

Immediately after the battle of Gettysburg, he was in
trusted, by the Governors of various States, to lay out the
Soldiers' National Cemetery at that place, being the first
cemetery of the kind formed during or immediately after
the war.

While practicing landscape gardening, the services of
Mr Saunders were in great demand, involving so much
travel, and so great demands upon his time, that, his health
giving way, he was obliged to abandon active labor in
direction,

FUTURE PROJECTS. 367

Shortly after the organization of the Department of
Agriculture, at Washington, Mr. Saunders undertook, tem
porarily, the superintendence of the gardens of this depart
ment, but resigned the position after a few months' service.
He subsequently undertook the work again, under a perma
nent arrangement. Since the Autumn of 1862, he has
been retained as Superintendent of the grounds, and has
constantly labored for their extension, securing, in 1864,
the grounds now occupied by the Department, and furnish
ing the designs for laying out and ornamenting the grounds,
including the terraces, conservatories, etc. He has regularly
furnished his quota to the reports, besides contributing many
other articles for its pages on landscape gardening, etc.

FUTURE PROJECTS.

One of the important endeavors which, for years past,
has especially engaged the attention of Mr. Saunders, is to
procure for the Department of Agriculture, a complete col
lection of economic plants, both native and foreign. An
other is to plant and form a complete arboretum, represent
ing every tree and shrub that is hardy, from all quarters of
the globe, in the latitude of Washington. Both of these
great enterprises are fully under way, and the collections,
even now, are the most complete in the country, that of St.
Louis' most liberal citizen, Mr. Shaw, coming next.

Another noteworthy project for which Mr. Saunders is
especially solicitous, is to secure, for the Department, suffi
cient land to plant a specimen of every fruit-bearing tree,
shrub, and vine that can be procured. This, if it can be
carried out, will greatly assist correct pomological nomen
clature, and also" prove, in many other respects, of inestim
able value to the fruit-producing interests of the country at

368 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

large. Mr. Saunders, since his connection with the Depart
ment, has been indefatigable in introducing and disseminat
ing a large number of useful plants. Some of these have
not proved valuable ; many have not realized the full ex
pectation that was hoped for ; but enough has been done to
satisfy the most skeptical that the effort in this direction is
of the greatest importance to the nation. It requires time
to acclimatize these exotics, and constant attention to be
come acquainted with the mode of culture necessary for
them. It is a work that only the Government can properly
carry out, and, while his efforts in this and other directions
are fully appreciated by the people of the country, it is
hoped the Government will take no steps calculated to dis
appoint the wishes of the agricultural masses in respect to
these matters.

CHAPTER XXXI.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GEN. W. H. JACKSON,

EARLY LIFE.

William H. Jackson was born in Paris, Henry Co., Tenn.,
Dec. 1st, 1835. His father, Dr. A. Jackson, and his mother,
Mary W. Hunt, both natives of Virginia, were married in
1829, and removed to West Tennessee in 1830. The only
surviving children of this marriage were Wm. H. and
Howell E. Jackson, the latter now an eminent lawyer of
Memphis, Tenn.

The subject of this sketch was reared amid good and
wholesome precepts in the home circle, and sound instruc
tion in the school and church. He gained fast friends for
his high spirit and the zeal with which he espoused the cause
of the weak or younger children in his schoolboy days.
His school broils all originated in his fervor in defending
the weak against the strong. Naturally of a sanguine
temperament, it required the severe military training of
West Point, where he graduated, to subdue this fiery spirit.
The future of his manhood was early foreshadowed in the
impetuous youth, noted more for energy of action than
intensity of application. His fondness for field sports often
conflicted with the strict discharge of the duty required in

his early school days.

16* ' (309)

370 THE GROUNDSWELL.

AT WEST POINT AND IN THE ARMY.

In the spring of 1852, being at that time a member of
lie senior class of the West Tennessee College at Jackson,
xie received the appointment of cadet at West Point. This
change brought about higher aspirations, stronger efforts,
and new associations. In 1856, he graduated with the
very large class of that year, his standing being highly
creditable.

After enjoying at home the usual furlough of graduated
cadets, he reported, in the autumn of 1856, to the cavalry
school of instruction, at Carlisle, Pa., to Colonel Charles
May, of Mexican war fame. He remained there one year,
and, in the fall of 1857, as second Lieutenant, he joined his
regiment of Mounted Rifles, in the United States Army,
then stationed at various points in Texas and New Mexico.
Lieutenant Jackson was on this service under Col. W. W.
Loring from 1857 to the spring of 1861, giving full scope for
adventures in following Indian trails, and in the pleasures
of the chase.

During this time he was frequently complimented, not
only from the headquarters of his regiment, but also from
general headquarters, for persistence in duty and gallantry
in action.

WAR BREAKS OUT.

At the commencement of the Civil War, he was operating
against the Apaches in the vicinity of Fort Staunton, New
Mexico. In the breaking up of old relations incident to the
struggle between the North and South, our then young
cavalry officer was actuated by motives which, from the
stand-point of that day, were most honorable. His parents,
relatives, and dearest friends were all Southerners; and,
while separating with regret from companions in arms who

WAR BREAKS OUT.

371

OEN. W. H. JACKSON,
President National Agricultural Congress.

372 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

had with him stood the brunt of many an Indian onslaught,
or had participated with him in the fierce attack on savage
hordes, without hesitation he decided to go with his native
State in the conflict. Many of us now feel that the mere ac
cident of birth has more to do in shaping our destinies than
we might before have realized. The past has been fought
out, and the honest and earnest men of North and South
alike are. again united in fostering the true aims and integ
rity of the reunited nation, and in developing the resources
of the country.

In pursuance of the resolve to aid his native State, Lieut
enant Jackson tendered his resignation, turned over to the
proper officer of the United States Army every cent of
government funds and every description of public property
in his possession, and, in company with Col. Crittenden, of
Kentucky, made his way into Texas, ran the blockade at
Galveston, arrived in New Orleans, sent in the tender of his
services through Major Longstreet, to the Confederate
Government, and was at once commissioned captain of ar
tillery by the governor of Tennessee.

After performing various duties, he was assigned at New
Madrid, in 1861, to the command of a battery of light
artillery. At the battle of Belmont, his battery having been
disabled, Captain Jackson, by order of his general, led an
infantry charge against a portion of the United States troops
and was wounded in the side with a Minie ball, which he
still carries — a striking reminiscence of the horrors of war.
After recovering from what at the time was supposed to
be a mortal wound, he was promoted to a colonelcy, and as
signed to the command of the Sixth Tennessee and First
Mississippi Cavalry, operating in West Tennessee and North
ern Mississippi.

At the taking of Holly Springs, Col. Jackson, for gallant

HIS PAET IN THE WAR. 373

conduct, was promoted brigadier-general, and in command
of cavalry took part in all the various movements of Gen
erals Hardee, Polk, and Joe Johnston, commanding the
cavalry on the left wing in the memorable Georgia
campaign.

HIS PART IN THE WAE.

General Jackson is a true gentleman, urbane, self sacrific
ing, and forbearing to his fellows. He is also a strict dis
ciplinarian, and his command was noted for their dash and
daring in the field. While in battle he was ever foremost,
his high natural sense of honor, intensified by his early
associations and military training, ever led him to exercise a
chivalrous forbearance and clemency to those whom the fate
of war threw into his power.

While engaged in the service of the South, from what to
him seemed an imperative duty, he exercised no feeling
of personal hostility to the people of the North, to whom he
accorded the same sense of right to battle for principle as he
claimed for himself. If all had been actuated by the same
humane feelings, how much bitterness would have been
smoothed over, and how much misery and suffering would
have been obviated. His strong personal attachment to his
many old chums in the Federal army, perhaps, aided his
strong sense in conducting his share of the struggle upon
principles of civilized usage, and with as little severity and
harshness as possible.

Among the services performed, was his engagement with
the dashing Kilpatrick, at Lovejoys' Station, leading with
Forrest the Confederate advance into Tennessee, and cover
ing the retreat of Hood. For this he was recommended
for promotion to a division, and was assigned to the com-

374 THE GROUNDSWELL.

mand of Forrest's old division, with the Texas brigade
added. With this fine command, he operated until the close
of the war, when he was assigned by General Dick Taylor,
on the part of the Confederates, and General Dennis, of the
United States Army, as Commissioner for the parole of
troops, at Gainesville, Ala., and Columbus, Miss.

AFTER THE WAR.

The war closed, and with the same resolute purpose that
had always actuated his life, General Jackson engaged in ag
riculture. Taking charge of his father's planting interest,
he managed two farms, organizing a mixed force of white
and colored laborers, and superintending their work with
judgment and profit, thus cheerfully exchanging the excite
ment of the camp for the quietude of the farm. He went
into the new service with ardent, energetic purpose, bringing
to bear a quick and observant mind in the new field of em
ployment, which has gained for him a distinction in agricul
ture not inferior to the fame which he earned for himself in
the profession of arms'. For three or four years he thus su
perintended the culture of cotton in West Tennessee. The
life of this gentleman since the war has amply disproved the
paragraph contained in one of General Sherman's letters to
General Grant, at the close of the war, assigning a reason
why liberal terms should be granted on surrender : " For,"
said he, " if we do not pursue this course, 'such men as For
rest, Mosby, and Bed Jackson [the subject of this sketch],
who know not, or care not, for danger and its consequences,
will break off in command of guerrilla parties, and give the
country great trouble."

In December, 1868, he married Miss Selene Harding, thb
daughter of General W. G. Harding, of Belle Meade, near

THE WARRIOR AS FARMEE. 375

Nashville, Tennessee, one of the most eminent agriculturists
and stock raisers of Tennessee. For this happy change
of life, habits, and taste, he is indebted to the Lost Cause,
to his connection with the Methodist Episcopal Church, and
to his marriage, and his consequent intimate association
with his father-in-law, one of the most extensive and suc
cessful farmers of Tennessee.

THE WARRIOR AS A FARMER.

This rare opportunity General Jackson fully improved,
and this improvement, with his enthusiasm in all enterprises
inaugurated for the advancement of agriculture, and the
elevation of the farmer to his proper position, has been so
appreciated that he now fills the offices of President of the
National Agricultural Congress, President of the Farmers'
Association of Tennessee, President of the Bureau of Agricul
ture of the State, and President of the Executive Board of
the "Rural Sun Publishing Company/' a weekly journal
devoted to Southern agriculture. He is also Master of
the Heart of Oak Grange of Patrons of Husbandry at Nash
ville, Tennessee.

Since the close of the war, General Jackson has been one
of the foremost men in the South in all that tends to ele
vate the profession, and to unite the North and South as
one fraternity, in order that the delvers of the soil might
realize their full importance as a great factor in the scale of
national power.

The connection of this gentleman with the Farmers'
Movement is already a matter of history. It is due to him
here, however, to say that, at the meeting of the National
Agricultural Congress, at St. Louis, in 1872, he was ten
dered the presidency of the National Agricultural Congress,

376 THE GROUNDSWELL.

but declined, preferring that the office should go to the
North-west. His name as Vice-President for Tennessee, and
also his election to the presidency of the association at the
second annual meeting at Indianapolis, in 1873, have been"
given elsewhere in this work, in the history of the Farmers'
Movement.

General Jackson has always been firm in the belief (so
frequently reiterated in this work as the writer's own opin
ion) that co-operation, to be successful, must'be through the
unity in one parent society of every association in the
land.

One of the mottoes of General Jackson is, " Festina Lente"
which might be translated for the benefit of railroad monop
olies, " Go slow up grade." Its literal translation, " Make
haste slowly," is applicable to his efforts is this Movement.
A convincing debater, a pleasant orator, a will strong for
his conviction of right, he does not hold the plow and look
back, but drives a steady team straight to the landmark,
laying his furrow true and even, and without skips or turn-
furrows. This is his conception of "Festina Lente."

CHAPTER XXXII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF JOHN DAVIS.

EARLY PIONEER LIFE.

The subject of this sketch was born in a log cabin, fifteen
miles south of Springfield, Illinois, in the year 1826.
When three years of age, his father, Mr. Joseph Davis, re
moved to Macon County, Illinois, near Decatur, where he
still resides.

This removal took place during the Black Hawk war,
when settlements in central Illinois were few and far be
tween, when Chicago was a mere trading village, and the
whole northern portion of Illinois was an untilled and wild
prairie region, except here and there, where a few hardy
pioneers had formed settlements. Indians were plenty and
on the war path. Troops and prairie scouts were actively
engaged in guarding the sparse settlements, or pursuing the
savages. Mills were situated at wide intervals, and the suf
ferings of the hardy settlers were such as to leave a vivid
remembrance of those old days.

The winter of 1830-31 will long be remembered by the
pioneers of central and southern Illinois, as the winter of
deep snows. During two terrible storms in December, the
snow fell to the depth of three feet over the surface, and
drifted to great heights, covering fences, corn-fields, small
stacks, and even the cabins of the settlers. Live stock and

(377)

378 THE GROUNDSWELL.

wild animals died in great numbers, and the ingenuity and
endurance of men were taxed to the utmost to save their
families and teams from perishing from cold and famine.

Among these hardy frontiersmen, none were more con
spicuous for spirit and enterprise than good old Joe Davis,
of Macon. When a neighbor was to be assisted, or help
was wanted in any direction, he was always " to the fore," with
his heavy ox team.

GRINDING AT THE HORSE MILL.

At last the pioneer father became possessed of a mill,
where was ground the grain brought from a radius of over
thirty miles, this method giving entire satisfaction in that
primitive age. Pay was taken in kind, one-sixth of the
corn and one-seventh of the wheat being the rule, But,
then, there were few monopolies.

In due time, young John was promoted from driving the
plow to driving the mill, and as principal miller became a
somewhat important personage in the rising community.
Always earnest and studious, when the day's work was done
he would seize the " Life of Marion," or some other work of
similar kind, and read aloud to those whose business kept
them at the mill, and who, seated around the blazing log-heap
in the ample fire-place, were wont to regard the fluent and
earnest youth with admiration, his elocutionary powers often
eliciting such remarks as this: "I'd give my best hoss if
my Jim could read like the miller."

The mother of Mr. Davis was a woman of strong will and
moral character, who accomplished much good in moulding
the characters of the rough young men always found grow
ing up in frontier settlements. Many a man, now past his
prime; thanks "Aunt Sally " for the advice and moral influ-

380 THE GROUNDSWELL.

ence that saved him from strong drink, and, perhaps, a
drunkard's grave.

Mr. Davis' father was a stock-farmer, breeding horses,
mules, cattle, and swine, and selling the same for breeding
purposes, as well as for food. The subject of our sketch
continued working at the farm until reaching his twenti
eth year, acquiring that strength, nerve, and constitution
that were to enable him, in after life, to study and store his
mind with the knowledge that makes the cultured man. It
is this early culture that has, more than any thing else,
perhaps, given him the practical ability for which he is
remarkable.

GETTING AN EDUCATION AND START IN LIFE.

At nineteen, Mr. Davis left the farm and set about get
ting an education, spending two years as a student and clerk
in a drug store at Springfield, Illinois, and attending the
academy of Professor Esterbrook. From thence he went
to Jacksonville, and entered Illinois College. After leaving
college, he became one of Professor Turner's agents in intro
ducing the growth of the Osage orange on the prairies. This
connection continued three or four years, leading to a close
intimacy which was never sundered. Their minds worked
in perfect accord in relation to education to the industries.
The general ideas with the early agitators, on this subject,
to use Mr. Davis' words, were, "To discard the obsolete
and useless branches of education, and to adopt the modern
and practical subjects in their stead."

In May, 1851, Mr. Davis was married to Miss Martha
Ann Powell, of Wisconsin, daughter of Eev. Joseph Powell,
and sister to Major J. "W. Powell, who is now widely known
as the explorer of the Colorado River. About 1S53; Mr,

WESTWARD, HO! 881

I)avis and Major Powell entered into business relations with
the lamented C. R. Overman, then of Fulton County, Illi
nois, and started a branch nursery in Macon County, under
the firm name of " Davis & Powell." This relationship was
mutually pleasant to all the parties, and lasted for several
years.

While engaged as a nurseryman — a business which he
continued, on a limited scale, after the termination of the
partnership above named — Mr. Davis made himself a most
comfortable home, about five miles east of Decatur, where
he reared a family of six boys and three girls, devoting
himself, on his home farm, to the raising of fruit and stock.

During his whole life, Mr. Davis has been an indefatigable
planter of trees, and has found it pay. Several places
which he has improved for sale have brought more money
than other places naturally as good, with better buildings,
but lacking orchards and shade.

"WESTWARD, HOf"

At length, a growing family induced Mr. Davis, in 1869,
to visit Kansas, for the purpose of securing homes for his
children; and he is now engaged in improving a farm of
four hundred and eighty acres, near Junction City, Davis
County, old Fort Eiley being in full view from his premises.
His entire family removed to their new home in Kansas,
where they are all now permanently located, in 1872.

Mr. Davis is a good speaker and a forcible writer, and in
his new home he could not long remain in obscurity. In
January, 1873, at the invitation of President Dennison, of
the State Agricultural College, he delivered an address on
the " Transportation of American Products," which was
favorably noticed by the press.

382 THE GfcOUNDSWEtL.

PRESENT PROMINENCE AND LABORS.

In March, 1873, Mr. Davis became President of the
newly-formed Agricultural Society of Davis County, and
went as a delegate, in company with Mr. John K. Wright,
to the Farmers' State Convention, held on the 26th and
27th of the same month, at Topeka. He was elected Presi
dent of the Convention, and, at the organization of the State
Farmers' Association, was chosen President of that body.

Thus this earnest and untiring worker was happily har
nessed into the traces in this young State, to help roll for
ward the car of progress.

He has been an indefatigable worker in the cause of in
dustrial education in Kansas, pitting himself fearlessly
against the sectarian cliques who sought to gain control of
the Agricultural College of that State, to the exclusion of
agriculture and mechanics.

One of his most characteristic efforts was an open letter,
on the subject of such education, to the Governor of the
State, published in the Kansas Farmer, early in 1873.
This drew out some able criticisms from the editor of that
journal, and an attack upon Mr. Davis by Rev. L. Stern-
berg. The discussion was sharp, spirited, and interesting,
and has accomplished its full quota of good in moulding
public opinion on the subject of industrial education in
Kansas. It has also assisted in bringing Mr. Davis promi
nently before the people of the West, as an able and fear
less champion of their rights.

CHAPTEB XXXIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF HON. W. C. FLAGG.

PARENTAGE AND EDUCATION.

Willard Cutting Flagg was born September 16, 1829,
on the farm where he now resides, in what was then known
as Paddock's Settlement, Madison County, Illinois. He is
the. son of Gershom Flagg and Jane Paddock, both natives
of, and early emigrants from, Vermont.

Attending the local school and doing the usual work of a
farmer's boy until 1844, he thereafter spent the winters at a
first-class English and classical high-school in St. Louis, Mis
souri, until 1850, when he entered Yale College as freshman,
graduating in course in 1854, and taking the rank of an
"oration man" in scholarship. He was awarded. two prizes
in English Composition in the sophomore year. In the
junior year he took the Yale Literary Gold Medal for Eng
lish Composition, and was chosen one of the five editors of
the Yale Literary Magazine for senior year.

After graduating, he returned home and commenced work
upon the farm, continuing, however, to intersperse a good
deal of reading and some magazine writing with his labors.
On the 13th of February, 1856, he married Miss Sarah
Smith, of St. Louis, Missouri. Entering into the political
canvass of that year, in support of Fremont and the Ee-

(383)

384 THE GROUNDSWELL.

publican ticket, he wrote earnestly for the political press.
In 1857, after the death of his father, he devoted himself
exclusively to farming, and in 1858 and succeeding years,
besides building, planting, and fencing fields, old and new,
he commenced orchard planting. During the next ten years,
he planted about one hundred acres of orchard, principally
apple, but also comprising a good many peach and other
fruit trees, besides a pretty extensive collection of experi
mental varieties of nearly all sorts of fruits.

CONNECTION WITH ILLINOIS HORTICULTURAL SOCIETY.

In 1860, as a member of the ^Republican State Central
Committee 'and the County Committee, he took an active
part in politics, and wrote some political pamphlets.

In 1861 he was elected Secretary of the Illinois State
Horticultural Society, a position which he held until 1869,
bringing to this position an untiring industry, and a large
and varied experience. The volumes of that society at
tracted the attention of horticulturists all over the country.
In this position he continued until 1869, most of the time
serving without compensation, when the Society most re
luctantly accepted his resignation, and, in appreciation of
his earnest and self-sacrificing labors in its behalf, unani
mously elected him their President for 1871.

In 1862, Mr. Flagg introduced into Madison County, Illi
nois, a herd of Devon cattle, having previously bred grades
of this stock, and now has a herd of about twenty " pure
bred," besides grades. The same year he was appointed
United States Collector of the Twelfth District of Illinois, a
position which he held until January, 1869, when he re
signed it in order to take his seat in the State Senate, to

LEGISLATIVE CAEEES. 385

which he was elected from the counties of Madison and St.
Glair, in 1868.

In 1864, he published a pamphlet on the Agricultural
College question, then beginning to awaken a renewed inter
est in our State, and joined with other friends of the move
ment in opposing the attempt to divide the agricultural and
mechanical grant between the existing colleges.

In 1867, he was appointed one of the first Board of Trus
tees of the Illinois Industrial University, and elected Cor
responding Secretary of the Board, a position which he has
held since that time.

LEGISLATIVE CAREER.

In 1868, Mr. Flagg was nominated and elected State Sen
ator from the counties of Madison and St. Clair, and served
in the sessions of 1869 and 1871, the special sessions of 1871
and the adjourned session of 1872, during which period he
had an opportunity, in connection with his fellow-members
from that locality, of breaking down the Wiggins' Ferry
monopoly at East St. Louis. He voted, though unsuccess
fully, against the infamous Lake Front Bill and the " Grab
Law " of 1869, by which the railroads combined to rob Chi
cago of her frontage to Lake Michigan.

In the session of 1871, as Chairman of the Committee on
Education, he reported a revision of the school law, and in
troduced the clause for the study of the elements of the nat
ural sciences as a requirement in the qualification of teach
ers, and as a possible study for pupils. In both sessions his
attention was called to the railway question. His opinions
on the subject are briefly expressed in an address before the
literary societies of Shurtleff College, in June, 1869.

" The association of capital in this country," said Mr.

386

Flagg, " as well as others, is going on rapidly in partial oppo
sition to the organization of labor, and often with bad effects on
the State. Capital, in the hands of a few, is organized with
facility, handled rapidly, and used unscrupulously. It may
do more mischief in a democracy than elsewhere in corrupt
ing persons in power. ' In democracies,' said De Tocqueville,
' statesmen are poor, and have their fortunes to make.' It
is inimical to the virtue of a democracy in aggregating
wealth in the hands of men who are uneducated, immoral,
and extravagant ; who bring upon us the vices and corrupt
ing influences of an aristocracy, without its culture or its

vices.

"These evils, though general in the case of associated
capital, are more peculiarly and specially the result of our
railway corporations. They ask, and often by fraud obtain,
unwarrantable franchises. They are unscrupulous in extor
tion when they have the opportunity, and truckling under
competition; they consolidate and water stock, and compel the
traveling public to pay twenty-five per cent on the real cap
ital under the guise of eight or ten on the nominal capital ;
they violate even the rule of honor among thieves, and
stockholder cheats stockholder in the election of directors to
get control of the management."

In an address on " Our Bailways and Our Farmers," de
livered before the Pike County, Illinois, Farmers' Conven
tion, in 1872, these views were elaborated and supplemented
with other matter.

AGRICULTURAL EDUCATION FROM A SCHOLARS
STAND-POINT.

In 1870, in an address on " the Education of the Farmer,"
before the St, Glair County, Illinois, Farmers' and Fruit-

AGRICULTURAL EDUCATION. S87

Growers' Association, lie gave his views upon agricultural
education, taking the ground, in common with other prac
tical minds " that the young men most earnest in getting an
education, although farmers' sons, look forward to other
pursuits than farming as the goal of their desires. These
are evidently neither of them necessary results; but they
must affect our theory and practice of agricultural educa
tion.

" Those of us who have gone through the prescribed drill
of our college courses have generally formed the habit of
getting our knowledge by the study of text-books, rather
than by original research, or even by the accurate observa
tion of things. We have formed sedentary habits. We
would rather read up Allen on the ' points ' of the short
horn than go to the field and examine the animal. In
other words, whilst the farmer's is an active and practical
life, we have been educated to, and formed the habits of, a
literary and sedentary life.

" The education of the farmer, and probably that of all
men engaged in active pursuits, should be conducted with a
view to avoid it. So far as possible, text-books should be
used mainly for reference, and * object- teaching' substituted.
Botany should be studied by dissection of the plant in the
class-room, or by rambles in the fields and forests. Chem
istry should be taught, as it now is getting to be, by imme
diate resort to the laboratory. If breeds of animals be the
topic, the lecturer should have them at hand, and take his
class to study their points ; if pruning, the students should
go to the orchard and see the work done, and help do it; if
varieties of fruit, the fruit itself, or casts of it, should be at
hand, and the tree that bears them in the experimental or
specimen orchard."

388 THE GROUNDSWELL,

EDITORIAL CONNECTIONS AND FURTHER HONORS.

In 1869, Mr. Flagg became editorially connected with
Hearth and Home, as its western correspondent, and since
1872 has edited the horticultural department of the Prairie
Farmer. In 1872, at the meeting of Farmers' Clubs, held
in Kewanee, Illinois, he was appointed on the State Central
Committee, and in pursuance of the duties assigned him,
and in association with Mr. S. M. Smith, General L. F.
Boss, and others, aided in calling the Bloomington Conven
tion, at which the Illinois State Farmers' Association was
organized, and of which association Mr. Flagg is now Presi
dent.

At the late biennial meeting of the American Pomological
Society, held at Boston, Mr. Flagg was unanimously elected
Secretary for the ensuing two years.

Such, in brief, are a portion of the life and services of one
who unites to high culture a most practical view of that
which interests men in every-day life. Always willing to
acknowledge a wrong, but strong in his convictions of what
constitutes right, as he himself acknowledges, his education
had tended to lead astray from rural life ; nevertheless, his
honest mind has always kept him in the ranks of the people
battling for right, although his wealth, inherited as well as
earned, has never made him feel the need of labor to supply
either the necessities or elegancies of life.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE PEOPLE VERSUS RAILWAY MONOPOLIES.

BY HON. W. C. FLAGG, PRESIDENT ILLINOIS STATE FARMERS'
ASSOCIATION.

A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER.

During the last fifteen years, there has grown up in
America a distrust, which, at first felt by a few, merged into
the fear and finally into the denunciation of railway corpo
rations by a large majority of the increasing number who,
for any considerable time, have been subjected to the extor
tionate rates, the deliberate violation of moral and legal
obligations, and the corrupting influence in public and private
station that have characterized our railway monopolies. Ad
mitting freely, to begin upon, that railway managers and
owners are not necessarily nor per se worse than other men,
it must be just as frankly stated that railway corporations,
as such, have proved one of the worst influences in our State
and national affairs.

Henry C. Carey, the political economist, was one of the
few who early saw the danger. Writing to the Hon. L.
Sherwood, in 1867, he said: "Nearly twenty years have
passed since, without having the smallest personal interest
in the question, I spent two years in the effort to free New
Jersey from the tyranny that had been there established,"
alluding to the railroad monopoly of New Jersey. In his

(389)

390 THE GROUNDSWELL.

" Social Science," published in 1858, speaking of the political
power of railway corporations in Great Britain, he says :
"So it is even now in these United States ; railroad com
panies are already controlling the legislation of many of the
States, the day for general combination having not yet ar
rived; but there are many evidences of its near approach.
When it shall arrive it will furnish new proof to the fact,
that, of all governments, the most exhausting and oppressive
is that of the transporters."

PRIVATE CORPORATIONS GOVERNING STATES.

G-eo. P. Marsh, alike eminent in the annals of diplomacy
and of philology, in a note to his " Man and Nature " ex
pressed himself as follows, in 1862 : " I shall harm no honest
man by endeavoring, as I have often done elsewhere, to ex
cite the attention of conscientious and thinking men to the
dangers which threaten the great moral and even political
interests of Christendom, from the unscrupulousness of the
private associations that now control the monetary affairs,
and regulate the transit of persons and property in almost
every civilized country. More than one American State is
literally governed by unprincipled corporations, which not
only defy the legislative power, but have, too often, corrupted

even the administration of justice.

# # # # #

" The example of the American States shows that private
corporations — whose rule of action is the interest of the as
sociation, not the conscience of the individual — though com
posed of ultra-democratic elements, may become most dan
gerous enemies to national liberty, to the moral interests of
the commonwealth, to the purity of legislation and of judicial
action, and to the sacredness of private rights,"

PEIVATE CORPORATIONS GOVERNING STATES. 391

Hon. WILLARD C. FLAGG,
President Illinois State Farmers' Association.

392 THE GROUNDSWELL.

These words of warning were unheard by a nation enter
ing upon a struggle with the other and greater vested wrong
of slavery ; and it was not until after the war for the Union
closed, during which time the chartering and construction
of railways went briskly on, that such men as Lorenzo Sher
wood, Josiah Quincy, and the younger Charles Francis

Adams could have an attentive hearing.

•

RAILWAY CORPORATIONS DEFIANT.

By this time railway corporations had grown bold and
defiant. Fisk, Gould, Vanderbilt, and Drew warred among
themselves, and were more or less afraid of one another ; but
they evidently regarded the New York legislature and judi
ciary as their tools. Their armed minions, like the following
of mediaeval lords, broke the peace and one another's heads
with impunity. In other quarters, it was reported that the
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and several southern
legislatures and State goverments were the facile tools of
other corporations. The Union Pacific and its Credit Mo-
bilier ring invaded the halls of Congress, and brought
scandal upon national as well as State governments. The
so-called " Farmer's Movement" did not begin an hour too
soon.

Attempts are made to falsify the issue, and to assume that
this is a war of farmers against railroads — a class pitted
against a useful invention — but they who make this attempt
and the assumption lack either clear heads or fair minds.
It is the eternal warfare of popular rights against privilege,
in a new shape — a conflict just as irrepressible and inevitable
in its results, as that other conflict which absorbed the
energies and sacrificed the youthful life of the nation for
four years,

FACTS AND FIGURES. 393

I shall attempt to state the case of the people in this con
troversy by the affirmation of a few propositions that I
think no unprejudiced person will deny.

RAILWAYS THE PUBLIC HIGHWAYS.

Kailways are the highways of the country, and year by
year absorb the business of transportation from earth roads,
canals, rivers, and lakes, unless their charges are exorbitant.
They took the business of the common road immediately
on their completion, except for short distances ; and it is only
lately, when the charges of transportation by rail became
prohibitory, that we hear again of wagons being brought into
use for distances of fifty to one hundred miles. The Erie
Canal carries less flour from Buffalo eastward by far than
the railways competing with it.

" In 1861," says Harpers Magazine for November, 1873,
"the canals of New York transported 2,144,373 tons of
Western products, and the three trunk railroads, the New
York Central, Erie, and Pennsylvania railroads, 905,521.
In 1871, the canals carried only 1,863,868 tons, and the
railroads 3,057,168. The Grand Trunk, of Canada, and the
Baltimore and Ohio railroads must add about 40 per cent,
to the latter amount," "Steam," says Charles Francis
Adams, " abolishes the Mississippi Kiver."

In 1872, St. Louis received 2,838,364 tons of freight by
railroad, against 863,919 by river, and shipped 1,204,604
tons by rail, against 805,282 by river. The lakes still carry
a large part of the grain, shipped from Chicago, but not of
the flour.

Every-where transportation by rail seems to successfully
compete, if it will, with transportation by any other method.
In other words, year by year the railroads of our country

394 THE GROUNDSWELL.

replace the old-fashioned turnpike or highway and its
wagons, and even the natural and artificial water ways of
the country to an extent that makes them even now, and yet
more, prospectively, the great thoroughfares of the country.
Now, if our county, town, or other municipal authorities,
when a road was to be established, were in the habit of
giving over to some person, or persons, not public officers,
the privilege of building such road, with the right to con
demn the land of persons through whose farms the road
passed, and of remunerating himself by putting up turnpike
gates and charging whatever toll he pleased of travelers,
they would be doing what many of our legislatures have
been doing for years with railways, and would be taken to
task as not protecting the public interest. It would be
claimed that public travel and trade were such a public ne
cessity that they should be blocked just as little as practi
cable by hig1 es; and hence, that the man who would
build and keep the turnpike in order for the lowest toll,
or perhaps the public authorities themselves, should take
charge of the road.

HIGHWAYS OF TRANSPORTATION SHOULD BE GOVERNED
BY THE PUBLIC AUTHORITIES.

This brings me to my second proposition which is
this : That the highways of our transportation and travel
should so far be controlled by the public authorities as to
furnish transportation of persons and property at the lowest
rate practicable. This is readily seen and admitted when
we talk of the wagon roads from our farms to the nearest
market; it is not less true of the longer railroads to the
more distant market. Cheap transportation makes cheap
food, not only in Illinois, but in Georgia and Massachusetts.

ACTUAL COST OF CARRYING PASSENGERS. 395

It makes fuel cheap not only in Pennsylvania, but in Con
necticut. It distributes those necessaries of life all over the.
land, and gives equal advantages to all sections. It permits
the free movement of the people one among another, so that
a more general and continuous commingling of blood, of
habits, and ideas ensues.

We admit the proposition of carrying at cost also when
the matter of postal carriage comes up. We admit and
approve the principle that the general government should
take the risk of carrying the mails, based on the idea that
such carriage shall be nearly or quite self-supporting.

But the proposition can be put in more general and equally
forcible terms, and I do it, using the language of our present
minister to Italy, George P. Marsh, as written ten years ago
(" Man and Nature," page 54) : " It is, theoretically, the
duty of government to provide all those public facilities of
intercommunication and commerce which are essential to
the prosperity of civilized commonwealths, but which indi
vidual means are inadequate to furnish, and for the due
administration of which individual guaranties are insufficient.
Hence, public roads, canals, railroads, postal communications,
the circulating mediums of exchange, whether metallic or
representative, armies, navies, being all matters in which the
nation at large has a vastly deeper interest than any private
association can have, ought legitimately to be constructed
and provided for by that which is the visible personification
and embodiment of the nation, namely, its legislative head."

ACTUAL COST OF CARRYING PASSENGERS.

This intervention of the public authorities I justify by
a third proposition, viz. : That the cost of railway transpor
tation is, or may be, far below the charge now collected from

396 THE GROTJNDSWELL.

the producer and consumer. To show this, let us see how
cheaply passengers and freight have been carried, and,
again, how much they are charged under existing manage
ment.

