The Chronica Botanica Co., International Scientific Publishers Noteworthy Books: — Baldwin: Forest Tree Seed $6.00 Bawden: Plant Viruses and Vims Dis- eases, third, revised edition 6.00 Camp et al.: International Rules of Botanical Nomenclature 3.75 Chardon: Los Naturalistas en la America Latina, Vol. 1 4.50 Chester: The Cereal Rusts 5.50 Clements, Martin and Long: Adapta- tion and Origin in the Plant World 6.00 Condit: The Fig 5.50 Copeland: Genera Filicum 6.50 Correll: Orchids of North America. . . 7.50 Crafts, Currier, and Stocking: Water in the Physiology of Plants 6.00 Crocker and Barton: Physiology of Seeds (shortly) ca. 6.00 Dachnowski-Stokes: Peat (shortly) 5.00 Darrah: Principles of Paleobotany, second, revised edition (shortly) ... .ca. 4.75 Darwin: Journal of Researches (shortly) ca. 7.50 Elliott: Bacterial Plant Pathogens. . . 6.00 Erdtman: Introduction to Pollen Analysis 6.00 Finan: Maize in the Great Herbals. . 3.00 Frear: Chemical Insecticides 6.50 Frear: Chemical Fungicides and Plant Insecticides 5.50 Fulford: Bazzania in C. and S. Amer- ica 5.00 Goodspeed: Nicotiana (shortly) ca. 7.00 Guilliermond: Cytoplasm of the Plant Cell 5.00 Gundersen: Families of Dicotyledons 4.75 Hoagland: Inorganic Nutrition of Plants .- 4.75 Horsfall: Fungicides and Their Action 5.00 Howes: Vegetable Gums and Resins 5.50 Jessen: Botanik der Gegenwart und Vorzeit 6.00 Johansen: Plant Embryology 6.00 Kelley: Mycotrophy of Plants 5.00 Knight: Dictionary of Genetics 4.50 Lloyd: Carnivorous Plants 7.50 Moldenke: Plants of the Bible 7.50 Murneek et al.: Vernalization and Photoperiodism 4.75 Nickerson et al.: Biology of Patho- genic Fungi 5.50 Reed: Short History of the Plant Sciences (2nd printing, shortly) 6.00 Sarton: Guide to the History of Sci- ence 7.50 Schopfer: Plants and Vitamins 5..50 G. M. Smith et al.: Manual of Phy- cology 7.50 Stevens: Disease in Plants 4.75 van Dillewijn: Sugar Cane 6.00 Verdoorn et al.: Plants and Plant Sci- ence in Latin America 6.00 Verdoorn (ed.): Paradisus Arcadien- sis (in press) 7.50 Waksman: The Actinomycetes 5.50 Wallace et al. : Trace Elements in Plant Physiology (Rothamsted Symposium) 4.50 Wilde: Forest Soils and Forest Growth 5.50 Willis: Birth and Spread of Plants. . 6.00 Wulff : Historical Plant Geography . . 5.00 * * * CHRONICA BOTANICA, An Inter- national Collection of Studies in the Method and History of Biology and Agriculture (annual subscrip- tion) 7.50 Special issues of Chronica Botanica which are available to non-subscribers: — Arber: Goethe's Botany 2.00 Asmous: Fontes Hist. Bot. Rossicae 1.25 BIOLOGIA, An International Year- Book (per annual volume) 4.75 Browne: A Source Book of Agricul- tural Chemistry 5.00 Browne: Thomas Jefferson and the Scientific Trends of His Time 1.25 DeTurk (ed.): Freedom from Want. . 2.00 Graustein: Nuttall's Travels 3.00 Howard: Luther Burbank 3.75 Jack: Biological Field Stations 2.50 Lanjouw — Sprague: Botanical Nomen- clature and Taxonomy, A Sym- posium 2.50 Merrill: Merrilleana — General Writ- ings 4.00 Rafinesque: A Life of Travels 2.50 Reed: Jan Ingenhousz — Plant Physi- ologist 3.00 Rickett: Botanical Expedition to New Spain 2.50 Saint-Hilaire: Voyages au Bresil 2.00 Schultes et al.: American Ethnobot- any (shortly) 7.50 Stevens: Factors in Botanical Publi- cation and other Essays 2.00 Vavilov: Cultivated Plants 7.50 Verdoorn (ed.): World List of Plant Science Institutions and Societies (shortly) ca. 4.00 Wyman: Arboretums of North Amer- ica 1.50 * * * Imports which we handle for the Ameri- cas only: — Brooke: Wild Orchids of Britain 23.50 Hulten: Atlas of Vascular Plants in N. W. Europe 14.50 Kale: Soya Bean, ed. 2 4.00 Lindquist: Genetics in Swedish For- estry Practice 3.50 Meyer-Abich: Biologie der Goethe Zeit 5.50 Nelson: Introductory Botany 4.00 Verdoorn et al.: Manual of Bryology. . 9.50 Verdoorn (ed.): Manual of Pteridol- ogy 11-00 Weevers: Fifty Years of Plant Physi- ology 5.00 Catalogue and Book Department List on Request The Chronica Botanica Co., Waltham, Massachusetts, U.S.A. A GUIDE to the HISTORY of SCIENCE George Sarton was born in Ghent, East Flanders, Belgium, on 31 August 1884. His formal education was completed at the Athenee and the University of his native city. Soon after obtaining his doctorate in mathematics (1911), he decided to devote his life to the study of the history of science. He founded Isis in 1912. During the first World War he emigrated to America. After a few difficult years. Dr. Sarton was ap- pointed a research associate of the Carnegie Institution of Wash- ington, an appointment which enabled him to accomplish his mission. He held it from 1918 to 1949. Dr. Sarton taught the history of science at Harvard University from 1916 to 1918, and from 1920 to 1951. At present, he does not teach any longer but he is still very active in his chosen field and hopes to continue his work for many more years. — Dr. Sarton is honorary president of the History of Science Society and of the Biohistorical Club of Boston, and an honorary member of the history of science societies of Belgium, England, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, and Israel. — More information will be found in the biography included in the Studies and Essays in the History of Science and Learning, edited by M. F. Ashley Montagu, offered in homage to him, on the occasion of his 60th birthday (New York: Schuman). Main Publications: Introduction to the History of Science (From Homer to the end of the xivth century), 3 vols, in 5, 4332 p. (Pubfished for the Carnegie Institution of Washington by Williams & Wilkins, Baltimore, 1927-48). — The History of Science and the New Humanism (New York: Holt, 1931). Revised edition (Harvard University Press, 1937). Spanish translation (Rosario, 1948). Japanese translation (Tokyo, 1950), — The Study of the History of Science (Harvard U. Press, 1936). — The Study of the History of Mathematics (Harvard U. Press, 1936). — The Life of Science: Essays in the History of Civilization (New York: Schuman, 1948). — The Incubation of Western Science in the Middle East (Washington, D. C.: Li- brary of Congress, 1951). — Ancient Science to the Time of Epicures (to be pubhshed in 1952 by the Harvard U. Press). Founder and Editor of: — Isis, an international review devoted to the history of science and civilization (Vol. 1, Wondelgem, 1913). Vol. 43 is being published in 1952 (Widener Library 189, Cambridge 38, Massachusetts, U.S.A.). — Osiris, commenta- tiones de scientiarum et eruditionis historia rationeque (Vol. 1, Bruges, 1936). Vol. 10 including Table of vols. 1-10, will be published in 1952 by the St. Catherine Press of Bruges, Belgium. HORUS /2 -S': A GUIDE tc the HISTORY of SCIENCE A First Guide for the Study of the History of Science With Introductory Essays on Science and Tradition by George Sarton Editor of his and Osiris Professor in Harvard University 1952 WALTHAM, MASS., U.S.A. Published by the Chronica Botanica Company Copyright, 1952, by the Chronica Botanica Co. All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form AutJiorized Agents: — New York, N. Y.: Stechert-Hafner, Inc., 31 East 10th Street. San Francisco, Cal.: J. W. Stagey, Inc. 551 Market Street. Toronto: Wm. Dawson Subscription Service, Ltd., 60 Front Street West. Mexico, D. F.: Axel Moriel Sucrs., San Juan de Letran 24-116; Ap. 2762. Caracas: Suma, S. A., Sabana Grande, 102, "El Recreo." Bogota and Medellm: Libreria Central. Lima: Libreria Internacional del Peru. Santiago de Chile: Libreria Zamorano y Caperan. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Kosmos, Rua do Rosario, 135-137; Caixa Postal 3481. Sao Paulo: Livraria CiviLizAgAo Brasileira, Rua 15 de Novembro, 144. Buenos Aires: Acme Agency, Soc. de Resp. Ltda., Suipacha 58; Casilla de Correo 1136. London, W. C. 2: Wm. Dawson and Sons, Ltd., Chief Agents for the British Empire, Cannon House, Macklin Street. London, W. C. 1: H. K. Lewis and Co., Ltd., 136, Cower Street. Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln. Copenhagen K: Store Nordiske Videnskabsboghandel. Groningen: N. V. Erven P. Noordhoff, Chief Agents for Continental Europe. Paris VI: Librairie P. Raymann & Cie., 17, Rue de Tournon. Hamburg 13: Buch- und Zeitschriften-Union mbH., Harvestehuder Weg 5. Berlin-Charlottenburg: R. Friedlaender & Sohn, Knesebeckstrasse 15. Baseh Wepf & Co., Verlag. Wien, I: Gerold & Co. Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier. Madrid: Libreria J. Villegas. Lisbon: Livraria Sa da Costa, Moscow: Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga. Peiping: French Bookstore, 1/2 T'ai-chi-Ch'ang, Ex-Legation Quarter. Tokyo: Maruzen Company, Ltd. Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras: Macmillan and Co., Ltd. Djakarta (Batavia): G. Kolff and Co. Capetown: Wm. Dawson and Sons, Ltd. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, Ltd. Melbourne, C. 1: N. H. Seward, Pty., Ltd. Wellington, Auckland, and Christchurch: Technical Books, Ltd. Designed by Frans Verdoorn ^G^C/^^ PREFACE iiviDED into two parts which are very different yet com- plete each other, this Guide may attract and serve two Kinds of readers; on the one hand, scientists and schol- ars, on the other hand, historians of science. The first and shorter part explains the purpose and meaning of the history of science in the form of three lectures de- hvered at various European universities; the second, much longer part, is a bibliographic summary prepared for the guidance of scholars interested in those studies. The first part is meant to be read, the second to be used as a tool. The lectures of the first part were originally thought out at the request of the University of London, and they were first delivered in the Anatomy Theatre of University College in March 1948. The University had invited me twice previously but I had not been able to accept its flattering invitations more promptly, because I could not leave the United States before the printing of the third volume of my Introduction to the History of Science (Science and Learning in the Fourteenth Century) was completed. Freedom to leave Cambridge was not in sight -until the end of 1947. When a man has devoted the best part of his life to definite studies, he may be forgiven if he interrupts his real work for a while in order to explain it to others. It is for that reason that when the University of London invited me, I yielded to the temptation. The problems dealt with in these London lectures were dealt with again in other lectures delivered on the Continent. The ideas of the first lecture were discussed in English before the Vlaamse Club of Brussels, and in French at the Institut d'his- toire des sciences (Faculte des Lettres) of Paris; those of the second lecture were explained in French at the University of Liege and at the College de France; those of the third were summarized in French before the annual meeting of the Association frangaise pour I'Avancement des Sciences in Geneva. As all my lectures, whether in English or in French, were dehvered with but a minimum of written notes and recreated to some extent for each occasion, the text which is printed below does not reproduce them except in a general way. The text contains much less than the lectures, but also something more, and it differs from each spoken lecture at least as much as each spoken lecture differed from the others dealing with the same subject. To the lectures has been added a general bibhography meant to provide a kind of vade mecum for students. The lectures try to explain tliat it is worth while to study the history of science, and indeed that general history is utterly incomplete if it be not focussed upon the development of science; the bibliography appended to them gives the means of implementing the purpose which they advocate. The history of science is slowly coming into its own. Its study has been delayed by administrators without imagination, and later it has been sidetracked and jeopard- ized by other administrators having more imagination than knowledge, who mis- understood the discipline, substituted something else in its place and intrusted the study and teaching to scholars who were insufficiently prepared. Historians of science must know science and history; the most perfect knowledge of the one is insufficient without some understanding of the other. A historian of culture is not X Preface qualified to discuss the history of science if he lacks any kind of scientific training, and the most distinguished men of science are unqualified if they lack historical sense and philosophical wisdom. Good intentions are never enough, and they are not more acceptable by themselves in this field than in any other. There are but few historians of science completely qualified for the task of teaching it ( the whole of it) today, but it is possible and even easy to create more of them. That is simply a matter of training, a training different from the other kinds of scientific or historical training, but not more difficult. As the need of the new kind of scholars increases, the necessary training will be better organized, and more historians of science will be ready to cultivate the new field, and in their turn to train other investigators, perhaps better ones than they are themselves. To conclude, I wish to thank the scholars and men of science who sponsored my European lectures: first of all. Professor Herbert Dingle of University College, London, then, Prof. F. Moreau, President of the Societe beige d' Astronomic and M. Paxil Ver Eecke, President of the Comite beige d'histoire des sciences in Brus- sels; Prof. Franz de Backer of the University of Ghent and Major-general Dr. Irenee Van der Ghinst* of the medical service of the Belgian army, Prof. Armand Delatte and Henri Fredericq of the University of Liege, Professor Gaston Bache- lard of the Sorbonne, Professor Maurice Janet of the Faculte des Sciences of Paris, president of the Societe mathematique de France, Professor Andre Mayer of the College de France, M. Henri Berr, president of the Foundation "Pour la Science" and of the Centre International de Synthese, Professor Pierre Sergescu, president of the International Academy of the History of Science, and his predecessor Professor Arnold Reymond, of the University of Lausanne. My thanks are due also to many other men and women who made the accomplishment of my task more easy and more pleasant, in their several countries, but it is impossible to name them all here and now. I am very grateful to all of them, and this book is published in part to express my gratitude and to justify their confidence in me. The three lectures of Part I have already appeared in French translation, the first and third in the Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences (no. 5, p. 10-31, Paris 1948; no. 10, p. 3-38, 1950), the second in the Revue d'Histoire des Sciences (vol. 2, p. 101-38, Paris 1949). These translations written by myself during a vaca- tion in Switzerland and Belgium are relatively free. As I was my own translator, I could take liberties with the text without the risk of betraying myself. The brief bibliographic guide which constitutes the second part of this book was enriched by my friend. Dr. Claudius F. Mayer, Editor of the Index Catalogue, Chief Medical Officer of the Army Medical Library in Washington. Not only did he fill many gaps passim, but he rewrote Chapter 11 dealing with General Scientific Journals, added Chapter 12 enumerating the main Abstracting Journals, and enlarged considerably Chapter 20 on the Journals and Serials devoted to the History of Science. The proofs of the whole book were kindly read by Mrs. Jean P, Brockhurst and Mrs. Frans Verdoorn who suggested many corrections. The chapters dealing respectively with publications, societies, museums, insti- tutes are bound to include duplications, because research, collections, exhibitions, publications are but different functions of the same entities. These duplications do not matter. Omissions are more serious; some are deliberate, others, maybe the worst ones, are not. The citing title, Horus, was chosen for the sake of convenience. Such a title should be as brief as possible; the briefer it is the easier it is to refer to the book. In this case, it will not even be necessary to mention the author's name; it will suffice to say "Horus, p. 145," or "Horus 145," without ambiguity. A name should be brief, but it should not be arbitrary. Horus was the son of Isis and Osiris; this book is the offspring of the two serials, Isis and Osiris, a collection of fifty volumes. It has many of the defects as well as the qualities of its parents. What could be more natural and more justified than to call it Horus? * My old friend, Irenee Van der Ghinst, born in Bruges 1884, died at Watermael, near Brussels, on 30 April 1949. Preface XI The falcon reproduced on page iii and elsewhere represents Horus; it is the symbol of the God and to the expert that symbol is much clearer than the very word Horus. The model which was here reproduced, thanks to the courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum and of Dr. Ambrose Lansing, Curator of the Department of Egyptian Art, is one of the magnificent hieroglyphics of the Carnarvon collection,* hieroglyphics which were used for monumental or decorative purposes. The author hopes he will not be considered immodest for his own use of it. The Renaissance tail pieces have nearly all been reproduced from Planttn pub- lications, the few earlier, as well as the Baroque vignettes, from various sources in the Chronica Botanica Archives, while the head piece on page xiii was taken from Mem. Ac. Roy. Sci. of 1750. Cambridge, Massachusetts Widener 185 The Author " Polychrome faience inlay, late dynastic period; height 15.7 cm. See Albert M. Lythgoe (Bull. Metropolitan Museiim, Feb. 1927). It has often been reproduced in books dealing with Egyptian art, or with pottery and porcelain, e.g., Jean Cap art: Dociunents poui servir a I'etude de I'art egyptien (vol. 2, p. 92, pi. 99, Paris 1931). TOMK I. FASC. 1. N» I ISIS REVUE CONSACREE A KHISTOIRE DE LA SCIENCE, PUBLll&E PAR GEORGE SARTON, D. SC. COMlTi: DE PATUOXAOK : Svante Arrhenius, direcleur de I'lnslilul scientitique Nobel, Stockholm; Henri Berr, directeur de la Revue dc synthase historiqne, Paris; IWorltZ Cantor, professeur ^merile a I'Univcrsite d'Ueulelbeig ; Franz Cumont, conservateur aux Musces royaux, Bruielles; E. Durkhelm, professeur il la Sorbonne, Paris ; Jorge Enger> rand, directeur de I'toole inlern.ilionale d'archcologie cl d'ethnographie ain^ricaines, Mexico; Ant. Favaro, professeur a rUiiiversile de Padoue; Franz-M. Feldhaus, direcleur des QaeUenforschungen znr Geschichte tier Technik und der Natit}-- tcissenschaflen, Berlin: John Ferguson, professeur a I'llniversit^ de Glasgow; Arnold van Gennep, professeur a rUniversili de Neuiliatel ; E. Goblot, professeur a I'Uiiiversile de Lyon ; Ic. Guareschi, professeur a rUniversile de Turin; Siegmund GUnther, professeur a I'Ecole lecliniquesuperieureile Munich; Sir Thomas-L. Heath, K.C.B., F.R.S., Londres; J.-L. Heiberg, professeur a I'Universil^ de Copenhaguc; FrMJrIc Houssay, professeur a la Sorbonne, Paris; Karl Lamprecht, professeur a I'Universild de Leipzig ; Jacques Loeb, member of the Rockefeller Institute for medical research. New- York; Gino Loria, professeur a I'Univfrsite de Genes; Jean Mascart, direct«ur de I'Dbservaloire de Lyon ; Walther May, professeur a I'BcoIe technique sup^rieurs da Karlsruhe; G. Mllhaud, professeur tn la Sorbonne, faris; Max Neuburger, professeur a I'Universite de Vienne; Wilhelm Ostwald, professeur ^m6rite a I'Universite de Leipzig; Henri Polncardf; Em. RadI, pro- fesseur d riicolc reale, Prague; Sir William Ramsay, K.C.B., F.R.S.. Londres; Praphulla Chandra Ray, professeur d Presidency College, Calcutta; Abel Rey, professeur a I'Universite de Dijon; DavId Eugine'Smlth, professeur a Columbia University, New-York; Ludwig Stein, professeur a I'Universite de Beilin ; Karl Sudhoff, Direktor des Institutes fur Geschichte der Medizin, Leipzig; E. Waxweller, directeur de I'lnstitutde sociologie Solvay, Bruxelles ; H.-G. Zeuthen, professeur d rUniversite de Copenhague. VVONDELGEM-LEZ- GAND (uelgique) MARS 1913 Title page of the first number of Isis issued in 1913. — The list of associate editors illustrates the journal's interna- tional character. As will be shown in this Guide, the history of science is, indeed, a truly international discipline. CONTENTS The Author iv Preface ix Contents xiii Abbreviations xviii Part I — Introductory Essays SCIENCE and TRADITION (Lectures delivered at University College, London, 1948) I. Science and Tradition II. The Tradition of Ancient and Mediaeval Science .... Appendix — Monumental and Iconographic Tradition vs. Literary Tradition III. Is It Possible to Teach the History of Science? 3 17 42 44 Part II A FIRST GUIDE for the STUDY of the HISTORY OF SCIENCE Preliminary Remarks 69 A. History 1. Historical Methods 72 2. Historical Tables and Summaries "75 r 3. Historical Atlases '^^ 4. Gazetteers '^'^ (xiii) xiv Contents 5. Encyclopaedias 78 6. Biographical Collections 84 B. Science 7. Scientific Methods and Philosophy of Science . . . ; . 86 8. Science and Society 94 9. Catalogues of Scientific Literature ......... 98 10. Union Lists of Scientific Periodicals ......... 100 11. General Scientific Journals 101 12. Abstracting and Review Journals ( by Claudius F. Mayer ) • 105 13. National Academies and National Scientific Societies . . . Ill C. History of Science 14. Chief Reference Books on the History of Science .... 115 15. Treatises and Handbooks on the History of Science . . . 116 16. Scientific Instruments 122 17. History of Science in Special Countries 124 Argentina 125 Belgium 125 Canada 125 Denmark 125 France 126 Germany 126 Great Britain 126 India 126 Italy 126 Japan 127 The Netherlands 127 New Zealand 127 Poland 127 Russia 127 South Africa 128 Spain 128 Sweden 128 Switzerland 128 United States of America 128 18. History of Science in Special Cultural Groups 130 Antiquity in General 130 Ancient Near East 130 Egypt 131 Bahylonia 132 Classical Antiquity 133 Middle Ages 137 Byzantine and Slavonic 139 Contents xv Byzantine 139 Slavonic 139 Israel 139 Islam 140 India 142 Far East and Eastern Indies (Indonesia) 145 China . 146 Japan 148 19. History of Special Sciences 149 Logic 149 Western Logic 149 Eastern Logic 150 Mathematics — Bibliography 150 History of Mathematics 150 General Mathematics and Special Subjects Not Covered in THE Following Sections 150 Arithmetic, Algebra, Theory of Numbers 153 Geometry 154 Mathematical Analysis 155 Statistics 155 Astronomy 156 Physics 157 Mechanics, Including Celestial Mechanics 159 Heat — Thermodynamics 161 Optics 162 Electricity and Magnetism 162 Chemistry 163 Technology, "Inventions" 167 Navigation 168 Metrology 169 Chronometry and Horology 170 Photography 171 General Biology and Natural History 171 Botany and Agriculture 173 Zoology 175 Geodesy and Geography 177 Geology, Mineralogy, Palaeontology 178 Meteorology 180 Anatomy and Physiology 180 Anthropology, Ethnology, Folklore 181 Psychology 182 Philosophy ^ 183 Medicine 184 Dentistry 189 Epidemiology 189 Gynaecology and Obstetrics 190 Pharmacy and Toxicology 191 Veterinary Medicine 191 Education 192 Sociology 193 Prehistoric Archaeology 193 20. Journals and Serials Concerning the History and Philosophy of Science (with the help of Claudius F. Mayer) ... 194 Appendix — Misleading Titles 246 Addenda 248 xvi Contents D. Organization of the Study and Teaching of the History of Science 21. National Societies Devoted to the History of Science • . . 249 22. International Organization of the History of Science . • . 253 23. The Teaching of the History of Science 257 24. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 260 Argentina 261 Austria 262 Belgium 262 CraNA 264 Czechoslovakia 264 Denmark 264 France 265 Germany 267 Great Britain 270 Hungary 274 Italy 274 The Netherlands 275 Norway 276 Poland 277 Romania 277 Soviet Union 277 Sweden 278 Switzerland 279 United States of America 280 Company Museums 285 Small Regional or Local Museums 287 Other Technical Museums 288 25. International Congresses 290 History of Science (see also p. 255) 290 Generalities 291 Americanists 293 Anatomists 293 Anthropology and Ethnology 293 Prehistoric Anthropology and Archaeology 293 Archaeology and History 293 Architects 293 Astronomical Union 293 Astronomical Conferences 294 Biochemistry 294 BioMETRic Conferences 294 Botany 294 Byzantine Research 294 Chemical Congresses 295 Conferences of Chemistry 295 Chronometry 295 Crystallography 295 Classical Studies 295 Entomology 295 Ethnography 295 Folklore 296 Geodesy and Geophysics 296 Contents xvii Geogkaphy 296 Geology 296 History 296 History of Art 297 History of Medicine 297 History of Religions 297 History of Science 297 Mathematicians 297 Applied Mechanics 297 Medicine 297 Ophthalmology 298 Orientalists 298 Ornithology 298 Papyrology 298 Pharmacy 298 Philosophy 298 Philosophy of Sciences 299 Photography 299 Physiology 299 Prehistory and Protohistory 299 Psychology 299 Unity of Science 300 Sociology 300 Statistics 300 StTRGERY 300 Toponymy and Anthroponymy 300 Veterinary Medicine 300 Weights and Measures 300 Zoology 301 International Organization of Congresses, UNESCO and ICSU 301 26. Prizes 303 Index of Proper Names 305 ABBREVIATIONS Archives. — Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences. Paris 1947f. Continuation of Mieli's Archivio di storia delle scienze, later called Archeion (1919-43). Introd. — G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science and Learning (3 vols, in 5, Carnegie Institution, Washington, D. C, 1927-48). Isis. — Isis: An international review devoted to the history of science and civilization. Founded and edited by George Sarton. Vol. 1, 1913; vol. 43, 1952 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts). Mitt. — Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Natur- wissenschaften (40 vols., Leipzig 1902-43). Osiris. — Osiris: Commentationes de scientiarum et eruditionis historia rationeque edidit Georgius Sarton. 10 vols. ( St. Catherine Press, Bruges 1936-1952). Symbols like (IV-2 B.C.), (XIII-1), mean second half of the fourth century before Christ, first half of the thirteenth cen- tury of our era; their use implies that the subject is dealt vi'ith in my Introduction to the History of Science and Learning. Part I INTRODUCTORY ESSAYS SCIENCE and TRADITION \;5V3^'^'^^ X, \, lit: I LIBRARY ]^ MASS. y^/ I. SCIENCE AND TRADITION The title of this group of lectures and particularly of the first one is paradoxical. It would seem natural to twist it a little and instead of saying Science and Tradition, to say Science versus Tradition. Indeed, the two terms are to some extent antithetical. The word tradition sug- gests preservation and continuity; on the other hand, science is the most revolutionary force in the world. That is obvious enough on the ma- terial plane. Why are our domestic and industrial aflFairs, the rhythms of our life, essentially different, say, from those of the Napoleonic times, or even from those of the Victorian age? The fundamental cause of those differences is the fantastic increase of our mechanical power and that increase is due to the development of science. The main "cuts" in social history are due to inventions and discoveries — such as the compass, typography, improvements in mining and navigation, the discovery of the new world, steam engines, locomotives and steamships, dynamos and motors, telephones and telegraphs, moving and speaking pictures, broad- casting, airplanes. These things are too well known to require descrip- tion. Moreover, those of us who were fortunate or unfortunate enough to be born in the last century, the members of this audience who were "fin de siecle" children, need not undertake special investigations to be aware of the almost incredible changes which have taken place under their own eyes. These changes can be symbolized by a series of revolu- tionary discoveries, all of which were the fruits of science. If we turn our attention from the material world to the spiritual one, the changes are equally revolutionary; they may be less obvious, but they are deeper. Think of the "Weltanschauung" or scientific outlook before and after Copernicus, before and after Galileo, before and after New- ton, before and after Darwin. Each of those great men made a new gigantic "cut" in our fundamental conceptions. They did not change the world, but they changed so profoundly our viewing of it, that it was as if they had moved us into another one. The change might be one of size, or structure, or meaning. The Ptolemaic world was much larger than that of Anaxagoras, the world of Kepler was much larger still, that of Herschel immeasurably larger; this last one, which seemed to chal- lenge human imagination beyond the limit, is hopelessly dwarfed by the astronomical theories of today. All these changes be it noted are purely spiritual ones, not material. The world wherein we actually live has not changed its dimensions, or rather it has changed them in the opposite way, becoming smaller and smaller as our means of communication were accelerated. The changes of structure were equally upsetting. Our distant an- cestors conceived the possibility of gradual transformation of one kind of substance into another, yet their world was relatively stable and con- Introduction tinuous. When they knocked their fists on a table, they had no doubt that that table was solid and without holes. The conception of vacuum was repugnant to them, but a day came in 1643 when it became impos- sible to duck it. Later the theory of gravitation and the wave theory jeopardized the integrity of that vacuum. Later still the new atomic theory broke the continuity of matter. It took almost a century to estab- lish that theory on a sound basis and no sooner was it established than the atoms disintegrated into smaller and smaller particles. For a short time it had seemed as if the atoms were the only solid things left in the vacuum, and then suddenly the vacuum was rediscovered within the atoms themselves. It is not necessary to extend these remarks. Our conceptions of the world structure were modified so often with increas- ing frequency, that the wisest children of men hardly knew where they were. The most revolutionary change of all and the one which might be used above all others to define "modern" man concerns the very idea of science or knowledge. It would take too long to describe how it came about, for the revolution, deep as it was, was gradual. Between a sci- ence ancillary to theology or to divine revelation and one aimed at dis- covering the truth irrespective of consequences, the distance is prodi- gious, yet it was bridged by an infinity of small steps. The man of science of today loves the truth above everything else and is prepared to sacrifice everything to his quest. He is not anxious, however, to discuss epistemological difficulties with philosophers, because he is satisfied with his own intuition of truth (vs. error) and with his experimental verifica- tions of it. He knows that absolute truth is hopelessly beyond his reach, but that he can come gradually closer to it by the method of successive approximations. Coming closer implies the possibility of having to re- ject old conceptions as well as that of accepting new ones, but the honest man of science is ready for that and used to it, so much so that it does not hurt him any more to have to abandon some of his ideas. That is a part of the game which he is playing with so much joy. There are no dogmas in science, only methods; the methods themselves are not per- fect but indefinitely perfectible. There are no certainties in science, but in a sense there are no doubts. Or looking at it from another angle everything is doubtful except the feeling that the margin of error de- creases gradually, asymptotically. The fact that that margin will never be equal to zero does not disturb the man of science but causes him, if he be wise enough, to be very humble. Men and women untrained in scientific training might believe that the conception of science which I have outlined is simply a personal mat- ter, somewhat like a personal religion, but it is much more. In spite of its gentleness that conception prepares him who harbors it for the ac- ceptance of the most shocking conclusions and the most revolutionary deeds. Let us see what happened in the past. There has been much dis- cussion apropos of the causes of the French Revolution. Some of the causes were purely material, hunger and misery, others were spiritual. Science and Tradition misery and hunger. The influence of writers such as Voltaire and Rousseau, that is, the influence of their social writings, has been exag- gerated, while the influence of science has been underestimated. The Old Regime could function only in the darkness; as soon as light was being poured into the dark corners, the defects and diseases became visible and obnoxious, and the thought of correcting them almost un- avoidable. During the eighteenth century science, pure science, grew steadily, slowly at first, then faster and faster. The new intellectual tem- per which has been referred to above, was shaping itself. The Old Regime was established on superstitions, such as the divine right of kings, the excessive privileges of the aristocracy and of the high clergy, the identity of state and crown. Men of science did countenance such superstitions, just as long as they themselves were inhibited by them, but not much longer. Their own ideas, scientific ideas, did not have much currency to begin with and their field of activity was at first very restricted, but in that field, which was steadily growing, their power was irresistible. Moreover, these ideas were gradually vulgarized, not only by the Encyclopedistes and by Voltaire, but by such inoffensive people as BuFFON and the abbe Pluche. Diseases, whether of the human body or of the body politic, can exist and flourish indefinitely as long as they are hidden, but throw the light of knowledge upon them and the situation begins to change; aye, it may change so fast that a revolution occurs. The diseases are recognized and their danger acknowledged; they are described with increasing pre- cision, remedies are contemplated and tried, the experiments are pub- lished, the victims are counted and the damages evaluated, the deter- mination of fighting the evil and overcoming it is strengthened. The struggle becomes more intense and sooner or later the diseases are cured if they be curable, or they are abated if they are not. Before the Revolution a few personal diseases could be alleviated but social diseases were practically incurable, because it was impossible to investigate them and to know them sufficiently. In the second half of the nineteenth century the conditions of research and healing were de- cidedly better. Among the benefactors to whom we owe that improve- ment I would like to commemorate one, the Belgian Adolphe Quetelet ( 1796-1874). Quetelet did not declaim against social evils but he un- dertook to make a scientific investigation of them and he was one of the first to realize strongly that when the elements to be considered are far too numerous to be studied individually, the only method of approach is the statistical method. He had been trained to appreciate the value and limitations, the difficulties and pitfalls of that method by his studies of meteorology and phenology. He discovered that the average num- ber of robberies, murders, suicides, births out of wedlock, etc., is con- stant in a given community (under normal conditions) and drew the conclusion that these crimes and delinquencies must needs divulge reali- ties comparable to physical realities, and that the most secret behavior of men is submitted to social laws of the same kind as the laws of physics. It follows that those crimes and delinquencies are caused partly by the 6 Introduction community and hence that a reform of the community might reduce their number. QuETELET pubhshed his observations in a book entitled "Sur I'homme et le developpement de ses facultes ou Essai de physique sociale" (Paris 1835). The book was remarkably successful/ but it fluttered the dovecotes of respectability and raised considerable opposition; it gave hypocrites a fine opportunity to illustrate their exceptional virtue. Nevertheless, Leopold, first king of the Belgians, invited the author soon afterwards (in 1836) to teach mathematics to his nephews, the young princes, Ernest and Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and when the princes were sent to the University of Bonn in the following year, Quete- let continued his teaching in the form of letters dealing with the theory of probability and its social applications. One of these princes became the husband of Queen Victorl\.. The letters were published in French in 1846 and in English translation in 1849.^ A young man who- read them in English, Francis Galton (1822-1911), was deeply impressed and the directions of his thought were modified accordingly.^ I have told this episode at some length, because it deserves to be meditated. Though Quetelet found many collaborators and emulators and the efforts of other sociologists converged with his, the results which have been obtained down to our days fall considerably short of our hopes and aspirations. It is true that some diseases, personal or social, have been cured or alleviated by the use of scientific knowledge and technical means combined with sincerity and moral courage; it will suffice to quote venereal diseases, the abuse of intoxicants and narcotics, tubercu- losis, slavery . . . Victories have been won but so much remains to be done, which could have been done, that honest men of science feel humbler and more contrite than ever. There are still millions of men and women who are the victims of our greed and hypocrisy rather than of their own shortcomings. We should not be disheartened, however. It is not quite fair to com- pare the present situation with that of our dreams which may be realized ( or not ) at some f utTire time; or at least we should compare it also with ^ The Paris edition of 1835, was followed by a pirated one (Bruxelles 1836), and by German and English translations (Stuttgart 1838, Edinburgh 1842). In the new edition published in Bruxelles, Paris, Saint-Petersbourg in 1869, the title was modified, the challenging words "Physique sociale" being printed in large type at the beginning of it. Facsimiles and additional information in the Preface to Volume XXIII of Isis (1935). ^ Lettres sur la theorie des probabilites appliquee aux sciences morales et pohtiques (Bruxelles 1846), dedicated to Ernest who had become in the mean- while the reigning duke of Coburg. Harriet H. Shoen: Prince Albert and the application of statistics to problems of government (Osiris 5, 276-318, 1938). ^ Later in life Galton tended to minimize Quetelet's influence upon him. He was struck by the fact that Quetelet's promises of 1835 did not bear as much fruit as one might expect, but honestly recognized the immense difficulties involved. See a letter of his to Florence Nightingale, dated 1891. Karl Pearson: Life, letters and labours of Francis Galton (vol. 2, 420, 12, Cambridge 1924; Isis 8, 181-88; 22, 253-55). Science and Tradition past situations. The application of scientific methods and points of view is still enormously short of what it might be, yet thanks to Quetelet and many others so much has already been accomplished that the political world in which we are living to-day is as profoundly different from the political world of the eighteenth century, as the material equipment of today is different from that of the earlier one. By the way, this offers another justification for historical research. In order to go forward, we must look not only forward, but also backward. The backward view gives us confidence and helps us to straighten our course. Every man of science knows deep in his heart (and the history of the past is there to confirm his knowledge ) that diseases, superstitions, undeserved privi- leges can only thrive in darkness and ignorance. In order to eradicate them it is necessary to project enough light upon them, but that is not enough. Knowledge remains insufficient and sterile if it be not imple- mented by corrective deeds and those deeds require an abundance of good will, generosity and tenacity. Turning our attention now to another aspect of the matter, I would like to point out that in spite of the revolutionary nature of science, or rather because of it, if we wish to live good and noble lives, we should never break with the past. The traditions of evil must be stopped of course, but many of our traditions are not evil; they are good, they are what is best in us, the accumulated goodness of centuries. Having done what we could to destroy the evil traditions we must make certain that the other traditions, the good ones, the noble ones, be safeguarded and strengthened. That is far from easy but it must be done. I felt so deeply the need of it some thirty-five years ago that I dedicated my life to that purpose. Why is it so difficult? Simply because the very progress of science has driven the majority of men of science further and further away from their inner citadel, from their city of God, into investigations of greater speciality and technicality, of increasing depth and decreasing field. A good many of our men of science are not men of science any more in the broad sense, but technicians and engineers, or else administrators and manipulators, go-getters and nioney-makers. Those men look for- ward in their own narrow sector; they will not look backward. What is the good of that?, they would say. The past is past and dead. Those hard-boiled technicians would fain reject the whole past as "irrelevant." And if we make the honest attempt to look at the past with their eyes we must admit that they are right, or at least that they have a right to their opinion; that it is not irrational and arbitrary. Looking backward would hardly have helped the Stephensons, the Edisons, the Marconis to solve their particular problems, and to solve them as brilliantly as they did. They were definitely breaking with the past, turning their back to it and welcoming with open arms a future as glamorous as the rising sun. The reading of history could not recommend itself to them except as a diversion, and they perhaps knew simpler ways of relaxing 8 Introduction their minds. When a tough technician tells us that he does not care for history, that it is all "bunk" — there is really nothing that we can answer him. It is as if a deaf man told us that he had no concern with music. Why should he concern himself with it? And why should the technician bother about history if his mind and heart are closed to it? The technician may be so deeply immersed in his problems that the rest of the world loses reality in his eyes and that his human interests may wither and die. There may then develop in him a new kind of radicalism, quiet and cold, but frightening. Plato wished that the world were guided by philosophers, we often wish that it were guided by wise men of science, but God save us from technocrats! ^ If un- checked and unbalanced by humanities, technical radicalism would un- dermine civilization — whatever there was left of it — and turn it against itself. In order to show that I am not exaggerating I invite you to con- template for a moment the terrifying example (and warning) which some German technicians have given us during the war. Many of us have asked ourselves with anxiety, "How is it that the spirit of science, so highly honored in Germany, did not protect that country from the Nazi aberration and its inhuman consequences?" You might even say to me, "You spoke so warmly of the love of truth and the new world which it opens, a world of higher morality and brother- hood. That spirit of truth-seeking and truth-loving was abroad in Ger- many and stronger there perhaps than anywhere else. And yet what did it lead to?" How did Germany succumb to Nazism, how did its proud scientists and professors abandon so readily their own lofty ideals to accept those of an ignorant mahdi? It is certain that the latter could have done nothing without the explicit or implicit confidence and com- plicity of the German elite. How could he secure that complicity? Its reality has been established beyond the possibility of doubt and its mechanism carefully analyzed by Dr. Weinreich, who concluded: "Many fields of learning, different ones at different times according to the shrewdly appraised needs of Nazi policies, were drawn into the work for more than a decade; physical anthropology and biology, all branches of the social sciences and the humanities — until the engineers moved in to build the gas chambers and crematories." ^ * "Technocracy" is a movement which achieved a flare of popularity in the United States some fifteen years ago. It is defined as "government or management of the whole of society by technical experts, or in accordance with principles established by technicians" (Webster Dictionary). The main apostle of it was the physical metallurgist, Howard Scott; see his Introduction to technocracy which began to appear in 1933. (Fourth printing, 53 p.. New York 1940). I do not know whether that movement caused as many ripples on the surface of English opinion as it did on that of American opinion. At any rate, it did not last very long, even in the United States, but the commotion left mental scars. The "technocrats" were obviously right on many technical matters, but the happiness of individuals and societies depends very largely on matters which are not amenable to technical treatment. The very best of life cannot be "processed" in that way. Mr. Scott is still alive and full of propaganda (The New Yorker, June 14, 1947, p. 18). ^ Max Weinreich: Hitler's professors (291 p., New York, Yivo, 1946, p. 7; Isis 37, 240). Science and Tradition The question remains and we ask it with more anxiety than ever. "How could such a complete perversion of humanity happen in one of the most enlightened countries in the most enlightened age?" I have thought long and often on that question and my answer is — I hope it will not shock you too much — that the German scientists and engineers were partly the victims of their "technical" infatuation. They were "technocrats" with a vengeance, and one can see how some of Mr. Hit- ler's problems may have excited their technical minds. Absolutely new problems, such as this one "What is the simplest and cheapest way of destroying human beings, not individually, nor by the hundred, nor by the thousands, but by the millions?" The problem included enough difficulties, with no precedents for guidance, to challenge the ingenuity of the most resourceful technicians. For example, how could one sal- vage precious metals? The managers of ordinary slaughterhouses need not worry about that because cattle, hogs and sheep do not have gold teeth. One of the main difficulties was to establish the human slaughter- houses and make their functioning possible without causing too much curiosity and without discommoding and infuriating the neighborhood. (For after all the majority of Germans were not mad technicians, and we may assume that they were not more cruel than the rest of us; more- over, even ogres would dislike the smell of slaughterhouses.) German technicians solved that problem and gave the means of destroying ruth- lessly and unobtrusively millions of innocent people. Their technical concentration and the benumbedness and insensibility which proceeded from it were carried to such a point that their minds were closed to hu- manity and their hearts dulled to mercy.^ I beg to apologize for awakening memories, which are perhaps the most gruesome in the whole history of mankind. I would prefer to drive them out of my mind, or rather out of reality but that cannot be done. I feel we should try to forgive them if possible, but it is not desir- able that they be forgotten. The past is not dead, it never dies; the things that were ever done were done forever, nobody, not even God, could undo them. I spoke of those unspeakable atrocities, because they afiFord the most telling example of the inhumanity which can be created or at least condoned by the kind of technicians who do not look back- ward, who do not care for history ( they call it "irrelevant" ) and can no longer be restrained by political or religious traditions. * The reader might stop me here and say "What about the atomic bomb?" The atomic bomb is an instrument of warfare, the latest and deadUest weapon invented by men. In a sense war is criminal; it is the greatest moral bankruptcy, yet when we are involved in it, there are no alternatives but to beat the adversary or be beaten. There is an immense difference between killing men in warfare and mur- dering them as a civilian policy. The Nazi slaughterhouses were not instruments of war, but instruments of civilian destruction. The fact remains that we have many "technocrats" in our midst, an increasing number of technocratic brutes, with- out sensibility and without imagination, who do not hesitate to make drastic deci- sions on the grounds of technical efficiency alone without any regard for the feel- ings of the individuals involved. 10 Introduction The French mathematician, Henri Poincare, once remarked, "I do not say, Science is useful because it helps us to build better machines; I say. Machines are useful because as they work for us they will leave us someday more time for scientific research." Unfortunately, these hopes of his have not yet materialized; the machines have perhaps enslaved more men than they have freed. This suggests another score against Science; many who greeted her with blessings dismissed her with curses. It would seem easy to ward ojff those maledictions. It suffices to dis- tinguish between men of science and even technicians on one side, and business men, industrialists, men of prey on the other. The inventors cannot be held responsible; they themselves would protest, for the crimi- nal abuses which have been made of their inventions. This type of con- troversy has reached a dramatic climax recently apropos of the atomic bomb; if the latter were used for the destruction of mankind should we condemn or exonerate the physicists and chemists who brought it into being? That question is too difficult to be solved here. Instead of that let us see what could and should be done to vindicate the spirit of science, to purify it, and to make sure — or bring nearer — its redemption and ours. We have recalled at the beginning of this lecture that science is the most powerful agency of change not only in the material world but also in the spiritual one; so powerful indeed that it is revolutionary. Our Weltanschauung changes as our knowledge of the world and of ourselves deepens. The horizon is vaster as we go higher. This is undoubtedly the most significant kind of change occurring in the experience of man- kind; the history of civilization should be focussed upon it. At any rate, that is what I have been repeating ad nauseam for the last thirty years. May I confess, that without having lost any part of my zeal, I am not as full of confidence today as I was before; I have never been very dogmatic ( and therefore am a very poor propagandist ) , but I am less dogmatic now than I ever was. There are other ap- proaches to the past than mine; there may be better ways (at least for other people) of describing the creativeness of the past and of appre- ciating our heritage from it — such as the history of religions, the history of arts and crafts, the history of philosophy, the history of education, the history of laws and institutions. Each of those histories is an avenue of approach. Which is the best? And for whom? The history of sci- ence has, it is true, a kind of strategic superiority; scientific discoveries are objective to a degree unknown and even inconceivable in other fields; as they are largely independent of racial and national conditions, they are the main instruments of unity and peace; these discoveries are cumulative to such an extent that each scientist can so-to-say begin his task where his predecessors left oflF ( artists and religious men must al- ways begin da capo and their labors are Sisyphean ) ; it is only from the point of view of its scientific activities that the comparison of mankind with a single man, growing steadily in experience, is legitimate, and this evidences once more and more emphatically than anything else the unity of mankind; it is only in the field of science that a definite and continuous Science and Tradition 11 progress is tangible and indisputable; we can hardly speak of progress in the other fields of human endeavor. These arguments are plausible and convincing, but I am not naive enough to believe that their power of conviction is transferable to other people. They convince me, because I know science and love it, but how could they convince other people who do not know it and shrink from it, now perhaps more than ever. They might taunt me and say, "Progress leading to the atomic bomb, what kind of progress is that?" For a man more intensely religious than I am, the history of religion would naturally seem more important than the history of science, and to an artist loving beauty above aught else, would not the history of art be far more inter- esting than the history of religion or the history of science? Indeed, those other histories would hardly have a meaning for him and he would have little patience with them. The history of science is not simply what the title implies, a history of our increasing knowledge of the world and of ourselves; it is a story not only of the spreading light but also of the contracting darkness. It might be conceived as a history of the endless struggle against errors, in- nocent or wilful, against superstitions and spiritual crimes. It is also the history of growing tolerance and freedom of thought. The historian of science must give an example of toleration in admitting the equal claims to other minds than his of the history of art or the history of re- ligion; he should even be ready to admit the anti-historical attitude of the tough-minded technicians. It is nevertheless his duty as well as his pleasure to explain as well as he can the civilizing and liberating power of science, the humanities of science. He must vindicate science from the crimes which have been committed in its name or under its cloak; he must commemorate the great men of the past especially those which have been deprived of their meed; he must justify the man of science in comparison with the saint, the philosopher, the artist or the statesman. Each of these is playing his part, and it would be foolish to insist that this part or that is more important than the others, for all are necessary and none is sufficient. Inasmuch as the development of science is the only development in human experience which is truly cumulative and progressive, tradition acquires a very different meaning in the field of science than in any other. Far from there being any conflict between science and tradition, one might claim that tradition is the very life of science.'^ The tradition ' This has been beautifully explained by Herbert Dingle in his inaugural lec- ture: "The history of science is inseparable from science itself. Science is essen- tially a process, stretching through time, in contrast with the instantaneous or eternal character of traditional philosophy. In the first half of the eighteenth cen- tury Bradley records the positions of a number of stars. In 1818 his reductions are revised by Bessel, and in 1886 again revised by Aijwers. New observations are made and the results compared, and after 200 years we learn that certain stars have moved in certain directions by a few seconds of arc. Out of such sublime patience scientific knowledge emerges. Science may ignore its history, but if so it 12 Introduction of science is the most rational or the least irrational of all traditions. The gradual unveiling of the truth is the noblest tradition of mankind as well as the clearest, the only one wherein there is nothing to be ashamed of. The humanized man of science, he whom I have called the New Humanist, is of all men the one who is most conscious of his traditions and of the traditions of mankind. This is true from the humanistic point of view, but it is also true from the purely scientific or philosophic one. For the inveterate and narrow- minded technician the only things worth considering are the latest fruits of science; the tree is "irrelevant." For the philosophically minded sci- entist, however precious the fruits, the tree itself is infinitely more pre- cious. It is not the results of today that matter most in his eyes, but the curves leading to them and beyond them. For practical, immediate purposes the last points or knots, the last discoveries, may be sufficient; for true understanding the whole curves must be taken into account. This is even more obvious to the historically minded scientist who re- alizes more keenly the probable imperfection of the latest results and is not so easily taken in by the latest fashion; the immature technician is likely to fancy that he is sitting at the top of the world; he does not know that later technicians will deride him as heartily as he derides his own predecessors. From his parochial angle, the latest results are excep- tionally wonderful; from the point of view of eternity they are just points on infinite curves. Men of science (excepting perhaps the astrophys- icists) do not indulge in extrapolations, but they know that the curves have reached neither their climax, nor their end; they know that the curves will be continued, though they would be chary of prophesying their direction. When we contemplate the universe we may adopt one of two points of view — horizontal or vertical, geographical or historical; we may con- template the side-by-sidedness of things or their one-after-anotherness. It would be misleading to say that the second point of view is exclusive to the historian, and the first to the naturalist. Both assertions would be wrong. In reality, both points of view are necessary and complemen- tary. We need geography and history; we need natural history as well as physical geography and human history as well as human geography. This remark applies also to science itself. Science is not simply the top of the tree; it is the whole tree growing upward, downward and in every direction; the living tree, alive not only in its periphery but in its whole being. The historian of science appreciates as keenly as other scientists the "marvels" of modern science, but he is more deeply im- fails." And a little further he remarks, "The history of philosophy, in the narrower sense of the word, is the history of philosophy, but the history of science is sci- ence. Scientific workers may forget this, and, knowing little or nothing of the ground on which their edifice rests, may add to its structure and reach positions of the highest eminence in their profession, but they are not then educated men. To the true scientist they are as the artificer to the artist, the sleep-walker to the explorer, the instinctive cry to the pregnant phrase. Such a one may achieve much of value, but he is also a potential danger. At the moment he happens to be a pro- foundly disquieting menace to our civilization" (p. 3-4, London, Lewis, 1947). Science and Tradition 13 pressed by their genesis than by their occurrence. He admires the won- ders of science, but the greatest wonder of all, he reflects, is that man revealed them. The infinity of stellar space and the inverse infinity of atomic structure are awe-inspiring, yet less so, than their gradual pene- tration by the mind of man. Many men of science have reached a peculiar mid-way stage. They recognize the value (philosophic, scientific, humanistic) of the history of science, but lacking historical training they do not understand the implications. Let me tell you an anecdote first. A very distinguished physicist once told me that physics had become a field of such large size that no man could encompass the whole of it, while history was easy enough to read up. His remark proved that he was more familiar with physics than with history. Both domains being infinite it is foolish to say that one is larger than the other. It is certainly easier to read a book of history than a book of physics; the superficial difference may be enor- mous, for there is no historical book which would be entirely closed to an educated man, while many a physical book would be as dark to the uninitiated as if it were written in Chinese. The real difference, how- ever, between both cases grows smaller, much smaller, as one's familiar- ity with them increases. It will be found that the reader will obtain from either book as much knowledge — living, integrated knowledge — as his previous experience justifies, not more. His ability to judge either book will be a function of his knowledge of either subject and of his study of many other books covering more or less the same field. Reading is but the first stage, the passive stage, of education. If one wishes not simply to study the knowledge obtained by others, but also to extend that knowledge, strict methods must be used. The methods of physical science are pretty well known, the methods of historical re- search are less well known ( at least by men of science ) ; they are not so easy to define and their application is made especially difficult by their subtlety and by the circumstance that human facts are infinitely more complex than physical ones. In both fields the specific methods apply- ing to them must be abided by and the materials used must be sound ( it is a part of the method to determine^ their soundness ) . Here again be- ginners (and most scientists who become interested in the history of science are beginners ) may have, and generally do have, illusions. They known well enough the difficulties of their own field, but as they ig- nore or underestimate historical difficulties, they rush in where angels fear to tread; they seem to fancy that historical work is comparable only to the final stage of scientific work, the writing up of the results! They accept uncritically statements published almost anywhere and mix them together. As a wit put it, "When five books have been devoted to a subject, it is easy enough to write a sixth one." True enough, but what is the value of that sixth book? However small the time of writing it, it was a waste of time. We must admit that books produced in that easy way contain much truth, but as the truth is promiscuously mixed with 14 Introduction error and not differentiable from it, the whole must be considered erro- neous. Historical works written by men of science disregarding histori- cal methods must necessarily lead to a degradation of spiritual energy.^ It is curious that most men of science would recognize the difficulties of historical work in other fields than the history of science, say, in the fields of Greek history, or mediaeval history, or even English history. If they be well educated we may assume that they have a good all-around knowledge of the history of their own country, and they may have read considerably on that subject throughout the years, yet they would be the first to disclaim any authority, and they would never venture to publish a book on it. The same modest men might consider themselves fully equipped to teach the history of science, though without any suitable preparation. What is the explanation of that paradox? Simply this that for teaching the history of science the first condition is to know science, to have a first-hand knowledge of it; that condition is so hard to satisfy, in fact, unattainable for anyone who has not received in his youth a scientific training of some kind or another, that it may be thought to be sufficient. It is necessary but not sufficient. As the importance of the history of science is more generally recog- nized not only by men of science, but by educated people in general and by "educators"^ there is an increasing need of trained historians of science. Auguste Comte had understood that need more than a century ago when he observed that as science is becoming more specialized, there must needs be one more specialty, the study of the generalities of science, the interrelations of its parts, and its wholeness. This new kind of specialist must be a historian of science, for knowledge of the tree of science ( which is the very knowledge required ) is almost impossible to obtain without knowledge of its genesis and development. We may thus, or rather we should, intrust that task of unification and communication to the historian of science, but the latter will have other duties, which may be summed up with the words, he shall be the keeper of scientffic memories and the defender of tradition. We shall come back to that presently but first let us remark, that the work of the historian of science is often misunderstood and even resented by the very scientists who need it most, that is, those who are at the same time the most specialized and least educated. Those extreme specialists, who know everything about a tiny little subject and nothing about the rest of the universe, do not like what they might call the Olympian attitude of philosophers and historians. Of course, it cannot be denied that the latter may be sometimes a bit complacent and offen- ® Non-historians may do occasionally useful work in quoting a definite statement from a good source or a good book, correctly referred to. To know the best source or the best book on a topic is almost as good as to know that topic. Such bibli- ographical information is not easy to obtain for a great variety of topics and is exceedingly complex; the mastery of it in a large field may require a whole life of study and meditation. * In the United States the title "educator" is assumed not so much by teachers and writers, but rather by administrators, such as presidents and deans of colleges, trustees, directors of educational conferences and projects, etc. Science and Tradition 15 sive, witness Whewell of whom it was said that science was his forte, and omniscience his foible. They should bear in mind, and the historian of science himself should never forget it, that he is simply a specialist like the others, having a special knowledge and special duties and using special methods. He may be good or not so good, and may have all kinds of virtues and vices like other people, but that is another question. Other scientists must have the grace to admit on their side that investi- gations which have occupied their whole life and may have entailed numberless sacrifices, may be understood in a relatively short time, and that it may be possible for the historian to explain and discuss them with- out taking anything away from their merit, but rather the contrary. The historian should not take a superior or dominating attitude and other scientists should not be unduly jealous of him, nor contemptuous. He is a fellow like themselves who may be more or less successful in dis- covering new things; if he be honest and modest he deserves their re- spect even when he is out of luck. The conflict between scientist and historian of science is only one example of the temperamental opposition between creator and critic. That conflict is far better known in other fields such as literature and art. The artist resents the critic and historian yet he needs them more deeply than he realizes, the public needs them, and the art itself cannot grow without them.