Take, first, passenger rates. We have the statement of the
Pennsylvania Company, for 1872, that it costs that Company
1.837 cents to carry a passenger one mile. The same state
ment admits a charge of 2.45 cents per mile, or thirty-three
and one- third per cent, above cost. I have no means of
testing the accuracy of this report, or ascertaining whether
the items of cost are legitimate, but I presume that, considering
the fact that the Pennsylvania Company includes a large
number of short lines, in somewhat remote and comparatively
sparsely settled districts, that it is probable there are many
" oads whose transportation costs less to the railway com
pany and more to the shipper. Examining the report of
the State Engineer of New York, I find that, assuming cost
of maintenance of roadway (including taxes), cost of re
pairs and machinery, and cost of operating the roads, to be
the items of cost, that, in 1872, it cost, according to the re
turns given, an average of 1.645 cents per passenger per
mile in New York, while the charge was 2.3801 cents, or
nearly forty-five per cent, in advance of cost.

These are about all the attainable figures of cost to rail
way companies, excepting that we know that, in England,
passengers have been carried at .42 of a cent per mile in,
first-class carriages, not only without loss, but with a loss
of only one-half of one per cent, in the dividends, and in
another case at .54 of a cent absolutely without loss, even in
the dividends.

TRANSPORTATION RATES. 397

TRANSPORTATION RATES IN EUROPE AND THE UNITED

STATES.

Compare these figures, now, with what the public is re
quired to pay. In Belgium, where we find the cheapest
known rates of regular passenger traffic, we find that, on
railroads costing one hundred and six thousand dollars per
mile, the charge for first-class rates is one dollar and fifty-
eight cents per hundred miles, or 1.58 cents per mile. This
seems to be a partial result of the fact that the government
there owns and operates forty-two per cent of the railroads.

The charge is 2.52 in Italy, 3.12 in Prussia and Austria,
and finally, and greatest of European rates, in the United
Kingdom, where competition has been relied on, the Eng
lishman, traveling on a road costing one hundred and
seventy-five thousand dollars per mile, pays 4.50 cents per
mile for first-class rates.

In Massachusetts the average rates for 1872 were 2.426
cents per mile; in New York, 2.3801 cents; in Ohio, 3.18;
and in Illinois, as nearly as I can make it out, 3.43 for
through rates, and 3.95 for local, or 3.75 for both. These
are the averages of large and populous States, in which,
and through which the current of travel flows broad and
strong; and which, consequently, give the more favorable
charges for railroad travel, although even these are far
above cost.

But here is a table of prices " adopted," we are told, but
not by whom, from St. Louis to the different cities of the
country. You can reach Boston at 2.3 cents per mile,
Quebec at 2.6, and Lynchburg, Va., at 2.7. To New Or
leans, Atchison, Cairo, Chicago, and Memphis you must pay
4 cents ; to Fort Scott, 4.6, and to San Francisco, 4.8 cents
per mile, over a road built by government gratuities,

398 THE GBOUNDSWELL.

granted, it was supposed, in the interest of the people.
Over the same road you can reach Sacramento, one hundred
and thirty-eight miles nearer than San Francisco, by paying
a like sum, or more than 5 cents a mile ; while it will cost
you 5.8 cents per mile to reach Denver, and the extortionate
charge of 6 cents per mile to go to Salt Lake, on a railroad
given by the government.

Thus much for passenger rates. Let us now look at freight
rates, which is a more important question. The men who
need cheap food, cheap clothing, and cheap fuel, are less in
terested in travel than in keeping the wolf from the door.
They ought to travel, but they can not. Bread, clothing,
and fuel they must have.

WHAT FREIGHTS COST, AND WHAT IS CHARGED.

Going back to the Pennsylvania Company, we find it
admits being able to carry freight, in 1872, at .886 of a
cent per ton per mile, but charged 1.4163 cents, an advance
of nearly sixty per cent, over the actual cost. The Syra
cuse, Binghampton, and New York admits carrying at a
cost of .75 of a cent; the Lake Shore and Michigan South
ern at .95, and the Erie Railway at .98, according to the
New York report.

The actual cost of carrying coal on the Providence and
Worcester Railroad, according to the report of the Massa
chusetts Railroad Commissioners, was six mills per ton per
mile. The Syracuse, Binghampton, and New York Railway
carried freight, through 1862, at a cost of .41 of a cent per
ton per mile, and in England coal has been carried at an
actual cost of .32 of a cent per ton per mile.

This is what has been done and can be done again, with
due economy in management, but the charge that must

WESTERN EXPERIENCE. 399

be paid by the shipper or consignee is a very different
affair.

The lowest average of freight charges for 1872 that I
find credited to any extensive system of roads, is that of
the Pennsylvania Company, given already at 1.4163 cents
per ton per mile. The average amount received on the
New York roads was 1.6645 cents ; on the Massachusetts
roads (for local freights), 2.81 ; on the Ohio roads, 2.55 ;
and on the Illinois roads, 2.16 for through freights, and
4.72 for local freights, so far as I am able to figure averages
from the Illinois Railway Commissioners' reports. The
lowest of these rates leaves a wide possible margin of profits,
and in some cases we can say how much.

When the Syracuse, Binghampton, and New York Rail
way carried, at a cost of .75 of a cent per ton per mile, it
received 1.42 cents, or an advance of nearly ninety per
cent.; when it carried at a cost of .41, it received 1.26
cents, or an advance of more than two hundred per cent.
The Providence and Worcester, carrying at an actual cost
of six mills per ton per mile, received from coal consumers
an advance of over two hundred and thirty-six per cent, on
cost, or about two cents per ton per mile. These wide mar
gins are shown, it will be noticed, from what we, with our
western experience, would call very reasonable local rates;
and some would be glad to get as favorable rates, even on
long hauls.

WESTERN EXPERIENCE.

If we examine into our western experience, we find that
still more extortionate charges are made. Taking the
cheapest freights known to our western commerce — grain in
bulk, shipped from Chicago to New York by rail — we find,
from figures given by the Railroad Gazette, of Chicago,

400 THE GROUNDSWELL.

that the average rate on fourth-class freight for nine years,
beginning with 1864 and ending with 1872, was seventy-
two cents per hundred pounds, or, calling the distance one
thousand miles, 1.44 cents per ton per mile.

This is about the average charge on all the freights on
the compartively local routes of the Pennsylvania Central,
and is forty-three cents, and more, on every bushel of wheat.
First-class freights, to the same point, averaged, during
this nine years, one dollar and eighty-seven cents per hun
dred pounds, or nearly 3.38 cents per ton per mile. From
St. Louis, so far as I can ascertain, the average rates have
been rather less favorable.

In 1872, the rail rate from Chicago to New York, on
fourth-class freight, was, according to the Railroad Gazette,
fifty-eight and two-thirds cents per hundred pounds— 1.17
cents per ton per mile — or a little over thirty-five cents per
bushel of sixty pounds. Supposing this freight to have
been carried at a cost of six mills per ton per mile, it would
amount to thirty cents per hundred, or eighteen cents per
bushel, a difference of seventeen cents per bushel ; and on
the two hundred million bushels we may suppose to have
been shipped from the West, and to have been affected in
cost of transportation and in price, this would amount to
thirty-six million dollars, drawn from the pockets of producer
and consumer.

EXCESSIVE CHARGES IN TENNESSEE AND IOWA.

These overcharges, however, are moderate compared with
the local charges made at non-competing points, when no
"contract " is made. Here the charge, in many cases, is lim
ited and fixed, not with any reference to the cost of trans
portation by rail, but by the inability of the shipper or con-

EXCESSIVE CHARGES IN TENNESSEE AND IOWA. 401

signee to do better. A Tennessee farmer writes the Prairie
farmer that he is charged seven cents a bushel on corn,
transported by the car load, twenty-six miles to Nashville.
This is nine cents per ton per mile, or at least nine times'
the cost.

Suel Foster, of Muscatine, Iowa, a gentleman well and
favorably known among our Iowa fruit growers, was charged
the same or a higher rate for three times the distance. On
bulky and cheap products, such as corn in a productive
season, hay, oats, etc., the rates are often, in many places,
prohibitory.

According to Poor, there were carried in the United
States, in 1872, not less than two hundred million tons of
freight, at a charge to the producer and consumer, in round
numbers, of three hundred and forty million dollars. As
suming this freight to have been carried at the moderate
charge of fifty per cent above cost, the railway companies
levied a tax for transportation of more than one hundred
and twelve million dollars, on the people of the United
States, over and above the necessity of the case.

Transportation is simply a necessary evil in the case of
freight. It adds nothing to the feeding power of grain, the
warming power of coal, or the clothing capacity of cotton;
and all charges levied for profit, over and above a fair rate
of interest on the amount actually invested in transporta
tion, is contrary to the public interest, and, in many locali
ties, crushes out enterprise and prosperity.

SELF-INTEREST THE RAILWAY RULE OF ACTION.

Not only, however, is the railway an expensive necessity,
which farmers near a market learn to discard, although it
could serve them also to mutual advantage, but the railway

402 THE GROUNDSWELL.

corporation is, in many instances, a capricious master.
Having a practical monopoly of the business of the country
through which it runs, except at competing points, it illus
trates the truth above stated, by Mr. Marsh, that its interest
is its rule of action. We might add that self-interest is its
highest rule of action; for, in many cases, the capriciousness
of officials, their individual piques or private profit, have
been allowed to interfere with the true policy of the best
interests of the railway company.

In any event, the relative prosperity of communities of
traders and manufacturers, established at different stations
along the company's line, is made, for one reason or another,
a secondary and trivial consideration. The result of this is
what is known as " unjust discrimination," whereby one
community is impoverished and its business men bank
rupted, or driven away at a loss, its real estate depreciated,
and its agriculture diminished, while another is unduly favored
and prosperous, though, of course, not in an equal ratio.
The misfortune of one community is never correspondingly
to the advantage of another, however close its rivalry.

EVILS OF UNJUST DISCRIMINATION.

The evils of unjust discrimination are not fully recog
nized, because we do not clearly see what they have prevented.
We see and understand the ruin of the enterprising manu
facturer, who has established a desirable business in a
country town, and is then driven from it by the superior
" special rates " granted by the same road to his competitor
in business at a competing station. But we do not know
the amount of business that this short-sighted policy of the
railway company has prevented from coming to the same
town — the general distrust and fear of engaging in impor-

BAILWAY INTERFERENCE WITH LEGISLATION. 403

tant enterprises that it excites in every community similarly
situated. Hence, the anxiety of town communities having
one railway, to add another, on the supposition — often a
false one — that they will thus have competition in carry
ing, and relief.

Unjust discrimination is also a demoralizing evil. It
tempts those who fear it to bribe officials, to court favors,
and use other undue influences, injurious to their own self-
respect and that of the railway employes. It begets the
un-republican vices of fawning, subservience, and venality.

RAILWAY INTERFERENCE WITH LEGISLATION.

•

Another evil, that seems to be the special fruit of railway
corporations in the United States, is improper interference
with legislation and other functions of government. As
has been already noticed, it is a widely-spread belief that
railway corporations control, or have controlled, the legisla
tion of several States, and have tampered with executive
and even judicial officers. Unfortunately, there are many
reasons for the suspicion, and the fact is not denied. Other
corporations have been by no means immaculate, but rail
way corporations, for some cause, lend themselves more
readily than any other to the base uses of soulless and con
scienceless power. Some say it is in self-defense, but an
examination of the facts disproves that statement, or shows
it to be, at most, but partially true.

The railway corporation invades the halls of legislation,
seeking, first, special privileges, that shall give it the ad
vantage in the race for gain over individuals ; then exemp
tion from its responsibilities, the prevention of the extension
of its privileges to its rivals, and the addition of new privi
leges and gifts to its own existing privileges.

404 THE GROUNDSWELL.

There has hardly been a State of the Union in which the
attempt has not been made, by railway corporations, to in
fluence railway legislation. The legislature of New York,
and the judiciary and bar of New York City, have been
disgraced by the machinations of Fisk, Gould, Drew, Van-
derbilt, Field, Barnard, and others. New Jersey, under
the less neutralized influence of the Camden and Amboy
and its successors, and Pennsylvania, under the guidance of
the Pennsylvania Central, have been largely controlled and
directed by railway influence. Maryland, Alabama, Cali
fornia, and other States, have also felt the hand of iron
under the velvet glove of railway corruption ; and the annals
of Congress already teem with railway schemes, and " com
mittees of investigation," of which the devices and derelic
tions of " railroad men " are a prominent feature.

THE BEGINNING OF THE END.

The experience of the last twelve months has proved, how
ever, the virtue inherent in the people ; that the boldness
and effrontery of railway corporations have reached a point
beyond which they can not go; and that railway corpora
tions must surrender a part of their assumed prerogatives,
or fare worse. New Jersey has so far got out of the control
of railway influence as to pass a general railroad law.
Pennsylvania has formed a new Constitution, in which rail
way corporations receive special attention. California,
under the lead of her gallant governor, Booth, rebels en
masse against her railway despotism. The day of deliver
ance seems near at hand, when railway as well as other
corporations shall be held to a direct responsibility to gov
ernment; when the rates for the transportation of persons
and property shall be based on the correct business theory

THE BEGINNING OP THE END. 405

of " large sales and small profits ; " when all who trade or
travel shall be treated with the same impartiality that the
patrons of the post-office receive ; and when men who give
or take bribes in legislation shall not be held worthy of
place, either as railway officials, or as representatives of the
people and of their interests.

CHAPTER XXXV.

RAILWAY LEGISLATION AT HOME AND ABROAD?

CONTRIBUTED BY J. W. MIDGLEY, ESQ., CHICAGO, PRESIDENT'S
SECRETARY NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY.

The science of transportation has become a popular study.
Agitation has made it so. Always interesting to a few, it
has recently excited many, whose zeal has, perchance, out
run their knowledge. Impatiently, they have told all they
know, and more, about the railway system. That system
is not faultless; neither has its giant growth been wholly
natural. But when men not yet grown old recall the
America of their youth — before the locomotive created a
way over the trackless West — they can hardly regard its
inroads in the light of unmitigated evils.

Every country has its bane. Europe is dwarfed by landed
aristocracy, military despotism, and superstition, forms
of oppression here unknown. But are we quite exempt?
Have we not a legislature in every State that can offset
the advantage? And are not its specifics the inevitable
panacea prescribed for every ill, real or fancied ? Like the
credulous patient who resorts to the one patent medicine

* The three chapters next following present the " Kailroad Side " of
course, and with signal ability, as the careful reader will perceive,
(406)

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE.-^CONTINUED. 407

for every ailment, the " free and enlightened/' on the first
symptom, cry out for legislation as the unfailing remedy.

The disposition to " regulate " the railways is not a new
manifestation. It began with the inception of the system.
Through all the years intervening, wherever railways have
been run, legislative control has been variously threatened.
In England, the results of these experiments are recounted
in more than a score of ponderous reports to Parliament, in
which are embodied the experiences of continental Europe ;
and it is significant that each Royal Commission, after un
wearied labor and exhaustive research, unanimously reported
against legislative interference with the railways. Perhaps
an ambition to succeed where older countries have invaria
bly failed, whets our appetite for coercive legislation. Of
one thing we can rest assured, that our statute books will
never again be clear of some attempt to regulate the rail
ways ; and as the repeal of each ineffectual measure will
only give place to new experiments, with a view to profit
by the lessons of history, an epitome of railway legislation
is herewith presented. The experience of Great Britain is
particularized, because railways there originated, and now,
as in all periods, their system most closely resembles our own.

The first railway charter was granted in 1801, for the
construction of a railway from Wyandsworth to Croydon.
It empowered the company to adjust their tariff within the
maximum rate of 6d. per ton per mile for merchandise, and
4d. for coal, flour, iron, and corn. All persons were privi
leged to use the railway at the prescribed rates, with
horses, cattle, and carriages, subject to the regulations of
the company. Authority was given the company to acquire
the right of way on payment of compensation. At each
subsequent session new railways were chartered for the
transportation of goods at maximum rates.

408 THE

The acts provided only for horse power. But the advan
tages of steam locomotion were so urgently represented by
George Stephenson that, in 1823, Parliament amended the
charter of the Stockton & Darlington Railway, granted two
years before, giving power to use steam-engines. In view
of the fact that no feature of railway management is so ob
jectionable as discrimination in favor of through freight, it
is noteworthy that, in order to prevent this becoming a coal
line to shipping ports, a clause was inserted in its charter
limiting the charge for hauling coal to Stockton for ship
ping purposes to Jd. per ton per mile, whereas the rate
allowed for all transportation of local traffic was continued
at 4d. It was believed such a low rate would entirely stop
the through trade ; yet, not only did it prove profitable, but
it established a precedent in favor of lower rates for large
quantities of the same through freight that has since been
a source of increasing complaint.

Ten years afterward, on the passage of the Liverpool &
Manchester Railway Act, in addition to the maximum rate
clause, another was inserted that, if the dividend should ex
ceed ten per cent., an abatement should be made from the
maximum tonnage rates of five per cent, on the amount
thereof for each one per cent, which the company might divide
over and above a dividend of ten per cent, on its capital.

Although owning the roads, railway companies were not
originally intended to have a monopoly or preferential use
of the means of communication on their lines. Provision
was made enabling all persons to use the road as canals are
used. So long as cattle and horses supplied the motive
power this was practicable, but the application of steam
created a revolution in transportation. It was found im
practicable for any or every man to run his own cars ; and,
In order to insure a profit, the companies v^rc- forced to

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE.— CONTINUED. 409

monopolize the conduct of the lines and become common
carriers.

Considerable stress has recently been laid upon the public
character of the first railways, and the original charters
have been quoted to show that they were not designed to
be monopolies. The people are reminded that they still
have the right to run their own cars upon the several rail
roads. Let us consider the feasibility of the plan. A man
goes into the Lake Shore Eailway office, at Chicago, and
says : " I want to start a daily train for New York, at 11
A. M;" another, "I want to start a train at 3 o'clock;"
and a third wants to start one at 5 o'clock. " Very well,
gentlemen," remarks the officer ; " start them as you wish."
But the man whose train leaves at 11 o'clock will find that
he has not patronage enough to pay expenses, and the one
who selected 3 o'clock will fare little better, while the 5
o'clock train is crowded. Why ? Simply because to start
at 11 or 3 o'clock breaks into a day, whereas 5 o'clock is at
the close of office hours, is the most convenient time, and,
perforce, monopolizes the travel. The 11 and 3 o'clock men
then demand that their trains shall be started at 5 o'clock.
And they are denied, simply because a railway track is not
like an old turnpike road, where vehicles turn out to allow
others to pass. The train going at a fixed time has the
right of way, and, to prevent collision, becomes a monop
oly. Were every one allowed common use of the single
track, in the manner of a highway — to start out at their
pleasure — some one's car that could not get out of the way
would be getting run into continually. This certain result
was so apparent to a select committee of the House of Com
mons, appointed in 1840 to investigate the subject, that
they concluded the public right to run their own cars on the
railways was, practically, a dead letter for three sufficient
18

410 THE GHOtJNDSWELL.

reasons : " (1.) Because no provisions had been made for
insuring to independent trains and engines access to sta
tions and watering places along the lines. (2.) Because the
rates for toll limited by the act were almost always so high
as to make it difficult for independent persons to work at a
profit. (3.) Because the necessity of placing the running
of all trains under th^ complete control of one head inter
posed numerous difficulties in the way of independent trad
ers." To which conclusions the committee sensibly added :
" That, however, improvidently Parliament may, in the first
instance, have granted to the railway companies such ex
tensive powers, it is now advisable to interfere with them as
little as possible."

Complaints against the railways still being persistently
urged, in 1844 another Select Committee, after giving the
question a more thorough consideration than it had hitherto
received, observed that "the complaint of monopoly urged
against railways was an indication of the benefits they had
conferred on the country, as it was not by force of special
privileges bestowed upon them, but by superior accommoda
tion and cheapness, that they had acquired the command of
traveling in their district ; that railway enterprise should be
encouraged ; that the country still afforded great scope for the
extension of the railway system ; that Parliament should take
no step which would induce so much as a reasonable suspi
cion of its good faith with regard to the integrity of privileges
already granted, because one of the elements of encouragement
to future undertakings was just and equitable dealings with
those already established." The foregoing italicised words,
taken "from the Parliamentary Blue Book of 1867, page 11,
are as pertinent as though written yesterday for the infatu
ated people of Illinois to ponder over to-day. Disastrous
will it be alike for us and the too-confiding foreigners, whosQ

MR. MIDQLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 411

money rendered the West habitable, if the admonitions of
recorded experience are blindly disregarded.

In the earlier days the cars of one company were not trans
ferred to the tracks of another ; consequently the expense and
inconvenience of making the change were very great, to ob
viate which, a railway clearing-house was established in
London by voluntary association of the companies, and was
afterward recognized by Parliamentary act of Incorporation,
in 1850. One delegate from each company constituted a
committee who were empowered to recover all balances due
from the companies.

It was about this time that the tendency to consolidate
became alarming. The first railways were very short lines.
The one extending from London to Liverpool was owned by
three separate companies ; disagreements between the several
managements were frequent, to the great inconvenience of
the public. "When, therefore, the interests of both the com
panies and the public suggested unity of management, Par
liament freely bestowed authority to consolidate.

As the localities increased in population, additional rail
roads were constructed, creating such active competition that
the stronger companies found it expedient to buy up their
rivals. This " offensive and defensive " policy aroused pub
lic hostility, because it deprived the people of competition —
their only hope of protection from monopoly. Parliament
was importuned to restrict amalgamation. Various expedi
ents were suggested. The one finally adopted empowered
Parliament to determine the conditions upon which the
future consolidations should be made. But the principle
thus laid down was practically ignored. Consolidations con
tinued to be made whenever the interests of corporations
drew- them together. Failing, therefore, to prevent them,
Parliament sought to insure such advantages as would in-

412 THE QROUNDSWELL.

duce the companies to remain separate. Inability to secure
good running arrangements with connecting lines was the
great disadvantage under which the separate lines labored.
This difficulty the most stringent legislation failed to remove.
No legal enactment could impel the roads to work as har
moniously as single ownership : and the result was that the
route managed by one directory possessed advantages over
that composed of several disjointed lines separately owned.
Still the public would not accept the situation ; and, so
recently as last year, a Royal Commission, appointed to in
vestigate the subject, made their report in a blue book,
containing over one thousand pages, in which the present
system of railway management throughout Europe is com
prehensively reviewed. The evidence of some fifty experts,
and several unprejudiced witnesses is given verbatim; the
experiences of France, Belgium, Austria, and Prussia are
succinctly stated ; and the conclusions arrived at are summed
up by the Commissioners, in a statement of which the open
ing words are an index of the whole : " Past amalgama
tions have not brought with them the evils which were
anticipated."

The policy of the French Government averted consolida
tion by preventing the construction of more railways than
would adequately accommodate the districts. Thus, while
in France there was only one mile of railway open to twen
ty-six square miles of country, in England there was one to
about six miles of territory. The result was that rail
ways in France were assured all the business they could
handle.

In Belgium, many of the lines were constructed by the
State and leased to individuals, who are guaranteed the same
protection assured in France.

In Prussia, competing lines are not allowed until thirty

ME. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 413

years after the opening of a railway. There, and in Austria,
concessions are granted by the Emperor, and the State un
dertakes the construction of many of the railways.

It will thus be seen that a comparison of the continental
systems are of little practical use to us ; while the English
railroads, being conducted on the same general principles as
our own, are especially deserving of study.

The history of American railways is a familiar story.
They have grown up within the memory of men still in their
prime. When inaugurated, the system was one of complete
freedom. Every facility for the construction of railways,
and every inducement to invest in them, was lavishly ex
tended. Doubtless, no other policy would have fostered the
system. Without them, the great West would still have
been a wilderness, and the populous East the scattered home
of a straggling people. Vast outlays of .money wrought the
wondrous transformation. Such incalculable wealth no new
country ever possessed. It had to be drawn from abroad,
and superior inducements were necessary to bring it here.
Confiding in our integrity, and believing our contracts valid,
the unsuspecting capitalists built our railways, reclaimed the
waste places, and caused " the wilderness to blossom as the
rose."

To enumerate the incessant attempts at railway legislation
in this country, would be a desultory task. Measures in
numerable have been discussed. The one most frequently
urged is the pro rata or equal mileage plan ; yet no theory
is more easily refuted. In the older States, it seems buried
beyond the probability of resurrection; but in the inland
States, where its application would be most disastrous, it
still has stubborn adherents.

The principle of charging for each class of passengers and
freight in proportion to the distance carried, sounds very

414 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

plausible ; but a select committee of the British Parliament,
after thoroughly investigating the question, last year; came
to the deliberate conclusion, and so reported to Parliament,
that " to impose equal mileage on the companies would be
to deprive the public of the benefit of much of the competi
tion which now exists, or has -existed; to raise the charges,
on the public in many cases where the companies now find
it to their interest to lower them ; and to perpetuate monopoly
in carriage, trade, and manufacture, in favor of those routes
and places which are nearest or least expensive, where the
varying charges of the companies now create competition.
And it will be found that the supporters of equal mileage,
when pressed, often really mean, not that the rates they
themselves pay are too high, but that the rates which others
pay are too low.

" Pressed by these difficulties, the proposers of equal mile
age have admitted that there must be numerous exceptions ;
e. g.j where there is sea competition: where low rates for
long distances will bring a profit ; or where the article car
ried at a low rate is a necessary, such as coal. It is scarcely
necessary to observe that such exceptions as these, while
inadequate to meet all the various cases, destroy the value
of equal mileage as a principle, or the possibility of apply
ing it as a general rule."

Ohio has particularly distinguished herself in special en
actments ; with what success may be inferred from the State
Eailroad Commissioner's report in 1870. Speaking of the
nine different tariffs prescribed for the transportation of
passengers and freight, he pronounces these intended bene
fits "the most fruitful source of complaint;" and of one ex
isting law, the Commissioner further remarked, that its strict
enforcement would compel " some companies ultimately to
suspend business, prohibit the transportation of certain arti-

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 415

cles by rail, and compel their transportation below actual
cost."

Despite the admonitions of history, the demands for aggres
sive legislation increased in fierceness, until, under the un
controllable pressure of the " Farmer's Movement," they cul
minated in the Illinois law against discrimination. In the
clamor for its passage, the calm voice of experience was un
heeded. Under the shadow of the Capitol an angry assem
blage dictated the provisions of a prescriptive law. In vain
a few independent members strove to stem the torrent.
Their appeals were drowned in the turbulent roar. " Down
with the monopolies " was the popular cry. To such a pitch
were the unthinking people wrought, that, in some sections,
the man who would have dared to extenuate the railroads
would have been lynched. The outgrowth of this spirit is
the Illinois law to prevent discrimination.

Dispassionately regarded, does it not seem like a mockery
of justice? The corporations were impeached with " high
crimes and misdemeanors," yet no opportunity was given
them to put in a defense. The avenues to public attention
were closed against them. ]STo influential journal dared to
espouse their cause, or accord them a fair hearing. The
warnings of men whose counsel directed the investment of
surplus capital were scouted and suppressed, while flaming
head lines announced the incendiary declamations of lily-
handed demagogues suddenly become "hard-fisted patrons
of husbandry." And this monopoly of public attention was
an outcry against monopoly !

The Illinois railroad law is an anomaly. It is entitled,
"An Act to prevent unjust discriminations/' etc., while its
application countenances unjust and prohibits just discrim
inations. This construction of it is easily indicated, which
is not a pleasing reflection for the Solons who sought to ren-

416 THE GROUNDSWELL.

der impossible what their handiwork makes quite possible.
The third section tolerates the wrong. It was the one most
wrangled over, and was the joint product of both Houses.
It was thrown out as a soothing concession to the "'poor
farmer." Carried into effect, he will find it allows discrim
inations in favor of one who can ship a large quantity —
giving a man an advantage over his neighbor proportionate
to his means ; or, in other words, creating a privileged class,
of which wealth is the distinctive trait. True, there are con
ditions under which it is perfectly sound and proper that a
discrimination should be made when large amounts are
shipped; but as to the articles whose transportation chiefly
interests farmers, viz.: grain, cattle, and lumber, it is clearly
meant to legalize preferential advantages to the one man
merely because he has great possessions. The articles enu^
merated are carried by the car load, and the charge should
be so made ; then the man who ships one hundred car loads
will have to pay the same price per car load as the man that
ships but ten. Otherwise, the small dealer has not an equal
chance in the market. If a man can ship one hundred car
loads for five dollars less than the man who can only ship
ten, the former can afford to do his business for five dollars
per car less profit, which might leave no margin to the small
shipper. Should both have to buy from the same producer,
the man of small means is unable to compete against his
rich neighbor. Granted that men of large means always
have the advantage over those less favored, the wrong con
sists in authorizing railroad companies to widen the differ
ence, by giving a preference to the rich man who does not
need it. This unjust principle the law specially counte
nances, working injustice to the poor man by placing the
control of the market for grain, lumber, and stock within

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 417

the grasp of a favored few, and thus creating the worst form
of monopoly.

For instance, Alexander or Sullivant, or any large ship
per, having secured a special rate for fifty or one hundred
car loads, may go to his poorer neighbors, who wish to ship
but a few car loads each, and say : " Look here, I've got a
rebate of ten dollars per car ; I can ship that much cheaper
than you can ; now, you give me five dollars per car, and I
will ship your freight along with mine at my special rate."
The small shippers accept the offer, because thereby they
gain five dollars per car; but, in the name of justice, why
should they be compelled to pay a tax to their richer neigh
bor ? Under such a law, are the days of feudalism gone by ?
Surely, if there is a statute that ought to be blotted out by
any means known to freemen, it is one that prostrates the
poor man under the heel of the rich.

Circumstances and conditions, however, daily arise, under
which it is eminently fair to all that discrimination for the
quantity shipped should be allowed. It is one of the first
principles of commercial law. The man who buys a hogs
head of sugar gets it at a cheaper rate than the man who
buys only one pound. If the principle is sound, should it
not equally apply to transportation ? The dealer who can
give a train load of freight to a railroad company is cer
tainly entitled to a lower rate than the man who merely
offers half a car load, provided the distance carried is the
same ; were the full cargo destined to a point only three or
four»miles distant, and the half car load three hundred miles,
the case would be reversed, because transportation can be
conducted one hundred miles much cheaper, per mile, than
for ten miles, provided all other things are equal.

The further west we go the less travel and freighting is
seen. The first twenty-five miles or more out of Chicago
18*

418 THE GROUNBSWELL.

the passenger cars of the North-western, Burlington, Alton,
and Eock Island Eoads are crowded. Thereafter, the passen
gers thin out and cars are dropped off, but the cost of hauling
the lighter trains, per mile, is only a trifle less than on the
heavy "runs." Yet, despite this indisputable fact, the present
law compels Illinois railway companies to carry passengers
at the same price on branches of their road, where there is
seldom one car load and never more than two, as upon their
main or through lines, where, on account of there being
more passengers, they can well be carried at less cost per
passenger. This forces railway companies to extort from
main line passengers compensation for work done for branch
patrons. And this results from a law enacted to prevent
extortion !

Eeference is often made to the two-cent-per-mile rate on
the New York Central Eailroad. That line is dotted with
populous cities its entire length, which yield it such an
enormous travel that the company can afford to take passen
gers at a much lower rate than any western railroad can.
The same reason enables leading Chicago railroads to carry
passengers at less cost on their main lines than upon their
branches. Trains are sometimes discontinued on these
branch roads because, at the rate of fare usually charged, it
does not pay to run the trains, whereas, if the people would
pay what they could afford rather than not have the accom
modation, the trains could be profitably run. Should this
pernicious principle of the law be sustained, the companies
will be compelled to run a lesser number of trains on their
branch roads, and thus incommode the people ; for it is plain,
people must go without what they are not willing to pay for. .

The second clause of our criticism charges that the law
prohibits just discrimination. The Act says: " It shall not
be deemed a sufficient excuse or justification of such discrim-

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 419

ination that the point is one at which there exists competi
tion with any other road or means of transportation." This
dismisses the idea that there is such a thing as just discrim
ination. Is it a correct view ? The rate on corn from
Springfield to Chicago, we will say, is fifteen cents per
bushel; to carry out the illustration, suppose that four cents
per bushel is the profit over and above the actual expense

Homestead on the River.

of transporting the grain, and that this amount is only just
enough to pay a reasonable return upon the company's in
vestment. Further south on the same line, at St. Louis,
there is a powerful competitor — the Mississippi Kiver, down
which lumber from Minnesota, and grain, are floated to
New Orleans. The river fixes the rate at which transporta
tion shall be done. Having no expensive track to lay and

420 THE GROUNDSWELL.

maintain, the steamboats with their capacious barges can
move cheaper than any railroad cari, bat not so cheap as to
leave no profit whatever to the railroad if it carries freight
at the rate thus fixed by the river. Is it not clearly better
for the people of Springfield, or any intermediate station,
that the company should take the produce and merchandise
from St. Louis to Chicago at a profit of one cent or even
one-half cent .per bushel (provided that is the largest profit
the rate fixed by the river will allow), and thus be enabled to
do the local business a trifle cheaper than it would otherwise
be forced to demand, if the whole burden of paying the in
terest on the cost of the road were thrown upon the local
business ? Were all the traffic of the several roads to be
done on the low basis of the river rates, the railroads could
not be maintained; nor would any one have been rash
enough to build our railroads had they expected to do all
the business at the prices fixed by the river. It was just
because there was no navigable river running across the
State that the prairie was almost unoccupied until the rail
roads were built. If the companies are not to be permitted
to get from the river business whatever profit they can, un
der existing circumstances, there seems no other way than
to forego that business, and let the local business pay all the,
expenses of the road. This statement is likely to call out
the query: "How is it, if you can afford to do a particular
item of business at a low rate, you can not afford to do all at
the same price?" Precisely for the same reason that a
farmer can not afford to have a bad crop on every acre of
his land ; though it would not seriously affect him to have a
bad crop on one acre, if there were many acres of good crops;
and he would generally prefer to have a bad crop on the one
acre rather than have no crop at all.

The law discriminates in another way that is flagrantly

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 421

unjust. It annihilates legitimate competition by taking the
business from north and south lines having their termini in
Illinois, and gives it wholly to east and west lines termi
nating in Ohio and Indiana. To illustrate : the Illinois Gen-,
tral, between Chicago and Cairo, is crossed by eight lines
having through Eastern connections. From their points of
junction with the Central to the State line is an average of,
perhaps, sixteen miles. These lines can comply with the
Illinois law until they cross the border, where they can
make the rate as low as they please, while the Central, being
amenable to the pro rata law its entire length of seven hun
dred and seven miles in Illinois, is unable to take a pound
of freight from any competing point. Moreover, it is quite
possible for the Toledo, Wabash & Western Railroad, ex
tending from Toledo to the Mississippi, to take the business
of Decatur at a less rate than that of Springfield as far as
the State line, then make the balance in favor of Spring
field on the rate between the State line and Toledo. Con
ditions might arise under which the company would be jus
tified in taking advantage of the law ; for it should never
be forgotten that commercial laws are as positive and bind
ing as physical laws. Each navigable river is as much a
fact controlling railroad companies commercially as are the
laws of gravitation and other natural forces facts that have
to be considered in determining how trains can be hauled.
One other objectionable feature. Congress interdicts the
interposition of any obstruction to commerce between States.
A bridge can not be thrown across the Mississippi or Ohio
until government has located it where its existence will not
obstruct navigation. Yet this law plainly violates that
principle. It instructs the Eailroad Commissioners to pre
pare pro rata schedules of rates, and force their adoption
upon the companies. Illinois is in the direct line of the

422 THE GROUNDSWELL.

world's highway. The rich products of China and Japan
have been diverted from their former channel around the
Cape of Good Hope, and are daily being carried over the
Pacific Eailroads en route to the Atlantic, and beyond.
The rate upon these cargoes of tea is made in Yokohama.
Each of the companies forming the through line accept
their pro rata of the through rate. Shall this magnificent
traffic, for which empires long and desperately fought, be
halted at the Mississippi Eiver, and be made to pay toll as
three men at Springfield shall dictate ? Or is it too palpa
bly absurd that the commerce between the Old and New
Worlds should be regulated from the Illinois State House ?