^^ It is very significant but not surprising, that his- tories of art or of music the writing of which was attempted by great artists have generally been mediocre. The qualities required for crea- tion and for criticism are not only different but opposite, even mutually exclusive. This is as true in science as it is in art. The main duty of the historian of science is the defense of tradition. The traditions of science are not essentially different as traditions, from traditions in other fields, even if we may perhaps flatter ourselves that they are generally better and purer. These traditions deserve to be known and religiously kept because they are really the best we have; they are all that makes life worth living, they are the nobility and the goodness of life. Without them we are like animals and without them all the technicians and the "wizards" of the world could not lift us from the mud of our material desires. We owe gratitude to the benefactors of the past, in particular the great men of science who opened the new paths, and also the lesser men who helped them, for we are standing on their shoulders. While we express our gratitude we feel that we become worthy of them, worthy to grasp with our own hands the torches which they have brought to us. We are encouraged to continue their task, ^"Professor Dingle's lecture, referred to in another footnote, above, was given by him the challenging title "The missing factor in science." What is the missing factor? According to him, it is the internal criticism of science, a criticism largely based upon historical knowledge, and without which scientific growth may become stupid and dangerous. There can be no real understanding of science, that is, there can be no science, without continuous criticism of it. 16 Introduction the main task of mankind, and we know that the work which we are all doing together will not be destroyed by wars and other calamities, and will not be interrupted by the accident of our own death. This revives our faith and joy in our work. The fundamental importance of science in human life need not be emphasized; that importance will necessarily increase and therefore the relative importance of science in education will also increase. That is unavoidable and no sensible and rational person would try to deflect the trajectory of man's destiny, the irresistible growth of knowledge, of science, yea, of techniques. Yet such a growth is not without dangers, and it is part of our duty to minimize those dangers and to strengthen our resistance to them. The Good Society, of which we are dreaming and which each of us is trying in his own feeble way to encompass, will need the constant help of two kinds of servants, the Statistician and the Historian. We have already spoken of the former when we referred to Quetelet. It is his business to keep his finger on the pulse of mankind and give the necessary warnings when things are not going as they should. Quete- let's message was delivered more than a century ago and was long mis- interpreted, except by a few people. It is proper to evoke here one of the earliest acceptances of that message, by a great English woman, Florence Nightingale, "Her statistics were more than a study, they were indeed her reli- gion. For her, Quetelet was the hero as scientist, and the presentation copy of his Physique sociale is annotated by her on every page. Flor- ence Nightingale believed — and in all the actions of her life acted upon that belief — that the administrator could only be successful if he were guided by statistical knowledge. The legislator — to say nothing of the politician — too often failed for want of this knowledge. Nay, she went further: she held that the universe — including human communities — ^was evolving in accordance with a divine plan; that it was man's business to endeavour to understand this plan and guide his actions in sympathy with it. But to understand God's thoughts, she held we must study statistics, for these are the measure of his purpose. Thus the study of statistics was for her a religious duty." ^^ Since those days the function of the statistician are better understood, but he has not yet received his full responsibilities. As to the historian, I believe that most educated people understand the need of him for political purposes, but not yet for the higher purposes which I have tried to outline in this lecture — to wit, the deeper interpretation of science, the defense of scientific tradition, the reconciliation of science with the humanities, or as you may prefer to call it, the humanization of science, the consecration of science to the Good Life. "Karl Pearson: The life, letters and labours of Francis Galton (vol. 2, 414, 1924; Isis, 8, 186; 23, 8). II. THE TRADITION OF ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL SCIENCE When men of science become interested in the history of science, their interest is generally focussed upon the immediate past, or what we might call "modern" science — however this may be defined. They may choose to begin it with the western reinvention of typography ( c. 1450 ) , or with Copernicus or Ves alius (1543), or with Kepler (1609-19) and Galileo (1632-38), or with Newton (1687), or with Volta (1800), or with the introduction of astrophysics, or radioactivity, or later still. Each of these limits can be justified, and one is as good as another. Al- most every man of science, whether he be historically minded or not, is obliged to do a certain amount of retrospection, because his own investi- gations bring him face to face with the work of some predecessor, or because of academic conventions. The historical difficulties of such superficial retrospect are not great, the sources are easily obtainable, the chronological basis is relatively easy to establish. The fundamental questions "When did that happen? where?" are easy to answer. The questions "why?" and "how?" are more difficult of course, yet they are still comparatively easy for late periods. Men of science whose retro- spective insight does not go much deeper than the last century have few chronological troubles to speak of ^ and no idea of the vicissitudes of tradition. Consider Oersted's famous paper of 1820 which is the foun- dation of electromagnetism; originally written in Latin, it was promptly translated into French, Italian, German, English, and Danish, and within a year every physicist of Europe knew of it and some had already de- veloped new experiments on its basis.- Or consider Roentgen's paper of 1896 ^ which might well be taken as the opening of the new physics. The message which it contains was almost immediately broadcast all over the civilized world; the necessary apparatus being available in almost every physical laboratory, and the experiments being simple enough they were promptly repeated in a hundred places; more than a thousand books and papers on X-rays were published within the year of their discovery.^ By the end of that year 1896, a physicist admitting ^ Chronological diflBculties are not completely eliminated. For example, see my paper "The discovery of conical refraction by William Rowan Hamilton and Humphrey Lloyd in 1833" (Isis 17, 154-70, 1932). ^ Facsimile reprints of the original Latin text and of the English translation ( Isis, 10, 435-43, 1928). ^ The redaction of it was completed on Dec. 28, 1895, and it was immediately printed, but it could hardly be distributed before 1896. See facsimile and Sarton's analysis (Isis, 26, 349-69, 1937). E. Weil (Isis, 29, 362-65, 1938). * List of those 1044 books and papers in Otto Glasser: Roentgen (p. 422-79, Springfield, Illinois, 1934; Isis, 22, 256-59). 18 Introduction ignorance of those rays would have branded himself as an ass. In our day it is almost impossible for a man who reads but a few journals, to escape the knowledge of a new discovery. The problem of tradition does hardly exist; the transmission of knowledge from one end of the world to the other is almost automatic. Hence the historian of science who restricts himself to "modern" science does not think of tradition, he takes it for granted.^ Reciprocally, in order to understand the true meaning of scientific tradition and its value one has to look backward more deeply, and this we shall now proceed to do. Think of Greek science of the sixth and fifth centuries, what we might perhaps call the "Greek miracle," as do people who have Homer, Sophocles or Phidias in mind. The early blossoming of Greek science is just as miraculous (i.e., as little explainable) as that of Greek art or Greek literature. (Is not each masterpiece a miracle?, you might say. Yes, but that is another story.) For Greek science the difficulty of explanation or the "miracle" if you prefer to use that word, is of a double nature. There is the miracle of creation and the miracle of transmission. We know, of course, that a substantial amount of Greek science is lost, probably forever; the astonishing thing, however, is not that much has been lost, but rather that so much has escaped the vicissitudes of time and reached our very hands. Take the case of Archimedes, who was killed at the age of 75 during the siege of Syracuse by the Romans in 212 B.C. Thus his works were written during the period c. 257 (aet. 30) to 212. He was already famous in antiquity, but the earliest commentaries on his works known to us are those of the Palestinian mathematician, Eutocios of Ascalon (VI-1) and these are restricted to three treatises (the sphere and the cylinder, measurement of the circle, equilibrium of planes ) . The oldest Greek MS. to which definite reference is made was written during the Byzantine renaissance of the ninth to the tenth century, initiated by Leon of Thessalonica ( IX-1 ), probably at the beginning of that period. That MS. contained only seven treatises (the three already mentioned, conoids and spheroids, spirals, sand-reckoner, quadrature of the parab- ola); it is lost, but the earliest Greek MSS. extant are copies of it made toward the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the six- teenth. Another copy of the lost archetype found its way to Baghdad, for we have Arabic translations and commentaries by al-M ahani, Thabit iBN QuRRA, YusuF al-Khuri, Ishaq ibn Hunain, all of whom flourished in the second half of the ninth century. Another Archimedian treatise, the one on floating bodies in two books, not included in the MS. tradition just referred to, was translated into Latin by the Flemish Dominican, WiLLEM OF Moerbeke, in 1269. His translation of book 1 appeared in ° His difficulty is rather to account for exceptional failures of transmission. E.g., the "Edison effect" discovered in 1884 which remained unnoticed for many years until it was exploited by John Ambrose Fleming ( 1905 ) and by Lee De Forest in wireless telegraphy. Ancient and Mediaeval Science 19 the Latin edition of Tartaglia^ (Venice 1543) — the first printed Archi- medes in any language — ; his translation of both books was printed by Troianus Curtius (Venice 1565) and by Federico Commanding (Bo- logna 1565) . The Greek text of the "floating bodies" was lost until 1906. In that year the Danish philologist, J. L. Heiberg, discovered it in a Constantinople palimpsest below a twelfth to fourteenth century eucho- logionJ The same palimpsest concealed other Archimedian texts, the most precious of all being the Method (IcpoStov), the existence of which was known only through a remark of Suidas (X-2).^ That method is one of the most important books of antiquity. We have it!, but remem- ber that it was preserved only in the most erratic way — as a palimpsest — , that is, it was preserved in spite of its being deliberately cancelled, and that its recovery happened only within our own lifetime, in 1906. An Archimedian monograph on the regular heptagon was preserved in the Arabic translation of Thabit ibn Qurra (IX-2) and this was dis- covered in a Cairo MS. and published in 1926 by Carl Schoy.^ In other words, lost treatises of Archimedes were revealed only in 1906 and 1926. It is possible that other lost treatises may still be dis- covered, chiefly in the second manner. The Greek palimpsests have been pretty well examined and there is little hope of repeating Heiberg's stroke of genius and luck, but there is much hope on the contrary of find- ing Arabic translations of lost Greek scientific books, because many Ara- bic libraries are still unexplored and many Arabic MSS, undescribed. Some of the classics of Greek science have been revealed in that way, notably books V to VII of Apollonios' Conies and various treatises of Galen.i" " The Latin tradition of some other Archimedian treatises was different. Nicho- las V (pope from 1447 to 1455), one of the early patrons of humanism, founder of the Vatican Library, caused an Archimedian MS. to be translated into Latin by one Jacopo da S. Cassiano of Cremona. A copy of that translation was made c. 1461 by Regiomontanus, who added marginal glosses derived from Greek MSS. Regiomontanus' copy, preserved in Nuremberg, was the source of the Latin version added to the Greek princeps by Thomas Gechauff (Basel 1544). ''A palimpsest is a "rewritten" MS., the first writing having been erased to make room for the new one. An euchologion is a book of the Orthodox Church con- taining liturgies, etc. As writing materials (parchment or paper) were expensive and difficult to obtain, monks would rub off texts of no interest to them to replace them by the texts which they needed. We would do the same under similar cir- cumstances. Chemical and optical means make it possible to read the erased text. ® SumAS remarked that Theodosios of Bithynia (I-l B.C.) wrote a commentary on the Method. Three propositions are quoted from it in the Metrica of Heron OF Alexandria, but the Metrica itself was discovered only in 1896, in a Constanti- nople MS., by R. Schone; it was first published in 1903 by the discoverer's son, Hermann Schone. *Carl Schoy: Graeco-Arabische Studien (Isis, 8, 21-40, 1926). ^° The Arabic translation of books V to VII of the Conies by Thabit ibn Qurra (IX-2) was revised by Abu'l-Fath Mahmud ibn Muhammad al-Isfahani (X-2); it was first published in Latin version by Abraham Ecchellensis and Giacomo Alfonso Borelli (Florence 1661), then again in Edmund Halley's monumental edition of Apollonios (Oxford 1710). The seven books of Galen's anatomy were 20 Introduction My account of the Archimedian tradition is incompleted^ but suffi- cient to illustrate many features, the various contingencies, riskiness and at best the complexity of such traditions. A Greek text is known to us by a MS. preserving it, or by extracts from it or references to it by later writers; or by Arabic, Hebrew or Latin versions, commentaries, extracts; or by references in each ( or all ) of these languages. The paradoxical aspects of tradition are evidenced by the fact that the study of Arabic is now, all considered, the most promising method to increase our knowl- edge of Greek science! Thoughtful readers may well ask themselves two questions: (I) If the tradition is so full of risks and adventures, how were any texts pre- served, especially mathematical texts which could never interest more than a few people? (2) Considering those risks and vicissitudes, how can we be sure that the texts which have survived are really what they are claimed to be? The two questions are pertinent and sufficiently ticklish to be stimu- lating. If one bears in mind the number of wars, conflagrations and other calamities which have occurred in the Mediterranean world since Archimedes' death, how did any one of his writings escape destruction and oblivion? When Archimedes composed one of them, say the Epho- dion or the Ochumena, the number of students directly interested in it must have been exceedingly small and that number remained small throughout the ages. It is unlikely that the "first edition" issued by the Master himself included many copies. Perhaps a dozen or even less. Some of those copies found their way to the libraries of Alexandria and Pergamon, but those libraries were destroyed. We have relearned quite recently that the safest libraries are not absolutely safe, and the greater they are, the greater the loss in case of destruction. Other copies were preserved in private libraries, e.g., in the libraries of Archimedes himself, of the king of Syracuse Hieron and his son Gelon, of Archimedes' friends, Dositheos of Pelusion, Conon of Samos and Eratosthenes OF Gyrene (III-2 B.C.), but how insecure they were! Did a copy pre- served by the tyrant of Syracuse have a great chance of survival? And as to Archimedes himself and his friends, these men were probably poor, they were certainly not rich, but even if they had been rich enough to live in palaces, what of it? Are any of the private palaces of antiquity extant? Have their contents come down to us? How then did the edited in Arabic and German by Max Simon (2 vols. Leipzig 1906). Galen on medical experience was first published in Arabic and English by Richard Walzer (London 1944; Isis, 36, 251-55). " Complete accounts of the tradition of a text are generally given by the mod- ern editors. Such accounts include a discussion of the relative trust which may be placed in each MS. of the original text or of its translations, and in the early edi- tions. The filiation of those MSS is symbolized by a genealogical tree or stemma. For Archimedes see Heiberg's edition (2nd ed., 3 vols. Leipzig 1910-15) or the English translation by T. L. Heath (Cambridge 1897), with supplement (Cam- bridge 1912). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 21 Ephodion finally reach us in 1906 after two millennia of hiding? Its survival is almost miraculous, and yet it is not as rare an event as one might think. Though a large part of the Greek scientific literature is lost, what remains constitutes an imposing treasure. How did all those books, none of them popular in any degree, none of them ever "pub- lished" ^^ in large editions, survive? The only explanation I can think of is this. Though very few people could be directly interested in Archi- medes' treatises (to return to the example which was our starting point), a great many men, whether educated or not, were concerned with them. These men — and maybe women also — realized that such MSS were precious and deserved every care. They had a kind of superstitious respect for every kind of writing^^ and for such esoteric writing in par- ticular. We should not deride the superstitions of those ignorant people, in the first place because we are benefiting from them, in the second place because similar superstitions are abroad among ourselves to this day. It is a very strange compensation indeed; in proportion as religious superstitions decrease, the superstitions of science (or pseudo-science) seem to increase; advertisers, who trade on men's gullibility, know that well enough.^'* Are men unable to live without superstitions? At any rate, the Greek MSS, even the least comprehensible, those of which the average person could make no use whatsoever, were jealously kept and transmitted from generation to generation, from owner to robber or looter, from looter to new owner, and so on. From time to time they fell into the hands of people who were suflBciently appreciative and enthusiastic to prepare new copies or new editions, or commentaries, translations, commentaries on those translations, amplifications, ab- breviations, paraphases, supercommentaries, etc. The Archimedian MSS which have finally reached us have not escaped one catastrophe, but many. Indeed, the risks have been so numerous that the second question comes naturally enough to our minds. How can we be sure that the treatise on floating bodies which we may read to-day either in the Greek edition of Heiberg or in the English version of Sir Thomas Heath, is really the text of Archimedes? In this particular case our doubts are excited by a remark of Eutocios to the effect that Archimedes wrote in the Doric dialect, of which but few traces remain in the Greek text avail- able to-day.^^ Eutocios (who flourished nine centuries after Archi- " We can speak of the "publication" of books before the age of printing, and even before the age of writing. It occurs when a finished text is made available for reading or recitation and is thus transmitted to the public, "published." Solomon Gandz: The dawn of literature (Osiris 7, 261-522, 1939). " That kind of superstition can still be observed ( or could be observed not very long ago) among many Oriental peoples, such as Chinese and Muslims. " They use such words as "vitamins," "radioactivity," or other scientific terms as bait to sell their merchandise. ^^ The Doric characteristics were already beginning to disappear from the Archimedian writings in the time of Eutocios (VI-1). J. L. Heiberg: Uber den Dialekt des Archimedes, Interpolationen in den Schriften des Archimedes (Jahrbiicher fur classische Philologie, Suppt. 13, 543-577, 1884); De dialecto Archi- 22 Introduction MEDEs) discovered a fragment which seemed genuine to him, because it "preserved in part Archimedes' favorite dialect." ^® This means that the original text was emended, but we may assume that the emendations were purely linguistic. Mathematical treatises, by the way, are much more likely than any others to be transmitted in their integrity, because of their natural clearness and closely knit structure; one is not tempted to interpolate them, or if interpolations be inserted it is relatively easy to detect them. On the contrary, medical books, especially herbals and pharmacopoeias, invite interpolations and the latter fit in so well that they can hardly be revealed except by means of a complex philological analysis. If the Archimedian tradition tells us that he made hydrostatic experiments and found the principle which we call by his name, we are not surprised to read his treatise on floating bodies in the Latin version of brother William of Moerbeke.^^ The text agrees with the tradition and has an unmistakable Archimedian flavor. Why should it not be what it purports to be? If any doubts were left in our minds they were removed when the Greek text was discovered in 1906.^^ Two different literary traditions confirmed one another; the lacunae and obscurities of William's version were neatly healed. A similar thing happened for the Method discovered in the same palimpsest. How can we be sure that is genuine? Well, according to Suidas that treatise had been com- mented upon by Theodosios, and the propositions extracted from it by Heron of Alexandria tally sufiiciently with the Greek text revealed in 1906.^^ We cannot speak of absolute certainty, of course, but when a new found text corresponds with the tradition of it and with the references to it or extracts from it made at various times, we may be reasonably sure that it is what it claims to be. After all who would care to invent a new text corresponding to the general description of it and how could that be done without running afoul of references or quota- tions as yet undisclosed? I have discussed the case of Archimedes but similar arguments would apply to every ancient man of science. Our knowledge of the text of each book is almost never due to an isolated tradition, but rather to the confluence of many. This does not mean that each text which has escaped the ravages of time is known to us in its integrity or is accepted with the same confidence, as we accept, say, Archimedes' Ephodion. medis (Archimedis opera omnia 2, p. x-xviii, 1913); Indices (ibid. 3, 330-448, 1915). " T. L. Heath: The works of Archimedes (p. xxxvi, Cambridge 1897). " The Archimedian principle is Prop. 5 of book 1 "Any solid hghter than a fluid will ... be so far immersed that its weight will be equal to the weight of the fluid displaced." It is said that Archimedes thought of that while he was bathing in Syracuse and was so happy that he ran out of the water shouting eCpij/ca, ei!pij/ca (I have found, I have found). That story was first told by Vitruvius (1-2 B.C.) in the preface to the ninth book of his De architectura. ^^ The Greek and Latin texts can easily be compared in the Archimedis Opera Omnia, edited by Heiberg (2, 317-413, 1913). "First edited by Heiberg (Hermes, 42, 243-97, 1907), then in German trans- lation with H. G. Zeuthen's commentary (BM 7, 321-63, 1907). New edition of the Greek text with Latin translation in Archimedis Opera (2, 425-507, 1913). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 23 There are special difficulties for each of them, obscure passages, con- tradictions, gaps, the head or the tail may be missing, etc. This is not true only of scientific texts, but also of Biblical and literary ones. The mechanism of tradition is exceedingly complex and capricious, involving many media — word of mouth, parchment, papyrus, ostraca, paper — and generally more than one language; every accident of history may modify the tradition or suppress it altogether. Each case must be judged on its own merits and the conclusions may vary all the way from discredit to reasonable certainty. The authorship of an ancient (or mediaeval) book may be difiicult to ascertain because of the not-uncommon habit of ascribing it to a famous author or to the master of a popular school. There was a great deal of ghostwriting then as now but the principles underlying it were extremely difiFerent. At present "important" people have books written under their name by paid underlings in order to obtain credit for them without pains. In the past modest authors would try to pass off their own compositions under the name of an illustrious master of an earlier time; or else editors would ascribe anonymous books to "plausible" authors, a medical book to Hippocrates or Galen, an astronomical one to Ptolemy, etc. Hence, the modern critic must always be on his guard; the author named in a MS. may be the real one or not; a true authorship is proved by convergent traditions (as in the Archimedian examples dealt with above ) ; a false authorship is generally proved by chronolog- ical inconsistencies. For example, a book which internal criticism shows could have been written only in the late Roman period, could not be ascribed to Archimedes ( unless the references to a later time are interpo- lations, an eventuality which must be considered). The Hippocratic corpus, e.g., is not the production of a man but of a school which was active for centuries; it even includes books written by outsiders, some of them very late ones. It was gradually established by editors and librarians who were tempted to lump together all the items which seemed to them suflBciently alike; such a corpus has a way of growing by deliberate or furtive additions. It owes its existence to the same im- pulses which cause the publication today of so many collections of books devoted to this or that subject; each item shares to some extent the credit of the other items and of the whole; each item helps to sell the others. When the time came when knowledge had to be decanted into another linguistic vehicle for further transmission, those collections or bodies drew the attention of translators; each corpus provided a sufficiently large task which could be directed and divided. It was natural enough for the master of a school of translators wishing to transmit, say, the Hippocratic corpus, or the Galenic one, or the "middle books," ^° to dis- tribute various parts to a number of collaborators. Each of them would do his own share under his own name or under the name of his director; ^ The middle books between geometry and astronomy ( Kitab al-mutawassitat bain al-handasa wal-hai'a), collection of mathematical and astronomical books to be studied in addition to the Elements and the Almagest. Introd. (2, lOOlf. ). W. H. Worrell: An interesting collection (Scripta mathematica, 9, 195-96, 1943). 24 Introduction indeed the responsibility as well as the work was shared. As all of these scholars were translating texts of the same nature at about the same time in the same milieu and under the same guidance, all the translations made by a single group or school, have naturally the same philological and spiritual characteristics. In the case of philosophical writings a new kind of difficulty had to be overcome because different traditions coalesced and contaminated one another. Thus the Peripatetic tradition was spoiled by Neopla- tonic contaminations of various sorts and later by theological interfer- ence. The history of Muslim Aristotelism, and of mediaeval Aristotelism in general, is to a large extent an account of the gradual recovery of the Aristotelian texts in their integrity.^^ From the point of view of tradition it is very fortunate that almost all of those mediaeval translators (whether Muslims, Jews or Cliristians) had one quality in common; they were far more interested in the con- tents than in the form; their superstitious reverence for the text to be translated was such that their translations were literal and pedantic. This is so true that one can easily spot Hellenisms in the Arabic trans- lations and Arabicisms in the Latin ones; these literary faults are not restricted to words, they extend to phrases and idioms.^^ Some trans- lated phrases are so literal indeed that they cannot be correctly under- stood without a mental retranslation into the original language, or to look at it from another angle, that peculiarities of the original language can be inferred without doubt.-^ In short, if accidents did not destroy the MSS. in the course of time, the masterpieces of antiquity were remarkably well preserved because of the slavish faithfulness of oral and written traditions. In spite of that we still have many doubts, especially concerning the writings of many Greek men of science anterior to Plato. The only fragment of Hellenic {i.e., pre- Alexandrian ) geometry which has come ^ An initial difficulty was due to the fact that the works of Aristotle were not finished literary productions like those of Plato but rather in the form of rough lecture notes. ^ The Arabic ( or Latin ) word might reproduce a metaphor of the Greek ( or Arabic) or when no word existed in Arabic (or Latin) and none could be easily built, the original term might be transliterated into the other language. E.g., the word mater in the terms designating the membranes of the brain (dura mater, pia mater) is a reproduction of the Arabic metaphor umm al-dimagh. The coccyx was called in Arabic al-'us'us and this became in mediaeval Latin alhasos or alhosos (the Arabic article was often incorporated as if it were an integral part of the word ) ; the wisdom teeth al-najidh, pi., al-nawajidh were called in Latin nuaged, neguegid, etc. In the Qanun Ibn Sina dealt with love as a mental disease; the Arabic for sexual love, al-'ishq appeared in the Latin version as ilixi or alhasch. These examples could be multiplied endlessly. ^Thus Heiberg translated book 1 of the Ochumena into Greek (Doric) on the basis of the Latin version of William of Moerbeke. Archimedis nepl dxoviMevwv liber 1 graece restituit Johan Ludwig Heiberg ( Melanges Graux, 689-709, Paris 1884) It is very interesting to compare his "reconstruction" with the original Greek text which he found some twenty years later in Constantinople. Archimedis opera (2, 317-45, 1913). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 25 down to us in its integrity is the text of Hippocrates of Chios (V B.C.) on the quadratures of lunules; it is really a fragment of the history of geometry of Eudemos (IV-2 B.C.), preserved by Simplicios (VI-1) in the latter's commentary on Aristotle's Physics! ^^ Please note the tortuousness of that tradition. Thanks to the industry and sagacity of many scholars, such as the German Hermann Diels, the Scot John Burnet, and the Frenchman Paul Tannery, the fragments and doxog- raphy concerning the early Greek "physiologists" are now gathered in convenient form and can be scrutinized at leisure. Our doubts are re- stricted to definite fragments or quotations or to definite personalities and hardly afiFect our conception of the whole, that is, of, let us say, early Greek mathematics or astronomy. Yet for all that our friends who are investigating Egyptian and Babylonian mathematics have the pleasure of triumphing over the Hellenists. Though the period which attracts their attention may be anterior to the Hellenic period by a thousand years or more, they have the privilege of dealing with original documents ( not mediaeval copies ) — hieroglyphic papyri or cuneiform tablets. In some cases those docu- ments may be contemporary with their authors or even holographs! In contrast with the sayings of Anaxagoras of Clazomenae (V B.C.) or even with the Ochumena of Archimedes, which we know from MSS. a thousand years posterior to Archimedes think of the Papyrus Rhind written c. 1650 B.C. (not the text but the papyrus itself) after an older work of say the eighteenth century.^^ That mathematical papyrus is almost as good as an original while the Ochumena is a copy many times removed from its source. This would be a cause of despair, but for the faithfulness of ancient and mediaeval traditions which we have explained a moment ago, and let it be added, but for the elaborate methods of external and internal criticism which enable good scholars to make the most of the least documents available to them, and yet restrain them from expressing immoderate claims. The transmission or tradition of modern science is insured by so many agencies that it is almost automatic; the individual man of sci- ence need make no efforts to obtain news; indeed, he would have to take special pains in order to eschew it, on the contrary the trans- mission of scientific news in the ancient world and even in the mediaeval one was extremely capricious and uncertain. A scientific book might survive and many did, but many more were lost; it is possible that some never reached anywhere. It is even conceivable that men of science did not trouble to write up their discoveries, because they may have thought ^ Greek and French edition by Paul Tannery ( Memoires de la Societe des sciences de Bordeaux 5, 217-37, 1883), reprinted in Tannery's Memoires (1, 339-70, 1912). Greek and German edition by Ferdinand Rudio (194 p., Leipzig 1907). ^T. Eric Peet: The Rhind mathematical papyrus (foHo 136 p. 24 pi., University Press, Liverpool, 1923; Isis 6, 553-57). A. B. Chace, LuDLOvi' Bull, H. P. Manning, R. C. Archibald: The Rhind mathematical papyrus (2 vols. Oberlin, Ohio, 1927-29; Isis, 14, 251-55). 26 Introduction "What is the good of it? Who will read the stu£F, and who will preserve it?" Such reticence as opposed to the cacoethes scribendi which is one of the diseases of our time, was probably one of the causes of the slow- ness of progress in antiquity. The relationship of Ptolemy (II-l) to HiPPARCHOs (II-2 B.C.) is like that of a younger contemporary to his senior, yet they were separated by almost three centuries. Much knowl- edge has failed to reach us because of the silence of the inventors, or of their lost pains if they broke it. After all a discovery hardly counts if it be not published; the tradition of a discovery is second in importance to the discovery itself. The history of ancient and mediaeval science is very largely a history of traditions. The discoveries and inventions are not many, because the laborers were few as compared with to-day and because the progress of science is naturally an accelerated one (hence if we look backward the acceleration is negative). The enumeration and discussion of those riGURE 1 discoveries are relatively brief; on the other hand, it is very difficult to explain their tradition (without which they would be as if they had never been) and this requires considerable space. The tradition was oral, written or manual; the last one is the most difficult to deal with in accurate detail. We can only speak of it in general and infer it from the results; it is like an underground river which remains hidden for long stretches, yet we can be reasonably certain that the river emerging from the earth at a point B is the same as disappeared at another point A many miles distant. Much of the knowledge of craftsmen, physicians, alchemists, and perhaps their most valuable knowledge, was trans- mitted by manual examples to their apprentices. The master would say "Watch me, see what I am doing and how I am doing it, and try to do the same." We might attempt a graphical representation of these views. The tradition of each single idea or fact might be symbolized by a line, more or less regular, with ups and downs. Some of these lines are interrupted because the tradition has ceased for a time to be visible. Sometimes the lines cross and their intersections may be indifferent or they may correspond to a knot or new discovery (Fig. 1). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 27 Should we wish to represent the whole tradition, not only the de- velopment of single ideas or inventions, but the scientific pattern in its totality, the graph would be very different, something like this (Fig. 2). The roots of western science, the graph reminds us, are Egyptian, Meso- potamian, and to a much smaller amount, Iranian and Hindu. The central line represents the Arabic transmission which was for a time, say, from the ninth to the eleventh century, the outstanding stream, and re- mained until the fourteenth century one of the largest streams of medi- aeval thought. The diagram makes it easier to explain many things. In the first place it shows that the Arabic tradition was a continuation and revivi- fication not only of Greek science but also of Iranian and Hindu ideas. This is still very imperfectly known and will require many more in- vestigations than have hitherto been possible, but we are already well aware that two of the fundamental branches of mediaeval science, the new arithmetic and the new trigonometry, were due to the mutual fertilization of two very different streams of thought, the Greek and the Hindu. This disposes of the criticism often made by people who ignore mediaeval science almost completely, which is bad; or who think that they understand it though they lack adequate information, which is much worse. They will glibly say "The Arabs simply translated Greek writings, they were industrious imitators, and by the way, the transla- tions were not made by themselves but by Christians and Jews . . ." This is not absolutely untrue, but is such a small part of the truth, that when it is allowed to stand alone, it is worse than a lie. Let us consider first the particles of truth. It is correct that most of the translations were made by non-Arabs, non-Muslims, but how else could it be? The latter were to a large extent monoglot, and few if any ever knew Greek. In order to translate from one language into another one must know very well the two languages involved. The Christians 28 Introduction and the Jews living in the Near East, in the Dar al-islam, were gen- erally good linguists, born dragomans; it is clear that if the translations were to be made, they would be the men to make them; the translations could not be completed without their help. Yet they were made for Arabic and Muslim usage, by order of the Muslim rulers. To say that there was no Arabic science is like saying that there is no American sci- ence; the truth and untruth of both statements are of the same order. The Arabs were standing on the shoulders of their Greek forerunners just as the Americans are standing on the shoulders of their European ones. There is nothing wrong in that. It is the fundamental law of evolution. We are all the sons and followers, imitators and critics of other men; in most cases we are much smaller than our ancestors, and if we have enough intelligence and grace we feel that we are like dwarfs standing upon the shoulders of giants. Sometimes the descendants are greater than their forefathers. What makes the study of human tradi- tion so deeply moving is just that, the multitude and variousness of acci- dents and above all, the unpredictable apparition of giants at one time or another, here or there. Some of the giants of mediaeval times belonged to the Arabic cul- ture, mathematicians and astronomers like al-Khwarizmi (IX-1), al- Farghani (IX-1), al-Battani (IX-2), Abu-l-Wafa' (X-2), 'Umar Khayyam (XI-1), AL-BmiJNi (XI-1); philosophers like al-Farabi (X-1), al-Ghazzali (XI-2), Ibn Rushd (XII-2), Ibn Khaldun (XIV-2), physicians like al-Razi (IX-2), Ishaq al-Israili (X-1),'Ali ibn 'Abbas (X-2), Abu-l-Qasim (X-2), Ibn SIna (XI-1), Maimonides (XII-2). This enumeration could be greatly extended. Few of these men were Arabs and not all of them were Muslims, but they all belonged essen- tially to the same cultural group, and their language was Arabic. This illustrates the absurdity of trying to appraise mediaeval thought on the basis of Latin writings alone. For centuries the Latin scientific books hardly counted; they were out-of-date and outlandish. Arabic was the international language of science to a degree which had never been equalled by another language before (except Greek) and has never been repeated since. It was the language not of one people, one na- tion, one faith, but of many peoples, many nations, many faiths. The best Arabic scientists were not satisfied with the Greek and Hindu science which they inherited. They admired and respected the treasures which had fallen into their hands, but they were just as "modern" and greedy as we are, and wanted more. They criticized Euclid, Apollonios and Archimedes, discussed Ptolemy, tried to im- prove the astronomical tables and to get rid of the causes of error lurk- ing in the accepted theories. They facilitated the evolution of algebra and trigonometry and prepared the way for the European algebraists of the sixteenth century. Occasionally they were able to define new concepts, to state new problems, to tie new knots in the network of earlier traditions. That network, Oriental-Greek-Arabic, is our network. The neglect of Arabic science and the corresponding misunderstanding of our own Ancient and Mediaeval Science 29 mediaeval traditions was partly due to the fact that Arabic studies were considered a part of Oriental studies. The Arabists were left alone or else in the company of other orientalists, such as Sanskrit, Chinese or Malay scholars. That was not wrong but highly misleading. It is true the network, our network, included other Oriental elements than the Arabic or Hebrew, such as the Hindu ones to which reference has already been made, but the largest part for centuries was woven with Arabic threads. If all these threads were plucked out, the network would break in the middle. Much in the field of orientalism is definitely exotic as far as we are concerned, but the religious Hebrew traditions and the scientific Arabic ones are not exotic, they are an integral part of our network today, they are part and parcel of our spiritual existence. The Arabic side of our culture cannot even be called Eastern, for a substantial part of it was definitely Western. The Muslim Ibn Rushd and the Jew MAiMONmES were born in Cordova within a few years of one another (1126, 1135); al-Idrisi (XII-2), born in Ceuta, flourished in Sicily; Ibn Khaldun (XIV-2), was a Tunisian; Ibn Battltta (XIV-2), a Moroccan. The list of Moorish scientists and scholars is a very long one. Spain is proud of them but without right, for she treated them, like a harsh stepmother, without justice and without mercy. The Arabic culture^^ is of a singular interest to the student of human traditions in general, to those whose greatest task it seems to them is the rebuilding of human integrity in the face of national and inter- national disasters, because it was, and to some extent still is, a bridge, the main bridge between East and West. It is through that bridge that the Hindu numerals, sines and chess, and the Chinese silk,^^ paper, and porcelain reached Europe. Latin culture was Western, Chinese culture was Eastern, but Arabic culture was both, for it extended all the way from the Maghrib al-aqsa' to the Mashriq al-aqsa.^^ Latin culture was Mediterranean and Atlantic, Hindu culture was bathed in the Indian Ocean, Far Eastern culture in the Pacific; the Arabic sailors, however, were as ubiquitous in all the oceans of the Middle Ages as the English are in those of to-day. The Latin and Greek cultures were Christian, Hebrew culture was Jewish, Eastern Asia was Buddhist; the Arabic culture was primarily but not exclusively Islamic; it was stretched out between the Christianism of the West and the Buddhism of the East and touched both. Christendom was born in the Near East, its cradle being near the cradle of its predecessor, Israel, and not very far from that of their oflF- ^ The word "culture" is used here and further on instead of science or knowl- edge in order to give more generality to my statements, a generality which is not needed for my argument but is too interesting to be abandoned. ^ Silk was the first Chinese gift to reach Europe (before the Christian era), yet the art of producing silk and of using it was very largely transmitted by the Arabs. T. F. Carter: Invention of printing (p. 88, New York 1925; Isis, 8, 361-73; 19, 426). ^That is, from the Far West to the Far East, both terms having then an absolute meaning which they have lost. 30 Introduction spring, Islam. St. Paul, however, brought it to the West, and it de- veloped mainly as a Western religion. On the contrary. Buddhism, born in India, travelled Eastward. The history of Buddhism is as essen- tial for the understanding of the growth of Far Eastern culture as the history of Christianity for the development of our own culture. In both cases science was carried around the earth upon the wings of religion. The Islamic evangel was a revival of Jewish unitarianism-^ which had been temporarily pushed back by Trinitarian ideals; it was enormously successful and penetrated deeply into the territories of the Christian West and the Buddhist East. In spite of occasional contacts Hindu culture, and even more so Chinese culture, remained exotic, while the Arabic culture was inextri- cably mixed up with the Latin one. When we try to explain our own culture we may leave out almost completely Hindu and Chinese develop- ments, but we cannot leave out the Arabic ones without spoiling the whole story and making it unintelligible. Does this mean that we should neglect the study of Hindu and Chinese history? Certainly not, but that is another kind of study, call it exotic or outlandish if you please. The Arabic story helps us to understand our own because it is an intrinsic part of it; the Chinese and Hindu stories help us to under- stand our own also but in a very different way. They help us to con- ceive the possibility and reality of different developments, of different patterns. The same fundamental problems (mathematical, astronomi- cal, physical, chemical, biological, medical) had to be solved by them as had been solved by our own ancestors; the Hindus and Chinese are essentially the same kind of beings as we are, having the same needs and similar aspirations, but as their conditions of life were very different from ours, their solutions of those problems were also different ( in some respects, not in all respects ) . It is extremely interesting for the philoso- pher or the anthropologist to compare those different solutions attained by similar beings under different circumstances. Chinese culture is a "control" for our own; that is very important.^*^ The practical conclusion of all this is that the investigator of medi- ^The Muslim unitarianism might be considered a Jewish heresy or a Christian one, and this was done by mediaeval writers. Its success was partly caused by Christian disintegration, and especially by the lack of unity on fundamental doc- trines, e.g., on Christology. The Monophysites on the one hand and the Nestorians on the other had been thrown out of the central Orthodox church to the right and left. In the West (when we speak of Islam, we must always deal with the West as well as with the East), the conquest of Spain was facilitated by the fact that the Visigoths (like all the Goths) had remained Arians; it is true the Visigothic hierarchy was converted to Catholicism in 589 but did the rank and file follow suit? Centuries of Arian tradition could not be blotted out easily. That tradition was to some ex- tent unitarian; it was thus possible for the Muslim invaders to take advantage of anti-Trinitarian prejudices and they did so. ^ Our remarks concerning the Chinese and Hindu cultures would apply with greater strength to the aboriginal American culture which before 1492 was as separate from our own as if it had developed on another planet; unfortunately, our knowledge of American science is very imperfect because of the scarcity or lack of autochthonous writings. Ancient and Mediaeval Science 31 aeval science should be as well acquainted with Arabic as possible; Arabic is as necessary for him as Greek for the student of antiquity .^^ Mediaeval science and philosophy were written primarily in four lan- guages, Greek, Arabic, Latin, Hebrew, all of which are important, but none more so ( at least before the thirteenth century ) than Arabic. The Latin writers of the West had been weaned from the Greek sources, because Europe was cut in two by a wall separating the Catho- lic world from the Orthodox. The Latins had drifted away from the Greeks since the fifth century, and the separation was already com- plete and unhealable three centuries later. Their distrust of Greek Christianity was superimposed upon their distrust of Greek paganism; their knowledge of Greek almost vanished and thus they lost all points of contact with the main fountain of science. Instead of being able to continue the work of the ancients and to start from where the latter had left, they had to start as it were from the beginning. That would have been too heavy a task for them, even if they had had more aptitude for scientific study than they had. They had to do again the Greek work without the Greek genius. It is one of the paradoxes of history that the abyss cloven between the two halves of Christendom was bridged by the Asiatic representa- tives of another faith, speaking an alien language absolutely unrelated to their own. The Latins would not read Greek, the language of the Orthodox church, but they were finally obliged to read Arabic, the language of Islam. This evolution required some time though less than one would imagine. By the end of the eighth century the Mediterra- nean Sea had become a Muslim lake and Carolingian power and culture were withdrawing northward. At that time, we should remember, Arabic science had not yet blossomed. Its golden age lasted some three centuries, from the ninth to the eleventh century, and it was only toward the end of that period ( a little earlier in Spain ) that the Latins became aware of the importance of Arabic science. They were fully aware of course of the material power of Islam, though it took two or three centuries of crusades to convince them of their own military in- feriority. A nun of Gandersheim (in the duchy of Brunswick), Hros- viTHA (X-2) spoke of Cordova as the ornament of the world.^- To appreciate Arabic culture in general was one thing, an easy one, unless one was blinded by religious hatred; to appreciate Arabic science was another, far less obvious, far more diflBcult. Even as the early ^ The comparison is apposite because the duty is of the same order in both cases, and its limitations are similar. We don't expect the historian of science to be able, let us say, to edit a Greek (or Arabic) text from the MSS; that is a task for the philologist and the edition of a single text may engross the latter's energy for years; but the historian should be able to read those texts or to refer to their main technical points, otherwise he could not properly discuss those points. Some his- torians of science have edited scientific texts, e.g., Tannery, Greek ones, Julius RusKA, Henry Ernest Stapleton, Eric John Holmyard, and Carra da Vaux, Arabic ones. ^''Decus orbis, in her Passio sancti Pelagii (1.12). Karolus Strecker: Hrotsvithae Opera (p. 54, Leipzig 1930). 32 Introduction Muslims had realized the need of science, mainly Greek science, in order to establish their own culture and to consolidate their dominion, even so the Latins realized the need of science, Arabic science, in order to be able to light Islam with equal arms and vindicate their own aspira- tions. For the most intelligent Spaniards and Englishmen the obligation to know Arabic was as clear as the obligation to know English, French or German for the Japanese of the Meiji era. Science is power. The Muslim rulers knew that from the beginning, the Latin leaders had to learn it, somewhat reluctantly, but they finally did learn it. The prestige of Arabic science began relatively late in the West, say in the twelfth century, and it increased gradually at the time when Arabic science was already degenerating. The two movements, the Arabic progress and the Latin one, were out of phase. This is a general rule of life, by the way, rather than an exception, and it applies to individuals as well as to nations. A man generally does his best in comparative obscurity and becomes famous only when his vigor is diminishing; that is all right as far as he is concerned, for it is clear that solitude and silence are the best conditions of good, enduring, work. The scientific tradition as it was poured from Arabic vessels into Latin ones was often perverted. The new translators did not have the advantage which the Arabic translators had enjoyed; the latter had been able to see Greek culture in the perspective of a thousand years or more; the Latin translators could not see the Arabic novelties from a sufficient distance, and they could not always choose intelligently be- tween them. As to the Greek classics they came to them with a double prestige, Greek and Arabic. It is as if the Greek treasures, of which Latin scholars were now dimly conscious, were more valuable in their Arabic form; they had certainly become more glamorous. The trans- lation of the Almagest made c. 1175 by Gerard of Cremona (XII-2) from the Arabic, superseded a translation made directly from the Greek in Sicily fifteen years earlier! To return to the Arabic writings ( as distinct from Arabic translations of Greek writings ) some of the best were translated such as the works of al-Khwarizmi, al-Razi, al-Farghani, al-Battani, Ibn STna; others of equal value escaped attention, e.g., some books of 'Umar al- Khayyam, al-BirunT, Nasir al-din AL-Tusi; others still appeared too late to be considered, this is the case of the great Arabic authors of the fourteenth century .^^ By that time Latin science had become inde- pendent of the contemporary Arabic writings and contemptuous of them. On the other hand, the Latin (and Hebrew) translations from the Arabic include a shockingly large mass of astrological and alchemical treatises and other rubbish. Some of the astrological and alchemical writings, it should be noted, are valuable or contain valuable materials and are to some extent the forerunners of our own astronomical and chemical literature, but many others are worthless, or rather worse than ^ The only translations taken into account here are those composed in the Middle Ages for actual use, not the translations made by philologists in the seventeenth century or later for archaeological reasons. Ancient and Mediaeval Science 33 worthless, dangerous and subversive. Even so we should not be too severe in judging those aberrations, for we have not yet succeeded in overcoming them and but for the control of scientific societies and acade- mies, the incessant criticism coming from the scientific press and the university chairs, our own civilization would soon be overrun and smoth- ered by superstitions and lies.^^ Our judgment of mediaeval science in general must always be tem- pered by the considerations which have just been offered and by due and profound humility. We may be great scientists (I mean, we modem men), but we are also great barbarians. We know, or seem to know, everything, except the essential. We have thrown religion out of doors but allowed superstitions, prejudices and lies to come in through the windows. We drum our chests in the best gorilla fashion saying (or thinking) "We can do this . . . we can do that . . . yea, we can even blow the world to smithereens," but what of it? Does that prove that we are civilized? Material power can be as dangerous as it is useful; it all depends on the men using it and on their manner of using it. Good or evil are in ourselves; material power does not create it but can multiply it indefinitely. To return to the Middle Ages it was a long period not of darkness and sterility but of gestation. To call it sterile would be just as foolish as to call a pregnant woman, sterile. Wait and see! It takes nine months of patience in one case and nine centuries in another but time does not matter. Mediaeval developments were undoubtedly slow as compared with our own tempo, but are we not going too fast? Our speed is not necessarily a good thing, nor very admirable; it is largely due to accumulated inertia. It would require unusual wisdom to brake it, and we are short on wisdom. The essential weakness of mediaeval thought was due to the lack of understanding of the experimental method and of the experimental point of view. Once that "open sesame" had been found, discoveries followed one another, almost automatically in some cases, with increas- ing speed. Modern science is the fruit of three centuries of that method. Its early development was exceedingly slow. Even the Greeks, so full of genius, had failed to discover it, though some of them had applied it in particular cases.^^ A few Muslim, Christian and Jewish scientists of the Middle Ages applied it too, but with the exception of Roger Bacon (XIII-2), nobody formulated it nor recognized its generality and its astounding potency .^^ ** See review of a new edition of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos for practical use, Chicago 1936 (Isis, 35, 181). ^ Ptolemy ( II-l ) in his study of refraction, Galen ( II-2 ) in his experiments to determine the function of the kidneys, and of the cerebrum and spinal chord at difiFerent levels. ^ Roger Bacon's formulation constitutes the sixth part ( out of seven ) of the Opus majus written in 1268. It can easily be read in Robert Belle Burke's trans- lation (p. 583-634, Philadelphia 1928; Isis, 11, 138-41). The letter on the magnet 34 Introduction After three and a half centuries of additional gestation and many more experiments in various fields, Bacon's formulation and vindication of the experimental method was renewed with greater light and strength by his countryman and namesake Francis Bacon. In the Advancement of Learning ( 1605 ) and even more so in the Novum organum ( 1620 ) the second Bacon brought a new charter to the men of science, an invita- tion to apply the new method of truthseeking to all the problems of sci- ence and life. Bacon was much less a prophet than an eloquent advo- cate of the spirit of his time. The experimental method had finally reached maturity. Galileo's writings were even more influential than Bacon's for the latter 's were purely rhetorical while Galileo's were accompanied by great deeds, revolutionary discoveries. Bacon preached but Galileo wrought. Bacon's and Galileo's ideas were so timely and so readily under- stood by many eager minds that new societies were created for the very purpose of implementing them. The earliest of those societies were established under Galileo's influence in Italy, the Accademia dei Lincei (1603-30) in Rome and after his death the Accademia del Cimento ( 1657-67 ) in Florence. Note their titles, the Academy of the lynxes and the Academy of experiment. The first title continued the allegorical habits of earlier academies, but the references to lynxes, animals who see in the dark, was significant; the symbolic meaning was accentuated in the Academy's device, a lynx tearing Cerberus with its claws, the struggle of truth with superstition. The second title was even more significant. The Academy of experiment!; its members gathered for the purpose of experimenting and of discovering the truth by the experimental method.^'^ Both academies were shortlived, for the Italian climate of that time was not favorable to the development of untrammelled truthseeking, but their efforts were continued in exemplary fashion by two other academies established in England and France before the closing of the Accademia del Cimento. The reader knows that I am referring to the Royal Society founded in London in 1662, and the Academic des Sciences founded in Paris in 1666. These two academies are still functioning to-day but never were their activities more necessary and more pregnant than in their early years. The academies of the seventeenth century marked the triumph of the experimental method and the birth of mod- which is one of the most remarkable examples of experimental science in the Middle Ages, was written by Peter the Stranger (XIII-2) at almost the same time, 1269. It does not speak of the method, except a few lines in chapter 2. ^ The Accademia del cimento fully justified its title and accomplished its pur- pose. Its deeds were published by its second and last secretary, Lorenzo Maga- lotti (1637-1712), in a beautiful folio volume Saggi di naturali esperienze (Firenze 1667). This was Englished by Richard Waller (c. 1650-1715) and pubHshed by order of the Royal Society, Essayes of natural experiments made in the Academie del Cimento (London 1684). Sixty-four years after the original publication it was translated into Latin by the Dutch physicist, Pieter van Musschenbroek (1692- 1761), Tentamina experimentorum naturalium captorum in Academia del Cimento (474 p., 32 pi., Leiden 1731), with additions and a discourse on experimental method by the translator. Ancient and Mediaeval Science 35 em science; together with other academies estabhshed on similar pat- terns, they remained until the end of the eighteenth century the main agencies of scientific progress; it is impossible to exaggerate their im- portance. Yet we should remember two things. First these seventeenth cen- tury academicians could not have done what they did but for the long mediaeval gestation. They themselves did not realize that and some of the early academicians were tempted to believe that they were directly continuing the traditions not of the Middle Ages but of Greek antiquity. Their illusion is now exposed without the possibility of doubt. When- ever one investigates carefully the origins of "modern" thought, even in the minds of its most original forerunners (say, Leonardo da Vinci, Galileo, Descartes, Newton) one finds an abundance of mediaeval roots. The seventeenth century men of science were standing upon the shoulders of mediaeval giants; irrespective of their own sizes they were that much taller. In the second place, while it is obvious that our scientists have fully understood and exploited the experimental method, this is not true of the great majority of modern men who persist in preferring irrational methods to rational ones (e.g., in the treatment of political and social problems), or else who attach more importance to a priori reasoning than to the a posteriori reasoning which is the very essence of the experi- mental spirit. This point deserves elaboration by means of an example. The discovery of the sexuality of higher plants by Camerarius in 1694 could have been made two thousand years earlier, if the experimen- tal method had been applied to it.^^ It was retarded by non-experimen- tal thinking and by prejudices, and after its publication it was rejected and its general acceptance was delayed for half a century because of the same prejudices. Similar remarks could be offered with regard to almost every fundamental discovery of modern science down to the theory of evolution ( 1859 ) . Each discovery was delayed by a kind of intellectual inertia, and when it was finally made, its acceptance was delayed by the same inertia, the refusal to experiment ( or even to observe ) and to abide by the experimental results. The experimental method is now explained in philosophical courses (one might even say, it is explained nowhere else, for the teachers of science are satisfied to show it in action), but there are many philoso- phers, even among the greatest, who have never understood it. More- over, its beneficial value is often minimized and even obliterated by the abuse of purely dialectical methods. Scholasticism ( or the abuse of dia- lectics ) is not by any means a mediaeval disease, nor is it a Latin one, as is too readily asserted by people who can think only of Catholic scho- lasticism, Thomism or neo-Thomism. That is one species of scholasti- cism, but there are many others and the genus is scattered all over the world. Scholasticism is a mental disease which can be diagnosed in Hindu and Chinese minds, as well as in Latin, Greek, Arabic, or He- ss, 'G. Sarton: The artificial fertilization of date-palms in the time of Ashur- NAsiR-PAL 885-60 B.C. (Isis, 21, 8-13, 4 pi., 1934). 36 Introduction brew ones. Few philosophers have been able to shake it off completely. Scholasticism it should be noted is not at all a denial of the value of observation and experiment but a tendency to exaggerate deductive reasoning on a given experimental basis. The experimental basis of mediaeval schoolmen was pitifully, ridiculously, small, but the main point is this, that no matter how large that basis be its fertility and eflScacy are limited. Deductive reasoning, even of the purest kind as in mathematical physics, needs periodic checking by experimental means, or else it may degenerate into fallacies or nonsense. Many of the discussions of modern astrophysics seem to be based on an insufficient experimental basis; at any rate, their theoretical construc- tions are so gigantic that the experimental basis seems infinitesimal. We need more than a red-shift "^ of spectral lines to agree to the prodigious theory of the expanding universe, and more than a beautiful system of equations to accept as a reality canon Georges Lemaitre's ingenious idea of a cosmic egg. Everybody who is not an astrophysicist would require additional evidence, not one set of observations interpreted in agreement with the theory of relativity, but convergent sets of different kinds of observation. The old astronomical theories were not as adven- turous; they could be tested in many ways. The gradual development of celestial mechanics and the elaboration of appropriate tables made continual tests possible. Every observatory was a testing ground and every eclipse or transit, a new challenge. Do the astrophysicists not need cross-examinations? One would think that they could not rest until their grandiose ideas had been checked and counterchecked in every possible manner, yet they proceed cheerfully from one audacious structure to another which is more audacious still and so on. Happily, they restrict their extrapolations to their own field and do not try to legis- late for the microscopic human world. Metaphysicians are less restrained and tend to offer their conclusions in the most general and peremptory form. In his discussion of Plato's Republic the illustrious Kant remarked, "Nothing can be more mischie- vous and more unworthy a philosopher than the vulgar appeal to what is called adverse experience, which possibly might never have existed, if at the proper time institutions had been framed according to those ^ "Red-shift" is short for shift of spectral lines toward the red end of the spectrum. According to the Doppler principle such a shift toward the longer wave length side represents a moving away of the radiating object from the observer. But is the red-shift really a velocity-shift, or does it bear another interpretation? For discussion of these puzzling matters see Arthur Eddington: The expanding universe (Cambridge University, 1933); Edwin Hubble: The realm of the nebulae (Yale Press, New Haven 1936); The observational approach to cosmology (Claren- don Press, Oxford 1937). Harlow Shapley: Galaxies (Philadelphia 1943). Both Hubble and Shapley are cautious and uneasy; Sir Arthur is more reckless. My criticism does not apply to them but only to astronomers who speak too glibly of the expanding universe. See also the excellent paper of Percy W. Bridgman: On the nature and the limitations of cosmical inquiries (Scientific Monthly 37, 385-97, 1933). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 37 ideas, and not according to crude concepts, which, because they were derived from experience only, have marred all good intentions." ^° Another German philosopher, Hegel, who was a dictator of European ( and American ) thought for a good part of the nineteenth century, be- gan his career in a manner which was prophetic of his own unwisdom. His Dissertatio philosophica de orbitis planetarum ( 1801 ) was a "philo- sophical" attack on Newtonian astronomy. Hegel "proved" that there could not be more than seven planets.^^ That remarkable thesis was published soon after the discovery of Ceres by Giuseppe Piazzi! ^- Hegelian doctrine and method influenced deeply such men as Karl Marx (1818-83) and Friedrich Engels (1820-95) and some of Hegel's poison penetrated their own philosophy, the dialectical materialism and historical materialism, which in its turn is influencing many men and women of our own times."^^ This shows that there is always a strong tendency, due no doubt to the intrinsic qualities of the human mind, to add dialectics, enough or too much, in season or out of season, to experience, a perverse desire to transcend experience. Even the greatest men of science are not immune from that weakness, witness one of the best known of our own contem- poraries— you have already named him in your own minds — the late Arthur Stanley Eddington. During the last period of his life ( 1921- 44 ) , Eddington developed the astounding doctrine that the structure of the universe can be established on an a priori basis because of the struc- ture of our own mind.'*^ It is true that the agreement between the value *° Critique of pure reason. Transcendental dialectic, Book I, section 1, p, 275 in Max MiJLLER's translation (London 1881). " The duke Ernest of Saxony-Gotha sent a copy of Hegel's thesis to the astronomer Franz Xaver von Zach with the inscription "Monumentum insaniae saecuh decimi noni" (Rudolf Wolf: Geschichte der Astronomic, p. 685, Miinchen 1877). In 1801, Hegel was no longer a child, he was 31 years old. The text of his Dissertatio "pro licentia docendi" may be found in his Samtliche Werke, Glockner's edition (vol. 1, 3-29, 1927). ^ Piazzi observed Ceres for the first time on the first evening of the nine- teenth century, Jan. 1, 1801; the news reached Bode in Berlin only on March 20, but created at once a commotion among astronomers. Hegel defended his thesis in Jena, on August 27, 1801. ** For good illustrations of that sinister influence on men of science, to wit, botanists, see Trofim Denisovich LyseNko: Heredity and its variabihty (65 p., New York 1946; Isis 37, 108); P. S. Hudson and R. H. Richens: The new genetics in the Soviet Union (88 p., Cambridge 1946; Isis 37, 106-8); Conway Zirkle: The death of a science in Russia (334 p., Philadelphia 1949; Isis 41, 238-39). Julian Huxley: Heredity, East and West (256 p., New York 1949; Isis 41, 239). The words "dialectical materialism" are used so frequently behind the Iron Curtain, that it has been necessary there to coin the abbreviation "diamat." ^ Sir Arthur summarized his views as follows: "An intelligence, unacquainted with our universe, but acquainted with the system of thought by which the human mind interprets to itself the content of its sensory experience, should be able to attain all the knowledge of physics that we have attained by experiment. He would not deduce the particular events and objects of our experience, but he would deduce the generalizations we have based on them. For example, he would infer the existence and properties of radium, but not the dimensions of the Earth." (Nature, 154, 759, 1944). 38 Introduction of observed universal constants and their value found by his "pure rea- soning" was impressively close. And yet the undertaking frightens us beyond words.^^ We must philosophize, but it is safer never to lose sight of experience. We must go back to the concrete and tangible facts as often as possible to keep our strength and our sanity. Like Antaeos we are safe only as long as we remain in touch with the good earth. We must not extra- polate too far; in such matters it is safer to imitate the plain terrestrial physicists than the astrophysicists. With the disturbing exception of Eddington, the majority of scientists of our time avoid superrationalism and fantastic extrapolations. It is not that they are wiser than their mediaeval ancestors, but centuries of experimental success and failure have sobered their thoughts. In a curious way Eddington helps us to be more tolerant with mediaeval scholasticism, for he shows us how diffi- cult it is to follow the narijow road between irrationalism and excessive rationalism. The mediaeval gestation was necessary; it would have had to occur in one way or another. It might have been faster, but we cannot explain why things happen as they do, and in particular their tempo defies analy- sis; it is futile to consider imaginary sequences different from the real ones. Young historians of science, who know only the bare outline as may be read in a short primer, may fancy that the development of science was much simpler than it really was; that it was logical, continuous, straight- forward. Nothing is further from the truth. To begin with, the march of science was often thwarted and deflected by general principles or prejudices, not to speak of physical or human calamities ( such as earth- quakes, epidemics, wars). The notion that the trajectories of planets must be circular retarded Kepler's discovery for centuries, though Apol- LONios had prepared the mathematical basis of it. That is tlie classical example of inertia due to prejudice, but there are plenty of others. Each great discovery of the past has been retarded by a similar inertia. In a particular case that spiritual inertia is still blocking the way. I am referring to the metric system. One of its two fundamental ideas^^ — that the system of weights, measures and moneys should be built on the same basis as our number system — was hit upon by Sumerian mathe- maticians more than five thousand years ago. It was reasserted very clearly by the Flemish mathematician, Simon Stevin in 1585. The metric system was established in 1795.^'^ It has since been accepted by the majority of civilized nations, but not by England nor America. *^For further discussion of this, see Max Born: Experiment and theory in physics (44 p., Cambridge University Press, 1943; Isis 35, 261, 263) and Dingle's inaugural lecture (1947). *^ The other one concerns the choice of units; the independent units should be as few and as universal as possible. ■'■'Sarton: The first explanation of decimal fractions and measures, together vi'ith a history of the decimal idea (Isis, 23, 153-244, 1935). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 39 Leaving out of account calamities and prejudices, how could one expect the path between one discovery and the following to be the shortest one? How could one determine the shortest distance from A to B as long as B is unknown (Fig. 3)? What happens, of course, is that men of science having reached the point A are wondering what to do next; they feel their way around A and after more or less beating about the bush, after many circumvolutions, hesitations, retrogradations, one of them may finally discover B. When B has been sufficiently recon- noitred and its coordinates are known but not before, it is easy to de- termine the shortest distance to it. After that the shortest distance from A to B will be the way from A to B and investigators will be carried as rapidly as possible to this new outpost and be prepared to continue their exploration further on. There are thus always at least two roads from A to B, the long "historical" one which leads to the discovery of B, and the "dogmatic" one which leads from A to B in the simplest and quick- est manner. Any discovery is a new outpost and a new starting point; nobody can tell what may still be discovered beyond it; it may be little or nothing or else a new world may be hidden behind it. This is espe- FIGURE3 cially tangible when the discovery is a new instrument, multiplying the sensitiveness of our senses or perhaps creating new ones, but it is equally true when it is simply an idea, for a scientific idea is like a scientific in- strument, a new means of exploration. One might claim that Christopher Columbus did not discover Amer- ica because he never thought of a new world but remained convinced until the end of his life that he had simply found a westward road to the Far East. Our language perpetuates that illusion of his, for we still call the aboriginal Americans "Indians" and the Islands off the western Amer- ican coast "West Indies." To me that claim seems a bit pedantic, and if applied to Columbus one might apply it just as well to many other discoverers, who could not possibly know their Americas. They dis- covered some islands off the coast but as they were not prophets, they could not possibly guess where the mainland lay or what it really was. In a strict sense they could discover only what they saw, they could not discover the things as yet unseen to which they had opened a path; they were the masters of to-day, not of to-morrow. If Columbus did not dis- cover America, then Faraday is not the father of electrotechnics nor Galois, the father of the theory of groups. Should we credit a man with the whole of his posterity or only with his immediate children? 40 Introduction The logical investigation of science has tempted many scholars'*^ and the more optimistic, such as the physico-chemist, Wilhelm Ostwald (1853-1932),^^ believed that it might facilitate new discoveries. It is true that an experienced investigator may obtain stimulating "hints" from the reading of ancient memoirs, but he might obtain similar "hints" in many other ways. The most unexpected and bizarre occurrence may excite a mind which is on the alert, sensitive and vigorous. The deeper methods of discovery are not more patient of analysis than the methods of artistic creation. Or to put it otherwise we may analyze them as much as we please, the essential is bound to escape us. It does not fol- low that the analysis is useless but simply that its usefulness is uncertain, unpredictable and at best small. The historian of science is not satisfied with such a statement as "Bec- QUEREL discovered the radioactivity of uranium in 1896." He wants to know much more "How did that happen? Why did it happen in 1896 and not before? What caused or occasioned the discovery? Who was Becquerel and why was he following that particular track? . . ." The answers to such questions are not likely to reveal secrets of discovery; their heuristic value is negligible; they reveal something less practical and less pregnant but perhaps more interesting and more moving — the human sources and contingencies of scientific development. The word "reveal" is not excessive; if men of science are properly attuned to it this kind of knowledge comes to them as a revelation of something they could hardly have imagined. Indeed, as long as we study science in the trea- tises ( and we must begin that way ) or in technical monographs we have an entirely false view of it as a growing thing, in its genesis and becom- ing. The treatise gives us the scientific knowledge we need and it gives it in the simplest and most direct manner, without unnecessary detours and digressions; it is unavoidably dogmatic and anti-historical; it has to put in the first place not the oldest notions but the most fundamental, and these are likely to be the latest or at least very recent. In fact the dis- covery of a new fundamental notion invites the redaction of a new treatise properly focussed upon that very notion. A complete body of science, or one that seems to be complete, we might say, one that is sufficiently complete, as is oflFered to us in a well written treatise, such a body is beautiful to look at, so beautiful that it may excite the enthusiasm of a neophyte and determine his career. It is very abstract, almost superhuman or inhuman, but it is in reality — im- plicitly— very human. The neophyte, if he has imagination and sensi- bility, feels that even as he would feel a living faith in spite of rite and ceremonial. After all a discovery, even the most abstract, let us say, a mathemati- cal or physical theorem, is abstract only in its final shape. Was it not *^E.g., Frederick Barry: The scientific habit of thought (372 p., New York 1927; Isis, 14, 265-68); various others are enumerated in Sarton: The study of the history of science (56-57, Cambridge, Mass., 1936), and in chapter 7 in the bibh- ography below. *«Isis (1, 27). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 41 due to the observations and meditations of a living individual, a being as limited and imperfect as ourselves? However abstract from the outside, it is very concrete from the inside. The hard-boiled physicist may retort that he is interested only in the results, the technical results, and not at all in the men who obtained them, nor in the contingencies of discovery. His historical curiosity, if he has any, is restricted to the sequences of technical points, as were enumerated by Hoppe,^*^ or for that matter by anyone who is charged to relate past events in the briefest time and space; the inventors are named, barely named, and possibly a few dates are hooked to the names; that is all. The names might almost be replaced by mute symbols, for without further explanation they are meaningless. One reads, "In 1828 NicoL invented a prism enabling one to obtain a single pencil of white polarized light." Who was Nicol? Nicol is the man who invented the Nicol prism. Not very helpful. Such historical outlines are almost as abstract as the ideas which they list, but this is due only to their incom- pleteness. If one empties all the humanities from a story, that story is pretty inhuman, but it is not a real story, only the ghost of one. The humanist on the contrary is not satisfied unless he be able not only to set forth the discoveries in their chronological sequence, but also to explain the long travail and maybe the sufferings which led to each of them, the mistakes which were made, the false tracks which were fol- lowed, the misunderstandings, the quarrels, the victories and the failures; he rejoices in the gradual unveiling of all the contingencies and hazards which constitute the warp and woof of living science. He loves the ab- stractions of science, the final or latest results, to be sure, but he loves also the human elements mixed with them. He loves science, but he loves men more and men of science, best. He is full of gratitude and wonder, but his wonder occurs as it were on three different levels, first, the wonders of nature, second, the wonders of science, and third, best of all, the wonders of scientific discovery — the wonder that such wonders have been discovered by men, men like ourselves.*^^ Therefore, he often takes more interest in the process of discovery or in the discoverer than in the thing discovered. The latter in many cases, whether it be the temperature of a star or the behavior of a louse's louse, leaves him cold. Looked at from that angle, the history of science is a part and perhaps the best part, of the divine comedy, or the human comedy, in which we all participate. We love the truth in itself and for itself. Yet we are eager to know how we reached whatever we reached of it, and thus be able to direct our gratitude to the seekers, the rebels, the fighters, all those who helped us to obtain our main treasures. The account of these spiritual conquests and of our gradual liberation from errors, doubts, superstitions and fears, fills the best pages in the "* Edmund Hoppe (1854-1928): Geschichte der Physik (Braunschweig 1926; Isis, 9, 571; 13, 45-50). " For example, the nebulae themselves are wonderful; stellar astronomy is more wonderful, but most wonderful of all is the fact that that astronomy has been dis- covered and described by infinitesimal creatures. 42 Introduction archives of mankind. We are happy and proud to be able to write a few of those pages, and we love to read the pages which others have already written; — to read them quietly and thoroughly with all the foot- notes. Those pages touch our hearts, not simply our brains; they repre- sent our noblest tradition, the best that is in us. Some of those traditions take us back to ancient or mediaeval times, others date from yesterday, but whether old or young, they give us pride in the past and faith in the future. They help us to be better men, wiser, kinder and humbler, even more cheerful. The historian of science in Antiquity and the Middle Ages is better able to appreciate tradition because the latter takes of necessity as much place in his account as the discoveries and the inventions; the historian of modern science takes tradition for granted, yet it exists and is as fun- damental as ever. Discoveries would be useless if they were not trans- mitted to others, and eventually to the whole of mankind. When we study the distant past every document is important because only a few have survived, and it is our duty to make the most of them. Historians who will be charged to write the history of, say, twentieth century sci- ence will face difficulties of a very different kind. They will be as it were buried under an avalanche of documents, far more than they could possibly examine, let alone read or study. Therefore, they will have to select as well as possible relatively few documents out of the enormous mass and focus their attention upon these few. In the case of ancient and mediaeval science, that preparation has been done by Father Time with splendid indifference and arbitrariness. Future historians will have to replace that random selection by one as rational, impartial and careful as possible. That will require an elaborate division of labor between them, a matter which cannot be explained here and now.^- The tradition of experience and knowledge takes another form in modern times than it did in the past, but it loses nothing of its importance and necessity. It is the best part today of our inheritance and tomorrow of our legacy, and we must be worthy of it. Appendix MONUMENTAL AND ICONOGRAPHIC TRADITION VS. LITERARY TRADITION Scientific ideas and remembrances are transmitted not only by literary texts but also by monuments, such as buildings, tombstones, instruments and objects of many kinds. In a sense all the ancient buildings and monuments, irrespective of their original purpose, are witnesses of the ancient men's knowledge as well as of their ^'' See preliminary views in the author's Remarks concerning the history of twentieth century science (Isis, 26, 53-62, 1936). Ancient and Mediaeval Science 43 arts and crafts. The historian of science cannot examine the Parthenon, Hagia Sophia, or the cathedral of Chartres without deep emotion and without the oppor- tunity of learning much concerning the science of their builders. Instruments and other small objects may be found in the musetims and especially in the museums of science such as exist in Haarlem and Leiden, Paris, South Kensing- ton, Oxford and Cambridge, Munich, Washington and Chicago, etc. The authen- ticity of each item requires a special demonstration but for the purpose of study or teaching, copies of duly accredited items are generally as good as the originals. Iconographic documents are pictures or images representing the original items. When those items are extant, the pictures of them are comparable to other copies, and have almost as much documentary value as the originals. When the items are lost, the reliability of each image must be appraised separately. Some drawings or printed images are tfiemselves original documents, e.g., the engineering sketches of Leonardo da Vinci or the printed placards of ancient universities. The most attractive of the monuments are statues, busts, or painted portraits; the most attractive of the iconographic documents are drawn, engraved or printed portraits. The tradition of portraits anterior to the fifteenth century is exceedingly diflBcult to establish. It is precarious at best, for it can hardly bear any solution of continuity between the living man at one end and the document in our hand at the other. Even in the case of modern men of science their iconographic tradition can be easily broken or jeopardized (e.g., when the legends of two portraits are accidentally interchanged in an article or a book). There is no reason whatsoever to believe in the genuineness of any bust or statue of any ancient man of science. The busts bearing such names as Plato, Euclid, etc., are impostures. Mediaeval likenesses of contemporary men of science are al- most equally unreliable, except in the case of a few illuminated MSS. When a lim- ner was asked to illustrate and illuminate a given text he sometimes added the portrait of the author (e.g., the author ofiFering his book to his patron, a kind of iconographic dedication). It is possible that some of these portraits are real portraits, yet it is almost impossible to prove their genuineness. Statues of modern men of science have generally no value as iconographic evi- dence, and should not be reproduced as portraits, except faute de mieux. Indeed, most statues are posthumous, hence second hand, and a statue derived from a two dimensional portrait may be very far removed from reality. Similar remarks apply to medals; almost every portrait in medallic form is posthu- mous and second-hand or n-th hand. Such medals are valuable witnesses of a man's fame, of memorial ceremonies or other events. Historians of science should always deal with the available monuments as well as with the texts, and they should never neglect the iconographic traditions. They should bear in mind, however, the fragility of such traditions and be extremely cautious. For additional information on this topic see Sarton: Iconographic honesty (Isis, 30, 222-35, 1939); Portraits of ancient men of science (Lychnos, 249-56, 1 fig., Uppsala 1945). Paul Schrecker (Isis, 32, 126). III. IS IT POSSIBLE TO TEACH THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE? The first two lectures have considered the question "Is it worthwhile to teach the history of science?", and I trust have prompted you to an- swer it in the affirmative. The writer is not naive enough to imagine that such a decision will be universal, or even general. Much hostility or inertia will stop our advance or slow it up. Let me briefly reiterate the main sources of opposition and indifference. There are, in the first place, those who would reject the whole past. The past is finished, irremediable, permanent; there is nothing we can do about it, and hence it is better not to worry about it. In the second place, some men of science will admit interest in history and realize its importance and difficulties, but they are not interested in the history of science. Science, they would say, need not concern itself with its own past; artists may study the history of art, because the art of the past is, or may be, as up-to-date, as new, as their own; the science of the past, on the contrary, is definitely inferior to our own and has been superseded by it. Our new scientific books contain all that is worthwhile in the old, less the rubbish. The very perfectibility of science causes its past efforts to be negligible. There is no hope of overcoming the animosity of these two groups; they are historically blind. Let us now introduce a third group, not of enemies but of ignorant and dangerous friends. You may remember Voltaire's saying "God help me against my friends. I can take care of my enemies." That "cri du coeur" has often been repeated, I am sure, with less impertinence but with equal poignancy. There is a large group of men of science, perhaps a majority, who are interested in the history of science, nay, enthusiastic about it, but hardly see the necessity of studying it. "It is all so simple and so easy, hardly a man's job." They know well enough scientific [their own] difficulties but have no idea whatsoever of historical methods and pitfalls. History is easy to read, but it does not follow that it is easy to write. Indeed, it is very difficult to find the truth in historical matters, and having found it, to express it clearly. How difficult is it? Is it more difficult than, say, the theory of functions or spectral analysis? Is it more difficult to walk on a tight rope than to play the violin? Foolish questions all. Each of these things is not only difficult but impossible for those who are not sufficiently prepared for it by nature and training. Historical investiga- tions remain difficult even for those who have received the best prepara- tion; the absence of difficulties is apparent only to those who are unpre- pared and ignorant. Many of our friends, distinguished men of science, well-meaning but injudicious when the past is concerned, love the history of science so much that they accept as good any book on the subject To Teach the History of Science? 45 without criticism of any kind, and thus instead of helping us they hasten the disintegration of our studies, — the spiritual degradation to which I referred before — or a least they make the upbuilding more difficult. These dangerous friends would have no hesitation in answering the second question "Is it possible to teach the history of science?" It is not only possible, they would say, but very easy, too easy, — a task to be left to second-rate or third-rate minds. There is no time for me to explain here and now the diflBculties of the historical method in general or of the history of science in particular. That cannot be done even in a course in the history of science in which the instructor has hardly time enough to describe the main results of research, but certainly none to explain how those results were obtained. A few difficulties have been indicated, however, in the two previous lec- tures and for the others I must ask your indulgence and your confidence. The great men to whom we owe a good part of our knowledge, Moritz Cantor, Karl Sudhoff, Paul Tannery, Pierre Duhem, Sir Thomas Heath, Lippmann, Ruska, and tutti qtianti, spent their lives working with zeal and patience, grappling with one problem after another, clear- ing up riddles and obscurities, and sometimes they ventured to compose a synthesis of all the knowledge they had managed to unravel and to put in order, making it possible for their successors to continue their task and to improve it; would you say they wrestled with shadows? History as an art is as old as medicine, which is but another way of saying that it is extremely old. Some of the earliest writings of every cultural group are historical in pm-pose. Moreover there were great his- torians in ancient and mediaeval times. I need not mention their names for you know them; nevertheless, historical methods were not established much before the last century and that century has seen the birth of his- torical science as well as of medical science. At first, history was pri- marily concerned with political and military matters, the history of dy- nasties, kings and generals. Then the field was gradually expanded as well as diversified; we were invited to study or to consider economic history, social history, the history of the people, of the common man, the history of agriculture and of commerce, the history of literatures, etc. Among these many branches of the historical tree, three deserve to arrest our attention: our own, the history of science, and two others sufficiently close to it to incite comparison, the history of religion and the history of art. The two last-named are (in their modern form) very young but not quite as young as the history of science, and hence they may help to guide the development of the latter. Writing in 1905, the distinguished French art historian, Andre Mi- chel, declared,^^ "The history of art has been the last of the historical sciences to be constituted, and as such it can now claim a share in their methods and take its place in their company. The nature and complex- ity of facts that it is its duty to analyze and to classify would suffice to explain the slowness of its ascension." He then refers to the fantasies ^ In his preface to the Histoire de I'art of which he had assumed direction ( Paris 1905^.). 46 Introduction of Hegel and to the meditations of Taine and explains that in order to reach maturity the history of art hke every other historical science re- quired the slow and painful elaboration of a large number of special investigations. You can hardly speak of science before a system or syn- thesis has been created, and on the other hand, the synthesis will hardly be possible before the monographs have been completed. Does this mean that the synthesis must be postponed until the Greek calends? Surely not. Tentative syntheses must be prepared from time to time to make possible further advances; no synthesis is premature which is effected without extravagant claims, humbly and honestly. Each such synthesis is like an encampment in a long, endless march, the march toward truth. Last century, the critical methods of the historian of art were still unknown to the educated public and to the administrators of our colleges, and a man might be called to teach that history on the strength of his familiarity with the great museums and of his "good taste" and his ability to express generalities in the manner of Walter Pater or in the manner of Taine. That time is past. Good taste and good letters are still essential but no longer sufficient. The departments of the history of art of our universities are now manned by well-trained scholars. Their task is admittedly so considerable that it is divided between them — some are experts on early oriental art or Greek art or they deal only with the Renaissance, Baroque, Rococo, or Dada period ( the last-named being, I regret to say, our own ) . The field is too large for one man, although one cannot help hoping that there will appear from time to time a man big enough and bold enough to encompass the whole of it. The task of those new historians was facilitated by their friendly ri- valry and their keen emulation. Each one of them might conceive a new method or a new approach, he might discover a lost masterpiece or bring to light forgotten documents. The fruits of their efforts appeared in their publications and they were discussed in seminaries with their students, in colloquia with their rivals, in academic meetings and national and inter- national congresses. To speak only of the latter, for the smaller gather- ings are too numerous to be recalled, the first international congress for the history of art was called to order in Vienna in 1873. Judging from its proceedings, published in the following year, it was a very mod- est undertaking but the first of a long series. The fifteenth congress took place in London, in July 1939, just before the outbreak of the second World War. In these assemblies, historians of art belonging to many countries exhibit their latest discoveries, ventilate their theories, present and compare their results and their methods. Each participant returns to his home and study a little richer in knowledge, surer in his grasp, clearer in his mind, more conscious of the general aim and work, and of his own share in it; sometimes, his education is of a different kind, for his convictions are shaken by the arguments of colleagues who see things in a different light; sometimes, his immature convictions are replaced by doubts, certainties are disturbed by new convictions or new enigmas; that is just as good if not better. In any case, the discipline to which To Teach the History of Science? 47 he and the others have devoted their hves is shaping itself with greater clearness and rigor. During the last half century, the history of art has become gradually a solid body of knowledge much more severe than it was but also more rewarding and altogether more pleasant. Many problems have been solved but many more have been evoked, and the historian of art has been kept very busy, learning and unlearning, search- ing for better knowledge and a deeper understanding of his own position or of the whole field. That field is larger and richer. There is more truth in it than before and more beauty. The history of religion reached its period of adolescence at about the same time as the history of art, say, about the last quarter of the century. The main historical difficulties seem to have lain in the correct definition of the field. This was more difficult than for the history of art which shaped itself naturally. Take the history of painting or the history of music. We start with a collection of masterpieces — paintings or parti- tions. These are concrete, dated or datable objects; it is not too difficult to put them, or most of them, in a chronological sequence, and there you have the skeleton of your history. The history of religion, on the other hand, is a history of emotions and of ideas, the origin of which may be extremely difficult to perceive or to date. It is a history of creeds and beliefs, of rites and institutions, and much of that is difficult to analyze and describe, because it does not happen once but flows and continues. The scholars who undertook those studies spent much time in discussing religion, various religions, the comparativeness of religions, the science of religion, the birth and development of religious institutions, etc. The subject was so full of controversies and so widely open to prejudice that it took them a relatively long time to realize the value of purely historical investigations conducted as other historical investigations are, without parti pris or without desire of either apologetics or disparagement. The history of that discipline is well known, because of the methodical writ- ings of many scholars^^ and of the lectures delivered at the international congresses of the history of religion. The first of these congresses took place in Paris, in 1900,^^ and the latest one in Amsterdam, in 1950. These congresses were more impor- tant than the art congresses, because they attracted the attention of more scholars, indeed, there are far more men professionally concerned with religion and its past than there are concerned with the history of art. Moreover, every religious man is obliged to think historically, if only because he is always obliged to look back to the origin of his religion, while creative artists are more exclusively concerned with their own "E.g., the Belgian, Count Goblet d'Alviella (1846-1925) in his collected essays, Croyances, rites, institutions (3 vols., Paris 1911); in vols. 2 and 3. ^An earlier congress "The world's first parliament of religions," had been held in Chicago in 1893, but that vv^as something very different in purpose and in realiza- tion, a noble appeal to religious toleration rather than to impartial scholarship. The Chicago Congress vi^as philanthropic rather than scientific. 48 , Introduction creations and with their own ideas rather than earlier ideas. Every theologian is a scholar ipso facto, while very few artists are scholarly minded. This is the second time that I mention international congresses, be- cause these played a great part in the organization of science and espe- cially in the definition of new disciplines and the formulation of their methods. Such congresses are very useful but not sufficient. The new discipline will scarcely flourish, unless the scholars devoting themselves to it are given opportunities to do their work, to earn a living, and to train apprentices. That condition was fulfilled, both for the history of art and the history of religion. Professors were appointed to teach the history of religion in the four Dutch universities in 1877 and very soon afterwards in Switzerland, Belgium and France. A special chair was established at the College de France in 1879. Before the end of the last century, there were a good number of professors of the history of religion or of the science of comparative religion, etc., in the leading universities of the world. The situation was even more favorable to the history of art, for, in addition to professorships in the leading universities, the mu- seums needing curators and experts offered tempting positions to hun- dreds of scholars. The third discipline, the history of science, was not so fortunate. It is true, international congresses were organized as early as 1900, but they enjoyed neither the importance nor the popularity of the congresses of the history of art and the history of religion, and their desiderata were not implemented by the creation of professorships.^*^ What is even more tragic, when a professorship was finally created at the College de France in 1892, the history of science was so badly understood that the professorship was awarded to incompetent persons and did more harm than good.^^ Even today, more than half a century later, the number of professorships in the history of science is still exceedingly small. This suggests that my queries are pertinent. "Is it worthwhile and possible to teach the history of science?" If the general answer of administrators and educators had been yes, the number of professorships would be much greater than it is. How shall we account for the fact that there is, at least, one professor of the history of art and one professor of the history of religion in almost every university and a professor of the his- tory of science in almost none. To begin with, let us clear up a misunderstanding, the confusion between the history of science and the history of particular sciences. That confusion is ancient. If we leave out of account various histories written in the 18th century which are too superficial and discursive and ^ For congresses on the history of science, see Guide below, Chapter 24. ^ That story is told with some detail in my article Paui,, Jules and Marie Tan- nery (Isis 38, 33-51,1947). To Teach the History of Science? 49 even Montucla's history of mathematics ( which was in reahty a history of mathematical and physical sciences ) ,^^ the first modern history is the history of the inductive sciences by the Reverend William Whewell ( 3 vols., London 1837), a book which maintained the dignity of a classic in English libraries and colleges during the whole of the Victorian age and even beyond.^^ Now this work was curiously built, and it is instruc- tive to examine its structure. It is divided into 18 books. The first 5, constituting volume 1, deal respectively with: (1) Greek philosophy; (2) Greek physics; (3) Greek astronomy (the final section of which is en- titled Arabic Astronomy, or From Ptolemy to Copernicus; all that in 10 pages); (4) Mediaeval Physics; (5) Formal astronomy after the station- ary period, or From Copernicus to Kepler. Volume 2 bearing the sub- title "mechanical sciences" is also divided into 5 chapters, that is (6) Mechanics; (7) Astronomy; (8) Acoustics; (9) Optics; (10) Thermotics and atmology, i.e., the study of heat and vapors. The subdivision of volume 3 is more complicated. That volume deals with 8 sciences, di- vided into 6 groups. The subdivision will appear more clearly, if we begin a new paragraph for each group. The mechanico-chemical sciences: (11) Electricity; (12) Magnetism; (13) Galvanism or Voltaic electricity (last pages 98-101, transition to chemical science). The analytical science: (14) Chemistry. The analytico-classificatory science: (15) Mineralogy and crystal- lography. Classificatory sciences : (16) Systematic botany and zoology. Organical sciences: (17) Physiology and comparative anatomy. The palaetiological sciences: (18) Geology. There would be much more to say about Whewell's cumbrous and artificial classification, but that would lead us too far afield. It will suf- fice to remark that Whewell's purpose was philosophical rather than historical. The master of Trinity was following in the footsteps of Fran- cis Bacon and was dreaming of "a renovation of sound philosophy di- rected by the light which the history of science sheds" ( his own Preface, ^* George Sarton: Montucla (Osiris 1, 519-67, 12 figs., 1936). ^ Whewell's History was published in the very year of the Queen's accession. Its influence was considerable in the English world, much less so, I think, on the Continent. It is true it was translated into German (by the astronomer, J. J. v. LiTTROW, Stuttgart 1840-41 ) but not into French. I seldom noticed references to it in Continental books. Though I bought a copy of it as early as 1911 (I have just examined it ) , I must confess that I have never read it, or much of it. Indeed, when I began my own studies, better books were available. I owe a debt to Whewell's book, however, the telhng of which may amuse the reader. My first opportunity for teaching the history of science in the United States occurred in 1915 when I was invited to lecture at the summer school of the University of Illinois in Urbana. That invitation was extended to me thanks to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and to the personal interest of Mr. Edmund Janes James (1855-1925), who was then president of that University. Mr. James showed much kindness to me, which I remember with gratitude. He had been trained as an economist; he told me that his interest in the history of science, and indirectly in me, was due to his reading Whewell's book, which by that time I myself had almost forgotten. 50 Introduction p. ix). He was influenced also by the "Preliminary discourse on the study of natural philosophy" which his friend, Sir John Herschel, had published a few years previously (1830, 1831).''° For such philo- sophical and pedagogical tendencies a classification was necessary. The result of it, irrespective of its value, was that his work was not an inte- grated history of science but a collection of separate histories printed under one cover. Each of the chapters, 6 to 18, deals with a branch of science from the beginning of the seventeenth century to his own time. Whewell's work was not historically up-to-date at the time of its first publication; it is at present almost entirely out-of-date. It is a dangerous book for young students of the history of science, but it has itself become a document of great value enabling us to recapture the scientific outlook of a hundred years ago. Nothing illustrates better the backwardness of our studies than the fact that Whewell's book was still commanding the respect of many thoughtful readers at the beginning of this century. If the French readers of last century were immune to Whewell's teaching, they were submitted to that of Ferdinand Hoefer (1811-78), a German exile who spent the best part of his life in Paris and published a series of books dealing each of them with the history of a particular science or group of sciences.^^ The best of them was his history of chemistry which continued an old German tradition. It first appeared in 1842-43 and devoted 1046 pages to that history as against the 80 pages of chapter 14 in Whewell's treatise. It was reprinted with a new final chapter ( 1868-69 ) . Instead of improving his knowledge of the history of chemistry, a field in which he might have become a master comparable to his great rival, Herrmann Kopp,*'- he allowed himself to become a bookseller's hack and published in quick succession a history of physics and chemistry ( 1872 ) , a history of botany, mineralogy and geology (1872), a history of zoology (1872), a history of astronomy (1873), a history of mathematics ( 1874). These books became standard books in the French world, were frequently reprinted, and are found to this day on the reference shelves of French libraries. Their influence was not good. It is curious to note that the Whewellian-Hoeferian method of deal- ing with each branch of science separately, instead of attempting to take them all together in a straight chronological order, is still followed today to some extent by Abraham Wolf, sometime professor in the University of London.^^ *" Herschel's book was philosophical and methodological rather than historical in purpose; yet it included a number of historical remarks. It was far more popular on the Continent than Whewell's, for it was translated into French (1834) and Itahan (1840). Whewell's work was dedicated to Herschel, who was working at that time at the Observatory of Feldhausen near Cape Town. ®^ Sarton: Hoefer and Chevreul (Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 8, 419-45, Baltimore, 1940). "'Max Speter: Vater Kopp (Osiris, 5, 392-460, 1938). *^ Abraham Wolf: History of science, technology and philosophy in the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries. With the cooperation of F. Dannemann and A. Armitage (720 p., 316 ill., London 1935; Isis, 24, 164-67); History of science, tech- To Teach the History of Science? 51 The first satisfactory textbook dealing with the history of science as a whole was the German work issued in 4 volumes by the late Friedrich Dannemann.^^ The term satisfactory should be understood in a rela- tive sense; that textbook was sufficiently comprehensive when it ap- peared, and much of it was based on original documents. Indeed, it was composed partly to serve as a kind of framework to the Klassiker der exakten Wissenschaften, edited by the German physico-chemist, Wil- HELM OsTWALD.^^ Brief as it is, even sketchy in many parts and incom- plete, it is, nevertheless, the most elaborate work of its kind in any lan- guage. This statement is less a praise of Dannemann's achievement than a proof of the infancy of our studies and of the immense amount of work which remains to be done. Dannemann's main merit lies in the fact that he really tried to ex- plain, as the title put it, "science in its evolution and 'hanging together' (wholeness)." Instead of dividing the subject into large scientific groups ( mechanics, astronomy, physics, etc. ) as Whewell and Hoefer had done, and as Wolf continued to do, he divided it into short chapters each of them dealing with a scientific topic, and as he avoided putting all the mechanical topics together or all the astronomical ones and so on but arranged his chapters in the rough chronological order of their cen- ters of gravity, he managed to give his readers a deep impression of unity. That is very important. The history of science is much more than the juxtaposition of all the histories of the special sciences, for its main purpose is to explain the interrelation of all the sciences, their coopera- tive efforts, and their common aims and methods. The division of sci- ence into sciences is to a large extent artificial and apparent only in con- crete cases. It is clear that a collector of butterflies need not study ther- modynamics, and that an observer of meteors can do very well without botany or palaeontology. It is also clear that the great mass of our sci- entists and technicians are so deeply specialized that they can no longer see the wood for the trees, or the tree for the twigs. They are like birds standing upon peripheral twigs who fancy their twig is the thing, and nothing else matters. These facts explain the difficulty of making the history of science ac- ceptable to men of science and also the very necessity and urgency of doing so. Can there be a more natural way of opposing excessive spe- nology and philosophy in the eighteenth century (814 p., 345 ill., London 1938; Isis, 31, 450). ** Friedrich Dannemann (1859-1936): Die Naturwissenschaften in ihrer En- twicklung und in ihrem Zusammenhange (4 vols., 1910-13; Isis, 2, 218-22; second edition, 4 vols., 1920-23; Isis, 4, 110, 563; 6, 115-16). ^ The Klassiker der exakten Wissenschaften were founded and edited by Wil- HELM OsTvvALD (1853-1932), and their publication was begun by W. Engelmann in Leipzig, 1899 (Isis, 1, 99, 706; 2, 153). It is the largest collection of original scientific texts ever published; the texts are published in German translation with commentaries by speciaHsts. More than 200 volumes have appeared; the latest was, I think, the one devoted to Max von Laue (no. 204, 1923; Isis, 5, 526). As Dan- nemann's history was largely based upon the Klassiker, it tended to ignore or mini- mize the discoveries omitted in that collection, e.g., those of Claude BernardI 52 Introduction cialization than by showing that all those twigs belong to the same tree, the old tree of knowledge, which stood in the garden of Eden? And how best can we show that than by describing the growth of the tree? — Now the growth of that tree, that is the history of science. We remarked that that history is much more than the sum of special histories; it is also much less. The special histories are, of necessity, far more technical, while in the general history, the humanistic and social elements are much stronger; for that history deals not only with every branch of science and with their various interrelations and mutual reper- cussions but also with the impact of all the social and philosophical in- fluences to which they are all submitted. Every great discovery over- flows its original field in many ways. The history of instruments implies the history of physics and chemistry, irrespective of their uses. The microscope is built by physicists and used by biologists, physicians, crys- tallographers, chemists, etc. The chemical revolution was also a physio- logical revolution. The development of thermodynamics did not simply affect the physical sciences, it influenced deeply our philosophy. The theory of evolution dominates the whole of modern thought. The de- velopment of, say, photographic or statistical methods concerns all the sciences. This list might be extended endlessly. There are, it is true, discoveries which are so small that they cause no stir outside of their own little field; they may be abandoned to the historian of that field; such discoveries do not affect the tree but only a few twigs; the historian of science may safely overlook them. From this point of view there are interesting resemblances and dif- ferences between the history of science, on the one hand, and the history of religion, on the other. The last-named discipline was unsectarian from the beginning; in fact, its purpose was more often anti-sectarian than pro-sectarian. The first historians of religion were anxious to study religion per se as a general attribute and desire of the human spirit al- ways and everywhere. This led naturally to the study of what was called comparative religion, and for the most scholarly minded it led also to impartial history. On the other hand, each religion developed very much within its own field; Buddhism was not influenced by Chris- tianity, nor Parseeism by Islam. The situation is very different from that of science, for every science may influence willy-nilly all the others, and the synthesis is unavoidable. Visit the great laboratories and ob- servatories, and you will find scientists of many kinds working together, needing one another. In a modern observatory, there are, of course, astronomers but also mathematicians, physicists, chemists, and some- times biologists and geologists are called in consultation. The arts grow together, too, but they are not bound together as closely as the sciences. Their integration is tangible enough in a cathe- dral the building of which required the collaboration of architects, sculp- tors, painters, and decorators, while fulfillment of the offices and rites called for musicians and stage managers. In spite of that, the arts developed, to a large extent, independently and each is autonomous. Hence, one may study the past of one of them very profitably, say, the To Teach the History of Science? 53 history of painting or the history of music. Each of these histories is much more complete and much more reveahng, not only of the whole artistic but also of the whole social life, than the history of any particular science could possibly be. Moreover, art is so deeply connected with sentiments and feelings that it is much more justified to study its na- tional development than to study the national development of any science. A history of Russian or Italian science would be somewhat artificial; while the histories of Russian music or Italian painting are relatively self-contained. The history of special sciences is very useful for many purposes, tech- nical and philosophical, but totally insujSicient, if our purpose is to ex- plain the development of mankind or the organization of knowledge. The main objection that one can make to the history of science is that it is far too big a subject. Think of it! The history of all knowl- edge everywhere and throughout the ages. Is it possible to encompass such a field?, ask the sceptics. Their doubts are fully justified. It is not yet possible, or it is possible only in a first approximation, but this does not mean that it is worthless to try. Moreover, many scientists resent the preposterous ambition of the historians — to know the whole of science plus the whole of history. How could anybody do it? His- torians may seem to be soaring high up in the clouds "au dessus de la melee." What do they really know?, would the scientist ask. What do they know down to brass tacks? What could they do with their knowledge? Could they use this instrument and make correct measure- ments with it? Could they solve this particular problem? The his- torian might answer that he does not try to know things "down to brass tacks" — but down to the roots which is very different; he does not try to know for the sake of solving individual problems but rather for the sake of understanding the general situation; he does not try to apply his knowledge to practical and immediate purposes, but he tries to under- stand the relationship of ideas as deeply as possible. Of course, his way of doing this may be offensive; his own knowledge (however he may define it) may be inadequate and superficial; he may be conceited and too easily satisfied with insuflBcient surveys. We are not dealing here, however, with the shortcomings of historians of science which are as varied and numerous as the shortcomings of other men. Our concern is different: is it possible to have a general knowledge of science and his- tory, that is, of nature and of man? Is it possible to unravel the spiritual vicissitudes of the men of every age and climate who faced nature, tried to solve its riddles, to understand its mysteries and take advantage of them, to grasp its wholeness, to guess its purpose, and to adapt them- selves to it? I believe it is possible and my faith is strengthened by the successful efforts of many great scholars. General knowledge, it should be noted, is not the same as universal knowledge. The latter is beyond human reach, the former not. When I read a scientific or learned journal, I am always impressed by the large 54 Introduction number of facts with which I am unfamiliar; yet, I do not feel disqualified from understanding a subject, because I do not know every detail of it. Let us take a simple example. Consider two teachers of geography, the former teaches the geography of England and the second the geography of the world. The former could make fun of the latter saying, "I have spent my life studying the geography of England, and in spite of that, I am still learning new facts every day. Think of my colleague who presumes to teach the geography of the whole world. He has seen only a small part of it, and as you know, there are some parts which no scholar has ever seen." His fallacy lies in believing that the geography of the world is a larger subject than the geography of England. It is not. Both subjects are equally inexhaustible; they are equal in infinitude. All that we can say is that the two subjects are very different. It is probable that both instructors teach in the same time the same number of facts; their two collections of facts are different but about equal. Not only does the world geographer abandon many of the facts of the Eng- lish geographer, but he would give proof of ignorance and stupidity if he introduced them in his own survey. This example is perhaps too simple to be convincing; yet, it suffices to illustrate the general truth. One may know a general field without knowing every detail of it. Such knowledge may be almost worthless for practical work in that very field, but it is sufficient to realize the na- ture and peculiarities of that field and its relationship to other fields. One thing is certain: our two geographers must know the basic facts of geography. They cannot know them too well; in the same way, the historian of science must know the general facts and theories of science, he must be as familiar as possible with at least one branch of it or he will remain unable to understand anything clearly. We shall come back to that presently. After all, is that situation different from any other in education? Can one expect the man who teaches chemistry to have a first-hand knowledge of the whole of chemistry? Of course not, but why should he? All that we claim is that he should have a first-hand knowledge of a part of his field. As our studies are still in the pioneer stage, they must necessarily suf- fer from pioneer imperfections and crudities. If it be your lot to live on the frontier, you must do without many conveniences; but that should not prevent you from living a well integrated life. As the laborers are few, historians of science are, more often than not, alone in their uni- versity, and this obliges them to be like the frontiersmen, jacks of all trades. When we bear in mind the specialization of tasks in our history departments (ancient history, classical antiquity, middle ages. Renais- sance, colonial history), each jealously guarded against trespassers, it seems foolish to expect one scholar to be equally familiar with every period of history plus the whole of science. It cannot be done. It is absurd, quoth the sceptic. And yet in this pioneer stage, it must be done, and it can be done. To Teach the History of Science? 55 Let me give you an example. I trust you will allow me to relate the results of my own experience. I do not choose it because it is my own, but simply because it is the one which I know by far the best. It has been my privilege to teach the history of science in Harvard University for many years, more than thirty, a lifetime. In the course of that long period, I have lectured on almost every aspect and problem of science; I have delivered many hundreds of diflFerent lectures. Some subjects are so important that I have come back to them repeatedly; yet, as at least two years would elapse before I could come back to the same topic and as I was attentive to every novelty concerning it and never stopped gathering new ideas, asking myself new questions, evoking new doubts or solving old ones, when I finally came back to that topic, both the topic and myself were somewhat different; the canvas of my lecture remained perhaps the same, but it was not filled in exactly in the same way. The accent was not put on the same details nor the emphasis in the same places. I am not expressing here vague generalities. As I have gener- ally preserved old lecture notes, I could reconstruct, if it were worth- while, which it is not, the evolution of my views on every important subject, say, Faraday, Darwin, or Pasteur, the discovery of analytical geometry, or of the calculus, the circulation of the blood, or the periodic system. Between one lecture on any one of those subjects and the next, many things might occur, and some of them did occur, for example, the publication of unknown documents, or of a new biography, or a new discovery throwing new light upon the old one, contradicting it, or on the contrary, justifying it, or amplifying it, putting it altogether in a new perspective. It has been truly said of political history that even the best books have no finality; for, on the one hand, new facts are constantly exhumed which may modify our knowledge of the past, even of the most distant past,^^ and on the other hand, we see the past in a different light as our experience increases. The past, as we know it, is not irremediable and final. It could be so only in the eyes of an omniscient god, knowing not only the whole past but the whole future as well. If that be true of political history, it is even more true of the history of science. Think of the theories of light. At the end of last century, the wave theory seemed to be established forever. Crucial experiments had proved its correctness; the electro-magnetic theory had brought a beautiful confir- mation. The judgment of any historian writing at that time would have been different from our own. A similar remark would apply to the his- tory of the periodic system; the introduction of the idea of atomic num- bers threw an entirely new light on it. And to take an earlier example, Galileo's discussion showing that the number of square numbers is as large as the number of positive integers was intriguing,*"^ but it did not assume its full interest until the theory of infinite aggregates had been ™ Indeed, our knowledge of pre-Hellenic times in the Near East has been deeply modified within our own days. Much of it was entirely unknown before, and the rest is almost entirely renewed or reinterpreted. ®^ Discor^i e dimostrazioni matematiche intorno a due nuoue scienze (p. 78, Leida 1638). 56 Introduction completed by Georg Cantor ( 1845-1918). It is always the same thing. We only see what we already know, hence our appreciation of the past changes as the future unrolls. Scholars of the seventeenth century who were more familiar with the Greek language than we are could not un- derstand Greek science as well as we do, but our knowledge of it is not by any means completed. As to mediaeval science, we are only beginning to appreciate its true value without exaggeration of praise or disparagement. The darkness of the Dark Ages of which uneducated scientists speak so glibly is partly the darkness of their own ignorance and unwisdom. Now to return to my own experience. After many tentatives in var- ious directions, such as an attempt to review the whole field in a single course ( of, say, thirty-five lectures ) or of dealing within the same orbit with a relatively brief period (say, the Renaissance) or with a single branch of science ( say, mathematics or physics ) , I have come to the con- clusion that the needs of honest students in a good college are satisfied best with the following arrangement. My general course on the history of science is a combination of four courses of about thirty-five lectures each, dealing respectively with (i) antiquity, (2) Middle Ages, (3) the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, (4) the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with glimpses of the twentieth. These courses are independent. Few students attend the four of them, and fewer still are able to take them in the proper order. Classical students may take only the first, mediaevalists only the second, scientific students only the third and fourth or only the fourth. I offer only two such courses each year, never more, but sometimes less. Hence, two years at least will elapse before I come back to the same subject.*'^ This interval is long enough to make possible a partial renewal not only of that subject but of myself. To be sure, each of these courses is a summary, but it is perhaps of sufficient length to satisfy the majority of the students and to encourage a few of them to go ahead and seek more knowledge either with my help or without. Consider the case of ancient science. I doubt whether it would be possible to give a fair idea of its richness and diversity and to place it clearly in its cultural background in much less than thirty or thirty-five lectures. One must devote one lecture to the pre-historic beginnings, two or three more to Egyptian and Babylonian antiquities. (This is running at full speed. ) There remain then some thirty lectures, or less, for the whole of Hellenic, Hellenistic and Roman culture, from Homer down to Proclos, a stretch of at least fourteen centuries. Dur- ing those centuries, not only did science develop in many directions but the cultural, philosophical, social, and religious background was con- stantly modified. Whenever I try to explain such momentous changes in thirty lectures, I cannot help feeling that my speed is dangerous. A little more speed and everything would vanish. The survey would be- come almost meaningless. This is the more true, because a great num- ** Not necessarily to every subject, for the contents of each course varies somewhat from each offering to the next one. As the total of lectures is fixed, it is not possible to introduce a new subject without dropping an old one. To Teach the History of Science? 57 ber of my students have no classical education whatsoever, and except w^hen they are of Greek descent, have no knowledge of Greek. My course on ancient science is sometimes their classical initiation; in such cases, it is utterly insufficient, yet I hope that even then it may possibly awaken a dormant interest, not only in science but also in ancient wisdom. I need not discuss mediaeval science, because I have already spoken of it in my second lecture, but it is worthwhile to insist once more upon my attitude concerning oriental science. Arabic science must be dealt with some fulness, because it is an intrinsic part of our own traditions. As to Hindu and Chinese science, important as they undoubtedly are, there is no time to discuss them in the usual courses, for anv such dis- cussion would be a digression taking us too far away from the main tracks. It is well, however, to speak sometimes of India and China, if only by way of contrast and comparison and to make the students realize the coexistence of scientific efforts which, insofar as they reached a part of the truth, converged with the western efforts. The men of science of India and China were trying to solve problems which were essentially the same as ours; their solutions were sometimes the same as ours, some- times curiously different; the differences are as instructive as the resem- blances. I only wish such comparisons might be made more often and more thoroughly, but then our courses would be incomplete in other respects or altogether disjointed. It all comes down to this, that even a course like mine extending to 140 lectures is barely sufficient to give the student a bird's-eye view of science. And yet, I am told that many teachers are expected to cover the whole field in half that time, or even in a third or a quarter of it. What happens then? We shall come back to that presently, but I must first complete the account of my experience with a sad confession. I have never given a lecture which satisfied me, because I have hardly ever had that feeling of security and happiness, which is a scholar's best reward when he has finally succeeded in checking every statement down to its ultimate sources. This failure is due to the fact that I had to deal not with one separate subject which I would have leisure to study thoroughly but with hundreds of subjects jostling each other. It was also due to the imma- turity of our studies. The situation is vastly different in older fields, such as English history, or English literature, in which elaborate mono- graphs are available for every point of importance. On the contrary, if an expert opens any "history of science," wherein everything seems to be neatly explained, he recognizes unwarranted statements on almost every page. If he be honest, he will do his best to trace those statements to their sources, to prove them or disprove them, and finally to present a new statement nearer to the truth. He can do that to his satisfaction in some instances, but if he be a teacher of the history of science in general, he is soon obliged to move on. In other words, thousands of investigations remain to be made, and the writing of the history of science will improve gradually in proportion as those investigations are 58 Introduction carried through. No one scholar is competent or has time enough to make them all. For every period, for every science or branch of science, for every country or cultural group, there is plenty of work left for many generations of scholars. This does not matter so much as long as we are fully aware of the imperfections of our knowledge; more work for our successors means also more joy for them. It is hard and tantalizing to cover the whole field in, say, a series of 130 to 150 lectures. What would be the fate of a teacher who was ex- pected to cover it in 60 lectures or 40 or even less? There is a way out, however, and that is simply not to attempt to cover the whole of it. After all, if any teacher finds that the subject is too vast, he can always, to some extent, restrict it. As the most interesting part of the history of science for young men of science of today is naturally modern science, a teacher could hardly leave that out; he could focus his lectures on modern science or rather on particular topics to which the very progress of science is giving a new significance. Indeed, the history of nineteenth and twentieth century science is so enormous that it can only be dealt with in a given course in one of two ways. Either the instructor may attempt to cover the whole of it, and that will oblige him to give a catalogue of facts so bare as to lose mean- ing,^^ or he will select only a few examples and treat them as fully as possible.^^ The second solution is undoubtedly the better one, and it implies the teacher's salvation. The samples should be selected in dif- ferent parts of the field in order to give of it as comprehensive a view as possible. Yet the teacher will be guided, to some extent, by his own merits and shortcomings. It would be fair for himself and the students to select the subjects which he knows best, and, which is more impor- tant, to leave out the subjects that he does not feel competent to deal with. The main thing is that the students be made to realize the com- plexity and wealth, the diversity of methods, the social implications of modern science. As to the more distant past (however you define that), it may pos- sibly be sacrificed. It is, in fact, what most teachers do. They either leave it completely out or reach the sixteenth century in a few gigantic jumps. That is deplorable, but if the teacher is assigned the task of °^ A good example of highly compressed history is that given by Siegmund GiJNTHER (1848-1923): Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften {2nd ed., 2 Uttle vols, of the Philipp Reclams Universal-Bibliothek which were seUing at 20 Pf. each, 136 p., 290 p., ill., Leipzig 1909). The limit in that direction was attained in the Hand- buch zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik, edited by Ludwig Darmstaedter (1846-1927) (2nd edition, 1273 p., Berhn 1908); this is simply a list of discoveries and inventions in chronological order from 3500 B.C. to 1908 A.D., a very useful work which ought to be improved and continued (Isis 26, 56-58, 1936). ™ This was done very well by James B. Conant: On understanding science. An historical approach ( 162 p., 10 figs., Terry Lectures, New Haven, Yale Press 1947; Isis 38, 125-27). To Teach the History of Science? 59 teaching the history of science in, say, 60 lectures and is warned to give due importance to modern science, what else can he do? He will prob- ably devote 40 to 50 lessons to modern science and the small remainder to the whole past. This is bad, but not as terrible as it might seem. The main point is to teach well what he teaches, and always to warn the students that much, very much, is unavoidably left out. If the whole of science is considered as a continuous living body, which it is, moving with us toward the future, head forward, of course, and the tail trailing back to the beginnings, and if we have no time to study the whole beast, then we must concentrate our attention on the head rather than the tail. If we must let something go, let it be the past, the more distant past. Yet, it is a pity, a thousand pities. As a historian of ancient and mediaeval science, I may be suspected of prejudice in their favor, yet I have made many investigations concern- ing modern science and devoted many more lectures to it, hundreds of them, than to the rest. I can assure you that the history of ancient and mediaeval science is not only very interesting, even from the most modern point of view, but that it can be used to fulfill the main purpose of our teaching, to wit, to explain the meaning of science, its function, its methods, its logical, psychological and social implications, its deep humanity, its importance for the purification of thought and the integra- tion of our culture."^^ The problems of ancient and mediaeval science have this advantage over those of modern science that they are on the whole simpler, more free of disturbing technicalities and easier to discuss before a nontechni- cal audience; yet many of those problems are fundamental. In the selection of professors in charge of a new discipline, the most important factor to be considered is the man himself and his singular gifts. Of course, one whose knowledge is too special and esoteric could hardly be selected except as a second man, another being responsible for the main teaching; but barring extreme cases, it would be easier to adapt the program to the man rather than do the opposite. The best candi- date might be a physician, more familiar with medical and biological matters than with the mathematical sciences. That would be regrettable, yet might be better than to take a poorer candidate who knows mathe- matics. The teaching of the former might be excellent within its limita- tions. The professor of the history of science in small universities, where there can be only one, might be a physician at one time and be succeeded by an astronomer and the latter by a chemist. The teaching would thus vary from man to man, yet if they were good men, each would be able to teach the outstanding messages of science and tradi- tion, knowledge and humanity. Or the apostolic succession might imply other difficulties. At one "^ It is noteworthy that my courses on ancient and mediaeval science are as well attended as my other courses, in spite of the fact that the majority of my students are scientific or premedical. 60 Introduction time, the teacher might be a student of technology, primarily interested in the technical wonders of our age; his successor might be a classical scholar more at home in the Greek writings; the third might be a medi- aevalist, etc. The Hellenist and the mediaevalist would not be as much out of step as one might think, because every teacher would have to satisfy one indispensable requirement. He should be deeply familiar with at least one branch of today's science and he should have a more superficial acquaintance with various other branches. By deep familiarity is meant work at the front, experimental work in the laboratory or observational work in the observatory or in the field. If he met that requirement, his other learning, whether classical, mediaeval or oriental would not tend to sidetrack him completely. He would remain, first of all, not a historian or a philologist but a historian of science. His scientific training and experience would guarantee his adequate treatment of scientific subjects and would give him the needed authority to talk about them in the presence of young scientists. Nothing can be worse in the teaching of the history of science than learned discussion of topics of which the instructor has no inward knowledge; the more learned, the worse it is. Just how detailed should the discussion of a scientific topic be? It is not possible to give a general answer to this question. Each topic will require separate treatment. This much can be said, the students must be given a feeling of concreteness and genuineness which implies a certain amount of detail. Why is precise knowledge always desirable? Simply because we can never be sure of anything unless we know it as exactly as possible. The procedure of our criminal courts is very instructive in that respect. A man cannot be convicted of a murder un- less the circumstances of that murder have been minutely described. The same procedure must be followed in the discovery of truth. A general statement may be right or wrong: the necessary checking is possible only if we come to well defined facts. The history of science is a good means of illustrating that point of view not only for its own sake but also for the strengthening of knowledge and for the unification of mankind. Whatever be the utility of mystical ideas in religion, man- kind cannot be unified on a mystical basis but only on tangible facts, objective, impartial, and controllable knowledge. Darkness covers too many crimes and opens too many opportunities to trouble-makers; truth- fulness and light are the first conditions of social health. The teaching of the history of science should be as concrete and clear as possible rather than philosophical and foggy. Its concreteness will be easier to attain if the instructor is given facilities to make a few simple experiments and to illustrate his course with maps, charts and other exhibits. E.g., he should be able to show the students some of the old instruments and demonstrate their use."