Other reasons, good and sufficient, might be advanced;
but from those cited it will be evident that the law, in its
present shape, is impracticable, unwarrantable, and unjust,
and can not be productive of aught but harm.

What is a reasonable rate ? Two generations have tried
to settle this question, and failed. Their successors have
now attacked it with somewhat dubious prospects. Yet the
problem is not a poser. Were law makers to approach it as
students do geometry, the correct solution would soon be
reached. In that art are axioms whose truth is self-evident.
Accepting these without cavil, and applying the rules that
follow, the most difficult problems are worked out. The
same principles govern the science of transportation and
solve its intricacies. Until this truth is recognized, satis
factory results never will be reached. At present, the mo
nopolist and anti-monopolist occupy different stand-points.
Although regarding the same matter, they see only the side
nearest each other. The one views it from the top of his
wheat-stack, and the other from the treasurer's office.
Then the political umpires step in and increase the trouble.
Their efforts have had the one merit of persistency. It

ME. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE.— CONTINUED. 423

matters not how wretched their failures, renewed attempts
are made. Experience, however, has developed considera
tions that must be admitted in determining what is a rea
sonable rate. Let us note a few :

Every railroad undertaking involves two sorts of expend
itures; investments, which includes the cost of the road
way, rolling stock, depots, etc.; and expenditures, which
cover outlays for labor and material consumed in the daily
service of transportation or in maintaining the property.
No one will deny that the charges should be made to yield
a remunerative return upon the investment over and above
all working and incidental expenses. Ordinary foresight
dictates that the receipts should so far exceed expenses as
to induce capital to make the necessary investments. This
excess is commonly designated as a certain per centage on
the investment, a fixed interest on the borrowed principal,
and dividends, fluctuating with prosperity, on the contribu
ted part, represented by shares. No other result is satis
factory, either to the owners or patrons of the road. But
the benefits of a good, well-managed railroad accrue more
directly to the community than to the stockholders.

Every railroad is worth what it would cost to replace
it, and upon that valuation the company are entitled to a
fair return. In sparsely settled localities this policy might
establish rates deemed exorbitant. But is it not a fact, too
often lost sight of, that it costs just as much to construct
a railway across a new territory as it does through a densely
populated district ? It may cost more. The iron, material,
and supplies have to be transported so much further ; and
the capital which furnished them commands interest upon
its outlay as imperatively as if expended where the return
would be surer and more speedy. In the nature of things,
therefore, the rates exacted must be gauged to yield the

424 THE GROUNDSWELL.

necessary return. So long as the charges are such as to
render transportation by rail preferable to any other mode,
they are reasonable. If any one is assured that existing
rates are too high, the liberty to build a rival line is free
to all. There is no monopoly in this country of the right
to construct railways.

The actual cost of operating the road should be ascer
tained. Experts only could perform the task. Novices
would not think of one-half the items of expense. This
statement the history of railway legislation confirms.

Has American legislation ever considered the question of
speed while framing pro rata and non-discriminating laws ?
Yet, it is a well-established law of railroad economics that
speed is the essence of expense. The recognized rule is,
that the cost of transportation increases as the square of
the velocity. Thus, a speed of ten miles per hour would
be equal to one hundred, twenty to four hundred, and fifty
to two thousand five hundred. In all enactments hitherto
perpetrated or threatened, this startling difference in the
cost of moving trains, being as $16 to $4 between an ex
press and an ordinary accommodation train, has been wholly
ignored, doubtless never thought of.

This principle was recognized by the British Parliament
when, in 1844, being urged to protect the poorest classes,
they required all railway companies, one-third of whose
gross earnings were derived from passengers, to run one
train daily, each way, upon which passengers should be
carried at Id. per mile, at a rate not less than twelve miles
an hour. The slow rate for third-class trains is still main
tained, although express trains average forty miles an hour,
including stops. In addition to this just recognition of
speed as one item of expense, Parliament excepted the earn
ings of these slow trains from taxation.

ME. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 425

Motive power is another leading item of expense. This
is largely dependent upon the character of the route. If
fuel is abundant, the operating expenses are correspondingly
reduced. But if, as in the case of the North-western and
Milwaukee & St. Paul, there is scarcely a coal mine or a
forest within reach of their far-extending systems, their cost
per mile run is considerably increased, and should be taken
into account in adjusting rates. Other roads again have
heavy grades, up which engines of the largest capacity can
not haul more than ten or fifteen cars at a time, while the
same engines on other lines could easily draw fifty or sixty
car loads.

A still more apparent consideration is, that the facilities
provided are only partially used. The current of eastward
trade largely exceeds that running in the opposite direc
tion, and it sets most heavily eastward when the return flow
is the slightest, and vice versa. Empty cars, therefore,
abound each way. This disproportion is so great that, upon
a leading trunk line, of the track and rolling stock there is
frequently employed about sixty per cent, in one direction,
and twenty per cent, in the opposite. The waste of expendi
ture becomes an extra charge upon the freight actually car
ried; and the drawback will continue until wise measures
shall tend more equally to diffuse the trade currents and
balance their volume in opposite directions. For, it should
be borne in mind that, whether a freight engine runs with a
full or a partial load, the items of expense are the same.

Expenses are lessened when the volume of freight in
creases. This is a fundamental principle of cheap transpor
tation. To forward a single letter, by special messenger, to
California would cost hundreds of dollars ; but, deposited in
the government mails, three cents pays for its transporta
tion. This cheap service is possible, because simultaneously

426 THE GIIOUNDSWELL.

a like service is performed for the thousands of other pa
trons. Freight transportation is subject to the same law.
Is any one stupid enough to murmur because the govern
ment carries one man's letter to San Francisco for three
cents, while another is charged as much for having a letter
carried four or five miles ? What matters it how cheap an
other man's letter is carried so long as mine is taken at a
reasonable rate ? And if the rule holds good in regard to
letters, why should it not embrace parcels and packages, etc. ?
The principle is so plain, when applied to postal service,
that no word of complaint against its discrimination is ever
heard; but when applied to property transportation, which
is subject to precisely the same law, what a fearful commo
tion is raised !

CHAPTEE XXXVI.

CONCERNING RATES AND GOVERNMENTAL RAIL
WAYS.

CONTINUATION OF CONTRIBUTED ARTICLE, BY J. W. MIDGLEY,
ESQ., CHICAGO.

Much as we claim to be in advance of the " old country,"
in the recognition of the fundamental principles of cheap
transportation, we are still far behind. This deplorable con
dition is begotten of that selfish determination not to let
others get the " start." The grievous bubbles which stump
orators and the country press are inflating are not novelties.
They were pricked years ago in Europe. Inequality of
charges is one of them. Parliament disposed of it in the
Railway Clauses Consolidation Act, by declaring it " expedi
ent that the companies should be enabled to vary the tolls
upon the railways so as to accommodate them to the circum
stances of the traffic," and pronounced it lawful for the com
panies " from time to time to alter or vary the tolls, either
upon the whole or any particular portions of their railways,
as they shall think fit." The people still harboring the belief
that unequal rates were unreasonable, a Royal Commission,
comprising Lord Stanley, Robt. Lowe, Chancellor of tha
Exchequer, Sir Rowland Hill, Postmaster-General, Mr.
Ayrton, Commissioner of Public Works, and ten other influ-

(427)

428 THE GROUNDSWELL.

ential members, investigated the subject in all its bearings,
and reported that "inequality of charge in respect of dis
tance, besides being a necessary consequence of competition,
is an essential element in the carrying trade ; that is to say,
the principle which governs a railway company in fixing the
rate is that of creating a traffic by charging such a sum for
conveyance as will induce the produce of one district to
compete with another in a common market. The power of
granting special rates permits a development of trade which
would not otherwise exist ; and it is abundantly evident that
a large portion of the trade of the country, at the present

"Speed, Comfort, Safety."

time, has been created by, and is continued on the faith of,
special rates." And they dismissed the suggestion of inter
ference by adding: " The conditions under which such rates
are granted are so numerous that no special law could be
framed to regulate them."

Their comprehensive view of the question was sustained
by the Court of Common Pleas, which distinctly recognized
the right of a company to charge unequal rates. In the case
of Eansome v. Eastern Counties Eailway, the court held that
a company may charge different rates for transportation
where the expenses thereof are different ; and, as the Com
mission remarked, in citing this decision; "As the expense

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARtiCLE.— CONTINUED. 429

of starting a train is the same for a large or small distance,
this may be fairly taken into account and justify an inequal
ity in the rates of carriage between different places."

To load a freight car consumes twenty-four hours, and to
unload it and get it into use again a corresponding period.
Freight trains usually run about ten miles an hour, includ
ing stops, and a car carries about ten tons of freight. Sup
pose the rate 2c per ton per mile, and the distance to be
hauled ten miles, the time consumed would be forty-nine
hours, and the compensation for the service $2.00, or 96c
per day. But were the car sent on a continuous run of
1,000 miles at the same rate, it would occupy 148 hours,
and would yield the company $32.50 per day. The illus
tration conveys its own comments.

If each local station could make up a train of freight, the
case might be different ; but such condition is not possible,
only at terminal points. For instance, Joliet is much nearer
Chicago than is Bock Island, and would, apparently, be en
titled to better rates. Yet its business costs a mere trifle
less. The train of empty cars leave Chicago, the required
number are dropped off at Joliet and other way stations,
and, at Rock Island, the return trip is commenced, upon
Which the cars left off to be loaded are picked up. Mean
time, these cars have been standing idle, during which time
they have earned nothing; and, as cars earn money only
when in motion, a reasonable rate, to insure a profitable re
turn, must be sufficiently large to balance the unemployed
time.

The unauthorized statement that rates have been steadily
increased throughout the State of Illinois, during the past
few years, is maliciously untrue. The tendency has been
continually downward, as the following comparative state
ment of the average earnings per ton per mile will show :

430

THE GHOUKDSWELL.

Lake Shore &
Mich. South-
era Hallway.

Mich. Central
Railway.

Chicago, Bur

lington &

Quincy Rail

way.

Chicago <fe

North-west'

Railway.

1868
1869 -
1870
1871 -
1872

cts.

CtS.

cts.

"

3 T^TY CtS.

3

2

In flat contradiction of popular statements is the fact that
the cost of transportation has steadily decreased, notwithr
standing the " watering " of stock. Thus, in 1863, the New
York Central Eailroad carried 312,000,000 tons at a cost of
2 .J^L. Cents per ton per mile, and the Erie 404,000,000 tons
at 2TfTr. In 1872 the earnings for transporting 1,020,000,-
000 tons over the Central, were I -f^ per ton per mile, and on
the Erie 1 ^V for 950,000,000 tons. Meantime, the stock
and certificates of the former road had, in the same period,
increased from $23,631,000 to $89,428,000, while the "stock,
bonds, and debt " of the latter had increased from $40,000,
000 to $118,000,000. These figures, which are absolutely
correct and can not lie, conclusively annihilate one of the
most pretentious and favorite accusations of the anti-railroad
agitator. It follows, therefore, that the adjustment of rates
is seriously affected by two conditions : 1. Economy in orig
inal outlay. 2. Economy in current expenditures.

The people are responsible for the magnitude of these
items. It is a notorious fact that exorbitant prices are ex
torted for right of way. As soon as it becomes known that
a railway is to be run through a certain district, several
times the antecedent value of the selected land is demanded,
and generally awarded by commissioners ; and if any addi
tional legislation is required, the companies have to pay for
it. Our Legislatures are not exceptions. Some years ago
it was estimated that Parliamentary contests and concessions

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED, 431

had cost the British railway companies $350,000,000.
These expenses are mainly incurred in averting threatened
legislation. This single item absorbs a very considerable
portion of the profits. Political cormorants long since dis
covered it, and worry the funds out of the companies. Then
there are numerous lines projected by speculators, with no
view to public benefit, but originated simply to prey upon
existing companies by forcing the latter to purchase them.
Effete politicians and glutted lawyers also oleed the com
panies profusely; but it all eventually comes out of the
"dear people" in the form of rates. The money must be
had, and the public have to advance it.

These remarks apply specially to the compensation awarded
for injuries. No observer of current events will question
the assertion that railway companies are " salted " whenever
a petit jury gets a chance at them. In such cases the juries
are like the Donnybrook Irishman, who could not resist the
temptation of whacking every head within reach of his
shillaleh, his best friends sharing his most willing attentions.1
It may be " fun " for the time being, but who pays for it in
the end ? Every outrageous verdict — such as have become
common-place exceptions — means sufficiently increased rates
to pay the costs. The press urges the people to pursue this
vindictive policy, and readily have they responded. It mat
ters not how flimsy the pretext, the verdict in every Western
State is a foregone, heavy conclusion.

In agitating for reform, the people forget that it must
begin with themselves. It is the maddest folly to demand
cheap rates, and yet force the railroads into excessive ex
penses; and it is the baldest falsehood propagated by the
press to say that the courts are corrupted into acquitting
the companies. The outrageous verdicts recorded in almost
every county in the West prove its falsity and burlesque

432 THE GROWDSWELL.

justice. Long since the corporations have ceased to trust in
appeals to juries, such as are commonly impaneled. For
•what man competent to weigh evidence does not evade the
jury box if he can?

These questions intrude themselves in determining what
is a reasonable rate. The companies are mulcted upon every
opportunity, and the numerous depletions necessitate the im
position of high rates.

The people complain of being overtaxed. Then, why do
they create the necessity ? However flatly the leaders of the
anti-railroad agitation may deny that their misguided action
has precipitated the existing crisis, it is none the less a fact.
Their threatening attitude destroyed confidence in American
securities. Why should a foreign capitalist invest in a West
ern railroad in whose management the owners are told they
shall have no voice? Practically, the farmers of Illinois,
Iowa, and Wisconsin say to the capitalists, " Come, and build
us railroads ; then we will run them, and you shan't put in
a word." The moneyed men are not such fools. They are
independent ; we are not. They can live without us ; but
can we thrive without their help ? They gave us the start.
Have we enough to carry us through ? The vast territory
west of the Alleghanies is comparatively undeveloped. There
is ample room for millions more of industrious men. How
can they be induced to come ? What agency has made the
country inhabitable? What has shortened distances and
lengthened life by saving time ? What has enabled us to
compass in one day what consumed a season in the time of
our fathers ? The steam-engine. Who now shall run it ?
Shall experts, who comprehend the laws of motion, or shall
it be left to men whose primal qualification is that they can
distinguish a short-horn from a Galloway ?

Ignorance and folly never exalted a nation. Certain

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE — CONTINUED. 433

Would be our downfall if passion were to displace experience.
Misguided and rash attempts have been often made to decree
a schedule of rates, but the statesmen conceded their ina
bility, and were wisely willing to let those who had grown
up with the system, and mastered its principles, decide what
is a reasonable rate.

Forced to admit the failure of legislation, "the dissatisfied "
demand that government shall purchase the railways. Per
haps the corporations would not seriously object, for it is
very probable they would be the greatest gainers by the
transfer. Is it at all likely that government officials of the
stripe we now have would possess superior fitness for rail
way management ? Economy is our pressing want. Is it a
distinguishing trait of the Caseys, Murphys, Butlers, et al f
The proposition premises that the State would lease the
railroads. In that event the lessees would have to be respon
sible parties, who could give ample security. This would
necessitate their being either stock companies or wealthy
capitalists. In either case, they might be inexperienced in
railroad affairs, which would doubtless cause the control to
fall upon the old working force, thereby increasing the num
ber of salaries and adding materially to the necessary oper
ating expenses of the lines.

Besides, the lessees would incur risks. Should the net
earnings exceed the rent, the surplus would afford a toler
ably good dividend upon their comparatively small invest
ment ; but should the results be reversed, they would have
no dividend whatever. Therefore, it is certain the lessees
would accept the risk only at a rental insuring them against
loss, but so low as not to reimburse the State for the outlay
in purchase. Neither is it likely the lessees would cramp
their operations by agreeing to reduce rates, irrespective of
the course their own interests would dictate; consequently,
19

434 THE GROUNBSWEtt.

they would be in no better condition to reduce than are the
present directors.

This experiment has been tried in Europe. It has worked
successfully in Belgium. That kingdom is densely popu
lated, and comprises a total area much less than half of any
single Western State. They have all the railroads the coun
try needs. Only small branch lines, or " by-ways," as they
are termed, will be built. The same limitations apply to
Great Britain and France. The State can easily build these
little side-lines. Our country does not afford a parallel
case. Does any reformer wish to see the government un
dertake the construction of a trunk line across half a dozen
States ? What a chance for jobs and fat contracts ! One
Credit Mobilier operation should satisfy us.

As owner of so vast a property, the government would be
obliged to employ a retinue of skilled officers to supervise it,
and see that the lessees maintained it properly. The im
portance of their duties would command large salaries,
which, considering the number needed, would draw heavily
upon the receipts from the lessees. The economy of the
plan is, therefore, open to considerable doubt. Another pos
sibility might arise. However admirably the terms of the
lessees should be drawn, in view of the great political influ
ence the companies could wield, these conditions might be
modified. Common interest would dictate that their polit
ical power should be ranged on the side of the government;
and, when the millions of railroad employees are taken into
consideration, this view of the question becomes alarming
and sufficient of itself to defeat the scheme.

The subject carries us still further. Railway enterprise
has extended to numerous accompanying undertakings— to
car shops and locomotive works, to stations, warehouses,
docks, harbors, vessels, transit steamers, bridges, and other

MB. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE— CONTINUED. 435

subsidiary enterprises, dependent upon an -I incorporated
with the railways. The government, if it purchased the
railways, would be obliged to include these subsidiary con
nections.

Government ownership would discourage further con
struction, as tending to diminish the public revenue, or
they might be made a charge upon the several States. In
any event, it would quench the spirit of enterprise on the
part of the individuals, which, exercised as at present, is our
best protection against monopoly.

Financially considered, who could estimate the depressing
effect upon our national securities were the government to
enter the market annually as a borrower of say $100,000,000,
for the purchase of doubtful property? Viewed in this light,
the scheme does not promise well to the State, as a finan
cial transaction; and, we take it, there is no disposition
to cheapen transportation at the expense of the public
treasury.

This subject has been thoroughly considered in England,
and the last Eoyal Commission appointed for that purpose
thus summed up their report : " We are of opinion that it
is inexpedient, at present, to subvert the policy which has
hitherto been adopted of leaving the construction and man
agement of railways to the free enterprise of the people;"
adding, in the case of Ireland, where are many unprofitable
lines, " that, as the railway companies have the best oppor
tunities of judging whether rates can be reduced so as to be
remunerative within a reasonable time, they should be left
free to carry out such experiments at their own risk."

- <

CHAPTER XXXVII.

THE BENEFITS CONFERRED BY RAILROADS.

CONTINUATION or CONTRIBUTED ARTICLE, BY J. W. MIDGLEY,
ESQ., CHICAGO.

The feeling against railroads has been so intense as to ig
nore their beneficial effects. Yet these are not insignificant.
Perhaps they can best be estimated by imagining our con
dition were we suddenly to be thrown back to the state of
locomotion existing forty years ago. Such return would
render personal travel intolerable, would suspend business,
and collapse thousands of enterprises originated and made
prosperous by 'railway facilities.

With our fathers, a journey of three hundred miles was
an event in a lifetime, and was not undertaken until a man
had made his will. It is now easily, luxuriously, and expe-
tlitiously accomplished. Safety and speed are incomparable
benefits. Strange though it may seem in view of the nu
merous startling accidents, the number of persons killed or
injured on all the railways in Great Britain and Ireland is
less than the number killed or injured by ordinary vehicles
in London alone. The cost of traveling is also diminished
fully one-half.

The untold benefits of safety, cheapness, and speed apply
(436)

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE.-— CONTINUED. 437

still more to the transportation of freight. The old-time
wagons never averaged more than three or four miles an
hour ; now, light, valuable packages are carried on express
trains at the rate of thirty miles an hour. It might also be
deemed worthy of recognition that the railways have done
more toward the defense of the country than all other works,
by affording rapid and effective means of concentrating men
and supplies in case of necessity. Then, to a degree not
easily estimated, they have contributed to the spread of mor-

The Rural Toilers of Forty Years ago.

ality and the diffusion of knowledge, by their liberal conces
sions to delegates attending conventions, and the half fare
permits given to clergymen.

One might almost have the temerity to inquire how the
farmers, Grangers, and anti-monopolists could assemble to
discuss their grinding wrongs (?) were the railways not to
bring them together.

These results have been attained without expense to the
public, who are the principal recipients. Western men —
citizens or Grangers — have put comparatively little into the

438 THE GROUNDSWELL.

railways they would now confiscate. While demanding
this, they do not remember the Illinois and Iowa of fifty
years ago, when it cost them one bushel of produce to get
another to the nearest market. Prairie farms could then be
bought for $2.50 per acre, and that, too, at second-hand.
The corn was accumulated in cribs and sold at ten cents
per bushel. Subsequently, railroads were built, since which
the farmers' price for corn has rarely Mien below twenty
cents, while more frequently it has exceeded forty cents.
Meantime, the new territory has become populated, and its
products are transportated at one-tenth the former cost.
All the enormous increase of wealth, unparalleled in the
history of nations, was caused by the railways. Yet the
men whom they have enriched fancy they are oppressed by
them, and demand their subordination to the behests of
fickle legislators.

In view of this clamor it might not be inopportune to
enumerate the branches of industry that are created by and
dependent upon the railways. They may be thus classified :
1. Construction; 2. Equipment; 3. Eepairs; 4. Supplies.
The first includes timber for ties, wooden bridges, and sta
tion buildings; iron for rails, spikes, iron bridges, and
tools; stone for bridge piers and retaining walls, and
brick and stone for shop and other important buildings.
The second includes locomotives and cars of every descrip
tion; the third provides for the incidental renewal of the
former ; the fourth embraces fuel, oil, waste, and the innu
merable items of daily demand, such as account books, sta
tionery, etc. Let any one consider that 70,000 miles of rail
way are in actual operation, and determine whether the
supply trade created by them is material to the nation's
prosperity or not.

1. CONSTRUCTION. — To build fifty miles of railroad re-

ME. MIDGLEY'S AETICLE. — CONTINUED. 439

quires a multitude of men, whose expenditures in the vicin
ity of their labors equals that of a large army. All classes
of the community benefit by their presence. Business re
ceives an impetus, and depots of supplies rapidly grow into
permanent towns. Stations are established along the lines,
section gangs are formed, and a host of men are given
profitable employment, thus adding to the taxable resources
of the district. Iron, however, is the principal item. To
lay one mile of single track averages about one hundred
tons of rails. At that recognized proportion, the cost of
iron rails alone in the roads built since 1862, based on the
figures published by the American Iron and Steel Associa
tion, has been as follows :

Miles built. Iron per ton. Cost of iron.

1863 1,050 $76.37£ $8,071,875

1864 738 126.00 9,298,800

1865 1,377 98.62£ 12,594,412

1866 ........ 1,882 86.75 15,892,600

1867 2,227 83.12J 18,510,924

1868 3,033 78.37£ 23,922,787

1869 4,999 77.25 38,617,275

1870 6,145 72.25 44,397,625

1871 7,453 70.37J 52,450,487

1872 6,427 85.12 J 54,709,837

35,159 $278,466,622

Various estimates are made of the amount of iron, other
than rails, that is regularly used in railroads. Correct fig-
gures can not be obtained ; but including spikes, chairs, fish
plates, locomotives, car wheels, axles, etc., it is assumed that
the total of iron used in railroads would not fall short of
two hundred tons to the mile, which would place the entire
cost since 1863 at over $500,000,000. When it is further
recited that, in 1860, the price per ton was only $48, it will
be seen that the iron of the roads has cost at least $ 200;-

440 THE GROUNDSWELL.

000,000 more than it would have done at the rate current
in 1860. Notwithstanding this enormous advance in the
cost of the main item of construction, it is susceptible of
proof that the rates of transportation have steadily de
creased.

The foregoing tabular statement does not include the sev
eral millions expended, during the past three years, on the
first-class roads, for steel rails. Every trunk line out of
Chicago makes the majority of renewals with steel, which,
at $120 per ton, demands no small outlay. At each of the
rail mills more than a thousand men are engaged, every one
of whom owes his employment as directly to the railways as
do the engineers who run the trains.

2. EQUIPMENT. — At favorable locations mammoth enter-
terprises have been called into existence to supply the rail
ways with rolling stock. In several eastern cities are es
tablished locomotive works. One of these, 'the Baldwin,
covers six entire squares in the city of Philadelphia; in
prosperous times, employs five thousand men, supports twenty
thousand persons, and annually turns out over $5,000,000
worth of work. Another Quaker City enterprise, the Whit
ney Car Wheel Factory, covers one square, supplies several
railroads, and exports car wheels to Europe. In the same
city a single railroad company, at one time, expended $5,-
000,000 for rails, engines, cars, etc. Locomotive and car
works have built up Paterson, Manchester, Wilmington,
Jeffersonville, and other similarly favored places. Numer
ous cities hold out inducements, in the certain knowledge
that the possession of such vast establishments affords prof
itable employment to hosts of skillful men, whose earnings
benefit the entire community. Bloomington gave a large
bonus to secure the location of the Chicago & Alton Puail-
road shops, and Aurora enjoys like advantages from the

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 441

Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railway. A blow at the
corporation falls with crushing effect upon these subsidiary
enterprises. The recent panic illustrated this truism. In
its fall the mighty oak carries down with it the clinging
vine.

3. KEPAIRS. — Bails and other constituent parts of a rail
way wear out. If a company is not allowed margin enough
to maintain its property in good condition, the public expe
rience the discomfort and inconvenience of a rough, poor
road. If otherwise, the enterprises that were advantaged by
the first outlay share in the profit of replenishing the road.

4. SUPPLIES. — Nearly every branch of industry is bene
fited by the operation of railroads. Several find them their
best customers. An extensive list might be given, but the
instances already cited will suffice to show that we are truly
a dependent people. Of what avail is it that our farmer can
produce a thousand bushels of grain, unless there is a mar
ket vfor it? And, going still further, what advantage is
gained from a bountiful supply and fair demand, unless facil
ities are provided to conv«y the products to market ?

The companies sustain a mutual relation. They advan
tage the farmer by furnishing him the cheapest and most
expeditious means of getting his produce to the consumers,
and they benefit the latter by placing bread within their
reach and enabling them to buy it. This view of the case
may evoke a repetition of the rural cry, " The farmer pays
for all." But where does ho obtain the wherewithal?
From the consumer. Would it better any one if the num
ber of consumers were decreased, and the producers corre
spondingly increased ? This must be the practical result of
an onslaught on the railways. Cripple them by hostile leg
islation, or menace them so that capital will avoid them, and

the innumerable multitude of artisans that turn out material
19*

442 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

and equipment for them will be deprived of employment and
be forced to become producers. Is that what the farmers
want? Capital inevitably shrinks from precarious invest
ments. If the farmers wish to utterly destroy the value of
American railroad securities in foreign markets, they can
not do it more effectually than to demand the abrogation
of the privileges that alone make the charters worth hav
ing. While hotly charging every grievance upon the rail
ways, they forget that the law of supply and demand inva
riably regulates the price. Why should the farmers of Iowa
boast they have millions of bushels of grain more than they
need, and then curse the railways for the low price it com
mands ? Have they not produced thus much more than is
wanted? Why berate the New England manufacturers
because they will not send boots and shoes, cottons and
woolens for this surplus, when they only care to exchange
for as much as they need. If men will locate so far distant
from market that their products are absolutely valueless,
and there raise tenfold more than they or the country can
consume, even as fuel, they should blame themselves, not
the railroads, for their unfortunate predicament. In this
respect, the Granges might accomplish some good. Instead
of exciting the farmers to rush to the State capitals and
demand laws compelling railroad companies to transport
produce below actual cost, they might calmly take in the
situation and advise their associates to raise only marketa
ble products. For, why should a man continually grow
corn, when there is no demand for it, simply because his land
is adapted for it?

Every improvement which reduces the cost of transpor
tation benefits the producer. The application of the tele
graph to railway service enables the companies to do an
equal amount of business, with one-third the equipment

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE.— CONTINUED. 443

that would be needed were the post-office or special mes
senger the best means of communication. This great
saving in time makes it practicable to distribute cars
with such facility as to meet current requirements. In so
far as it economizes resources by keeping them in use,
and securing equal results with less quantity, it cheapens
transportation.

It is possible the progress of events will develop kindred
improvements. None would rejoice more than the capi
talist were a metal of such quality produced that it would
never wear out, or a method of locomotion be discovered
that would obviate the expense of roadways and steam-
power. These now indispensable adjuncts increase the
cost of moving freight, and, to that extent, benefit the
workmen engaged upon them, at the expense of the ship
per. Until science has overcome these drawbacks, we
should content ourselves with present means of transporta
tion, because they are the best and cheapest known.

Eailways create communities. In thus developing the
family idea, they bless the race by conferring advantages
that are beyond the reach of an isolated few. Literature,
science, art, and all the concomitant benefits of education
and enlightenment are assured where there is society enough
to foster them. Agriculture does not found cities. It is
essentially segregating in its tendency. Farmers need large
fields, and, therefore, must have scattered homesteads ;
whereas, manufactures and railway enterprises build up
populous towns, and their location in his vicinity benefits
the farmer, by creating a large supply for his products near
at hand, insuring him better returns, because the cost of
long transportation is saved. Kailways have bridged the
distance between the producers and consumers, and have
brought them near together. They encourage manufac-

444 THE GROUNDSWELL.

tares, and, by the judicious location of their extensive shops,
create cities. In the vicinity of these thriving centers, one
acre is worth more than a hundred or, perhaps, (as in
Chicago) a thousand were before the railways had trans
formed the prairie into a populous hive of industry. Why
is England, to-day, the richest nation on the globe ? Sim
ply because -she is one vast workshop. The same enviable
result is possible here if the people are educated aright.
Then they will not be duped into the belief that this con
tinent depends upon any one class for existence. Such,
teaching is un-American. Yet it is the average Granger's
staple utterance, albeit, it does savor of despotism and old-
time feudalism. We are mutually dependent. The farmer
can not flourish unless the citizen buys his corn, and th^
latter must get from him enough to supply his wants.
This inexorable law prevents the creation of privileged
classes.

Railways educate the people. They render industrial exr
positions both practicable and accessible. Excursion rates
are given, placing it within the reach of the poorest to
view all that science or industry can produce, or ingenuity
suggest. It thus enables those living in districts most se
cluded to participate in all the amenities of civilized life.
And, as the sharp ring of the pioneer's axe on the forest
tree disturbs and causes to flee away the croaking birds
and howling beasts, so the advancing head-light of the
locomotive dispels the darkness of ignorance, and carries
light and busy life wherever it speeds its way.

Were these benefits candidly acknowledged, they would
give tone and consideration to the partial harangues of the
Granger's oracles. They would then remind their impa
tient hearers, as one has pertinently observed, that the
broad prairies of the West, being a thousand miles distant

446 THE aEOUNDSWELL.

from the eastern markets, with intervening rivers not
bridged, and mountains not tunneled, had they been left to
depend upon the natural highways to the sea, would yet
have been comparatively unbroken ; and, instead of being
dotted with flourishing cities and desirable homesteads,
would have remained the hunting-grounds of " Indians not
taxed."

Twenty years have wrought wondrous changes. Illinois
and Iowa farms were not at a premium two decades ago.
The rural toilers of those days could not spar® time from
their drugery to brood, in conventions, over fancied wrongs.
They begged and prayed for railroads. Characteristic of
all, was the piteous plaint of men who, having hauled their
produce by ox-teams eighty miles to Rochester, Minnesota,
in reply to Jesse Hoyt's inquiry if they wanted transporta
tion, exclaimed, " For God's sake, sir, give us a railroad !
Oh, if you only would ! " And their sons now threaten to
fence in the roads and tear up the tracks, if the companies
do not tamely submit to every legislative caprice.

In the ten years following, from 1850 to 1860, farm
lands increased materially in value. In Ohio the increase
per acre was $13. 18; in Indiana, $11.10; in Illinois, $11.36 ;
Michigan, $11.04; Wisconsin, $7.02; Iowa, $5.82; and
Minnesota, $4.53. Meantime, the cost of the railroads,
which created this increase, had been about one-half the
advance in value of the farms; therefore, it would have
been actual gain to the farmers had they paid the entire
cost of building the roads. Carefully prepared statistics
show that every additional mile of railroad to 100,000 acres
of farm land yielded an average increase of $1.00 per
acre.

These facts, which are uncontrovertible, and will with
stand the onslaught of the most fervid anti-monopolist, are

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 447

commended to the consideration of those who view the rail
roads only in the light of soulless enemies. As Mr. Gros-
venor has clearly stated, however unprofitable the roads
may have been to those whose money created them, to the
farmers of the West, (who now berate them with every
breath) they have been worth at least $100,000 per
mile.

Ten years later, in 1870, the record showed this subse
quent increase in value to be : in Ohio, $3.54 per acre ; In
diana, $4.68; Michigan, $7.13; Illinois, $7.28; Iowa, $7.17;
and Minnesota, $1.25.

Not alone did the rural districts share the benefits.
Cities — such as Chicago, Milwaukee, and Indianapolis — were
created by them. A metropolis worthy of the age and the
people was built in every State, and stands, to-day, the
glory, no less than the advantage, of their respective com
monwealths.

In one respect only has the the result exceeded antici
pation. It was not supposed, when the first charters
were granted, that such a volume of traffic would be at
tained. Naturally, then, the expenditure that produced it
should command abundant return. For a time it did,
whereupon shares advanced. Then came reverses, brought
about by ill-advised legislation, until railway stocks sank
lower in home and foreign markets than almost any other
securities. Thus capitalists suffered from the imprudence
of spending their money for the public good. So late as
1867, the total market value of share property in railways
in England was, according to Sir Eowland Hill s report to
Parliament, from which we have drawn liberally, much
lower than the original amount invested therein. Neither
have the losers been consoled by public gratitude. The op
posite has been their experience. They have been charged

448 THE GROUNDSWELL.

with corruption and extortion, and each failure or negli
gence has been eagerly pounced upon and visited with a
heavy penalty. Besides being subject to State taxation, the
localities through which they pass also heavily taxes them,
the practical effect being that while a company, by afford
ing profitable employment in rural districts, relieves the
several villages of the expense of supporting men having no
other prospect of an income, it is yet made to pay the major
part of the local tax levies. In short, they have been taught,
bitterly, that the justice society always accords to individuals
is withheld from corporations, on the unjust assumption that
the loss is distributed among too great a number to cause
its being felt by any one.

The people are very jealous of their own rights, but have
little regard for the rights of the railroads. They over
estimate the privileges granted, and forget that the valuable
concessions are denied the companies. Had this spirit been
manifested at an earlier day, the flow of capital to the West
would have been instantly checked. But inducements were
held out, capitalists were freely invited, and their confi
dence gave us our 70,000 miles of operated railroad, con
structed at a cost of $3,159,423,057, of which 52 per cent.
is represented by stocks, and 48 per cent, in bonds or indebt
edness. Upon this investment the earnings, last year,
were $473,241,055, 72 per cent, of which was derived
from freight, and 28 per cent, from passengers. The oper
ating expenses were 65 per cent, of . the gross earnings,
leaving 35 per cent, net, out of which to pay 6.70 per
cent, interest on the bonds and 3.91 per cent, dividends on
the stock.

Narrowing the confines, we find that the Western States —
including Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Min
nesota, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, and Wyoming, Dakota, Col-

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE. — CONTINUED. 449

orado, and Indian Territories — with a population of 14,080,-
000 souls, have 28,778 miles of railway, constructed at an
average cost of $50,550 per mile. For the year ending
with 1872, the gross earnings were $13.76 per head of pop
ulation. The net earnings were $67,317,083, which allowed
an average dividend of 2-^j- per cent, on the capital stock —
$724;686,046. These results are not very encouraging to
investors, neither are they calculated to divert capital west
ward. True, there has been much extravagance and un
wisdom in construction, and great recklessness and knavery
in individual management; not more so, however, than is
incident to the growth of every mammoth system or enter
prise. In such cases history repeats itself. But, granting
all and more than has ever been charged, the bright fact
remains, clear and undeniable, that railroads have been the
pioneers of Western civilization. They may be pushed out
into new Territories before there is business enough to yield
running expenses. That is the stockholders' loss — the peo
ple only gain. During such time the public can afford to
be generous ; but when the railroads populate the vast dis
tricts and swell the State revenues, then the cry is raised,
"Down with the railroads!" and the infuriated multitude
would destroy the agency that has made their homes hab
itable and their produce marketable.

This subject has been thoroughly discussed during the
past decade. British statesmen have studied it in all its
bearings, and Americans, too, have given it forced consid
eration. Their published reports have largely affected the
tenor of this article ; for it is by the far-reaching light of
experience that we are best enabled to comprehend present
necessities and speculate upon future possibilities. What
we want is, not a continuance of random firing in the hope
of a chance shot hitting the mark, but a skillful adjustment

450 . THE GROUNDSWELL. -

and disposition of resources within reach. What more
effectual method of rendering railroad enactments inopera
tive could be adopted than to intrust their interpretation
to men who scorn the idea of understanding the system they
are to control ? Why burlesque and belittle education so
much as to commit our leading industry into the keeping
of men whose popular qualification therefor is that they
know nothing practically about it? The question is too
momentous to be tampered with. Let bunglers be retired
and experience come to the front. A tribunal the people
will have, and are entitled to have. That claim is not in
dispute. But let it be constituted with an eye to fitness.
The railroads are on trial. Give them the inalienable right
to challenge jurors who are foresworn to adjudge them guilty
before hearing the evidence. Demagogues have incited the
people to clutch at the throats of the corporations, dethrone
justice, and drown her voice amid communistic cries for
confiscation — clamorings that will be certain, eventually, to
react upon the land-owners who were duped into inaugurat
ing the warfare.

To obviate public jealousy and secure efficient manage
ment, the chief of the tribunal or board for the several
control of railways, should be selected with exclusive regard
to his fitness ; and the board thus created should be placed
beyond the range of political action. Being intrusted with
duties demanding extraordinary qualifications, industry., and
discrimination, the term of office should not be dependent
upon the uncertain dictates of legislators, nor expire with
every administration. Fidelity to the trusts reposed should
regulate the term of service. Some such conception as this
possessed the late Robert Stephenson, when, in his inaug
ural address as President of fhe British Institute of Civil
Engineers, he said : " What we ask is knowledge ; give us,

MR. MIDGLEY'S ARTICLE — CONCLUDED. • 451

a tribunal competent to form a sound opinion ; commit to
that tribunal, with any restrictions you think necessary,
the whole of the great questions appertaining to our sys
tem. Let it protect private interests apart from railways ;
let it judge of the desirability of all initiatory measures,
and of all proposals for purchases, amalgamations, or other
railway arrangements; delegate to it the power of enforcing
such regulations and restrictions as may be thought need
ful to secure the rights of private persons or of the public;
devolve upon it the duty of consolidating, if possible, the
railway laws, and making such amendments thereto as the
public interests and the property now depending on it may
require; give it full delegated authority over us in any
way you please : all that we ask is that it shall be a tri
bunal that is impartial, and that is thoroughly informed;
and if impartiality and intelligence are secured we need not
fear the results."

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

TRANSPORTATION AND THE MONEY KINGS.

THE QUESTION FROM ANTAGONISTIC STAND-POINTS.

The article on Railroad Transportation by Mr. Flagg,
President of the Illinois Farmers' Association, which consti
tutes Chapter XXXIV of this work, and that by Mr. J.
W. Midgley, Secretary of the President of the Chicago &
North-western Railroad, which is concluded on the preced
ing page, will be accepted, I think, not only as able but
also as candid statements from the particular stand-points
of the interests whom the writers represent. Mr. Flagg, in
this instance, has confined himself principally to giving
actual facts and figures relating to the transportation of
products, leaving the reader to draw his own conclusions
from what is presented.

The treatment of the subject from the railroad stand
point, by Mr. Midgley, evinces very extensive knowledge of
railroad history, both in Europe and America, and sketches
the growth of the railway system from its inception in Eng
land up to the present time, the introduction of steam
and the changes consequently rendered necessary in the
carriage of goods, and an outline of the legislation regulat
ing the working of the system. These, I think, have never
before been presented in such shape as to bring them before
the masses; and from this consideration, if no other, the
(452)

LEGISLATION NOT THE PANACEA FOE ALL EVILS. 453

article is really of great value. It is needless, of course, for
me to say the facts and figures presented by both these gen
tlemen are undoubtedly authentic, whatever may be thought
of the argument deduced therefrom; which arguments
must stand or fall upon their merits before the reader.

One of the great troubles with the masses always has
been — perhaps always will be — that it is difficult for them
to occupy conservative ground, as between two radical
stand-points. Notwithstanding what has been said to the
contrary, farmers as a class, the reading ones at least, do
occupy just this ground when they come to rely on their so
ber judgment. They may, it is true, be carried away for
the time being by the florid eloquence or magnetism of the
speaker, but the result of the second sober thought is the
question, What is right in the matter ? Hence, incendi
arism, in whatever shape it may be presented, falls harm
less for evil, — a fact not generally appreciated, except by
those who know the farming class intimately well.

LEGISLATION NOT THE PANACEA FOE ALL EVILS.

For myself, I do not accede to the radical view from
either stand-point. I do not believe that the railroads of the
West are to blame for all the evils that have been heaped
upon the producer. The system upon which they were car
ried on, the publicity given to their workings, their stand
ing directly next to the farmer as the transporter of his prod
ucts, ought to prevent this. The real grievances are the
shameless frauds and unfair discriminations practiced by
those great operators whose scheme was to consolidate not
only the railroads, but the telegraph lines of the country in
to one great monopoly, and through the power of centralized
capital, to buy individuals, to corrupt Legislatures, and

454 THE GROUNDSWELL.

even to make the National Government subservient to their
will. This is what raised the storm of public indignation,
which took what seemed the most tangible avenue through
which to work reform. By common consent, the unjust
discriminations of railway companies became the principal
point of attack in the investment and siege of fortressed
wrong.

The result, so far as regards State legislation is con
cerned, has injured both the railroads and the people. In
Illinois, a law has been produced which, with some good
features, contains also some odious ones; the most objection
able being what certainly has the appearance, at least, of
unjust discrimination (in its practical workings, I mean)
against certain railroads. Taken as a whole, however, the
present railroad law of Illinois is undoubtedly a long step
in the right direction.

In the early stages of the Farmers' Movement, as always
since, I strongly disapproved of the spirit that sought to
bring into direct antagonism with the transporters, the
worst passions of mankind, inciting the people to imprudent
or illegal acts, which were bound, before the law, to result
in discomfiture. Long ago, I was in favor of a commission,
to be appointed by the people and the railway managers, to
discuss ways and means by which the conflicting interests
might be harmonized, and a basis, at least, arrived at upon
which might be founded a law equal in its operations and
just to all parties. Indeed, I stated the case, as it appeared
to me, and made this suggestion to two of the leading rail
way officials of Chicago ; but, while agreeing that the view
was correct and would result in good if honestly carried
out, they did not believe the plan feasible in the then ex
cited state of public opinion. Unwisely, I think ; for I had
then, as I still have, unwavering faith in the integrity

WE MUST STRIKE AT THE ROOT— CORRUPTION. 455

of the masses, and their willingness to do right, when
not swayed by the sophistry of demagogues. At that time,
the people certainly were measurably in the hands of this
class. Unfortunately, too, at that time railroad officials
were bound, hand and foot, by the power of the centralized
capital of Wall Street, and the Eastern cites, so that they
could not, if they would, have done what their calmer judg
ment dictated.

The Old Bird Fairly Aroused.

WE MUST STRIKE AT THE ROOT- CORRUPTION.

I still advocate the doctrine, that the root of the evil,
corruption, must be struck with the ax of reform before the
monopolizing tendency of capital can be brought down. It
has indeed been brought into judgment at the bar of public

456 THE GROUNBSWELL.

opinion ; and this is evidence of encouraging progress. But
if the people rest secure in easy confidence of victory, they
may yet find their foe, as many a wily fox has been found
before, strong again in its fastness, from which it " can
neither be frightened, drowned, nor smoked out."

The present stronghold of monoply is the corruption of
public men, culminating in demoralization as shameful as
has ever disgraced the officials of any country. This de
moralization is one reason why it seems impossible to secure
the passage of any law by our Legislatures that shall be
simple in construction, go straight to the intended point,
and discourage litigation. The honest men in the Legisla
tures are overborne and beaten down by the majority,
who are promised either power or money for their votes.

The various Legislatures may legislate to all eternity
upon the maximum rate that common carriers shall charge
within the borders of their States, and the result will
always be a conflicting of interests that can not be identical
— to cripple not only the carriers, but the people. If an
honest Congress should pass general and simple laws to gov
ern all the States, and the Supreme Court should decide in
the same spirit what was right and just, as between the
people of a State and the transporter (whether railroad or
otherwise) carrying long distances, there might be some
hope of ultimately reaching a solution of the difficulty.

"Will this ever be done ? Yes ; when the several dominant
interests of the nation elect men to represent them who are
not only honest, but united in interest with those whose votes
give them their places. How may this be brought about ?
By a consolidation of the industrial classes, as against the
consolidated monopolies, who use their power against the
true interests of the nation ; by using the voting power
direct, to secure the end sought.

ONE WAY OF ROBBING THE WEST. 457

ONE WAY OF ROBBING THE WEST.

The New York canals are composed of the great trunk
line, the Erie Canal, and various branch or sectional lines.
According to the report of the Comptroller of the State, the
receipts and expenditures of the Erie Canal for 1872, were
$2,760,147; the expenditures for salaries and repairs were
$1,687,021 ; excess of revenue over expenses, $1,073,126.

Corresponding figures for the other canals of the State —
their gross revenue, and the expenses for salaries and
repairs, taken from the same source — may be seen in ibar
annexed table.

Canals. Gross revenue. Salaries and repairs.

Champlain, $150,644 $488,083

Oswego, 90,797 313,469

Cayuga & Seneca, . 17,883 64,586

Chemung, ; 4,121 118,985

Chenango, 5,691 383,748

Black River, 10,839 119,479

Genesee Valley, 18,828 229,613

Oneida Lake, 5,710

Baldwinsville, 150

Oneida Eiver, '. . . 650

Seneca Kiver, 154

Cayuga Inlet, 300 152

Crooked Lake, 270 23,705

Total expenditures, $1,687,681

Total gross revenue, 300,182

Excess of salaries and repairs over revenue, . . . $1,387,499

This table shows that only four of the lateral canals, and
they among the least important, paid their own expenses.
The gross net income of these four amounted to only $954.
20

458 THE UROUNDSWELL.

Consequently, the thirteen lateral canals ran the State of
New York $1,387,499 in debt, while the Erie canal netted
the State $1,073,126, which money, and more, was required
10 support the officials of these non-paying canals. Now,
where did the money come from to pay these tax-eaters?
Out of the products of the West shipped through the Erie
canal, and consequently out of the pockets of western farm
ers. This is a case in point, illustrating the effects of State
legislation— in imposing a tax on the commerce of other
States. True, this is nothing new; it has always been done ;
but attention was net called to the fact until a glut of grain
in the West brought the farmers face to face with pauper
ism. But are the citizens of the Empire State sinners above
all their fellows, that such things come to pass ? No ; if
the people of New York governed themselves, this condition
of affairs could hardly exist. They are in reality governed
by a few railroad magnates, stock jobbers, and ring thieves,
in the City of New York, who do not scruple to buy up leg
islators and judges, far and near, and whose power is felt in
nearly every western State. Is it strange that the people
should rise in their might to put down such giant monopo
lies. Is it not strange, on the other hand, that in fighting
some of the ramifications of this mighty evil they should
have committed so few excesses?

HOW THE GREAT RAILROAD CORPORATIONS CORRUPT
PUBLIC MORALS.

The great railroad corporations having their headquarters
in New York City, have become truly fearful engines for the
demoralization of the nation. For years, New Jersey strug
gled in the grasp of the Camden & Amboy Railroad, really
one of the hydra heads of the Pennsylvania Central. Her

HOW RAILROAD CORPORATIONS CORRUP? PUBLIC MORALS. 459

people have recently been in a turmoil, occasioned by the
attempt of* that railway corporation to take virtual posses
sion of the State. The result was the passage of a law, in
the winter of 1872-3, through whose operations the people
hope no longer to belong to the " State of Camden and Am-
boy;" this corporation insisting upon its "vested right" to
levy toll on all commodities transported through the State
by rail.

State Seal of New York.

Other States are almost as truly the property of these
magnates, who rule New York and Pennsylvania, as the
cars which carry the various products of the country, or the
locomotives which haul them. The Erie railroad spent a
million and a half of dollars in neutralizing the ballot in the
State of New York, through the eminent services of such
" statesmen " as William M. Tweed, who is now receiving a
portion of his just deserts at that compulsory resort of de
generate ruffians, Blackwell's Island.

But the Erie Eailway having come to grief in the battle
for supremacy, its rival, the New York Central, now virtu
ally owns the Empire State. The New York Central means

460 THE GBOUKDSWELL.

Vanderbilt, just as much as the Erie ever meant "Jim
Fisk;" and Vanderbilt seems to have no sympathy with
mankind in general, except the -eternal itching for money.
His ostentatious gifts to religious or benevolent institutions,
are like the visits of angels, "few and far between," but
they sufficiently demonstrate his practical wisdom in the
science of advertising. Were it not for the influence ex
erted by the New York Central, the Erie Canal might be
made to lighten the burdens of the West, by cheapening
the transportation of her products.

VANDERBILT AS A PHLEBOTOMIST.

A single instance of extortion by the New York Central
will suffice. A business man of Buffalo, in the habit of
buying paper by the car load in New York City, has de
clared that he could ship the goods via the New York
Central, from New York City to Chicago, and thence back
by the lakes to Buffalo, at a less cost than he could ship it
by the Central to Buffalo direct. He could save in time by
shipping direct to Buffalo; he could save in money, via
Chicago and back. But time is money, hence it came
direct ; so nicely does this great railroad autocrat calculate,
as with the precision of the Spanish Inquisition, to just
what point he dare bleed his victim and yet keep alive the
spark of life.

One of the latest of the gigantic projects which this un
scrupulous old man is engaged in, is to get control of the
Western Union Telegraph Line, and thus to form another
monopoly which shall increase his already vast power for
evil. If the Clubs, Granges, and other organizations of the
farmers really were responsible for the late panic, (as they
were not, except for some influence in hastening it, per-

THE COMMUNISM OF CAPITAL. 461

haps,) their power would not have been exercised a day too
soon. If existing State Legislatures and the Forty-third
Congress can not see their way clear to a retrenchment in
governmental expenses, and to the casting out of corrupt
officials, they will assuredly find themselves relegated to
deserved obscurity, and their places will be supplied by
men who realize the fact that there is something pertaining
to the office of legislator besides looking sharp after " num
ber one."

THS COMMUNISM OF CAPITAL.

The facility with which, here and there, an unscrupulous
man piles up fortune after fojctune upon the financial ruin
of his fellows, seems inevitably to demoralize every business
in a country. It is notorious that the stock operations of
Wall Street are based largely upon fictitious values, and
that the class of operators who control them are intensely
selfish, guilty of the meanest subterfuges, often lacking
education, successful by dint of cunning, and unscrupulous
to the last degree. They lead astray those who have not
inflexible honesty inherent in their natures. By arousing
their cupidity and corrupting their morals, they work their
ruin, and turn them into pliant tools of their devilish arts.

The daily peculations, defalcations, and outright thefts,
that are making the business of the country more a game
of chance than legitimate enterprise, nearly all have their
beginning in this Gomorrah of vice — speculation in stock.

The clerk who, perhaps, may have saved up a thousand,
becomes acquainted with one of the stool-pigeons of the
sweat-cloth of the stock market ; for this class, in common
with other gamblers, use all the nefarious schemes of their
brethren of the other more vulgar sweat-cloth of the gam
bling-houses, to " rope in " the unwary. The clerk, therefore,

462 THE GROUNDSWELL.

thinks he will "put up a margin," or "pool-in" on a high
market in hopes it will go higher. Stocks fall. He covers
the loss, and so on, perhaps, until his money is all lost.
His cupidity being now thoroughly aroused, the regret at
losing his hard-earned dollars, tempts him to borrow from
his employer's till to tide himself over the point whence he
is assured stocks must rise. Alas ! they do not rise, and
the man, at last, finds himself in disgrace as a common thief.
This is only one phase of the case, and one of the least dark
and sorrowful at that. Many desolate homes of the coun
try, if it could be known,, would tell tales* of lost innocence
and happiness, perhaps, with the husband and father an
exile and a fugitive from justice, and the family, once com
fortable, suffering the pangs of poverty. The author of all
this misery recks little. The money-king enjoys himself
with his ill-gotten wealth ; sits, with slippered feet, in a
gorgeous home ; sips his costly wines ; and, feted and feting,
fares sumptuously every day.

The government may punish the puny victim whom h<»
has destroyed ; but the great robber — the Mephistopheles of
Wall Street — is shielded by the power of wealth.

THE GHOULS OF WALL STREET.

There is nothing to which this class of men may be mor*
fittingly likened than Ghouls, which feed on the putrid carcassed
of dead men ; for these human vultures carry their victims id
swift destruction, and their families to poverty and starvaj
tion. These stock gamblers subvert the established usages
of trade ; break down the barriers of legitimate buying and
selling ; abolish the coin values of the country ; create ficti
tious values, bulling or bearing stocks at will, until the

THE GHOULS OF WALL STEEET. 463

He bursts ; and continually involve the legitimate industries
of the country in serious embarrassments, if not in ruin.

It is this class of men who hold sway in Wall Street, and
thence virtually rule the country. Nay, not these brokers,
themselves ; they are but tools who do the bidding of the
Vanderbilts, Goulds, Drews, et id omne genus, the real
Ghouls, who fatten upon the body social and politic; and
who, under a garb of sanctity or honor, sit plotting in their
offices, and manipulate stocks and men to suit their own
purposes.

These wretches not only can create fictitious values, but
can also produce a scarcity of currency at will, backed as
they are, by the powerful co-operation of banks which they
largely or wholly control.

Many of these latter corporations, trading largely upon
the money deposited from day to day by men in legitimate
business, furnish capital io these sharks on fictitious or real
security — which, it matters little. A fall of stocks is brought
about, and they lock up currency. Legitimate business can
not borrow, but the " lame ducks " who have securities to
offer — ah, they can have money, at from two to five* per cent,
a month. And thus unscrupulous banking corporations
make it pay at both ends. The last panic has been called
the "rich man's panic." But look at what we see around
us every day, and the misnomer is only too apparent.

The remedy is simple. Neither wealth, place, nor power,
must be allowed to buy exemption from the punishment which
our laws affix to crime. Law must be so administered that it
shall* be a terror to evil-doers of whatsoever kind, degree, or
station ; and the public conscience must be quickened until
nothing short of this will be accepted, as well in actual
practice as in sentimental theorizing.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

MONOPOLIES AND SPECIAL PRIVILEGES.

WHAT ARE MONOPOLIES?

The granting of a charter or franchise of any kind creates
a monopoly. Patents are monopolies. A right to a ferry
across a river is a monopoly, usually more or less restricted.
A tariff which protects any given industry of the country
creates a monopoly. The right to do a banking or manufac
turing business in some degree constitutes a monopoly. The
same is true of railroads and telegraph lines. Even the
pioneers of a new country, in one respect, partake of the
character of monopolists; for the after-coming settler must
buy of them, or not at all.

Monopolies, as these illustrations show, are not evils nec
essarily. It is an abuse of the powers granted that consti
tutes the evil. If Congress grant extraordinary privileges
to certain classes of manufacturers, in consequence of which
all who buy their wares are really obliged to pay a tax on
the value of the goods sold, this protection constitutes a
monopoly, not necessarily objectionable, howeve'r; not at all
so, indeed, if the design be to build up that manufacture,
and the protection bestowed is not so large as to make the
tax unjust to the nation at large. But when the industry
becomes strong, and while exporting their wares to foreign
ports, and underselling- the markets there, and especially
(464)

COMMUNISM OF PROTECTED INDUSTRIES. 465

when they use the power of their wealth to bribe officials,
in order to secure a continuance of this monopoly, then it
is odious, and it becomes the right and duty of a free people
to rebel against this injustice, and, through the ballot-box,
hurl from office the sordid placemen who have fleeced the
people by their unscrupulous deeds. As instances of monop
olies of this sort, it is only necessary to mention the host
of reissued patents, and the protection on iron, salt, lumber,
etc.; notoriously unjust, and kept going simply by the power
of the wealth of those holding the monopolies, through our
members of Congress and other public men.

Interior of Farm-house in the Olden Time.

THE COMMUNISM OF PROTECTED INDUSTRIES-

Greatest of all the evils of which the American people

have to complain are the various conspiracies by which the

people are continually fleeced. Conspicuous among these

are the combinations against the public interests based upon

20*

466 THE GROUNDSWELL.

fcnd originating in the system of granting special privileges,
by national and State Legislatures.

The ramification of this systematized robbery of the peo
ple, through the communism of capital, now extends through
every industry of the nation.

The railway companies are a company of communists
who take toll from all. The iron manufacturers, able to
stand alone but protected to a most scandalous extent, and
who have taken untold millions from the working men of
the United States, exact their toll from the railroad com
panies, as well as every individual in the nation. We can
not even toast a piece of cheese on a wire without paying
toll to these arch-conspirators. They are now so strong
that individuals can not even undertake the manufacture
of iron without asking their gracious leave. The immense
capital at the command of the few persons concerned in this
industry enables them to dictate to those entering the busi
ness what they shall and what they shall not do. If they
agree to use money to keep the monopoly intact, they are
taken into the communion ; if not, they are crushed, just
as the iron-masters of England sought to crush this and
other industries in the United States while yet young and
weak. This is why tariffs were originally instituted ; but
in these days the strong and rich are protected, and the
Weak and poor are made to pay for all.

EXAMPLES OF ODIOUS PROTECTION.

Salt is protected, although the poor use more than the
rich, and although the manufacturers sell their surplus in
foreign markets lower than they do at home. Iron is pro
tected, although, however poor the individual, he can not
cook or eat his meat without paying tribute to these iron

EAILROADS AS PROTECTED MONOPOLIES. 467

lords, who, in reality, are able to compete with any nation
on earth on equal terms. Almost every man and woman in
the nation, however poor, now uses tea or coffee as one of
the necessities of life, and ought to use as much, nay more,
per individual, than the rich. They are obliged to pay an
enormous tax for this privilege, and we have not the poor
excuse to offer that it is protecting American industry.

On the other hand, the money changer buys up govern
ment bonds, upon which he pays no tax but receives interest.
Depositing these again with the government, he is allowed
to issue notes to nearly the amount deposited, and upon
these notes he received the full interest which he may be
able to grind out of the necessities of the people, besides the
profits from the wear and tear of his paper currency (some
times amounting to ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent.), and
the discount thereon as compared with gold. He then uses
the moneys of his depositors to speculate with. The his
tory of commercial convulsions shows that usually it is not
forthcoming when most wanted.

RAILROADS AS PROTECTED MONOPOLIES.

A railroad corporation is granted a vast area of the public
domain, more than sufficient to build the road; nay, the
government subsidizes it besides with a grant of large sums
of money per mile. In return, and with the very moneys
thus donated, the management corrupt our public men, that
they may still further bind their fetters about the people.

Or, a railway is projected through a country already
thickly settled. It is given the right of way, and, perhaps,
subsidized to the extent of from $10,000 to $75,000 by the
townships and cities through which it runs. The company
has a monopoly of the carrying trade, necessarily so. In

468 THE GROUNDSWELL.

turn, it refuses to carry the property of the individuals who
have helped to build the road, by discriminating unjustly
against them, and making them help to pay the lesser profits
or actual expenses accruing from business at competing
points.

It is idle for the railroad officials to say the people are
not obliged to go to them for transportation. They are
obliged to do this ; for there is not enough trade to pay a
competing road, and, even if there were, the people have
already helped to pay for the road in the subsidies they have
granted. They may, indeed, carry by their own wagons, as
in several instances they have sneeringly been told to do ;
but it must be remembered, again, that they really own
rights in the roads, and that transportation by 'railroad, and
the consequent impetus to production, has already put it
out of their power to carry by wagon, as they did formerly,
except at a ruinous loss.

The traveling public must travel and shippers transport on
the railroads, or else not at all. Hence the obvious justice of
the demand that, if the railway company discriminates un
justly against particular localities, it should be made amen
able to law. It is futile to talk about vested rights. The
law can grant no rights that conflict with the liberty of the
subject ; and, if it could, the power that made can unmake.
Nevertheless, under the law, the courts only can legally
decide.

VESTED EIGHTS AND POLITICIANS.

From a business point of view, railroad companies can
not be expected to take lesser profits when they can make
greater, nor are they more reprehensible in influencing
Legislatures to their exclusive benefit, than are any other

VESTED RIGHTS AND POLITICIANS. 469

class of ring-masters. As before insisted on, the ax must
be laid at the root of the evil — corruption among the law
makers themselves. If they were above bribes, or if briber
and bribe-taker were promptly punished, the enormities
complained of would soon be stamped out.

We must cease sending third-rate lawyers to legislate for
us; men without briefs, fallen in the scale of humanity, un
til they become pot-house politicians, suddenly re-appear
ing as statesmen ; unscrupulous and needy ; taking to brib
ery as a duck does to water.

We must cease lending willing ears to glib-tongued ad
venturers of every sort, and begin to think for ourselves.
We must cease granting rights to corporations without ex
acting some guarantee or fair equivalent in return. Our
laws must be purged of the legal verbiage that now incum-
bers them,— purposely so framed, in order that they may
the more readily be construed to mean something which
they should not. If we would prevent trouble in the
future, we must cease to grant extraordinary and exclusive
privileges to railway and all other similar corporations.
We must prevent the former from taking possession of our
land; taxing us to build their works ; rendering lands which
we have bought non-paying ; watering stocks at their own
good will and pleasure, and then, while claiming vested
rights, claiming, with all these extraordinary privileges,
the rights and privileges of private citizens.

The solution of the problem is not difficult. We must
claim representation in ratio to our voting strength. Farmers
must represent the agricultural interests; the mechanic,
mechanics; the merchant, commerce; the legal profession,
law; the stock jobber, gambling, if you like; and so on
through the whole category. The lawyer may plead for us ;
the doctor may bleed, blister, and physic us ; the divine

470 THE GROUNDSWELL.

may preach and pray for us; but the integrity of a free
nation does not depend upon the so-called privileged classes
making our laws.

SPECIAL PRIVILEGES DANGEROUS TO THE PEOPLE
AT LARGE.

Among all nations, and in all times, opposition of the
masses has arisen from the granting of special privileges,
which, once secured, have thereafter been used to rivet the
chains and destroy the liberties of the subject. The rise
and downfall of nations may be traced largely to the opera
tion of causes thus set in motion, from the earliest historic
ages down to our own day.

The old feudal barons exercised special privileges. One
of them was to build castles that commanded the roads
through which the traffic of a region or country must
pass. From this they collected tribute, which they spent
in living in affluence, and in feeding the hirelings whom
they had bought to do their murders upon unoffending
citizens. If a traveler tried to go around he was infringing
upon their vested, or, as they were pleased to consider it,
divine rights, and was incontinently "put out" with the
sword.

The nobility of England also, by the same vested right,
have the benefit of entail, by which the eldest son inherits
the property from generation to generation, thus keeping up
caste and a class who, as a rule, simply eat and drink what
others produce. Fortunately for the United States, the
framers of the Constitution prohibited not only this, but the
unity of the Church and State. Were it not for this, we
should have been to-day the least free, as really we are the
worst- taxed, of any people on the face of the earth.

SPECIAL PRIVILEGES DANGEROUS TO THE PEOPLE. 471

It is fortunate, and a consolation in our troubles, that the
immense fortunes wrung from the masses must, at the death
of the holder, commence disintegrating. The hoards of indi
viduals of one generation will be spent by the next. If capital
ever becomes strong enough, it will seek to alter all this. If
accomplished, it will be one of the last nails in the coffin of
American freedom. Liberty will go out of sight forever.

* 'V __^. - 5 ^±Jf <•>*'

We're going to have a Railroad!"

England, and other European nations, have their aristoc
racy of birth. We have that worst and most unscrupulous
of all aristocracies— an aristocracy of wealth. It is com
posed largely of shoddyites and corruptionists ; those who
have grown rich out of contracts during the war, and the great
manipulators of fictitious stocks. These stocks are largely
represented in railway property. It required but the break
ing down of a half dozen individuals to see the whole fabric
dissipate and disappear as dew before the summer sun.

The ideas and efforts of this class are as essentially
antagonistic to true republicanism as the Spanish Inquisi
tion was antagonistic to human liberty. It is not strange,

472 THE GROUNDSWELL.

therefore, that leading minds in Europe predict that the
United States will yet pay tribute to commerce as surely as
Europe itself once did to the sword. Let but the idea of a
centralized and paternal government become fixed in the
mind of the nation, and carried into effect, and the thing
is done.

THE FARMERS NOT INIMICAL TO RAILROADS.

Baseless as the assertion is, it has often been made, that
the " Grangers " are at the bottom of all our troubles, and
are responsible for our financial difficulties. The term
" Granger," by the way, is used in a derisive or contemptu
ous sense. Some writers who have claimed to be recording
history have fallen into the traps thus laid, and write,
learnedly of the " Grangers," apparently not knowing that
the word was first applied, in contempt, to a class of politi
cians who who were wont to go about with rough boots and
" hay-seed in their hair," supposing the farmer to be the
stolid boors that a caricaturing and subsidized press sought
to make them appear.

It would be a little singular if this word, originally ap
plied in contempt, and innocently used by those who have
professed to be writing in their interest, should, in the course
of time, be accepted as the honorable title of those who are
uniting, not to fight the railroads, but the abuses of chartered
powers which go under the name of monopoly. If the rail
roads choose to throw themselves in the way of this gather
ing storm, we shall have to say, as George Stephenson said
of the cow upon the railroad track, " verra awkward for the
coo."

Not only the Granges, but the Farmers' Clubs, are united
to resist the encroachments of consolidated monopolies.

THE FARMERS NOT INIMICAL TO RAILROADS. 473

They attacked the unjust discriminations of certain rail
road companies, which, in their fancied security of power,
treated the whole matter in agitation with contempt.

It is, undoubtedly, true that some railroad corporations
have suffered, perhaps, to the extent of actual injustice ; but
had not the people suffered untold wrong? And had they
not borne and forborne, until forbearance ceased to be a
virtue ?

If the issue had been foreseen as clearly by these cor
porations as it was by the writer of these lines, who long
ago urged a just compromise between the people and the
railroad officials, much of the gall might have been made
sweet to the takers on both sides. The real trouble was
that the railroad interest of the country was then firmly in
the grasp of a few manipulators, who thought themselves so
strongly entrenched behind the power of their immense
capital, that those honorable railroad officials who would
gladly have done what they thought was right were power
less to act. The battle is not principally with railroad cor
porations as such, but rather with the corrupting influence
of subsidized and protected monopolies. The corruption
that has already been sloughed off from the festering ulcer —
the partial crippling of the stock gamblers achieved thus
early in the contest— gives token of brighter days in the
future. These will surely come, if the masses unite to over
throw every official of whatever grade who violates the
trust reposed in him by the people.

CHAPTEE XL.

CREDITS MOBILIER, FAST FREIGHTS, ETC.

" CEEDIT MOBILIER" DEFINED.

In the French language, from which " Credit Mobilier "
is derived, the term may be made to mean an innocent lend
ing of money upon movable property, as upon chattels; but
usage has really given it a more specific, limited significa
tion. Under the empire of Napoleon III, certain of his
cliques erected a system by which money was loaned, not
only on real estate, but also upon personal property. This
property might or might not be at the time valuable; in
fact much of it was very doubtful ; but, like the loans of
the pawnbroker, who runs a credit mobilier shop on a small
scale, if the risks were great, the interest corresponded.
Money was thus lent upon enterprises, such as commercial
railroads, and the like, while they were yet in embryo, and
often of very uncertain outcome.

It was, in many cases, the lending of a credit upon credit
for th£ stock of the Credit Mobilier; and the stock to which
it lent its credit might be upon the market at the same
time. In this case it was credit built upon credit ; a row of
bricks, one leaning upon the other — an inverted pyramid
built upon quicksand, liable, at any time, to fall by the mov
ing of a single brick, or to topple by the shiftings of the
quicksand. Upon this system of credit built upon credit,
(474)

CREDIT MOBILISE, DEFINED.

475

it was that the French entered upon some of the wildest
stock gambling the world has ever known. Transplanted
to America, the same system found a congenial home, and
made Wall Street a pandemonium — its votaries a horde of
gamblers. It has well-nigh swamped the railroad system
of America, covering the nation and many of our publicists,
once in honorable repute, with a lasting disgrace.

ts

~

The Stalking-horse of Swindlers.

The watered stock of a railroad may be a Credit Mobilier ;
the road itself may be one in the bad sense of the name;
the warehouseman who issues fraudulent certificates upon
grain in his elevator, is a sort of Credit Mobilier ; the so-
called fast transportation line that is run by a ring of rail
road managers at the expense of the transporters, is a Credit
Mobilier. In short, Credit Mobilier is a system of lending
a fiction and getting a reality. This is one of the principal
things that has ruined American credit abroad, and made
the name of certain American statesmen and financiers to
stink in the nostrils of all honest men,

476 THE GROUNDSWELL.

THE GREAT CREDIT MOBILISE.