^^ Such equipment '^ It is difficult to explain simple problems, let us say, of mathematical geography or astronomy without models. I have always been embarrassed by the lack of models when I discussed the ancient theories of homocentric spheres, of eccentrics and epicycles. The necessary models should be easily available to the instructor. To Teach the History of Science? 61 mi^ht be borrowed from a technical museum or else the old instruments might be replaced by new copies, less impressive perhaps than the origi- nals but just as good for the sake of demonstration. The main qualification of a teacher, it is worthwhile repeating it, is a sufficient familiarity with the scientific problems and methods of today, a familiarity which no one can acquire except in the laboratory, the observatory or the hospital. The necessity of that qualification is ob- vious enough when the teacher must deal with modern or contemporary science, which is the general case, but it exists in every case. A good and broad scientific training is needed to explain properly the history not only of modern science but also of ancient and mediaeval science. That qualification is necessary but far from sufficient. The time is past when courses on the history or philosophy of science were organ- ized to satisfy the historical dilettantism of a distinguished man of science. The teacher should be historically minded and should have a sufficient grasp of historical methods. He should be philosophically minded and sufficiently polyglot. Moreover, his value, like that of any other teacher, is partly measured by his own investigations and his ability to train other investigators (not the ability of a parrot to train other parrots). It becomes clear that a professor of the history of science should be selected on the same basis as, say, a professor of Greek or a professor of botany. Their qualifications are proved by their pub- lications in their respective fields. There are, of course, many ways of distinguishing oneself as a botanist but the prospective teacher must have distinguished himself in at least one of these ways. No other kind of distinction will be acceptable as a substitute. His main qualifications are his botanical publications and his ability to advance botanical knowl- edge and to inspire and guide his students. Impromptu lectures on the basis of one or a few incomplete text- books, there are no others, will not do any longer. The scholar who is privileged to teach the history of science must be prepared to speak from the abundance of his knowledge and experience. His teaching must be a kind of overflow or otherwise it is not worth having. He is obliged to simplify a great deal, because the subject is so large, the time so short, and the students have many other things to study. I believe his teaching should be as simple as -possible, but a simplification without an adequate knowledge of a multitude of unmentioned details is spuri- ous and misleading. Teaching is like paper money which is worth nothing without a gold reserve or other guarantee, hidden but sub- stantial. It may be objected that the qualifications which have been enumer- ated are so heavy that few candidates will be found. There will be few candidates at the beginning, but the jobs are equally few; as these increase in number, more candidates will have obtained the necessary training and will become available. With regard to the purely scien- tific qualifications, I would say that as the technicalities of science in- crease there will be more and more men whose technical ability and interest will not be equal to their love of science and to whom the work 62 Introduction and meditation of a historian will appeal more strongly than research in a laboratory. It is highly probable that laboratory work will be organ- ized more and more on a group basis and such work will not be agree- able to some individuals or will be made disagreeable by rude officers. Thus, some individuals will lose interest in laboratories without there- fore losing interest in science or their knowledge of it. The more time they will have spent in the laboratory before abandoning it the better it will be for their teaching. Dislike of laboratory work may bring back scientists to the humanities but is not a quality in itself. Those deserters will not be welcome in our camp unless they meet other requirements. Two fundamental ones, historical interest and philosophical interest, are really qualities with which a man is born and which grow with him. If a man have them, they will take care of themselves; if he lacks them, he is out. A sufficient linguistic ability, let us say, the ability to read Latin and the outstanding languages of today is also a gift, yet it may be acquired, and can be greatly increased. The main difficulty is the lack or the weakness of Latin. We are beginning to suffer for our neglect of Latin in high schools and in colleges. Short-sighted administrators or edu- cators who are driving Latin out do not realize that they are burning behind us the ships that brought us where we are. The teacher of the history of science in the larger universities must be prepared to face a paradoxical situation. As his students are re- cruited from every department, the largest common denominator of scientific knowledge is necessarily low, and he must avoid technicalities; on the other hand, some of the students may be taking very advanced scientific courses and will prick their ears whenever he approaches their own field. He must be prepared to meet their questions and will not retain their confidence unless he can answer most of them. If he be well prepared those advanced students will stimulate him and actually help him to give better lectures and to write better books. The cooper- ation thus obtained is of the highest value but he must deserve it. The following anecdote will illustrate the point which has just been made. When I am lecturing on Euclid, I seldom fail to quote his very ingenious proof of the theorem that there are an infinite number of prime numbers. As I like to connect ancient knowledge with the new, even with the very newest (the past explains the present and vice versa), I could not resist the temptation in one of my Euclidean lectures to refer to prime pairs not mentioned by Euclid ( i.e., prime numbers of the form 2n+l, 2n-|-3 like 11 and 13, 17 and 19, 41 and 43 ) . Like the primes themselves, the prime pairs have the peculiarity of becoming rarer and rarer as one passes from smaller numbers to larger ones; the prime pairs become exceedingly rare indeed. In spite of that, we have the feeling that there are an infinite number of them. I proceeded to say that this proposition had remained imcertain until recently when Dr. Charles N. Moore, professor at the University of Cincinnati, had presented an To Teach the History of Science? 63 involved but convincing proof of itJ^ After my lecture, one of the students came to me and told me very gently that I was mistaken and that the infinity of prime pairs had not yet been proved. I bade him to come to my study to discuss the matter. The upshot of our discussion was that the proof by Professor Moore had been shown to be imperfect; arguments used in the theory of numbers are often very subtle and tricky. I had read in Science tbe announcement of Moore's discovery, but the disproof of it had not been registered in Science or I had failed to notice it. The student who gave me that valuable information was a graduate student who had been studying prime pairs for the last two years and knew more about them than anyone else in the university. This is the most striking example in my experience of the cooperation which may exist, and should exist, between the teacher and some, at least, of his students. In this case, the student knew very well the topic discussed; in the majority of cases, however, the student does not, but if he be intelligent his queries and his doubts may be very stimulating and oblige the teacher to consider the subject from a new angle. Many of my lectures have been modified because of such queries. Moreover, whenever a student has evoked a point requiring additional explanation or emphasis, I have given the necessary explanation to the whole class,'''"* being careful to name and to thank the student who had prompted me. Courses on the history of science have often been intrusted to pro- fessors whose main function was to teach other subjects. Readers who have followed me thus far will realize the utter unwisdom of that prac- tice. The teaching of the history of science is far too important and too difficult to be treated that way. The very fact that it is not yet stand- ardized as is the case for older disciplines ( say, political and diplomatic history, or Greek literature ) increases its difiiculty. The teacher cannot depend, as many of his colleagues do, on excellent textbooks, each of which is the fruit of a long evolution and of continued selection and correction. It is generally understood by the administrators of universities that a professor is expected to give about half of his time to teaching and complementary activities, and the other half to research. In this new field, where so much remains to be done and where the work is often slowed up by the absence or the inadequacy of tools, it would be a good policy to allow more than half the time to research. In any case, research would be a very important part of the man's work. It should be realized that the work done by honest historians is difiBcult and slow;"^^ ""^ The proof was presented at the Wellesley meeting of the American Mathe- matical Association in the summer of 1944. ''* Except, of course, when the point was not significant enough to be explained publicly or when it was too technical to be explained in the available time. Queries the scope of which is too narrow are generally answered by me in writing. ''° This statement may seem commonplace to historians; I am making it here for the scientific readers who appreciate well enough scientific difficulties, but not at all historical ones 64 Introduction it is thus expensive in time and money. Such honest work brings us nearer to the goal — slowly, very slowly, "pedetemptim"; careless, dis- honest work is much faster but it leads nowhere; it is apparently cheap, yet wasteful. It leads downward, not upward. The results of it (books or articles) are hopeless mixtures of good and evil, truth and. error, wherein the good and true can no longer be separated from the wrong. Though I have spent thirty-five years of my life doing naught but studying the history of science, I am only beginning to know it. Study- ing and teaching the history of science is a full-time job. If adminis- trators cannot afford to intrust the teaching to specialists and to give the latter full-time for it, it would be better for all concerned to abandon it. No teaching at all is much cheaper and far less dangerous than bad teaching. Whom will the teacher reach? Who will come to him? Most of my students are scientific or pre-medical students, but a few are at- tracted from the other departments. As always happens, many will select such courses with little reason and without profit, but to others, a very small minority, these lectures will remain a source of inspiration, perhaps the deepest of their college life. The profession of historian of science hardly exists, and hence it would not be fair to encourage students, except a very few, to prepare themselves for it. However, the study of the history of science will help to qualify good men or women for many other para-scientific professions. I mean by that, the literary, historical, philosophical, or even administrative, professions connected with scientific investigations or with scientific teaching, scientific libra- ries and museums, the editing of scientific periodicals or the writing of scientific books. These para-scientific professions are already numerous, and they require every day more men and better men. The responsibilities of the historian of science are greater than they appear on the surface. To write or teach a good account of the devel- opment of science is necessary but not sufficient, or rather it is only a means to an end. The end is to help the integration of scientific teach- ing in all its forms and the integration of our spiritual life. The teacher of the history of science has the opportunity of showing the interrelation of the branches of science, the profound unity of science behind its infinite variety. In particular, he may show bewildered students how all the courses which they have taken are related to each other and all the things they have learned hang together; such teaching may be for them the best viaticum, a reassurance; the feeling of the unity of science will strengthen their own integrity. His opportunity, or call it his duty, is even greater, for he must teach the unity not only of science but also of mankind. Men are united by their highest purposes, such as the search for truth. There obtains, therefore, between them a profound unity, in spite of endless differences To Teach the History of Science? 65 and disagreements, in spite of greed for power and money among the most rapacious, in spite of the natural hatreds of some men for other men, in spite of intolerance, superstition and cruelty, in spite of wars and revolutions. That underlying unity must be revealed by the teacher as frequently and as fully as possible. Within his own immediate milieu, it is his duty to provide links between a whole gamut of leaders, from the technical barbarians at the extreme left to the well-meaning but ignorant and inefficient humanists at the extreme right. He should help to inte- grate our spiritual life, on the one hand, by explaining scientific facts and points of view and methods to the humanists, politicians, administrators, and on the other hand, by humanizing the men of science and engineers and reminding them always of the traditions without which our lives, however efficient, remain ugly and meaningless. His main business is to build bridges — to build bridges between the nations and what is equally important, within each nation, between life, the good life, and technology, between the humanities and science. The main value of the history of science to the philosophically minded scientist, the scientist who wishes to understand the indebted- ness of his knowledge, lies in its moderating influence. Retrospective views enable him to keep his balance between dogmatism on the one hand, and scepticism and discouragement on the other. They help him to be patient in the words of Robert E. Lee: "The march of Providence is so slow, and our desires so impatient, the work of progress is so immense, and our means of aiding it so feeble, the life of humanity is so long, and that of the individual so brief, that we often see only the ebb of the advancing wave, and are thus discouraged. It is history that teaches us to hope." '^'^ That statement is curious in the mouth of a general, especially of a defeated one. It is more applicable to scientific than to political and military matters. One might sometimes despair of political progress, but there is no reason for good men ever to despair or to be ashamed of science. Above all, the history of science teaches humility. Some of our inventors and technicians may boast as much as they please. By so ™ These beautiful words are quoted by Thomas Barbour : Naturalist at large ( p. 287, 1943; Isis, 35, 343). I tried to trace them in Lee's works but failed. I then applied to Lee's foremost biographer, Douglas Southall Freeman: R. E. Lee (4 vols.. New York, 1934-35), who kindly wrote to me from Richmond, Virginia, 27 March, 1947: "If I could answer the question in your letter of March 17th I would be very happy. The quotation from General Lee first was pubhshed in an address delivered by Colonel Charles Marshall at the laying of the cornerstone of the Lee Monu- ment in Richmond, about 1887. Presumably the paragraph was one of those that General Lee had written down, according to a practice of his, during the war. I have always wondered whether he wrote it or found it somewhere and copied it, but I never have been able to answer that question. You will find it quoted at length in my 'R. E. Lee,' Volume IV, page 484." 66 Introduction doing they only reveal their ignorance and arrogance. Men of science have a better right to be proud of the growth of science, but the greatest of them are singularly humble, for they realize that much as has been done, much more remains to be done. The universe is infinitely mys- terious. Light and charity are increasing in some places, but there is still an abundance of darkness, injustice, and suffering. Great wars are not only material calamities, they are fantastic retrogressions. Every good scientist is so far from boasting that he would rather walk in sack- cloth and ashes. Though he may say to himself that the inventor of new tools cannot be held responsible for the misuses of them by men of prey, he is not quite convinced of that. He is, perhaps, more guilty than he thinks, and in any case he prefers to assume more guilt rather than less. It is certain that whatever spiritual progress we may be privileged to enjoy, it is due less to our own efforts than to the accumulated efforts of our ancestors. Should we forget that and become too pleased with our- selves, we would soon fall into scepticism and cynicism. Indeed, we are never so much in danger of losing our spiritual freedom as when we boast too much of it. Nobody can teach men of science better than the historian of science the need of reverence for the past, humility for the present, confidence in the future; nobody can give him more strength to follow his path honestly and courageously, to bear evil and suffering, to do his best to alleviate them, to find and publish the truth. Part II A FIRST GUIDE /or the STUDY of tlie HISTORY 0/ SCIENCE 1 ) The select bibliography which follows is a great amplification of the one which was published in an appendix to the author's Study of the History of Science (p. 53-70, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1936). In spite of the fact that it is considerably larger than the list of 1936, it is still very short when one takes into account the immensity of the field. It is based primarily upon the author's own library and that is not only a cause of strength but also of weakness. No library is perfect and one which like my own is used not only by myself but by many col- leagues and students is bound to have lacunas. A not unimportant book may have escaped my attention, because it was "out" when I examined the shelf where it ought to have been or because it has been mislaid by a careless scholar. Moreover, important books sent to me by the author or publishers are given to collaborators for review in Isis. Sometimes, I have replaced the book by buying a new copy of it, sometimes not, when I had no particular need of it. In that case, there is no witness left of its existence, except the review ( if the reviewer was faithful ) . I am thus bound to rediscover it, because this bibliography is built sec- ondarily upon Isis. This will give the reader an idea of its condensation. For the items published in the seventy-five Critical Bibliographies must number at least seventy-five thousand.'^^ 2) The Bibliography is divided into four parts, and each of these parts into 6-8 chapters (see Table of Contents). The chapters are not mutually exclusive and parts of their areas overlap. It must thus hap- pen that an item listed in one chapter is listed again in another chapter or might have been listed. In some cases, duplication seemed more ex- pedient than cross-reference. 3) As this book is written in English and will be used mainly by English-reading students, their needs were given priority. More Eng- lish books are listed than non-English; when a non-English book was translated into English, the English translation is listed, but the other translations ( if any ) are not; if the non-English book was not translated into English but, say, into French or German, that translation is listed for the sake of readers more familiar with French (or German) than with the original language. Many books originally published in England are also published in " Moreover, these 75,000 notes refer to books or papers published within the last forty years, while the "First Guide" refers to the main pubhcations irrespective of time. 70 Preliminary Remarks America (and vice versa). I have listed the edition available to me which was sometimes the English, edition, sometimes the American. When the place quoted is New York or Boston, the experienced reader knows that it might as well be London. Sometimes the same book has different titles in the English and American editions. The fact has been mentioned whenever I was aware of it. Some authors will entitle their book, say "The history of biology." Others seem to think that it is more modest to phrase the title "A history of biology." Either article is superfluous and it has generally been left out. It is quite enough to write "History of biology." I have tried to give an idea of the size of each item, because it makes a great difference to the student whether an item covers a hundred pages or a thousand, but it suffices to indicate that size grosso modo. E.g., if a book has iv + 256 p. it is simply stated 260 p. That indication is but an approximation. For what matters is the length (or capacity) of a book, and that length is very incompletely measured by the number of pages. 4) It was tempting to add critical remarks to each item, and thus to help the reader to select one book among twenty devoted, say, to the history of physics. It was not possible to indulge that temptation to any extent, because it is very difficult to compare twenty books dealing with the same subject, without unfairness. To begin with, they seldom deal with the self-same subject. Even when their subject is defined by the same title "History of mathematics," the areas covered by each author are not the same; they may overlap considerably but are never identical. The author has examined almost every book listed by him, but he did not examine them at the same time. He may have read the one thirty years ago and the other yesterday; under those conditions it is clear that comparisons between them would be adventurous and un- reliable. The best that he could do was to refer to reviews or shorter notices in Isis, whenever possible. References to the Critical Bibliog- raphies of Isis have the additional advantage of bringing the reader in touch not only with the item he is particularly interested in but also with many others. It is like hunting for a book in a library where the books are well classified by subjects: sometimes one does not find the book one is hunting for, but one may find a better one, that is, one better adapted to his immediate purpose. 5) The choice of books dealing with a large subject, say, the history of mathematics is difficult, because the best books generally do not deal with the whole subject but only with a part of it, and because the sub- ject may be (and is actually) divided and subdivided in many ways which do not tally. For example, one book is devoted to the history of trigonometry, another to the history of mathematics in Germany, a third one to the history of algebra in Italy, a fourth to the history of trigo- nometry in the sixteenth century, a fifth to the history of reckoning in England during the Middle Ages. Some books are too special to be listed; yet, those books may be the Preliminary Remarks 71 most valuable of all in their own field. Nothing is more instructive than a good biography, and when a good biography is not available, the scholar should be ready to use one which is less good yet will answer his need. It was impossible to mention biographies, because a sufficient list of them would require considerable labor and space. Moreover, that is not necessary. It must suffice to warn the reader, that when he is exploring any field ( defined by topic, place and time ) , he should make for himself a list of the great men dominating it and then try to find biographies of them. Some of those biographies might be his best tools. A general bibliography like this one, a first guide, cannot do more than facilitate for every scholar the preparation of his own. Every investigation must begin with a bibliography, and it must end with a better bibliography. 6) Even within its modest scope, this first guide cannot be as good as it might be, because in spite of every effort the author is bound to overlook some items or ( and this is equally bad if not worse ) to include items which it would have been better to leave out. Every bibliography contains errors by omission or commission and at best it is bound to be vitiated by an irreducible minimum of accidental arbitrariness. Critics should bear in mind that they are subject to similar accidents. A man had spent many years in France and travelled considerably about the country. He thought that he knew it pretty well, but a friend said to him "Have you been to Rocamadour? " The man admitted that he had not. His friend exclaimed "What a shame! If you have not seen Rocamadour, you have missed the essential, you do not really know France ..." I can only hope that my own critics will not reproach me for having forgotten Rocamadour and condemn my book on that basis. I remember with pain that a colleague of mine became unfriendly to me, because I had forgotten to mention a book of his, and he assumed that my omission of it was deliberate. What a mean and unjust suppo- sition! If I had an enemy and he wrote a good book, I would be anxious to mention it; I would mention it with special emphasis, and nothing could please me more than the opportunity of praising it. 7) Many chapters of this bibliography, especially chapter 20, deal- ing with Journals and Serials on the History (and Philosophy) of Science, were much enriched thanks to the collaboration of Dr. Claudius F. Mayer of Washington, D.C. My gratitude is expressed to him here and again with more precision, in the preface to that particular chapter. Various additions to the Bibliography have been kindly suggested by Prof. I. Bernard Cohen, who is my colleague in Harvard University. [;- : LIBRARY A. HISTORY 1. HISTORICAL METHODS The best known of general treatises on historical methods are those of Bernheim and Langlois-Seignobos: Ernst Bernheim (1850- ). Lehrbuch der historischen Methode (Leipzig 1889). Second edition 1894; third and fourth, 1903; fifth and sixth 1908. Photo- graphic reprint 1914. I have used the fifth edition entitled Lehrbuch der his- torischen Methode und der Geschichtsphilosophie. Mit Nachweis der wichtigsten Quellen und Hilfsmittel zum Studium der Geschichte (852 p., Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot, 1908). The book is divided into six parts: (1) Concept and essence of historiography, (2) Methodology, (3) Knowledge of sources (heuristic), (4) criticism, (5) Interpretation ( Auff assung ) , (6) Representation ( Darstellung ) , that is, the final redaction. Charles Victor Langlois (1863-1929) and Charles Seignobos (1854-1942): Introduction aux etudes historiques (Preface dated August 1897; first edition, Paris 1898). Second edition 1899, third 1905. I have before me an edition called the fifth, undated, 1913 (?). English translation entitled Introduction to the study of history, by G. G. Berry. First published, London 1898, reprinted 1907, 1912, 1925, 1926, 1932. The work is divided into three books. 7. Preliminary studies (search for docu- ments, auxiliary sciences), II. Analytical operations (external and internal criticism), 1/7. Synthetic operations (construction, exposition). Two appendices concern the teaching of history in the French high schools and universities. Ch. V. Langlois: Manuel de bibliographic historique. In two parts. The first part was first published in Paris 1896, then again in 1901; the second part was first published in 1904. The second edition of the first part and the first of the second form a volume of 634 p. (Paris 1901-4). The first part deals with bibliographical tools, the second with the history and organization of historical studies in various countries from the Renaissance to the end of the nineteenth century. Note that the three works mentioned above cover two fields, and even three fields, which are separate yet related in various ways (A) Historical methods and philosophy of history, (B) Historical tools, (C) History of historiography. Bern- heim covers A and B, Langlois and Seignobos A, Langlois B and C. Gilbert Joseph Garraghan (S.J.) : ( 1871- ) : A guide to historical method, edited by Jean Delanglez (S.J.) (546 p., Fordham University, New York 1946; Isis 41, 139-43). Bound with it by the pubHsher is Livia Appel: Bibliographical citation in the social sciences. A handbook of style (30 p.. University of Wisconsin, Madison). The book of Father Garraghan and Delanglez is well documented and full of examples; p. 427-31 contain a bibliography of historical method to 1939. Miss Appel's supplement deals with "style," mechanical details of writing and printing. These details are important but the less one fusses about them the better; each student should learn them by himself, and nobody should bother to teach him, certainly not in college; he ought to know them just as he ought to know how to spell and how to blow his nose. Mile Louise Noelle Malcles is preparing a new bibliographic guide, Les Historical Methods 73 sources du travail bibliographique. Vol. 1, Bibliographies generales has appeared (384 p., Geneve 1950); vol. 2 will list special bibliographies relative to Sciences humaines and to Sciences exactes et techniques. There are many other vi'orks answering the general purpose of the books already mentioned, but it would take too long to enumerate them. There are also books of the same kind but of a less general scope. The following three examples may suffice. Giuseppe Gabrieli (1872-1943): Manuale di bibliografia musulmana. Parte prima. Bibliografia generale (501 p., Roma 1916; Isis 5, 449-50). Bibliography concerned with Islamic studies. Part 1 was the only part published. Louis John Paetow (1880-1928): A guide to the student of medieval history (Berkeley 1917). Revised edition prepared by the Medieval Academy of America (660 p.. New York 1931). Gino Loria: Guida alio studio della storia delle matematiche. Generalita, didattica, bibliografia. Appendice: Questioni storiche concernenti le scienze esatte. Seconda edizione rifusa ed aumentata (416 p., Milano 1946; Isis 37, 254). First edition, Milano 1916 (Isis 3, 142). This brings us very close to our own field, the history of science, of which the history of mathematics is an essential part. In the absence of a manual for the special use of the historian of science, Loria's Guida is indispensable to the latter. It is divided into two books plus the four appendices cited in the title: Book I: Preparation for research in the history of mathematics. (I) Generalities, historical method. (2) Principal works concerning the history of mathematics. (3) Periodicals and societies. Book II: Auxiliary tools, (i) Generalities. (2) MSS, especially oriental. (3) Greek and Roman mathematics. (4) Mathematics of ancient non-European nations. (5) Bibliography and biographical collections relative to modern times. (6) Other biographical sources. (7) Complete works and letters. (8) Catalogues and bibliographies, general and mathematical. (9) Reviews and critics of mathematical writings. (10) Various kinds of historical writings. Epilogue: Evolution of mathematical historiography. Appendices: (J) What is the history of science? (2) The history of mathematics as a branch of teaching in universities. (3) Has mathematical teaching developed in a regular way? (4) Unity of mathematics. George Sarton: The history of science and the new humanism (New York 1931; reprinted with additions, 216 p.. Harvard University, Cambridge 1937); The study of the history of mathematics (114 p.. Harvard University 1936); The study of the history of science (76 p.. Harvard University, 1936). The purpose of these three volumes is largely methodological, but the two last named are followed by select bibliographies. The mathematical bibliography is of course much smaller than Loria's. Many nations of Europe and America have encouraged the publication of guides for the study of their national history in all its ramifications. Some of these guides are extremely elaborate and historians of science will be well advised to consult them. If they have to investigate a French item, they should consult Auguste Molinier (1851-1904) and others: Les sources de I'histoire de France des origines jusqu'en 1815 (17 vols., Paris 1901-34); if a German one, Dahlmann-Waitz : Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte. First edition by Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann (1785-1860) (70 p., Gottingen 1830), Srd ed. by Georg Waitz (242 p., Gottingen 1869), 8th ed. by Paul Herre (1310 p., Leipzig 1912; Isis 1, 537, 9th ed. by Hermann Haering (1332 p., Leipzig 1931-32). Critical lists of such national bibliographies will be found in Bernheim, Langlois, Paetow, Loria. Historical methods can be learned only by personal experience in their use. Books like those of Bernheim and Langlois are useful, however, because they 74 Historical Methods attract the reader's attention to various possibilities of error, of which he might be unaware. It is well to study or to read one of those guides from time to time, as one's experience and caution increase. ' Experience is necessary but insufficient. One's critical sense should be periodically resharpened. Moreover, one's knowl- edge of valuable tools is never complete, not only because new tools are published almost every year, but also because no matter how diligent a scholar may be there are always some ancient tools which he managed to overlook. I have realized this more than once to my mortification. 2. HISTORICAL TABLES AND SUMMARIES Many historical tables have been compiled from time to time and for various pm-poses. Historical books often include synchronic tables, which serve as sum- maries and index. I have often referred to the Time table of modern history A.D. 400-1870, com- piled and arranged by M. Morison {2nd ed., album 31 X 38 cm., London 1908). First ed. 1901. The best summary knovi'n to me is the Encyclopaedia of world history. A re- vised and modernized version of Ploetz's Epitome. Compiled and edited by WiLLiAJ^i L. Langer (1250 p., Boston 1940; Isis 33, 164; revised edition 1948). A. M. H. J. Stokvis: Manuel d'histoire, de genealogie et de chronologie de tous les etats du globe (3 vols., Leiden 1888, 1889, 1893). On Stokvis see Isis (39, 237). The student of special areas or periods should compile his own tables ad hoc and always be ready to revise them and keep them up-to-date. Those tables would become one of his best tools. 3. HISTORICAL ATLASES William R. Shepherd: Historical atlas (Seventh edition revised and enlarged. New York 1929). This is an unpretentious school atlas, first published in 1911, which I have been using profitably for many years. It is partly derived from the atlas of Friedrich Wilhelm Putzger (1849- ), very popular in Germany (first ed., Bielefeld 1878; 50th ed. 1931). There are many other atlases, many more detailed, but Shepherd's will answer the average queries. The historian interested in a definite country or period should consult the special atlases devoted to them. Indeed, each civilized country has published its own atlases (geographical, historical, economic, etc.). If his needs are very special, he should prepare his own maps and keep them within sight or within immediate reach. Reginald Francis Treharne ( 1901- ) : Bibliography of historical atlases and hand-maps for use in schools (24 p., Historical Association, London 1939); Hand- list of historical wall-maps (72 p., Historical Association, London 1945), One should also consult plain geographical atlases for a better understanding of the past; indeed, administrative boundaries have changed but geographical realities have remained pretty much the same. There are many general atlases covering the whole world and others covering only (or chiefly) definite countries. The general atlases devote more attention to their own country of origin and its dependencies than to the other countries. For the study of a French topic it is naturally better to consult a French atlas, and so on. The maps and notices published in guide books such as Baedekers and Blue Guides often contain information not available elsewhere. Historical students should never deal with any event without ascertaining as exactly as possible its location in space and time. They should try to realize also contemporary events and contiguous places. If they are not able to visit those places, they should try to obtain as good a knowledge of them as possible by means of maps, photographs and descriptions. 4. GAZETTEERS The problem of gazetteers is as complex for the historian of science as the prob- lem of encyclopaedias. In both cases, he cannot be satisfied with up-to-date in- formation, he needs information relative to lower chronological levels. George Goudie Chisholm (1850-1930): Longmans' Gazetteer of the world (1800 p., London 1895). New impressions 1899, 1902, 1906, 1920. Ritters geographisch-statistisches Lexikon {9th ed., 2 vols., Leipzig 1905-6). Third ed. 1847. The first editions were compiled by Karl Ritter (1779-1859). GoTTARDO Garollo (1850-1917): Dizionario geografico universale {5th ed., 2 vols., 2204 p., Milano, HoepU 1929-32). Lippincott's Complete pronouncing gazetteer (2116 p., Philadelphia 1931), first published in 1855. Originally edited by Joseph Thomas and Thomas Baldwin. Many editions under slightly diflEerent titles. For older times, see the encyclopaedias such as Pauly-Wissowa, the Encyclopae- dia of Islam, the Jewish Encyclopaedia, etc. JoHANN G. Th. Graesse: Orbis latinus oder Verzeichnis der wichtigsten lateini- schen Orts- und Landernamen {Srd ed., 348 p., BerHn 1922). First ed., 1860; 2nd, 1909. Contains only the Latin names with German equivalent and brief identifica- tion. FiLiPPO Ferrari (d. 1626): Novum lexicon geographicum. New edition by Michael Antonius Baudrand (1633-1700) (2 vols., folio, Padua 1695-97). Ferrari's work was first published in Milano 1627, later in Paris 1670. The Ferrari-Baudrand gazetteer is one of my standard reference books; it is always near to my hand. Yet, I am not sure that it is really the best book of its class and time, because I have not been able to make the necessary comparisons. A reassessment of early gazetteers would be worthwhile. Antoine Augustin Bruzen de la Martiniere (1683-1749): Grand diction- naire geographique, historique et critique (6 vols, folio, Paris 1768). First edition 9 vols.. La Haye 1726-36. For more details it may be necessary to refer to national, provincial or local gazetteers, whose number is considerable. Reference to guide-books, such as Baedekers and Blue Guides, is convenient and often rewarding. Some of the Baedekers were compiled with extraordinary care. Oriental gazetteers are not mentioned here, because the various kinds of orientalists know which reference books are available to them, and such information is of no use to people without sufficient philological preparation. We may just remark that gazetteers occupy a considerable place in Chinese literature and are very numerous. For more details, ad hoc, see my Introd. (3, 204). The latest gazetteer, the Webster Geographical Dictionary: A dictionary of names of places with geographical and historical information and pronounciation, was pub- hshed by the Merriam Co. of Springfield, Mass. at the end of 1949 ( 1325 p., 40,000 entries, 177 maps). This is truly an excellent work, the best of its size at present available. The standards of admission in it of a place were lower for the United States and Canada than they were for the rest of the world, but every gazetteer favors in a similar way the country where it was produced. Therefore, for in- formation concerning places one should always refer to a special gazetteer of the country involved or to a general gazetteer published in that country. (77) 5. ENCYCLOPAEDIAS It is wise to refer to encyclopaedias for first guidance; it is priggish to disregard them; it is foohsh to depend too much on them. Information obtained from encyclo- paedias, even from the best, should always be controlled, and should not be stated as such except when the responsible author of the article referred to can be named. The leading modern encyclopaedias are able to enlist the services of out- standing scholars, but it does not follow that every one of their articles is written by an authority. On the contrary, it must necessarily happen that many articles re- main undistributed and must be composed somehow by the office staff. The very articles written by "authorities" do not escape editorial revision, and that revision is not always skilful; some good articles are shortened and the shortening, however necessary, may be done badly; the proofreading may be insufficient. It would be easy to quote examples of such accidents in the latest editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica in spite of their relative goodness. The student of ancient science should consult first of all Pauly-Wissowa,''' then indices, such as Littre's index to the Hippocratic corpus (1861), the Aristotelian indexes, — Hermann Bonitz' Index aristotelicus (1870), the indices to the Oxford Aristotle in EngUsh, Troy Wilson Organ: Index to Aristotle (Princeton 1949; Isis 40, 357), indices to Pliny's Natural History or to other classics. For mediaeval science up to 1400, Sarton's Introduction will probably be the first guide. A number of encyclopaedias or encyclopaedic treatises were published during the Middle Ages and later, but there is no place to enumerate them here. Modern encyclopaedias, generally arranged in alphabetical order of topics, may be said to begin in the eighteenth century. At any rate, it is not worthwhile here to mention earlier ones,™ except the two "fin de siecle" ones which follow. Before speaking of the main eighteenth century encyclopaedias, it is well to mention two first published in the preceding century but whose influence was great in the eighteenth century and were frequently reprinted with additions and corrections during that century. Both are restricted to history, religion, philosophy and the humanities; they are equally poor on scientific topics, yet the historian of science may find it profitable to consult them. Louis Moreri ( 1613-80) compiled the first encyclopaedia of the pure alphabetical type, the Grand dictionnaire historique, ou Melange curieux de rhistoire sacree et profane (1 vol., Lyon 1674). Twentieth and last edition (10 vols., Paris, 1759), Spanish translation (8 vols, in 10, Paris 1753). Moreri's erudition was copious but uncritical; he made many errors, even in his treatment of topics (pagan ones) to which his prejudices did not apply. The Dictionnaire historique et critique of Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) appeared when the success of Moreri's Grand dictionnaire was already well established by seven editions; its pubfication (2 vols., Rotterdam 1697) was largely determined by tlie existence of Moreri's work and the need of a reaction against it. Moreri de- fended in everything Catholic orthodoxy, tradition and prejudice; Bayle's point of view was liberal, tolerant, skeptical, sometimes cynical. His Dictionnaire was an anticipation of the eighteenth century rationalism. Its success was even greater than Moreri's, and it lasted much longer. The 11th ed. in 16 vols, appeared in Paris as late as 1820-24. English translations of it were published in 1709, 1710, ''^ Pauly-Wissowa (1894- ). Paaly's Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertnms- wissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitiing herausgegeben von Georg Wissowa. Metzler, Stuttgart. 1894-1938. First series, 38 half volumes, Aal to Philon. 1914-39. Second series, 13 half vol- umes, Ra to M. Tullius Cicero. 1903-35. Siipplement 6 vols. Abbr. PW. ™ A student of, say, the seventeenth century, should establish for himself a list of encyclo- paedias or encyclopaedic treatises published during that century, as well as a list of the works and correspondence of the leading men of science of that period. If possible, he should work in close neighborhood of a collection of these books; or keep always a list of them before his eyes. Encyclopaedias 79 1734-41, 1734-38 (that is a different edition from the previous one). Though Bayle died at the beginning of the eighteenth century (in 1706) he influenced very deeply the whole of that century.^ Let us now consider the encyclopaedias born in the eighteenth century, dealing with them in the chronological order of their first editions. The first is Ephraim Chambers (d. 1740): Cyclopaedia, or An universal dic- tionary of arts and sciences (2 vols. London 1728). Second edition ( 1738). Italian translation (Venice 1748-49). Seventh edition (2 vols. 1751-52), with supplement by George Lewis Scott (2 vols. 1753). Eighth edition of the text, supplement, and a great many additions arranged in one alphabet, by Abraham Rees (4 vols. London 1778-88), a fifth volume was added in 1788. We may say that Chambers' dictionary was used from 1728 to the end of the century. We remember it today, however, less for its own virtues than because it was the indirect cause of the Encyclopedic. The Encyclopedic was preceded by a German work, remarkable because of its gigantic size, the Grosses voUstandiges Universal Lexicon ( 64 vols, folio, Halle 1732-50), Nothige Supplemente (4 vols., A-Caq, Leipzig 1751-54), edited or pub- lished by Johann Heinrich Zedler of Breslau (1706-63). Young Denis Diderot (1713-84) having undertaken to translate Chambers' Cyclopaedia for a Paris publisher realized that something much better could be done and should be attempted. The result was L'EncycIopedie, ou Dictionnaire raisonne des sciences, des arts et des metiers, par une societe de gens de lettres. Mis en ordre et public par M. Diderot . . . et quant a la partie mathematique par M. d'Alembert (17 vols. Paris 1751-65), Supplement (4 vols. Amsterdam 1776- 77), Recueil de planches sur les sciences, les arts liberaux et les arts mechaniques avec leur explication (11 vols, of plates, Paris 1762-72), Suite du recueil de planches (Paris, Panckoucke 1777). Table analytique et raisonnee des matieres contenues dans les XXXIII volumes in folio du Dictionnaire etc. (2 vols. Paris, Panckoucke 1780). Note the accent on science in the title. The Encyclopedic was perhaps the most powerful intellectual force of the century, not only from the social or political point of view but also from our point of view, the interpretation and diffusion of science. Various reprints of this or that volume or of whole sets were made in different locahties; the bibliography of that is difficult and not necessary here. Mention must be made however of the Encyclopedie methodique undertaken in 1781 by the book- seller Charles Joseph Panckoucke (1736-98) of Paris, who had taken part in the diffusion of the old Encyclopedie itself ( see above ) . The Encyclopedie methodique was an enormous undertaking; begun in 1781, it was not yet completed haff a century later (1832) when it was stopped; 166 volumes had already appeared and the work was still unfinished. Some articles mostly by Diderot and d'Alembert were borrowed from the old Encyclopedie, but very much was added. Panckoucke's main idea was to divide the work into a series of partial encyclopaedias each dealing with a branch of knowledge or technology {e.g., agriculture, 7 vols.; anatomy, 4 vols.; botany, 11 vols.; chemistry, 4 vols-.). This idea was interesting, and has been frequently imitated even in our own time. To my mind it is a perversion of the ency- clopaedic purpose. An alphabetic encyclopaedia is exceedingly useful in every age for quick reference. Partial encyclopaedias are less useful, for the equivalent is found in systematic treatises dealing with the same subjects; the indices of those treatises serve the same purpose as the alphabetical arrangement of the partial en- cyclopaedias and the explanations available in the treatises are more satisfying and more complete because each is placed in its proper logical context. The Encyclopaedia Metropolitana (29 vols., London 1845; 2nd ed. 40 vols. 1848- 58) went a step further than the Encyclopedie methodique in trying to explain all the arts and sciences in a single natural sequence. The plan had been proposed by the poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge ( 1772-1834) whose essay on method was pub- lished in the first volume as a general introduction. It was divided into four main *° Sarton: Boyle and Bayle. The Sceptical Chemist and the Sceptical Historian (Chymia 3, 155-89, H fig., 1950). See also Isis 31, 442-44. 80 Encyclopaedias parts. I. Pure science, II. Mixed and applied sciences, III. History and biography, IV. Miscellaneous. Part I and II include many authoritative articles which still de- serve the attention of historians of science. The most popular and useful of all encyclopaedias, and vi^e might perhaps say, the best for general purposes, the Encyclopaedia Britannica, is also a child of the eighteenth century. Its first edition began to appear in serial form (6d. per num- ber!) in 1768 and was completed in 1771. Let us list here the following editions: 2nd in 1778-83, 3rd in 1788-97; 4th in 1801-10; 5th in 1815-24; 6th in 1823; 7th in 1830-42; 8th in 1853-61; 9th in 1875-89 (reprinted in 1898); lOth in 1902; llth in 1910-11; 12th in 1922; 13^/i in 1926; 14th in 1929,^ later Chicago editions 1943 ff. The most ambitious encyclopaedic eflFort of the nineteenth century was made by JoHANN Samuel Ersch (1766-1828) and Johann Gottfried Gruber (1774-1851). Their AUgemeine Encyclopadie der Wissenschaften und Kiinste began to appear in Leipzig in 1818; by 1889, 167 volumes had been pubhshed and the work was stopped before being completed. In order to hasten its publication, it was divided into three series A-G, H-N, O-Z. Only the first A-G was completed (99 vols., 1818- 82); the second H-N, stopped at the entry 'ligature' (43 vols. 1827-89), the third stopped at the entry 'Phyxios' (1830-50). Some articles were monographs of con- siderable size. E.g., vol. 27 of the second series included an "article" by Moritz Steinschneider on Jewish literature (printed 1850). That article was Englished by the mathematician and physicist, William Spottiswoode (1825-83), revised by the author and published in book form "Jewish literature from the eighth to the eighteenth century" (414 p., London 1857); an index to the 1600 Jewish writers dealt with was published much later (52 p., Frankfurt a. M., 1893). The Ersch and Gruber purpose was defeated by its own magnitude, and that immense work is almost forgotten today, at least outside of German lands. A briefer enumeration of the nineteenth and twentieth century encyclopaedias will suffice as the reader is familiar with them. Instead of dealing with them in straight chronological order, it is simpler to divide them into four linguistic groups, German, French, Spanish, Italian. The first "new" encyclopaedia of importance in the German world was established by the firm Brockhaus of Leipzig, the founder of which was Friedrich Arnold Brockhaus (1772-1823), and the first edition of the Brockhaus' Konversations-Lexi- kon (as different from an older Lexikon, dating back to 1796-1808, out of which it developed) is the one dated 1809-11, second edition 1812-19. 15th ed., called Der Crosse Brockhaus (20 vols. Leipzig 1928-35, supt. vol. 21, 1935); revision (20 vols., plus atlas, Leipzig 1939). Meyers Crosses Konversations-Lexikon was first pubhshed in 46 vols. (Leipzig 1840-55), seventh edition (12 vols. Leipzig 1924-30, supp. vols. 13-15, 1931-33; atlas 1933, gazetteer 1935). Herders Konversations-Lexikon was first published in 5 vols. ( Freiburg im Breis- gau 1853-57). Third edition (8 vols., 1902-07; supt. 1, 1910, supt. 2, 1921-22). After the German debacle a new Lexikon, to be completed in 7 volumes, was undertaken in Switzerland. (7 vols., Schweizer Lexikon Zurich 1945-48). The leader of encyclopaedic endeavor in France was the grammarian, Pierre Larousse (1817-75), whose family name has almost become a common name wherever French language is used. The main work edited or published by him was Le grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siecle ( 15 very large vols., Paris 1866-76; suppt. 2 vols., 1878-90). This is the combination of a French dictionary with an encyclopaedia. Nouveau Larousse illustre, edited by Claude Auge (8 vols., Paris 1897-1904; Supplement et Complement 1906-7). Larousse du XXe ^ Some of these editions were not completely new but constituted by the volumes of the preceding editions plus supplementary volumes; annual supplements were also published from time to time, like the Britannica Year-Book of 1913 (Isis 1, 290-92) but these things do not matter much in retrospect. The main point is that there are 15 editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 3 of these in the eighteenth century, 6 in the nineteenth, 6 in the twentieth. There is no other "encyclopaedic" lecord comparable to that, that is, if size, authoritativeness and frequency of publication are all taken into account. Encyclopaedias 81 siecle, edited by Paul Auge (6 vols., 1928-33). The Larousse house has also pub- lished many special encyclopaedias (agriculture, medicine, etc.). Grande Encyclopedia (31 vols., Paris 1886-1902). Some of the signed articles are excellent. Many articles on the history of science contributed by Paul Tannery are reprinted in his Memoires scientifiques. The most ambitious of French undertakings as well as the most recent is the Encyclopedia frangaisa conceived in 1932, edited by Lucien Febvre, the publica- tion of which began in Paris in 1935 and is still very incomplete. Out of 21 volumes only 11 have appeared (1, 4-8, 10, 15-18). The general idea was to avoid the highly arbitrary alphabetical order and explain the whole of knowledge in logical order. For ex., vol. I entitled "L'outillage mental" deals with the evolution of thought (A. primitive, B. logical), language and mathematics. II-III. Matter, energy, astronomy, IV-V. Life and the living world, VI-VII. Anthropology, VIII-IX. History, X-XI. Government, XII-XIII. Economics, XIV-XV. Games, sports, recrea- tions, XVI-XVII. Arts and literatures, XVIII. Religion and philosophies, XIX-XX. Technology, XXI. Conclusions (or Introduction). Each volume includes a brief alphabetical table of topics. Beginning with 1937 quarterly supplements provided additional pages or new pages to replace the original ones ( a tempting but danger- ous method).*^ The undertaking was too ambitious and to my mind superfluous. Textbooks are meant to give accounts of the knowledge available in this or that field and to integrate that knowledge as well as possible. The Encyclopedie fran- gaise imphed an excess of integration, defeating its own piu-pose. The articles of an ordinary encyclopaedia will retain their practical and theoretical value much longer than an integrated whole. In spite of the insertion of additional or substituted leaves, each part of the Encyclopedie frangaise is bound to be replaced sooner or later by a new textbook. The idea of an integrated or logical (vs. alphabetical) encyclopaedia has been reahzed more modestly in such books as the Grand Memento Encyclopedique Larousse, edited by Paul Auge (2 vols., Paris 1936-37), and by many other works of the same kind, summaries of knowledge arranged in a definite order. The Encyclopedie frangaise reminds us of other efforts made for the integration of knowledge. Various collections of books have been planned upon an encyclo- paedic pattern. E.g., the Encyclopedia scientifiqua, published by Doin, Paris; chief editor Edouard Toulouse. It is divided into 40 sections and will include about a thousand volumes. An even more ambitious project was Die Kultur der Gegenwart, begun c. 1906, published by Teubner, Leipzig; chief editor, P. Hinneberg. Such collections are not essentially different from the other collections published, less systematically, by the largest publishing houses. An alphabetic encyclopaedia is an indivisible whole, all the volumes of which however numerous are kept on the same shelves. On the other hand, the volumes of such collections as Die Kultur der Gegenwart and the Encyclopedie scientifique are often bought separately; even when they are bought together by a continuous subscription, the volumes are soon sepa- rated and placed upon different shelves. The integration exists only in the mind of the chief editor. On the other hand, the philosophical integration may be stressed even more deeply than is the case of the Encyclopedie frangaise. This occurred in the Encyclo- padie der philosophischen Wissenschaften, edited by Wilhelm Windelband ( 1848- 1910) and Arnold Ruge, begun in 1912 (Isis 2, 284). Only one volume appeared dealing with logic (Tiibingen 1912) and including contributions by Windelband, Josiah Royce, Louis Couturat, Benedetto Croce, Federigo Enriques and Nicolaj LossKij. A more ambitious attempt of the same kind was begun by Otto Neurath, International encyclopaedia of unified science, the publication of which began in Chicago in 1938 (Isis 32, 340-44; 33, 721-23; 37, 104). Spanish encyclopaedia. — Enciclopadia universal ilustrada europeo-americana (70 vols., Madrid 1912-30; appendix, 10 vols. 1930-33; annual suppts., 7 vols. 1934-48). *^ The inserted page is convenient for the regular and careful subscriber, but how can readers in a public library know when and where leaves have been inserted or should have been inserted? 82 Encyclopaedias Italian encyclopaedias. — Nuova enciclopedia italiana (14 vols. 1841-51). Re- vised 6th edition (30 vols. 1875-99). One of the greatest achievements of the Fascist regime was the preparation and rapid completion of the Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti (37 vols., Rome 1929-39; 2 vol. suppt. 1948). The philoso- pher, Giovanni Gentile (1875- ), was chief editor. That encyclopaedia is less important than the Britannica but very full, well documented and admirably il- lustrated. There are many other encyclopaedias in other languages, Russian, Dutch, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, Portuguese, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Japanese, etc., partly be- cause the publication of an encyclopaedia has become an essential element of the national aspirations of each country and of the linguistic aspirations of each linguistic group. Some of these encyclopaedias are excellent, but there is no need of mentioning them here, because they are of no use except to readers understanding their particular language, and those readers are fully aware of their existence. However impartial the editors of encyclopaedias may be, they are bound to give more importance to the topics concerning their own national or linguistic area and that is all right if that natural partiality is not carried too far. The encyclopaedias written in "small" ^ languages are particularly valuable for what concerns their area which may be somewhat neglected in the encyclopaedias published in other, larger, areas. In addition to the encyclopaedias already quoted, which however international they may be, have a natural predilection for a national or linguistic area, there are other encyclopaedias of which the area is primarily religious; that is, they are also international or supranational, but in a difFerent way. Here are a few which I am using constantly: Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics (13 vols., New York 1908-27). Catholic. — Dictionnaire de theologie catholique ( 15 vols., to "theologie," Paris 1903-43). Catholic encyclopaedia (16 vols., New York 1907-13). Jewish. — Jewish encyclopaedia (12 vols.. New York 1901-6). Encyclopaedia judaica ( 10 vols, to "Lyra," Berlin 1928-34 ) in German, interrupted because of Ger- man anti-Semitism. There is also an edition in Hebrew. Muslim. — Encyclopaedia of Islam (4 vols., suppt. 1 vol., Leiden 1908-38). Edi- tions in English, German, French; also in Arabic and Turkish. Buddhist. — Hobogirin (Tokyo 1929 etc.), interrupted by the war (Introd. 3, p. 1889). For classical antiquity, see Pauly-Wissowa mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. The indications given above on encyclopaedias are rudimentary, but amply suf- ficient for ordinary usage. A scholar should never be ashamed to consult encyclo- paedias but he should do so carefully. Such consultation is very often the best way to begin an investigation. If one has to deal with a topic having national or linguis- tic implications, it is well to consult in the first place an encyclopaedia covering particularly that national or hnguistic area, but then to consult also encyclopaedias covering other areas, rival areas. This gives one a preliminary view of that topic, which is many-sided and sufficiently objective. A complete bibliography of encyclopaedias would be very long and difficult, and not useful for our purpose. Even the exact and complete bibliography of a single encyclopaedia, such as the Britannica or Brockhaus, would require much labor and space. Most encyclopaedias contain articles on "encyclopaedias" and generally a history of their own endeavor. There is a good unsigned article in the Britannica (8,424-31, 1929). Up-to-date encyclopaedias are of very great service to scientists and scholars of every kind for first aid on many subjects (chiefly on subjects with which they are not familiar ) . Historians of science need not only the latest encyclopaedias but also the old ones, as such offer one of the simplest means of recapturing the educated ^ The word "small' is not used here in a bad sense. We call "small" languages those which are used only by a relatively small population, and have no international currency. They may be, and often are, "great" languages in other respects. Sarton: The tower of Babel (Isis 39, 3-15, 1948). Encyclopaedias 83 opinion of earlier times. Unfortunately, the old encyclopaedias are difficult to con- sult, because even when they are available as they are in the larger libraries, they are generally hidden away on the theory that they are obsolete and superseded and that nobody will ever want to consult them.** That practice is certainly wrong as far as the historian of science is concerned. Indeed, encyclopaedias are not avail- able except when they are completely available on open shelves. When the historian wishes to consult them to investigate the evolution of ideas (say, on the speed of light), he will generally wish to consult not one of them but a whole series, and in many cases he will not know which particular volume to ask for (the information ad hoc might be given under fight, or optics, or speed of light, or even elsewhere). It would be impracticable to borrow every one of those bulky series, each time that a similar investigation had to be made. An Institute for the history of science should include an "encyclopaedia room" where all the new as well as the old encyclopaedias could be easily consulted. For example, there ought to be a full set of all the Britannicas. The same room might contain also ( if space permitted ) other reference books such as the biographical col- lections (to be described presently), gazetteers, dictionaries and grammars. ** Many of the old encyclopaedias owned by the Harvard Library are stored away in the Deposit Library across the river, and cannot be consulted except after their return from Deposit to Widener; this may take a few days. 6. BIOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS The older encyclopaedias did not always include biographies, because a distinc- tion was made between encyclopaedias deahng with scientific topics of various kinds on the one hand and historical dictionaries (like Moreri's and Bayle's) on the other. The first edition of the Britannica ( 1768-71 ) did not include biographies, but the second (1778-83) and all the following did. At present, every alphabetical en- cyclopaedia includes biographies, but on account of the competition for space of many other items, those biographies are brief and relatively few in number. There is thus a need in addition to the encyclopaedias for biographical collections. First aid is obtainable in such books as Gottardo Garollo (1850-1917): Di- zionario biografico universale (2 vols., 2126 p., Milano, Hoepli 1907); the Universal pronouncing dictionary of biography and mythology by Joseph Thomas (1811-91). New 4th ed. revised (2550 p., London and Philadelphia 1915), the first edition had appeared in 1870; Webster's Biographical dictionary ( 1733 p., Springfield, Mass., 1943). Of the earlier biographical collections only one must be quoted here, the one begun by Christian Gottlieb Jocher (1694-1758), born in Leipzig, professor in the university of that city and director of its library, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon (11 vols., Leipzig 1750-1819, 1897). The first four volumes, covering the whole alphabet, are Jocher's work (1750-51), the following six volumes (1784-1819) are supplements provided by Johann Christoph Adelung (1732-1806) to the letter J, and for the rest by Heinrich Wilhelm Rotermund (1761-1848). A final supple- ment edited by Otto Gtjnther appeared much later (1897). These volumes are still worth consulting, especially for personalities of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Two very large biographical collections appeared last century, both in France. Joseph Michaud (1767-1839) and Louis Gabriel Michaud (1773-1858): Biogra- phic universelle (85 vols., Paris 1811-62). Italian translation with additions, Bi- ografia universale (65 vols., Venezia 1822-31). The second and better is the one begun forty years later by Ferdinand Hoefer (1811-78):*^ Nouvelle biographie generale (46 vols., Paris 1855-66). The historical standards of the national collections are generally higher than those of the universal collections, because their scope is less ambitious, they are more homo- geneous, the collaborators use to some extent the same sources and to a large extent the same methods. The best known of those national biographies are: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie (55 vols., Leipzig 1871-1910). Abbreviated ADB. Vol. 56 published in 1912 is a general index, very convenient. This bibli- ography is periodically continued by the Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog (18 vols, for 1896 to 1913, pubhshed in Berlin 1897-1917) and then by the Deutsches biographisches Jahrbuch herausgegeben vom Verbande der deutschen Akademien (vol. 1, for 1914-16, published in 1925; vol. 11 for 1929, pubhshed in 1932). The ADB contains biographies not only of Germans but of many other people, Dutchmen, Belgians, Swiss, Poles, whom the editors saw fit to annex. E.g., it con- tains elaborate biographies of Rembrandt, Vesalius, Jacob Steiner and Coperni- cus. The Dictionary of National Biography (DNB) contains biographies of people born in Great Britain, Ireland, the British Commonwealth and colonies, and of Eng- lishmen born abroad. It was begun in 1885 and the last (63 d. ) volume appeared in 1900. It was reprinted in 22 volumes. Various supplements cover the period 1901-40; they include biographies of people who died before 1941. A "concise dic- tionary," wherein the articles are reduced to one-fourteenth of their original length ^ Sarton, Hoefer and Chevreul (Bulletin of the history of medicine, 8, 419-45, 1940). Biographical Collections 85 was published in 1917 and the supplements have been or will be abbreviated in the same manner. The Dictionary of American Biography (DAB) began to appear in 1928, and was completed in 20 vols, in 1936. Index to vols. 1-20, 1937. Supplement includ- ing biographies of men who died before 1935 (1944). Some articles of DAB rela- tive to the colonial period duplicate articles of DNB, but are posterior to them, and hence presumably better. The French biography, Dictionnaire de biographie frangaise, is still too far from completion to be very useful. Vol. 1 is dated 1933; vol. 3, pubUshed in 1939, stops at Aubermesnil. Latest part seen, fasc. 27 to Bassot (Paris 1950). Biographie nationale de Belgique. 27 vols. (Bruxelles 1866-1938). Vol. 28, General Table (1944). Dictionnaire historique et biographique de la Suisse (7 vols., Neuchatel 1921-33; suppt. 1934). Splendid biographical collections have been published in the Netherlands and in Scandinavia, but as they are printed in Dutch, Swedish, etc. they are not generally available to foreign scholars. Bibliography of biographical dictionaries classified by countries in the Enciclo- pedia italiana (7, 47-49, 1930). The two most important collections of scientific biographies are JoHANN Christian Poggendorff (1796-1877): Biographisch-literarisches Hand- worterbuch zur Geschichte der exacten Wissenschaften (2 vols., Leipzig 1863). Supplements: vol. 3, for 1858-83 (1898); vol. 4, for 1883-1903 (1904); vol. 5, for 1904-22 (1926); vol. 6, for 1923-1931 (1936-40). Facsimile reprint of the whole set in 10 vols. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1945). The biographical information given in these volumes is very brief, the purpose being rather to give the complete bibliog- raphy of each author. Ernst Gurlt, Agathon Wernich and August Hirsch: Biographisches Lexikon der hervorragenden Aerzte aller Zeiten und Volker (6 vols., Wien 1884-88). Re- vised edition by Wilhelm Haberling, Franz Hubotter and Hermann Vierordt (5 vols., Berlin 1929-34; Suppt. 1935). Though this collection is restricted to physi- cians, it is more general; indeed, a great many men of science of the past, especially the naturalists, practiced medicine or at least had a medical degree. James Britten and George S. Boulger: Biographical index of deceased British and Irish botanists {2nd ed., 364 p., London 1931; Isis 36, 229). Some of the most valuable biographies of men of science are to be found in academic publications, but a list of these would involve too long a digression. It is hoped that a bibliography of all of these academic biographies will eventually be compiled and then kept up to date in periodical supplements. Thomas James Higgins: The function of biography in engineering education (Journal of engineering education 32, 82-92, 1941); Biographies and collected works of mathematicians (American mathematical monthly 51, 433-45, 1944); Book -length biographies of chemists (School science and mathematics 650-65, 1944); Book-length biographies of physicists and astronomers (American Journal of physics 12, 234-36, 1944); Book-length biographies of engineers, metallurgists and industrialists (14 p., reprinted from Bulletin of Bibliography, vols. 18-19, 1946-47); Biographies of engineers and scientists (Research Publ. of 111. Inst. Tech., vol. 7, no. 1, 62 p., 1949); Biographies and collected works of mathematicians (Am. math. mly. 56, 310-12, 1949). B. SCIENCE 7. SCIENTIFIC METHODS AND PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE It is generally difficult to separate books dealing with scientific methods from those dealing with the philosophy of science. The difference is one between means and purpose, but means and purpose are as closely related as the obverse and the reverse of a medal. It is "means," one might say, if you look from the left, and "pur- pose" if you look from the right. It is only when one has a purpose in mind that one can conceive means of attaining it, and if means are used, a purpose is implied. The only way to study scientific methods thoroughly is to work in a special field of science, and to carry on as many experiments and investigations as possible. Book knowledge cannot possibly replace the experimental knowledge obtained in the laboratory. Of course this is true also of historical methods, which can only be mastered by long practice. However, for the historian of science, the experimental knowledge, indispensable as it is, is not sufficient. He must be more fully aware of the methods which scien- tists are applying to their purpose, and be able to analyze them. It is noteworthy that scientific methods are not taught systematically in scientific courses but rather in philosophical courses. Teachers of science may refer to them but generally take them for granted and are satisfied to insist upon the rules and precautions of definite experiments. After having completed a cycle of, say, physical experiments, students are aware of general methods ( in addition to the special ones ) , but their awareness may remain largely unconscious or unformulated. There are a great many books dealing with the philosophy and methods of sci- ence, and I could not tell which are the best, as I have read only a few. A good part of the subject is already standardized and explained sufficiently well in every book. Each author throws emphasis on certain aspects of the subject; a comparison between their books would imply a comparison of these aspects the relative impor- tance of which cannot be weighed, except in a few cases. Early nineteenth century writers like Baden Powell, Whewell * and Her- SCHEL have been mentioned in the text above and many more might easily be, such as CoMTE, CouRNOT and Spencer, but that would lead us too far. There are three men of science of the second half of the nineteenth century who stand out above the others for the present purpose, Bernard, Mach, and Pearson. The Introduction a I'etude de la medecine experimentale ( Paris 1865 ) by Claude Bernard ( 1813-78) is still the most important book ever written by a man of science to explain the genesis and development of his own methods of investigation. Eng- lish translation, An introduction to the study of experimental medicine, by Henry Copley Greene (250 p.. New York 1927; reprinted 1949). Bernard was a physiologist; Mach, a physicist deeply concerned for philosophi- cal problems and realizing that such problems could not be solved without historical investigations. One cannot understand the meaning of a concept if one does not know its origin and development. The main works of Ernst Mach (1838-1916) are Die Mechanik in ihrer Entwicklung historisch-kritisch dargestellt (Leipzig 1883; 7th ed., 1912), Englished under the title The science of mechanics (Chicago 1893; 3rd ed., Chicago 1907; supplement by Philip E. B. Jourdain, Chicago 1915; 4th ed. Chicago 1914, 5th, La Salle, 111., 1942). ^ In addition to his History of the inductive sciences (3 vols., London 1837), Whewell pub- lished a few years later The philosophy of the inductive sciences founded upon their history (2 vols., London 1840; revised ed. 1847). History of scientific ideas. Being the first part of The philosophy of the inductive sciences. Third ed. (2 vols., London 1858). Methods and Philosophy 87 Die Analyse der Empfindungen und das Verhaltniss des Physischen zum Psychi- schen {1st ed.?; 2nd, Jena 1900; 6th, 1911); Analysis of sensations and the relation of the physical to the psychical (Chicago 1897; revised 1914; Isis 3, 369). Erkenntnis und Irrtum. Skizzen zur Psychologic der Forschung (Leipzig 1905, 5th ed. 1926). As to the third one, Karl Pearson (1857-1936), he was a mathematician, but one with very broad scientific interests, and one of the first to try to apply mathe- matical methods to biology (Biometrika 1901-35). His Grammar of science was first published in London 1892; increased editions in 1900, 1911. A somewhat re- duced edition was included in Everyman's library in 1937. The books published in the twentieth century will be listed in the alphabetical order of the authors' names. Such an order is logical disorder, but any kind of logical order would introduce superfluous difficulties. Books on the methods and philosophy of science cover a very long range, the whole gamut extending from philosophy ( epistemology, logic, metaphysics) on one end to technicalities at the other; more- over, their philosophical points of view vary greatly, to the point of mutual contradic- tion. Many of the books listed below seem to be restricted to physics, but the scope of physics is so broad that such books are really concerned with the philosophy of science, or, at any rate, with the philosophy of inorganic sciences. Abro, A. d': 1927: The evolution of scientific thought from Newton to Einstein (revised ed. New York 1950; Isis 42, 70). 1939: The decline of mechanism in modern physics (988 p.. New York; Isis 32, 380-82). Bachelard, Gaston (1884- ): 1927: Essai sur la connaissance approchee (312 p., Paris; Isis 11, 522). 1932: Le pluralisme coherent de la chimie moderne (Paris; Isis 19, 233-35). 1933: Les intuitions atomistiques (162 p., Paris; Isis 21, 443). 1934: Le nouvel esprit scientifique (180 p., Paris). — Reprinted 1937. 1938: La formation de I'esprit scientifique, contribution a une psychoanalyse de la connaissance objective (256 p., Paris; Isis 40, 283-85). — Reprinted 1947. 1940: La philosophic du non, essai d'une philosophic du nouvel esprit scientifique (145 p., Paris). Bachelard is professor of the history and philosophy of science at the Sorbonne. Barry, Frederick (1876-1943): 1927: The scientific habit of thought. An informal discussion of the source and character of dependable knowledge (371 p.. New York; Isis 14, 265-68; 34, 339-40). The author was trained as a chemist and taught the history of science in Columbia University. Bavink, Bemhard (1879-1947): 1932: The natural sciences. An introduction to the scientific philosophy of to- day. Translated from the 4th German edition with additional notes (696 p., 87 ill.. New York; Isis 26, 565). The original German text was first pubfished in 1914; 2nd ed. 1921, 5th ed. 1933, 8th ed. 1945, 9*^ ed. (822 p., Ziirich 1948), posthumously edited by M. Fierz. Benjamin, A. Cornelius: 1936: The logical structure of science (344 p., London; Isis 29, 461-64). 1937: Introduction to the philosophy of science (485 p., New York; Isis 29, 464-69). The author is professor of philosophy in the University of Chicago. Bom, Max ( 1882- ) : 1943: Experiment and theory in physics (48 p., Cambridge; Isis 35, 261, 263). 1949: Natural philosophy of cause and change (224 p., London). The author is a German physicist. 88 Methods and Philosophy Bridgman, Percy Williams (Isis 37, 128-31, portr.): 1922: Dimensional analysis (New Haven). 1927: Logic of modern physics (New York). 1936: Nature of physical theory (Princeton). 1941: Nature of thermodynamics (Cambridge, Massachusetts). The author is an American physicist. Brown, Guy Bumiston: 1950: Science. Its method and its philosophy (190 p., 8 pi., London). The author is an English physicist. Brunschvieg, L^on ( 1869-1944) : 1922: L'experience humaine et la causalite physique (691 p., Paris; Isis 5, 479-83). The author is a French philosopher. Caldin, E. F.: 1949: The power and limits of science. A philosophical study (205 p., London). Campbell, Norman Robert (1880-1949): 1928: An account of the principles of measurement and calculation (304 p., London ) . The author was a physicist, engaged in industrial research. Cannon, Walter Bradford (1871-1945): 1945: The way of an investigator. A scientist's experiences in medical research (229 p., New York; Isis 36, 259 p., portrait). Cannon, professor of physiology in Harvard, was naturally influenced by Ber- nard in many ways and particularly in the writing of these autiobiographical remi- niscences. I would advise every student who has read Bernard's Introduction, to read also Cannon's book. This book suggests that many other biographies and autobiographies of men of science contain valuable information concerning not only the history of science (that is obvious ) but also its philosophy and methodology. The best of those biographies enable one to study various methods in action. A critical list of such biographies would be very helpful but cannot be provided here and now. Carmichael, Robert Daniel ( 1879- ) : 1930: The logic of discovery (290 p., Chicago; Isis 15, 373-76). The author is an American mathematician. Cohen, Moris Raphael (1880-1947) and Nagel, Ernest: 1934: Introduction to logic and scientific method (479 p.. New York; Isis 23, 284-87). Both authors are philosophers and logicians. Davis, Harold Thayer: 1931: Philosophy and modern science (350 p., Bloomington, Indiana; Isis 18, 204-6). Davis is a mathematician, statistician, econometrist. Dingle, Herbert 1931: Science and human experience (141 p., London). 1937: Through science to philosophy (New York; Isis 29, 160-63). Dingle is an astrophysicist, now professor of the history of science in University- College, London (Isis 37, 77). Dingier, Hugo ( 1881- ) : 1921: Physik und Hypothese (211 p., Berlin 1921; Isis 4, 385). 1923: Die Grundlagen der Physik (350 p., Berlin; Isis 6, 572-73). 1924: Die Grundgedanken der Machschen Philosophic mit Erstveroffentlichungen Methods and Philosophy 89 aus seinen wissenschaftlichen Tagebiichern (106 p., Leipzig; Isis 7, 603, 339). 1926: Der Zusammenbruch der Wissenschaft und das Primat der Philosophie (400 p., Miinchen). 1928: Das Experiment. Sein Wesen und seine Geschichte (272 p., Miinchen). 1931: Philosophie der Logik und Arithmetik (198 p., Miinchen). 1932: Geschichte der Naturphilosophie (174 p., BerUn; Isis 22, 284-85). 1938: Die Methode der Physik (422 p., Munchen; Isis 32, 203-5). Duhem, Pierre (1861-1916): 1908: Essai sur la notion de theorie physique de Platon a Galilee (Annales de philosophie chretienne; reprint of 144 p., Paris). 1905-6: Origines de la statique (2 vols., Paris). 1906-13: Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci (3 vols., Paris). 1913-17: Le systeme du monde (5 vols., Paris; Isis 2, 203; 3, 125; 26, 302-3). The author was a physico-chemist, and wrote very important studies on the his- tory of science. Biographies of him have been pubhshed by Pierre Humbert ( Paris 1932; Isis 21, 399) and by his daughter, Helene Pierre-Duhem (Paris 1936; Isis 27, 161). Eddington, Arthur Stanley (1882-1944): 1928: The nature of the physical world (380 p., Cambridge). 1933: The expanding universe (190 p.. New York; Isis 21, 322-26). 1935: New pathways in science (348 p., 4 pis., Cambridge). 1939: The philosophy of physicial science (239 p., Cambridge; Isis 33, 79-80). 1946: Fundamental theory (300 p., Cambridge). Enghsh Astrophysicist and philosopher. Einstein, Albert ( 1879- ) : 1922: The meaning of relativity (128 p., Princeton; enlarged ed. 135 p., Prince- ton 1945; Isis 37, 154). 1934: The world as I see it (325 p., London; Isis 23, 277-80). 1938: (with Leopold Infeld). The evolution of physics, the growth of ideas from early concepts to relativity and quanta (330 p.. New York; Isis 30, 124-25). 1950: Out of my later years (300 p.. New York). Mathematician and physicist, discoverer of the theories of relativity. Enriques,Federigo (1871-1946): 1906: Problemi della scienza (Bologna) English translation by Katherine Royce with preface by Josiah Royce, Problems of science (408 p., Chicago 1914; Isis 3, 368). 1922: Per la storia della logica, i principii e I'ordine della scienza nel concetto dei pensatori matematici (302 p., Bologna; Isis 5, 469-70). 1938: Le matematiche nella storia e nella cultura (340 p., 22 pi., Bologna; Isis 31, 108-9). Enriques was a mathematician and director of the institute for the history of science attached to the University of Rome. Frank, Philipp: 1932: Das Kausalgesetz und seine Grenzen (323 p., 4 fig., Wien). 1941: Between physics and philosophy (238 p., Cambridge, Massachusetts; Isis 34, 180). 1946: Foundations of physics (84 p., Chicago; Isis 37, 104). 1949: Modern science and its philosophy (338 p., Harvard, Cambridge, Mass.). Frank is a mathematician and physicist. Friend, Julius Weis and Feibleman, James: 1933: Science and the spirit of man, a new ordering of experience (336 p., Lon- don ) . 1937: What science really means. An explanation of the history and empirical method of general science (222 p., London; Isis 31, 105-8). 90 Methods and Philosophy George, William Herbert: 1936: The scientist in action, a scientific study of his methods (364 p., London; Isis 29, 159). Gonseth, Ferdinand ( 1890- ) : 194?: Determinisme et Hbre arbitre. Entretiens presides par Gonseth, recueillis et rediges par H. S. Gagnebin (185 p., Neuchatel). Hartmann, Max (1876- ): 1948: Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Naturwissenschaften, Erkenntnis- theorie und Methodologie (250 p., Jena). Howells, Thomas H.: 1940: Hunger for wholiness (307 p., Denver 1940; Isis 33, 288-89). Psychologist. Jeans, Sir James Hopwood (1877-1946): 1928: Astronomy and cosmogony (430 p., Cambridge). 1929: The universe around us (362 p., 24 pi., Cambridge; 4th ed., 1944). 1930: The mysterious universe (163 p., 2 pL, Cambridge). 1931: The stars in their courses (200 p., 47 pi., Cambridge). 1933: The new background of science (309 p., New York; Isis 21, 326-28). 1934: Through space and time (238 p., 53 pi., Cambridge). 1942: Physics and philosophy (229 p., Cambridge). Enghsh astronomer, physicist, philosopher. Jevons, William Stanley (1835-1882): 1874: The principles of science, a treatise on logic and scientific method (2 vols., London). — Stereotyped ed., 830 p., London 1883. Often reprinted. English economist and logician. Joad, Cyril Edwin Mitchinson ( 1891- ) : 1928: The future of Me, a tlieory of vitalism (London). 1932: Philosophical aspects of modern science (London; reprinted 1934; 344 p., 1943; Isis 40, 77). The author is a philosopher and publicist. Johnson, Martin Christopher ( 1896- ) : 1944: Art and scientific thought, historical studies toward a modern revision of their antagonism (200 p., London; Isis 37, 122). — Reprinted New York, Columbia University 1949 (Isis 37, 122; 41, 85). 1945: Time, knowledge and the nebulae, an introduction to the meaning of time in physics, astronomy and philosophy, and the relativities of Einstein and Milne (180 p., London). 1946: Science and the meaning of truth (180 p., London; Isis 38, 129). Lamouche, Andre: 1924: La methode generale des sciences pures et appliquees (298 p., Paris). The author is an engineer in the French army. Le Chatelier, Henri (1850-1936): 1936: De la methode dans les sciences experimentales (319 p., Paris; Isis 27, 519-22). Industrial chemist, discoverer of Le Chatelier's law. Some of his views are obsolete (e.g., against relativity or quanta). He edited some classics of physics and chemistry (1913, 1914; Isis 1, 770; 2, 277; 4, 156). Lecomte du Nouy, Pierre ( 1883-1947): 1936: Le temps et la vie (267 p., Paris); translation entitled Biological time (New York 1936). 1939: L'homme devant la science (Paris). 1941: L'avenir de I'esprit (Paris). Methods and Philosophy 91 1944: La dignite humaine (332 p., New York); translation entitled: Human destiny (New York, 1947). Biologist, chemist, philosopher. Lenzen, Victor Fritz: 1931: The nature of physical theory, a study in the theory of knowledge (314 p., New York; Isis 20, 488-91). 1938: Procedures of empirical science (62 p., International encyclopedia of uni- fied science 1 no. 5, Chicago). Lenzen is professor of physics at the University of California and author of many reviews of books on the philosophy of science in Isis. L^vy, H.: 1933: The universe of science (238 p., London: Isis 21, 328-30). Margenau, Henry: 1950: The nature of physical reality. A philosophy of modern physics (486 p., 13 fig., New York; Isis 42, 69). Metzger-Briihl, Helene (1889-1944): 1926: Les concepts scientifiques (195 p., Paris; Isis 9, 467-70). Student of mineralogy, chemistry, and general science, chiefly in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Isis 36, 133). Meyerson, Emile (1859-1933): 1908: Identite et realite (3rd ed., Paris, 1926; Isis 9, 470-72 ) .—English transla- tion (London 1930). 1921: De I'exphcation dans les sciences (2 vols., 852 p., Paris; Isis 4, 382-85). 1925: La deduction relativiste (412 p., Paris; Isis 7, 517-20). 1931: Du cheminement de la pensee (3 vols., 1064 p., Paris; Isis 17, 444-45). 1936: Essais (272 p., Paris). Posthumous publication. Meyerson had studied the history of chemistry under Hermann Kopp and he remained deeply interested in the history of science, but he was primarily a phi- losopher. Neurath, Otto (editor): 1938f: International encyclopaedia of unified science (University of Chicago, Isis 83, 721-23; 37, 104; etc.). Nicolle, Charles (1866-1936): 1932: Biologie de I'invention (178 p., Paris; Isis 19, 301). 1934: La nature, conception et morale biologique (134 p., Paris). 1936: La destinee humaine (106 p., Paris). Bacteriologist. Nippoldt, Alfred (1874-1936): 1923: Anleitung zu wissenschaftlich^n Denken (Srd ed., 222 p., Potsdam). — 66th-75th ed., 232 p., Potsdam 1943. The author is a German student of terrestrial magnetism. Northrop, Filmer Stuart Cuckow ( 1893- ) : 1931: Science and first principles (314 p.. New York; Isis 17, 273-77). American philosopher and educator. Pelseneer, Jean: 1947: L'evolution de la notion de phenomene physique, des primitifs a Bohr et Louis de Broglie (177 p., Bruxelles; Isis 39, 194-96). The author teaches the history of science at the University of Brussels, and was for some years attached to the history of science section of UNESCO. Planck, Max (1858-1947): 1922: Physikalische Rundblicke (168 p., Leipzig), essays dealing with the 92 Methods and Philosophy philosophy of science. — Enghshed under the title: A survey of physics (191 p., London 1925). — Expanded edition entitled: Wege zur physikalischen Erkenntnis i2nd ed., 1934; 4th, Leipzig 1944). 1931: The universe in the light of modern physics (110 p., London). — Increased ed. (140 p., London 1937). 1932: Where is science going? (222 p., New^ York). 1936: The philosophy of physics (128 p., London). Planck was the discoverer of the quanta theory; one of the founders of modern physics. Portrait in Isis (38, facing p. 135). Poincar^, Henri ( 1854-1912) : 1908: La science et I'hypothese (Paris). 1909: La valeur de la science (Paris). 1909: Science et methode (Paris). English translation of the three volumes by George Bruce Halsted, with special preface by Poincare and introduction by Joseph Royce (one vol. with index, 566 p., New York 1913), reprinted 1921, 1929. Ramsperger, Albert Gustav: 1942: Philosophies of science (315 p., New York; Isis 34, 270). The author is a philosopher. Reichenbach, Hans (1891- ) : 1928: Philosophic der Raum-Zeit-Lehre (386 p., Berlin). 1932: Atoms and cosmos, the world of modern physics (300 p., London). German original, Berlin 1930. 1938: Experience and prediction, an analysis of the foundations and the structure of knowledge (420 p., Chicago University). — Reprinted 1949. 1942: From Copernicus to Einstein (123 p., New York). — German original, Berhn 1927. 1944: Philosophic foundations of quantum-mechanics (192 p., Berkeley, Calif.). Rey, Abel (1873-1940): 1907: La theorie de la physique chez les physiciens contemporains (Paris; 2nd revised ed., 1923, Isis 5, 484-85; Srd ed., 1930). 1927: Le retour eternel et la philosophic de la physique (320 p., Paris 1927; Isis 9, 477-79). The author is a philosopher who was director of the institute for the history of science at the University of Paris; he was succeeded by Bachelard, listed above. Ritchie, Arthur David: 1923: Scientific method. An inquiry into the character and validity of natural laws (London). The author is a chemical physiologist. Russell, Bertrand ( 1872- ) : 1948: Human knowledge: its scope and limits (540 p., London). English mathematician and philosopher. Sehrodinger, Erwin (1887- ): 1935: Science and the human temperament (154 p., London). 1945: What is life? (100 p., Cambridge; Isis 36, 229). The author is a mathematician and physicist. Smuts, )an Christiaan (1870-1950): 1926: Holism and evolution (300 p., London). South African soldier, statesman, philosopher. Weizsacker, Carl Friedrich von: 1949: The history of nature (198 p.. University of Chicago; Isis 41, 393).— First pubhshed in German: Die Geschichte der Natur ( 170 p., Ziirich 1948). Methods and Philosophy 93 Werkmeister, William Henry: 1940: A philosophy of science (576 p., New York; Isis 33, 144). 1948: The basis and structure of knowledge (462 p., New York; Isis 42, 68). The author is a professor of philosophy. Westaway, Frederic William: 1912: Scientific method, its philosophical basis and its modes of application (London, later editions 1919; Isis 4, 119-22; 1924, 1931; 1937, Isis 28, 579). 1920: Science and theology, their common aims and methods (350 p., London; Isis 4, 119-22; new ed., 1932). 1942: Science in the dock: guilty or not guilty? (143 p., London). The author was formerly an inspector of Enghsh schools. Weyl, Hermann: 1932: The open world, three lectures on the metaphysical imphcations of science (88 p.. New Haven; Isis 23, 281-84). 1934: Mind and nature (106 p., Philadelphia; Isis 23, 281). 1949: Philosophy of mathematics and natural science (320 p., Princeton; Isis 41, 236-37). Whitehead, Alfred North (1861-1947): 1919: Enquiry concerning the principles of natural knowledge (212 p., Cam- bridge ) . — Reprinted 1 925. 1920: The concept of nature (212 p., Cambridge; Isis 4, 212). — Reprinted 1926, 1930. 1925: Science and the modern world (308 p., Cambridge). — Often reprinted. 1938: Modes of thought (New York; Isis 32, 239). Whitehead was a mathematician and philosopher. Wolf, Abraham ( 1876- ): 1925: Essentials of scientific method (160 p., London; Isis 8, 604). — Often re- printed. The author was professor of the subject in the University of London and wrote books on the history of science. This list is very incomplete; it includes only the books which have come to the author's knowledge and which he has remembered. The books mentioned illustrate a great variety of purposes and offer a sufficient choice to meet the reader's first needs, whichever they be. See the Critical Bibliographies of Isis, section 18 Philosophy of Science. 8. SCIENCE AND SOCIETY Some historians of science are interested in the many complex questions con- cerned with the impact of society upon science and with the impact of science upon society. The following books deal with those questions, but they are not absolutely separate from the books deaUng with the philosophy of science. The philosophy of science and the sociology of science^ are two overlapping fields; the nature and extent of the overlapping vary with each author. Baker, John Randal ( 1900- ) : 1943: The scientific life (154 p.. New York; Isis 35, 191-92). 1945: Science and the planned state ( 120 p., London; Isis 36, 224; 37, 250). English biochemist, leading opponent of "planning" in science. — See also Mees. Bennett, Jesse Lee ( 1885- ) : 1942: The diffusion of science ( 150 p., Baltimore; Isis 34, 374). Bernal, John Desmond ( 1901- ) : 1929: The world, the flesh and the devil; an enquiry into the future of the three enemies of the rational soul (96 p., London). 1939: The social function of science (498 p., London). 1949: The freedom of necessity (448 p., London). English physicist, Marxist. Blackett, Patrick Maynard Stuart: 1949: Fear, war and the bomb, military and political consequences of atomic energy (252 p., New York; Isis 41, 86). English physicist. Bridgman, Percy Williams ( 1882- ) : 1938: The intelligent individual and society (312 p.. New York; Isis 30, 310-12, 37, 128). American physicist. Bryson, Lyman ( 1888- ) : 1947: Science and freedom (202 p.. New York). American educator. Bush, Vannevar ( 1890- ) : 1946: Endless horizons (191 p., Washington, D. C; Isis 37, 250). The author is a mathematician and engineer, president of the Carnegie Institute of Washington. Coates, J. B.: 1949: The crisis of the human person (256 p., London). Cohen, I. Bernard ( 1914- ) : 1948: Science, servant of man. A layman's primer for the age of science (376 p., 8 pi., Boston; Isis 40, 73-75). The author is professor of the history of science in Harvard University. Crowther, James Gerald ( 1899- ) : 1930: Science in Soviet Russia (128 p., 13 pi., London), 1936: Soviet science (352 p., London; Isis 27, 90-92). ^ What I call here sociology of science is implicitly defined in the preceding sentence; it is somewhat different from the Wissenssoziologie about which see Robert K. Merton: The sociology of knowledge (Isis 27, 493-503, 1937). Wissenssoziologie is more ambitious from the meta- physical and epistemological point of view than my sociology of science. Science and Society 95 1935: British scientists of the nineteenth century (345 p., 12 pL, London; Isis 28, 507-08). 1937: Famous American men of science (430 p., New York; Isis 28, 507-08). These two books containing 9 biographies of physicists (5 EngUsh and 4 Ameri- can) are quoted because of the social theory which inspires them. 1941: The social relations of science (697 p., New York; Isis 33, 345-47). English scientific journalist. Darlington, Cyril Dean ( 1903- ) : 1948. The conflict of science and society. Conway Memorial Lecture (61 p., London; Isis 41, 319). English geneticist, director of the John Innes Horticultural Institution. Gellhorn, Walter (1906- ): 1950: Security, loyalty and science (Cornell, Ithaca, NY.). Haldane, John Burdon Sanderson (1892- ): 1923: Daedalus, or science and the future (100 p., London). 1938: The Marxist philosophy and the sciences (183 p., London). 1938: Heredity and politics (202 p.. New York; Isis 29, 565). 1940: Science and everyday Bfe (284 p., New York; Isis 33, 142). 1940: Adventures of a biologist (290 p.. New York; Isis 33, 297-98, 524-25). 1947: What is life? (251 p., New York). English biologist, Marxist. Hogben, Lancelot ( 1895- ) : 1937: Mathematics for the million (660 p., New York; Isis 28, 138-40). 1938: Science for the citizen (1114 p.. New York; Isis, 31, 467-69). 1940: Dangerous thoughts (285 p.. New York; Isis 33, 144). English physiologist, biologist. Huxley, Julian Sorell 1887- ): 1923: Essays of a biologist (321 p., London). 1931: What dare I think? The challenge of modern science to human action and belief (287 p., London). 1934: Scientific research and social needs (304 p., 40 pi., London). — American edition titled: Science and social needs (304 p.. New York 1935; Isis 24, 188). 1936: Africa view (463 p., London; Isis 28, 150-51). Impact of science on colonial administration. 1941: The uniqueness of man (313 p., London). — American edition titled: Man stands alone (307 p.. New York 1941; Isis 33, 409). 1944 (editor) : Reshaping man's heritage. Biology in the service of man (96 p., 7 pi., London; Isis 36, 59). 1944: On living in a revolution (256 p., ill.. New York). 1946: UNESCO, its purpose and philosophy (63 p., London; Washington, D.C. 1947; Isis 39, 116). 1947: Man in the modern world (281 p., London). The author is an English biologist and was the first general director of UNESCO, hence very well placed to study the impact of science on international life. Lilley, Samuel: 1948: Man, machines and history, a short history of tools and machines in relation to social progress (240 p., ill., London). 1949: Social aspects of the history of science (Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, 28, 378-443). Report prepared for the International Union of the History of Science. The author is an English historian of physics. Lindsay, Jack ( 1900- ) : 1949: Marxism and contemporary science, or the Fullness of life (261 p., Lon- don; Isis 41, 320). 96 Science and Society Mees, Charles Edward Kenneth (1882- ) (with the cooperation of John R. Baker): 1946: The path of science (262 p., New York; Isis 37, 251). The author is Vice-president in charge of research of the Eastman Kodak Co., Rochester, N. Y. His field of research is photography. Marten, Robert King: 1938: Science, technology and society in seventeenth century England (Osiris 4, 360-632; Bruges). The author is professor of sociology in Columbia University, New York. Nathanson, Jerome ( editor ) : 1946: Science for democracy (180 p.. New York; Isis 40, 385). Needham, Joseph ( 1900- ) : 1944: An international science cooperation service (Nature 154, 657-60). 1945: The place of science and international scientific cooperation in post-war world organization. Memorandum III (42 typewritten pages, Chungking; Isis 37, 251). The author is an English biochemist, who has done service in China and in UNESCO and is very alert concerning the social and international implications of science. Pla, Cortes (1898- ): 1950: Ciencia y sociedad (230 p., Buenos Aires). Science and Society, a Marxian quarterly. Vol. 1, no. 1, 126 p., Cambridge, Mass., 1936 (Isis 27, 165). The existence of this journal, is a witneess of the efforts made by Marxist scien- tists to diffuse their views on the sociology of science. Sigerist, Henry Ernest ( 1891- ): 1932: Man and medicine (350 p., New York; Isis 21, 337-38). — First published in German, under title: Einfiihrung in die Medizin (412 p., 1931). 1941: Medicine and human welfare (161 p., 20 ills.. New Haven; Isis 33, 553). 1943: Civilization and disease (266 p., ill., Ithaca, N. Y.; Isis 35, 220). 1946: The university at the crossroads (171 p.. New York; Isis 37, 275). 1947: Medicine and health in the Soviet Union (383 p.. New York; Isis 39, 202- 03). The author is a Swiss historian of medicine, whose teaching leads to a sociology of medicine, largely based upon historical knowledge. The Marxist interpretation of history appeals very much to him. Soddy, Frederick ( 1877- ): 1920: Science and life (242 p., London). c. 1922: Cartesian economics. The bearing of physical science upon state stewardship (32 p., London). 1924: The inversion of science and a scheme of scientific reformation (54 p., London ) . 1935: (editor) The frustration of science (144 p.. New York; Isis 25, 274). English chemist and physicist. Thornton, Jesse Earl ( editor ) : 1939: Science and social change (readings, 588 p., Washington, D.C.; Isis 32, 465). Watson, David Lindsay ( 1901- ) : 1938: Scientists are human (269 p., London; Isis 31, 466-67). American physico-chemist, born in Scotland; interested in the philosophy of natural and social sciences. Science and Society 97 Weaver, Warren (editor) (1894- ): 1947: The scientists speak (382 p., New York; Isis 39, 191-92). Collection of radio talks by 81 eminent scientists, explaining their views of the present and future of science. The editor is director for the natural sciences of the Rockefeller Foundation, New York. Znaniecki, Florjan ( 1882- ) : 1940: The social role of the man of knowledge (216 p.. New York, Columbia; Isis 33, 395). Sociologist of Polish birth, professor of sociology in the University of Ilhnois. See the Critical Bibliographies of Isis, sections 17. Organization of science, 43. Sociology, jurisprudence and positive polity, 48. History of philosophy. 9. CATALOGUES OF SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE JoHANN Christian Poggendorff (1796-1877): Biographisch-literarisches Hand- worterbuch (1863-1940; reprint 10 vols. Ann Arbor 1945). For more details, see end of section 6 above. Royal Society of London, Catalogue of Scientific Papers, 1800-1900 (Cam- bridge, 1867-1925, 19 vols. ). Subject index ( 1908-14, 4 vols. ). This work is so important that we must pause a moment to describe it. Its com- pilation was first suggested at the Glasgow meeting of the B.A.A.S. in 1855 by Joseph Henry (1797-1878), secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, and the plan was drawn up in 1857. After many years of preparation and considerable expendi- ture, the first volume appeared in 1867, and the publication continued as follows: First series. Vols, i-vi, cataloguing the papers of 1800-63, 1867-77. Second series. Vols, vii-viii, literature of 1864-73, 1877-79. Third series. Vols, ix-xi, literature of 1874-83, 1891-96. Vol. xii. Supplement to the previous volumes, 1902. Fourth series. Vols, xiii-xix, literature of 1884-1900, 1914-25. To give an idea of the size of this catalogue it will suffice to remark that the papers catalogued in the fourth series alone, for the period 1884-1900, number 384,478, by 68,577 authors. The compilation of a subject index, without which the work loses much of its value, was already contemplated in the first plan (1857). It was finally decided to arrange it in accordance with the International Catalogue of Scientific Literature {see below). This meant that it would include seventeen volumes, one for each of the seventeen sciences recognized in that catalogue. The first volume. Pure Mathe- matics, appeared in 1908; the second. Mechanics, in 1909, the third, Physics, in two instalments. Generalities, Heat, Light, Sound in 1912, Electricity and Magnetism in 1914. The publication seems to have been finally discontinued, which is a great pity. Whatever the fate of the International Catalogue may be, there is no justifi- cation for leaving the Royal Society Catalogue essentially incomplete, and thus nul- lifying a large part of the past labor and expenditure. International Catalogue of Scientific Literature. Published for the International Council by the Royal Society of London. This is an outgrowth of the Royal Society Catalogue, as it was felt that the scientific literature of our century was too extensive to be dealt with by a single scientific society. Its organization was arranged at the initiative of the Royal Society by an international conference which met in London in 1896, then again in 1898, in 1900, etc. It was decided to divide science into seventeen branches: A. Mathematics. B. Mechanics. C. Physics. D. Chemistry. E. Astronomy. F. Meteorology (incl. Terrestrial magnetism). G. Mineralogy (incl. Petrology and Crystallography). H. Geology. J. Geography (mathematical and physical). K. Palaeontology. L. General biology. M. Botany. N. Zoology. O. Human anatomy. P. Physical anthropology. Q. Physiology (incl. experimental Psychology, Pharmacology, and experimental Pathology ) . R. Bacteriology. Catalogues of Scientific Literature 99 A large number of annual volumes were actually published from 1902 to 1916, but the gigantic undertaking was a victim of the first World War and of the national selfishness and loss of ideahsm which the War induced. The volumes pubhshed cover the scientific literature for the period from 1901 to about 1913.®* ** The publication includes 254 octavo volumes, varying in thickness from half an inch to two inches, and the original price was about £,260. The stock has been sold to William Daw- son and Sons, London, who oflFered a complete set for the price of £ 60 unbound, or £. 100 bound (November 1935). Unfortunately most of Messrs. Dawson's stock was lost, by enemy action, during the second World War and these voliunes are now almost unobtainable. 10. UNION LISTS OF SCIENTIFIC PERIODICALS The two most important lists of that kind are: J ) The Union List of Serials in Libraries of the United States and Canada ( New York, 1927, one very large quarto volume of 1588 p.). Registering some 70,000 journals and serials, of every kind, dead or alive, pub- hshed in some 70 languages, and available in some 225 American libraries. Two supplements have already appeared, bringing the list down to 1932. Second edition by the same editor, Winifred Gregory (3065 p.. New York 1943). This lists between 115 and 120,000 items. Supplement to the end of 1943 (New York 1945). 2) A World List of Scientific Periodicals published in the years 1900-1921 (2 vols. London 1925-27), hsting over 24,000 periodicals. Second edition for the years 1900-34 ( 1 vol. 794 p., London 1934). Item 2 is less comprehensive than 1 because it is restricted to contemporary scientific pubhcations, it includes some 36,000 entries in 18 languages (for statistics, see Isis, vol. 23, p. 578). A new edition is in prepa- ration. These two lists are useful, first, to identify a certain journal, secondly, to find in what libraries ( British or American ) sets of it are available, and, finally, to judge of its importance, or at least of its popularity, by the number of sets available in the English-speaking world. This last judgment is possible only in the case of publi- cations which are not distributed mostly by gift or exchange. 11. GENERAL SCIENTIFIC JOURNALS For the study of modern science and the determination of the main impulses and tendencies of modern contemporary research, it is necessary to consult journals devoted to science in general. The leading journals of that kind are listed below in chronological order, and under their original or main title. The titles of some journals were changed more than once but a record of such changes is not in scope of our list. Should the reader wish for such information he would find it conven- iently in the Union List of Serials (ULS) or in bibliographical Usts of serial publi- cations. Since the purpose of such a list is to enable the historian of science to obtain quickly a general view of scientific problems and novelties at a definite chronological level some of the older and now deceased publications are also included. XVIIth and XVIIIth Century Periodicals 1665- : Journal des savants. Paris. A new series of the journal began in 1903. There has been a 'pirate' edition of this periodical running from 1665 to 1763, issued from Amsterdam. It has 164 volumes. 1682-1779: Acta eruditorum. Leipzig. After 1732 its title was "Nova acta eruditorum." It has several supplements and a 6-volume index. 1772-1787: Allgemeines Schwedisches Gelehrsamkeits-Archiv. Leipzig. Edited by C. W. LuDEKE; complete in 7 volumes. 1798- : Philosophical magazine and Journal of science. London. After 1850 it is called The London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Maga- zin, etc. It is still current and comprises now several hundred volumes in seven series. XIXth Century Periodicals 1817-1835: Isis; oder, Enzyklopaedische Zeitung. Jena & Leipzig. Edited by L. Oken; comprises 23 volumes. Originally a poHtical periodical vmtil 1824, it changed title to Enzyklopadische Zeitschrift vorziighch fiir Naturgeschichte, etc. As a supplement it had a "Litera- rischer Anzeiger." 1818- : American journal of science (Silliman's journal). New Haven. Vol. 50 is an index to vols. 1-49, after that every tenth volume contains an index to ten volumes. 1823-1831: Bulletin des aimonces et des nouvelles scientifiques. Paris. Title varies: Bulletin universel (des sciences et de I'industrie); divided into sec- tions according to branches of science. 1845-1921: Scientific American. New York. Merged in 1921 with the Scientific American monthly. 1846- : Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles; Biblioth^que universelle. Geneve. (101) 102 General Scientific Journals 1850- : Natuurwetenschappelijk tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indie. Batavia, Weltevreden. Later called Chronica naturae. Index v. 1-60, 1850-1900; v. 61-90, 1901-30. 1853-1918: Zeitschrift fur Naturwissenschaften. Halle & Leipzig. Edited by GiEBEL, SiEWERT, et ol.; 86 volumes; slight variation in title. 1857-1875: Ann^e (L') scientifique et industrielle. Paris. 1857- : Moniteur scientifique du Dr Quesneville; journal des sciences pures et appliquees. Vol. 100 was pubHshed in 1928. 1863- : Revue scientifique (Revue rose illustr^e) Paris. Index 1863-81. 1866- : Archives n^erlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles. Haarlem. Its 3rd series started in 1911 with three divisions: 3A for exact sciences, 3B for natural sciences and 3C for physiology. 1867- : The American naturalist. Boston & New York. Beginning with vol. 85, 1951, it became the official journal of the American So- ciety of Naturalists. 1869- : Nature. London. 1869- : Term^szettudomanyi kozlony (Naturwissenschaftlicher Anzeiger). Bu- dapest. 1872-1915: Popular science monthly. New York. Weekly; continued as Scientific Monthly; index vol., 1-40, 1872-92. 1873- : La Nature. Paris. Four decennial indices for the period 1873-1912. 1876- : Scientific American supplement (1876-1919) New York. Continued by Scientific American monthly (1920-21). In Nov. 1921, merged into Scientific American; rejuvenated in May 1948 (vol. 178, 5). Index: 1876-1910. 1877- : Revue des questions scientifiques. Louvain. Indices: v. 1-50, 1877- 1901; V. 51-80, 1902-21; v. 81-110, 1922-36. 1883- : Science. Cambridge, Mass., & New York. 1886-1912: Naturwissenschaftliche Rundschau. Braunschweig. Complete in 27 vol.; continued as Die Naturwissenschaften. 1887- : Naturwissenschaftliche Wochenschrift. Edited by H. Potonie; vol. 37, 1922. 1890- : Revue g^n^rale des sciences pures et appliquees. Paris. Index: v. 1-25, 1890-1914, issued in vol. 25. 1890-1920: Prometheus; illustrierte Wochenschrift fiir die Fortschritte (der ange- wandten Naturwissenschaften) in Gewerbe, Industrie und Wissenschaft. Berlin. In 1921, merged into Umschau; completed in 31 vols. 1897- : Umschau; Ubersicht iiber die Fortschritte und Bewegungen auf dem Ge- samtgebiete des Wissenschaft, Technik, etc. Frankfurt a.M. Edited by J. H. Bechhold. XXth Century Periodicals 1903- : South African journal of science. Cape Town. 1906- : Science progress in the twentieth century. London. 1907- : Scientia. Bologna. Index: 1907-29. General Scientific Journals 103 1909-1914: Natura; rivista di scienze naturali. Pavia. 1912- : Priroda. Leningrad. 1913- : American scientist; Sigma XI quarterly. Champaign, Illinois. 1913- : Naturwissenschaften. Berlin. Continues Naturwissenschatfliche Rundschau (1886-1912). 1915- : Scientific monthly. New York & Lancaster, Pennsylvania. 1915- : K'o-hsiieh [Science]. Shanghai. Monthly; contains bibliographies, progress reports and reviews in Chinese. 1918- : Nauka polska. Warszawa. For progress of science in Poland. 1920- 1922- Annual 1925- 1932- 1934- 1935- 1938- 1940- ico, D. 1942- 1942- 1945- 1946- 1948- 1949- Discovery. London. Ergebnisse der exakten Naturwissenschaften. Berlin. long reviews on progress of certain problems of exact sciences. Forschungen und Fortschritte. Berlin. Current science. Bangalore, Mysore. Ciencias; revista trimestrial. Madrid. Science and culture. Calcutta. Australian journal of science. Sidney. Ciencia; revista hispano-americana de ciencias puras y aplicadas. Mex- F. Endeavour. London.** Experientia. Basel. Ciencia e investigacion. Buenos Aires. Zeitschrift fiir Naturforschung. Wiesbaden. Naturwissenschaftliche Rundschau. Stuttgart. Ciencia e cultura. Sao Paulo. The most convenient of all these journals is probably Nature, but it began only in 1869 and has no general indices. One must consult the indices of each volume, which is a tedious process (by the end of 1950, 166 volumes had appeared). Com- plete sets of these journals are very bulky and the historian of modern science can hardly have them near him, but he should try to keep close at hand a few general indices. (N.B. The present efforts of modern technicians to reduce the bulk of accumulated literature by means of microfilms, microprints and similar other devices will have but little practical value for historians of any kind. ) (C. F. M. ) In many cases, the historian of science would be obliged to consult also journals devoted to special sciences, or the abstracting journak concerned with special sub- jects. Any attempt to enumerate all these journals would be futile and outside the scope of this guide-book. Every speciafized man of science is familiar with the jour- nals devoted to his special studies. Moreover, there are many special lists of sci- *» "Endeavour, a quarterly review designed to record the progress of the sciences in the service of mankind," is published by the Imperial Chemical Industries, London. It serves as a means of propaganda for British science and industry, but the articles are as impartial as they would be in any scientific journal; they are admirably illustrated. In addition to the English edition of Endeavour, there are also editions in French, Spanish, German and (beginning with vol. VII, no. 25, Jan. 1948) Italian. 104 General Scientific Journals entific journals available, in addition to the union catalogs and world lists, which contain the needed references to such special serials. Many more journals could be quoted in various languages, not counting the publications of the academies and learned societies, but those quoted are more than sufficient for the general purpose.'* If a historian wished to have a general view of science in 1895, the simplest way of obtaining it would be to consult the periodicals which appeared in that year. Many of these periodicals, if not all of them, are available in every good research library. *" Some journals which ran only for a few years and have long been out of circulation and forgotten ( in spite of their goodness ) have been omitted, because they are difiBcult to find except in the oldest and largest libraries. 12. ABSTRACTING AND REVIEW JOURNALS {by Claudius F. Mayer) For the historian of any branch of science the so-called abstracting journals are very convenient indicators, first-aid tools in a quick approach to past decades or centuries. While they help him in his effort to revive the contemporary ideology of a chosen subject and to re-create the scientific atmosphere of any era of his choice, they are not more than indicators to be used with proper criticism. The information that they convey should never be accepted without an ultimate recourse to the original sources. For the historian who is engaged in specific bio-bibUograph- ical studies the abstracting journals are especially valuable because they may help him to detect many details in the literary activities and in the fife histories of even the lesser stars of science. The historian has to be reminded, however, that the Uterature of any scientific subject is much wider and the literary production of any man is much larger than it could be revealed by any abstracting journal. Repeated statistical studies showed that it is not more than about 20% of the world's current scientific literature which the current abstracting journals are able to comprehend. The percentage of ab- stracted literature may be higher and the value of older abstracting journals may be greater for earher decades and centuries when the bulk of scientific pubfishing has been small. The value of these journals as secondary sources for the historian to prepare bio-bibliographies depends also upon the professional education of the makers of the abstracting journals and subject bibliographies. If the compiler or editor was a scientist, expert in his subject, the historian may be assured of the com- pleteness and accuracy of the subject bibliographies and the abstracts though they are secondary records only. The abstracting journal is by no means a 20th century innovation of scientific journalism, though this century may have an increased demand for it. Indeed, the precursors of the modern abstracting journals could be retraced to the earliest printed magazines, and, even beyond those, to the medieval encyclopedias, formularies, pan- dects, furthermore to the various written collections of scientific knowledge made already a couple of thousand years B.C. The earhest scientific periodicals as well as many publications of the first scientific societies in the 17 th and 18f^ centuries either consisted exclusively of abstracts and digests or included much of these to form a large part of an issue. Many of the general scientific periodicals fisted above in this chapter do the same. In Chapter 20 there are special journals for the historian of science; many of them abound in abstracts of articles related to the history of sciences. At the end of Chapter 20 ( p. 246-48 ) there is a short appendix of journal titles; in a way, most of those jour- nals were chiefly filled with abstracts. There is a steady growth in the number of journals that are devoted exclusively to abstracting the contents of other scientific periodicals. At the begiiming of 1951 there were some 300 of them. A correct count is almost impossible, and not needed. Many more may be in existence, and many are defunct now. Recently, D. E. Gray fisted 145 current abstracting (and indexing) services for the field of physics alone (Am. J. Physics, 1950, 18: 274-99; 417-24). Yet, only two of these journals have been used by more than 90% of the people he questioned. Besides Gray's article there are very few other publications for fisting such journals. A fist was prepared by Ruth Cobb with the title Periodical bibliographies and abstracts for scientific and technological journals of the world (Washington, U. S. National Research Council, 1920). The Library Association of Great Britain has pubfished a Class Catalogue, &c. (Lond., 1912; 38p.). The latest of such fists is a document of the International Federation for Documentation, under the title List of current specialized abstracting and indexing services (The Hague, 1949). 106 Abstracting and Review Journals It is a very tentative list which excuses itself with the sentence that "The present status of the abstracting work in the whole world is still very confusing." The following selective alphabetical hst includes a few abstracting journals chiefly of older vintage or of long standing which, in the opinion of the compiler, are of some value as secondary indicative sources for the historian of science. (1785)1793- (1800)1807: AUgemeines Repertorium der Literatur. Jena; Weimar. Edited by J. S. Ersch; 3 series; in many sections. 1827-1844: AUgemeines Repertorium der gesamten deutschen medizinisch-chirur- gischen Journalistik. Leipzig. Edited by C. F. Kleinert; 18 vols; ca 5,000 references a year. ( 1825- ) 1829- : American journal of pharmacy. Philadelphia. 1876- : Analyst. Cambridge, Engl. 1886- : Anatomischer Anzeiger. Jena. 1895- : Armee (L') biologique. Paris. 1862-1877: Ann^e (L') geographique. Paris. 1850-1871: Annual (The) of scientific discovery. Boston. Limited to discoveries in the U. S. only. 1890- : Anthropologie. Paris. 1906- : Anthropos. St Gabriel; Freiburg (Sw.). (1827)1828- (1837)1838: Arcana of science [and art]. London. 1822- : Archiv der Pharmazie. Berhn. 1834-1914: Archiv fiir Naturgeschichte. Berlin. 1882- : Archives italiermes de biologic. Pisa. 1922- : Australian science abstracts. Sydney. From v. 17, 1938, issued as supplement of Australian journal of science. 1877-1919: Beiblatter; Annalen der Physik. Leipzig. In 1920, continued as Physikahsche Berichte. 1893-1913: Bibliographia physiologica . . . repertoire des travaux de physiologic de I'annee. Bruxelles; Wien. Edited by Richet; in 3 series. 1697-1699: Bibliotheca librorum novorum. Utrecht. Five vol. in 3; issued bimonthly from Apr./May 1697 to Nov./Dec. 1699; per- haps the earliest book-review journal; edited by Ludolph Kuster(=Neocorus) and Henrek Sikio(=Sickius). 1851-1887: Bibliotheca historico-naturalis et physicochemica [et mathematical. Gottingen. 1796-1835: Bibliotheque britannique. Geneve. First series, 1796-1816, in three sections: a) litterature, 60v., b) sciences et arts, 60v., c) agriculture, 20v., plus 4v. index. Continued as Bibliotheque universelle des sciences, and had another series from 1816 to 1835; a third series began in 1858. 1902-1910: Biochemisches Zentralblatt. Berhn. 1881- : Biologisches Zentralblatt. Leipzig. 1918-1926: Botanical abstracts. Baltimore. Continued as part of Biological Abstracts (1926- ). Abstracting and Review Journals 107 1880- : Botanisches Zentralblatt. Kassel; Jena, &c. 1843-1910: Botanische Zeitung. Berlin; Leipzig. 1757-1763: Bremisches Magazin zur Ausbreitung der Wissenschaften. Hannover. 1836-1877: British and foreign medical [medico-chirurgical] review. London. 1855-1861: Bulletin de bibliographie, d'histoire et de biographic mathematiques. Paris. Edited by Terquem; 6 vols. 1903- 1854- 1858- Bulletin de I'lnstitut Pasteur. Paris. Bulletin de la Societe botanique de France. Paris. Bulletin de la Societe chimique de France. Paris. From 1858 to 1863: Repertoire de chimie, &c. 1809-1813: Bulletin des neuesten und wissenswiirdigsten aus den Naturwissenschaf- ten. Berlin. 1870- Bidletin des sciences mathematiques. Paris. 1907- : Chemical abstracts. Columbus; Washington. 1830- : Chemisches Zentralblatt. Berlin. 1830-1849: Pharmaceutisches Centralblatt; 1850-1858: Chemisch-pharmaceu- tisches Centralblatt. 1862-1901: Chemisch-technisches Repertorium. Berlin. 1752-1798: Commentarii de rebus in scientia natiu'ali et medicina gestis. Leipzig. 1913- : Critical bibliography of the history and philosophy of science. (Pub- lished in his). 1897-1920: Dermatologisches Zentralblatt. Leipzig. 1712-1739: Deutsche acta eruditorum, oder Geschichte der Gelehrten. Leipzig. 240 nos. in 20 vols. 1880- : Elektrotechnische Zeitschrift. Berlin. 1772-1814: Esprit(L') des joiu-naux frangais et etrangers. Liege; Paris; Bruxelles. 480 vols, for 23 years. (1891)1892-1929: Excerpta medica; monatliche Journalausziige. Leipzig; Basel. 1904- : Folia haematologica. Berlin; Leipzig. 1902- : Folia otolaryngologica. Leipzig. 1910-1932: Fortschritte der naturwissenschaftlichen Forschung. Berlin, &c. (1845)1847- (1918)1919: Fortschritte der Physik. Berlin; Braunschweig. Continued as Physikalische Berichte (1920- ). (1874)1875- (1884)1889: Geological record. London. 1901- : Geologisches Zentralblatt. Leipzig; Berlin. 1739-1860: Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen. Gottingen. 1753-1802: Gottingischer Anzeiger von gelehrten Sachen. 1907-1917: Gynaekologische Rundschau. Berlin. 1852- : Hedwigia; Organ fiir Kryptogamenkunde und Phytopathologie nebst Repertorium fiir Literatur. Dresden. 108 Abstracting and Review Journals 1687(Sept. )- 1709(June): Histoire des ouvrages des scavans. Rotterdam. 1891-1922: Hygienische Rundschau. Berlin. 1859- : Ibis; a quarterly journal of ornithology. London. 1935- : Indian science abstracts. Calcutta. 1908-1923: Internationale Revue der gesamten Hydrobiologie and Hydrographie. Leipzig. 1884-1922: Internationales Zentralblatt fiir Laryngologie, etc. Berlin. 1918- : Italia che scrive. Roma. 1865-1901: Jahrbuch der Erfindungen und Fortschritte aus dem Gebiete der Physik, Chemie und chemischen Technologie, der Astronomie und Meteorologie. Leip- zig. (1868)1871- : Jahrbuch uber die Fortschritte der Mathematik. Berlin. 1867-1919: Jahresbericht iiber die Leistungen und Fortschritte in der gesamten Medicin. Berlin. 1863- : Journal of botany. London. 1809- : Journal de pharmacie et de chimie. Paris. 1. ser., 1809-1814: Bulletin de pharmacie et des sciences accessoires; in many volumes, grouped into several sets, each with its own cumulative index. 1872- : Journal de physique et le radium. Paris. 1912- : Kongresszentralblatt fiir die gesamte innere Medizin. Berlin. 1843-1860: Leipziger Repertorium der deutschen und auslandischen Literatur. Leipzig. 1850- : Literarisches Zentralblatt fiir Deutschland. Leipzig. 1901- : Man; a monthly record of anthropological science. London. 1781-1794: Medicinische Litteratur. Leipzig. Edited by J. C. T. Schlegel. 1876- : Mind; a quarterly review of psychology and philosophy. London. 1876- : Mineralogical magazine. London. 1715-1797: Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen. Leipzig. Edited by Joh. GoTTL. Krause and O. Mencke; a rival of the Acta eruditorum; includes reviews of articles on science and hterature. 1882-1921: Neurologisches Zentralblatt. Berlin. 1821-1849: Notizen aus dem Gebiete der Natur- und Heilkunde. Erfurt; Weimar; Jena. Edited by L. F. v. Froriep; 101 vols, in 3 series. 1733-1736: Niitzliche und auserlesene Arbeiten der Gelehrten im Reich. Niirnberg. 1898- : Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Berlin; Leipzig. 1893- : Omithologische Monatsberichte. Berlin. 1855- : Petermanns (Dr. A.) Mitteilungen aus Justus Perthes' Geographischer Anstalt. Gotha. 1859- : Pharmazeutische Zentralhalle. Berlin; Dresden. 1921- : Photographic abstracts. London. Abstracting and Review Journals 109 1895-1904: Photographisches Zentralblatt. Miinchen. 1893- : Physical review. New York, etc. 1904-1909: Physikalisch-chemisches Zentralblatt. Leipzig. 1920- : Physikalische Berichte. Braunschweig. Continuation of Fortschritte der Physik; begins with reviews of 1918 literature. 1916-1938: Physiological abstracts. London. 1907-1917: Progressus rei botanicae. Jena. Founded by Joh. Paulus lotsy (1867-1931); also called Fortschritte der Botanik; 5 vols. (1872)1873- (1879)1886: Repertorium annuum literaturae botanicae periodica,e. Haarlem. Edited by J. A. van Bemmelen and others; 8 vols. 1822-1825: Repertorium der mathematischen Literatur. Augsburg; Leipzig. 1869-1871: Repertorium der technischen, mathematischen und natvirwissenschaft- lichen Journal-Literatur. Berlin. (1823)-1912: Repertorium der technischen Literatur, Berlin. In 1909, title reads: Fortschritte der Technik (1909-1912). 1840-1893: Repertorium der Tierheilkunde. Stuttgart. 1815-1851: Repertorium der Pharmacie. Niirnberg. (1805)1806- (1813)1815: Retrospect of philosophical, mechanical, chemical and agricultural discoveries. London. 1840-1901: Retrospect of practical medicine [and surgery]. London. 1913- : Review of applied entomology. London. Ser. A: Agricultural; Ser. B: Medical and veterinary. 1890-1936: Review of reviews. London. 1866-1935: Revue critique d'histoire et de litterature. Paris. 1873-1898: Revue des sciences medicales en France et a I'etranger. Paris. Edited by G. Hayem; 52 vols. 1862-1880: Revue des societes savantes. Paris. 1856-1882: Revue des societes savantes des departements. Paris. 1917- : Revue generale de I'electricite. Paris. 1893-1934: Revue semestrielle des publications mathematiques. Amsterdam; Leipzig. 1907- : Rivista delle riviste. (In: Scientia. Bologna). 1834-1922: Schmidt's Jahrbiicher der in- und auslandischen gesamten Medizin. Leipzig; Bonn. V. 1-40, 1834-1843, as Jahrbiicher . . . ; 341 vols, in 9 series; includes ca 800,000 abstracts and references. 1898- : Science abstracts. London. From 1903, it runs in two sections (physics, electrical engineering). 1916- : Science et industrie. Paris. 1828-1843: Summarium des neusten aus der [gesammten] Medicin. Leipzig. 110 Abstracting and Review Journals 1908- : Technique (La) moderne; revue universelle des sciences appliquees a I'industrie. Paris. 1912- : Tropical diseases bulletin. London. 1740-1759: Wochentliche Nachrichten von gelehrten Sachen. Regensburg. A rarity and curiosity; includes revievi's, abstracts, personal notices, etc.; copy in British Museum. 1913- : Zeitschrift fiir ophthalmologische Optik. Berlin. 1884- : Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Mikroskopie. Leipzig. 1882-1919: Zentralblatt fiir allgemeine Gesundheitspflege. Bonn. 1890- : Zentralblatt fiir allgemeine Pathologic und pathologische Anatomic. Jena. 1896-1912: Zentralblatt fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologic, und Urgeschichtc. Jena. 1887- : Zentralblatt fiir Bakteriologie. Jena. Later in two sections, one of them running in 2 parts (Originale, Referate). 1874- : Zentralblatt fiir Chirurgic. Leipzig. 1911-1930: Zentralblatt fiir die gesamte Kinderhcilkundc. Berlin. 1900-1911: Zentralblatt fiir die gesamte Physiologic und Pathologic des StofFwech- scls. Berlin; etc. 1889-1906: Zentralblatt fiir die Krankheiten der Ham- und Scxualorgane. Ham- burg, etc. 1863-1915: Zentralblatt fiir die medizinischen Wissenschaften. Berlin. 1877- : Zentralblatt fiir Gynackologie. Leipzig. 1931- : Zentralblatt fiir Mathcmatik und ihre Grenzgebictc. Berlin. 1878-1910: Zentralblatt fiir Ncrvcnheilkunde und Psychiatric. Leipzig. 1904-1914: Zentralblatt fiir normale und pathologische Anatomic. Berlin; Wien. 1887-1921: Zentralblatt fur Physiologic. Leipzig; Wien. 1877-1919: Zentralblatt fiir praktischc Augcnheilkundc. Leipzig. 1910-1919: Zentralblatt fiir Rontgenstrahlcn, Radium und vcrwandtc Gebictc. Wiesbaden. 1913- : Zcntralorgan fiir die gesamte Chirurgic. Berlin; Leipzig. Title varies. 1864- : Zoological record. London. V. 1-6, 1864-1869, as Record of zoological literature. 1878-1896: Zoologischer Anzciger. Leipzig; Ziirich. 1896-1914, V. 1-25, as Bibliographia zoologica. 1894-1918: Zoologisches Zentralblatt. Leipzig. Title of last six volumes: Zentralblatt fiir Zoologie. 13. NATIONAL ACADEMIES AND NATIONAL SCIENTIFIC SOCIETIES The scientific academies created in the seventeenth century and later, being sup- ported by the prince or government took naturally a national aspect. Thus, the Accademia dei Lincei became eventually (much later) the outstanding academy of Italy, the Academie des Sciences and the Royal Society became the scientific acade- mies of France and of England, etc. Those academies took some interest in the history of science, chiefly but not exclusively, as far as it had developed in their own territory. Thus, the Institut de France prepared by order of Napoleon reports on the progress of science from 1789 to 1810. J. B. J. Delambre, Rapport historique sur les progres des sciences mathematiques depuis 1789 et sur leur etat actual (272 pp.). Including mechanics, astronomy, geography, arts and industries. Georges Cxjvier, Rapport historique sur les progres des sciences naturelles ( 298 pp. ) . Including chemistry, physics, physiology, natural history, medicine, agriculture. Bon Joseph Dacier, Rapport historique sur les progres de rhistoire et de la litterature ancienne ( 263 pp. ) . The three quarto vol- umes were published at Paris in 1810. The series of books on the history of science viritten at the initiative of the Academy of Bavaria is so important that a complete description of it is given on p. 124-25. Moreover, as the early academies grew older, they became naturally more con- cerned with their own glorious past, with the history of their achievements and institutions and the biographies of their members, and this has often induced them to promote historical investigations. The jubilee publications of those bodies some- times contain historical memoirs of real value, which do not always receive the pubhcity they deserve and thus are relatively unknown. A history of the main academies, however brief, would take too much space here. We have already spoken of the oldest ones, the Accademia dei Lincei, the Accademia del Cimento, the Academie des Sciences, the Royal Society. There are various historical accounts of each of them, so many in fact, that the history of each academy requires a bibliography of its own. The same remark applies to the other national academies, many of which are a century or two old. More of them were created in the twentieth century and at present there are almost as many national academies as there are nations in the United Nations. The creation of the younger academies was due partly to the feeling that national prestige required their existence and partly to the requirement of the International Union of Academies. It is impossible to give here a complete bibliography of academies, or even to enumerate them and for each of them the main historical publications. We must limit ourselves to mentioning a few general studies. Martha Ornstein: The role of scientific societies in the seventeenth century (second ed., University of Chicago 1928; Isis 12, 154-56). The first edition appeared in 1913; the second edition was reprinted in 1938 (322 p.; Isis 31, 87-89). Har- couRT Brown: Scientific organizations in seventeenth century France, 1620-80 (328 p., Baltimore 1934; Isis 22, 542). The Royal Society of London publishes a journal "Notes and Records" which contains many historical articles in addition to other news of social, non-technical interest. Vol. 1, no. 1 appeared in April 1938, vol. 8, no. 1 in October 1950. Ad- dress: Royal Society, Burlington House, London W.l. In addition to their national academies many countries have another kind of national organization of their men of science. This takes the form of an annual scientific congress, meeting each year in another city of the national (or colonial) territory. Academies are exclusive organizations, the membership of which is gen- erally restricted to elected fellows. The number of members may be very small as in the Academie des sciences, or larger as in the Royal Society; in any case, it is 112 Academies and Societies limited, and nobody can join the Academy without a formal invitation after a regular election."' The annual congresses are far more democratic; their purpose is to bring together each year in one place as many men of science as possible. The initiative of those annual congresses was taken in Switzerland. In 1797, some scientist? of Bern invited Swiss men of science to meet at Herzogenbuchsee, and they constituted the Societe generale helvetique des amis des sciences physiques et naturelles. Political events ofiscouraged further meetings. In 1801 a similar effort was made, by German men of science, in Stuttgart and was equally abortive. The Swiss idea was renewed and realized in 1815 by Henri Albert Gosse and meetings held on Oct. 6 at Mornex and Geneva. We may thus place the Swiss Society at the head of our list. J) 1815: Societe helvetique des sciences naturelles (the title occurs also in German, Italian, and Romansh). Since 1915, annual meetings have taken place each year in a different city. The centenary was celebrated at the birthplace of the society, Geneva, in 1915. The proceedings of that centenary appeared in vol. L of the Nouveaux memoires de la Societe helvetique (Ziirich 1915); they contain a history of the Swiss organization. Shorter account by Theophile Sttjder in Paul Seippel (editor): La Suisse au dix-neuvieme siecle (3 vols., Lausanne 1899-1901; vol. 2, 195-200, 1900 ) . — The 129th annual meeting occurred in Lausanne, 1949. Inspired by the Swiss organization, Lorenz Oken ( 1779-1851; editor of Isis from 1817 to 1848) proposed in 1820 to the Kaiserlich Leopoldinische Akademie der Naturforscher to constitute a similar one in Germany. The Leopoldina dechned to do so, but the German society was constituted two years later. 2) 1822: (GDNA) Gesellschaft deutscher Naturforscher und Arzte. — First meeting in Leipzig in 1822. Accounts of meetings 1 to 8 appeared in Oken's Isis; reports of later meetings in the Amtlicher Bericht, Tageblatt der Versammlung, etc.; since 1924, they appear as supplements to Die Naturwissenschaften. Karl Sud- hoff: Hundert Jahre Deutscher Natiu-forscher Versammlungen (80 p., Leipzig 1922). This booklet, published to celebrate the centenary of the German society, contains a history of the society and a list of its meetings, the main discourses of each being mentioned, from the first, Leipzig 1822 to the 86th, Bad Nauheim 1920. The centennial meeting of Leipzig 1922 was not the hundredth one, but the 87th, some annual meetings having been omitted because of war or unrest. 5) 1831: (BAAS) British Association for the Advancement of Science. This association met for the first time at York in 1831, and has met almost every year since in a different town of Great Britain, the British Empire or Ireland. The Re- ports pubhshed annually in separate volumes since 1831, constitute a valuable col- lection for the historian of science (as opposed to the German reports which being scattered and irregularly published are so difiicult to consult in their entirety that one does not try to do so). Vols. 1 to 108 of the Reports were published from 1831 to 1938 (no meetings in 1917, 1918); two volumes of general indexes cover respectively the years 1831-60, 1861-90. From 1939, the Reports appear under a new title "The advancement of science" in the form not of an annual but of a quarterly. Vol. 1, part 1, Oct. 1939, part 4, July 1940. Address: Burlington House, London W.l. The official residence of the Perma- nent Secretary is now at Down House, at Downe, Kent, formerly Darvitn's home (Isis 23, 533, 534). 4) 1848: (AAAS) American Association for the Advancement of Science. Proceedings published in annual volumes since the first meeting (Philadelphia 1848) until 1910. Since then the full proceedings appear in Science, and only Sum- marized Prooceedings from time to time in book form. E.g., summarized Proceed- ings for the period from Jan. 1934 to Jan. 1940 with Directory of members as of July 1, 1940 (1120 p., Washington, D. C, 1940). That volume contains a brief history of AAAS from 1848 to 1940 (p. 1-87). Address of the Permanent Secretary: Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. ^ In America, the name "academy" has been assumed by at least one society of vi^hich almost anybody can become a member by paying the annual subscription. That form of exploita- tion of snobbishness is certainly wrong. Academies and Societies 113 In 1920, a special section (L) was devoted to the "Historical and philological sciences." The original idea, promoted by Frederick E. Brasch was to have a sec- tion devoted to the "history of science," but the AAAS considered that the history of science was too small a subject to have a section for itself and entitled the new sec- tion "Historical and philological sciences." It was as if it were making a sub- section of the American Historical Association and of the Philological Association — the whole of history and philology was only a part of the AAAS. A section devoted to the "history of science" would have been very natural, this one was preposterous. It must be added, however, that the great majority of the papers read before section L were papers on the history of science. Frederick E. Brasch (Science 52, 559-62, 1920; 53, 315-18, 1921). 