The American swindle was originally more an imitator in
name than in actual organization. A charter had been
issued in Pennsylvania to a company, but had not yet been
used. The Credit Mobilier bought this loose charter, its
stockholders and those of the Union Pacific Eailway Com
pany being identical. The railroad company had been en
dowed by Congress with twenty alternate sections of land
per mile. The government had also agreed to loan it $16,-
000 for some two hundred miles, then $32,000 per mile for
six hundred miles, and from thence $48,000 per mile. The
Union Pacific Eailway Company issued stock to the amount
of $10,000,000, which stock was received by the stockholders
upon the payment of five per cent, of its face value.

At this point the Credit Mobilier steps in. All the assets
of the railroad company were turned over to this new com
pany, in consideration of full paid shares of the new com
pany's stock and its grant to build the road. In the mean
time, the government had been induced to allow its first
mortgage bonds to become second mortgage bonds ; where
upon the Union Pacific Eailroad Company issued first mort
gage bonds, which, of course, took precedence as a loan, and
the government lien immediately became virtually worthless,
since the new mortgage bonds amounted to the entire value
of the road. The proceeds of this shameless transaction
went to swell the ill-gotten hoards of the rascals who devised
it, and the innocent Congressmen who helped to engineer
the scheme. The Credit Mobilier had nothing to pay,
except the mere cost of construction, the bonded debt of
the road exceeding by $40,000,000 the cost of building the
road. Is it strange that shares with which Congressmen
were allowed to load up at $100 each, could not be pur-

THE GREAT CREDIT MOBILIER. 4.77

chased for less than $300 or $400 ? How nicely the film
of decency, in charging these incorruptible Congressmen
several months interest, was laid over; this interest having
accrued while these shares were being held by Oakes Ames,
to see where he could " put them to do the most good/'' in
his own language ; or, in plain words, to see whom he could
buy the most cheaply.

It will be seen that an original share of Union Pacific
stock, upon which was paid $5.00, became $100 Credit
Mobilier, paying dividends to the Legislators with whom it
was placed to do good amounting to three or four times its
nominal value. And yet these honorables stalk majestically
abroad, as though they had never been smirched with the
filth of this swindling transaction !

Hon". D. C. Cloud, in his " Monopolies and the People," in
speaking of the Central Pacific Railroad, from Ogden to
Sacramento, says : " Taking the character of the route as
given, with the facilities for building the road, and it is not
probable that the actual cost of construction averaged more
than $30,000 per mile, or $57,000,000 for the whole line.
Taking the highest rate, as given, viz., $50,000, and apply
ing it to the whole road, the entire cost would be $94,-
000,000.

" To aid in the construction of this road the government
issued subsidy bonds at the rate of $48,000 per mile for
three hundred miles $ $32,000 per mile for nine hundred
and four miles, and $16,000 for the balance of the main
road and branches. The funded debt of the companies
owning and operating the road (not including the debts of
the branches), after deducting the amount of bonds they re
ceived from the government, to- wit : $65,000,000, is, as is
shown by their own report, $93,000,000. How much their
floating debt amounts to we can not tell. The stock on this

478 THE GROUNDSWELL.

road can not cover one-tenth of the amount of their debts.
The companies report a paid up capital stock of $91,028,-
190."

Mr. Cloud makes the total investment in the road from
paid up capital, bonds from government, and funded debt to
be $294,028,190. Per contra : Actual cost of construction,
$94,000,000; balance, $155,028,190.

If we deduct from 37,500,000 acres of land at $1.25 per
acre, or $46,875,000, the balance against the road would be
the nice little sum of $108,153,190. Mr. Cloud then says :
" Thus, after placing the land received from the government
to the credit of the road, still a small balance of more than
$108,000,000 has disappeared, and the companies are not
able to pay the interest on the government bonds. The
reports of these companies show, for the year 1871, that the
net earnings of their roads (over and above all expenses, in
cluding taxes, repairs, damages to property and persons,
cost of snow sheds, and all other items of expense) amounted
to about $9,000,000 ; and yet, because these companies asked
it, Congress released them from the payment of the interest
on the subsidy bonds." This action of Congress was an out
rage. Truly, other " statesmen " than Boss Tweed should be
looking through the bars of a prison to-day. While we are
taking railroads to task on general principles, let us not for
get those in high places who have enabled railroads to fleece
the people.

SMALLER CREDIT MOBILIER ASSOCIATIONS.

The Chicago, Eock Island & Pacific Eailroad Company is
five hundred and forty-four miles long ; that is, in Illinois,
from Chicago to Eock Island, one hundred and eighty-four
miles, and from thence to Davenport and Omaha three hun-

SMALLER CREDIT MOBILIER ASSOCIATIONS. 479

dred and sixty miles. The total reported cost of the road
was $28,496,899, or $52,384 per mile. The official figures
show that the Illinois portion of this road cost less than
$30,000 per mile, and the Iowa division still less. In round
numbers, if one estimate the road, including the Rock Is
land bridge, at $30,000 per mile, it will give $15,320,000,
the difference between which sum and the reported cost of
the road will represent the watered stock, $13,176,896.
Add to this the value of the lands granted to the Iowa por
tion of the road, 550,000 acres, and the country and munic
ipal aid, said to have been $500,000 more, and it would
seem to have been a very pretty little speculation indeed.

This is a specimen of the way in which the people have
been swindled time and again. If public indignation should
ever reach that point where it should insist upon a thorough
searching out such abuses as these, and a restitution should
be ordered, the proceeds would pay the national debt. And
why not ? It would be the people of the United States who
would even then pay the debt ; for the money was fleeced
from them — though it must be acknowledged they were, in
some cases, willing lambs to these wool gatherers.

The Springfield, Clinton & Gilman (Illinois) Railroad,
which the courts have recently placed in the hands of a re
ceiver, is said also to have been dallying with this Delilah
of watered stock. The Indiana, Bloomington & Western
road is just now, as we write, being investigated. Indeed,
if the examination ever be made searching, the roads that
have not " covered back " will pretty certainly be found the
exceptions, and not the rule.

The object in all this is to enable a few individuals of
New York, Boston, Philadelphia, etc., (but principally Wall
Street, New York, for here the whole horde have their head
quarters) to amass colossal fortunes. If Mr. Brown, or Jones,

480

THE aHOtJNBSWELL.

or Smith, or the three combined, control a road costing a
given sum, and can, by adroit manipulation, declare divi
dends on twice or thrice that sum, they issue stock under
one pretense or another to that amount. Then the stock is
made to pay no dividends, with the object of forcing the

,g

The Water Sprite— Farmer's Daughter.

stock as low as possible ; or, in other words, they " bear "
the market in order, to get control of more stock. This ac
complished, up goes the stock again, dividends are again de
clared, even if the money has to be borrowed to pay them with.
The stock is again watered; and so the process goes on,

WHEELS WITHIN WHEELS.

cheating the bona fide shareholders, robbing the people who
are forced to patronize the road, and outraging every in
stinct of common decency and justice that should govern
business transactions between man and man.

WHEELS WITHIN WHEELS.

It must not be supposed, however, that while these great
railroad magnates are thus making money the lesser ones
are working hard for nothing. There are " Blue Lines/'
"White Lines," "Star Lines," "Fast Freights," "Dispatch
Companies," and the like, to whom franchises have been
granted by virtue of which their cars have the precedence
in point of speed and time. The shipper wants cars; the
railroad company has none, but the dispatch company has.
The freight must go, and go it does at the advanced rates
charged by the dispatch company. Here is a wheel within
a wheel — another Credit Mobilier. Certain managers, stock
holders, and outside parties constitute the dispatch company.
If they sacrifice the interests of the road, they console them
selves with the reflection that the stock dividends must not
be too large, else the people at large will grumble ; dividends
must be kept down to a normal figure. The people think
it a pity that the railroad company can not provide cars.
The members of the ring know it does not want to do so.
They propose to enrich themselves, while that other few are
doing the same thing by the manipulation of stocks, the
people being made to pay for all. Farmers may grumble,
shippers protest, merchants threaten ; they swing the scythe,
and prepare to cut into the tallest grass they can find —
they make hay while the sun shines.

In the summer of 1873, there was a conflict between the
Pullman Palace Car Company and certain railroad compa-
21

482 ?H£ GRotlNbsWELL.

nies. The railroad companies claimed that the Pullman Com
pany would rent a whole section to an individual, by which
that individual would occupy the room originally designed
for four. They paid the railroad company for the single pas
senger only, while the railroad company claimed they should
receive pay for the space occupied, one reason given being
that the cars were far heavier than ordinary first-class
coaches, and that it was injustice to the stockholders. The
probability is that nothing more will be heard of this litiga
tion. If thoroughly probed, it is quite probable 'that it
would appear that not a few of our railroad managers are
interested in the receipts arising from this species of trans
portation ; or, in other words, that they have been leasing to
themselves privileges which belong only to the stockholders,
and not to the officers of the road.

So with express companies. The ramifications are so
wide and intricate that to get at the gist of the matter
would require that the whole system of transportation be
renovated — a consummation earnestly wished for by some of
the more conscientious railroad men to-day. But this can
not be done in a single State, without its reacting unjustly
on that State. It can not be done by a community of States,
until the penalty for dishonorable action be sharply defined,
and made swift and certain. When once the tap root of
this tree of evil is struck, then may we hope to see the be
ginning of the end.

WATERED STOCK.

There were 70,178 miles of railroad in operation in Jan
uary, 1873, in the United States, and the total cost of these
roads, as reported by themselves, is $3,436,638,749, or an
average of about $48,970 per mile. Besides this great sum

WATERED STOCK.

483

there have been put on the market railroad bonds for the
additional amount of $2,800,000,000, forming an immense
aggregate of $6,236,638,749, equal to nearly $88,872 per
mile.

We have heretofore shown how stocks are watered. Al
lowing these figures to be correct, the difference between
the cost, as reported by themselves, and $6,236,638,749,
would be about $2,800,000,000. Mr. Cloud, however, from
an actual examination of the cost, as reported by the engi
neers of the various roads, puts the actual cost at $35,000
per mile, or a total of $2,456,230,000. According to these
figures, the actual total of watered stock would be $3,780,-

408,747.

Cornelius Vanderbilt, of the New York Central, and " Col
onel " Scott, of the Pennsylvania Eailroad, represent about
$1,400,000,000 of this stock, and a handful of men, com
paratively, control almost the entire amount. These are
the men who control market values, and by a stroke of the
pen in their offices, cause to be flashed along the wires
what the farmer of the West shall receive for his grain, by
commanding the superintendents of these roads to put up
the tariff five or ten cents per bushel.

In their strongholds, entrenched behind the power of
their ill-gotten wealth, they control the government of
States, and under the present system of election, could
make a President of the United States, by buying up a ma
jority of the Presidential Electors; that is, allowing the
price of these men to be about that of the modern Congress

men.

CHAPTER XLI.

GOVERNMENTAL OWNERSHIP OF RAILWAYS.

ITS CORRUPTING POWER.

One of the most chimerical schemes, though plausible on
its surface, for regulating the inter-state transportation of the
country, is the proposition that government shall buy and
work the railroads of the country. This idea is a great pet
with those who have plundered the people of untold millions,
through the sinking in their own pockets of the local aid
secured in building their roads, and who have gobbled up im
mense tracts of land obtained through corrupt legislation,
and other nefarious plunderings. If the railroads of the
country with their fictitious and inflated stocks were to be
turned over to government, and bonds taken therefor, what
a vast debt would be created, to be added to the load now
borne by a people already taxed far beyond the limits of
patient endurance !

Let us imagine the situation with the scheme actually
consummated : The interest on the lands must be paid ; the
salaries of the officials — and they must be experts — must be
paid ; the system must be extended ; the wear and tear must
be made good; machinery, buildings, and the thousand and
one etceteras, which none but a railroad expert can even
name, must be provided for; defalcations and peculations
would constantly occur; there could be no rigid economy

(484)

THE COST OF RAILROADS IN THE UNITED STATES. 485

practiced; the whole railway system would soon fall into
confusion; and worst of all, there would be a centralization
of power in the hands of the government, such as would
imperil, and probably subvert, the whole fabric of Amer
ican liberty.

THE COST OF RAILROADS IN THE UNITED STATES.

The figures involved in the proposition of governmental
purchase, etc., are really stupendous. According to Poor's
Manual for 1873, there were in operation, the year previous,
in the United States, 57,323 miles of road. These are repre
sented as earning, net, 5.20 per cent, on the cost of the roads,
and 3.21 per cent, on the capital stock; but, while some
roads earned nothing or actually ran their owners in debt,
other paid large dividends, and all of them paid large sal
aries to officials; we do not say larger than the same class
of men could command in other business, and certainly not
larger than government would have to pay the same or
similar class. Even if the roads were as economically run
as at present, no relief would be obtained, for the interest
on this vast sum must come out of the people at last.

The net earnings of the 57,323 miles of railroad in the
United States were, according to Poor's Manual, $165,000,-
000; the cost of the roads is represented by the sum of
$3,173,076,923. The following table will show the nominal
stock of some of the principal roads of the country, the div
idends paid, and their general indebtedness :

MASSACHUSETTS.
Nominal capital stock. Dividend, per ct. General debt.

Boston & Albany, .... $19,664,100 10 $3,567,560

NEW YORK.

N. Y. Central & H. E., new, . $89,425,300 8 $16,497,387

Erie, 86,536,910 7 28,912,301

486

THE GKOUNDSWELL.

NEW JERSEY.

Nominal Capital stock. Dividend, per ct. General debt.

Central New Jersey, . . . $20,000,000 10 $12,267,104
United Companies, .... 18,990,400 10 16,660,705

PENNSYLVANIA.

Delaware, Lack. & West., . . $20,000,000
Pennsylvania R. R. ... 53,271,937

10
10

$9,633,545
33,039,846

MARYLAND.

Baltimore & Ohio, .... $16,704,762

9

$12,456,637

OHIO.

Cleveland, Columbus, Cincin
nati & Indianapolis, . . $14,991,275
Lake Shore & Mich. S., . . . 50,000,000
Fort Wayne, 22 214 286

7
8

7

$3,375,000
28,820,219

MICHIGAN.

M. H. & Ontonagon, . . . $2,306,600
Michigan Central, 17,987,048

10

8

$4,750,000
6,591,233

INDIANA.

Ohio & Mississippi, . . . . $24,030,000
Terre Haute & Indiana, . . 1,988,150

7
12

$10,440,752
1,042,429

ILLINOIS.

Chicago & Alton, .... $11,353,300
Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, 18,649,910
Chicago & North-western, . . 35,878,644
Chicago & Rock Island, . . . 18,990,000
Illinois Central, 25,483,890

10
9

7
8
10

$4,451,000
12,034,750
20,988,300
8,098,000
19,439,847

WISCONSIN.

Milwaukee & St. Paul, . . $26,225,144

7

$27,465,500

IOWA.

Burlington & Missouri River, $7,397,673

6

$7,947,235

MISSOURI.

St Louis & Iron Mountain, . $10,000,000
St. L., Kan. City & North., . 24,000,000

3
2

$5,461,000
6,000,000

WATERED STOCK. — NEW YORK CENTRAL. 487

WATERED STOCK— NEW YORK CENTRAL.

As an instance of what the people would have to pay in
case the government should buy the railroads of the United
States, let us take the New York Central and Hudson Eiver
Kailroads, which affords a prominent example of watered
stock.

Two years ago, Mr. Rufus Hatch, a broker of Broad
Street, New York, issued a number of circulars in relation

Farm Sceae.— The First Snow.

to railroads, which, it is fair to presume, were intended for
speculative purposes. In his first circular, he said that, at
that time, 1871, there were 50,000 miles of railroads in
the United States ; the cost of which exceeded $2,000,000,-
000. The earning of these roads exceeded $400,000,000
annually, or eleven dollars per head for the entire population
of the country. This would give the average cost, per mile,
at $50,000, from the railroad stand-point.

Just how the New York Central was manipulated to pay
dividends on a large and fictitious capital, we propose to let

488 THE GROUNDSWELL,

Mr. Hatch show. He states that Mr. Vanderbuilt, getting
control of this important line, was not slow' in seeing the
great advantage that would accrue to himself in levying
tolls, from his own conscientious stand-point, upon every
pound of freight passing over his line. But, to keep pace
with the modern theory of business, he must water, and re-
water the stock.

As soon as they were fairly in his grasp, he commenced a
series of waterings that have only been exceeded by the
manipulations of the Union and Central Pacific.

The first act in this great drama was the doubling, in
1867, of the capital stock, then $7,000,000, of the Hudson
Eiver Kailroad. Upon this stock, only fifty per cent, was
called up ; the transaction, consequently, netted the modest
sum of $3,500,000. Taught by such instruction, Mr. Van
derbuilt, in 1868, declared a script dividend of eighty per
cent, upon the share capital of the Central Eailroad, then
$28,730,000. This dividend produced $23,036,000! But
these vast sums by no means satisfied the maw of this finan
cial agent. He contrived the union of the two roads, and
made it the pretext for another stock dividend of twenty-
seven per cent, on the Central, which produced, with a small
addition thereto of alleged surplus earnings, the sum of
$8,524,400. At the same time, a dividend was declared
upon the share capital, increased at the time to $16,020,800,
of the Hudson Eiver. This dividend produced the sum of
$13,623,800.

How IT FIGUKES UP. — The following is a statement of
the several waterings : First watering of Hudson Eiver,
$3,500,000; first watering of New York Central, $23,036,-
000; second watering of Hudson Eiver, $13,623,800; second
watering of New York Central, $8,524,400. Grand total,
$48,684^200,

WATERED STOCK. — N. Y. CENTRAL. 489

The present share capital of the consolidated roads, in
cluding the script dividend, is $90,000,000. The waterings
of Mr. Vander built, consequently, exceed the capital actually
paid in, by $7,368,400!

The length of the New York Central & Hudson Kiver
Eailroad is given at four hundred and forty-two miles.
This being the divisor for the total of watered stock, $48,-
684,200, would, give the sum of $110,145 per mile of wa
tered stock, for the whole length of the line.

Is it strange that this Vanderbilt should have his fortune
variously estimated at from $70,000,000 to $100,000,000?
Who have been made to pay for it ? The people of the West
have paid a large share of it, in dividends upon this and
other watered stock which this moneyed tyrant has grasped.
Will the people consent that the government shall buy this
road, and put so much cash in the hands of this unscrupu
lous man ? Would not this self-styled "Commodore " be glad,
now that he has one foot in the grave, to shift his sins of
oppression upon the government, so that his heirs might
show clean hands with this ill-gotten wealth ? This is but
one instance of watered stock. There have been others still
worse, but none probably where the proceeds have so largely
gone to swell the hoards of one individual.

Would the people like to follow out this plan with each and
every other road in the country? Would they like to sup
plement these with the telegraph lines added; with the vast
schemes of corruption and jobbery, that must naturally grow
out of this governmental control of railroads and telegraph
lines ; and with the vast horde of employees who would be
obliged to hold their votes at the behest of the official who
had the distribution of this immense patronage ? The an
swer, we apprehend, is not difficult.

490 THE GROUNDSWELL.

CENTRAL PACIFIC STOCK.

The Central Pacific road is reported to have cost $120,-
432,717. Its length is 881 miles. Its cost, therefore, at
that rate, would be $136,700 per mile. Mr. Cloud, the
author of " Monopolies and the People," says that informa
tion obtained through reliable channels induces the belief
that it cost less than $50,000 per mile, and less than $50,000,-
OpO for the whole road. He says : " The company represent
a capital stock $54,283,190, and a funded debt $82,208,000.
They also report the liabilities of the road at $136,491,190,
being more than $80,000,000 above the actual cost, and
$16,000,000 more than the reported cost. The stock of this
company was watered to so great an extent that, to pay the
interest on the funded debt and declare a dividend on the
stock, and pay operating expenses and other contingencies,
the road must earn at least fifty per cent, per annum."

Are the public, therefore, defrauded or not in this road ?
If so, how is it by virtue of vested rights that they so cheat
the people?

May roads absorbing vast grants of land, and heavily sub
sidized, as in the case of the Union and Central Pacific
roads, now make charges that will allow high dividends
upon stock fraudulently obtained ? If so, where is the jus
tice in sending the petty swindlers of our cities to the Bride
wells, or in consigning the common forger to the peniten
tiary ? Has this fictitious wealth already become so omnip
otent in this once free land that the people are powerless to
help themselves ? It would almost seem so.

Is it not time that not only the farmers, but also every
other industrial class in the country, were banded together
in one vast brotherhood ; to put a stop to these crimes, these
robberies forever; to assert their rights at the ballot-box,

GOVERNMENT PURCHASE OF RAILROADS A FALLACY. 491

and hurl from power those who have so shamefully betrayed
them ; to insist that laws be enacted to bring to the bar of
justice, not only those who have betrayed the trusts confided
to them by the people, but also the swindlers themselves
who have so shamefully obtained the public money by false
pretenses ?

GOVERNMENT PURCHASE OF RAILROADS A FALLACY.

The railroads operated in the United States are reported
as costing, in round numbers, almost three billions five hun
dred millions of dollars ($3,500,000,000). Many of them
are operated with tolerable honesty; the majority, however,

The Capitol at "Washington.

are now so consolidated that they are manipulated by com
paratively a few individuals, who, at " their own sweet will,"
can virtually say, from their offices, what shall be received
by the farmer for his grain. Lately, however, they have
seen that the movement among the masses is acquiring so
much strength and developing so much practical wisdom,
that they fear it greatly; they see that we are looking

492 THE GROUNDSWELL.

squarely to where the trouble lies. They would, therefore,
willingly sell to the government their franchises and so-
called vested rights, knowing full well that, by skillful
maneuvering, they could still control, by the hard cash it
would place in their hands, power and position in these
roads.

If the government should possess itself of our vast system
of railroads, with all the varied industries that cluster around
it, and the added interests of telegraph lines (for one must
follow the other), we should have from 25,000 to 30,000
men out of every 1,000,000 inhabitants, whose votes would
be directly controllable by the influence of Executive dicta
tion and patronage. The centralization of power in the
government is even now so great that the screws can be ap
plied with telling effect when deemed necessary ; 'and many
and grievous have been the complaints on this point during
the last twenty years.. There is no administration, however
pure, that ought to be trusted with so great a power. Cer
tainly, we dare not increase that power now. The civilized
world stands aghast at the corruption and frauds practiced
at the seat of government, wherein both Republicans and
Democrats seem to have struck hands together, and wherein
even those who had heretofore been supposed to be irre
proachable have come out with characters so besmirched
that even .the pity of a sorrowing people could not cover the
iniquity.

This centralization of power and the corruption of wealth
have carried many a once proud nation down into the grave
of effete slavery, and barbarians have roamed where once
civilization dwelt. It behooves America to profit by these
dread examples in time.

CHAPTEB XLII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF COL. A. B. SMEDLEY.

OUTLINE OF A USEFUL CAREER.

Colonel A. B. Smedley, the present Master of the State
Grange of Iowa, whose portrait is given on page 379, was
born in Jefferson County, New York, in 1825. During his
boyhood, he was constantly employed in such practical du
ties of the farm as usually falls to the lot of boys so reared.
Later he studied mechanics, and became a master machinist.

In 1849 Mr. Smedley emigrated to Wisconsin, where he
remained until the breaking out of the war. In 1862 he
entered the United States service, showing the same zeal
and fidelity that have always been his chief characteristics.

At the close of the war, in 1865, he retired from the
service, and in 1868 removed to his present home at Cresco,
Howard County, Iowa, where he actively engaged in horti
culture, making a specialty of the raising of fruit, a pursuit
in which he was always an enthusiast.

In whatever sphere of activity and usefulness this earn
est and able man has moved, he never failed to gain the
good will and fellowship of thosp who learned to know him
intimately. Always a reformer, earnestly laboring for the
advancement of the industrial masses, in all movements for
the elevation and improvement of the workingmen of the
country, these classes have constantly found in him a firm
and true friend, whose counsel was always tempered with
calm judgment, which easily sifted the false from the real.

(493)

494 THE GROUNDSWELL.

AS A PATRON OF HUSBANDRY.

In the Order of Patrons of Husbandry, therefore, it is
not strange that he easily saw the means for carrying out
his favorite idea, namely, a citizenship in which the laboring
men of the country should be so educated and enlightened
that corruption or wrong-doing should be all but impossible.

His own Subordinate Grange was among the first and
most successful in the State; and to his careful study of the
work in hand, and his firm and temperate discipline and
counsel, is due much of the credit for the wonderful growth
and success of the Order in Iowa.

At the third annual session of the State Grange, a va
cancy occurring in that body, Colonel Smedley was almost
unanimously elected as Master. At the fourth annual ses
sion, when the regular election was held, the members of
the State Grange showed their appreciation of his earnest
zeal and ability by giving him two hundred and thirty-
seven out of two hundred and sixty-eight votes on the first
ballot, and thereafter making his election unanimous.

Colonel Smedley is said to have given the unwritten work
and the laws and usages of the Order of Patrons of Hus
bandry more careful study than almost any other individual
in the country. Bringing to the task a full and abiding
faith in the integrity and usefulness of the Order as a means
of ameliorating the condition of his fellows, he has labored
in that organization with indefatigable industry and con
spicuous ability, to the end -that no legitimate means should
remain unemployed to render success certain. As evidence
that the efforts of himself and his co-laborers have not been
in vain, and as incentive to the faithful spirits now holding
the " tug oar " in other States, Iowa may justly and proudly
point to her muster-roll of Granges, numbering nearly a
quarter of the entire list of the United States.

CHAPTEE XLIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF DUDLEY W. ADAMS.

YOUTH AND EMIGRATION WESTWARD.

The subject of this sketch was born at Winchester, Mass.,
on the 30th of November, 1831. Like many of the now
prominent men of the nation, he passed his childhood and
grew up to man's estate in a section where farming means
the tillage of a soil never rich, and whose natural produc
tions are rather rocks and stones than rank herbage and
generous crops. But if the soil of the New England States
is not celebrated for its agricultural wealth, the constant la
bor necessary to gain daily bread has taught her sons les
sons of persistent industry and self-reliance that are simply
invaluable.

It is not those reared in the lap of luxury, and who take
to their studies as a fashionable dandy does to dress, as a
mere superficial adornment, that furnish the country her
statesmen or her master minds in trade and finance. On
the contrary, it is those who thirst for knowledge ; who in
cessantly employ the brain, whether at labor or actual
study ; who train their mind habitually, in working out ideas,
to grasp, connectedly, whatever subject may present itself.
Many of the brightest names and strongest characters in
American history were self-made men ; and such, if imbued
with sympathy for their fellows, and a willingness to la
bor for their well-being, are the real noblemen of nature.

(495)

496 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Soccer or later, in the revolution of the wheel of time, this
class come to the front, and are truly appreciated.

When young Adams was four years of age, his father
died, and he was thus left to the care of one of the most
self-sacrificing cf mothers, who spared no pains to lead the
young mind in the paths of honor, probity, and religion.
His time, until sixteen years of age, was spent as that of
many New England boys is, in assisting in the work of a
rocky farm, attending the district school arid church, and
engaging in. the innocent frolics incident to such life. In
time the district school was exchanged for the village acad
emy, and to this early training is undoubtedly due the prac
tical workings, later in life, of a mind always studious and
eager for knowledge, and fostered and directed by the ju
dicious care of a devoted mother. From the age of seven
teen until his majority, he continued to work steadily on
the farm during the summer months, teaching school in
the winter, and pursuing his studies in the spring and au
tumn.

His majority attained, Mr. Adams found that incessant
labor and study had seriously affected his constitution ; he
was threatened, in fact, with that dire scourge of New Eng
land, consumption.

Carefully weighing the chances between an early death if
he remained in his native hills, and the possibility of regaining
his health in some other locality, he quickly decided to emi
grate to the then Eldorado, the West, and at once made his
way into north-eastern Iowa. Here, in 1852, he located on
a tract of wild land, which, under his skillful hand, was soon
transformed into an excellent farm, on which he has ever
since resided. That the choice of a location was sagac
iously made, has since been fully demonstrated. The flour
ishing village of Waukon has since grown up around it.

SERVICES IN BEHALF OF AGRICULTURE. 497

SERVICES IN BEHALF OF AGRICULTURE.

While working hard to improve his farm, Mr. Adams
never lost sight of the necessity of organization for the pro
motion of agriculture. At the age of twenty-two he was
elected President of the Allamakee County Agricultural So
ciety, one of the youngest incumbents on record in connec
tion with such an office ; and since that time he has been
connected almost constantly with the Society in some ca
pacity, either as Secretary, member of the Executive Com
mittee, or other responsible position.

Mr. Adams was never a believer in the dogma that fruit
could not be successfully grown in the West. After the
terrible winter of 1856, he still had faith in the ultimate
success of fruit culture. In spite of the discouragements of
climate, and the still more discouraging advice of friends,
he gave much of his time and energies to this engaging pur
suit. It is not strange, therefore, that Mr. Adams now
looks back with some pride to his efforts in this direction,
as one of the useful labors of his life.

At the age of thirty-six, Mr. Adams was chosen Secretary
of the Iowa Horticultural Society, in a manner highly com
plimentary to himself, although other business prevented his
attendance at that session of the Society. This position he
held until the winter of 1872-3, when his other official duties
made it necessary that he should decline a re-election. That
the office was worthily bestowed and honorably gained is
evidenced by the fact that, in 1871, Mr. Adams exhibited at
the Iowa State Fair one hundred varieties of apples of his
own growth, of such uniform beauty and excellence as to
receive the highest award of the Society. This was in the
same year that his State received so high commendations at
the exhibition before the American Pomological Society.

498 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

EARLY STRUGGLES AND PUBLIC SERVICES.

The pionee^ who makes a farm in the wilderness, with
little save his own hands, must bear a skillful hand in vari
ous ways to keep the wolf from the door until something
can be raised from the soil. Mr. Adams' previous education
had made him conversant with the business of a surveyor ;
and, for years, in the intervals of farm labor, he carried a
surveyor's compass in establishing corners, running lines,
and laying off the farms of his pioneer neighbors, far and
near. For about ten years he served his neighbors, also,
in the several offices of Assessor, President of the District
School Board, Township Trustee, County Supervisor, Chair
man of the County Board of Supervisors, and held various
other public trusts of a local nature.

At the age of thirty-two, Mr. Adams became the Bepub-
lican candidate for the State Senate from his district, but
was unsuccessful, the ticket being buried out of sight under
the majority then given the entire Democratic ticket.

Two years later, the finances of his county having become
almost hopelessly involved, he was elected a member of the
Board of Supervisors for the county. This board consisted
of eighteen, one from each township. Elected Chairman of
the Board, he performed the duties of the office for three
years, and then resigned. At the time of his election the
county warrants were at a discount of fifty per cent. In two
years, they were at par; and now the State of Iowa can
proudly point to the fact that there is no State debt upon
which the people pay taxes as interest — a fact most credit
able to the exertions of her citizens in their several stations
as public officers.

In the spring of 1873, the friends of Mr. Adams nomi
nated him for governor of Iowa. This nomination was cle^

SERVICES IN THE ORDER OF PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY. 499

clined, not because the nominee was not as willing as here
tofore to serve his fellow-citizens, but because he was at
that time too deeply absorbed in the great work of his life —
spreading the organization of the Order of Patrons of Hus
bandry. The tenets of the Order proclaim it to be non-
political. Had he acceded to the wishes of his friends, the
Order would have been immediately stigmatized as seeking
political ends. Mr. Adams was willing to forego the pros
pect of gubernatorial honors, in order that he might still
labor in the field of his choice, to promote the business and
social welfare of the agricultural masses. These he repre
sents as the chief executive officer of the National Grange ;
and truly it is a higher honor than to be a State governor.

SERVICES IN THE ORDER OF "PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY."

Early in the year 1870, Mr. Adams and two of his neigh
bors, having heard of the Patrons of Husbandry, called to
gether other neighbors, and organized Waukon Grange, No.
3, of the State. Seven months later, they organized Frank-
ville Grange, No. 4. Six months subsequently, or June 12,
1871, the State Grange was organized temporarily, and Mr.
Adams was chosen Master. In December of the same year,
a permanent organization was effected, and he was elected
the Master for two years. This office he held until his elec
tion as Master of the National Grange, early in 1873.

In 1871, when elected to the State Grange, there were less
than a dozen Granges in the State. He left it with over
eight hundred working .organizations. Since this time the
State has fully kept pace with its previous record, its pres
ent membership showing over one hundred thousand tillers
of the soil, working as a unit for their social, moral, and in
dustrial elevation among the great brotherhood of man
kind.

500 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

Since his election to the Chief Executive of the National
Grange, Mr. Adams has continued untiring in his efforts for
the benefit of his brethren in toil, and the spread of the
Order. That he is doing more good than he possibly could
have done as the governor of his State, there is no doubt;
for now his field of labor is national. Those sterling patriots
who have cast from them the glittering prizes of political
preferment until the nation shall have become sufficiently
purged of corruption, will not be forgotten by a grateful
people when the political panderers of the present day shall
be buried deep in oblivion, with none so mean as to do
them reverence.

CHAPTEE XLIV.

EDUCATION TO THE INDUSTRIES.

IMPORTANCE OF THE SUBJECT.

Education is one of the most potent factors in the advance
ment of the rising generation to the status which they should
properly occupy. After the rudiments of a fair English
education are secured, the youth who aspires to become a
working man should be pushed in the acquirement of certain
knowledge relating to the industry which he contemplates
pursuing. The farmer's boy readily masters the art of
driving horses, plowing, reaping, binding, stacking, the care
of the domestic animals, etc. For this it is not necessary
that he should go to school. It must be learned on the
farm, just as the tradesman acquires his art under the di
rection of a master workman.

There is something, however, beyond all this — or, we
might almost say, before it ; for it underlies the economies
of every trade and profession in life. What is it? The
study of the sciences underlying the profession or art that
is to constitute the life-work of the individual.

This subject is beginning to interest the thinking portion
of the present generation ; it is the lever that will move the
next. The why, and not the how, is the true point to be
aimed at ; for proper knowledge concerning the first makes

(501)

502 THE GROUNDSWELL.

the latter easy. Chemistry is, in truth, the " corner-stone
of agriculture; " nevertheless, a man may be a good chemist
and yet a very poor farmer. Mathematics, as a science,
underlies mechanics, and yet a knowledge of mathematics
in itself would not constitute a mechanic. Nevertheless, the
student who first acquires a knowledge of the principles of
chemistry, will make a better farmer than he who knows
nothing about it. Just so, a good mathematician would
make a better and far more intelligent mechanic than he
who had simply a smattering of arithmetic. What we want,
then, is education to the several professions in life.

WHERE SHALL OUR CHILDREN LEARX?