5) 1872: (AFAS) Association fran^aise pour ravancement des Sciences. First annual meeting in Bordeaux 1872. Meetings are held almost every year in a dif- ferent French-speaking town. The 67th meeting took place in Geneva (Switzer- land) in 1948. Comptes rendus of the annual meetings appear in book form; those of the first meeting (Bordeaux 1872) in Paris 1873; those of the 63rd meeting (Liege, Belgium, 1939) in 1941. There is also a Revue de I'Association etc. entitled Sciences giving miscellaneous information. I have seen no. 59, 75. annee, juillet-sept. 1948, p. 433-51, i-ix. 75th year refers to the age of the AFAS, not of "Sciences." Address of the Secretary: 28 rue Serpente, Paris 6. As in the case for the other national societies, the actual foundation was pre- ceded by tentatives which are traced back to 1864 (Leverrier) and 1865 (Frederic Kuhlmann). The Association was constituted at a meeting held in Paris on 22 April 1872 under the presidency of Claude Bernard. 6) 1907: (SIPS) Societa italiana per il progresso delle scienze. The first annual meeting took place in Parma 1907. Annual meetings have taken place since then almost every year, each time in a difi^erent Itahan town. The proceedings are pubhshed in book form, Atti della Societa, etc. (vol. 1, Roma 1908). The Atti of the first 18 annual meetings from 1907 to 1929 ap- peared in 18 volumes. A new series of the Atti began with the meeting of Florence 1929 (2 vols., 1930). The 28th meeting took place in Pisa 1939, and its Atti edited by Lucio Silla bear the subtitle Celebrazione del 1° centenario. See also: — Lucio Sella (editor): Un secolo di progresso scientifico italiano, 1839-1939 (7 vols., Roma 1939-40; Isis 35, 190; 36, 223). This very useful but disingenuous work bears a misleading subtitle "Societa italiana per il progresso delle scienze. Anno 100° della prima riunione degli scienziati italiani." Hasty readers might conclude that these volumes celebrate the centenary of the Societa, which in 1939 was only 32 years old. The subtitle refers to a meeting of the "Congresso dei dotti," which took place in Pisa 1839. That Congresso having taken a patriotic and revolutionary char- acter (we must remember that Italy was not unified until 1870), it was suppressed after its ninth meeting held in Venice 1847. ItaUan scientists met again in Siena 1862, Rome 1873, Palermo 1875. In short, Itahan scientists held twelve annual meetings during the period 1839-1907, or forty during the period 1839-1939. General indexes to the Atti. Indici della prima serie (vol. I-X, 1907-19; 1926), della seconda serie (riun. 11-20, 1921-31; 1932). The Societa also publishes an Annuario containing the list of its members (last vol. seen 1935-XIII); it began in 1937 the publication of Scienza e Tecnica, a monthly supplement to the Atti; vol. 2 (1938) was issued independently with sub- title Rivista generale di informazione scientifica. Address of SIPS: Piazzale delle Scienze 7, Palazzo del Consigfio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Roma. The description of these six associations must suffice; they are still the most important, the first because of chronological precedence and the five others because of the great achievements of German, Enghsh, American, French and Italian men of science. Similar associations have been created in many countries in order to satisfy national ambitions, or sometimes the ambitions of a linguistic group. For example, the Flemish congress of science and medicine was created by Jxilius Mac- 114 Academies and Societies Leod in Gent, 1897 (ten years before the Italian congress!). The history of that Flemish congress from 1897 to 1944 was told in Dutch by one of the founders, A. J. J. Van de Velde (Antwerpen 1944; Isis 39, 116). The publications of these national congresses constitute an important docu- mentation for the study of the history of science, chiefly (but not exclusively) in the countries concerned. The publications of the Swiss, German, British, American, French and Italian congresses have also some international significance, because each of these congresses invited or welcomed foreign guests. The scientific achieve- ments of the nations using languages of international currency (chiefly EFGILS)'^ are so considerable that the annual discussions of them are of interest not only to the countries immediately concerned but also to a very large part of the civilized world. mSarton: Tower of Babel (Isis 39, 3-15, 1948). C. HISTORY OF SCIENCE 14. CHIEF REFERENCE BOOKS ON THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE LtiDwiG Darmstaedter (1846-1927): Handbuch zur Geschichte der Natur- wissenschaften und der Technik (Zweite Auflage, 1272 p., Berlin 1908). Chrono- logical list of discoveries year by year. Valuable, but to be used with caution. George Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science. Vol. 1, From Homer to Omar Khayyam (Baltimore, 1927). Vol. 2, in two parts. From Rabbi ben Ezra to Roger Bacon (1931). Vol. 3, in two parts. Science and Learning in the Fourteenth Century (1948). This is a very elaborate treatise and bibliography, but it extends only to the year 1400. It is closely interlocked with Isis; there are references to Isis on almost every page, enabling the reader to obtain rapidly more information; on the other hand, errata and addenda are published from time to time in the Critical Bibliogra- phies of Isis. See also biographical collections, especially those concerning men of science, dealt with in section 6. 15. TREATISES AND HANDBOOKS ON THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE The need of explaining the work accomplished by one's predecessors in any philosophic or scientific field and of recapitulating the results already obtained is natural enough. Every scholar who has raised himself above the lowest techni- cal stage must have realized it, though he may have been unable to satisfy it. That need was felt just as soon as the development of knowledge had assumed suf- ficient complexity. Young students of the history of science may be astonished to find "historical outlines" even in early times, but there is nothing astonishing in that as long as one understands that those early times were not early at all from the contemporary point of view. The "father of medicine" Hippocrates was a very sophisticated physician, who had been preceded by many generations of other physicians and thought of himself as a modern doctor. When we look backward from our privileged position, we see him standing, not at the beginning of a long line of physicians, but rather about half-way between our earliest Egyptian col- leagues and ourselves. One of the early Hippocratic treatises deals with "ancient medicine." "^ The first book of Aristotle's Metaphysics contains a history of early Greek philosophy; various philosophical problems are introduced as it were in their chronological order of appearance, a method which has been followed by many philosophers and is still popular in the teaching of philosophy. The history of philosophy is used to explain philosophy itself; in the same way, the history of sci- ence might be used to explain science, if one had time enough for that."* Science is so vast and complex that the teachers must use the shortest avenues of approach instead of the historical one which may be the most natural but is certainly the longest. This explains a paradoxical situation: while courses on the history of science are still very rare, courses on the history of philosophy are an intrinsic part of every philosophical curriculum. To return to early histories of science the best examples of it were given by EuDEMOs OF Rhodes (IV-2 B.C.), who tried to explain the historical development of arithmetic, geometry and astronomy. Eudemos' histories are lost but many frag- ments of them have been preserved in later writings."^ Unfortunately, that example was not as fruitful as the one given by Aristotle and the history of science was not cultivated as it might have been. The decadence and fall of ancient science and the very slow and precarious revival in mediaeval times may be the cause of the historical silence. There are some mediaeval books which might be considered attempts in the direction of the history of science, but such attempts are rare and weak. The best work in that line was done by Arabic scholars such as the Andalusian, Ibn Sa'id (XI-2), the Egyptian, Ibn al-Qifti (XIII-1), the Syrian, Ibn abi Usaibi'a (XIII-1). These books stem from the Arabic interest in the classification of the sciences, in bibliography, and in biography; they are hardly more than lists of sci- entific books (very precious indeed) with short biographical notes on their authors. A fairly large number of books on the history of this or that science, or on the history of science in general, appeared in the eighteenth century. Their purpose was the popularization of science, and the historical approach being as natural as it is, »3 n Epl &Qy_a'[.r\z IriTpixfi;. Text with French translation in Littre (vol. 1, 1839); text with English translation by W. H. S. Jones in the Hippocrates of the Loeb collection (vol. 1, 3-64, 1923). ^^ This was tried by many people, the most successful attempt being that of Poul LACOtni and Jacob Appkl: Historisk fysik (in Danish, 2 vols., Copenhagen 1896-7; German translation, 2 vols., Braunschweig 1905). The method is excellent to teach the elements of science, but beyond that point it breaks down because science is far too complex. Still, historical digressions will often help teachers of science in their task. ^ Leonardus Spengel: Eudemi Rhodii peripatetici fragmenta quae supersunt (188 p., Berlin 1866). Hermann Diels: In Aristotelis physicorum libros commentaria (Commentaria in Aristotelem graeca, 9, 10; 2 vols., Berlin 1882-95). Treatises and Handbooks 117 it was often resorted to. The authors were not critical historians but they often had the advantage of being relatively close to the events which they described; they were able to tell stories taken from the lips of contemporaries. Therefore, the best of those eighteenth century histories {e.g., those of Priestley and Montucla) are valuable sources of information to this day. The following list includes large treatises and smaller handbooks; it did not seem practical to separate the latter from the former. Therefore, they are all listed to- gether in the alphabetic order of the authors' names. I am unable to choose between them, because there are many which I have not read, and some of which I have never used. When a wise and experienced scholar writes an elementary book, we may be sure that it contains worthwhile novelties, yet those novelties are neces- sarily lost in a mass of commonplace. Such books are written for novices and old scholars can hardly be expected to read them for the sake of finding a few novelties. When scholars are beginning to take an interest in our studies, their first query is, naturally enough, "Could you recommend a single volume giving an outline of the whole subject?" Such a volume does not yet exist, and this is not surprising when one knows how the matter stands with regard to treatises. Elementary books can only be written in a satisfactory way when elaborate treatises are available. It is possible to-day to vn-ite a httle book covering the whole of, say English litera- ture, or the Reformation, or any other standardized subject, and to be confident that, however small the scale, nothing essential, from the standpoint of that scale, is likely to be overlooked. For the history of science such a feat of selection and com- pression is still impossible, because the introductory analyses and surveys have not yet been completed; or, if not impossible, it is very much of a wager and a gamble. If we had to select a guidebook to Europe, purporting to indicate and to explain within the covers of a single volume the chief curiosities of the whole con- tinent, our first question would concern the personality of the author. Of course we should have more confidence in him if we knew he had himself travelled all over Europe than if we discovered that he had compiled his guide in the New York Public Library. In a similar way, for the appreciation of a handbook on the history of science, the prime consideration must be the wisdom and experience . of the writer. Therefore, we shall try to indicate in each case the author's background, as much as this can be done in a few words. Baden-Powell: see Powell, Baden. Boynton, Holmes (editor): 1948: The beginnings of modern science. Scientific writers of the IGth, 11th and I8th centuries (655 p., New York; Isis 40, 163). Butterfield, Herbert: 1949: The origins of modern science 1300-1800 (228 p., London; Isis 41, 231-33). The author is a professor of history in Cambridge. CandoUe, Alphonse de (1806-93): 1873: Histoire des sciences et des savants depuis deux siecles. (489 p., Geneve). — German translation by Wilhelm Ostwald (Grosse Manner, vol. 2; 486 p., Leipzig 1911; Isis 1, 132). Alphonse de Candolle was a Swiss (Genevese) botanist. Conant, James B.: 1947: On understanding science. An historical approach (160 p., 10 fig.. New Haven; Isis 38, 125-27). Examination of a few "cases" illustrating the methods and progress of sci- ence. Dr. Conant was trained as a chemist. He was for a time professor of organic chemistry in Harvard University, and is now the president of that university. 1950/.: Harvard case histories in experimental science (Harvard, Cambridge, Mass.; Isis 42, 65). Thus far, four case histories have been published, nos. 1-2 edited by Conant, 3 by Duane Roller, and 4 by Leonard K. Nash). 118 Treatises and Handbooks Cuvier, Georges (1769-1832): 1841-45: Histoire des sciences naturelles depuis leur origine jusqu'a nos jours chez tous les peuples connus (5 vols. Paris). Completed by T. Magdeleine de Saint Agy. Cuvier was the greatest naturalist of his age. Dampier, Sir William Cecil ( 1867- ) : 1912 (with his wife Catherine Durning Whetham): Science and the human mind (304 p., Cambridge; Isis 1, 125-32). 1924 (with his daughter, Margaret Dampier Whetham): Cambridge Readings in the history of science (288 p., 8 pi., Cambridge). 1929: History of science and its relations with philosophy and religion (535 p., 14 fig., Cambridge; Isis 14, 263-65). Third edition revised and enlarged (598 p., Cambridge 1942; Isis 34,448). Fourth edition, 1949. 1944: Shorter history of science (200 p., 9 pi., Cambridge; Isis 36, 50). The author's name was originally William Cecil Dampier Whetham; it was classified under Whetham, later under Dampier-Whetham, finally under Dampier. Sir William is an English physico-chemist, but for the last forty years he had de- voted much time and thought to the history and cultural aspects of science. Dannemann, Friedrich (1859-1936): 1910-13: Die Naturwissenschaften in ihrer Entwicklung und in ihrem Zusammen- hange (4 vols., Leipzig; 2nd ed., 4 vols., 1920-23; Isis 2, 218-22; 4, 110, 563; 6, 115). Strange to say, this is still today the largest history of science available in any language. It is elementary and imperfect, yet Dannemann was a pioneer and de- serves our gratitude. Wolf's work is partly derived from it. Draper, John William (1811-82): 1874: History of the conflict between religion and science (395 p., New York). Man of science, historian, educator. Enriques, Federigo (1871-1946); Santillana, George de: 1937: Compendio di storia del pensiero scientifico (487 p., Bologna; Isis 28, 577). Enriques was a distinguished mathematician and the founder of the institute for the history and philosophy of science at the University of Rome; Santillana was an assistant of his in Rome and now teaches the history of science and the humanities at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Francesco, (Mrs.) Grete de: 1939: The power of the charlatan (296 p., ill.. New Haven, Yale University Press; Isis 32, 406-08). Translated from the German: Die Macht des Charlatans (258 p., ill., Basel 1937). Ginzburg, Benjamin: 1930: The adventure of science (504 p., 8 port.. New York; Isis 16, 157-58). The author is a scientific journalist and teacher in the New School for Social Research in New York City. Gunther, Siegmund (1848-1923): 1909: Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften (2 vols, in 1, 16 pi., Leipzig). That is the 2nd ed.; Srd ed., 1917-19. Little book containing so many facts that it is unreadable. It is as if one crowded too many names on a small map. Gunther was one of the founders of the history of science in Germany, and the author of many books and memoirs on the history of mathematical and physical sciences. Hannequin, Arthur (1856-1905): 1908: Etudes d'histoire des sciences et d'histoire de la philosophic (2 vols., Paris ) . Including biography and portrait of the author, a French philosopher. Treatises and Handbooks 119 Jastrow, Joseph (1863- ), editor: 1936: The story of human error (464 p.. New York; Isis 30, 545-47) . American psychologist. Laminne, Jacques (1864-1924): 1903-4: Les quatre elements. Le feu, I'air, I'eau, la terre. (Memoires cou- ronnes de 1' Academic royale de Bruxelles, vol. 65, 194 p.) Lange, Friedrich Albert (1828-75): 1879-81: History of materialism and criticism of its present importance (3 vols., London). — Third ed., 1925. The German original appeared in Iserlohn 1866 and was often reprinted and expanded; 9th ed., 2 vols., Leipzig 1914-15. German philosopher. Lasswitz, Kurd (1848-1910): 1890: Geschichte der Atomistik vom Mittelalter bis Newton (2 vols., Hamburg). — New edition 1926. German philosopher. Le Lionnais, Francois ( 1902- ) : 1950: Les sciences (in Cinquante Armees de decouvertes. Bilan 1900-50. Paris, p. 173-326). The same volume contains surveys of Hterature, philosophy, music and dance, arts and movies, technology. The last-named subject was dealt with by Jacques Bergier. Lenard, PhiHpp (1862-1947): 1933: Great men of science, a history of scientific progress (410 p., portrait. New York; Isis 22, 596). The German original appeared in 1929. German physicist. Libby, Walter ( 1867- ) : 1917: Introduction to the history of science (300 p., 8 pi., Boston; Isis 5, 478-79). Mabilleau, Leopold ( 1853- ) : 1895: Histoire de la philosophic atomistique (568 p., Paris), French philosopher. Merz, John Theodore (1840-1922): 1896-1914: A history of European thought in the nineteenth century (4 vols.). Vol. 1 first printed 1896, second ed. 1904; vol. 2, 1903; vol. 3, 1912; vol. 4, 1914. Vols. 1-2 deal with science; vols. 3-4 with philosophy (Isis 5, 524). This does not really cover the whole century, because the author's scientific documentation ceased to be creative long before the end of the century. Merz was primarily a philosopher. Milhaud, Gaston (1858-1918; Isis 3, 391-95, portr.): 1906: Etudes svur la pensee scientifique chez les Grecs et chez les modernes (275 p., Paris). 1911: Nouvelles etudes sur I'histoire de la pensee scientifique (237 p., Paris). Milhaud was professor of philosophy in Montpellier, later at the Sorbonne. Montucla, Jean Etienne (1725-99): 1758: Histoire des mathematiques (to the end of the seventeenth century, 2 vols., Paris).— Second ed. (2 vols., Paris 1799). 1802: Vols. 3-4 to end of the eighteenth century (2 vols., Paris). In spite of its title, this book deals not only with mathematics, but also with mechanics, physics and astronomy. It is a history of the physical sciences cen- tered upon their mathematical nucleus. See my study on Montucla (Osiris 1, 519-67, 1936). 120 Treatises and Handbooks Pledge, Humphry Thomas: 1939: Science since 1500. A short history of mathematics, physics, chemistry and biology (359 p., 15 pi., 6 charts, 6 maps, London; Isis 33, 74). The author is librarian of the Science Museum, Kensington, London, and has been able to avail himself of its rich collections. Powell, Baden (1796-1860): 1834: Historical view of the progress of the physical and mathematical sciences from the earhest ages to the present time (412 p. London). In Dionysius Lardner (1793-1859), Cabinet cyclopaedia. Natural philosophy. New edition, 1837. Pioneer history of mathematical and physical sciences, preceding Whewell's. The author was Savilian professor of geometry in Oxford from 1827 to 1860. His children adopted the surname Baden-Powell; one of them. Lord Robert Baden- Powell (1857-1941) inaugurated the Boy Scout movement in 1908 and his sister, Agnes, the Girl Guides in 1910. Rossiter, Arthur Percival: 1939: The growth of science. An outline history (372 p., Cambridge Ortho- logical Institute; Isis 33, 74). The author is concerned chiefly with the relations of science and society; his book is viTitten in Basic English. Sedgwick, William Thompson (1855-1921); Tyler, Harry Walter (1863-1938): 1917: A short history of science (New York). — This unsatisfactory primer was considerably improved in the second edition prepared after Sedgwick's death by Tyler with Robert Payne Bigelow (1863- ) (New York 1939; Isis 32, 464; 33, 74). Sedgwick and Bigelow were professors of biology and Tyler, of mathematics, in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts; Sedgwick and Tyler gave one of the pioneer courses in the history of science in that institute. Biography of Tyler by Bigelow in Isis (31, 60-64, 1939). Singer, Charles: 1941: A short history of science to the nineteenth century (414 p., 94 ills., Oxford, Clarendon Press; Isis 34, 177-80). Singer is the leading historian of science in the British Empire; his scientific training was in medicine and biology. Tannery, Paul ( 1843-1904 ) : 1912-43: Memoires scientifiques, edited by Marie Tannery and others (16 vols.; for reviews see Isis 38, 49 or Introd. 3, 1906). The French mathematician. Tannery, was one of the earliest and greatest his- torians of science. His main investigations concerned ancient science, mediaeval science and the seventeenth century, but his range of knowledge was truly en- cyclopaedic. See biography by Sarton (Isis 38, 33-51, 1947). Taylor, Frank Sherwood ( 1897- ) : 1939: Short history of science (334 p., 14 pi., 36 fig., London). — The Ameri- can edition has an additional title: The march of mind (New York 1939; Isis 32. 465; 34, 74). New edition 1949 (Isis 41, 391). 1945: Science, past and present (275 p., ill., London). Taylor is a chemist and classical scholar and is much interested in the vulgariza- tion of science, and the relations of science with religion, especially with Catholicism. He was director of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and is now director of the Science Museum in London. Thomdike, Lynn ( 1882- ) : 1923-41: A history of magic and experimental science during the first thirteen centuries of our era (2 vols.. New York: Isis 6, 74-89); ... in the fifteenth century (2 vols.. New York 1934; Isis 23, 471-75); The sixteenth century (2 vols., New York 1941; Isis 33, 691-712). Treatises and Handbooks 121 The author is a mediaevalist who has edited an extraordinary large number of MSS concerning science and magic. He was professor of mediaeval history in Co- lumbia University, New York. Apart from these six heavy volumes he had pub- lished a great many papers, some of which are listed in almost every Critical Bibhography of Isis. Uccelli, Arturo (1889- ), editor: 1941: Enciclopedia storica delle scienze e delle loro applicazioni. Vol. 1, Le scienze fisiche e matematiche (folio 753 p., 1788 figs., 9 pi, Milano; Isis 36, 51). Book of the same kind as the French one by Urbain and Boll, including a large number of illustrations of historical interest. 1946: Scienza e tecnica del tempo nostro (Milano). — Originally planned as vol. 2 of the Enciclopedia storica (vol. 1, 846 p. 2137 ill., 6 pi., Milano; Isis 41, 85). Urbain, Georges (1872-1938); Boll, Marcel (editors): 1933-34: La science, ses progres, ses applications (2 folio vols, of the Larousse collection, richly illustrated, Paris; Isis 22, 397; 23, 578). Includes some 2500 illustrations a great many of which are historical documents. Whetham, see Dampier. Whewell, William (1794-1866): 1837: History of the inductive sciences from the earliest to the present times (3 vols. London). — Revised ed., 1847; 3. ed., 1857. Pioneer work which has been discussed in the text above. White, Andrew Dickson ( 1 832- 1 9 1 8 ) : 1896: History of the warfare of science with theology in Christendom (2 vols., New York).— Reprinted in 1923. White was an educator and diplomat, the first president of Cornell University in Ithaca, New York. He was deeply interested in cultural history, and we might even say in the history of science. He received much help from his former student, George Lincoln Burr (1857-1938), himself a very distinguished Ameri- can historian (Isis 35, 147-52, 1944). Wightman, William P. D.: 1934: Science and monism (416 p., London). 1950: The growth of scientific ideas (508 p., 8 pi., Edinburgh; Isis 42). Wolf, Abraham ( 1876- ) : 1935-39: History of science, technology and philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. With the cooperation of F. Dannemann and A. Armitage (719 p., 316 illus., London; Isis 24, 164-67); idem in the eighteenth century (814 p., ill., London 1939; Isis 31, 450-51). This work, stemming out of the Dannemann one quoted above, deals only with three centuries, the sixteenth to the eighteenth. See in the Critical Bibliographies of Isis, section 16. History of science. 16. SCIENTIFIC INSTRUMENTS Bell, Louis (1864-1923): 1922: The telescope (296 p.. New York; Isis 5, 280). Popular account; the first 56 p. are historical. Boffito, Giuseppe (1869-1944): 1929: Gh strumenti della scienza e la scienza degli strumenti, con I'illustrazione della Tribuna di Galileo (234 p., 136 pi., Firenze). Clay, Reginald Stanley; Court, Thomas H.: 1932: History of the microscope up to the introduction of the achromatic micro- scope (280 p., 164 fig., London; Isis 21, 227-30). Disney, Alfred N.; with Hill, Cyril F. and Baker, Wilfred E. Watson: 1928: Origin and development of the microscope (303 p., 30 pi., 36 fig., Royal Microscopical Society, London; Isis 20, 495-97). Garcia Franco, Salvador (1884- ): 1945: Catalogo critico de astrolabios existentes en Espafia (454 p., 84 fig., Madrid; Isis 40, 168). Greeff, Richard ( 1862- ) : 1921: Die Erfindung der Augenglaser. Kulturgeschichtliche Darstellungen nach urkundlichen Quellen (120 p., 10 pi., Berlin). Gunther, Robert Theodore (1869-1940): 1932: The astrolabes of the world (quarto, 2 vols., ill. University Press, Ox- ford). Vol. 1, Eastern astrolabes; vol. 2, Western ones (Isis 20, 310-16, 492-95). Michel, Henri: 1939: Introduction k I'etude d'une collection d'instruments anciens (quarto, 110 p., 15 pi., Anvers; Isis 32, 468). 1947: Traite de I'astrolabe (quarto 210 p., 24 pi., Paris; Isis 39, 194). Pendray, Edward ( 1901- ) : 1935: Men, mirrors and stars (New York). Rev. ed. 1946, 345 p., ill. Repsold, Johann Adolf ( 1838- ) : 1908: Zur Geschichte der astronomischen Messwerkzeuge von Purbach bis Reichenbach, 1450 bis 1830. (140 p., 128 pi., Leipzig). Rohde, Alfred ( 1892- ) : 1923: Die Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Instrvunente vom Beginn der Re- naissance bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts. ( Monographien des Kunstge- werbes, XVI; 125 p., 139 fig., Leipzig). Rohr, Moritz v. ( 1868-1940) : 1907: Die binokularen Instrumente (228 p., Berlin). — 2nd ed., 320 p., Berlin 1920. 1908: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte des Stereoskops (Ostwald's Klassiker no. 168; 130 p., 4 pi.). 1911: Die Brille als optisches Instrument (182 p.). — Second ed. (268 p., 112 fig., Berlin 1921). 1927-28: Aus der Geschichte der Brille mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der auf der GreefFschen beruhenden Jenaischen Sammlung (Beitrage zur Geschichte der Technik 17, 30-50, 20 fig.; 18, 95-117, 34 fig., 1928; Isis 13, 546). Scientific Instruments 123 1934: (with Hans Boegehold): Das Brillenglass als optisches Instrument (291 p., 119 fig., Berlin). This is a complete revision of the book first published in 1911. Rouyer, Joseph: 1901: Coup d'oeil retrospectif sur la lunetterie. Precede de recherches sur I'origine du verre lenticulaire et sur les instruments servant a la vision (275 p., Paris). Schmidt, Fritz ( of Neustadt a. d. H. ) : 1935: Geschichte der geodatischen Instrumente und Verfahren im Altertum und Mittelalter (400 p., 26 pi., Neustadt a. d. H.; Isis 26, 224-28). Thompson, Charles John Samuel (1862-1943): 1942: History and evolution of surgical instrtmients (113 p., 115 fig., Nevi^ York). See also sections devoted to Photography and to Chronometry and Horology. 17. HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN SPECIAL COUNTRIES Before enumerating books devoted to the history of science in this or that country, we should speak of one national achievement of that kind which assumed interna- tional importance. That is the collection of books written by order and under the auspicies of the Royal Academy of Bavaria. Its general title was: Geschichte der Wissenschaften in Deutschland. Neuere Zeit. Herausgegeben durch die historische Commission bei der konigl. Academic der Wissenschaften, Miinchen. As the title indicates, the general purpose, the publication of histories of all the sciences ( "Wissenschaften" in the broadest meaning; science and learning ) , was lim- ited in two ways. It was restricted ( i ) to Germany, ( 2 ) to modern times. These restrictions were understood differently in each volume, according to the subject and to the author. The temporal restrictions can easily be applied: one can decide to begin one's account in the sixteenth century or later (with or without restrospective intermezzi in the text or footnotes); on the other hand, it is generally impossible to give an intelligible account of the development of science in one country without referring to work done in other countries. Many of the Bavarian books were of international interest and received international recognition. The first volume ap- peared in 1864 and the twenty-fourth and last in 1913. The delay in publication of this last volume was accidental, however (Isis 1, 527-29); the whole collection appeared within the nineteenth century, except the last part of the book on the German study of law (delayed until 1910) and the book on the history of physics (delayed until 1913). As this collection is the most ambitious effort of its kind, we give the Hst of these 24 works in chronological order of pubUcation. For each work we name the author, then his subject (botany means history of botany) with its temporal restriction as indicated in the title, finally the date of first edition. 1. JoHANN Caspar Bluntschli. Constitutipnal law and politics, from the six- teenth century. 1864. 2.* Franz KoBELL (1803-82). Mineralogy 1650-1860. 1864. 3.' Karl Fraas (1810-75). Agriculture and forestry from the sixteenth century. 1865. 4.* Oscar Peschel (1826-75). Geography to Alexander von Humboldt and Carl Ritter. 1865 (revised 1877). 5. Isaac August Dorner. Protestant theology. 1867. 6. Karl Werner. Catholic theology from the Council of Trent. 1866. 7. Hermann Lotze. Aesthetics. 1868. 8. Theodor Benfey. "Sprachwissenschaft" and oriental philology from the be- ginning of the nineteenth centvu-y with retrospective views. 1869. 9. Rudolf von Raumer. Germanic philology. 1870. 10.* Hermann Kopp (1817-92). Chemistry. 1873. 11.* Karl Karmarsch (1803-79). Technology from the middle of the eighteenth century. 1872. 12.* Julius Victor Carus ( 1823-1903). Zoology until Joh. Muller and Darwin. 1872. 13. Eduard Zeller. German philosophy from Leibniz. 1873. 14. Wilhelm Roscher. National economy. 1874. 15.* Julius von Sachs (1832-97). Botany from the sixteenth century until 1860. 1875. 16.* Rudolf Wolf (1816-93). Astronomy. 1877. 17.* Karl I^^MANUEL Gerhardt (1816-99). Mathematics. 1877. 18. Roderick Stintzing. German law (3 vols, in 5). 1880-1910. 19. KoNRAD BuRSiAN. Classical philology in Germany from its beginning ( 2 vols. ) . 1883. Argentina — Denmark 125 20. Franz Xaver von Wegele. German historiography from the beginning of humanism. 1885. 21.* Max Jahns (1837-1900). Mihtary science (3 vols.). 1889-91. 22." August Hirsch (1817-94). Medicine. 1893. 23." Karl Alfred von Zittel (1839-1904). Geology and paleontology. 1899. 24." Ernst Gerland (1838-1910). Physics from the earliest times to the end of the eighteenth centm'y. 1913 (Isis 1, 527-29). The items which concern more directly the history of science ( as we understand it) have been marked with an asterisk; there are 13 of them out of 24. Some of these thirteen works were translated into English or into French; many were re- printed. These thirteen works belong to the general literature of our field. For books dealing with the history of science in special countries, it will be con- venient to list them in alphabetical order of these countries. It should be noted that the largest of those histories ( as for example the French one ) are also of international interest. This is unavoidable. It is always worth while to consult the history of science of a special nation ( as well as national bibliographies, encyclopaedias, atlases and gazetteers) whenever one has to investigate persons or events concerning that particular nation. America, see United States of America, see also Canada. For pre-Columbian America, see in the Critical Bibliographies of Isis the section entitled Ethnology (Primitive and popular science) and (beginning with the 60th Critical Bibliography in vol. 33, 1941) the section entitled America (part 2, IV A). — Argentina — Babini, Jose (1897- ): 1949: Historia de la ciencia argentina (218 p., Mexico; Isis 41, 84). — Belgium — Quetelet, Adolphe (1796-1874): 1864: Histoire des sciences mathematiques et physiques chez les Beiges (480 p., Bruxelles). 1866: Sciences mathematiques et physiques chez les Beiges au commencement du XIXe siecle (760 p., Bruxelles). Van Overbergh, Cyrille: 1907-1908: Le mouvement scientifique en Belgique, 1830-1905 (2 vols., Bru- xelles ) . Account prepared by order of the Belgian government for the International Exhi- bition of Liege, 1905. Vincent, Augusta: 1938: Histoire des sciences en Belgique jusqu'a la fin du XVIIIe siecle (160 p., Bruxelles ) . This is only the catalogue of an exhibition organized by the Bibliotheque Royale, but it may be useful (Isis 29, 526). — Canada — Tory, Henry Marshall {editor): '1939: A history of science in Canada ( 152 p., 9 ill., Toronto; Isis 33, 142). Wallace, William Stewart ( 1884- ) {editor): 1949: Centennial volume of the Royal Canadian Institute (241 p., ill., Toronto). — Denmark — Meisen, V. {editor): 1932: Prominent Danish scientists through the ages, with facsimiles from their 126 Special Countries work (195 p., Copenhagen 1932; Isis 23, 276-78). This is an exemplary publication. The method followed would not be suitable for the larger countries, but it is excellent for the smaller ones. England, see Great Britain — France — 1915: La science frangaise (2 vols., Paris). These two volumes were published by the Ministere de I'education publique at the time of the International Exhibition of San Francisco. No editor is named but the general preface is written by Lucien Poincare. Many portraits and bibliogra- phies. Science is taken in a general sense, it includes all the sciences and the hu- manities. Each article is written by a master of the subject. 1924: Histoire des sciences en France (2 vols, quarto, illustr., being vols. 14 and 15 of the Histoire de la Nation frangaise edited by Gabriel Hanotaux, Paris; Isis 7, 514-16; 8, 602). General preface by Emile Picard. Vol. 1 dealing with mathe- matical and physical sciences was written by Henri Andoyer, Charles Fabry, Pierre Humbert, Albert Colson; vol. 2 contains the history of biological sciences by Maurice Caullery, and the history of philosophy by Rene Lote. Caullery, Maurice: 1933: La science frangaise depuis le XVIIe siecle (214 p., Paris; Isis 22, 395). 1934: French science and its principal discoveries since the seventeenth century (240 p.. New York; Isis 24, 266). — Germany — See the note at the beginning of this chapter describing the Geschichte der Wis- senschaften in Deutschland (Munich 1864-1913), edited by the Bavarian Academy. Abb, Gustav {editor): 1930: Aus fiinfzig Jahren deutscher Wissenschaft. Die Entwicklung ihrer Fach- gebiete in Einzeldarstellungen (508 p., Berlin). This description of German science and learning in the period just preceding the Nazi destruction was prepared in the form of a Festschrift dedicated to Friedrich Schmidt-Ott. Schnabel, Franz ( 1887- ) : 1949: Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Band 3, Erfahrungs- wissenschaften und Technik, Freiburg im Breisgau). I have seen only the first edition of the whole work (4 vols., 1929-37). The first edition of vol. 3 appeared in 1934. It begins with a chapter on Hegel and his time. — Great Britain — Schuster, Arthur (1851-1934) and Shipley, Arthur E.: 1917: Britain's heritage of science (350 p., 15 ports., London). Gunther, Robert Theodore (1869-1940): 1920-45: Early science in Oxford (14 vols. Oxford). 1937: Early science in Cambridge (525 p., Oxford; Introd. 3, 1886). Holland, see the Netherlands. — India — See next chapter under India; for Pakistan, see next chapter under India and also under Islam. — Italy — Cavemi, RaEFaello (1837-1900): 1891-1900: Storia del metodo sperimentale in Italia (6 vols., Firenze). France — Russia 127 Savorgnan di Brazza, Francesco ( 1883- ) : 1933: Da Leonardo a Marconi, invenzioni e scoperte italiane (357 p., 48 pi., Milano ) . Silla, Lucio ( editor ) : 1939-40: Societa italiana per il progresso delle scienze. Un secolo di progresso scientifico italiano 1839-1939 (7 vols., Roma; Isis 35, 190; 36, 223). — Japan — See next chapter under Far East. — The Netherlands — Barnouw, A. J.; Landheer, B. (editors): 1943: The contribution of Holland to the sciences. (400 p., 13 ills., New York; Isis 35, 189-90). Sevensma, T. P. (editor): 1946:Nederlandsche helden der wetenschap (351 p., Amsterdam; Isis 40, 164). Biographies with portraits of the nine Dutch scientists who received the Nobel prize, a large number for so small a country. Gerrits, G. C.: 1948: Grote Nederlanders bij de opbouw der natuurwetenschappen (530 p., ill., Leiden). For the Netherlands Indies, see next chapter under Far East. — New Zealand — Jenkinson, Sidney Hartley: 1940: New Zealanders and science (176 p., 9 ill, Wellington, N. Z.). — Poland — A collection of 34 pamphlets dealing with the history of various sciences and branches of learning in Poland is being pubHshed in Krakow 1948-49 under the gen- eral title Historia nauki polskiej w monografiach ( History of Polish science in mono- graphs ) under the auspices of the Polska akademia umiej§tnosci ( Polish Academy of Sciences). I have seen 26 of these pamphlets. Each is written by a separate author and followed by a French summary. These pamphlets are enumerated in the 76th Critical Bibliography (Isis 41, 394 etc.), each in its section: mathematics, physics, chemistry, etc. I owe communication of these 26 pamphlets to the friendhness of Professor MiECZYSLAw Choynowski (Isis 37, 78) president of the Konwersatorium naukoz- nawcze (Cercle pour la science de la science) of Krakow. Seven pamphlets (out of the 34) are in preparation or printing (July 1949). — Russia — Congress of American- Soviet Friendship, Second Congress, New York 1943: 1944: Science in Soviet Russia. Preface by Walter B. Cannon (1871-1945; Isis 36, 258-59, portr.) (108 p., Lancaster, Pennsylvania; Isis 36, 39). Crowther, James Gerald ( 1899- ) : 1930: Science in Soviet Russia (128 p., London). 1936: Soviet Science (352 p., 16 pi., New York; Isis 27, 90-92). 1942: Soviet science (191 p.. New York, Penguin). Needham, Joseph ( 1900- ) (editor): 1942: Science in Soviet Russia by seven British scientists (65 p., London). Petrunkeviteh, Alexander Ivanovitch ( 1875- ) : 1920: Russia's contribution to science (Transactions of the Connecticut Academy, vol. 23, 211-41, New Haven). 128 Special Countries Sigerist, Henry Ernest (1891- ) : 1947: Medicine and health in the Soviet Union. With the cooperation of Julia Older (383 p.. New York; Isis 39, 202-03). — South Africa — Council for Scientific and Industrial Research: 1949: Science in South Africa (176 p., Pretoria). — Spain — Carracido, Jose Rodriguez: 1917: Estudios historico-criticos de la ciencia espariola {2nd ed., 422 p., Madrid). 1935: Associacion nacional de historiadores de la ciencia espaiiola. Estudios sobre la ciencia espanola del siglo XVII. Prologo de S. E. Don Niceto Alcala- Zamora (686 p., Madrid). Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino: 1887-88: La ciencia espanola {Srd ed., 3 vols., Madrid). Collected essays which hardly cover the ground; they deal with a few points of the history of learning, rather than science. First edition of vol. 1, 1876. Millas Vallicrosa, Jose Maria: 1949: Estudios sobre historia de la ciencia espanola (512 p., 16 pi., Barcelona; Isis 41, 229). Dealing only with the Middle Ages. — Sweden — An elaborate history of science in Sweden is being prepared under the direction of Johann Nordstrom of Uppsala. SvtaTZERLAND Fueter, Eduard: 1939: Crosse Schweizer Forscher (308 p., ill, Zurich; Isis 32, 193-97); second edition (340 p., Zurich 1941; Isis 37, 247). 1941: Ceschichte der exakten Wissenschaften in der schweizerischen Aufklarung, 1680-1780 (352 p., Aarau; Isis 34, 32). Turkey, see Islam in next chapter. United Kingdom, see Creat Britain. — United States of America — Youmans, William Jay ( 1838-1901 ) : 1896: Pioneers of science in America. Sketches of their lives and scientific work (New York). Goode, George Brown (1851-1896): 1897: The Smithsonian Institution, 1846-1946 (866 p., ill., Washington). 1901: A memorial of him together with a selection of his papers on museums and on the history of science in America (527 p., ill., Washington, Smithsonian Institu- tion ) . Jordan, David Starr (1851-1931): 1910: Leading American men of science (New York). Dana, Edward Salisbury (1849-1935) (et alii): 1918: A century of science in America with special reference to the American Journal of Science 1818-1918 (458 p.. New Haven, Yale). JafiFe, Bernard: 1944: Men of science in America (640 p., ill. New York; Isis 36, 73-74). — Trans- lated into French (s.a., Isis 37, 248); into German (Isis 39, 114); into Italian (s.a., Isis 37, 248). South Africa — United States 129 Struik, Dirk J.: 1948: Yankee science in the making (445 p., Boston; Isis 40, 62-64). This hst could be indefinitely extended if to the books dealing with the history of science in separate countries were added those devoted to special provinces or cities, or to academies, universities, museums, scientific societies, etc. A few excep- tions were made faute de mieux for the history of the Italian scientific congress ( the Italian equivalent of AAAS) under Italy, and for Gunther's books under Great Britain. The bibhography of the history of science relative to each country is made difficult by the confusion of two ideas. For example, history of science in Poland may be understood in two very different ways, which are symbolized by the formulas 1) (history of science) in Poland 2) history of (science in Poland). Under ( I ) would be classified papers or books concerning the teaching and the study of the history of science ( universal science ) in Poland, under ( 2 ) the contribu- tions made by Polish men of science, the biographies of these men, the development of each branch of science in Poland, etc. 18. HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN SPECIAL CULTURAL GROUPS This chapter completes the preceding one. The national subdivision does not suffice, for in addition to the many books dealing with the history of science in this or that country, there are many more dealing with cultural rather than national (or geographical ) entities. The items are classified under the following headings: Antiquity (in general) Ancient Near East (generalities, Egypt, Babylonia) Classical Antiquity Middle Ages Byzantine and Slavonic Israel Islam India Far East and Eastern Indies (Indonesia) China Japan ANTIQUITY (in general) Forbes, Robert James: 1936: Bitimien and petroleum in antiquity ( 109 p., 6 tables, 2 maps, 54 fig., Leiden; Isis 26, 536). 1940- : Bibliographia antiqua. Philosophia naturafis. I. Mining and geology, 1940. II. Metallurgy, 1942. III. Building Materials, 1944. IV. Pottery, faience, glass, glazes, beads, 1944. Nederlandsch Instituut voor het Nabije Gosten, Leiden (Isis 36, 208). Parts V to X published in 1949-50. 1950: Metallurgy in antiquity (490 p., 98 ill., Leiden). Partington, James Riddick ( 1886- ) : 1935: Origins and development of applied chemistry (610 p., London; Isis 25, 504-07). ANCIENT NEAR EAST Archibald, Raymond Clare: 1929: Bibliography of Egyptian and Babylonian mathematics. Appended to the edition of the Rhind mathematical papyrus (vol. 2), see Chace, A. B. in the section on Egypt. Neugebauer, Otto: 1934: Vorlesungen Uber Geschichte der antiken mathematischen Wissenschaften. 1. Band. Vorgriechische Mathematik (224 p., Berhn; Isis 24, 151-53). Peet, Thomas Eric (1882-1934): 1931 : Comparative study of the literatures of Egypt, Palestine and Mesopotamia. Egypt's contribution to the literature of the ancient world ( 144 p., London; Isis 21, 305-16). Pritchard, James B. (editor): 1950: Ancient Near Eastern texts relating to the Old Testament (quarto 548 p., Princeton; Isis 42, 75). See in the Critical Bibhography of Isis the section 1. Antiquity, and 8. Asia, Western Asia. Antiquity — Egypt 131 — Egypt — Breasted, James Henry (1865-1935; Isis 34, 289-91, portr.): 1930: The Edwin Smith surgical papyrus. Pubhshed in facsimile with trans- literation, translation and commentary (2 vols., Oriental Institute, Chicago; Isis 15, 355-67). 1933: The dawn of conscience (460 p.. New York; Isis 21, 305-16). Chace, Arnold BufiFum ( 1845-1932); Bull, Ludlow; Manning, Henry Parker ( 1859- ); Archibald, Raymond Clare: 1927-29: The Rhind mathematical papyrus (2 vols. Mathematical Association of America, Oberhn, Ohio; Isis 14, 251-55). Includes Archibald's bibliography of Egyptian and Babylonian mathematics in both volumes. Clarke, Somers (1841-1926): 1930: Ancient Egyptian masonry. The building craft (258 p., 269 ill., London). Cumont, Franz (1868-1947): 1937: L'Egypte des astrologues (254 p., Bruxelles; Isis 29, 511). Engelbach, Reginald (1888-1946): 1923: The problem of the obelisks, from a study of the unfinished obelisk at Aswan (134 p., 21 pi., London). Gillain, O.: 1927: La science egyptienne. L'arithmetique au moyen empire (342 p., Bru- xelles; Isis, 11, 395-98). Glanville, Stephen Ranulph Kingdon ( 1900- ) (editor): 1942: The legacy of Egypt (444 p., 34 pi.. Clarendon Press, Oxford; Isis 34, 441). Grinsell, Leslie V.: 1947: Egyptian pyramids (194 p., 14 pis., 27 fig., 8 maps, Gloucester; Isis 41, 76). Hurry, Jamieson Boyd (1857-1930): 1928: Imhotep. The vizier and physician of King Zoser and afterwards the Egyptian god of medicine (Znd ed., 227 p., 26 ill, Oxford; Isis 13, 373-75; 14, 226, 1 pi.).— First ed., 1926, 134 p., ill. Lexa, FranQois ( 1876- ) : 1925: La magie dans I'Egypte antique de I'ancien empire jusqu'a I'epoque copte (3 vols., Paris; Isis 9, 450-52). Lucas, Alfred ( 1867-1945 ) : 1926: Ancient Egyptian materials and industries (250 p., London). — 2nd ed. revised (459 p., London 1934). — Srd ed. revised (582 p., London 1948). Petrie (Sir William Matthew) Flinders (1853-1942): 1940: Wisdom of the Egyptians (178 p., 128 figs., London; Isis 34, 261). Pratt, Ida Augusta: 1925: Ancient Egypt. Sources of information in the New York Public Library (502 p.. New York). Bibliography of science covers p. 220 to 238 (astronomy, geology, metals, botany, zoology, mathematics, medicine and anatomy, metrology, industries and chemistry). 1942: Supplement 1925-41 (347 p.. New York). Science, same classification (p. 168-82). 132 Special Cultural Groups Wainwright, Gerald Averay: 1938: The sky-religion in Egypt (137 p., Cambridge University; Isis 33, 126). See in the Critical Bibliography of Isis section 2. Egypt. — Babylonia — This term is not quite correct in the present acception, Mesopotamia and its neighborhood; scholars investigating that field are often called "Assyriologists" which is another incorrectness of the same kind, to wit, the designation of a whole by one of its parts. Boissier, Alfred: 1905-6: Choix de textes relatifs a la divination assyro-babylonienne (2 vols., Geneve ) . 1935: Mantique babylonienne et mantique hittite (80 p., 5 pi., Paris; Introd. 3, 1103). Budge, Sir E. A. Wallis (1857-1934): 1925: Rise and progress of Assyriology (340 p., 32 pi., London; Isis 9, 547). Contenau, Georges ( 1877- ) : 1927-47: Manuel d'archeologie orientale (4 vols., 2378 p., ill., Paris; Isis 20, 474-78; 40, 153). For science, see p. 1871-1927. 1938: La medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie (234 p., 60 fig., 1 map, Paris; Isis 31, 99-101). 1940: La divination chez les Assyriens et les Babylonians (380 p., 8 pi., Paris). 1947: La magie chez les Assyriens et les Babyloniens (298 p., ill., Paris). Gadd, Cyril John ( 1893- ) : 1936: The stones of Assyria. The surviving remains of Assyrian sculpture, their recovery and their original position (285 p., 47 pi., 2 plans, London; Isis 27, 152). This is a chapter of the history of Assyriology. Kugler, Franz Xaver (1862-1929): 1907-35: Sternkunst und Sterndienst in Babel. Buch I, II und Erganzungsheften (Munster i. W.; Isis 25, 473-76). Vol. 1 appeared in 1907, vol. 2 in 3 parts, 1909, 1912, 1924. Two supplements were pubUshed by Kugler in 1913 and 1914, a third supplement, posthumous, by JOHANN SCHAUMBERGER in 1935. Meissner, Bruno ( 1868- ) : 1920-25: Babylonien und Assyrien (2 vols., Heidelberg; Isis 8, 195-98). Neugebauer, Otto: 1935-37: Mathematische Keilschrift-Texte herausgegeben und bearbeitet (3 vols., Berlin; Isis 26, 63-81; 28, 490-91). 1945: Mathematical cuneiform texts (with the assistance of A. Sachs and A. Goetze) (187 p., 49 pi., New Haven, Connecticut; Isis 37, 96-97, 231). Pratt, Ida Augusta: 1918: Assyria and Babylonia, a hst of references in the New York Public Library (148 p.. New York). For science, see p. 57-63. Thureau-Dangin, Frangois (1872-1944): 1938: Te-xtes mathematiques babyloniens transcrits et traduits (283 p., Leiden; Isis 31, 398-425). 1939: Sketch of a history of the sexagesimal system (Osiris 7, 95-141). Thompson, Reginald Campbell ( 1876-1941 ) : 1936: Dictionary of Assyrian chemistry and geology (314 p., Oxford, Clarendon; Isis 26, 477-80). Weidner, Ernst Friedrich: 1915: Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomic (vol. 1, 146 p., Leipzig). See in the Critical BibUography of Isis the section 3. Babylonia and Assyria. Babylonia — Classical Antiquity 133 CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY AUbutt, Sir Thomas Clifford (1836-1925): 1921: Greek medicine in Rome. With other historical essays (647 p. London; Isis, 4, 355-57). Greek and Byzantine medicine cover 424 pages; the rest of the book is devoted to other medico-historical essays. Ashby, Thomas ( 1874-1931 ) : 1935: The aqueducts of ancient Rome (356 p., ill., Oxford, Clarendon). Bailey, Cyril ( 1871- ) (editor): 1924: The legacy of Rome (524 p., 76 ill.. Clarendon Press, Oxford). BaUly, Jean Sylvain (1736-93; Isis 11, 393-95): 1775: Histoire de I'astronomie ancienne depuis son origine jusqu'a I'etablisse- ment de I'ecole d'Alexandrie (550 p., Paris). — Second ed., 1781. Berger, Hugo (1836-1904): 1903: Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen (2nd ed. 666 p., 19 fig., Leipzig). — First ed. in 4 parts, Leipzig 1887-93. Berthelot, Marcelin (1827-1907): 1888: Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs (4 vols., ill., Paris). Blake, Marion Elizabeth: 1947: Ancient Roman construction in Italy from the prehistoric period to Au- gustus ( quarto 444 p., 57 pi. Washington, Carnegie Institution; Isis 40, 279 ) . Boll, Franz (1867-1924): 1903: Sphaera. Neue griechische Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Sternbilder (576 p., ill., Leipzig). 1910-20: Griechische Kalender, herausgegeben und erlautert (5 vols., pi., Heidel- berg). 1914-1930: Stoicheia. Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes und der griechischen Wissenschaft (9 vols., Leipzig). Vols. 1 to 7 vi'ere edited by him. 1917: Sternglaube und Sterndeutung. Die Geschichte und das Wesen der Astrologie (Leipzig). Not seen the first edition. Second ed. vi'ith the collaboration of Carl Bezold (1859-1922) (120 p., 1 map, 20 fig., Leipzig 1919; Isis 3, 482), Srd ed. (posthu- mous) prepared by Wilhelm Gundel (1880-1945) (234 p., 48 fig., 20 pi., 1 map, 1926; Isis 9, 476-77), 4th ed. (1931). Bouche-Leclerc, Auguste (1842-1923): 1879-82: Histoire de la divination dans I'antiquite (4 vols., Paris). 1899: L'astrologie grecque (678 p., Paris). Brunet, Pierre (1893-1950); Mieli, Aldo (1879-1950): 1935: Histoire des sciences. Antiquite ( 1224 p., 109 fig., Paris; Isis 24, 444-47 ). Anthology of selected extracts in French translation with commentaries. Bunbury, Sir Edward Herbert (1811-95): 1879: History of ancient geography among the Greeks and Romans till the fall of the Roman Empire (2 vols., 20 maps, London). — Second ed. 1883. Cohen, Morris (1880-1947); Drabkin, Israel Edward (1905- ): 1948: Source book in Greek science (600 p., ill.. New York; Isis 40, 277). Cozzo, Giuseppe: 1928: Ingegneria romana (320 p., ill., Roma). 134 Special Cultui'al Groups Cumont, Franz (1868-1947): 1912: Astrology and religion among the Greeks and the Romans (235 p., New York). 1949: Lux perpetua (558 p., portrait, Paris; Isis 41, 371). Davies, Oliver: 1935: Roman mines in Europe (303 p., ill., 6 maps, London; Isis 25, 251). Delambre, Jean Baptiste Joseph (1749-1822): 1817: Histoire de I'astronomie ancienne (2 vols., Paris). Delatte, Armand ( 1886- ) : 1936: Herbarius. Recueil sur le ceremonial usite chez les anciens pour la cueil- lette des simples et des plantes magiques (Bulletin de TAcademie de Belgique, classe des lettres, 22, 227-348, Bruxelles) (Isis 27, 531-32). — Second ed. (177 p. Liege 1938; Isis 30, 395). Diepgen, Paul (1878- ): 1937: Geschichte der Frauenheilkunde (Handbuch der Gynakologie, hrg. v. W. Stoeckel; vol. 12, Miinchen). 1. Teil, Paul Diepgen: Die Frauenheilkunde der Alten Welt (358 p., ill.; Isis 28, 123-26). Enriques, Federigo (1871-1946); Santillana, Giorgio de: 1932: Storia del pensiero scientifico. Vol. 1, II mondo antico (682 p., 120 ill., Milano; Isis 23, 467-69). Farrington, Benjamin (1891- ) : 1936: Science in antiquity (London, Home University Library). — Reprinted 1947. 1939: Science and politics in the ancient world (243 p., London; Isis 33, 270-73). 1944: Greek science, its meaning for us ( 143 p., London, Penguin Books). Gest, Alexander Purves ( 1853- ) : 1930: Engineering (Our debt to Greece and Rome, 236 p.. New York). Gilbert, Otto (1839-1911): 1907: Die meteorologischen Theorien des griechischen Altertums (750 p., Leip- zig)- Gunther, Siegmund (1848-1928); Windelband, Wilhelm (1848-1915): 1888: Geschichte der antiken Naturwissenschaft und Philosophic (Handbuch der klassischen Altertums-Wissenschaft 5, 1; 344 p., Nordlingen). The second ed. (322 p., Miinchen 1894) bears the title "Geschichte der alten Philosophic von W. Windelband," GCnther's summary of the history of ancient science being published in the form of an appendix. Gundel, Wilhelm (1880-1945; Isis 39, 103): 1922: Sterne und Sternbilder im Glauben des Altertums und der Neuzeit (Bonn). 1933: Sternglaube, Sternrehgion und Sternorakel (Leipzig). 1934: Astror;omie, Astralreligion, Astralmythologie und Astrologie ( Jahresbericht iiber die Forschritte der klass. Altertumswissenschaft, vol. 243, 1-162). 1936: Dekane und Dekansternbilder. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Stern- bilder der Kulturvblker. Mit einer Untersuchung iiber die altagyptischen Sternbilder und Gottheiten der Dekane von S. Schott (462 p., 33 pi., Bibliothek Warburg, Ham- burg 1936; Isis 27, 344-48). 1950: Planeten (PW col. 2017-86). Completed by his son, H. Gundel. Heath, Sir Thomas ( 1861-1940; Osiris 2, portr.) : 1921: History of Greek mathematics (2 vols., Oxford, Clarendon Press; Isis 4, 532-35). Classical Antiquity 135 1931: Manual of Greek mathematics (568 p., Oxford, Clarendon Press; Isis 16, 450-51). 1932: Greek astronomy (250 p., London; Isis 22, 585). Translated selections from the Greek astronomical writings. Heiberg, Johan Ludvig (1854-1928; Isis 11, 367-74, port.): 1922: Mathematics and physical science in classical antiquity (110 p., Oxford; Isis 5,531). Original German text published in Leipzig 1912, 2nd ed. 1920. Heidel, William Arthur ( 1868-1941 ) : 1933: The heroic age of science; the conception, ideals and methods of science among the ancient Greeks (210 p., Washington, Carnegie Institution; Isis 21, 220-24). Honigmann, Ernst ( 1892- ) : 1929: Die sieben Klimata und die noKeis eiri* Denmark 1949 Poland 1933 Egypt 1950 Portugal 1932 1947 France 1931 1947 Romania 1932 1947 Germany 1932 Spain 1931 1936 Great Britain 1947 Sweden 1948 1950 Greece 1935 Switzerland 1935 1947 Hungary 1948 Turkey 1950 India 1950 United States 1949 Israel 1950 Uruguay 1935 1948 Italy 1931 1948 Reports from each national group appear periodically in the Archives. In addi- tion, information is given concerning groups in process of organization. For example, consider India. A national committee for the study of the history of science in India was convened on 2nd Jan. 1949 at Muir Central College, by Professor A. C. Bannerji, president of the National Academy of Sciences. This will probably lead to the constitution of a National Group or Society for the History of Science. Details of the proceedings may be read in the Archives internationales (28, 812-14, 1949). The Academy was reorganized in December 1948 in order to harmonize its activities with those of two overall international organizations UNESCO and ICSU (the first is the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization, the second the International Council of Scientific Unions). 1"! The existence of Archeion (under the name Archivio) preceded that of the Academie ( 1919, 1928) even as the existence of Isis preceded that of the History of Science Society (1913, 1924). ^"2 Strictly speaking the number of national groups ofBcially recognized by the International Union in October 1950 was 19. The figure given by me is larger, because it includes groups which have vanished, say, Palestine replaced by Israel, or whose official link is in abeyance because of the late war. For example, the German group was affiliated in 1932, the affiliation is temporarily broken, but it will soon be renewed. 103 When many dates are given they refer to different steps in organization, the last date is that of formal reorganization. ^"^ The ambiguity Palestine-Israel is caused by the fact that the group was first affiliated during the British mandate; if I remember right the first (Palestinian) group included Arabic and Jewish members. International Organization 255 For a general account of UNESCO, see Jxjlian Huxley (its first director, from 1946 to 1948 incl. ) : UNESCO, its purpose and its philosophy ( 62 p. American Council on Pubhc Affairs, 1947). For the UNESCO concern with history of sci- ence, see Armando Cortesao: L'UNESCO, sa tache et son but concernant les sciences et leur developpement historique (Archives 1, 211-21, 1947-48, reprinted in Actes du Ve Congres, p. 25-35, 1948). The latest list of members of the Academy may be found in Archives ( 1, 188-204, Oct. 1947). That list contains unfortunately many errors caused by lack of com- munications in war time and post-war chaos. Latest constitution of the Academic (Archives 1, 142-45, Oct. 1947). At first, the members of the Academic were elected exclusively on the basis of work done in the history of science, but it was soon recognized that on that basis the great majority of the members would belong to a few leading countries where studies in that field have been encouraged. Some restrictions were then introduced in the rules in order to facilitate the election of members belonging to other countries, yet that was not enough to insure the representation of every (UNESCO) country. It is clear that if elections were arranged in such a way that every country were represented, the intellectual level of the Academy would be degraded, and the Academy would cease to be an Academy in the ordinary sense of the term ( a limited group of men selected on the basis of individual merit). In order to solve that dilemma a new international organization was created. L'Union Internationale d'his- toire des Sciences was established in Paris in 1947, and its constitution may be read in Archives (1, 145-46, 1947). The first article of the Academy's new constitution (1947) reads "The inter- national organization of the study of the history of science includes two institutions closely bound together, the International Academy and the International Union." According to other articles (2) the Academy is located in Paris, (3) it counts 50 effective and 100 corresponding members. A minimum number of places is reserved for historians of science of countries which could not be represented other- wise. According to the Union's constitution (1947), article 1, "The Union's purpose is to cooperate directly with UNESCO and ICSU, in the field of the history of sci- ence," article 2. "The Union recognizes the Academy as the directive organ of its scientific activity." The Academy organizes international congresses, the meetings of which have taken place as follows. For each meeting we indicate the corresponding publica- tion, and name the President. In each case, the President of the Academy was ipso facto the president of the congress. 1.1929: Paris, 20-25 May. President: GiNO Loria of Genoa. Accounts in Archeion, vol. II, p. i-cix, 1929. 11.1931: London, 30 June-4 July. President: Charles Singer of London. Accounts in Archeion, vols. 13-14. An English translation of the Russian papers was pubhshed in book form. Science at the Cross Roads (London, Kniga, 1931; Isis 20, 591, 535). III. 1934: Porto and Coimbra, 30 Sept. -6 Oct. President: Karl Sudhoff of Leipzig, who was not able to come. The acting president was George Sarton of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Accounts in Archeion 16, 335-72, 1934. Congres du Portugal. Actes, conferences et communications (xlix-|-462 p., pi., maps, Lisboa 1936; Isis 28, 135-38). IV.1937: Praha (Prague). 22-27 Sept. President: Quroo Vetter of Prague. Accounts in Archeion (vol. 19, 390-96). V.1947: Lausanne. 30 Sept. -6 Oct. President: Arnold Reymond of Lausanne. Actes du Ve Congres, in Collection de travaux de I'Academie (no. 2, 288 p.. Academic, also Hermann, Paris 1948). The papers reprinted in the Actes were first printed in the Archives. VI. 1950: Amsterdam. August 1950. President: P. Sergescu of Paris. The Proceedings will be published in 1951. At the VI. International Congress of the History of Science (Amsterdam, August 256 International Organization 1950) the following presidents were appointed, for the Academy, Dr. J. A. Voll- GRAFF of Leiden, for the Union, George Sarton of Cambridge, Mass. The Perpetual Secretary is Prof. Pierre Sergescu. The offices of the Academy and of the Union are located 12 Colbert, Paris 2 (near the Bibhotheque Nationale). There may be other international organizations devoted to the history of sci- ence in general, or the history of particular sciences. The line between a national organization and an international one is not always easy to draw as we exemplified in the case of the History of Science Society. In the first place, national societies may recruit members in other nations, and if their publications are made in one of the international languages (EFGILS) and are sufficiently useful, the number of for- eign members may exceed that of the domestic ones. On the other hand, every international organization is of necessity established and domiciliated in a definite country and cannot help being more or less nationalized, because its contacts with that country are more frequent and more intense than with any other.^"'^ 1921: Societe Internationale d'Histoire de la Medecine. — Founded in Paris on 8 October 1921 by Joseph Tricot-Royer of Antwerp, and others, at the meeting of the permanent committee of the International Congress of the history of medicine. Its official organ was first the Bulletin de la Societe frangaise d'histoire de la medecine (see 1921, 15: 312-13). When Aesculape resumed its publication in 1923 with vol. 13 it became the organ of the society and remained so until 1940 when it ceased to appear. The Societe also published Archives (?), no. 4 of which is said to have appeared in 1938. Not seen. The permanent committee of the Societe meets at the Faculty of Medicine of Paris. President, Prof. Laignel-Lavastine, general secretary, Jules Guiart (Ar- chives intern, d'hist. des sciences 28, 733-35; 29, 154-56; etc.). 1948: International Plant Science Relations and Phytohistorical Commission of the International Union of Biological Sciences. — Founded by, and under the chairmanship of, Frans Verdoorn, Chronica Botanica House, Waltham, Mass. Chiefly concerned with the preparation of ( i ) the World List of Plant Science In- stitutions and Societies (ed. 21, 1952), (2) Biologia, an international year-book (vol. 3, in press, includes the Verdoorns' eleventh report on International Coopera- tion in the Pure and Applied Plant and Animal Sciences and emphasizes work on the borderland between the natural sciences and the humanities), (3) the Index BoTANicoRUM, a biographical dictionary of plant scientists of all times. The Com- mission also maintains a card index of current research projects concerned with the history of any branch of the pure and applied plant sciences. See Leaflet 2 (May 1950), Botanical Section, Int. Union of Biological Sciences. Further information on the Index Botanicorum will be found in Chronica Botanica 8, 425-448, 1944. A four-page progress report, with a list of collaborators, was issued in 1948. The commission is at present preparing a three-volume Concise Dictionary of Botanical Biography (a prodromus to the Index Botanicorum.). los This would be the case even if the small territory occupied by the international organization was internationalized. The Popes of Avignon were influenced by the French environment even as the Popes of Rome by an Italian one. 23. THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE Institutes for the history of science will be dealt with in the next section; insti- tutes are often integral parts of universities and in such cases whatever teaching is organized is done in those institutes or with their cooperation. The next section dealing with institutes should thus be consulted with reference to teaching. What kind of teaching is given in various universities? And where does that teaching lead? To which degrees or positions? At its executive meeting held in Paris in May 1948 the International Academy charged one of its members. Dr. E. J. DijKSTERHUis of Oistcrwijlc (Netherlands) to make investigations concerning the teaching of the history of science all over the world, and his report was published under the title. La place de I'histoire des sciences dans I'instruction superieure (Ar- chives internationales d'histoire des sciences 29, 39-76, 1950). This is only a first approximation, however, for it is not very helpful to know that Prof. John Doe gives a course on the history of science in the University of Podunk. One would like to know what kind of a covuse he is giving and what are his own qualifications. Is John Doe really a historian of science, or simply a schoolteacher or a charlatan? The total number of courses does hardly matter, but one would fike to know how many courses are offered by competent scholars who have a technical knowledge of science, of history, of historical methods, and of the history of science. The teaching of the history of science has been used for nationalistic purposes, as a means of stimulating the national pride of students. That was done in Italy dur- ing the fascist regime. See Alfred Perna: Les cours d'histoire des sciences en Italic (Ille Congres international d'histoire des sciences, 1934, p. 113-20, Lisboa 1936). It is of course natural that teachers should pay special attention to the great men of science of their own country; that is legitimate if done with modera- tion and frankly. It is to be hoped, however, that the teaching of the history of science will be as international, or supernational as possible, for it is only then that it acquires its full value from the point of view of humanistic education. The history of science must be a means of uniting men, rather than of increasing their self-conceit and their separation from other men. In that respect, students of the New World are privileged, for it is relatively easy for their teachers to be inter- nationally-minded in their account of the progress of science before modern times. Notes concerning the teaching of the history of science in various countries or universities are frequently published in Isis. See, e.g., for Switzerland, Isis 38, 244; for the Netherlands, Isis 38, 98; 39, 67. It is now possible to obtain a doctor's degree in the history of science in various universities, e.g., in London, Harvard, Cornell, Columbia, Univ. of Wise. The field of the history of science is so immense and so complex that in order to guide doctoral work it is necessary to estabfish a committee ad hoc estabfishing a special program for each candidate. See Regulations for the degree of Ph.D. in the history of science and learning (Official register t)f Harvard University, vol. 32, no. 30, 8 p., June 22, 1935). Such a committee should be made up in the following way: one half of the members to be professors or teachers of science, medicine, engineering, the other half to be professors of the humanities; a professor of the history of sci- ence to be the chairman. It should be noted that while such a committee is needed to organize examinations in the history of science, it is superfluous for the history of learning. The regular scientific departments are not qualified to conduct ex- aminations in the history of science, because their members have generally no techni- cal knowledge of history, and what is worse, have no idea of historical methods; they are hardly aware of the existence of such methods. On the contrary, every de- partment of learning is ipso facto a historical department; every historian or philolo- gist is acquainted with historical methods. Should a student wish to study the history of Thucydidean scholarship he would find all the help he might need in the classical department and nowhere else. 258 Teaching the History of Science Teaching the history of science in a university should be a full-time position. It is foolish to expect a professor of science to teach the history of science as a secondary job, for he will have to neglect his scientific research and teaching, or else his teaching of the history of science will remain mediocre and sterile. This will be realized more keenly when we consider the qualifications of a teacher of the history of science. These qualifications may be summarized under five heads: 1 ) Deep knowledge and long experience ( including laboratory experience ) in one field of science. 