We should begin in our common schools ; but, instead of
carrying the pupil forward in the old-time grooves, ground
him thoroughly in reading, writing, and arithmetic. The first
should include that much neglected study — the proper use of
words ; the second, the equally neglected one of facility in ex
pressing them on paper; and the third, turning the figures
we are taught to some practical account. How many of our
teachers are well grounded in this practical application
themselves ? Very few. And yet they are the persons who
are supposed to have become especially fitted for imparting
such instruction.

They have been educated in an undeviating groove, and
are only fitted to mould the youth in the same inflexible
line. We elect County and State Superintendents of
Schools; but they, too, have been formed in the. same
groove. One thing too many of them have learned, namely,
that there is money in a change or exchange of text-books
for the schools ; and this knowledge many of these officials
are forward enough to turn to practical account. After he

WHEEE SHALL OtJE CHILDREN LEAEN? 503

504

THE GHOUNBSWELL.

leaves school, the child finds that he is just getting ready to
acquire an education — -just getting ready to learn somewhat
of things. Many of our teachers do, indeed, endeavor to
follow the divine precept; the conscientious portion of them
do try to " train up a child in the way he should go," for
getting, however, to apply it from a Socratian stand-point,
equally important, "To teach a child in youth that which
he is to follow in age." From the common schools, some

What has made Industrial Education possible.

of the pupils go to college. Here again there is the same
groove, "the classics" dominating all else. Whatever the
life-work of the student is to be, a certain routine must ap
ply to all; and after spending years of mental trial, the
young man or woman finds, at last, that the real education
that is to fit him or her to battle with life must now com
mence through self-culture.

HOW SHALL WE BEGIN? 505

HOW SHALL WE BEOINf

Begin from the start, by instructing the pupil WHY this
thing or that proposition is so; why addition, multiplica
tion, and division, are all there really is of arithmetic ; why
the rivers, constantly flowing into the sea, never increase its
volume ; why chemistry is the corner-stone of agriculture,
and mathematics the foundation upon which mechanics rest.
The fact is, the so-called higher education is an artificial
affair, contrived originally for a class — the learned profes
sions. Hence, the vast army of toiling workers who, to-day,
are hungering for that certain knowledge that would enable
them, through the exercise of mind upon matter, to properly
lay hold of that Archimedian lever — an intelligent and di
versified industry.

One of the first things for the masses to understand is
that education is not incompatible with labor ; on the con
trary, indeed, that the better educated a man is the more
intelligently he can perform the ordinary duties of life.
There is a right and a wrong way to do every thing, from
hod-carrying to the most intricate sculpture ; from plowing
the furrows that are to receive the seed to building the
stack or rick of grain that shall turn rain; resist the wind,
and keep its contents intact.

How many artisans, through education to their art, can
claim to be really master- workmen, and able to command
the highest wages of the craft ? Scarcely one in a hundred.

FARMERS AS CRAFTSMEN.

How many farmers are really excellent plowmen, under
standing the niceties of turning sod, stubble, or fallow, and
the proper management of the furrow-slices, through the
22

506 THE GROUNDSWELL.

XTarious gradations of sand and loams to stiff clay? How
many farmers can build a stack of hay or grain so that it
shall preserve its proper shape in settling, and in its con
tour present the greatest resistance to the influence of the
weather? Not one in fifty even of managing farmers prop
erly know what good plowing really is in its various details.
Not one in a hundred can Luild a series of stacks, either of
hay or grain, similar in size and shape, and superior in their
structure. Why is this so ? The answer is simple. They
have never been taught why furrows laid at different angles
exert different influences; why the mold-board and share
of one plow is made different from another; why, in
building a stack, the proportions should be after exact rules,
the whole bearing definite relations to the quantity of ma
terial to be used, etc.

These are among the most common processes of the farm,
and yet but little of their philosophy, so to speak, is known
by the majority of farmers. There are many others equally
important and equally neglected. If the merchant, the
manufacturer, or the tradesman manifested the .same indif
ference in their several industries, they would all, sooner or
later, be involved in a common bankruptcy. That farmers
are not is due to the fact that nature is constantly working
for them, even while they are sleeping, and that drafts on
her storehouse are always honored to the full extent of her
ability.

EXPERIENCE A THOROUGH TEACHER.

Of the details of mechanics I know but little, except as to
the repairs of farm machinery in a rough way. An experi
ence in working the soil for a third of a century, during
which time I have constantly educated myself to the various

EXPERIENCE A THOROUGH TEACHER. 507

details of agriculture, by reading and experiment, has
shown me that the farmer never ceases to learn while life
lasts. The trouble is that many do not begin to educate
themselves until many important years of their working life
are past.

Experience, that thorough but costly teacher, eventually
shows them how little they really know, and how much they
have yet to learn. The theorizing of gentlemen ruralists
and mere scholars has disgusted them with book-farm
ing.

Availing themselves at length of such works as they can
find, containing the practical labors of adepts in the art,
they discover most important unexplored fields before them,
almost appalling in their extent, except to the mind trained
to study. Carefully considering the details of the art, they
finally decide upon the specialty which they will follow,
and thenceforward they devote themselves chiefly to stock-
breeding or stock-feeding; the cultivation of the cereals,
or of hay; orcharding; the raising of vegetables or of seeds;
floriculture, or the like, — according as their position and loca
tion will warrant, and their previous education will allow.
It takes years and successive and grave mistakes before the
knowledge is gained which will enable them economically to
blend these specialtes with the succession and relation of
crops necessary to keep up the fertility of their farms. A
few are successful, and leave their farms better than they
found them, but vastly more exhaust their soil and their
energies in a perpetual struggle for the necessities of life.

To obviate this difficulty, and lead the coming generation
to a proper education of their faculties, education to the
industries was proposed and agitated, upon the basis of en
dowment, by national aid, of industrial schools for the better
training of yonth to these pursuits.

508 TH£ GROUNDSWELL.

THE CLASSICS AND AGRICULTURE.

Unfortunately, many of these colleges have slid into the
old-time ruts of classical education, although a few have
made progress in the right direction, and public opinion is
forcing still others reluctantly toward technical education.

Those in the West which have made the most uniform
progress are those belonging to the States of Michigan
and Iowa. In Illinois and Kansas the people are steadily
working to infuse a spirit of practical effort into the fossils,
or worse, who have mismanaged these institutions. It is
one of the legitimate provinces of the Farmers' Movement
to see that these colleges are made what they were intended
to be — schools where the application of practical science
might aid the student to be a better farmer or artisan than
he otherwise would be, and not mere easy-chairs for college
dons, retired clergymen, decayed politicians, or theoretical
farmers.

At the East, the agricultural schools that have shown the
greatest progress are those of Amherst, Massachusetts, and
Cornell University, New York. In the South few of these
schools have been established for a sufficient length of time
to enable a fair judgment to be made of their usefulness;
but, so far, most of them appear to be actuated by an ear
nest desire to make their system of training as thoroughly
practical in their nature as possible.

While it was never supposed by practical men that these
colleges would be able, all at once, to accomplish the end
sought, still less, however, was it expected that Industrial
Colleges were to adopt the curriculum, essentially, of the
average literary college, with simply enough varnish of ag
riculture and mechanics to enable them to annex the endow
ment of the nation and of the States where situated. Yet

THE CLASSICS AND AGKICULTURE. 509

to-day such is tlie fact with the majority of them. This is
altogether wrong, and a gross perversion of the endowment
granted by Congress for a very different purpose, as will be
apparent to the reader who carefully examines the act in
question, given in full in Chapter XLVI.

CHAPTEE XLV.

POPULAR AGITATION ON INDUSTRIAL EDUCA
TION.

A WANT LONG FELT.

The necessity has long been recognized among our more
advanced thinkers of some system of education that should
be to the industrial classes what the schools of law, medi
cine, and theology are to those professional classes. In the
West this need was especially felt, and such men as Profes
sor J. B. Turner, Bronson Murray, John Gage, Smiley Shep
herd, John Davis, and other educators, were engaged in pre
paring the public mind therefor for over thirty years. The
feeling on this subject led to the calling of a convention in
1851, at Greenville, 111., at which this important question
was fully discussed. Two of the resolutions there adopted
were as follows :

Resolved, That, as the representatives of the industrial
classes, including all cultivators of the soil, artizans, me
chanics, and merchants, we desire the same privileges and
advantages for ourselves, our fellows, and our posterity, in
each of our several pursuits and callings, as our professional
brethren enjoy in theirs ; and we admit that it is our own
fault that we do not also enjoy them.

Resolved, That, in our opinion, the institutions originally

and primarily designed to meet the wants of the professional

classes, as such, can not, in the nature of things, meet

(510)

INDUSTRIAL LEAGUE AND FURTHER AGITATION. 511

any more than the institutions we desire to establish for
ourselves could meet theirs.

The next resolution provided that immediate steps be
taken for the establishment of a university, expressly to
meet the wants of each and all the industrial classes in the
State. It was also recommended to found high schools,
lyceums, institutes, etc., in each county, on similar princi
ples, so soon as it might be found practical to do so.

At this Convention Prof. Turner, in an exhaustive address,
unfolded an elaborate plan for the establishment of a State
University, which was subsequently made the ground-work
upon which the act of endowment by the United States, and
the law regulating the Industrial University of Illinois, were
founded.

INDUSTRIAL LEAGUE AND FURTHER AGITATION.

A second Convention was held at Springfield, 111., June 8,
1852. On this occasion there was a prolonged controversy,
forced upon the Convention by the representatives of a few
of the old classical and theological colleges, who had been
admitted by courtesy to participate in the debate. As is
usual with many of this class, they consumed the greater
part of the time without making much, if any, impression
for good on the minds of their auditors.

These advocates of the colleges just named desired to be
themselves made the custodians of, and instruments through
which, the funds of the State should be applied to the edu
cation of the industrial classes. This the representatives of
these classes then and since, in all their Conventions, have
unanimously arid steadfastly opposed. It was still fought
for after the law of Congress endowed a more practical sys
tem of colleges ; and when the masses thought they had

512 THE GROUNDSWELL.

finally beaten the scholiasts, and had secured the fund to the
uses of those for whom it was intended, they soon found that
their foe had only been beaten off to come up again in an
other form.

A third Convention was held at Chicago, November 24th,
1852, at which it was resolved to establish an Industrial
League of the State of Illinois, which was subsequently

"Pegging Away."

chartered by the Legislature. The League was empowered
to raise a fund to defray various expenses : as, first, to dis
seminate information, both written and printed ; second, to
keep up concert of action among the friends of the indus
trial classes ; and, third, to employ lecturers to address citi
zens in all parts of the State.

At this Convention much important business was trans
acted; many helpful methods and useful aims were pre
sented and many interesting ideas elaborated. Prof. J. B,

MEMORIAL TO THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. 513

Turner was appointed Principal Director of the League, and
John Grage, Bronson Murray, Dr. L. S. Pennington, J. T.
Little, and Wm. A. Eennel, Associate Directors. The Con
vention was harmonious throughout, the members having
wisely decided to exclude those professional educators who
had no practical knowledge of the wants of the industrial
classes.

The most noteworthy action of this Convention, however,
was the passage of a resolution to memorialize Congress for
the purpose of obtaining a grant of public lands to establish
and endow Industrial Colleges in each and every State of
the Union. Thus was finally brought forth a definite plan
of action, which immediately took firm hold of many leading
minds throughout the country, consolidating, in valuable
degree, persistent and unselfish efforts which had previously
been more or less scattered.

A fourth Convention was held at Springfield, 111., on the
4th of January, 1853, at which the duties of the members
and terms of office of officers of the League were fixed.
Nevertheless, the important business of this Convention was
the preparation of a memorial, this time to the Legislature,
setting forth, in the strongest light, facts, figures, and argu
ments, to show the great need of a thorough and systematic
education of the masses to the industries they would follow
in after life. The following extracts from this memorial
will show the animus and tenor of the work :

MEMORIAL TO THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.

We need the same thorough and practical application of
knowledge to our pursuits that the learned professions en
joy in theirs, through their universities, and their literature,
schools, and libraries, that have grown out of them. For,
even though knowledge may exist, it is perfectly powerless
22*

514 THE GROUNDSWELL.

until properly applied ; and we have not the means of a} A
ing it. What sort of generals and soldiers would all our
national science (and art) make, if we had no military acad
emies to take that knowledge and apply it directly , and.
specifically to military life ?

Are our classic universities, our law, medicine, and divin
ity schools, adapted to make good generals and warriors?
Just as well as they are to make farmers and mechanics,
and no better. Is the defense, then, of our resources of
more actual consequence than their production ? Why,
then, should the State care for the one and neglect the
other ?

It was shown that only one in two hundred and sixty of
the population of the State were, in 1853, engaged in pro
fessional life, and not one in two hundred in the Union,
generally ; and that a great proportion, even of these, never
enjoyed the advantages of classical and professional schools.
Further, there were, in the United States, two hundred and
twenty-five principal universities, colleges, and seminaries,
schools, etc., devoted to the interest of the professional
classes, besides many smaller ones, while there was not a
single one, with liberal endowments, designed for the lib
eral, and practical education of the industrial classes.

It said : "No West Point, as yet, beams upon the horizon
of hope ; true, as yet, our boundless resources keep us, like
the children of Japhet emigrating from the Ark, from the
miserable degradation and want of older empires; but the
resources themselves lie all undeveloped in some directions,
wasted and misapplied in others, and rapidly vanishing
away as centuries roll onward, under the unskillfulness that
directs them. We, the members of the industrial classes, are
still compelled to work empirically and blindly, without
needful books, schools, or means, by the slow process of that
individual experience that lives and dies with the man.
Our professional brethren, through their universities, schools,,

MEMORIAL TO THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. 515

teachers, and libraries, combine and concentrate the prac
tical experience of ages into each man's life. We need the
same.

" We seek no novelties. We desire no new principles.
We only wish to apply to the great interest of the com
mon school and the industrial classes precisely the same
principles of mental discipline and thorough scientific, prac
tical instruction, in their pursuits and interests, which are
now applied to the professional and military classes. . . .

" We would, therefore, respectfully petition the honorable
Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Illi
nois, that they present a united memorial to the Congress
now assembled at Washington, to appropriate to each State
in the Union an amount of public lands, not less in value
than five hundred thousand dollars, for the liberal endow
ment of a system of Industrial Universities, one in each
State in the Union, to co-operate with each other, and
with the Smithsonian Institute at Washington ; for the more
liberal and practical education of our industrial classes, and
their teachers, in their various pursuits ; for the production
of knowledge and literature needful in those pursuits, and
developing, to the fullest and most perfect extent, the
resources of our soil, and our arts, the virtue and intelli
gence of our people, and the true glory of our common
country."

They further petitioned that the Executive and Legisla
tures of all other States be invited to co-operate in the
enterprise, and that a copy of the memorial be forwarded
by the governor of Illinois to the governors and senators
of the several States.

A similar memorial, but addressed directly to Congress,
had been presented to the Convention by the Committee, of
which Governor French was the Chairman, which was
accepted, and forwarded to Washington.

The merits of the plan suggested by the Convention were
fully and widely discussed by the State Legislature, then in

516 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

session. The result was the passage, by a unanimous vote
in both Houses, of the following resolutions.

THE LEGISLATIVE RESOLUTIONS.

Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Illi
nois, relative to the establishment of industrial universities,
and 'for the encouragement of practical and general educa
tion among the people. Unanimously adopted.

WHEREAS, The spirit and progress of the age and
country demand the culture of the highest order of intel
lectual attainment in theoretical and industrial science;

and,

WHEREAS, It is impossible that our commerce and pros
perity will continue to increase without calling in requisi
tion all the elements of internal thrift arising from the
labors of the farmer, the mechanic, and the manufacturer,
by every fostering effort within the reach of the govern
ment; and, . .

WHEREAS, A system of industrial universities, liberally
endowed, in each State of the Union, co-operative with each
other, and with the Smithsonian Institution at Washington,
would develop a more liberal and practical education among
the people ; tend the more to intellectualize the rising gen
eration, and eminently conduce to the virtue, intelligence,
and true glory of our common country ; therefore, be it

Resolved, By the House of Representatives, the Senate
concurring herein, that our Senators in Congress be in
structed, and our Representatives be requested, to use their
best exertions to procure the passage of a law of Congress,
donating to each State in the Union an amount of public
lands not less in value than five hundred thousand dollars,
for the liberal endowment of a system of industrial univers
ities, one in each State in the Union, to co-operate with
each other, and with the Smithsonian Institute at Washing
ton, for the more liberal and practical education of our in-;
dustrial classes, and their teachers; a liberal and varied
education, adapted to the manifold want of a practical and

LEADING UTTERANCES OF TWENTY YEARS AGO. 517

enterprising people; and a provision for such educational
facilities, being in manifest concurrence with the intimations
of the popular will, it urgently demands the united efforts
of our national strength.

Resolved, That the Governor is hereby authorized to for
ward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to our Senators
and Representatives in Congress, and to the Executive and
Legislature of each of our sister States, inviting them to
co-operate with us in this meritorious enterprise.

This resolution was signed by the Speaker of the House
of Representatives, John Reynolds, and the Speaker of the
Senate, G. Koerner ; and, on the eighth of February, 1853,
was approved by the Governor, J. A. Matteson, and attested
by Alexander Starne, Secretary of State. It was then duly
forwarded to Washington.

LEADING UTTERANCES OF TWENTY YEARS AGO.

To show the animus of the press and the people of twenty
years ago, upon this subject, the following extracts, relating
to the movement in various States, will prove interesting,
as historical records at least.

The New York Tribune, of February 26, 1853, said:
" Here is the principle contended for by the friends of prac
tical education abundantly confirmed, with a plan for its
immediate realization. And it is worthy of note, that one
of the most extensive of public-land (or new) States pro
poses a magnificent donation of public lands to each of the
States, in furtherance of this idea. Whether that precise
form of aid to the project is most judicious, and likely to be
effective, we will not here consider. Suffice it that the Leg
islature of Illinois has taken a noble step forward, in a most
liberal and patriotic spirit, for which its members will be
heartily thanked by thousands throughout the Union. We

518 THE GKOUNDSWELL. ,

feel that this step has materially hastened the coming of
scientific and practical education for all who desire, and are
willing to work for it. It can not come too soon."

Governor Hunt, of New York, in his annual message to
the Legislature of that State, used the following language :
" Much interest has been manifested for some years past in
favor of creating an institution for the advancement of agri
cultural science, and of knowledge in mechanical arts. The
views in favor of this measure, expressed in my last annual
communication, remain unchanged. My impressions are
still favorable to the plan of combining in one college two
distinct departments for instructions in agriculture and
mechanical sciences. I would respectfully recommend that
a sufficient portion of the proceeds of the next sale of lands
for taxes be appropriated to the erection of an institution,
which shall stand as a lasting memorial of our munificence,
and contribute to the diffusion of intelligence among the pro
ducing classes, during all future time."

Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, of Boston, in advocating this
system of education before the Berkshire Agricultural Soci
ety of Massachusetts, held that : " For want of knowledge,
millions of dollars are now annually lost by the Common
wealth, by the mis-application of capital and labor industry.

On these points we want a system of experiments directed by
scientific knowledge. Are they not important to our farmers ?
Neither the agricultural papers, periodicals, or societies, or
any other agents now in operation, are deemed sufficient for
all that are desirable. We plead that the means and advan
tages of a professional education should be placed within the
reach of our farmers. This would not only be one of the
most important steps ever taken by the Commonwealth for
its permanent advancement and prosperity, but would add

THE ALBANY, NEW YOKE, CONVENTION. 619

another wreath, to her renown for the protection of our in
dustry and elevation of her sons."

Eev: Dr. Hitchcock, President of Amherst College, while
advocating the endowments of such institutions, before the
Massachusetts Board of Agriculture (1851), testified as fol
lows : " I have been a lecturer on chemistry for twenty years.
I have tried a great many experiments in that time, but I do
not know of any experiments so delicate or so difficult as the
farmer is trying every week. The experiments of the
laboratory are not to be compared to them. You have a
half dozen sciences which are concerned in the operation of
a farm. There is to be a delicate balancing of all these, as
every farmer knows. To suppose that a man is going to be
able, without any knowledge of these sciences, to make im
provements in agriculture by haphazard experiments, is, it
seems to me, absurd."

THE ALBANY, NEW YORK, CONVENTION ON AGRICUL
TURAL EDUCATION.

A general Convention on the subject of a national system
of practical university education, was held at Albany, Janu
ary 26, 1853. This Convention was numerously attended by
some of the most illustrious men of the country, including
many distinguished educators, scientists, and divines. A
committee of twenty-one was appointed* to report a plan of
action. Among these appear the names of President Way-
land, of Brown University ; Bishop Potter, of Pennsylvania ;
Washington Irving; Governor Hunt and Senator l)ix, of
New York ; President Hitchcock, of Amherst College ; Pro
fessors Webster, Dewey, Henry, and Bache ; Professor
Mitchell, of Cincinnati ; Professor Pierce, of Cambridge, etc.

Rev. Dr. Kennedy spoke of " the want that had long been

520 THE GROUNDSWELL.

felt for institutions different from those already established."
Professor C. S. Henry insisted that " the welfare of our
country was, in a great degree, dependent upon what should
be done in regard to the proposed university." Bev. Bay
Palmer said " there was lack of opportunity for scientific
men to perfect themselves in their various pursuits, and de
sired that this want should be supplied to all parts of the
country."

Bev. Dr. Wykoff considered that the first desideratum to
the establishment of the institution was a conviction of its
importance. When the souls of men are fired up, the money
will not be wanting. He believed that the proper spirit was
abroad — a feeling that would redound to the honor and ben
efit of the people, and that the work would be done. The
enterprise was one for the masses. It would open the path
of knowledge for all the youth in the land; and, from the
common school to the highest university, he would like to
see our educational institutions thrown open to all.

Professor Henry said that he should bid the enterprise
" God speed ! " He deprecated the idea of attempting to
establish a university at a moderate outlay. " One fitted
for the wants of this country should throw open its lecture
rooms freely, to all who might wish to avail themselves of
their advantages. It should be the complete development
of the principle which lies at the foundation of our common
schools." Bev. President Wayland expressed the belief that
" such an establishment in New York would be an example,
which, he believed, would be followed in other States. A
university with a thousand students would abundantly sus
tain itself ; and he thought the needed expense would not be
so great as some gentlemen anticipated."

Did these gentlemen know any thing about the subject of
practical education in America ?

THE VOICE OF AGRICULTURE.

521

THE VOICE OF AGRICULTURE.

Said the lamented Downing, the father of rural art in this
country, in the last number which he edited of the Horti
culturist: " The leaven for the necessity for education among

The Farmer's Boys.

the industrial classes begin to work, we are happy to per
ceive, in many parts of the country." Speaking of the plan
of Professor Turner, he said ; " It is not often that the weak

522 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

points of an ordinary collegiate education are so clearly ex
posed, and the necessity of workingmen's universities so
plainly demonstrated." This was in July, 1853. Before the
article was published this pre-eminent disciple of his art was
lost in the ill-fated steamer Henry Clay.

An editorial in the North American (the oldest paper
in Philadelphia) on education and agriculture, said to be
written by Judge Conrad, said: "To secure the diffusion
and practical application of agricultural science, it seems
necessary that it should be interwoven with general educa
tion, and its acquisition made an object of early pride and

animated ambition." " The triumph of a

republic can only be successfully achieved and permanently
enjoyed by a people the mass of whom are an enlightened
yeomanry, the proprietors of the land they till, too inde
pendent to be bought, too enlightened to be cheated, and too
powerful to be crushed."

Said Dr. Lee, the talented editor of the Southern Culti
vator, the leading monthly periodical of the southern plant
ing interest, published at Augusta, Georgia, in reply to a
letter inquiring for some practical agricultural school for the
sons of the planters (which letter he published as a " fair
sample of scores of similar letters received every month") :
" There is not a good agricultural school in the United States.
The truth is, the American people have yet to commence
the study of agriculture as the combination of many sciences.
Agriculture is the most profound and extensive profession
that the progress of society and the accumulation of knowl
edge have developed. This is why the popular mind is so
long in grasping it. Whether we consider the solid earth
under our feet, the invisible atmosphere which we breathe,
the wonderful growth and decay of all plants and animals ;
or, the light, the heat, the cold, the electricity of heaven,—

THE VOICE OF AGKICULTUEE. 523

we contemplate but the elements of rural science. The care
ful investigation of the laws that govern all ponderable and
imponderable agents is the first step in the young farmer's
education. To facilitate his studies, he needs, as he pre
eminently deserves, a more comprehensive school than this
country now affords."

CHAPTER XLVI.

CONGRESSIONAL ACTION ON INDUSTRIAL EDU
CATION.

HOW THE AGEICULTUEAL BILL BECAME A LAW.

From the time of the general awakening on the subject
of Industrial Education, as noticed in the last chapter, the
discussion of the subject was kept prominently before the
people of the United States. This eventuated in the intro
duction of several bills into Congress, most of which fell
still-born. One of them, however, successfully ran the
gauntlet of Congressional opposition, only to be strangled in
the very last stages of law-making. The following is a
brief summary of the matter.

On the 14th of December, 1857, a bill was introduced
into the House of Representatives by Hon. Justin S. Mor-
rill, of Vermont, who was at that time Chairman of the
Committee on Agriculture, to appropriate a portion of the
public land to the several States for the purpose of found
ing colleges for the advancement of agricultural and me
chanical education. Great opposition was manifested to the
bill at once, and, instead of being referred to the Committee
on Agriculture, where it should legitimately have gone, it
was referred to that on Public Lands. There it was held
four mbnths, when the Chairman of that Committee, Mr.
Cobb, of Alabama, reported upon it adversely. Notwith-
(524)

SOW THE AGRICULTURAL BILL BECAME A LAW. 525

standing this, the subject was earnestly discussed by the
House, and the bill finally passed by a small majority. The
Senate reached it in the winter of 1859, when it was strongly
advocated by Senators Wade, Harlan, and Stuart, and as

The Rural Home.

determinedly opposed by Senators Davis, Mason, and Pugh.
Subsequently, it was passed by a majority of two and went
to the President, Mr. Buchanan, who, with great alacrity,
returned it with his veto.

526 THE GROUNDSWELL.

The same bill was again introduced into the Senate in.
1862, by Mr. Wade, was favorably reported by Mr. Harlan,
and was passed on the 10th of June, by the decisive vote of
thirty- two to seven. From thence the bill went to the House
where, on the 17th of June, it was passed by the equally
decisive vote of ninety to twenty-five. It was approved by
President Lincoln, and on the second day of July became a
law.

So much has been said and argued by the various minds
who have endeavored to interpret this law, that it will not
be out of place here to give this bill, and the amendment
to the fifth section in full, so that every reader of this work
may judge for himself what was the true intent and mean
ing of this act for the education of the masses to industrial
pursuits.

TEXT OF THE ACT OF CONGRESS.

AN ACT donating Public Lands, to the several States and Territories

which may provide Colleges for the benefit of Agriculture and

the Mechanic Arts.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled, That there be granted to the
several States, for the purposes hereinafter mentioned, an amount of
public land, to be apportioned to each State, in quantity equal to
30,000 acres for each Senator and Representative in Congress to which
the States are respectively entitled by the apportionment under the
census of 1860 : Provided, That no mineral lands shall be selected or
purchased under the provisions of this act.

§ 2. And be it further enacted, That the land aforesaid, after being
surveyed, shall be apportioned to the several States in sections or
sub-divisions of sections not less than one quarter of a section ; and
whenever there are public lands in a State, subject to sale at private
entry, at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, the quantity to
which said State shall be entitled, shall be selected from such lands,
within the limits of such state ; and the Secretary of the Interior is

TEXT OF THE ACT OP CONGRESS. 527

hereby directed to issue to each of the States, in which there is not
the quantity of public lands subject to sale at private entry, at one
dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, to which said State may be en
titled under the provisions of this act, land scrip to the amount in
acres for the deficiency of its distributive share ; said scrip to be sold
by said States, and the proceeds thereof applied to the uses and pur
poses prescribed in this act, and for no other use and purpose what
soever : Provided, That in no case shall any State to which land scrip
may thus be issued, be allowed to locate the same within the limits
of any other State, or of any Territories of the United States; but
their assignees may thus locate said laud scrip, upon any of the un
appropriated lands of the United States subject to sale at private
entry, at one dollar and twenty-five cents or less per acre. And pro
vided further, That not more than one million acres shall be located
by such assignees in any one of the States. And provided further,
That no such locations shall be made before one year from the pas
sage of this act.

§ 3. And be it further enacted, That all the expenses of management,
sperintendence, and taxes from date of selection of said lands previ
ous to their sales, and all expenses incurred in the management and
disbursement of the moneys which may be received therefrom, shall
be paid by the States to which they may belong, out of the treasury
of said States, so that the entire proceeds of the sale of said lands
shall be applied, without any diminution whatever, to the purposes
hereinafter mentioned.

$ 4. And be it further enacted, That all moneys derived from the
sale of lands aforesaid, by the States to which the lands are appor
tioned, and from the sales of land scrip hereinbefore provided for,
shall be invested in stocks of the United States, or of the States, or
some other safe stocks, yielding not less than five per cent, upon the
par value of said stocks; and that the money so invested shall con
stitute a perpetual fund, the capital of which shall remain forever
undim hushed (except so far as may be provided in section fifth of
this act), and the interest of which shall be inviolably appropriated
by each State, which may take and claim the benefit of this act, to
the endowment, support and maintenance of, at least, one college,
where the leading object shall be, without excluding other scientific
and classical studies, and including military tactics, to teach such
branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic
arts, in such manner as the Legislatures of the States may respec-

528 THE OROUNDSWELL.

lively prescribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical educa
tion of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and professions
in life.

§ 5. And be it further enacted, That the grant of land and scrip
hereby authorized, shall be made on the following conditions, to
which, as well as to the provisions hereinbefore contained, the
previous assent of the several States shall be signified by legis
lative acts :

First— If any portion of the fund invested, as provided by the
foregoing section, or any portion of the interest thereon, shall, by any
action, or contingency, be diminished or lost, it shall be replaced by
the State to which it belongs, so that the capital of the fund shall
remain forever undiminished ; and the annual interest shall be regu
larly applied without diminution to the purposes mentioned in the
fourth section of this act, except that a sum, not exceeding ten per
centum upon the amount received by any State under the provisions
of this act, may be expended for the purchase of lands for sites or
experimental farms, whenever authorized by the respective Legisla
tures of said States.

Second— No portion of said fund, nor the interest thereon, shall bo
applied, directly or indirectly, under any pretense whatever, to the
purchase, erection, preservation, or repair of any building or
buildings.

Third— Any State which may take and claim the benefit of the
provisions of this act, shall provide, within five years, at least not less
than one college, as prescribed in the fourth section of this act, or the
grant to such State shall cease ; and said State shall be bound to pay
the United States the amount received of any lands previously sold,
and that the title to purchasers under the State shall be valid.

Fourth— An annual report shall be made regarding the progress of
each college, recording any improvements and experiments made,
with their cost and results, and such other matters, including State
industrial and economical statistics, as may be supposed useful ; one
copy of which shall be transmitted by mail free, by each, to all the
other colleges which may be endowed under the provisions of this
act, and also one copy to the Secretary of the Interior.

Fifth— When lands shall be selected from those which have
been raised to double the minimum price in consequence of rail
road grants, they shall be computed to the States at the maximum
, and the number of acres proportionally diminished.

AMENDMENT TO THIS ACT. 529

Sixth — No State, while in a condition of rebellion or insurrection
against the government of the United States, shall be entitled to
the benefits of this act.

Seventh. No state shall be entitled to the benefits of this act, unless
it shall express its acceptance thereof by its legislature within two
years from the date of the approval by the President.

§ 6. And be it further enacted, That land scrip issued under the
provision of this act, shall not be subject to location until after the
first day of January, 1863.

§ 7. And be it further enacted, That land officers shall receive the
same fee for locating land scrip issued under the provisions of this
act, as is now allowed for the location of military bounty laud war
rants under existing laws. Provided, Their maximum compensation
shall not be thereby increased.

§ 8. And be it further enacted, That the Governors of the several
States to which scrip shall be issued under this act, shall be required
to report annually to Congress all sales made of such scrip until the
whole shall be disposed of, the amount received for the same, and
what appropriation has been made of the proceeds.

Approved July 2, 1862.

THE AMENDMENT TO THIS ACT.

AN ACT to amend the fifth section of an act entitled " An act do
nating public lands to the several States and Territories which may
provide Colleges for the benefit of Agriculture and the Mechanic
Arts," approved July two, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, so as
to extend the time within which the provisions of said act shall be
accepted and such colleges established.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled, That the time in which the
several States may comply with the provisions of the act of July
two, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, entitled "An act donating
public lands to the several States and Territories which may provide
colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts," is
hereby extended so that the acceptance of the benefits of said act
may be expressed within three years from the passage of this act,
and the colleges required by the said act may be provided within.
23

530

THE GROUNDSWELL.

five years from the date of the filing of such acceptance with the
commissioner of the general land office. Provided, That when any
Territory shall become a State, and be admitted into the Union, such
new State shall be entitled to the benefits of the said act of July
two, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, by expressing the acceptance
therein required within three years from the date of its admission
into the Union, and providing the college or colleges within five
years after such acceptance, as prescribed in this act. Provided, fur
ther, That any State which has heretofore expressed its acceptance
of the act herein referred to, shall have the period of live years
within which to provide at least one college, as described in the
fourth section of said act, after the time for providing said college,
according to the act of July second, eighteen hundred and sixty*
two, shall have expired.
Approved July 23, I860.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE LAS DS TO THE SEVERAL STATES.

The following table, from the Report of the Department
of Agriculture, for 1867, shows the number of acres which
should fall to each State under the law, with other facts of
value for future reference :

u

P.

ft

1 .

~«

g

<£a

STATES.

*«

Or-;

co
c

'i

«|

:!

Designation and location
of College.

I5

o

ft

p

240 000

Arkansas ....

fj

150,000

I

California .

,-,

150,000

March si, 1866 March si, isefi

Agricultural, Mining, and

Mechanic Art* College.

Connecticut

<)

180,000

June 24, 1863;June 24, 1863

SliHlield Scientific School fj
Yale College, New Haver-..

3

<>0 000

Feb. 17 18f>7 Marrh 14. 1S67

Delaware State College,

Newark.

Florida

3

Georgia
Illinois

16

270,000
480,000

Illinois Industrial Univer
sitv, Urbana, Champaign

Jan. 25, 1867

Feb. 28, 1867

County.

Indiana

13

390,000

March 6, 1865

Indiana Agricultural Col
lege.

Iowa

8

240,000

Sept. 11, 1862

March 29, 1866

State Agricultural College
and Farm, Ames, Story

Couutv.

Kansas

1

90000

Feb. 8, 1863

Feb. 16, 1863

State Agricultural College,

Manhattan.

DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS TO THE SEVERAL STATES. 531

STATES.

1

Acres in Scrip.

2

<A
P

&

ci

v- 2
°S
•£

r

Designation and location
of College.