2) More superficial knowledge of various other branches of science. 5) Knowledge of history in general and familiarity with historical methods. Historical spirit. 4) Knowledge of philosophy, and especially of the philosophy of science. Philo- sophical spirit. 5) Good knowledge of many European languages, including Latin (and if possible, Greek or Arabic). The prospective teacher must have proved his ability by a "masterpiece" (in the mediaeval sense), that is, by the publication of a genuine piece of research in a particular field of the history of science. A botanist can hardly hope to obtain a good teaching position without having proved that he has an overall knowledge of botany, experience in one special branch of it, ability to promote botanical knowledge and to train other students; even so, a historian of science must have proved his familiarity with the whole field, his deeper experience of one part of it, his power to increase knowledge and to transmit it to others. The training of a historian of science is so complex that it requires a long time. On the other hand, teaching positions are thus far very few. Fortunately, such training is excellent not only for this purpose but for many others. It affords per- haps the best kind of preparation for many para-scientific professions, all the literary, historical, philosophical or even administrative activities connected with scientific investigations, or with scientific teaching, scientific fibraries and museums, the editing of scientific periodicals or the writing of scientific books. Such activities are already numerous and their number is steadily increasing. The teacher should be ready to teach the whole history of science, or at least the essential parts of it, from prehistoric days down to our own. If he secures an appointment in a larger university where his work is shared with other men he may be permitted to focus his attention on a part of the field, but even then a preliminary knowledge of the whole field will be of great advantage to him. Some teachers may qualify for the teaching not of the history of science in general, but rather of the teaching the history of one particular science (or group of sciences) such as mathematics, physics, biology or geology. Even in such cases familiarity with the history of science in general would enable them to accomplish their own task better. When the size and resources of a university make it possible to divide the work between many teachers, the division of labor might be accomplished in many ways, according to the general program and to the several qualifications of the teachers. Let us assume, e.g., that four teachers are employed. A, B, C, D. A might teach the history of ancient science, and also the history of mathematics; B might ex- plain mediaeval science, and also the history of geography and anthropology; C, the history of biology, and also the history of science during the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries; D the history of physics (or of chemistry), and also the history of modern science. Most universities and colleges will have to be satisfied with one teacher and that teacher must be able to teach the whole history of science. It is much to be hoped that one university at least will have enough courage and vision to establish a kind of normal school for the history of science, with from four to ten teachers of vari- ous standing — from instructor to full professor. This would become the cradle of good teachers for the whole nation and even for other nations. It is easier to raise the standards of research in a place where many men are working together and where there develops naturally a keen emulation between them. Teaching the History of Science 259 For more details, see George Sarton: Qualifications of teachers of the history of science (Isis 37, 5-7, 1947; 40, 311-13, 1949). Hendrik Bode, Frederick Mosteller, John Tukey, Charles Winsor: The education of a scientific generalist (Science 109, 553-58, 1949). This article is mentioned as a witness of the need for men of science having a general training in science rather than a special one, but in its tentative program of a curriculum of 40 semester courses, the humanities are represented only by two courses in English, and by seven or eight courses which are left undefined under the general label "dis- tribution." As far as the purely scientific instruction is concerned that curriculum would be a very good one for a future historian of science. Henry Guerlac: Development and present prospects of the history of science (Report submitted to the 9th International Historical Congress, Paris 1950). 24. INSTITUTES, MUSEUMS, LIBRARIES This section contains an enumeration of all the places where research (as dis- tinguished from plain teaching) is carried on. The words museums and libraries need no definition, except to say that the only museums and libraries dealt with are those relative to the history of science or technology. The term institute is vaguer and it has often been abused. In European universities, an institute for this or that, often means no more than that a room or two have been set apart in one of the academic buildings for Dr. So-and-So, who studies or/and teaches the history of science. Those rooms may contain a small library and are eventually used for lectures, conferences or seminars. The rooms which I occupy in Widener ( 185- 189) house what is perhaps the richest collection of pamphlets and archives on the subject; they have often been used for discussions, conferences, seminars; they are the publication center of Isis, yet it has never occurred to me to call them "Institute." A good many so-called institutes are far less important, but we do not wish to go into that. Ambiguities of the same kind concern the libraries and museums. A list of spe- cial libraries of whichever kind might include all the largest general libraries as well, say, all the libraries of over a million volumes. Those immense libraries often contain more items on any special subject than the libraries exclusively de- voted to that subject; these items, however, are not assembled but are scattered and may be very difficult to consult and to collate. There is no need of enumerating the largest general libraries, each scholar knows those which are available to him. In a similar way, every large museum of antiquities contains a number of sci- entific objects: celestial and terrestrial globes, quadrants, astrolabes, weights and measures, scales, instruments conceived for various kinds of observation or measure- ment, or for teaching and demonstration; physical, astronomical, mathematical, chemical and surgical instruments, pharmaceutical pots and vases, all kinds of tools.'"* Every large museum has more than enough of such items to devote (if it chose to do so) one or two halls to the history of science, either local, regional or international. Similar remarks might be made apropos of the War Museums, established in many cities. These Museums always contain a number of exhibits illustrating sci- entific or technical aspects of warfare. These exhibits might be included in a museum on the history of science and technology, but it is perhaps better to leave them where they are. Museums of natural history also contain a number of objects of historical interest, objects illustrating investigations or explorations of the past, or objects which were wrongly labelled in the light of ancient knowledge and have become as it were witnesses of that knowledge. We cannot enumerate the "potential" collections in- cluded and "lost" in the larger collections, nor can we hope to enumerate all the collections, small or large, devoted to our studies. Our enumeration, however, will be sufficient to show what has been done and what is already available to students, and also to suggest what might be done in many places where all that is needed is a modicum of initiative, intelligence, and perseverance; the objects are there, waiting to be gathered and to be put in order. Every scientific museum or library of sufficient size is potentially an institute for the history of science, even if it has not yet been exploited for that purpose, and if the curators are obliged to devote all of their time and energy to the proper registration, classification, and exhibition of the items intrusted to their care. Sooner or later, those museums and fibraries will be fully used, and if they be kept in good order, they can be used profitably at any time by any competent person. ^^ Scientific objects of various kinds are particularly abundant in cities where universities or other colleges, academies and scientific societies are (or were) located. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 261 Universities, academies and other scientific societies/*" observatories and labo- ratories, botanic gardens, etc. own objects of historical interest, for example, objects vi'hich illustrate their creation and early days, portraits of their presidents and famous members, etc. but these objects, scattered in the public and private rooms, do not constitute museums and are not generally accessible to the public. The situation with regard to museums is the same as for periodicals and serials and for the same reason: the history of science is not yet a well-known and recog- nized discipline; few periodicals, or museums are exclusively devoted to it, but abnost every learned periodical, and almost every serious museum, may contain items of interest to us. Museums may be divided into the following categories: museums of art, museums of archaeology or history (national, provincial, regional, local), museums of natural history, museimis of anthropology and ethnology, museums of science and industry. The last-named deal generally with modern, con- temporary, conditions, but they often include historical exhibits. The other museums may also contain items (and sometimes very important ones) concerning the history of science. For example, some of the best portraits of men of science and other iconographical monuments are to be found in the museums of art. It is to be hoped that for each country or region catalogues of the main docu- ments and monuments available will eventually be compiled, and that their un- avoidable dispersion will thus be compensated. Such catalogues would be easier to compile for special objects, such as surgical instruments, astrolabes, clocks. A great many Roman surgical instruments are scattered in museums devoted to classical archaeology. Astrolabes and clocks have often been collected for their beauty and found their place in art museums. For example the Wallace Collection of London boasts a fine series of eighteenth century French clocks. The function of institutes for research has been examined in all its aspects in the work edited by Ludolph Brauer, Albert Mendelssohn Bartholdy and Adolf Meyer: Forschungsinstitute, ihre Geschichte, Organisation und Ziele (2 vols., ills., Hamburg 1930). These two splendid volumes are a memorial of the great Germany destroyed by Hitler. The problems concerning the history of science were discussed by Henry E. Sigerist (vol. 1, 391-405). When a professorship in the history of science or medicine is established, the foundation should include enough funds for the creation of an institute ad hoc. This has been done in some countries (Germany, Poland) with regard to the history of medicine. A professor of the history of science without a special library (with archives and other collections) is very much like a professor of science without a laboratory, without staflF and budget; his activities are doomed to second-handedness and mediocrity. Without an institute where all the necessary information is steadily collected there can be no continuity in the work done, no creative tradition. George Sarton: An institute for the history of science. Three articles (I. Sci- ence 45, 284-88, 1917; II. Science 46, 399-402, 1917; III. Isis 28, 7-17, 1938). The third article was partly reprinted in Sarton: The hfe of science (p. 169-74, New York 1949). The following notes are arranged in alphabetical order of countries (English names) and for each country in alphabetical order of cities: argentina — Buenos Aires — Ateneo de historia de la medicina: Institute founded and directed by Prof. Dr. Juan Ramon Beltran for the study of the history of medicine. It issues Publicaciones de la catedra de historia de la medicina (vol. 1, 1938; vol. 4, 1940) and Revista argentina de historia de la medicina (1942^.). Address: Edison 548-80, Martinez. I*' Consider the objects decorating the rooms of the Royal Society, the Academie des Sciences, or the Lincei. 262 Institutes, Museums, Libraries Institucion Cultural Espanola ( Calle Bernardo Irigoyen 672 ) : This institute deserves to be listed in spite of the fact that it is not primarily con- cerned with the history of science, because when the government arbitrarily closed MiELi's institute in Sante Fe in 1943, the Institucion Cultural Espaiiola had the gen- erosity and wisdom of offering asylum to him and his library. Moreover, it enabled him in 1945 to realize his first "coloquio" (colloquy, symposium) on the history and philosophy of science, and promoted his publications (except Archeion which was forbidden). Jose Babini: Historia de la ciencia argentina (p. 184-87, Mexico 1949; Isis 41, 84). — Santa Fe — 1938-1943: Institute de historia y filosofia de la ciencia: Institute established as a part of the Universidad Nacional del Litoral in 1938 at the instance of Aldo Mieli, who was brought from Paris to Santa Fe in order to take charge of it. At the same time Mieli transferred the editorial office of Archeion (Archivio di storia della scienza, q.v.) from Paris to Santa Fe. Unfortu- nately, MiELi's Instituto was one of the first victims of the political intolerance and stupidity which dominated the Argentine nation; the government closed it in 1943 and stopped the publication of Archeion. Asylum was given to Mieli by the Institucion cultural espaiiola in Buenos Aires. Aldo Mieli: La historia y la filosofia de la ciencia (Suppl. to the Bulletin of the history of medicine, no. 3, Castiglioni Festschrift, p. 205-16, Baltimore 1944). In the Italian appendix to this Spanish paper Mieli describes the persecution of which he was the victim. Cortes Pla: Aldo Mieli en la Argentina (Archives 29, 907-12, 1950). AUSTRIA — Vienna (Wien) — 1907: Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin: This institute for the history of medicine was created at the instance of Robert VON ToEPLi ( 1856- ) and Max Neuburger in 1906; it was opened modestly in 1907. In 1918, it was moved to the Josephinum, where it was close to a rich library. Six rooms were added to it in 1935-38. The Institute including a museum and library is very largely the creation of Max Neuburger, who was professor of the history of medicine in the University of Venna. Emanuel Berghoff: Max Neuburger. Werden und Wirken eines Oesterreichi- schen Gelehrten (Wien 1948; Isis 41, 97), description of the museum on pp. 66-95, many objects being reproduced. BELGIUM ANTViTERPEN Musee Plantin-Moretus: This museum concerning the history of early typography and graphic arts in Antwerpen is established in the very buildings which were occupied for three cen- turies (1576-1876) by the illustrious printer, Christopher Plantin (1520-89), his son-in-law, John Moerentorf or Moretus (1543-1610), and their descendants. Many editions of the Catalogue have appeared in French, Dutch and English. I have used the second English edition of the Catalogue by Max Rooses (Antwerpen 1909). The Museum has published many books and prints concerning its own collections or the lives and activities of the Plantin and Moretus printers. Many other books on the same subject have appeared elsewhere. A full Plantin-Moretus bibliog- raphy would require much space. Good general account by Maurice Sabbe: L'oeuvre de Christophe Plantin et de ses successeurs (210 p., Bruxelles, 1937). There are in other European cities many museums or collections concerning the history of typography, but no attempt has been made to list them here. The Musee Institutes, Museums, Libraries 263 Plantin must stand as an example of a relatively large class of collections, which im- portant as they be, do not concern the historian of science as much as the historian of arts and crafts. — Bruxelles — Institut international des sciences theoriques: This Institute was created about 1948 to organize research work in the field of the philosophy (not history) of science, yet its publications may interest historians of science. The Archives de ITnstitut international des sciences theoriques are published in separate parts of the Actualites scientifiques et industrielles ( Paris, Hermann ) . One of the series ( A ) has the subtitle Bulletin de I'Academie internationale de philosophic des sciences. Director: I. DocKX; address of the secretary, 221 Avenue de Tervueren (Isis 40, 119). The House of Erasmus (1466P-1536) in Anderlecht: Catalogue de la Maison d'Erasme (600 items, 38 p., Isis 27, 416). Daniel Van Damme: Ephemeride illustree de la vie d'ERASME (64 p. quarto ill., Anderlecht 1936; Isis 26, 463-64; 27, 416-29, 4 ill., 1937). Musee Stas: Collection of objects, MSS, etc. concerning the chemist, Jean Stas (1813-91), in a special room of the main building of the University of Brussels (Avenue des Nations). Catalogue by Jean Pelseneer (BuU. Societe chimique de Belgique t. 48, 1937, 10 p.; Isis 28, 95). Collection Michel: A collection of astrolabes and other astronomical instruments has been made by the engineer, Henri Michel in Brussels. Partial catalogue by himself, Introduction a I'etude d'une collection d'instruments anciens (quarto 112 p., 15 pi., Anvers 1939), see also his Traite de I'astrolabe (quarto, 210 p., 24 pi., Paris 1947; Isis 39, 194). — Gent — Museum of the history of science in the old Byloke Abbey: This museum which I was privileged to visit on 4 May 1948 before its opening has been organized by Professor A. J. J. Van de Velde. The Byloke abbey is devoted to the exhibition of objects illustrating the history, archaeology and folklore of Gent and East Flanders; a part of it has been set aside for the history of science. That part contains a number of instruments and memo- rials concerning the scientific professions in Flanders and scientific teaching and research in the University of Gent. It was formally inaugurated on Sunday 28 No- vember 1948. The opening speech by Prof. Van de Velde (7 p. in Dutch) was published in the Jaarboek 1948 van de Kon. Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen van Belgie. No catalogue is yet available. Since the vn-iting of this note the Museum has been moved to the Museum of Fine Arts. It was reinaugurated in its new location on Dec. 10, 1950. — Liege — Collection Max Elskamp: Collection of mathematical and astronomical instruments made by the Belgian- French poet. Max Elskamp. It is now preserved in the Musee de la vie wallonne, a museum devoted to every aspect of Liegeois and Walloon history and folklore. — Saint Nicholas — Saint Nicholas is a small tovra in the Land of Waes, eastern Flanders. Its local museum includes a room dedicated to the Flemish geographer, Gerhardus Merca- TOR (1512-94). 264 ^ Institutes, Museums, Libraries CHINA — Shanghai — Medical History Museum: Organized by the Chinese Medical History Society; opened in 1938. K. C. Wong (Arch, internat. hist, of science 1949, 2, 545-51; 1951, 4, 845). CZECHOSLOVAKIA — Prague — Technical Museum: This museum includes historical exhibits, notably the reconstruction of an alchemi- cal laboratory of the sixteenth century and many objects illustrating the history of geography, geodesy, mining, technology, arts and crafts. The alchemical labora- tory was briefly described and illustrated in Svetozor (cislo 14, rocnik XIV, Praha 1914?). Professor Q. Vetter wrote to me (Praha, 26 Oct. 1949) that there are museums in almost every city of Czechoslovakia, and that almost every one of those museums includes objects which may interest historians of science. He kindly wrote again (Praha, 6 January 1950), after having obtained the help of the Svaz ceskych musei ( union of Czech museums ) which circulated my queries among its members. This enabled him to send me a list of some sixty regional museums, which contain exhibits which would interest historians of science. It is not possible to print the list here, because it would take too much space and because I could not do for Czechoslovakia what I did not do for other countries (similar hsts for the United States would fill a good sized volume, see the publications by L. V. Coleman quoted below). Dr. Vetter's list includes collections concerning the history of mining (Banska Stiavnice, Slova; Kutna Hora, Boh.; Ostraya, Mor.; Stfibro, Boh.), the history of pharmacy and medicine (Benesov u Prahy; Bojkovice, Mor.; Klatovy, Boh.; Polna, Boh.; Praha, Narodni museum; Prostejov, Boh.; Znojmo, Mor.); the history of astron- omy, physics and mathematics (Duchcov, Boh.; Plzen, Boh.; Praha, Observatory; Praha, Library of the Strahov monastery; Tepla, Boh.; Vyssi Brod, Boh.), the history of cartography (Praha, University Library). There are also in Czechoslovakia many exhibits or museums illustrating regional arts, crafts, and industries; some are the equivalent of the American "company museums" and were probably such at the beginning even if they have now become national or municipal responsibihties. In addition to his letter. Dr. Vetter also sent me a few printed catalogues. Institute of the History of Medicine: Including library and collection of portraits. Medical Museum: Collects documents and objects concerning the history of medicine in Czechoslo- vakia, and a medico-numismatic collection. Museum of Pharmacology: Collection of old apothecary shops attached to the Purkine Institute. DENMARK — Copenhagen — Medico-historical Museum: This museum was founded in 1907 as a private institution; it became a university institute in 1918. It collects everything concerning medical history. The main col- lections are ( 1 ) surgery, ( 2 ) X-ray, ( 3 ) pharmacy, ( 4 ) dentistry, ( 5 ) library. There is no printed catalogue. The museum is estabhshed in the old Royal Academy of Surgery, founded in 1785 and abolished in 1942. Ida Rich in Sudhoff's Archiv (31, 61, 1938). This information was given to me by Dr. Edv. Gotfredsen, historian of medicine, in his kind letter dated Copenhagen, 20 Feb. 1949. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 265 Open-air Museums.— See the letter of Dr. Jean Anker, printed below under "Norway." FRANCE — Dole, ]vha — Maison natale de Pasteur: The house where Louis Pasteur was born on 27 Dec. 1822 is now a national museum. Illustrations of it may be found in Pasteur Vallery-Radot: Pasteur. Images de sa vie (Paris 1947; Isis 39, 99). — Lyon — Bibliotheque et musee d'histoire de la medecine: Organized by Prof. Jules Guiart at the University of Lyon. Jules Guiart: L'Ecole medicale lyonnaise. Catalogue commente de la section regionale du musee historique de la Faculte mixte de medecine et de pharmacie de Lvon^'"' (Annales de I'Universite de Lyon, 3. series, medecine, fasc. 2, 272 p., 16 pi., Paris 1941). — Paris — 1925: Centre international de synthese, "Pour la science." Created by Henri Berr, who 25 years earher had founded the Revue de Synthese historique. For a history of both undertakings see vol. 26 ( 67 ) of that Revue pub- hshed in Paris 1950. The Centre is located 12 rue Colbert, Paris 2 (close to the Bibliotheque Nationale ) . 1928: Academic internationale d'histoire des sciences, for which see chapter 22. The Academic is located 12 rue Colbert, Paris 2. The Academic and Centre have close connections; reports of both were published in Archeion (vol. 9, 497-512, 1928; vol. 11, 22 p., 1929, vol. 12, 368-89, 1930, etc.). At present reports of the Centre appear regularly in the Revue de synthese, those of the Academic in the Archives Internationales d'histoire des sciences. Institut d'histoire des sciences et des techniques ( 13 rue du Four, Paris 6) : Estabhshed as a part of the University of Paris. The first director was Abel Rey; the second Gaston Bachelard. It publishes Thales (5 vols. 1934-48). 1794: Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers (rue Reaumur): Museum created by the Convention nationale on 19 vendemiaire an III ( 10 Oct. 1794), the earhest collection of its kind and size in the world. It should be noted, however, that the purpose was less historical than educational. It realized Des- cartes' views that students of science and artisans should be able to see instruments and mechanical objects ( This was even more necessary in the seventeenth and eight- eenth centuries than it is today, because graphic illustrations were less abundant and less cheap than they are now). The confusion of purposes is perhaps unavoid- able and exists to this day in every museum of science and industry : these museums are often historical "par la force des choses" but the main purpose of the organizers is generally to popularize science, to familiarize the pubUc with its tools and methods, and to lire the enthusiasm of potential inventors and future men of science. At any rate, every scientific collection, whichever be its purpose, obtains more and more historical value as time passes. On 26 floreal an VI ( 15 May 1798) the Conseil des Cinq-Cents set aside a large part of the priory of Saint-Martin-des-Champs for the Conservatoire. The early organizers of the Conservatoire were Jacques de Vaucanson ( 1709- 82), Charles Auguste Vandermonde (1735-96), Nicolas Jacques Conte (1755- 1805), Joseph Michel Montgolfier (1740-1810), Francois Emmanuel Molard (1774-1829). The first Catalogue des Collections du Conservatoire was pubUshed 107a What a titlel 266 Institutes, Museums, Libraries in 1817. Third edition by A. Morin (327 p., Neuilly 1859). Eighth edition in 6 parts: I. Mecanique 1905; II. Physique 1905; III. Geometric, geodesic, cosmographie, astronomic, science nautique, chronometric, instruments de calcul, poids ct mesures, 1906; IV. Arts chimiqucs, matiercs colorantes ct tcinture, ceramique et vcrrerie 1908; V. Arts graphiqucs, photographic, filature ct tissage, mines, metalkirgie et travail dcs metaux 1908; VI. Art dcs constructions ct genie civil, art applique aux metiers, econo- mic domestiquc, hygiene, statistiquc, agriculture ct genie rural 1910. The Conservatoire is not simply a museum; it is also a technical school including laboratories, workshops, a library. AiME Laussedat: Le Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers (folio, 24 p., ill., France Artistique et Monumentale Paris s. a., c. 1894). Anatole de Monzie: Le conservatoire du peuple (154 p., Paris 1948). 1937: Palais de la Decouverte: This museum was created as a part of the Exposition intcrnationalc dcs Arts et Metiers in 1937. Since that time it has been attached to the University of Paris. It realizes the general conception of Jean Perrin (1870-1942). Like the Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers which it supersedes, its main purpose is not historical but educational in the broadest sense. History comes in unavoid- ably; historical outlines arc not only interesting (even to non-historians) but educa- tive. Its purpose is to show not only what has been done, but also what is being done today and what might be done tomorrow. It is meant to be a living bridge between the public and the laboratories. It is divided into eight sections: mathe- matics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, medicine, surgery, microbiology. Special exhibitions are organized from time to time, some of them historical (La- voisier, Davy and Faraday, discoveries of Hertzian waves, of radium, etc. ) Lec- tures and demonstrations are given frequently. Everything is done to attract the public, interest it and teach it as much as possible. The Palais de la decouverte is already immense (50 rooms or halls in 1948) but it is planned to increase it considerably. A few rooms have been recently opened (Isis 40: 353) which are devoted more specifically to the history of science. The director is A. Leveille, who WTote a short description of it in Experientia (vol. 1, 345-46, Basel 1945). Musee et bibliotheque d'histoire de la medecine ( Faculte dc medecine, rue de I'Ecole de medecine. Boulevard St. Germain): The Musee Orfila includes old surgical instruments and other historical objects, but it is mainly a collection of pathological anatomy founded in 1835 by the physician and toxicologist Mathieu Orfila of Minorca (1787-1853). Institut Pasteur ( rue Dutot, Paris 15 ) : The Institut was inaugurated on 4 Nov. 1888; Pasteur died in 1895. The crypt of the Institut contains his tomb and that of his wife, Marie. From the point of view of the historian of science, this is one of the most impres- sive shrines in the whole world. Would that more people visited it than there are who visit the tomb of Napoleon in the Hotel des Invalides. Musee de Cluny: This very rich museum has relatively few objects concerning the historian of science proper, rather than the historian of arts and crafts. It has clocks, astrolabes, and the large wire-drawing bench made in 1565 for the Elector Augustus of Saxony {see note on Dresden below). The bench is described in the Catalogue general. Bois sculptes ct meubles by Edmond Haraucourt and Montremy (no. 638, Paris 1925). Musee d'histoire de la pharmacie (4 Avenue de I'Observatoirc ) : See Arch, intern, hist. sci. 1949, 2, 810. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 267 ROXJEN Musee Flaubert et d'histoire de la medecine: Located in the Hotel-Dieu (51 rue de Lecat). Catalogue published by R. M. Martin (Rouen 1947). Arch, internat. hist. sci. 1949, 2, 807. GERMANY — Berlin — 1928: Forschungsinstitut fiir Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften: This institute founded in 1928 is an expansion of the Heidelberg institute organ- ized by RusKA. The first director of the Berlin institute was also Julius Ruska. The first annual report was published in Berfin, 1928, the second and third in 1929 and 1930. I have no other (official) report. As the name "Forschungsinsti- tut" indicates, the institute was conceived as a "research institute" (with emphasis on "research"; of course, every decent institute is a research institute. What else could it be? commercial? ) ; it was also conceived as a kind of German super-institute on a grand scale, and it was equipped in the best manner. In 1929, this Institute was merged with a medical institute under the common title Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin und der Natxirwissenschaften ( note that the word Forschungsinstitut has been replaced by Institut). Paul Diepgen, who was professor of the history of medicine in Freiburg i. Br. was called on 2 Oct. 1929 to direct the new institute. According to a statement by Walter Artelt (Mitt. 36, 281-84, 1937), the Institute located in Universitatstrasse Sb (close to the Preussische Staatsbibliothek and to the Universitatsbibhothek ) , extended to 21 rooms, and the staff consisted of a Director (Diepgen), 3 divisional chiefs, 2 assistants, 2 sub-assistants, 1 librarian, 2 secretaries and 1 helper; it had a library of c. 30,000 volumes. The three divi- sions were ( 1 ) history of medicine, ( 2 ) history of inorganic sciences, ( 3 ) history of organic sciences. Prof. Ruska is not named, but it is assumed that he was the head of the second division. The Institute is sufficiently near to the Kaiserin Friedrich Haus to use the latter 's auditorium and its medico-historical collection. Considering the encyclopaedic plan of the Institute partly due to the initiative of Kultusminister Carl Heinrich Becker^"^ (Isis 6, 559-61), it is strange that the history of science was subordinated to the history of medicine. This is typical how- ever of German efforts in our field and may be ascribed to the domineering influence of Karl Sudhoff, and also no doubt to the importance of the medical profession, and to the fact that more physicians were interested in the history of science than other scientists. Staatliche Mediko-historische Sammlung: Located in the Kaiserin-Friedrich-Haus fiir das arzthche Fortbildungswesen. — Cassel (Kassel) — 1779: Kgl. Museum Fridericianum, Hessisches Landesmuseum zu Cassel: This Museum of fine and apphed arts, archaeology and history was founded in 1779 by the Landgraf of Hesse-Cassel Friedrich II (ruling 1760-85). It includes a rich collection of clocks, mathematical, physical and astronomical instruments which illustrates the scientific interests of the rulers of Hessen from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The scientific instruments were first exhibited in five rooms of the old Kunsthaus; they were brought to the new museum when the latter was built in 1911-13. Some of the instruments go back to the sixteenth century and were actually used by the Landgraf Wilhelm IV (ruling 1567-92) and by the men of science who worked under his patronage. A. Coster and Ernst Gerland: Beschreibung der Sammlung astronomischer, 108 Preussischer Minister fiir Wissenschaft, Kunst und Volksbildung. 268 Institutes, Museums, Libraries geodatischer und physikalischer Apparate im Koniglichen Museum (Festgabe fiir die 51. Naturforscher-Versammlung, Cassel 1878). Briefer description in the Fiihrer durch die historischen und Kunstsammlungen (p. 7-17, Marburg 1913?). The name Cassel is now spelled Kassel. — Dresden — Mathematisch-physikalischer Salon: Collection kept in the NW angle of the Zwinger. Its nucleus was a part of the Kunstkammer of Augustus I, elector of Saxony (1553-86); it was gradually in- creased by his successors. It includes mathematical, surveying, astronomical, physi- cal, meteorological, surgical, instruments, geographical and astronomical globes; tools used by Augustus I. It is especially valuable because of the relatively large number of early instruments. Some of the early objects have been alienated, e.g., the giant wire-drawing bench made in 1565 for the elector Augustus is now in the Cluny Museum, Paris (F. M. Feldhaus: Die Technik, 203, 1914). Adolf Drechsler: Katalog der Sammlung des Konigl. mathematisch-physikali- schen Salons (68 p., Dresden 1874). There was another collection in Dresden, the Modell-Kammer created in 1691 by Georg IV, elector of Saxony, to include models of all kinds of machines, bridges, etc. A ms. inventory of it dating from 1827 exists in the Mathem-phys. Salon. Parts of the collection were auctioned off and dispersed in 1829, and following years. W. G. Lohrmann: Die Sammlung der Instrumente auf der Modelkammer in Dresden (Dresden 1835). Deutsches Hygiene-Museum: Its medico-historical and pharmaco-historical collection was started at the initia- tive of Karl Sudhoff, who compiled the first catalogue. DiJSSELDORF — 1931: Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin an der Medizinischen Akademie: Opened in April 1931 to celebrate the 60th anniversary of its first director, WiLHELM Haberling. It is locatcd in two rooms of the Institute for social hygiene. W. Haberling ( Mitteilungen 36, 145-47, 1937). — Eisenach — Thiiringer Museum: This provincial museum includes a "Pharmaziegeschichtliche Sammlung." W. Fiek's booklet in the Veroffentlichungen d. Ges. f. Gesch. der Pharmazie de- scribes it (n.d.). — Frankfurt am Main — 1943: Institut fiir Geschichte der Natvirwissenschaften (Institut des physikalischen Vereins Frankfurt a. M. Director: Prof. Dr. Willy Hartner): The address at the time of writing (June 1949) is Feldbergstr. 47, but the In- stitute will probably be moved to the third floor of the reconstructed Senckenberg Library, adjoining the main building of the University this year (1949). The Institut was founded in 1943 by the City of Frankfurt, independently of the university. It was located on Robert Mayerstr. 2-4, but was destroyed by air raid in May 18-22, 1944. The major part of the library was saved, and later the library and archives of the late Paul Diergart of Bonn were acquired; it is hoped to obtain the chemical library of the late Gunther Bugge (Isis 15, 298). The purpose of the Institute is teaching and research. Librarian: Dr. Hertha von Deehend; secretary, Ruth Martin. Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin: Director, Prof. Walter Artelt. The institute will probably be located before the end of 1949 on the third floor of the reconstructed Senckenberg Library. The Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, der Medizin und der Technik, recently refounded, will probably have an oflBce on the same floor. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 269 — Heidelberg — 1922-27: Institut fur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften: This institute was created on 22 Nov. 1922 by the J. und E. v. Portheim-Stiftung. Its first and last director was Julius Ruska. The first annual report appeared in 1925 (4 p., Carl Winter's Universitatsbuchhandlung ) ; the second in 1926, the third and last in 1927. The Heidelberg institute was then merged with the Berlin one. The publications of the institute listed in those three reports appeared in the Heidelberger Akten der von Portheim-Stiftung and in other series or journals. — Jena — Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin: Includes a collection rich in Graeco-Roman classical antiquities established by Theodor Meyer-Steineg (1873-1936). — Leipzig — 1905: Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin an der Universitat Leipzig: The Leipzig institute was founded in 1905, the widow of Theodor Puschmann having bequeathed to the University of Leipzig a fund ( Puschmann-Stiftung ) "to promote scientific research in the history of medicine." A chair for the history of medicine was created at the University at the same time; the first incumbent of it and first director of the institute was Karl Sudhoff. The institute includes a large library, archives, films, portraits, medals, etc. During the years 1905-25, under Sudhoff's direction, its activities were astounding, witness the master's own publications, some 200 theses by students and many serials which are described in another chapter ( Mitteilungen, Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin, Studien zur Geschichte der Medizin). In 1925, the direction and professorship were given to Henry E. Sigerist and the activities were considerably modified, because of the new ideas which were now dominating medicine, medical teaching, medical duties to the people and medical history. The main organ of the Leipzig institute was now Kyklos (q.v.). See Sigerist's account in Forschungsinstitute (vol. 1, 391-402, 1930). Sigerist resigned in 1932 in order to assume the direction of the Baltimore In- stitute for the history of medicine. After an interregnum of 2 1/2 years, the direction of the Leipzig Institute was intrusted to Dr. Walter von Brunn, and the Institute moved to a new address, in the Zoological Institute, Talstr. 33, second floor. De- scription of the new institute by Walter von Brunn in Mitteilungen (36, 1-4, 1937). The library of the Leipzig Institute houses the only copy of a card catalogue of all the notes published in Mitteilungen, that is, a catalogue of publications on the history of science since 1900-02, practically all the Gemian ones and a very large number of non-German ones. — Mainz — Medizinhistorisches Institut der Johannes "Gutenberg Universitat: Director: Paul Diepgen (formerly director of the Berfin institute). — Munich — 1903: Deutsches Museum von Meisterwerken der Naturwissenschaft und Technik (often called, for short, Deutsches Museum ) : This museum was founded in 1903, the ceremony of inauguration taking place on 28 June in the aula of the Royal Bavarian Academy. In 1906 a part of the col- lections was opened to the public and the construction of a special, enormous, build- ing begun. The building should have been ready by 1916 but was delayed by the first war. It was finally inaugurated on 7 May 1925. The main founder and or- ganizer of the Museum was Oskar von Miller ( 1855-1934), electrical engineer. It is the largest museum of science and technology in Germany and one of the largest ( if not the very largest? ) in the world. It owns a very large library and rich archives and has sponsored a great many publications. 270 Institutes, Museums, Libraries Elaborate description in Das Deutsche Museum, Geschichte, Aufgaben, Ziele (2. ed., VDI, Berlin 1929). Chronik des Deutschen Museums, 1903-25. Guides: Rundgang durch das Deutsche Museum, Amtliche Ausgabe (94 p., ill., 1931). Rundgang durch die Sammlungen (small album), available also in English. Verwaltungsberichte. Administrative annual reports. Special pubhcations. Walther von Dyck: Georg von Reichenbach (1912; Isis 1, 275-76). G. Agricola: De re metallica in German translation ( 1928; Isis 13, 113-16). Technische Kulturdenkmale (Miinchen 1932). 1926: Abhandlungen und Berichte. See list of serials. Criticism by Feldhaus (Archeion 11, 353, 1929). 1937: Deutsches Apotheker Museum: Created by Fritz Ferchl, then President of the Bayerische Apotheker-Kammer, and by Armin Sijssenguth. Partly destroyed by enemy action in 1945. The re- mainder has been rearranged by Dr. Ferchl in six rooms of the "Hofkiiche der neuen Residenz" in Bamberg. There exists another collection illustrating the history of pharmacy in Waldenbuch (near Stuttgart), brought togetlier and owned by Walther Dorr (George Urdang: American Journal of pharmaceutical education 14, 577, 1950). — Wurzburg — 1921: Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin an der Universitat Wiirzburg: Founded in 1921 by Dr. Georg Sticker, then ordinary professor of the history of medicine, and established in a small room of the Pathological Institute, Bau 21 des Luitpoldkrankenhauses. Georg Sticker (Mit. 36, 5, 1937), Another institute for the history of medicine was established in the University of Jena (Prof. Theodor Meyer-Steineg ) and seminars for the history of medicine in the Universities of Frankfurt am Main (Prof. Richard Koch) and Freiburg im Breisgau (Prof. Paul Diepgen). Sigerist: Forschungsinstitute (vol. 1, 402, 1930). GREAT BRITAIN — Cambridge — Museum of the history of science: This museum is not yet formally estabUshed but the elements of it have been gathered and shown to the public. "An exhibition of historic scientific instruments and books in the East Room of the Old Schools, 4-11 Nov. 1944" (20 p., Cambridge 1944). The exhibition was arranged by the History of Science Lectures Committee. The exhibits were drawn from the collection which R. S. Whipple is presenting to the University. As soon as the collection is permanently housed, it will be much increased (as happened in Oxford) by donations from various sources, chiefly the old Cambridge colleges. — Glasgow — There are in Glasglow two important collections of books concerning the history of chemistry. The first was built by James Young ( 1811-83) and was the basis of an elaborate bibliography by John Ferguson (1837-1916), about whom see Isis (39, 60-61, 1948, portrait), Bibliotheca Chemica (2 vols. Glasgow 1906). The Young collection is now preserved in the Royal Technical College. The second was built by Ferguson himself and is preserved in the Library of the University. Catalogue (2 vols. Glasgow 1943; Isis 35, 263). This collection in- cludes many unpublished papers of John Ferguson (Isis 39, 61). — Greenwich — 1934: National Maritime Museum: Established in the Queen's House with its wing buildings, the collections includ- Institutes, Museums, Libraries 271 ing those of the old Royal Naval Museum and those made and given by Sir James Cairo. The Queen's House was restored to the condition in which Charles I had finished it for Henrietta Maria in 1635. The Museum was formally inaugurated on 27 April 1937, Much in the Museum concerns naval history, yet there is also every kind of object illustrating maritime life in all its aspects. There are many instruments and tools needed for navigation, astrolabes, quadrants, sextants, etc. and also chronometers, from the earliest ones made by John Harrison (1693-1776). Greenwich Palace. A history of what is now the Royal Naval College and the National Maritime Museum from earliest times to 1939 (quarto 50 p., 10 pi.) Rupert Thomas Go\jld: The marine chronometer (303 p., 39 pi., 85 fig. London 1923; Isis 6, 122-29); John Harrison and his timekeepers (Mariner's mirror 21, 1935; 24 pi., 9 pi.). National Maritime Museum. Catalogue (260 p., ill., 1937). Wren Society (vol. 6, 1930; Isis 15, 239). The Wren Society was founded in England to reproduce architectural drawings and other documents concerning Sir Christopher Wren (1632-1723); its first volume appeared in 1924 (Isis 8, 553). Vol. 6 deals with the Royal Hospital for Seamen at Greenwich 1674-1728. — London — Science Museum (South Kensington ) : The Museum was founded in 1853 but remained until 1909 a department of the Victoria and Albert Museum. It is the "national museum of science and its applica- tions to industry." It is one of the largest museums of its kind in the world. Its publications are very numerous and there is no complete list of them. The mimeographed lists (themselves very long) mention only the items which are still available. The exhibits have been described in a series of handbooks and descriptive cata- logues, such as Chemistry (1937, reprinted 1947), Mechanical road vehicles (1936), Pumping machinery (1932-33), Railway locomotives and rolling stock (1931, reprinted 1947), Sailing ships (1932), Time measurement, etc. In addition, there are many special publications such as H. T. Pledge: Science since 1500 ( 1939; reprinted 1946; Isis 33, 74), and the Annual reports, photographic prints, postcards, photographs and lantern sfides. Director since 1950, F. Sherwood Taylor. 1800: Royal College of Surgeons: The present building on the S. side of Lincoln's Inn Fields was erected in 1835. The collections are mainly anatomical, anthropological, and pathological but some concern more directly the historian of science. These are gathered mainly in the Historical Room, the Instrument Room and the Library. Charles John Samuel Thompson (1862-1943): Guide to the surgical instru- ments and objects in the historical series (92 p., London 1930; Isis 16, 570). The Wellcome Historical Medical Museum: At the turn of the century Sir Henry Wellcome (1854-1936) began to collect books and objects of every kind illustrating any and every aspect of medical history. At the time of the International Congress of medicine which took place in London in 1913 and included a section devoted to the history of medicine he was persuaded to exhibit a part of his immense treasures. The exhibition was remarkably success- ful, and Sir Henry was later induced to put up the material in the form of a small permanent introductory collection. He obtained premises for this purpose at Wig- more Street, and this remained the headquarters of the Museum until 1932 when the collection was removed to new premises in Euston Road. This fine building was built essentially for the accomodation of a few of Sir Henry Wellcome's scientific interests. It was hoped that the permanent collection would be exhibited on three floors, comprising ten large galleries. Before the war and after it ceased, work proceeded on the setting up of these galleries but rather slowly as a great deal of research was entailed. 272 Institutes, Museums, Libraries The collection is vast, and the Euston Road premises were capable of housing only those sections of the Museum material which ouglit to be available for study purposes. Material which was hkely to be used less frequently was put in store elsewhere. As a result of great accommodation difficulties which have arisen directly as a result of the war, major changes of policy and procedure have had to be adopted. The headquarters of the Wellcome Historical Museum have been removed to 28, Portman Square, London, W.l. which is now its final address. It is impracticable in these premises to devote more than a small room for permanent exhibition pur- poses, but it is hoped to permit of certain small sections of the Museum material being seen by the public from time to time at contemporary exhibitions on subjects which may be of interest at that particular time. For example, in October, 1946, a special exhibition on the History of Anaesthesia was opened to commemorate the centenary of Morton's operation. This exhibition covered the whole field and continued until 1st January, 1947. At the request of the Officials of the Inter- national Congress of Surgery which met in London from September 15th-20th the Wellcome Museum put up an exhibition illustrating the History of Surgery. This exhibition is in a gallery of the Science Museum at South Kensington which has been lent by the Director of that museum for this purpose. The History of Surgery Exhibition will remain open until February 1st. The Library of the Museum is very rich especially in the earlier periods. It contains approximately 200,000 printed books. There are between 600 and 700 in- cunabula, and most of the great works of the early periods are represented. For publications, see chapter 20, under Wellcome. Director: E. Ashworth Underwood. The Horniman Museum and Library (Forest Hill, London S.E.): Founded in 1890 by Frederick J. Horniman (1835-1906), tea merchant, and presented by him to the London County Council in 1901. It is devoted mainly to ethnology, archaeology, and zoology. Some of the ethnological collections are oriented towards the study of early technology. Handbooks: From stone to steel; War and the Chase {2nd ed. 1929); Stages in the evolution of domestic arts (2 parts, 2nd ed. 1924-25); Simple means of travel and transport by land and water (1925), etc. This suggests that other ethnological museums might be consulted for the same purposes. The Horniman Museum has also very interesting (but unpublished) collections illustrating the superstitions of many peoples and many times (including our own). 1905: The Warburg Institute, University of London (Imperial Institute Buildings, South Kensington, London S.W.7): Library and research institute founded in Hamburg by Aby Warburg ( 1866- 1929), for the study of the survival and revival of classic antiquity during the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and later. The date of foundation is difficult to determine, because what was originally Warburg's private library developed gradually into a public institute. The date of foundation generally given by the Institute itself is 1905, when Warburg's collecting became more systematic than it had been. In 1921 the Hbrarian, Fritz Saxl, began a card index, as well as a series of lectures and publications. The Institute was then called the Bibliothek Warburg. It remained in possession of the Warburg family until 1933, when the fear of Nazi persecution and confiscation caused its moving to Thames House, London. It was moved to the Imperial Institute in 1937 and was incorporated in London University in 1944. Fritz Saxl (1890-1948) was hbrarian since 1913; at the time of Warburg's death (1929), Saxl became director. After Saxl's death. Dr. Gertrud Ring was acting director; Henri Frankfort of Chicago became director in May 1949. For an account of the early years in Hamburg see Fritz Saxl in Forschungs- institute (2, 355-62, 1930). When the Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Geschichte der Medizin usw, met in Hamburg in 1928 it visited the Bibfiothek Warburg. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 273 The library is very rich; though its section on the history of science is a sub- ordinate one, it is very useful, and for many investigations the Warburg Institute is one of the best working places in London. Publications: Vortrage, edited by Fritz Saxl, 1921-31 (9 vols. Leipzig 1923-32; Isis 6, 236; 10, 301). Studien der BibUothek Warburg, edited by Fritz Saxl (24 vols., Leipzig 1922-32). Followed by Studies of the Warburg Institute edited by Fritz Saxl, pubhshed in London since 1936 (16 vols, had appeared by the beginning of 1949). Kulturwissenschafthche Bibliographie zum Nachleben der Antike (vol. 1, for the year 1931, Leipzig-London 1934). Vol 2 was published in Enghsh, A bibliog- raphy of the survivals of the classics (London 1938). Aby Warbxirg: Gesammelte Schriften. Die Erneuerung der heidnischen Antike, Beitrage zur Geschichte der europaischen Renaissance, edited by Gertrud Bing (2 vols., 745 p., Leipzig 1932; Isis 23, 602). This contains all of Warburg's pub- lished writings. The editor, Dr. Bing, is planning an additional volume which will include a selection of Warburg's letters and notes and a biography. Corpus platonicum Medii aevi. Raymond Klibansky: The continuity of the Platonic tradition during the Middle Ages (58 p., 5 pi. 1939; Isis 33, 129). Ray- mond Klibansky: Plato Latinus, vol. 1. Meno (114 p., 1940; Isis 33, 86). Franz Rosenthal and Richard Walzer: Plato Arabus. Vol. 2. Alfarabius (1943; Isis 34, 425). Journal of the Warburg Institute, edited by Edgar Wind and Rudolf Witt- kower, later called Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes ( 1937, 8 vols, to 1949). Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies edited by Richard Hunt and Raymond Klibansky (vol. 1, 1941). Annual reports of the Institute are published in pamphlet form. — Manchester — 1781: Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society (36 George Street): The Manchester Society is the oldest scientific society in England, next to the Royal Society. Its beautiful home was destroyed by enemy action on Dec. 24, 1940. It contained many relics of John Dalton, Thomas Percival, Charles White, Robert Owen, James Prescott Joule, Sturgeon, Roscoe, Williamson, Balfour Stewart, Osborne Reynolds, Schuster, Horace Lamb, Elliot Smith, Rutherford and others. Most of that has perished. The Dalton collection was especially rich. List of articles salvaged (Memoirs and Proceedings of the Society, 1939-41, p. xxxiv-xxxvii ) . — Oxford — 1926: Museum of the History of Science (Old Ashmolean Building, Broad Street): The Ashmolean Museum, the oldest British Museum of Natural History, was founded in 1683 by Elias Ashmole ( 1617-92); the collections having been gathered largely by John Tradescant sr. (d. 1637?) and his son, John Tradescant, jr. ( 1608-62), who published a description of them, Museum Tradescantianum (1656). Robert Theodore Gunther: Early science in Oxford (chiefly vol. 3, Oxford 1925; Isis 8, 375-77); The Old Ashmolean. Prepared for the 250th anniversary of its opening (156 p., Oxford 1933). In 1924, the Old Ashmolean was reopened to house the collections relative to the history of science, most of them given to the university by Lewis Evans, others donated by several Oxford colleges. In 1935, the Lewis Evans Collection became the Museum of the History of Science. The first curator was Robert Theodore Gunther (1869-1940), who made considerable use of them for his work Early sci- ence in Oxford (14 vols. Oxford 1920-45; Introd. 3, 1886), and his Astrolabes of the world (2 vols., Oxford 1932; Isis 20, 310-16, 492-95). See also Gunther's Handbook of the Museum of the history of science (162 p., Oxford 1935). Gun- ther has published a series of Old Ashmolean Reprints. Gunther's successor as curator of the museum until 1950 was F. Sherwood 274 Institutes, Museums, Libraries Taylor, who described the museum in Endeavour (vol. 1, no. 2, 3 p., April 1942) and published the Catalogue of an exhibition of scientific apparatus pertaining to medicine and surgery (840 items, 36 p., Oxford 1947). Dr. Taylor was assisted by Dr. S. F, Mason. See Taylor's note in Nature (164, 738-39, 1949). HUNGARY — Budapest — Historical section of the museum for hygiene: The section was directed by Professor Tibor Gyory of Nadxtovar (1869-1938). The present situation of the museum is not known to me, because a pohte request for information addressed to the Director on 15 Feb. 1949 received no answer. The following note was kindly sent to me by Claudius F. Mayer in March 1951. The full title of the museum was Nepegeszsegiigyi Intezet es Muzeum (Public Health Institute and Museum). Address: Eotvbs ucca 4, Budapest. The museum was intended to be an exhibit for health education. It was very rich in material related to industrial hygiene and industrial medicine. It was under the direction of Georg Gortvay, M.D., a public health officer and a medical officer of the Health Ministry of Hungary. The museum had a small collection of old medical and surgical instruments which was much enlarged at the time of an International Exposition held in 1927. The enlargement was chiefly by collection of material on Hungarian medical folklore, again for purposes of public health-education. A special exhibit was arranged for showing the history of quackery. This exhibit was under my immediate direction and arrangements (in 1927-29). I do not know what happened in recent years. I met Gortvay in 1937 but, at that time, he was already the head of another group in the State Health Insurance system of Hungary. Gyory died next year; but he had very little to do with the museum, except as a higher government employee in matters of supervision. ITALY — Florence — Istituto e Museo di storia della scienza (Palazzo Castellani, Piazza dei Giudici, Firenze ) : The Museum owns a very rich collection of instruments, some of them used by Galileo, Torricelli, members of the Accademia del cimento, etc. The director is Prof. Dott. Andrea Corsini, assisted by Dott. Maria LmsA BoNELLi. The latter pubfished an illustrated description of it in the Archives in- ternationales (no. 6, Janv. 1949, p. 452-56, 2 pi.). — Pavia — Istituto di farmacologia: Includes a Raccolta di storia della farmacia, described by P. Mascherpa in Chimica 1943, no. 8, 34 p. — Rome — Musaeum Kircherianum: This museum was created about the middle of the seventeenth century by the Jesuit father Athanasius Kircher (1602-80). According to Kircher's encyclo- paedic tendencies, the museum included objects of every kind — antiquities, archae- ology, ethnography, natural history, etc. It also included a number of mathematical and physical instruments. The Museum does not exist any more as such, its collec- tions having been divided among the other Roman museums; it is possible, how- ever, to reconstruct it in one's imagination, because of the elaborate description of it by another Jesuit, Filippo Buonanni or Bonanni (1638-1735): Musaeum Kircherianum (522 p., foho, with 169 engraved plates, Roma 1709). Pp. 302-12, fig. 65-81, describe the Instrumenta mathematica. Information kindly obtained from Giorgio Levi della Vida and Pietro Baro- Institutes, Museums, Libraries 275 CELLi, both of Rome. I was not able to ascertain whether the scientific instru- ments of the Kircher Museum still exist, and if so where they are at present. Istituto di storia della scienza dell'Universita. Institute which is a part of the University of Rome. The first director was the mathematician, Federigo Enriques (1871-1946), who began in 1932 (with Giorgio DE Santillana) the publication of a general history of science. The first vol. only was published (antiquity; Isis 23, 467-69). 1920-1936: Istituto storico italiano dell'arte sanitaria. Established in Rome in 1920. Published a Bollettino (q.v.) from 1921 to 1934. The Istituto then became the Accademia di storia dell'arte sanitaria, and the Bullet- tino became Atti e memorie (q.v.). It was replaced in 1936 by the Instituto di storia della medicina. 1936: Istituto di storia della medicina deH'Universita di Roma. Institute which is a definite part of the faculty of medicine and is organized for study, teaching, bibliographic documentation. It includes library, archives, museum, and is responsible for many publications. The director is Prof. Adalberto Pazzini; assistant, Luigi Stroppiana. A. Pazzini: I primi dieci anni d'insegnamento e di attivita dellTstituto (Annali di medicina navale e coloniale, vol. 3, 44 p., ill., Ministero della marina militare, 1946), with full bibliography. THE NETHERLANDS — Haarlem — Teylers Stichting ( Teyler Foundation ) : Foundation established by the bequest of Pieter Teyler van der Hulst in 1778; it provided for two societies, the first called "Societe theologique," the second, "la Seconde Societe de Teyler," dedicated to the study (in the order given) of physics, poetry, history, painting, numismatics. In order to realize that second pur- pose a Museum was founded containing collections of physical instruments, natural curiosities, drawings and medals. Martinus van Marum: Description d'une tres grande machine electrique placee dans le Museum de Teyler et des experiments (sic) faits par le moyen de cette machine (quarto, 235 p., pis., Haarlem 1785; supplement 11 p., 1787); Premiere continuation des experiences faites par le moyen de la machine electrique teylerienne (quarto, 286 p., 1787). Both volumes in Dutch and French. Guide for visitors to the Museum by Adriaan Daniel Fokker and A. M. Muntendam (not seen, date unknown). The most interesting among early "natural curiosities" is the giant fossil sala- mander which the Swiss palaeontologist, Johann Jakob Scheuchzer (1672-1733) mistook for "homo diluvii testis." — Leiden — Rijksmuseum voor de geschiedenis der natuurwetenschappen ( National Museum for the History of Science at Leiden, Steenstraat 1 A): This museum, not connected with the Leiden University, was started by a private Foundation on the initiative of Dr. Claude August Crommelin, Lecturer on Physics at the Leiden University and opened the 5th of June 1931 under the directorship of Dr. Croimmelin and the vice-directorship of Prof. Dr. C. J. van der Klaauw, Professor of Zoology at the Leiden University. Dr. Crommelin's inaugural address was published in Dutch in Physica 11 (1931) p. 152 (German translation in Die Naturwissenschaften 19 (1931) p. 673). A guide for visitors was published by him and the Conservator Dr. Maria Rooseboom in 1947. Dr. Crommelin has devoted many articles to individual instruments, physical and astronomical, to the Dutch instrumentmaking in the 17th and 18th centuries, etc. Since the 1st of January 1947 the museum is organized on a national basis and bears the above name. Dr. Crommelin retired from the Directorship the 1st of January 1949 and was succeeded by Dr. Rooseboom. 276 Institutes, Museums, Libraries This museum contains a large number of scientific and medical instruments, memorials and manuscripts which illustrate the development of Dutch science from the seventeenth century on. A section is devoted to Christian Huygens. Dr. Crommelin has published recently a catalogue of the Huygens collection (32 p., 4 pi., Leiden 1949). Maria Rooseboom: The National Museum of the history of science (Archives intern, d'hist. des sci. 29, 129-35, ill., 1950). In addition to its publications it has for sale a large number of photographs repre- senting objects on exhibition, portraits, autographs, etc. Typewritten list (May 1949). Instituut voor geschiedenis der geneeskunde, wiskuhde en natuurwetenschappen (Institute for the history of medicine, mathematics, and natural sciences ) : This institute was established in 1913; it is attached to the University of Leiden, to the Museum described above and to the Dutch society for the history of science. A special committee is in charge of contacts with the University. The library was established in 1928, and a collection of medals (Scientia medica et naturalis in nummis ) in 1942. The institute is located in the Museum. Its proceedings appear in the Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis der geneeskunde. D. Burger: Gedenboek by het 35-jarig bestaan van het Genootschap (Amster- dam 1949); Institut d'histoire de la medecine, des mathematiques et des sciences (Archives 1, 513-16, 1948). — The Haglte — Het Nederlandse Postmuseum ( Netherlandish Postal Museum ) : Postal museum including not only post stamps but a number of objects illus- trating every aspect of postal, telegraphic and telephonic communications. Its in- ception goes back to 1924, but its development was stopped by the war. The director. Dr. R. E. J. Weber, described its purpose and realization in a Dutch brochure Karakter en ontwikkeling van het Nederlandse Postmuseum, reprinted from Het PTT-bedrijf (Jaargang 1, no. 2, p. 60-68), not dated but Dr. Weber's covering letter was dated June 1950. NORWAY Norway's main contribution was the invention of "open-air museums" which have developed considerably in Scandinavia. These collections of old buildings (churches, public and private houses) are very important for the study of archi- tecture and folkarts; they always include exhibits illustrating the history, if not of science, at least of agriculture and technology. One of the first "open-air museums" was created at Maihaugen, Lillehammer, by Anders Sandvig (1862-1950). It contains over 100 buildings. Dr. Jean Anker, Editor of Centaurus, in a letter dated Copenhagen 3 Oct. 1950, has kindly added the following correction: — "It is not quite right to say that Anders Sandvig was the pioneer of the 'open-air' museum, although he was one of the pioneers for the idea in Scandinavia. "The idea on which the open-air museum is based, viz., an endeavour to preserve historical buildings by moving them to an undisturbed place, can undoubtedly be traced far back. Thus in the 16th century the Danish King Frederik II had a log house moved from Halland (a part of South Sweden, at that time belonging to Denmark) to Zealand; in 1528 Francois I is said to have moved a dwelling-house from Morel near Fontainebleau to Cours-la-Reine near Paris, etc. In 1844 Friedrich Wilhelm of Prussia moved Vang's old 'stave-kirk' from Telemarken in Norway to Briickenberg in Riesengebirge ( Silesia ) , where I have seen it myself. "World exhibitions have also contributed to the furtherance of this idea, e.g., when the Crystal Palace of the first exhibition in London in 1851, in 1854, after having been moved to Sydenham, was reopened with a number of courts containing reproductions in reduced size of the prominent buildings of the civilized world. "The idea proper of real 'open-air museums' (park museums) originates from Scandinavia, however, and Norway seems to have shown the way, while to Sweden belongs the honour of having created the first real collections in this form. "This much, however, can be stated that already in 1881 Gol's old 'stave-kirk' together with another building from Telemarken was moved to Bygdo near Oslo, and at the same place the Norwegian Popular Museum (Norske Folkemuseum ) in 1898 acquired a large area for an open- air museum, which in 1907 was united with the above-mentioned and other buildings. "It was probably the Bygdo Museum you have seen on your visit to Norway, that is if it was Institutes, Museums, Libraries 277 not the Sandvigske collections near Lillehammer, which in 1902 was taken over by 'the Society of the Welfare of the Town of LiUehammer.' "The oldest and one of the biggest open-air museums is 'Skansen' in Stockholm which was founded in 1891 by Arthur Hazelius as a branch of the Nordic Museum (Nordiska Museum). "1895 saw the first preparations for an open-air museum in Denmark, and in 1897 the first building for the ptupose was erected in Rosenborg Garden in Copenhagen. The place was unsuit- able, however, and the museum did not acquire the desired conditions until 1901, when the Folkemuseum opened its open-air museum near Lyngby north of Copenhagen, where it is still to be found. It has developed into a very large museum with a great number of buildings from the whole country as well as from our former Swedish and German provinces. "The museum near Lyngby ( Sorgenfri ) is the greatest, but gradually we have developed quite a number scattered all over the country. The best known is our Town Museum, 'Den gamle By,' in Arhus. A number of open-air museums is now to be found also in Sweden and Norway. "As far as I know, no review of the history of individual open-air museums exists (I just asked the head of the Lyngby Museum, Dr. Ulldal ) ; we have, however, a number of publica- tions about the individual museums. From the Swedish literature the following may be men- tioned: L. Svensson: Hembygdens arv (1929); Fran landskapsmuseer och hembygdsgarder (in 'Fataburen' 1931, sqq. ); G. Berg: Arthur Hazelius (1933); S. Erixon & A, Campbell: Svensk bygd och folkkultur, 1-4 (1946-48)." POLAND After the reconstitution of Poland in 1919, chairs for the history of medicine, each of them connected with an institute ad hoc, were estabhshed in the five Pohsh Universities : Cracovia (Krakow). — Institute directed by Professor W. Szumowski (Isis 31, 183). PosEN. — Institute directed by Professor Adam Wrzosek (Isis 31, 184, 190). WiLNO (Vilna). — Institute directed by Professor S. Trzebinski (Isis 7, 243; 8, 559; 31, 184). Varsaw (Warszawa). — Institute directed by Professor Franciszek Giedroyc (Isis 11, 564; 12, 437). Lwow (Lemberg). — No information. H. E. Sigerist: Forschungsinstitute (vol. 1, 402, 1930). Polite letters of inquiry addressed on 10 June 1949 to the five Polish universities remained unanswered. ROMANIA — Bucharest — National Institute of the History of Medicine: The institute of Bucuresti was founded by V. Gomoiu in 1935. Includes library, archives, and objects concerning the history of medicine and pharmacy (Isis 40, 182). — Cluj — 1921: Institutul de istoria medicinei si farmaciei si de folklor medical (Institute for the history of medicine, pharmacy, and medical folklore ) : Founded in 1921 by Dr. Jules Guiart of Lyon; directed by Dr. Valeriu L. BoLOGA. Publishes the Biblioteca medico-istorica; studies by members of the insti- tute are published also in medical journals, Romanian or French. Descriptions by BoLOGA in Archeion (9, 517-20, 1928). Cluj, the main city of Transylvania, was called in Latin, Claudiopolis; in German, Klausenburg; in Hungarian Kolozsvar. Cluj is the official (Romanian) name since 1918. SOVIET UNION — Leningrad — Institute for the history of science: The All-Union Institute for experimental medicine in Leningrad organized in 1933 a Bureau of the history of science (President, Prof. K. M. Bykov). The activi- ties of that bureau are the same as that of an institute: Library and museum activities, organization of research, various types of publications. Henry E. Sigerist (Bull, of the Institute of the history of medicine 3, 92-93, 1935). 