11

12

8
4

11
3
3
5

7

33
9
21
3
26

4

6
10
6
5

10
5

8
317

330,000

210,000
210,000

210,000
360,000

240,000
120,000

210,000
330.000
90,000
90,000
150,000

210,000

990,000
270,000
6:50,000
90,000
780,000

120,000

180,000
300,000
180.001
150,000

300,000
150,000

240,000

Jan. 27, 1863

Feb. 22, 1865

Agricultural and Mechan
ical College ^Kentucky
University), Lexington.

State College of Agricultu
ral and Mechanic Arts,
Orono.
State Agricultural College,
Hyutrsville.
Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Boston.
Massachusetts Agricultu
ral College. Amherst.
State Agricultural College,
Lansing.
Agricultural College of
Minnesota, with State
University, St. Paul.

New Hampshire College of
Agriculture (Dartmouth
College), Hanover.
Rutgers' Scientific School
and Rutgers' College,
New Brunswick.
Cornell University, Ithaca.

Agricultural College of
Pennsylvania, Center
County.
Scientific School of Brown
University, Providence.

University of Vermont and
State Agricultural Col
lege, Burlington.

Agricultural College of
West Virginia, Morgan-
town.

University of Wisconsin
(College of Arts), Madi
son.

March 25, 1863
Jan. 24, 1864
1£63

Feb. 25, ISrtf.

, 1856

Massachusetts ....

Michigan
Minnesota

Mississippi

("April 10,1861
(. April 29, 1863

March 18, 1863
January, 1868

Feb. 25, 1863
March 2, 1865

March 9, 1865
July 9, 1863

March 21, 1863
May 14, 1863

New Hampshire...
New Jersey

July 9, 1666
April 4, 1864
April 27, 1865

New York
North Carolina....
Ohio

April 5s, isft'i
October 9, 1862
May 1, 1863

Jan. 23,1863

Oregon
Pennsylvania

.Rhode Island

South Carolina
Tennessee

April 13, 1854

Vermont

NOT. 11, 1863

NOT. 22, 1864

West Virginia
Wisconsin

Oct. 3, 1863
April 2, 1862

Feb. 7,1867
April 12, 1866

Total

9,510,000

From the foregoing table it will be seen that a large ma
jority of the States have, nominally at least, availed them
selves of the benefits of the act of Congress. It is greatly
to be regretted that the measures contemplated by the fram-
ers of the law have been, in many cases, carried out so im
perfectly, or not at all.

OHAPTEB XLVII.
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE EDUCATION.

ITS SCOPE AND AIM.

It is a fair presumption that Agricultural Schools were
intended to benefit the present as well as the future farmer.
To secure either of these ends, constant series of experi
ments must be carried on. 'The professors, also, should be
men of more than ordinarily broad and comprehensive
minds and acute faculties, for the reason that they have not
simply one science to deal with, but many. It is their prov
ince to investigate as well as to teach. They should be
working professors, who in the field can elucidate what
they have taught in the halls or laboratory. If this com
bination of faculties can not always be found, then the
working professors must take the students just where the
theoretical one left them; and this, day by day. The farm
is the laboratory where problems propounded in the halls
must be worked out. The soil is nature's great laboratory
where the elements are formed into grass, timber, grain,
vegetables, fruits, fibers, and flowers. So also the ani
mals of the farm are laboratories for the conversion of
grass, grain, vegetables, etc., into flesh for the sustenance
of man.

Agriculture consists primarily of chemical changes and
transformations which result in elaborating from the ele-
(532)

ONE GREAT MISTAKE, 533

merits, through the medium of the soil, all the varied and
wonderful vegetable wealth that clothes the earth, from the
minute lichen upon the bare rock to the giant monarch of
the forest which slowly accumulates its structure through
decades of centuries. The farmer assists nature in these
transformations, by such mechanical means as he may be
able to employ. Scientific agriculture should go still further.
It should teach why certain conditions were necessary and
how produced. This is what makes the difference between
the farmer and agriculturist. The farmer knows how, by
mechanical effort, under favorable influences, he may pro
duce crops. The agriculturist seeks to know why certain
causes produce favorable or unfavorable results, in order
that he may increase the one or guard against the other.
This knowledge has made a Colling, a Bakewell, a Buel, a
Meehan, and many other self-educated men. They, how
ever, bear no greater proportion to the masses than the great
oak does to the various trees of the forest. "We need this
class of minds in our agricultural colleges, to develop the
practical application of science to agriculture.

ONE GREAT MISTAKE.

One of the great mistakes which has been made in car
rying out the details of this " new education " consists in
attempting to cover too much ground, either by making the
agricultural schools a part and parcel of a great university
course already provided, or seeking to erect those newly
founded into great universities. The agriculturist wants to
know something of many things, but it is folly to suppose
that, in order to acquire this certain knowledge, he must
follow out the science relating to a co-ordinate study in its
most abstruse bearings or minuter details.

534 THE GROUNDSWELL.

A single example will illustrate our meaning. Of the
commoner insects there are between two hundred and three
hundred varieties noxious or beneficial to vegetation. The
farmer should be conversant with these, and should learn
their history and habits, the means for the destruction of the
first and the manner of increasing and protecting the second,
etc. Under the old system, the student must learn all about
the infinite orders, families, and sub-families that compose
insect life, in order to acquire what he wants. To follow out
this idea, life would be too short to get even a " smattering
of agriculture," and hence the disrepute into which the sys
tem has fallen.

If, on the other hand, these insects, destructive or bene
ficial to vegetation, were thoroughly classified, and their his
tory and habits presented as far as known, with natural
specimens properly arranged in cases, the student would
soon acquire a correct knowledge of all that would be neces
sary for him to know of entomology. Similar principles
should govern the other sciences — at least in the case of the
student of two, three, or four years. The knowledge in the
various sciences pertaining to agriculture should be con
densed, so that the student expecting soon to return to the
farm might work directly towards the end sought; while
his "chum," who is aiming to make scientific pursuits his
profession for life, either as a teacher or writer, might
climb and explore science after science at will. The farmer,
of course, though less profoundly versed in mere technics,
might still keep pace with the new discoveries in his profes
sion by a judicious system of reading.

PRACTICAL EDUCATION TO AGRICULTURE.

The ability of a business man is demonstrated by his
success in performing a given piece of work himself, or iu

PRACTICAL EDUCATION TO AGRICULTURE. 535

hiring and managing the proper workmen to carry out the
details, the principal himself knowing, when finished, whether
it be well, or illy done. More failures are made in life for
want of a proper education to business, than from any other
known cause. If there be any science in a man's or woman's
occupation (and there is science even in turning a spade full
of earth), he or she will be successful, with due industry,
just in proportion as the principles of this science are un
derstood. The merchant generally acquires liis knowledge
of the laws underlying his profession after he leaves his
clerkship, and too often through gross mistakes, which, lead
ing to failure, make him begin anew. It is, therefore, the
province of mercantile schools and business colleges so to
instruct the student that he will understand business prin
ciples and usages. So of all schools of technology. Why
not, then, the same with the farmer?

The difference between practical and theoretical education,
is that the first begins just where the other leaves off. The
practical education of the physician begins in the lecture
and dissecting rooms and in the laboratory. This is con
tinued, as he goes along, all through life, and until death
overtakes him. The farmer, like the physician, has to prac
tically educate himself, and, like the physician, never ceases
to learn while life lasts.

Agricultural colleges should be so organized and equipped
that the student may there investigate the useful subjects
which he has no proper facilities for doing on the farm, and
also examine and compare each year's experiments, and note
their results.

The ordinary farmer is not able to give his children more
than one, two, or three years of scientific education. In
this time the student should acquire a knowledge of the
nature and composition of soils, and of the economy of animal

536 THE GROUNDSWELL.

and vegetable life; should investigate the effects produced
upon soils by mechanical means, such as deep and shallow,
trench, and sub-soil plowing; should study the benefits of
thorough drainage and other methods of working the soil ;
should master the principles of a proper rotation of crops;
should store his mind with information relative to the appli
cation of special manures to certain crops, and the like
practical details, etc., etc.

THE STUDY OF CHEMISTRY, PHYSIOLOGY, AND OTHER
SPECIALTIES.

The agricultural student will also need some knowledge
of the chemical changes which soils undergo through various
agencies other than the disintegration of rocks ; as, for in
stance, the effects of a top-dressing of mulch or manure as
compared with a similar application that is plowed under,
and where one would be beneficial and the other hurtful ; and

The Stock-breeder's Museum.

the certain effects of fall and spring plowing on different
soils — when and where to be practiced, andwhen not. As a,
stock breeder, he will need to acquaint himself with the
different breeds of horses, cattle, sheep, swine, etc.; the re
sults of their various crosses and grades ; their adaptability
to various uses and conditions ; their diseases and the proper
remedies therefor ; the proper methods of breeding, rearing,

THE STUDY OF CHEMISTRY, PHYSIOLGY, ETC. 537

sheltering, and fitting them for market; and with farm
structures, fences and fencing materials. In vegetable
economy the student should understand as much as possible
of the nature and growth of plants; their botanical charac
teristics, including variation and varieties ; the adaptability
of various plants to certain climates, with the proper means
for acclimatization, etc., etc. He should study entomology,
so far as it concerns insects beneficial or injurious to vegeta
tion, and mineralogy and geology so far as they relate to
soil. So with other subjects. The student should pursue
them to the bounds within which they pertain to his profes
sion, but no further than this, if he wishes to put to practical
every-day use on the farm simply the knowledge he has
acquired.

Feeding the Lamb. "

The education of girls should differ from that of boys in
its practical bearing. This is really one of the most vital
questions of the day. Girls should be educated with refer
ence to their duties as wives and mothers as well as to the
28*

538 THE GEOUNDSWELL.

economics of the household. They should be well versed in
pomology, floriculture, bee-keeping, the care of poultry, and
other light and suitable branches of agriculture. They
should understand the chemical and other changes which
milk undergoes during its manufacture into butter and
cheese. They should understand structural botany, vege
table physiology, and the various other studies that would
enable them in after life to become true counselors and part
ners in all that pertains to farm life.

PRACTICAL EDUCATION NEED NOT BE RESTRICTED OR

SORDID.

A practical education, then, is what the farmer needs.
But need it, therefore, be an ignoble, sordid training, whose
only end is to fit him the better to grapple with the ever-
recurring problems of dollars and cents? By no means.
On the contrary, it should be, and it may be, such as shall

expand his faculties and ennoble
his whole being, lifting him up
to a plane of intelligence where
he can behold, with appreciative
eye, the miracles which Nature's
hand is working out on every
side; where he must first won
der, then by degrees begin to un
derstand and perpetually admire;
where, if of a devout mind, he

-

""'' will soon learn to "look from Na-

" Nature's Miracles on -.-.. , ~ , ,,

Every side." ture up to Nature s God.

Is this the kind of education which our farmers' sons and
daughters are being furnished, in most of our common
schools, to-day? Let us examine this point. How many are

THE VOICE OF AGRICULTURE. 539

there who know the power which water has exerted in the
earth's history, and still exerts upon the farm every day?
that by its action all our stratified rocks were formed ? that
to its solvent power and chemical action we owe our useful
minerals and our metallic deposits ? that it is the great me
chanical power in nature ? that it has moved mountains and
filled valleys through its glacial action ? or that through its
agency our most fertile soils have been deposited over vast,
areas ?

Again, how many know that the sun is the real, moving life-
power upon the earth, and that through the action of its rays
upon water we have dew, clouds, fogs, rain, snow, and frost ?
How many know that the crystalline rocks at the earth's
surface contain a greater quantity of water than all the seas
and rivers of the globe ; that if the conditions surrounding us
should change so that the earth would absorb only four thou
sandths of one per cent, of water more than it now contains,
the ocean would disappear, and we should lose not only our
moisture, but the atmosphere itself? How many compre
hend that it is the sun, after all, which is the great master
power that moves all on earth, water being only the agent?

Now, the student in agriculture should understand, for
instance, how the agency of water is exerted for the benefit
of the farmer ; but it is not necessary that he should know
every thing which science teaches about water in all its
forms and phases. Life is too short for such all-embracing
investigations.

Truly, we live in a realm of wonders. Nature's silent oper
ations on the farm are a succession of miracles, until we
understand the laws by which she works. Then they become
to our wondering minds as simple as they are beautiful, even
in their vastness and complexity. The number of tons of
water raised by an acre of corn, during its summer's growth,

54.0

THE GROUNBSWELL.

is simply marvelous. How many farmers understand the
processes by which it is accomplished, or can realize the
immense measure of force and energy expended by nature in
producing his twenty to fifty bushels of corn per acre ? How
many appreciate the important fact that it is in his power to
assist nature in economizing a portion of this vast force, by
enabling her to produce ten, twenty, thirty bushels more
of grain per acre than his land now yields? Hardly one in
a thousand; and why? Simply because they have never
been educated to their calling— have never been taught to
use their senses aright; to store their minds with useful,
expansive knowledge; or to reason from cause to effect, and
from effect back to cause.

"IN THE SWEAT OF THY BROW."

Since ninety-nine out of every one hundred men and
women have to earn their living by actual labor, is it not
better that they know something about that business in its
several departments, rather than to know all about some one
particular department? It is this knowing something of
many things that makes the practical man ; the knowing all
about some one or two special things, the scholar. This
knowledge comes slowly, as gray hairs grow, to a thinking
man. What we want is to hasten the ripening of this prac
tical knowledge among the masses, through schools especially
devoted to the departments of science relating to agricul
ture and other industrial pursuits.

A man may be a good chemist and botanist ; may under
stand the anatomy and structure of animals, with their
diseases and the remedies necessary to their cure; may
understand the nature and composition of soils — all these
without being a farmer; nevertheless, if a farmer, he can not
have studied the several branches in their bearings upon

"IN THE SWEAT OF THY BROW." 541

agriculture without being a much better one therefor.
Afterward, if he chooses to make a specialty of any one of
the sciences, what should hinder? He has the foundation
to work on, if he so desire. On the other hand, those whose
means might allow them to spend a longer time would nec
essarily want a different curriculum. To the one class of
students the classics would not be beneficial; to the other,
they would be necessary, as enabling them to pursue their
higher studies more surely.

I believe the time is coming when our industrial schools
and agricultural colleges will begin to educate just where
the other schools leave off; that is, if the student comes for
from one to four years, with an ordinary English education
to begin with, he will be pushed in those branches that will
make it possible for him as an agriculturist, to comprehend
science enough to enable him to work understandingly, and
still pursue his studies by a course of reading thereafter.
Meanwhile, the life student in agriculture having time,
brains, and means to take a higher and wider range, will
climb from science to science, and become in turn a teacher
to others.

It is for some such system as this that the life-long work
ers in organizing Education to the Industries have been
insisting. Have they succeeded ? Only in a measure. But
let us be thankful for what we have gained, and still press
forward.

By the system that I have outlined there will be trained
an army of students, who, when they have finished their
education, instead of despising the labors of the farm, will
glory in the fulfillment of the great command — far less a
curse than blessing — which says, " In the sweat of thy brow
shalt thou eat thy bread." Theirs, also, will be the power
to gain a juster appreciation of the power and majesty of

542 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

nature in her manifold workings; a boon denied to those
whose aspirations rise no higher than the mere drudgery
of labor, where all are the abject slaves of toil, and the
whole of life consists of one dull, ever-recurring routine of
eating, drinking, working, and sleeping.

THE FUTURE OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.

While it is altogether right for the people to demand
that the schools specially endowed for education to the in
dustries shall accomplish some good to the present gener
ation, and to the masses in that immediately succeeding
ours, and while they not only ask, but continue to insist
upon this, they will not deny as high educational facilities
to the Agricultural Colleges as exist anywhere else on the
broad earth. They do well not to compromise the claim
that this new education, which advanced educators and the
press have said would revolutionize the world, shall be car
ried out faithfully to its legitimate results.

The future of industrial education must be that the
student shall be made as thorough as possible, in the rudi
ments that shall best assist him in after life to earn his
broad, by the application of certain knowledge pertaining
to the particular industry which he follows. The accom
plishment of this end must be one of the persistent objects
aimed at in the movement now in progress to disenthrall
the masses from the power of monopolies.

Since the act of Congress granting lands for the endow
ment of Agricultural Colleges, we have seen the persistence
with which existing colleges have sought to absorb this fund,
that the power might remain with themselves. They have
told wild stories that science, if not tempered with the old
dogmas, would overturn society and bring the earth back

THE FUTURE OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. 543

again to the darkness of paganism, forgetting that true
science conflicts with no law that is capable of demonstra
tion, but only attacks and demolishes the weak dogmas of
mere theorists. They have stated that scientists were infi
dels, when the fact is that the true scientist is nearly always
a firm, unwavering believer in the One Great Cause, the
Supreme Euler of the Universe, fashioning its materials
through the operation of uniform, undeviating law, directing
its infinity of operations, and controlling all things " in the
heavens above and the earth beneath, and the water that is
under the earth."

CHAPTEK XLVIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF PROF. J. B. TURNER.

EARLY STRUGGLES.

The mere politician lives upon the excitement of public
life, and the spoils of office. The feats of the warrior are
blazoned over the land, as though he was something to be
worshiped. To his memory lofty monuments are erected,
which ultimately crumble to dust, or are demolished by the
chance of war, or accident. The real benefactors of their
race too often live only in the green memories of their fellows.

JONATHAN BALDWIN TURNER, the " wheel-horse of In
dustrial Education," like many other of our best men, was
born on a farm, and reared to a practical familiarity with the
routine of daily toil. In his youth, inured to patient effort,
and the exacting labors of the farm, he acquired those hab
its of self-denial and self-reliance that have since enabled
him to successfully battle with the world, and acquire a
wide-spread and powerful influence for good among his fel
low-men.

At college, where he educated himself by the results of
his own labor, he early gained high distinction as a classical
scholar, but especially excelled in mathematics. He soon
ranked with the very foremost among the students as a
writer and thinker. His determined energy, originality of
mind, and vigorous thought, thus early gave promise of his
useful and illustrious future.
(544)

EARLY STRUGGLES.

545

Professor J. B. Turner,

546 THE GROUNDSWELL.

PROFESSOR AT ILLINOIS COLLEGE.

Leaving college, he became a teacher ; endearing himself
to his associates" by his uniform courtesy and earnestness;
making fast friends, whose love and respect he retains to
this day, in addition to many substantial testimonials of
their fraternal and lasting regard.

But his energies were not destined to be spent among the
hills of his beloved New England. The love of a pioneer
life, contracted in youth, led him, in 1832, to emigrate to
Illinois, where he was soon chosen one of the professors of
Illinois College; in which position he continued for fifteen
years, when, at length, his incessant labors, and the con
troversy of opinions respecting practical education and free
dom of thought, undermined his health, and he was compell
ed to resign his professorship.

Those of his many friends who were conversant with his
clear perception and logical mind urged him to undertake
the law as a profession ; but Providence had a broader field
and nobler work in reserve for him as an educator of the
masses at large. His honest mind was constantly revolv
ing some project by which he could ameliorate the condition
of his fellows, scattered, as yet, at wide intervals over the
broad and luxuriant prairies of Illinois. His instincts, for
tunately for the children of the State, led him back to the
labors of the farm. Since that time he has been steadily
engaged in the various duties of his farm, garden, orchard,
and vineyard.

As early as 1833, he lectured in various towns of the
State, to awaken an interest in education through the found
ing of common schools, urging, with all the strength of his
mind, the necessity of a permanent system while yet the

THE OSAGE ORANGE AS A HEDGE PLANT. 547

State was in its infancy. To his utterance of these forcible
truths, the people of Illinois are largely indebted for the
comprehensive system of common schools that is now the
pride of the State, and the power which has carried it for
ward, and made its men and women foremost in the land in
resisting the encroachments of tyranny, of whatsoever kind.

THE INTRODUCER OF THE OSAGE ORANGE FOR
HEDGE PURPOSES.

Thus engaged, he traversed, day by day, these broad prai
ries that wanted only timber to make them the paradise of
the farmer. Not a habitation was to be seen except at
long intervals, when some skirt of timber enabled the hardy
pioneer to procure logs for his cabin, and rails for his first
corn-patch. Dug-outs, cabins built of sod, were a make-shift
then unknown. It required the still greater lack of timber
of the country then called the " Great American Desert,"
but now the fertile fields and smiling homesteads of Kansas
and Nebraska, to suggest this idea.

Thus journeying from town to town in the good cause of
education, his practical mind was ever asking the question :
"What can public schools do for families thus situated?"
Schools could not flourish without compact settlements ; set
tlements could not be organized without something to fence
fields with. The "no-fence" law was not then in vogue,
and the herding of cattle away from the fields of grain was
not yet practiced. Mr. Turner at once set himself to experi
menting, and, after spending an immense amount of time
and trouble, fixed upon the Osage Orange as the plant that
could be most easily made available for hedging purposes.
To this he adhered with all the tenacity of his nature,
through good and evil fortune, till at length " Turner's folly,"

548 THE GROUNDSWELL.

as the unbelieving had christened it, became a great fact.
Some of those same scoffers immediately set about dividing
the honor of introducing it. But that honor belongs to
Professor Turner alone. It is a pleasant fact to chronicle,
that this, and other labors, have secured Mr. Turner an
ample fortune for enjoyment in his old age.

THE EDUCATOR AS AN INVENTOR.

One of the leading ideas in Mr. Turner's mind was that,
if anywhere in the world, the prairies, where in many
localities a furrow might be turned, during a day's march,
without the plow striking even* a pebble — that here the
crops might be worked almost exclusively without that
tiresome hand-work so laboriously performed in less favored
countries. It early occurred to him that corn might be
planted by machinery ; and that it might be cultivated by
other machinery, allowing the operator to ride.

In working out these ideas, he secured some of the first
patents for machines for planting, weeding, and cultivat
ing crops. By essays and lectures upon these matters, and
by his own practical efforts as an inventor, he probably did
more to illustrate the feasibility of the now universal system
of cultivation than any other one man in the West. It was
he, in fact, who conceived the idea of many of the imple
ments now in use, which other persons have perfected and
reaped the profit from.

HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO SCIENCE.

These have been voluminous for a life-long worker, who
earned with his hands his daily bread. They have been
mainly contributed through the agricultural press, by means
of essays, lectures, papers written for various scientific socie-

HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO SCIENCE. 549

ties, and the transactions of State agricultural and horticul
tural societies. They are of inestimable value to the student
or practical man desirous of exploring the mysteries of
science.

His lectures and essays on " Practical Education" have
been published in various periodicals both East and West ;
that "On the Three Great Races of Men, the White, the
Yellow, and the Black," published in book-form. The dis
courses "On Microscopic Insects;" "On Matter, Force,
and Spirit;" " On the Ocean Currents and Open Sea at
the Poles;" and his remarks on tornadoes, delivered at the
anniversaries of the Illinois Natural History Society, dur
ing his presidency of the same, from 1858 to 1862; his
premium essay "On Cultivation of Crops;" and papers "On
Industrial Education," — are all published in the third, fourth,
and fifth volumes of the Illinois State Agricultural Society
Transactions.

" An Essay on the Forces that promote Vegetable Growth,"
read before the Illinois Horticultural Society, was published
in the fifth volume of their Transactions. " The Discourse
on Climate," delivered before the Illinois Industrial Uni
versity, together with his address at the laying of the cor
ner-stone of their new university buildings, was published
in the Fourth Annual Report of that University.

These discourses cover an immense range and variety of
topics and subjects. They suggest many varied and original
lines of thought for our consideration, not found in any other
book or books whatever; and whatever errors or defects
may attach to them, they could hardly fail to lift the
reader into a new and higher region of thought and action
and enterprise than even most of our more minute specialists
in science have as yet attained.

These writings have attracted the attention and admira-

550 THE GROUNDS WELL.

tion of some of the profoundest minds of the age ; they teem
with vigor of thought, minuteness of detail, and scientific
erudition, and yet are so simple in their language, and so
plain in their minuteness, that the ordinary comprehen
sion can readily understand them.

ADVOCACY OF A NATIONAL BUREAU OF AGRICUL
TURE, ETC.

Professor Turner labored long and earnestly for the estab
lishment of an Agricultural Bureau at the national seat of
government. He delivered many public addresses in advo
cacy of this measure, in which he urged the vital importance
of the establishment of some such department. He showed
that it had been urged upon Congress by almost every presi
dent and statesman from Washington down ; and urged the
farmers to give their representatives to understand that
there must be no further delay of decisive action. The
agitation on this subject at last resulted in the formation of
the Department of Agriculture at Washington. This has
been productive of some good out of a mass of corruption,
but, like Industrial Education as carried out in Professor
Turner's own State, has not borne just exactly such fruit as
he expected.

Another project which early enlisted Professor Turner's
efforts was the establishment of a permanent State Society
for holding fairs ; and the formation of what eventually
became the Illinois State Board of Agriculture, is due, in no
small degree, to his exertions. In one of his earlier ad
dresses he thus eulogizes them, and points the finger of
scorn at the mere politician. " Think of our county fairs,
our State fairs, our world's fairs ; their congregated millions,

CHAMPIONSHIP OP LIBERAL EDUCATION. 551

the immensity of their products, the variety and perfection
of their processes and arts, the increase of their moral and
mental power, so great already that we can hardly fence
politicians out of our show-grounds, although we offer no
premium for the stock or breed. Then think that all this
has been achieve 1 by a class of men who centuries ago were
the mere serfs of the soil ; bought and sold with the cattle ;
tortured, or hung, or burnt at the base bidding of some
haughty lord."

CHAMPIONSHIP OF LIBERAL EDUCATION TO THE
INDUSTRIES.

In a preceding chapter we have traced Professor Turner's
hand in the development of a system of education to the
industries. It will not be out of place here to show still
more fully his sentiments relating to this education, the one
dear subject next his heart. He saw the bill whose history
we have given elsewhere, now up, now down, tossed from one
house of Congress to another as a foot-ball, until at last it
was vetoed by a vacillating and recreant president.

While Senator Douglas lay dying in Chicago, Professor
Turner, entirely ignorant of the fact was busy at his own
desk, in Jacksonville, Illinois, writing and preparing manu
script, at the Senator's request, relating to a new bill which
Mr. Douglas proposed to press forward at the next Con
gress with all the zeal and power for which this eminent
statesman was noted. Alas ! too soon the word came that
this giant intellect had passed away just when the nation
most needed its staunch support.

Professor Turner always held, as he does now, that the
mind can be so disciplined in the several professions and

652 THE GROUNDSWELL.

industrial pursuits of life as to bear the full fruition of the
education so bestowed ; and this was his doctrine at a time
when agricultural education was classed as among the ab
surdities. On this subject Mr. Douglas was in full accord
with him, and early declared : " This educational scheme of
his is the most democratic scheme of education ever pro
posed to the mind of man." Later, the leading press of
England expressed the opinion that, if fully carried out, it
would revolutionize the world.

It is a grievous spectacle to see so much of the magnifi
cent endowments allotted to the agricultural colleges frit
tered away in the old time-worn collegiate courses, abso
lutely stolen by scholiasts who have no sympathy in common
with the industrial masses, and who merely provide food
and material for the drones of society.

"Where," says Professor Turner, in one of his pamphlets,
with characteristic directness and force, " where did Socrates
and Cincinnatus, and Washington, and Franklin, and Sher
man, and Kossuth, and Downing, and Hugh Miller, and a
host of worthies too numerous to mention, get their education
except from their connection with the practical pursuits of
life ? Where all other men have gotten theirs, so far as it
has proved itself of any practical use to themselves or the
world. If all our divines had been trained at West Point, all
our lawyers, physicians, and generals at Andover or Princeton,
would there have been either the same energy of effort and
success, or the same discipline of mind in these professions?
Skill and a proper knowledge of projectiles — the chain-shot
and the bomb-shell — would hardly make a divine ; nor famil
iarity with the folios of the Fathers have achieved the con
quest of the empire of the Montezumas.

"So far as discipline of mind is concerned, the greater part
of it is procured, in all professions, not at their several

PERSONAL SIMPLICITY AtfD HIS WORK. 553

schools, however excellent, but by enforced habits of read
ing, thought, and reflection in connection with the pursuits
in after life, and if not so acquired, it is never acquired
at all."

Such were the sentiments, and such the massive logic, of
the man who was opposed by many politicians of both parties,
whose interest it is to keep the masses ignorant ; opposed by
that class of scholiasts who conceive that high education is
only for the few aristocrats of mere wealth; opposed, also,
by various classes of citizens, including even farmers and
mechanics, who believed his scheme of education Utopian.
In Illinois, bigotry and mismanagement have sadly squan
dered the means and dwarfed the fruit of the industrial
education scheme ; but we have the satisfaction of seeing in
some of the other States, and especially in the neighboring
ones of Michigan and Iowa, this beneficent system grow
ing and developing year by year towards the high standard
of its projectors' ideal hopes.

PERSONAL SIMPLICITY, AND THE GREATNESS OF HIS

WORK.

The early life of Professor Turner was one of poverty and
privation. Thus he early learned the value of economy. In
later life he continued to practice a prudent economy from
choice. But economy with his nature did not carry mean
ness. He is generous and noble in his instructions. Believ
ing extravagance the great and growing folly of his country
men, he continues to this day, although in the possession of
an ample fortune, to practice the utmost simplicity in his
dress consistent with the proper usages of society.

Desiring no public position or office or power, except the
power he has exercised for good in his day and generation;
24

554 THE GROUKDSWELL.

working daily in his green old age on his farm; his children
settled comfortably in life, — he awards a generous hospitality
to those of his many friends who may visit him at his home.
His declining years solaced by a knowledge that he has ever
sought to benefit mankind, he looks back with satisfaction
upon his efforts in the various means which he has used to
do good to his country and its people, through the discussion
of the numberless questions which he has treated — the
natural sciences, internal improvements, industrial educa
tion, the tariff, finance, etc. He may well be proud, if his
modesty would allow, of the. praise bestowed upon him by
Daniel Webster while Secretary of State. Mr. Webster pro
nounced an earlier essay by Professor Turner on the currency
question "one of the ablest papers he had ever read." His
definition of liberty was : " That liberty is the right of every
sentient being to a sphere of action and enjoyment suited to
that capacity of action and enjoyment which God has given
each individual creature." This has been universally ad
mired and accepted by many political writers as the most
comprehensive and 'accurate definition of liberty in the
English language.

CHAPTEB XLIX.

WHAT THE GROUNDSWELL HAS ACCOMPLISHED.

THE GOOD WORK IN CALIFORNIA.

In California the Granges have done noble work toward
disenthralling the people from the power of some of the
combinations and rings that heretofore have held the indus
trial interests in their grasp. In the fight for political re
generation, they have exercised their power (though not as
an organization), against monopolies, and with decided sucr
cess. The brilliant and convincing arguments of Governor
Booth (lately elevated to the United States Senate) con
tributed much toward the triumph of popular rights. The
entering wedge has found a lodgment in that State that
will, it is believed, rend the gnarled stump of corruption
there. Large amounts of money have already been saved
to the members of the Clubs and Granges, and the farmers
of the State have been brought into closer brotherhood.
The fraternal feeling thus engendered is constantly making
clearer the fact, so often demonstrated, that in co-operation
toward a given end lies the power of the masses for good.
That an organization so young as is the Grange in California
should have accomplished so great good, seems truly sur
prising, until we reflect how great was the necessity for ac
tion there. It speaks well for the intelligence of the people

(555)

556 2232 &ftOtfttt>SWfiLL.

of the State, that they should have worked so practically
and harmoniously toward the end sought. .

IN OTHER WESTERN STATES.

Kansas wheels into line with her Clubs and Granges,
Nebraska following close after. Iowa, with her grand con
solidation of Granges, striking blows as with a pile-driver,
already sounds in the ears of monopolies the knell that
betokens a speedy funeral. Minnesota and Wisconsin, with
their Clubs and Granges, are marching shoulder to shoulder
in the battle for human rights. Illinois, strong in her
amalgamated organization, is in the fore front of the fray.
Her sturdy shout rings out clear with every stroke of the
axe at the root of the upas tree of monopoly. Michigan,
Indiana, and Ohio, though feeling less the evils that are ex
perienced elsewhere, are working manfully for the good
cause.

Every- where the jealousies that at first seemed to exist
between the secret and open organizations are gradually
giving way to the knowledge that, in the work in hand,
there must be no faltering nor looking back ; that each have
their legitimate sphere of action; and that each, however
many there may be, is necessary to the other.

As the flint against the steel elicits sparks, so the friction
of mind against mind, at the Club and Grange meetings, is
developing not simply good debaters, but even orators whose
eloquent utterances have power to stir the masses to noble
efforts.

To have been assured of this it was only necessary to have
attended the convention at Decatur, of the Illinois Farmers'
Association, December 15, 1873. when for four days, hold-

ACTION OF THE IOWA STATE GRANGE. 557

ing three long sessions each day, full delegations from the
Clubs and Granges of every County in the State save one
were present The work of this representative body of
men, together with the work and resolutions of the Iowa
State Grange, and the Illinois State Grange, which met the
week previously — the first in Des Moines, Iowa, and the
latter at Bloomington, Illinois — will serve to show the ani
mus and earnestness of the men engaged in the movement.

ACTION OF THE IOWA STATE GRANGE, DECEMBER, 1873.

The resolutions passed by these three great conventions
are important in many respects. The platform of the Iowa
Patrons of Husbandry, was confined principally to the inner
workings of the order. It recommends the establishment
of a circulating library, in connection with the Subordinate
Granges, a step of the greatest importance, and productive
of vast good as a means of still further educating the mem
bers in social and intellectual life. It is also easy of accom
plishment, since the only obstacle is a financial one that may
be easily overcome. A committee was also appointed to
arrange for the establishment of a newspaper, to be strictly
educational in its character — an organ of the Order, which
should be the mentor and teacher of each Grange.

The Iowa Patrons also expressed themselves strongly as
to the necessity of a modification of the school laws, that
they might be more efficiently carried out in practical edu
cation through efficient teachers. While doing this, they
emphatically urge the continued education of the farmers
after the school days are over. Hence, the necessity of
libraries to which all may have access. The Patrons fully
acknowledge the importance of the common schools, the

558 THE GROUNDSWELL.

Agricultural Colleges, and the Press, as the great levers of
progress, in making mankind and womankind thoroughly
humane and enlightened.

One very significant resolution of the Iowa State Grange
is: "That we specially urge upon our brethren the duties
of fraternal arbitration in settlement of all difficulties with
out resort to legal tribunals."

The address of the Master of the Iowa State Grange
contains the following precepts which the Executive Com
mittee were instructed to publish in a circular for the use
of the brethren and others :

First, the family relation or so
cial phase — as represented in the
the Subordinate Grange. The
needs of farmers in this direction
are plainly apparent to all. The
Grange gives that social culture
so much needed in our isolated
condition. In the Grange room
we meet to strenghten those social
ties without which life is shorn of those enjoyments which vitalize exist
ence and make labor become ennobling and honorable. The American
people, and more especially those of us who follow agriculture as a
profession or calling, pay too little regard to the social enjoyments.
Coming into a new country, strangers to each other, urged on by the
absolute necessity of making from the soil, homes and a standing in
the community, we put all of our lives into the material work before
us, forgetting that any life purely material in its character must be
-practically a failure. The Order of the Patrons of Husbandry aims
to meet this want, and our past though short experience has shown
us that in this direction alone it is worth infinitely more than it
has cost.

The second phase of our work is the intellectual and educational one.
No organization in the world has ever before opened such a field
of opportunity for the men and women whj ava.il themselves of its

ACTION OF THE IOWA STATE GRANGE. 559

benefits. In the Grange room we learn how to compare methods ;
we teach each other the best way of arriving at results. Measures
of both private and public interest receive that full and careful at
tention which is so much needed. Under the old system, each indi
vidual drew his knowledge and conclusions from his limited sphere
of thought and observation. Here a fund of thought and study is
brought into the common store, and ALL, according to their capacity,
receive the full measure of benefit. As one instance of the good
coming to us in this connection, it is estimated that among members
of the Order in our State, nine out of every ten cases of dispute
which, under the old system, would be litigated in the courts, are
settled in subordinate Grange by friendly and fraternal arbitration.
I do not suppose our friends of the legal profession will consider this
a creditable feature, but, on the whole, I think we shall be able to
stand it.

There is no computing the amount of knowledge which this edu
cational feature of our work has brought to our members. The re
mark is made by business men outside the gate, " How much more
the farmers know of business than they did two years ago."

Questions of a public nature receive their full share of attention,
and our relations to each other, and to the government, are day by
day becoming better and more clearly understood. To women, these
two first phases of our work already have, and are destined to bring
rich blessings. Nowhere else does woman meet her brothers on
terms of absolute equality. Here her field of thought and action is
only limited by the measure of her capacity. She may enter into
the consideration of every question, and by her quick and fine intui
tive reasoning, stimulate and help forward her slower and more plod
ding brother. I have at times been deeply touched at the expres
sions of thankfulness coming from a full heart from women, who
fully appreciate the good which is coming to them through their
connection with the Order ; and I feel thankful to our founders, who
were wise enough to incorporate this feature in our fundamental
law.

Finally, we come to the material, or business phase of our work.
One mistake sometimes made, is in supposing that the saving of
money in buying and selling is the chief aim of the order. Persons
who take this view of the objects and purposes of the Patrons,
utterly fail to comprehend the scope and genius of the institution.

560 THE GKOUtfDSWELL.

Such persons will do better to turn their energies and thoughts in
the direction of acquiring money outside the gates of the Order.

The saving of money, the learning how to buy and sell, and to use
the results of accumulated industry to the best advantage, is a part,
but ONLY A PART, of the work of the Order. Co-operation in buy
ing and selling has long been conceded by thinking men as the true
secret of business success.

WHAT THE ILLINOIS STATE GRANGE BELIEVES.

The Illinois Patrons, at their annual session at Blooming-
ton, December, 1873, asserted that they regard the various
organizations with entire cordiality, and earnestly invite
their fraternal co-operation. They put their opinions
strongly on record concerning the denudation of forests, in
its relation to meteorological changes, and the consequent
changes of atmospheric conditions ; denounced the infamous
salary grab; and accepted as a compliment the opprobrium
sought to be cast upon the Farmers' Movement- by ascrib
ing to it the late panic in stocks, and otherwise, in the cen
ters of speculation, even though involving the legitimate
business interests of the country in temporary disaster.

On the question of the power of Congress to regulate in
ter-state commerce, the Illinois State Grange declares the
right of Congress so to do, and approves the recent action
in this direction. The entire inadequacy of the present sys
tem of transportation is pointed out", the improvement of
natural channels, and the opening of .new railroad routes is
demanded, not, however, to be constructed by government
except as a last resort. The resolutions conclude with a
strong denunciation of the civil service system of our gov
ernment as now administered.

Is there any thing revolutionary in this ? Does it look
like an expression of views from the stand-point of " commun
ism." Is there any " red republicanism " in all this ? Are the

ACTION OF ILLINOIS STATE FARMERS* ASSOCIATION. 561

Patrons " immersed up to their throats in partisan politics ?"
If so, it is concealed with a Machiavelian subtlety, which
would prove the " Patrons " worthy pupils of that class of
journalists who have so accused them. On the contrary, is
not the entire absence either of partisan politics or political
action of any kind-, except the broad ground upon which all
may unite who truly love their country, commendable ?

ACTION OF THE ILLINOIS STATE FARMERS' ASSOCIATION.

As distinguished from the action of the two representa
tive bodies of men composing the Granges just noticed,
the Illinois Farmers' Association, at their second annual
meeting at Decatur, Illinois, took strong political ground.
This organization is composed of delegates from both Clubs
and Granges, but more largely of the former. The Pa
trons, however, did not attend under the auspices of the
Granges, but as individuals representing constituencies.
This body did not hesitate to express themselves emphati
cally upon the live political issues of the day, much to the
disgust of both the revolutionary and monopolist organs,
who, in the early days of the association, set themselves up
as its mentors, and who have since sought by every means
to guide its course. Various party "organs," too, fancy
they see hand-writings on the wall that are particularly
unpleasant.

Some of the latter are particularly anxious that the farm
ers should know that they themselves did not start the
movement, but a lot of broken-down Washington politicians
— the only grain of truth in which bushel of chaff is that
the Order of Patrons of Husbandry was established at
Washington. This organization, however, represents only
one of the three great elements in the Farmers' Movement.
24*

562 THE GROITNDSWELL.

If the farmers were the stolid set that this class of journal
ists suppose, all this tirade might be well. But those who
for years have been trying to stem the tide of corruption,
and nullify the insane blindness of too grasping monopolists,
will not accept the arbitrary dogma that they are controlled
by a body of Washington politicians.

WHAT THE ILLINOIS FARMERS LID ASSERT.

The Illinois Farmers' Association, at its formation, did not
organize a political party. It has, however, managed to suc
ceed in placing representative farmers in various offices in a
majority of the counties of the State. The Granges, on the
other hand, have steadily kept themselves aloof from politics,
and there is no present appearance that they will ever change
their course, notwithstanding the efforts of certain journals
to force them so to do by covert sneers and open vitupera
tion. The leading minds of the Order know well that such
a course would destroy its influence in other directions. Its
power is potent because exercised in an educational and
business way. The Illinois Patrons are among the most
conservative of the Order, from the fact, perhaps, that there
is another distinct body in the State who may and do exert
political power.

One of the great features of the Order of Patrons is, that
their educational facilities will insure, at the proper time, the
casting of the ballots of the fraternity in accordance with
law and order, and against the usurpation of unjust power
of any kind. Conservative men have always held that the
only proper way for freemen to right political wrong is at
the ballot-box. It is difficult to see how this is to be done
without taking political action. For this reason, the Farm
ers' Association have now wisely resolved to cut loose from

WHAT THE ILLINOIS FARMERS DID ASSERT. 563

all partisan politics, standing firmly upon the broad and
sound platform of principles, not men. To show the feel
ing that actuated this body of men, I give the text of the
resolutions that were stigmatized as a mass of ''stupidly-
framed rhetoric." Each reader of the Groundswell may

Saturday Afternoon.

thus judge for himself of the animus of their critics, who
should be marked as having written themselves down the
enemies of all popular reform.

WHEREAS, Through the departure from the primary principles of
our Government as promulgated by its founders, and through the

564 THE GROUNDSWELL.

imprudent exercise of that highest prerogative of the freeman— the
right of suffrage— we, the farmers of Illinois, in common with the
wealth and food-producers of these United States, have, by our past
action, acquiesced in a system of class legislation which makes the
great majority slavishly subservient to a small minority ; and,

WHEREAS, This condition is clearly traceable to the fostering pro
tection which has been accorded by our legislative bodies, both State
and National, to the financial, mercantile, manufacturing, and trans
porting interests, enabling them to accumulate an undue proportion
of the national wealth, and encouraging them in the exercise of the
corrupting, lobby influences which have become inseparable from
our legislative system ; therefore,

Resolved, That the preservation of our national life imperatively
demands that every American voter should attend with care to all
primary nominations and elections, so as to insure the election of
competent and honest men to all offices in the gift of the people.

Resolved, That the past record of the old political parties of this
country is such as to forfeit the confidence and respect of the people,
and that we are, therefore, absolved from all allegiance to them, and
will act no longer with them.

Resolved, That we demand the unconditional repeal of the salary
grab law, the repeal to be retroactive in its action, and this without
a restoration of the franking privilege.

Resolved, That we do not recognize any necessity that public offi
cers should receive extravagant salaries to the end that they may
conform to the demand of expensive and fashionable tastes, which,
in their very nature, are antagonistic to republican principles, and
we demand a reduction of official salaries.

Resolved, That we demand the immediate reform of abuses in the
civil service, through which the patronage of the government is dis
pensed as a reward for partisan service rather than with regard to
the public necessities.

Resolved, That we are in favor of improving and perfecting the
navigation of our lakes and rivers and water connections, as soon as
it can possibly be done.

Resolved, That we are opposed to a protective tariff.

Resolved, That we deprecate any further grants of public lands or
loans of the public credit; and of National, State, or local subscrip
tions in aid of corporations.

WHAT THE ILLINOIS FARMERS DID ASSERT. 565

Jtesolved, That we favor the repeal of our National Banking Law,
and Delieve that the Government should supply a legal tender cur
rency directly from the Treasury, interchangeable, at the option of
holder, with Government bonds bearing the lowest possible rate of
interest.

Resolved, That we hold that our patent laws are too often made to
subserve the interest of monopolists, and should be carefully revised
and restricted.

Resolved, That the existing railway legislation of this State should
be sustained and enforced until thoroughly tested before the courts.

Resolved, That we oppose any legislation by Congress, under the
plea of regulating commerce between the States, which shall deprive
the people of their present controlling influence through State legis
lation.

Resolved, That the right of the legislature to regulate and control
the railroads of the State must be vindicated, established, and main
tained as an essential attribute of State government; and that those
holding the doctrine that railroad charters are contracts in the sense
that they are not subject to legislative supervision and control have
no just appreciation of the necessary powers and rights of a free gov
ernment ; and we will agree to no truce, and submit to no compro
mise, short of complete vindication and re-establishment of the su
premacy of the State government in its rights, through its legisla
ture, to supervise and control the railroads of the State in such
manner as the public interest shall demand.

Resolved, That we uncompromisingly condemn the practice of our
public officials in receiving free passes from railroad managers.

Resolved, That we demand a reduction of all public expenditures,
to the end that taxation may be reduced to the lowest possible limit.

Resolved, That we condemn the action of our legislature in ad
journing the regular session, thereby practically defeating the pro
vision of the constitution providing biennial sessions.

Resolved, That since a large number of plow manufacturers of
the West have thrown down the gauntlet, we take it up, and recom
mend to the farmers of this State to patronize none of said manu
facturers until they will sell to us direct, at wholesale rates.

CHAPTER L.

THE NATIONAL GRANGE OF PATRONS OF
HUSBANDRY.

THE ANNUAL MEETING AT ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, IN
FEBRUARY, 1874.

The Annual Meeting of the National Grange of Patrons of Husbandry,
which commenced at St. Louis, Missouri, on Tuesday, February 3, and
finally closed its labors on Friday evening, February 13, having been in con
stant session for ten days, was undoubtedly one of the most important, if not
the most important, agricultural meeting ever held in any country. Every
state in the Union, except Maine and Delaware, was represented, as also
were two of the territories, and the province of Quebec, Canada.

MASTER ADAMS' ADDRESS.

The Grand Master of the order, Hon. Dudley W. Adams, in his address,
which was, throughout, a model of elegance and comprehensiveness, sketched
eloquently and rapidly the rise and progress of the Order. Last year they
represented but 1,300 Granges, while now they had nearly 12,000. In its
inception it was intended to be chiefly a social institution like the Farmers'
Clubs, but more comprehensive, including both sexes, and rendered attractive
by a pleasing ritual and the charm of secrecy. Other features have been en
grafted on the Order, and have assumed greater prominence. It was of
importance that the interest in the subordinate Granges be kept up. After
the first few meetings, the interest often flags and the attendance drops off.
This demands careful consideration. The transportation question had
received more attention than any other in the subordinate and State Granges.

ITS ORGANIZATION AND RAPID GROWTH.

667

LOTS OF FUN.

PICKING APPLES.

ONE or THE PETS.

BACK OF THE BABN.

NOONING IN THE SHADE.

A SIT LITTLE CUSTOMER.

A Page for the Little Folk*,

568 THE GBOUNDSWELL.

Satisfactory progress has been made. Millions had been saved to members,
and still they were only on the threshold of the work. He had found man-
ufacturers and consumers equally as anxious as the farmers to get rid of the
loss in transit.

Mr. Adams thought the National Grange should elaborate careful plans
for cooperative stores, using the experience of the Rochdale and other soci
eties. He did not believe in government building railroads or canals, nor in
new roads being made by private enterprise. He appreciated the difficulty
of fixing tariffs by law, but could not see but that disinterested men could do
it as well as railroad men. It would be difficult to get National and State
Legislatures to pass any law which will be efficient, for there is no money in
it. They would be more likely to pass laws involving an expenditure of
fifty or a hundred millions. Nature had placed a magnificent river through
the heart of our agricultural region, the only obstructions to which were a
single rapid, a sand bar, and a heartless tow-boat monopoly.

With respect to the constitution and by-laws of the Order, Mr. Adams
recommended the alteration of the constitution of the State Granges, which
are unwieldy. Newly initiated members, he thought, should be allowed a voice
in the business of Granges, as their patience was now unnecessarily taxed.
With respect to the vexed question of who should be allowed to be members,
he very pertinently said he wanted the gates closed against all those whose
interest consists in what they can get out of the Order.

THE BOSTON GRANGE.— SOME OTHERS.

The subject of the Boston Grange was alluded to. Mr. Adams censured
the action of Deputy Abbott in organizing it, and of the State Master of
Massachusetts in countenancing and sustaining it. Such conduct ought to
be rebuked and punished. In conclusion. Mr. Adams said : " Without
doubt this is the most important meeting of agriculturists ever held in any
land. The responsibility resting upon us is enormous. The whole country t
both within and without the gates, is searchingly watching our every act —
the enemy to find a weak point to attack, our friends hoping and expecting
much good to result. The agriculturists of the nation are now on trial."

CONSTITUTIONAL RE VISION OF THE NA TIONAL GRANGE.

One of the most important works accomplished by the Grange was the
prepared constitutional amendments, which, to become law, must be submit
ted to the States for ratification, a three-fourths vote being necessary to thi*
end. The proposed amendments are as follows •

CONSTITUTIONAL BEVISION. 569

No. 1. That the Preamble to the Constitution be amended by striking out the para
graph under the heading " organization," in relation to State Granges, and substitut
ing the following :

STATE GRANGE,

Fifth Degree. Pomona— (Faith). Composed of the Masters of Subordinate Granges
and their wives who are Matrons, provided that when the number of Subordinate
Granges in any State becomes so great as to render it necessary, the State Grange
may, in such manner as it may determine, reduce its representatives, by providing for
the election of a certain proportion of those entitled to membership in the State Grange
from each county ; and the members so chosen shall constitute the State Grange.

No. 2. SEC. 2. There may be established District or County Granges in the fifth
degree, not to exceed one in each county, composed of Masters and Past-Masters of
Subordinate Granges, and their wives, who are Matrons, and such fourth degree mem-!
bers (not to exceed three from each Subordinate Grange), as may be elected thereto
by the Subordinate Granges, under such regulations as may be established by State
Granges. Such District or County Granges shall have charge of the educational and
business interests of the Order in their respective districts; and shall encourage,
strengthen and aid the Subordinate Granges represented therein. Dispensation for
such District or County Granges shall issue from the State Grange, and under such
regulations as the State Grange may adopt.

No. 3. That the Preamble of the Constitution be amended under the heading " or
ganization" in relation to the National Grange, so as to read:
" Sixth Degree." Flora — (Hope). Composed —

1. Of the founders of the Order, viz: Win. Saunders, O. H. Kelley, J. R. Thomp
son, A. B. Grosh, W. M. Ireland, John Trimble, Jr., F. M. McDowell.

2. The Past-Masters of the National Grange and their wives, who have taken the
degree of Flora.

3. The Officers and members of the Executive Committee of the National Grange.

4. Masters of State Granges and their wives, who have taken the fifth degree.

5. One additional representative from each State for each fifty thousand members,
or fractional part thereof, in excess of thirty thousand, said representatives to be al
ternately a brother and sister for every alternate fifty thousand ; must be fifth degree
members, and will be entitled to the sixth degree.

No. 4. That Sec. 2, Art. 1, of the Constitution, be amended by inserting after the
word " annually," where it occurs in the second line of said section, the following:
"at the regular meeting in December, and installed at the regular meeting in January,
or as soon thereafter as practicable."

No. 5. That Art. 1, Sec. 4, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the
word "three" where it occurs in the second line of said section, and inserting the
word " five," and also by striking out the words " one of whom shall be elected each
year."

No. 6. That Art. 2, Sec. 1, of the Constitution, be amended by inserting the words
u at least " between the words "meet " and " once " where those words occur in the
first line of said section.

No. 7. That Art. 2, Sec. 3, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the word
u February " where it occurs in the second line of said section, and substitute therefor
the work " November," and also by striking out the word " first" where it occurs in
the same line, and substitute therefor the word " third."

No. 8. That Art. 3 of the Constitution be amended by striking out the word " shall "
where it occurs in the first line of said article, and substituting therefor the word
"may."

No. 9. That Art. 5 of the Constitution be amended so as to read: "Engaged in Ag
ricultural pursuits, and having no interest in conflict with our purposes " — instead of
"interested in Agricultural pursuits."

No. 10. That Art. 5 of the Constitution be amended by striking out the words "fe
male " and eighteen years "male," where they occur in the second and third lines pf
said article,

570 THE GROUNDS WELL.

No 11 That Art. 6 of the Constitution be amended so as to read as follows:
The minimum fee for membership in a Subordinate Grange shall be -for men five
dollars, and for women two dollars, for the four degrees.

No 12 That Art. 7 of the Constitution be amended as follows : Strike out the words
" or passed to higher degrees," where they occur at the close of Sec. 2, and add the
following osaitf section: - During the quarter, and pay to the secretary of the State
Grange one dollar for each man, and fifty cents for each woman, initiated during the
quarter; also a quarterly due of six cents for each member; said report to be approved
and forvVarded at the first session of the Grange in each quarter." Strike out the whole
of Sec. 3 and of Sec. 4, and substitute therefor the following, to-wit: "The Secretary
of the State Grange shall pay to the Treasurer of the State Grange all moneys coming
into his hands, at least once every ten days, taking his receipt therefor; and shall re;
port quarterly to the Secretary of the National Grange, the membership in the State."

Change the numbers of succeeding sections so as to make them conform to these

changes.

No. 13. That Art. 7, Sec. 5, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the
words " in New York," where they occur in said section, and leaving the name of the
place blank.

No. 14. That Art.
word " ten " where it
the word "five

7 Sec 5, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the
t occurs in the last line on page 8, and inserting in lieu thereof

No. 15. That Art. 7, Sec. 6, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the
word " signed " where it occurs in the third line of said section, and substitute
therefor the word " approved."

No. 16. That the whole of article 8 be transferred from the Constitution to the By-
Laws, and incorporated therein.

No 17 That Art. 9, Sec. 3, be amended as follows : Insert the words " or Charters "
between the words -dispensation" and "shall be," where those words occur m the
first line of Section 3, of said article.

No -18 That Sec 4, Art. 9, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the
word' "ten," where it occurs in the fifth line of said section, and inserting the word
" twenty."

No. 19. Strike out Sections 6, 7 and 9, of said Article 9, and substitute in lieu of
said section the following sections:

" Where State Granges are organized, dispensations for the organization of the sub
ordinate Granges heretofore issued, shall be replaced by Charter for the National
Grange without further fee ; and, thereafter, all applications for Charters for subordi
nate granges shall pass through the office of the Master of the State Grange, and
must S approved by him before they are issued by the National Grange. When BO
issued, thS Charter shall pass through the office of the Secretary of the State Grange,
and receive the signature and official seal of that office."

No. 20. That Sec. 8, Art. 9, of the Constitution, be amended by striking out the
words " (either first, second, third or fourth)," where they occur in said section, and
inserting the words "on the same person."

No. 21. That the following be inserted and numbered

ART. xin. The Master of the National Grange and the members ox the Executive
Committee shall be empowered to suspend from office any officer of the National
Grange who may prove inefficient or derelict in the discharge of his duty, subject to
appeal to the next session thereafter of the National Grange.

ART xiv — Amendments. This Constitution can be altered or amended by a two-
thirds vote of the National Grange at any annual meeting, and when such alteration
or amendment shall have been ratified by three-fourths of the State Granges and the
same reported to the Secretary of the National Grange, it shall be of full force.

PBOPOSED AMENDMENT TO THE BY-LAWS. 571

PROPOSED AMENDMENT TO THE B Y-LA WS.

The following by-laws were also submitted at the seventh annual session,
as amended :

ARTICLE i. The 4th day of December, the birthday of the Patrons of Husbandry,
shall be celebrated as the anniversary of the order.

ART. n. Not less than the representation of twenty States present at any meeting
of the National Grange shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business.

ART. in. At the annual meeting of each State Grange, it may elect a proxy to rep
resent the State Grange in the National Grange in case of the inability of the Master
to attend, and such proxies shall in all cases be Past Masters of their State Granges.

ART. iv. Questions of administration and jurisprudence arising in and between
State Granges, and appeals from the action and decision thereof, shall be referred
to the Master and Executive Committee of the National Grange, whose decision shall
be respected and obeyed, until overruled by action of the National Grange.

ART. v. It shall be the duty of the Master to preside at meetings of the National
Grange; to see that all officers and members of committees properly perform their
respective duties; to see that the Constitution, By. Laws and Resolutions of the
National Grange, and the usages of the Order are observed and obeyed, and generally
to perform all duties pertaining to such office.

ART. vi. It shall be the duty of the Secretary to keep a record of all proceedings
of the National Grange; to keep a just and true account of all moneys received
and deposited by him in the fiscal agency; to countersign all drafts drawn by the
Treasurer; to conduct the correspondence of the National Grange, and to perform
such other duties appertaining to his office as may be required by the Master and
Executive Committee.

It shall be his duty, at least once each week, to deposit with the fiscal agency hold
ing the funds of the National Grange all moneys that may have come into his hands,
and forward a duplicate receipt therefor to the Treasurer, and to make a full report of
all transactions to the National Grange at each annual session.

It shall be his further duty to procure a monthly report from the fiscal agency, with
whom the funds of the National Grange are deposited, of all moneys received and
paid out by them during each month, and send a copy of such report to the Executive
Committee and the Master of the National Grange.

He shall give bond in such sum. and with such security, as may be approved by the
Executive Committee.

ART. vii. — Section 1. It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to issue all drafts upon
the fiscal agency of the Order, said drafts having been previously approved by the
Master and countersigned by the Secretary of the National Grange.

Sec. 2. He shall report monthly to the Master of the National Grange a statement
of all moneys deposited to his credit in the fiscal agency, and of all drafts signed by
him during the previous month.

Sec. 3. He shall report to the National Grange at each annual session a statement of
all moneys deposited in the fiscal agency, and of all drafts signed by him since his
last annual report.

Sec. 4. It shall be his duty to collect all interest accruing in investments made by
the Executive Committee, and to deposit the same in the fiscal agency.

ART. vni. It shall be the duty of the Lecturer to visit, for the good of the Order,
such portions of the United States as the Master of the Executive Committee may
direct, for which services he shall receive compensation.

ART. ix. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to exercise a general
supervision of the affairs of the Order during the recess of the National Grange.
They shall have authority to act on all matters of interest to the Order, when the

572 THE GBOUNDSWELL.

National Grange is not in session ; shall provide for the wellf are of the order in bus
iness matters ; and shall report their acts in detail to the National Grange on the first
day of its annual meeting.

The Master of the National Grange shall be considered, ex-officio, a member of the
Executive Committee.

ART. x.— Sec. 1. Such compensation for time and service shall be given the Master
Lecturer, Secretary, Treasurer and Executive Committee as the National Grange may,
from time to time, determine.

Sec. 2. Whenever General Deputies are appointed by the Master of the National
Grange, said Deputies shall receive such compensation for time and services as may
be determined by the Master or the Executive Committee ; provided, in no case shall
pay from the National Grange be given General Deputies in any State after the forma
tion of its State Grange.

ART. xi. Section 1. — The financial Reports of Subordinate Granges shall be made
on the first day of January, the first day of April, the first day of July and the first
day of October.

tiec. 2.— State Granges shall date their financial existence three months after the
first day of January, first day of April, first day of July and first day of October, im
mediately following their organization.

ART. xii. Each session of the National Grange shall fix the compensation of its
members.

ART. xin. Special meetings of the National Gransre shall be called by the Master
upon the application to the Masters of twenty State Granges, one month's notice of
such meeting being given to all members of the National Grange. No alterations or
amendments to the By-Laws or Ritual shall be made at any special meeting.

ART. xiv. Upon the demand of five members, the ayes and noes may be called
upon any question, and, when so called, shall be entered by the Secretary upon his
minutes.

ART. xv. Past-Masters are Masters who have been duly elected and installed, and
who have served out the term for which they were elected.

ART. xvi. Vacancies in office may be filled at any regular meeting of the Grange,

ART. xvn. Subordinate Granges may be consolidated in the mode and upon such
terms as may be prescribed by the State Granges.

ART. xvni. Section 1. — In case satisfactory evidence shall be brought to the Master
of the National Grange that a Grange has been organized contrary to the laws or
usages of the Order, or is working in violation of its laws or usages, it shall be the
duty of the Master to revoke the Charter of such offending Grange.

Sec.%.—In case satisfactory evidence shall come to the Master of a State Grange
that a Grange has been organized contrary to the laws and usages of the Order, or is
working in violation of the same, it shall be the duty of the Master to suspend such
offending Grange, and at once forward to the Master of the National Crange notice of
the same, together with the evidence in the case, who shall, if in his opinion the good
of the Order requires such action, revoke the Charter of such offending Grange.

Sec. 3.— Granges whose Charters are thus revoked may appeal to the National
Grange at its next session for the final action of that body.

ART. xix. These By-Laws may be altered or amended at any annual meeting of the
National Grange, by a two-thirds vote of the members present.

THE DECLARA TION OF PRINCIPLES.

The work, however, that has been looked forward to as of prime interest
by those not only inside but outside the Granges, is the declaration of prin
ciples. The document is not only exceedingly comprehensive and emphatic,
but is at the same time moderate in its tone. It says :

Profoundly impressed with the truth that the National Grange of the
United States should definitely proclaim to the world its general objects, we
hereby unanimously make this declaration of purposes of the Patrons of Hus
bandry.

First — United by the strong and faithful tie of Agriculture, we mutually
resolve to labor for the good of our Order, our country and mankind.*

BECLABATION OF PRINCIPLES.

Second— We heartily indorse the motto : — " In essentials, Unity ; in non-
essentials, Liberty ; in all things, Charity."

Third — We shall endeavor to advance our cause by laboring to accom
plish the following objects : To develope a better and higher manhood and
womanhood among ourselves ; to enhance the comforts and attraction of our
homes, and strengthen our attachments to our pursuits ; to foster mutual un
derstanding and co-operation ; to maintain inviolate our laws, and to emulate
each other to labor to hasten the good time coming; to reduce our expenses, both
individual and corporate ; to buy less and produce more, in order to make
our farms self-supporting ; to diversify our crops, and plant no more than we;
can cultivate ; to condense the weight of our exports, selling less in the bushel
and more on the hoof and in fleeces ; to systematize our work, and calculate
intelligently on the probabilities ; to discountenance the credit system, the
mortgage system, the fashion system, and every other system tending to pro
digality and bankruptcy. We propose meeting together, talking together,
working together, buying together, selling together, and generally acting to
gether for our mutual protection and advancement, as occasion may require.
We shall avoid litigation as much as possible, by arbitration in the Grange.
We shall constantly strive to secure entire harmony, good will and vitaj
brotherhood among ourselves, and to make order perpetual. We shall earn-
estly endeavor to suppress personal, local, sectional and national prejudices,
all unhealthy rivalry and all selfish ambition. Faithful adherence to these
principles will ensure our mental and moral, social and material advance
ment.

fourth — For our business interests we desire to bring producers and con
sumers, farmers and manufacturers, into the most intimate relations possible.
Hence, we must dispense with a surplus of middle men : not that we are
unfriendly to them, but we do not need them. Their surplus and their exac*
tions diminish our profits. We wage no aggressive warfare against any other
interests whatever. On the contrary, all our acts and all our efforts, so far as
business is concerned, are not only for the benefit of producers, but also for
all other interests that try to bring those two parties into speedy and econom
ical contact. Hence, we hold that transportation companies of every kind
are necessary to our success ; that their interests are intimately connected
with our interests, and that harmonious action is mutually advantageous.
Keeping in view the first sentence in our declaration of principles of action,
that " individual happiness depends upon the general prosperity," we shall
therefore advocate for every State the increase, in every practicable way, of
all facilities for transporting cheaply to the seaboard, or between home pro
ducers and consumers, all the productions of our country. We adopt it as
our fixed purpose to open out the channel in Nature's great arteries, that the
life-blood of commerce may flow freely. We are not enemies of railroads,
navigable and irrigating canals, nor of any corporation that will advance our
industrial interests, nor of the laboring classes. In our noble Order there is
no communism, no agrarianism. We are opposed to such spirit and manage
ment of any corporation or enterprise as tends to oppress people and rob
them of their just profits. We are not enemies to capital, but we oppose
tyranny of monopolies. We long to see the antagonism between capital and
labor removed by common consent, and by an enlightened statesmanship
worthy of the nineteenth century. We are opposed to excessive salaries,
high rates of interest, and exorbitant per cent, profits in trade. They greatly
increase our burdens, and do not bear a proportion to the profits of produ
cers. We desire only self-protection and the protection of every true inter
est of our land by legitimate transactions, legitimate trade, and legitimate

574 THE GKOUNDSWELL.

profits. We shall advance the cause of education among ourselves and tot
our children by all just means within our power. We especially advocate for
our agricultural and industrial colleges that practical agriculture, domestic
science, and all the arts which adorn the home, be taught in their courses of
study.

Fifth. — We emphatically and sincerely assert the oft repeated truth taught
in our organic law, that the Grange — National, State or subordinate — is
not a political or party organization. No Grange, if true to its obligations,
can discuss political or religious questions, nor call political conventions, nor
nominate candidates, nor even discuss their merits in its meetings ; yet the
principles we teach underlie all true politics, all true statesmanship, and, if
properly carried out, will tend to purify the whole political atmosphere of
our country, for we seek the greatest good of the greatest number. But we
must always bear it in mind that no one, by becoming a Grange member,
gives up that inalienable right and duty which belongs to every American
citizen to take a proper interest in the politics of his country. On the con
trary, it is right for every member to do all in his power legitimately to influ
ence for good the action of any political party to which he belongs. It is
his duty to do all he can in his party to put down bribery, corruption and
trickery ; to see that none but competent, faithful and honest men, who will
unflinchingly stand by our industrial interests, are nominated for all positions
of trust, and to have carried out the principles which should always charac
terize every Grange member — that the office should seek the man, and not
the man the office. We acknowledge the broad principle that difference of
opinion is not crime, and hold that progress towards truth is made by differ
ences of opinion, while the fault lies in the bitterness of controversy. We
desire a proper equality, equity and fairness ; protection for the weak, res
traint upon the strong — it short, justly distributed burdens and justly distri
buted power. These are American ideas, the very essence of American
independence, and to advocate the contrary is unworthy of the sons and
daughters of an American Republic. We cherish the belief that sectional-
ism is, and of right should be, dead and buried with the past. Our work is
for the present, and the future. In our Agricultural Brotherhood and its
purposes we shall recognize no North, no South, no East, no West. It is
reserved by every Patron, as his right as a freeman, to affiliate with any party
that will best carry out his principles.

Sixth. — Ours being peculiarly a farmer's institution, we cannot admit all
to our ranks. Many are excluded by the nature of our organization, not
because they are professional men, or artisans, or laborers, but because they
have not a sufficient direct interest in tilling or pasturing the soil, or may
have some interest in conflict with our purposes ; but we appeal to all good
citizens for their cordial cooperation to assist in our efforts towards reform,
that we may eventually remove from our midst the last vestige of tyranny
and corruption. We hail the general desire for fraternal harmony, equitable
compromise and earnest cooperation as an omen of our future success.

Seventh.— It shall be an abiding principle with us to relieve any of our
oppressed and suffering brotherhood by any means at our command.

Last, but not least, we proclaim it among our purposes to inculcate a
proper appreciation of the abilities and sphere ot woman, as is indicated by
admitting her to membership and position in our Order.

Imploring the continued assistance of our Divine Master to guide us in
our work, we here pledge ourself to faithfully and harmoniously labor for all
future time to return by our united efforts to the wisdom, justice, fraternity
and political purity of our forefathers.

THE GROUNDSWELL. 575

UNITING THE INDUSTRIES.

The Patrons of Husbandry are a class organization ; other
class organizations have sprung up in various states, and under
various names, some of them palpable swindles to coin money
through the sympathies of the masses who are constantly unit
ing to lift a mighty " Groundswell," which it is to be hoped will
carry before it the last vestige of corruption and wrong doing,
spreading the debris far out upon the sands of obscurity.

In some respects all these societies have objects in common,
but in many others they are widely divergent.

What is wanted now is a tie that shall bind all the industrial
classes of the country, whether they work with the hand, the
brain, or both, earnest men and women into a fraternity that
shall seek the greatest good to the greatest numbers ; and,
through co-operation, sway the destiny of the nation for good.
Whose motto shall truly be, "Equal and exact justice to all,
according to the just deserts of the individuals."

Such an organization is even now called into life, and has
already spread into several states. Under the broad folds of
its banner are received those in every walk of life, who, while
not warring upon classes, will frown down any attempt by cer
tain classes which conspire against the public weal, either by the
monopoly of capital, oppressing labor, or by the enactment of
laws unjust to the many, while favoring the few; who will not
create one monopoly to kill another, but by buying and selling
in the best markets, shall save to themselves profits that are
now divided amongst a horde of scalpers ; who will so educate
the fraternity that each individual shall use his suffrage intelli
gently and firmly.

576 tmtTIKft THE

Will they accomplish the object ? Yes ; if they can combine
the agriculturist ; if they can combine the industrial classes, as
have the class organizations, for particular classes. .

Once we feared it could not be done. It cannot certainly be
accomplished except through a secret organization which will
hold its members to a unity of action for the general weal.

Can it be done now? Let us hope so.

The primary feature of class organizations like the Patrons
of Husbandry, the Farmers' Clubs, trades' unions, or by what
ever name they may be called, should be to so educate its mem
bers that intelligent thought, moral deportment, and a consci-
encious performance of duty shall be the rule and guide of
their actions. Sooner or later, if the order be not now devel
oping, an organization must arise that shall include in its ranks
every legitimate industry, whether of the brain or the hand,
composed, in fact, of the best men of all organizations. So,
only, can we hope to take out of the hands of corrupt men the
power that has carried, many times, to the verge of ruin, not
only legitimate business, but the best interests of the nation
itself.

THE END.

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