278 Institutes, Museums, Libraries The following information which we owe Semyon P. Rudnykh was first published in Isis (37, 77), but is so relevant that we reprint it in extenso: "The study of the history of science, with a special emphasis on the history of science in Russia, is to be concentrated in a special institute of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR set up by decision of the Soviet Government in the end of 1944. The Institute is headed by Academician V. L. Komabov, President of the Academy of Sciences, and a Council consisting of Honorary Academician, N. A. MoROZov; Academicians S. I. Vavilov, V. P. Volgin, B. D. Grekov, A. M. Deborin, N. D. Zelinsky, a. N. Krylov, L. A. Orbeli, V. P. Potemkin and E. V. Tarle; Corresponding Members of the Academy L. S. Berg and H. S. Koshtoyantz, and Professors G. F. Alexandrov, V. G. Kuznetsov (Assistant Director), T. I. Rainov and V. I. SvETLOV. "The study of the history of science in general will be combined with the study of particular branches of science (physics, astronomy, mathematics, mechanics, chemistry, biology, etc.). One of the aims of the Institute is to spread knowledge on the history of science among the people, particularly among the youth. The Institute will have a museum, library and bibliographical bureau. "The Institute for the Study of the History of Science plans to issue the following publications : " 'Scientific Heritage,' collection of hitherto unpublished or little known docu- ments relating to the history of science in Russia and abroad. The first volume, now being prepared for the press, contains unpublished documents of general interest, including a manuscript by Mendeleyev discovered shortly before the present war and some unpublished manuscripts of outstanding West-European scientists; " 'Transactions,' a periodical in which will be published articles and essays on questions of the history of science; " 'Classics of Russian science'; " 'History of Russian science,' a collective work in several volumes; " 'Coryphaei of Russian science' — series of volumes, each containing the selected works of a Russian scientist, a life of the scientist, bibliography, and comments; " 'Classics of natural sciences' — individual classical works which are landmarks in the history of science, with comments and notes. "Monographs dealing with individual questions of the development of science in Russia and in the West. "Textbooks for colleges and popular publications. "The Institute is preparing to produce a work of many volumes on the general history of science, to publish critical and bibliographical works, collect exhibits and documents and hold conferences on the history of science." For publications, see chapter 20, under Trudy. SWEDEN My information on Swedish Museums was largely obtained thanks to the courtesy of Dr. Arne Holmberg, Librarian of the Royal Swedish Academy of Science. The courtesies of other colleagues are mentioned in separate notes. — Falun, Dalarne ( Dalecarlia ) — Bergslagets Museum (Mining Museum) founded c. 1898: Owned by Stora kopparbergs Bergslags A. B. (Stora kopparbergs mining district Co., inc.), superintendent: Dr. Alvar Silow. Mining in that district of Dalecarlia began at least as early as the thirteenth cen- tury; the museum contains documents dated 1288, 1347. Brief guide in Swedish (24 p., Falun 1947; Isis 39, 124). Reprinted 1949. History by Sven Tunberg: Stora kopparbergets historia. I. Forberedande Undersokningar (198 p., 39 ill., Uppsala 1922; Isis 39, 124). Introd. (3, 219). Information kindly communicated to me by Dr. Andries MacLeod of Vintjarn, Dalarne, and Dr. Alvar Silow of Falun. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 279 — Stockholm — 1921 : Museet for de exakta vetenskapernas historia ( Museum for the history of exact sciences ) : Founded in 1921 and owned by the Royal Academy of Sciences. It is not yet open to the pubhc and is temporarily housed in the Riksmuseum, Stockholm 50. Superintendent: Prof. Gustaf Ising. Annual reports in the Annual of the Academy (K. Svenska vetenskapsakademiens Arsbok) beginning in 1922. Thanks to the great kindness of Dr. Abne Holmberg I obtained the collection of those reports from 1922 (for 1921) to 1948 (for 1947); each of them is an offprint from tlie Academy's yearbook, varying in length from a few pages to some 60. The longest one, for 1927 (Yearbook 1928, p. 259-316) contains an account of other museums on the history of science such as those of Lon- don, Paris, Prague, Vienna, Munich, Nuremberg, Dresden. 1897: The Berzelius Museum of the Royal Academy of Sciences: Founded in 1897. Located in the Academy's building, Stockholm 50. Superin- tendent: Prof. Arne Westgren, Kungl. vetenskapsakademiens Berzelius-Museum (21 p., Uppsala 1928). This Museum collects books, MSS and memorials of every kind concerning the chemist Berzelius (1779-1848). The Academy has published an elaborate biog- raphy of Berzelius (3 vols., 1929-31) and his correspondence, and has devoted various other books to his memory (summary in Isis 36, 134-35). 1924: Tekniska museet (Museum of technology): Private institution founded in 1924. The present Museum is estabUshed in a building of very large size and itself of great technical interest, built in 1934-36. From the description I gather that the aim is primarily technical ( to illustrate and explain modern technicalities) but there are various exhibits of historical interest, for example, those concerning "the father of Swedish technology," Christopher PoLHEM ( 1661-1751 ) and his disciples. Superintendent: Torsten Althin. S. Soderberg: Tekniska museet (Industria 1947); Tekniska museet (undated guide, Stockholm). Jarnvagsmuseum ( Railway museum ) : Opened in 1915. One part of it is at the Central Railway Station in Stockholm (temporarily closed since 1946), another part at Tomteboda Station, 3 km. north. Includes remains of the first Swedish-built engine, 1853 (the first Swedish rail- way for steam engine traction was opened in 1856). There are many other engines, passenger cars, the first autobus, signal installations, etc. Jarnvagsmuseum (Stockholm 1946). Das Eisenbahnmuseum (Stockholm 1939). The Swedish Railway museum (Stockholm 1939). Telegraf museet (Telegraph museum). Open since 1937. No fiterature. Open-air Museums. — See the letter of Jean Anker, printed above under "Norway." switzerland — Basel — Historisches Museum ( Steinenberg, 4 ) : There is as yet no section of the history of science in this museum, but I under- stand that one may be organized in the near future (Letter from Dr. Wolfgang Schneewind, assistant curator, dated 27 Dec. 1948). The Museum owns two Mer- cator globes, terrestrial and celestial, dated 1541 and 1551, plus other globes, tele- scopes, etc. It also owns three sixteenth century reckoning tables, which are very rare objects (Francis Pierrepont Barnard: The casting-counter and the counting board, p. 231, Oxford 1916; Isis 5, 553). 280 Institutes, Museums, Libraries Die Schweizerische Sammlung fiir historisches Apothekenwesen an der Universitat Basel: The nucleus of this museum is the private collection of Dr. Josef Anton Hafli- GER, who became in 1926 Privatdozent at the University for the history of pharmacy. In 1927 the collection was taken over by the Swiss "Apothekerverein," and greatly increased by the acquisition of another private collection gathered by Dr. Th. Engel- MANN. Elaborate catalogue by J. A. Halfliger: Pharmazeutische Altertumskunde (204 p., 53 ill., Ziirich 1931). The Museum is housed in the Pharmaceutical Institute of the University. In Hafliger's book (p. 27-40) there is a long list of collections relative to the history of pharmacy. Many of these collections are included in large museums of a much wider scope; others are to be found in the old pharmacies which have been preserved in many European cities. My attention was first drawn to the Basel collection by Dr. Emil Walter of Ziirich (his letter of 30 Dec. 1947). — Zurich — Medizingeschichtliche Sammlung der Universitat Ziirich: The nucleus of this museum was the private collection of Dr. G. A. Wehrli (1888-1949) begun in 1915. It was acquired by the canton of Ziirich in 1932 and is housed in one of the University buildings. It concerns the history of medicine in all its aspects, not only scientific medicine but also medical folklore and charlatanry. Information received from Dr. Emil Walter (his letter of 30 Dec. 1947; Isis 41, 57). UNITED STATES OF AMERICA — Baltimore, Maryland — 1927: Institute for the History of Medicine: This institute was created as a part of the Johns Hopkins University at the initiative of Dr. William Henry Welch, about 1927-28. The organization of the institute was inspired by that of the Leipzig institute which Welch visited in 1927. It includes a fairly large library, the Welch Memorial Library, partly collected by Welch himself. Dr. Sigerist was director of the institute from 1932 to 1947; Prof. Richard H. Shryock succeeded him in 1949. The institute pubhshes a Bulletin (q.v.) and various series of books. For its history, see Simon Flexner: W. H. Welch (425, 443; New York 1941; Isis 34, 381). — Cambridge, Massachusetts — 1918-49: Section of the history of science of the Carnegie Institution of Washington in Cambridge, Massachusetts: The work of this section began with George Sarton's appointment on July 1, 1918 and ended with his retirement on August 31, 1949. This section was the center for the study of the history of science in America. The main publication is Sarton's Introduction to the history of science (3 vols, in 5, 1927-48). The Carnegie Institution sponsored the publication of various other books on the history of science the list of which appeared in Osiris (9:624-38, 1950). Progress of the work done by Sarton year by year may be read in the Year Books of the Institution beginning with no. 18 (for 1919) and ending with no. 48 (for 1948-49). Sarton works in the Harvard (Widener) Library, rooms 185-189. His library and apparatus have been given to that library; the books bought for him by the Carnegie Institution have also been given to Harvard and will thus remain mixed with the other books used by him (books bought with his own money or presented to him). This hbrary includes a card catalogue of all the notes published in Isis; that is, Institutes, Museums, Libraries 281 a bibliography of the history of science all over the world from about 1910. The cards fill 72 drawers of the standard size. This section was entirely supported by the Carnegie Institution, Harvard provid- ing two rooms in Widener Library for its collections. At the time of Sarton's retirement from the Carnegie Institution an arrangement was made with Harvard University and with the Widener Library making the continuation of Sarton's work possible for a few more years. 1949: Harvard Museum of the History of Science: An exhibition of scientific instrvmients used at Harvard in the eighteenth century and later, was held in the Edward Mallinckrodt Chemical Laboratory, on Oxford Street, from 12 February 1949 on. The exhibition has been arranged by David P. Wheatland, I. Bernard Cohen and Samuel Eliot Morison. It is probably the nucleus of a permanent museum. The period covered is 1764-1837. There are no instruments anterior to 1764, for a conflagration occurring in that year destroyed Harvard Hall which included the "philosophical chambers" (where the instruments were kept) as well as the college library. Isis (6, 543). David Pingree Wheatland and I. Bernard Cohen: Some early scientific instruments at Harvard University (32 p., ill., Harvard University Press 1949). I. B. Cohen: Some early tools of American science. An account of the early scientific instruments and mineralogical and biological collections in Harvard University (222 p., 32 pi., Harvard University Press 1950; Isis 41, 233-34). — Chicago, Illinois — 1933 : Museum of Science and Industry ( 57th Street at Lake Michigan ) : Founded by Julius Rosenwald; its exhibits were opened to the public in 1933 in the reconstructed Fine Arts Building, an immense palace which had originally been built in stucco for the Chicago Fair of 1893. Total floor area, 14 acres. The Museum was partly inspired by the Deutsches Museum of Munich, e.g., it includes like the latter a coal mine wherein visitors can obtain some idea of what a real mine is and how it functions. It is a museum of science rather than of the history of science, yet many exhibits are ( or will be ) of historical interest. The organizer and first director of the Museum was Waldemar Bernhard Kaempffert, author of A popular history of American invention (2 vols.. New York 1924; improved German translation Berlin 1927; Isis 11, 533). Kaempffert de- nied the imitation of the Deutsches Museum and claimed that the Chicago museum was the development of new ideas. See his paper Revealing the technical ascent of man in the Rosenwald Industrial Museum ( Scientific Monthly 28, 481-98, 10 ill., 1929). No pubhcations except a short guide (Exhibit finder, 16 p.) for visitors. 1930: Adler Planetarium and Astronomical Museum (Chicago Park District): The building specially made to accommodate a planetarium made in Jena ( the first of its kind in America) and given by Max Adler, was opened to the public on 12 May 1930. It includes in the rooms around and below the planetarium, a large collection of astronomical instruments which was brought together and described by Philip Fox (1878-1944). See the Brief guide prepared by him 4th ed., 64 p., ill., Chicago, Sept. 1937; Isis 34, 450). Of course, collections of astrolabes, ancient telescopes and other instruments, old books, may be found in many observatories, such as the Harvard Observatory in Cambridge, Mass., or the Library of the Mount Wilson Observatory, Pasadena, Calif., or in other planetariums such as the one attached to the American Museum of Natural History, in New York (like every great museum of natural history, the American Museum contains a good many historical exhibits). — Cincinnati, Ohio — Lloyd Library and Museum (309 West Court St., Cincinnati 2): These collections were begun in 1864 by the two brothers, John Uri Lloyd (1849-1936) and Curtis Gates Lloyd. 282 Institutes, Museums, Libraries The publications are most of them scientific ( mycological, pharmaceutical, botani- cal, entomological) but they include also a "reproduction series" begun in 1900 (nine nos. by 1931, reproducing older works), a number of botanical bibliographies and books on the history of pharmacy. Caswell A. Mayo: The Lloyd library and its makers (Bull. no. 28 of the Lloyd Library, 72 p., ill., 1928), Mrs. Corinne Miller Simons: Lloyd Library and Museum. A history of its resources. (Special libraries p. 481-86, Dec. 1943). — Cleveland, Ohio — Museum of historical and cultural medicine (11,000 Euclid Avenue): This museum is owned by the Cleveland Medical Library Association. It was initiated by D. P. Allen and developed by H. Dittrick, as described by himself in Bull. Hist. Med. (1940, 8, 1214-45). — DoYLESTOWN ( near Philadelphia ) , Pennsylvania — 1916: Mercer Museum of the Bucks County Historical Society: The Society was organized in 1880 and incorporated in Pennsylvania in 1885. The main collections were gathered by one of its charter members, Henry Chapman Mercer (1856-1930; Isis 14, 424). He presented the existing building in 1916, and additions were made to it in 1933 and 1936. The objects exhibited are chiefly tools and utensils of every kind, age and prov- enance; added to them are other objects of archaeological interest illustrating the life of the people using those tools. There are other historical and folkloric societies and museums in Pennsylvania, which evoke the hfe and activities of the old "Dutch" (German) settlers: the Schwenkfelder Historical Library at Pennsburg, the Pennsylvania State Museum at Harrisburg, the Berks County Historical Society at Reading, the Hershey Museum at Hershey, the Landis Valley Museum at Lancaster. The last-named one boasts a large collection of Lancaster Rifles (the Pennsylvania German rifles). The other museums contain many tools and instruments similar to those of the Mercer Museum, but less numerous and generally restricted to the local varieties. A description of all of those museums was published by the Pennsylvania Ger- man Folklore Society (vol. 7, 1942), with many illustrations. The Mercer Museum has published many books and papers explaining some parts of the collections, e.g., H. C. Mercer: Ancient carpenter tools (1929; Isis 18, 400), Light and fire making (1898), Tools of the nation maker (1897); Rudolf P. Hom- mel: China at work (1937; Isis 31, 219). There are small guides for visitors, e.g., subject 1, Food (4 p., 1921), subject 2, Tools (4 p., 1923). Henry Chapman Mercer (1856-1930) Memorial services (40 p., ill., Doyles- tovra, 1930). — Kansas City, Kansas — Department of medical history: Includes a small collection of medico-historical objects founded by Logan Clendening (1884-1945), autlior of popular books on medicine and the history of medicine. Bull. Hist. Med. (1940, 8, 742-48). — Madison, Wisconsin — 1941 : American Institute for the History of pharmacy: The institute was founded on 22 Jan. 1941, but its organization had been pre- pared many years before by the teaching and collecting of Dr. Edward Kremers (1865-1941), the building up of the pharmaceutical section of the Library of the University of Wisconsin (that section is very rich, not second even to the Lloyd Library), the collections of Dr. Richtmann, and other collections preserved within the Museum of the Wisconsin Historical Society. The organizer and director of the Institute is Dr. George Urdang, who collabo- Institutes, Museums, Libraries 283 rated with Dr. Kremers and continued the latter's teaching in the history of phar- macy. The museum of the Institute was described by Dr. Urdang in The scope of pharmacy. An exhibit (61 p., ill., Madison, 1946). — New Haven, Connecticut — 1940: Historical Library of the Yale University, School of Medicine: The Library was created by the bequest of Dr. Harvey Gushing (1869-1939); it includes CusmNc's own hbrary and that of Arnold C. Klebs (1870-1943). The organizer and first director is Dr. John F. Fulton. The Yale Historical Library is not only a collection of books, MSS and other documents and monuments relative to the history of medicine, it is also a center of research and publication. See the Reports of the Historical Library for 1940-41, 1941-44, 1944-45, 1945-46, 1947-48, etc. See also Fulton's biography of Gushing (Springfield, 111., 1946; Isis 37, 92-93). 1947: Yale Museum of Science: A catalogue of surviving early scientific instruments of Yale GoUege. Placed on display in the Sterfing Memorial Library, October 1947 (12 p.). Many of the items are now preserved in the Historical Library. — Newport News, Virginia — 1930: The Mariner's Museum: Founded by Archer M. Huntington "It is devoted to the culture of the sea and its tributaries, its conquest by man, and its influence on civilization." It in- cludes many objects concerning the history of navigation, etc. There is no general guide but the Museum has published some twenty booklets describing separate exhibits, historical ships or places, etc. — New York, New York — New York Academy of Medicine (2 East 103rd St., New York 29): In addition to its rich collection of books, prints, medals, the Academy has for a good many years been accumulating old instruments and other objects illustrating medical research and practice. There is enough material for a medical museum, but the latter is not organized and ready for pubhc exhibition (Letter from Miss Janet Doe, hbrarian, dated Feb. 8, 1949). Museum of the Peaceful Arts in the City of New York: This Museum is quoted here only pro memoria. The idea was originated by George Frederick Kunz (1856-1932): The projected Museum of the peaceful arts (paper read before the American Museum Association's meeting. New York 1912, 12 p.). Great efforts were made to obtain sufficient capital but failed. It was more or less replaced by the New York Museum of Science and Industry. G. Sarton has in his archives a considerable correspondence on the subject. New York Museum of Science and Industry (RCA Building, Rockefeller Center): This Museum is more concerned with the exhibition of modern discoveries and inventions than with their history. It was founded by a bequest of Henry R. Towne in 1924 and opened to the pubhc in 1927. — Philadelphia, Pa. — The Henry Charles Lea Library and Reading Room (University of Pennsylvania, 34th and Locust St. ) : This is the library collected and used by Henry Charles Lea (1825-1909), historian of the Inquisition and witchcraft, and given to the University by his chil- dren. It is a rich collection of books and MSS deafing with the subjects to which Lea devoted a good part of his fife. Edward Sculley Bradley: H. G. Lea (Philadelphia 1931), including bibhog- 284 Institutes, Museums, Libraries raphy of Lea's writings. H. C. Lea: Materials toward a history of witchcraft, edited by Arthur C. Rowland, introduction by George Lincoln Burr (3 vols., 1592 p., Philadelphia 1939; Isis 34, 235-36); Minor historical writings edited by the same (420 p., Philadelphia 1942; Isis 34, 235-36). There is a Lea Professorship of History in the University of Pennsylvania. The present incumbent, John L. La Monte, is more interested in the Crusades than in the Inquisition, yet he kindly wrote to me (9 Feb. 1949) that the Library is always open to special students and visiting scholars. Dr. Howland, emeritus professor and curator of the Lea Library, is cataloguing and analyzing the Lea MSS and other items, and the library is kept up-to-date. La Monte died in 1949 (Isis 41, 202). 1931: Edgar Fahs Smith Memorial Collection (University of Pennsylvania): Collection of books, MSS and prints relative to the history of chemistry, made by Edgar F. Smith (1854-1928), professor of chemistry and sometime provost of the university. It was reorganized in 1931 as an institute for research in the history of chemistry, and publishes Chymia (vol. 1, 1948). Curator and secretary, Eva V. Armstrong. 1933: The Franklin Institute: The Institute dates from 1824; the idea of building a Museum of science origi- nated in 1928 and the Museum was opened in 1933. The Museum includes the Fels Planetarium and many exhibits illustrating the wonders of modern science and tech- nology. Many of the exhibits are of historical interest, the chief of them being Franklin's printing shop and other Frankhniana, early machines, tools, and instru- ments of every kind. Sydney L. Wright: The story of the Frankhn Institute (105 p., ill., 1938). Brief guide to the Museum (62 p., ill., no date). See also Doylestown, Pa. — Waltham, Massachusetts — Chronica Botanica Library and Archives ( 977 Main Street and 79 Sartell Road ) : One of the largest biological historical libraries in private hands and an institute for the history of biology in statu nascendi. Special sections include: (I) History of botanical gardens, (2) Botanical exploration, (3) Method and philosophy of the natural sciences, {4) Emblem books of a biological interest, (5) Chinese and Japa- nese classics, (6) Natural history poetry, (7) Early horticulture. Chronica Botanica Archives (at Sartell Road): (J) Autographs, (2) Portraits, (3) Various memorabiha, (4) Older nursery catalogues, (5) Prints of gardens, and ( 6 ) Early plant geographical maps. Card indices: ( 1 ) References to published ( as well as unpublished ) biographical data about plant scientists of the past (ca. 3 million cards), (2) Literature of the history of biology, (3) Bibliography of collective biographical literature, (4) Data on the history of botanical gardens, ( 5 ) Literature of historical plant geography, ( 6 ) Literature of biological methodology, museum, and garden technique, ( 7 ) Literature of hepaticology. See Arch. Int. Hist. Sci. 29: 785-787, 1950. — Washington, D. C. — Army Medical Library and Army Medical Museum (also called Surgeon General's Library and Museum ) : The Library and Museum are two separate institutions, once located in the same building (7th St. and Independence Ave., Washington 25) and operated as depart- ments of the U. S. Army Medical Services under the authority of the Surgeon General. The hbrary is perhaps the richest medical library in the world, and it is known everywhere because of its Index Catalogue which is one of the fundamental tools of the medical historian. Edgar Erskine Hume: The Army medical library (Isis 26, 423-47, 2 portr., 1937). See also Claudius F. Mayer ('isis 40, 119). The museum is rather a museum of medicine than of the history of medicine, yet it includes a number of exhibits illustrating the development of medicine and of Institutes, Museums, Libraries 285 medical instruments (stethoscopes, microscopes, hearing aids, syringes, surgical and dental instruments, military medical kits, etc.). There is also a fine collection of coins, stamps, medals and plaquettes of medical interest. The collections are well catalogued and classified, but there is no general description of them. The Army Medical Museum is now a subdivision of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology which unites under one general head: a) Institute of pathology (at old address); b) Army Medical Museum (old address but in another building, on other side of the street); c) Registry of Pathology (at old address), and d) Medical Illus- tration Service (in building of the museum). Both museum and library originated after the Civil War and were developed by John Shaw Billings (1838-1913), about whom see the article in Isis 26 referred to above. Smithsonian Institution — United States National Museum: Collections concerning the history of science and technology are found in at least three departments. Ethnology or Anthropology, Engineering and Industries, and the recently created National Air Museum. Reports concerning the activities of these departments appear every year in the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution. The activities of the first-named of these departments are well illustrated by its publications. Otis T. Mason (Curator of Ethnology): The origins of invention (419 p., ill., London 1895). Walter Hough (Curator of Anthropology): Synoptic series of objects in the U. S. National Museum illustrating the history of inventions (Proc. USNM, 60, art. 9, 47 p., 56 pi., 1922), Fire as an agent in human culture (USNM, Bull. 139, 284 p., 41 pi., 1926); Collection of heating and lighting utensils (USNM, Bull. 141, 118 p., 99 pi., 1928); Fire-making apparatus (Proc. USNM, vol. 73, art. 14, 72 p., 11 pi., 1928), etc. The Museum of engineering and industries is one of the four divisions of the Department of Engineering and Industries. It has a very large collection of objects and instruments illustrating technical inventions, chiefly those made within the nation after the Revolution. Some of the early items are models such as were necessary at the beginning of last century in support of an application for a U. S. patent. Par- ticular items or groups of items have been described by the former curator, Carl W. MiTMAN, or by his assistants, in engineering or industrial journals, but there is no general catalogue. Though the Department collections include some of the earliest accessions of the Smithsonian Institution (founded in 1846), its history begins about 1880; its organi- zation was conceived by G. Brown Goode, who was much interested in the history of American science. The present curator is Frank A. Taylor. See his articles The background of the Smithsonian Institution's Museum of engineering and industry (Science 104, 130-32, 1946); A National Museum of science, engineering and indus- try (Scientific Monthly 63, 359-65, 1946), plans for a larger Museum to be built in Washington. The National Air Museum: The objects illustrating ballooning and aviation were detached in 1946 from the Department of Engineering and Industry, in order to constitute the kernel of a new museum (Public Law 722, 22 August 1946). The present curator is Carl Weaver Mitman "Assistant to the Secretary [of tlie Smithsonian Institution] for the National Air Museum." Carnegie Institution. See Cambridge, Massachusetts. COMPANY MUSEUMS A good'many industrial firms have established museums relative to their own past achievements or to the achievements of the branch of industry which they represent. That custom originated in Germany where intense industrial activities were com- bined with a deep sense of tradition and a genuine historical spirit. It was strength- ened by the zeal of Franz Maria Feldhaus,"*^ who organized investigations in the 1°^ His methods are explained and illustrated in his journal Geschichtsblatter fiir Technik, Industrie und Gewerbe (vol. 11, 1-10, 1927). 286 Institutes, Museums, Libraries history of technology on a commercial basis and produced a number of studies to celebrate the jubilee of various German companies. Many of these studies have been listed in Isis {e.g., 4, 216-17; 26, 572; 28, 585). According to Laurence Vail Coleman:"" Company museums (1943), there were at the time of his writing 80 company museums in the United States and Can- ada, some of them, it is true, very small and not open to the public, others on the contrary quite considerable. Each of those museums is important, for it helps to pre- serve more accurately some technological and industrial traditions. Coleman's book contains a brief description of each and all of them. It will suflBce here to enumerate a few in alphabetical order of subjects: Abrasives. — Norton Co., Norton Hall Museum (Worcester, Mass.). Agricultural T77achinerij. — J. I. Case Co. Farm machinery collection (Racine, Wise). Aluminum. — Aluminum Co. of America. Aluminum Museum ( 230 Park Ave., New York). Arithmetical machines. — Felt & Tarrant Mfg. Co. ( 1735 N. Paulina St., Chicago, 111.). Asbestos. — Asbestos Ltd. (8 W. 40 St., New York). Automobiles. — Ford Motor Co. Ford Rotunda (Dearborn, Mich.). Studebaker Museum (South Bend, Ind. ). General Motors Corporation. Parade of progress (traveling exhibits, headquar- ters, 1775 Broadway, New York). Chemistry. — Rumford Chemical Works. Rumford Museum (Rumford, R. I.). Fisher Scientific Co., Fisher Collection of alchemical and historical pictures (711 Forbes St., Pittsburgh, Pa.). Electricity. — The Old Edison Laboratory (West Orange, N. Y. ), estabhshed soon after the death of Thomas Alva Edison in 1931. This is the most important museum of its kind in America. General Electric Co. Research Laboratory Exhibits (Schenectady, N. Y. ). Explosives. — E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. Du Pont Museum (Wilmington, Del.). Firearms. — Colt's Patent Fire Arms Manufacturing Co. Colt Museum ( Hart- ford, Conn.). Charles T. Haven and Frank A. Belden: History of the Colt revolver and other arms (711 p., ill., 1940). Fire engines. — The Home Insurance Co., The H. V. Smith Museum (59 Maiden Lane, New York, N. Y. ). Insurance Co. of North America (1600 Arch St., Phila- delphia). Forestry. — See Logging equipment. Fur trade. — Hudson's Bay Co. (Winnipeg, Manitoba). Gla3s. — United States Glass Co. (Tiffin, Ohio). Libbey Glass Co. (Foot of Ash St., Toledo, Ohio). Gyroscopes. — Sperry Gyroscope Co. ( Manhattan Bridge Plaza, Brooklyn, N. Y. ) . Logging equipment. — Wisconsin Land & Lumber Co. Paul Bunyan Museum (Blaney Park, Blaney, Mich.). Meteorological instruments. — Taylor Instrvmient Co. (Rochester, N. Y. ). The News Syndicate Co. The News Lobby Exhibit (220 E. 42nd St., New York). Mining. — See Rock drilling. Paper. — Crane & Co., Crane Museum (Dalton, Mass.). Hammermill Paper Co. (Erie, Pa.). Pharmacy. — Burroughs Wellcome & Co., Wellcome exhibition galleries (11 E. 41 St. New York). These galleries were discontinued about 1946. Two catalogues of special exhibitions were pubhshed. The romance of ex- ploration and emergency first-aid from Stanley to Byrd ( 160 p., ill, Chicago, Cen- noWe owe to Coleman a whole series of important reference books on American museums: Manual for small Museums (New York, Putnam 1927). Directory of Museums in South America (1929). Historic House Museums (1933). The Museums in America (3 vols. 1939). College and University Museums (1942). Company Museums (1943). All these books, except the first, published by the American Association of Museums, Washington, D. C. Institutes, Museums, Libraries 287 tury of Progress Exhibition 1934). The Reichert Collection illustrative of the evolution and development of diagnostic instruments (70 p., 1942). The Squibb ancient pharmacy (Squibb Building, corner of 58th St. & Fifth Ave., New York City, 28th floor). Collection made in Europe for E. R. Squibb and Sons, manufacturing chemists, and brought to America in 1932. George Ordang and F. W. Nitardy: The Squibb ancient pharmacy (190 p., ill.. New York, Squibb, 1940; Isis 32, 493). There are many such collections in Europe, but this is the largest available in America. For a list of other collections, too many to be enumerated here, see Josef Anton Hafliger: Pharmazeutische Altertumskunde (p. 27-39, Ziirich 1931). Photography. — Eastman Kodak Co. (Kodak Park, Rochester, N. Y. ). Printing and Publication. — The New York Times, The John H. Finley Museum of the Recorded Word (229 W. 43rd St., New York). Chilhcothe Newspapers (Chilhcothe, Ohio). See also typesetting. Railroads. — The Baltimore & Ohio Co. ( Bailey's Roundhouse, Baltimore, Md. ) . Union Pacific System (Headquarters Bldg., Omaha, Neb.). Norfolk & Western Railway (Roanoke, Va. ). Rock drilling. — IngersoU-Rand Co. Rock Drill Museum ( Phillipsburg, N. J.). Scales. — Toledo Scale Museum (Telegraph Rd., Toledo, Ohio). Shoes. — United Shoe Machinery Corporation Shoe Museum ( 140 Federal St., Boston, Mass.). George E. Keith Co., Old Red Shop (Campello, Brockton, Mass.). Steel. — Worcester Pressed Steel Co., John Woodman Higgins Steel Museum (Worcester, Mass.). The Museum is located on 100 Barber Avenue in Worcester. It was briefly de- scribed by John W. Higgins: The industrial museum (Industrial Education Mag., March 1935). Bethlehem Steel Exhibit ( Bethlehem, Pa. ) . See also Wires. Surgical instruments. — V. Mueller & Co. (408 S. Honore St., Chicago). Telegraph. — Western Union Telegraph Co. Engineering Museum ( 60 Hud- son St., New York). Telephone. — Bell System Historical Museum (463 West St., New York). Museum established in 1913, controlled by the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, illustrating the history of electrical communications. William Chauncey Langdon: The American Telephone Historical Collection (Bell Telephone Quarterly, Jan. 1924, 12 p.); The growth of the historical collec- tion (ib., April 1925, 14 p.). W. C. Farnell: The Bell System historical museum (50 p., ill., Bell Telephone Laboratories, Dec. 1936), this is a guide to the main exhibits. The Bell Telephone Co. of Canada. Telephone Museum ( 1050 Beaver Hall Hill, Montreal, P. Q.). Textiles. — Crompton & Knowles Loom Works (Worcester, Mass.). Typesetting. — Mergenthaler Linotype Co. ( Park Ave. & Ryerson St., Brook- lyn, N. Y.). Typewriters. — Underwood Elliott Fisher Co. (Hartford, Conn.). Watches. — Elgin National Watch Co. (Elgin, III). Waltham Watch Co., FrankHn Dennison Collection (Waltham, Mass.). Wires. — American Steel and Wire Co. (Worcester, Mass.). SMALL REGIONAL OR LOCAL MUSEUMS To these "company museums" should be added a few of the "local" museums, of which there are now many thousands in the United States. The purpose of these museums is to exhibit objects illustrating the history and archaeology of a definite locality and of the region surrounding it. When that region was the cradle of a definite industry, the local history of that industry will in all probability be rep- resented. For example, I remember seeing industrial exhibits in the Museum of Rochester, N. Y., and of course many of them in the two regional historical museums of New York City, the Museum of the City of New York (Fifth Ave. at 288 Institutes, Museums, Libraries 104th St.) and the Museum of the New York Historical Society (Central Park W., between 76 and 77th Sts.). Some of the Massachusetts Museums illustrate maritime industries and fishing. For example, the Peabody Museimi in Salem, and the two whaling museums of New Bedford and of Nantucket (see Isis 16, 115-23, 1931). We may refer again to the Mariners' Museum in Newport News, Virginia to which a separate note is devoted above. HISTORICAL HOUSES OF INTEREST TO THE HISTORIAN OF SCIENCE The only houses hsted below are those open to the public and including collec- tions or at least a few memorabilia. All of them, except Bartram, are hsted among a great many others (some 400) which do not concern the historian of science in L. V. Coleman: Historic House Museums (Washington, D. C. 1933); the account of each house in Coleman's book is far too meager. The houses are listed in the alphabetic order of their localities. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Mercer Apothecary shop (c. 1750). Greenfield Village, Michigan: The Menlo Park group of houses, moved from Menlo Park, New Jersey. Edi- son's Laboratory, Edison's Office Library, carbon shed, carpenter shop, glass house, machine shop. Edison's Fort Myers Laboratory (moved from Fort Myers, Florida). For other Edison memorabilia see West Orange. Sandwich Glass Plant. Village blacksmith shop, etc. Ford's shop (moved from Detroit). Steintvietz cottage ( moved from Schenectady, N. Y. ) . The whole of Greenfield Village, which includes many American houses and two English ones, was developed by Henry Ford. It is a very large open-air museum, hke the Scandinavian museums briefly described by Dr. Jean Anker, above, in the section devoted to Norway. Hastings-on-Hudson, New York: Observatory Cottage of Henry Draper (1837-82). Mitchell, Indiana: Apothecary shop of c. 1830. Nantucket, Massachusetts: Birthplace of Maria Mitchell (1818-89), astronomer. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: House of the botanist, John Bartram (1699-1777), in Bartram's garden on the W. bank of the Schuylkill. West Orange, New Jersey: The old Edison laboratory, organized some time after the death of Thomas Alva Edison (1847-1931). Wohurn, Massachusetts: Birthplace of Benjamin Thompson, count Rumford (1753-1814). OTHER TECHNICAL MUSEUMS F. M. Feldhaus published in Archeion (11, 348-357, 1927) a short list of 46 technical museums, many of which do not exist any more, and are represented only by old catalogues or references in literature. For example, the museum of the Jesuit father Athanasius KmcHER is known through the catalogue of Father Filippo Buonanni, Musaeum Kircherianum (Rome 1709), the collection of Nicolas Institutes, Museums, Libraries 289 Grollier de Servieres made at Lyon c. 1675 was described by his grandson, Gaspard Grollier de Servieres: Recueil d'ouvrages curieux de mathematique et de xnecanique (quarto 111 p., pi. fig., Lyon 1719; 2nd ed., Lyon 1733; 3d ed. Paris 1751). The objects included in the old collections have often been dispersed, and some of them (sometimes a great many of them) reappear sooner or later in the other larger museums. For example, a vi^ire dravi^ing bench of the Dresden land- gravian collection is now in the Musee de Cluny, Paris; a terrestrial sphere of 1725 previously kept in the Gottorp castle of the duke Friedrich III of Schleswig is now in Leningrad; some of the objects originally collected by the archduke Ferdinand of Tirol c. 1581 and kept in Ambras Castle (near Innsbruck) were moved to the Kunsthistorische Sammlungen, Burgring, Vienna; etc. Each large museum is a collection of collections. It might be worthwhile even- tually to compile a list of all the historical collections which have thus lost their identity in larger assemblages. This was done for collections of natural history by Charles Da vies Sherhorn: Where is the . . . Collection (148 p., Cambridge 1940; Isis 36, 77-78, 229). 25. INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES International congresses of the history of science have been organized from time to time by the International Academy; a list of them and of their publications is given on p. 255. Let us repeat briefly that there have been thus far six such congresses, to wit: I. Paris 1929 V. Lausanne 1947 II. London 1931 VI. Amsterdam 1950 III. Portugal 1934 (VII. Jerusalem, Israel 1953) IV. Prague 1937 Other international congresses of the history of science have been organized as sections of international congresses devoted to philosophy, to history, or to particular sciences. In spite of being "sections" of other congresses instead of being inde- pendent, some of these congresses have been very important. That is especially true of the tliree congresses organized in Paris 1900 and Geneva 1904 as parts of the first and second congresses of philosophy, and in Rome 1903, as a part of the second congress of history. These particular congresses were so important (and they all met before the first congress of the Academy) that they might be called the first three international congresses of the history of science. Let us give some information about them. I. Paris 1900: Congres international de philosophie. The proceedings were published in four thick volumes. Vol. 1. Philosophie generale et metaphysique (1900). Vol. 2. Morale generale. La philosophie de la paix. Les societes d'enseignement populaire (1903). Vol. 3. Logique et histoire des sciences (688 p., 1901). Vol. 4. Histoire de la philosophie (1902). In vol. 3, the papers devoted to the logic of the sciences are far more numerous than those on the history of the sciences. Yet, the latter were delivered by such men as Moritz Cantor, Gaston Milhaud, Siegmund Gunther and Henri BouAssE. P. Tannery took part in these deliberations but his own paper (on Aristotelian science ) was included among those relative to the history of philosophy. II. Rome 1903: II. Congresso intemazionale di scienze storiche. The proceedings, Atti, fill 12 volumes (Roma 1904-07). Vol. X. History of geography and geography of history. Vol. XI. History of philosophy and history of religions. Vol. XII. History of physical, mathematical, natural and medical sciences (354 p., Roma 1904). The nine meetings of that section were presided over by PiETRO Blaserna, Paxjl Tannery, Karl Sxtohoff, Raphael Blanchard, Siegmund GiJNTHER, Emil Lampe, K. Benedikt. III. Geneve 1904: He Congres international de philosophie. Rapports et comptes rendus pubhes par Ed. Claparede (Geneve 1905). The congress was divided into the following sections. 1 ) History of philosophy, 2 ) General philosophy and psychology, 3 ) Applied philosophy, 4 ) Logic and philosophy of sciences (p. 675-772). 5) History of sciences (p. 773-964). Paijl Tannery was the leader of section 5 and papers were read by H. Berr, P. Duhem, V. Mortet, K. SuDHOFF, H. G. Zeuthen, etc. The proceedings of that fifth section bear the title "Histoire des sciences" ( lllme Congres international d'histoire des sciences ) . If that designation of the Geneve congress of 1904 as "third international con- gress" were internationally accepted, then the ordinal number of each congress listed above would have to be increased by three units (the Amsterdam congress of 1950 would then be not the sixth but the ninth). On account of the two world wars which broke the family of nations in two or rnbre groups, similar difficulties occur in the enumeration of many other congresses, International Congresses 291 e.g., the mathematical congresses. As historians are primarily interested in the existence of congresses and their sequence, and only secondarily in their official enu- meration, an effort has been made to give a list of the congresses without bothering about the different methods of enumerating them. As most international congresses of science and learning devote some attention to the history of their own disciphne, we publish here a fist of the most important. Even when an international congress, say, of chemistry, did not include a special historical section, its publications are still valuable for the historian of chemistry, for they reveal the intellectual climate obtaining at the time of its meeting. Presi- dential and other general addresses are often reminiscent, retrospective, and in vari- ous degrees historical and philosophical. An examination of the archives of a series of international congresses of a definite science or disciphne, enables one to under- stand better the evolution of that science or discipline, its development into more and more branches, or on the contrary its unification under a new synthetic point of view. Of course, the international congresses enable one to measure the progress of international cooperation and integration. It is of great interest also for historians to know which were at this or that date the central or leading problems. The pro- ceedings of the international congresses help to answer such questions. The periodic meeting of international congresses of any kind implies the existence of a central office preserving the continuity of the meetings within a definite ( though changeable ) frame, implementing the decisions and wishes of each congress and pre- paring carefully the defiberations of the next one. Sometimes, international con- gresses have been organized "hors serie," "^ outside of the frame already provided for them; such irregularities, which may be due to national, regional or linguistic vindications or to jealousies between various groups or schools, should be deprecated. If the creation of a new discipline requires the organization of a congress ad hoc, one should give the new congress a name sufficiently different from other names already in use in order to prevent ambiguities or confusions. Some of the congresses had too broad a scope to be truly useful, that was the case for the Congress of arts and sciences of St. Louis (1904) and for congresses organized to celebrate the centenary of universities. "Qui trop embrasse mal etreint." On the other hand, many congresses have too narrow a scope to be of interest to others than the specialists taking part in them. However important they may be within their own sector, the historian of science and the philosopher cannot be expected to study their publications. Moreover, such very special congresses"^ are far too numerous to be enumerated here. Irrespective of their scope or even of their subject some international congresses have been far more successful than others, while other congresses have failed to establish themselves. The miscarriages were generally due to bad organization, or to jealousies or at least lack of cooperation between the leaders. Success was generally due to the personal qualities of skilful organizers, as well as to the relative popularity of certain disciplines. It is noteworthy tliat the longest traditions (in number of meetings) were built by the Americanists (29 congresses, 1875-1949), the Botanists (28 congresses 1864-1954), the Orientalists (21 congresses 1873-1948). Then follow the Chem- ists (20 congresses, 1860-93, 1894-1938), the Prehistorians (18 congresses, 1866- 1939), the Geologists (18 congresses, 1878-1948), the Physicians (17 congresses, 1867-1913), the Physiologists (18 congresses, 1889-1950), the Architects (16 con- gresses, 1867-1949), the Geographers (16 congresses 1871-1949), the Historians of art (15 congresses 1873-1939), the Ophthalmologists (16 congresses, 1857-1950), the Veterinarians (14 congresses, 1863-1949), the Historians of medicine (13 con- gresses, 1920-50), the Surgeons (13 congresses, 1905-49), the Psychologists (12 congresses, 1889-1940), the Zoologists (12 congresses, 1889-1935), the Pharma- cists (12 congresses 1865-1935), tlie Mathematicians (11 congresses, 1897-1950). "^ For example, see congresses of the history of religion and congresses of philosophy, below. 1^2 E.g., many medical congresses dealing with special problems or diseases, such as gout, blood transfusion, cancer, brucellosis, etc. Of cotirse, the historian of each of those problems or diseases will have to consult the publications of those special congresses, but he will be led to that natiu-ally without need of our help. 292 International Congresses The following congresses began in the nineteenth century (but some of them did not continue until now): 1853 Statistics 1875 Americanism 1857 Ophthalmology 1878 Geology 1860 Chemistry 1884 Ornithology 1863 Veterinary Art 1889 Folklore 1864 Botany 1889 Photography 1865 Pharmacy 1889 Physiology 1866 Prehistory 1889 Psychology 1867 Architecture 1889 Zoology 1867 Medicine 1897 Mathematics 1871 Geography 1900 History 1873 Orientalism 1900 Philosophy "» 1873 History of Art 1900 History of Religions "* The titles of congresses are generally given in many languages, but even in any one language they vary from time to time;"^ in the list below we do not try to give exact titles but simply indicate the general subject ( chemistry, medicine, etc. ) , and the congresses are listed for the reader's convenience in alphabetical order of those subjects. The names of cities are generally given in English; to give them in the language of each country would have caused difficulties (even typographical ones, in the case of Copenhagen). No attempt has been made to mention the official publications of each congress, for that would extend our hst considerably. When the reader knows that a con- gress of physiology took place say, in Cambridge 1898, he may take for granted that the proceedings were actually pubfished within a few years, and he will trace them without too much trouble in the catalogue of any large library. He may find bibliographical references also in International congresses and conferences 1840-1937. Union list, edited by Winifred Gregory (folio 229 p., New York, Wilson 1938), or more briefly in the hst compiled for the Army Medical Library by Claudius F. Mayer: Congresses. Tentative chronological and bibliographical reference hst of national and international meetings of physicians, scientists and experts (288 p., Index-Catalogue, 2nd Suppt., 4th series, Washington 1938; First addition, p. 29-51, Index-Catalogue, vol. 3, 4th series). The following list is restricted to only a few international congresses, those which are the most interesting for historians of science. The publications of those congresses contain a large number of papers concern- ing our studies, which are somewhat forgotten (as are the papers published in Festschriften ) ; at any rate, they cannot be as well known as the papers published in jovunals devoted to the history of science. It would be worthwhile to compile a bibliography of them and thus rescue them from oblivion and integrate them in the general bibhography of the history of science. As the congresses are listed below for the student's convenience in alphabetical order, a methodical classification of them will be useful (the capitalized word deter- mines the alphabetical order ) : I. Mathematics II. Physical sciences: Astronomy, applied Mechanics, Crystallography, Chemistry, Biochem- istry. Geodesy and geophysics, Geography, Geology. Photography. Architecture. Weights and measures. Chronometry. III. Natural sciences: Botany, Zoology, Entomology, Ornithology. IV. Medical sciences: Anatomy, Physiology, Medicine, Siu-gery, Ophthalmology, Pharmacy, Veterinary medicine. V. Anthropology and archaeology: Anthropology and ethnology, prehistoric Anthropology and archaeology. Archaeology and history. Prehistory and protohistory. Americanism. Folklore. ^^8 Including the first congress of the history of science. 11* The inception of so many congresses in 1889 and 1900 was caused by the International Fairs held in Paris in those years. The three congresses of 1900 took place in Paris, as well as four of 1889 (the congress of physiology, however, began in that year not in Paris but in Basel). 1^5 E.g., some congresses of the history of medicine were called in French Congres de I'histoire de Part de guerir! The effort to preserve those subtleties in our list would distract the reader instead of helping him. International Congresses 293 VI. History: History, History of art, History of medicine. History of religion. History of science. Orientalism. Byzantine history. Classical studies. Papyrology. Toponymy and an- throponymy. VII. Sociology: Statistics, Sociology. Vin. Philosophy: Philosophy, Psychology, unity of Science. Philosophy of sciences. International Congresses of Americanists: Nancy 1875 Luxemburg 1877 III. Bruxelles 1879 IV. Madrid 1881 V. Copenhagen 1883 VI. Torino 1886 Berlin 1888 Paris 1890 Huelva 1892 Stockholm 1894 Mexico 1895 XII. Paris 1900 XIII. New York 1902 Stuttgart 1904 Quebec 1906 I. II. VII VIII IX X XI XIV. XV. XVI. Vienna 1908 XVII. Buenos Aires 1910 XVIII. London 1912 XIX. Washington 1915 XX. Rio de Janeiro 1922 XXI. Goteborg 1924 XXII. Roma 1926 XXIII. New York 1928 XXIV. Hamburg 1930 XXV. La Plata 1932 XXVI. Seville 1935 XXVII. Mexico and Lima 1939 XXVIII. Chile 1942? XXIX. New York 1949 International Congresses of Anatomists: I. Geneve 1905 II. Bruxelles 1910 III. Amsterdam 1930 IV. MiLANO 1936 V. Oxford 1950 VI. Alger 1935 International Congresses of Anthropology and Ethnology: Unnumbered congresses in Paris 1878, Vienna 1889, Chicago 1893, Cologne 1907, Basel 1933. I. London 1934 II. Copenhagen 1938 International Congresses of Prehistoric Anthropology and Archaeology: I. Neuchatel 1866 II. Paris 1867 III. Norwich & London 1868 IV. Copenhagen 1869 V. Bologna 1871 VI. Bruxelles 1872 VII. Stockholm 1874 VIII. Budapest 1876 IX. Lisbon 1880 X. Paris 1889 XI. Moscow 1892 XII. Paris 1900 XIII. Monaco 1906 XIV. Geneve 1912 XV. CoiMBRA, Lisbon 1930 XVI. Bruxelles 1935 XVII. Bucharest 1937 XVIII. Istanbul 1939 See below. Congresses of Prehistory and Protohistory International Congresses of Archaeology and History: I. Bonn 1868 II. Rome 1912 III. Alger 1930 For art, see history of art, below. International Congresses of Architects: I. Paris 1867 II. Paris 1878 III. Paris 1889 IV. Bruxelles 1897 V. Paris 1900 VI. Madrid 1904 VII. London 1906 VIII. Vienna 1908 IX. Rome 1911 X. Bruxelles 1922 XI. Netherlands 1927 XII. Budapest 1930 XIII. Rome 1935 XIV. Paris 1937 XV ."9 Paris 1942 XVI. Cairo 1949 International Astronomical Union: This union does not organize international congresses but is very active in organ- izing international collaboration in various undertakings (including the history and bibliography of astronomy ) . There are international conferences from time to time, but no congresses as is the case for other branches of science. "•The 15th Congress was announced to take place in Washington 1939 but did not materialize. 294 International Congresses An international congress of astronomical societies took place in Paris, in 1914. Comite international permanent pour I'execution de la carte photographique du ciel (1889-1909). Conference internationale des etoiles fondamentales 1896. Congres astrophotographique international 1887. Congres international des ephe- merides astronomiques 1911. Congres international des societes astronomiques 1914. International Astronomical Conferences: I. Rome 1922 II. Cambridge 1925 III. Leyden 1928 IV. Cambridge, Mass. 1932 International Congresses of Biochemistry: I. Cambridge 1949 International Biometric Conferences: I. Woods Hole, Massachusetts 1947 ( 1 ) II. Geneva 1949 V. Paris 1935 VI. Stockholm 1938 VII. Zurich 1948 II. Paris 1952 III. Italy 1953 (2) ( 1 ) At that time the Biometric Society was formed. An international society devoted to the mathematical and statistical aspects of biology. Secretary: Box 1106, New Haven 4, Connecticut. (2) A Biometric Symposium will take place somewhere in India in 1951 and help prepare the third congress. International Botanical Congresses: Some of the early congresses were called international congresses of horticulture and botany. About twenty meetings took place between 1864 and 1892: I. Brussels 1864 II. Amsterdam 1865 III. London 1866 IV. Paris 1867 V. St. Petersburg 1869 VI. London 1871 VII. Ghent and Vienna 1873 VIII. Florence 1874 IX. Cologne 1875 X. Brussels 1876 A new series began in 1900: I. Paris 1900 II. Vienna 1905 III. Brussels 1910 IV. Ithaca, N. Y. 1926 XI. Amsterdam 1877 XII. Paris 1878 XIII. Leyden 1879 XIV. Brussels 1880 XV. Antwerp 1881 XVI. Ghent and Paris 1883 St. Petersburg 1884 Antwerp 1885 Paris 1889 Genoa 1892 XVII XVIII XIX XX V. Cambridge 1930 VI. Amsterdam 1935 VII. Stockholm 1950 (Vin. Paris 1954) Secretary of the Interim Commission (Botanical Section of the International Union of Biological Sciences ) : Frans Verdoorn, Chronica Botanica House, Waltham, Mass. Dr. Verdoorn recently prepared a historical review of the plant science congresses which will be pubHshed in the Proceedings of the Stockholm Congress. This congress passed a resolution, proposed by Verdoorn, according to which future international botanical congresses will have a special section for the history of tlie plant sciences. International Congresses of Byzantine Research: I. Bucharest 1924 II. Belgrade 1927 III. Athens 1930 IV. Sofia 1934 V. Rome 1936 VI. Paris 1948 VII. Bruxelles 1948 VIII. Palermo 1951 The Vlth Congress replaced the one which was scheduled to meet in Alger 1939; it took place in Paris from July 27 to August 2, 1948, and was immediately followed by the Vllth Congress in Bruxelles from 4 to 15 August same year. This is the only example of two international congresses of the same series taking place in im- International Congresses 295 mediate succession in two different countries. It was done to compensate for the very long interruption caused by the war. International Chemical Congresses: I. Karlsruhe 1860 VI. Paris 1878 II. Paris 1867 VII. Dusseldorf 1880 III. Moscow 1872 VIII. Milano 1881 IV. Vienna 1873 IX. Paris 1889 V. Philadelphia 1876 X. Chicago 1893 Succeeded by the International Congresses of pure and apphed Chemistry: I. Bruxelles 1894 VII. London 1909 II. Paris 1896 VIII. Washington & New York 1912 III. Vienna 1898 IX. Madrid 1934 IV. Paris 1900 X. Roma 1938 V. Berlin 1903 XI. New York & Washington 1950 VI. Roma 1906 The congress organized in Karlsruhe in Sept. 1860 upon Kekule's initiative was one of the first scientific congresses; it was very small (some 140 members) but it is very important in the history of the atomic theory (Isis 9, 373). International Conferences of Chemistry: I. Roma 1920 VIII. Warsaw 1927 II. Bruxelles 1921 IX. The Hague 1928 III. Lyon 1922 X. Liege 1930 IV. Cambridge 1923 XI. Madrid 1934 V. Copenhagen 1924 XII. Luzern & Zurich 1936 VI. Bucharest 1925 VII. Washington 1926 XV. Amsterdam 1949 XVI. New York, Washington 1951 International Congresses of Chronometry: 1. Paris 1889 (x). Paris 1949. 2. Paris 1900 To these meetings must be added the annual meetings of the Conference Inter- nationale de I'heure, organized by the Bureau des longitudes, Paris 1912. The Bureau international de I'heure is located since 1913 (officially 1919) in the Obser- vatoire of Paris. For the meeting of 1949 see Revue des questions scientifiques (10, 408-10, 1949). International Congresses of Crystallography: The first congress of the International union of crystallography took place in Cambridge, Mass., in 1948. The proceedings of it are published in the Acta crystallographica. The second congress will be held in Stockholm in 1951. Address: Dr. R. C. Evans, Cavendish Laboratory, Cambridge, England. International Congresses of Classical Studies: The first congress took place in Paris 28 August — 3 Sept. 1950 in connection with the IXth International Congress of historical studies. The original French title is Premier congres de la Federation internationale des Associations d'Etudes clas- siques. Secretary: M. A. Dain, 42 rue de Dantzig, Paris 15. International Congresses of Entomology: I. Bruxelles 1910 VI. Madrid 1935 II. Oxford 1912 VII. Berlin 1938 III. Zurich 1925 VIII. Stockholm 1948 IV. Ithaca, N. Y. 1928 IX. Amsterdam 1951 V. Paris 1932 International Congresses of Ethnography: I. Paris 1878 III. Paris 1900 II. Paris 1889 296 International Congresses International Congresses of Folklore ( Congres des traditions populaires ) I. Paris 1889 III. Chicago 1893 II. London 1891 IV. Paris 1900 At that time the continuity was broken. An International Congress for Folktale Study was held at Lund, Sweden, in 1935. As a result of the Lund meeting a more general folklore congress called International Congress for European Ethnology and Folklore was held at Edinburgh in 1937. In the same year an International Folk- lore Congress took place in Paris. The Continuation Committee appointed at the Paris congress of 1937 never had the opportunity to function. A Mid-century International Folklore Conference was held at Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana in 1950. Another International Congress is annoxmced to take place in Stockholm, 1951. (Part of the information was kindly provided by Profes- sor Stith Thompson in letters dated Bloomington, Ind., 15 Nov., 16 Dec. 1950). International Congresses of Geodesy and Geophysics: First conference in Berlin 1864, 17th in Hamburg 1912. After the First War, astronomers, geodesists and geophysicians meeting in Rome decided upon the creation of two international unions ( i ) the International Astro- nomical Union, (2) the International Geodetic and Geophysical Union. The second of these unions has organized congresses in I. Rome 1922 II. Madrid 1924 III. Prague 1927 IV. Stockholm 1930 V. Lisbon 1933 VI. Edinburgh 1936 VII. Washington 1939 VIII. Oslo 1948 IX. Bruxelles 1951 General Secretary, Dr. J, M. Stagg, 34 King's Road, Richmond, Surrey, England. The union is divided into seven sections: Geodesy, Seismology, Meteorology, At- mospheric Electricity and Magnetism, Physical oceanography, Volcanology, Hy- drology. International Congresses of Geography: I. Antwerpen 1871 II. Paris 1875 III. Venezia 1881 IV. Paris 1889 V. Bern 1891 VI. London 1895 VII. Berlin 1899 VIII. St. Louis 1904 IX. Geneve 1908 X. Roma 1913 XI. Cairo 1925 XII. London & Cambridge 1928 XIII. Paris 1931 XIV. Warsaw 1934 XV. Amsterdam 1938 XVI. Lisbon 1949 XVII. Washington 1952 An international congress of historical geography took place in Bruxelles in 1930. International Congresses of Geology: L Paris 1878 II. Bologna 1881 III. Berlin 1885 IV. London 1888 V. Washington 1891 VI. Zurich 1894 VII. St. Petersburg 1897 VIII. Paris 1900 IX. Vienna 1903 X. Mexico 1906 XI. Stockholm 1910 XII. Toronto 1913 XIII. Bruxelles 1922 XIV. Madrid 1926 XV. South Africa 1929 XVI. Washington 1933 XVII. Moscow 1937 XVIII. London 1948 XIX. Algiers 1952 International Congresses of History: In addition to two international meetings — at Chicago 1893 and The Hague 1898 — which are not counted in the regular series, the international congresses of histori- cal sciences have taken place as follows: I. Paris 1900 II. Rome 1903 III. Berlin 1908 IV. London 1913 V. Bruxelles 1923 VI. Oslo 1928 VII. Warsaw 1933 VIII. Zurich 1938 IX. Paris 1950 International Congresses 297 International Congresses of the History of Art: I. Vienna 1873 IX. Munich 1909 II. Nuremberg 1893 X. Rome 1912 III. Cologne 1894 XI. Paris 1916 (1921)"' rV. Budapest 1896 XII. Buuxelles 1930 V. Amsterdam 1898 XIII. Stockhoi^m 1933 VI. LiJBECK 1900 XIV. Switzerland 1936 VII. Innsbruck 1902 XV. London 1939 VIII. Darmstadt 1907 International Congresses of the History of Medicine (Congres de I'Histoire de I'Art de Guerir): I. Antwerpen 1920 »s VIII. Roma 1930 II. Paris 1921 XI. Bucharest 1932 III. London 1922 X. Madrid 1935 IV. Bruxelles 1923 XL Yugoslavia 1938 "» V. Geneve 1925 XII. Nice 1949 VI. Leiden & Amsterdam 1927 XIII. Amsterdam 1950 '=o VII. Oslo 1928 International Congresses of the History of Religions: I. Paris 1900 V. Lund 1929 II. Basel 1904 VI. Bruxelles 1935 III. Oxford 1908 VII. Amsterdam 1950 IV. Leiden 1912 The Congress held in Paris in 1923 under the title Congres international des religions (Societe Ernest Renan) was not a regular meeting of the international organization. International Congresses of the History of Science: See p. 255, 290. International Congresses of Mathematicians: I. Zurich 1897 VII. Toronto 1924 II. Paris 1900 VIII. Bologna 1928 III. Heidelberg 1904 IX. Zurich 1932 IV. Roma 1908 X. Oslo 1936 V. Cambridge 1912 XL Cambridge, Mass. 1950 VI. STRASBOtTRG 1920 XII. AMSTERDAM 1954 International Congress of Applied Mechanics: First series: Paris 1889, 1900. Second series: I. Delft 1924 V. Cambridge, Mass. 1938 II. Zurich 1926 VI. Paris 1946 III. Stockholm 1930 VII. London 1948 IV. Cambridge 1934 VIII. Istanbul 1952 International Congresses of Medicine: I. Paris 1867 X. Berlin 1890 IL Florence 1869 XI. Rome 1894 III. Vienna 1873 "" XII. Moscow 1897 IV. Bruxelles 1875 XIII. Paris 1900 V. Geneve 1877 XIV. Madrid 1903 VI. Amsterdam 1879 XV. Lisbon 1906 VII. London 1881 XVI. Budapest 1909 VIII. Copenhagen 1884 XVII. London 1913^21 IX. Washington 1887 1" The congress of 1916 was indefinitely postponed on account of the war; it was replaced by another congress held in Paris in 1921. "* A previous congress was held in London 1913, being section XXIII of the 17th Con- gress of Medicine. 119 Congresses XII and XIII planned to be held in Berlin 1940, Rome 1942 did not take place, or were not international. lao The meeting of Amsterdam was in the form of a section of the VI. Congress of the History of Science. 1^ Special volume for the history of medicine Section XXIII (475 p., London 1914), ana- lyzed in the Vth Critical Bibliography (Isis, 2, 248-310). Only the XVIIt^ congress had a special section for the history of medicine; the history of medicine was taken care of later in a congress ad hoc; see under history, above. 298 International Congresses International Congresses of Ophthalmology: I. Bruxelles 1857 II. Paris 1862 III. Paris 1867 IV. London 1872 V. New York 1876 VI. MiLANO 1880 VII. Heidelberg 1888 VIII. Edinburgh 1894 IX. Utrecht 1899 X. Lucerne 1904 XI. Naples 1909 XII. Washington 1922 XIII. Amsterdam, The Hague 1929 XIV. Madrid 1933 XV. Cairo 1937 XVI. London 1950 Confusion is caused by a meeting held in May 1947 which was called the 4th international. (C. F. M.) International Congresses of Orientalists: I. Paris 1873 XII. Rome 1899 II. London 1874 XIII. Hamburg 1902 III. St. Petersburg 1876 XIV. Algiers 1905 IV. Florence 1878 XV. Copenhagen 1908 V. Berlin 1881 XVI. Athens 1912 VI. Leyden 1883 XVII. Oxford 1928 VII. Vienna 1886 XVIII. Leyden 1931 /III. Stockholm and Oslo 1889 XIX. Rome 1935 IX. London 1892 XX. Bruxelles 1938 X. Geneva 1894 XXI. Paris 1948 XI. Paris 1897 XXII. Istanbul 1951 International Congresses of Ornithology: I. Vienna 1884 II. Budapest 1891 III. Paris 1900 IV. London 1905 V. Berlin 1910 VI. Copenhagen 1926 VII. Amsterdam 1930 VIII. Oxford 1934 IX. Rouen, Paris 1938 X. Uppsala 1950 XI. Switzerland 1954 International Congresses of Papyrology: I. Bruxelles 1930 (as a part of the Semaine egyptologique ) II. Leyden 1931 (as a part of the 18th Congress of Orientalists) III. Munich 1933 (first independent meeting) IV. Firenze 1935 V. Oxford 1937 VI. Paris 1949. International Congresses of Pharmacy: I. Braunschweig 1865 II. Paris 1867 III. Vienna 1869 IV. St. Petersburg 1874 V. London 1881 VI. Bruxelles 1885 VII. Chicago 1893 VIII. Bruxelles 1897 IX. Paris 1900 X. Bruxelles 1910 XI. The Hague 1913 XII. Bruxelles 1935 An international congress for the history of pharmacy was held in Basel 1934. It was called international because it was held in Switzerland, not in Germany, but it was chiefly German. The International Federation of Pharmacists began to hold meetings in 1925. These meetings were also called International Congresses of Pharmacists; of these the 12f/i was held in Zurich 1947. (C. F. M.) International Congresses of Philosophy: I. Paris 1900 II. Geneva 1904 HI. Heidelberg 1908 IV. Bologna 1911 V. Naples 1924 VI. Cambridge, Mass. 1926 VII. Oxford 1930 VIII. Prague 1934 IX. Paris 1937 X. Amsterdam 1948 XI. Britxelles 1952 The so-called international congresses of philosophy held in Rome in November 1946 and in Barcelona in October 1949 were "hors serie." Of course, it is easy enough to organize in any large city meetings or symposia where representatives of many nations are gathered, but such meetings are not international congresses in the International Congresses 299 technical sense. An international congress, one should bear in mind, is a congress organized by an international committee ad hoc, it is one of many congresses organ- ized more or less periodically by the same committee for the same general purpose. As an example of meetings, gathered in a small city, year after year and truly international in scope, consider Eranos, a philosophical symposium taking place every summer in Ascona (Ticino, Switzerland) since 1933 (Isis 41, 97, 138, 410). There is no limit to the number of meetings which might thus be organized almost any- where by private or local initiative, but regardless of their interest or importance, we should not call them "international congresses of philosophy," for that phrase has a technical meaning estabUshed by a long tradition. International Congress of the Philosophy of Sciences: Congress announced to meet in Paris, 17-22 Oct. 1949. As its prospectus refers to no preceding meeting, it is presumably the first of a new series. It is organized by the Institut International de Philosophic in Paris, Administrateur permanent; Ray- mond Bayer. The Congress is divided into eleven sections: Logic, Mathematical Philosophy, Calculus of probabilities, Mechanics and astronomy. Theoretical physics, Physico- chemistry. Biology, Earth sciences, Epistemology, History of sciences. Pedagogy of sciences. General synthesis. (Archives internationales 28, 1270-71, 1949). Mile. Suzanne Delorme, Secretary of the Institut International de Philosophic, is also Secretary of the Congress. Address: 61 rue du Mont Cenis, Paris 18. The Secretary of the section devoted to the history of science is Rene Taton, 64 rue Gay-Lussac, Paris 5. For the philosophy of science see also the Congresses on the Unity of Science, below. International Congresses of Photography: I. Paris 1889 VI. Paris 1925 II. Bhuxelles 1891 VII. London 1928 m. Paris 1900 VIII. Dresden 1931 IV. Lii:GE 1905 IX. Paris 1935 V. Bruxelles 1910 International Congresses of Physiology: I. Basel 1889 XI. Edinburgh 1923 II. Ltege 1892 XII. Stockholm 1926 III. Bern 1895 XIII. Boston 1929 IV. Cambridge 1898 XIV. Rome 1932 V. Torino 1901 XV. Leningrad & Moscow 1935 VI. Bruxelles 1904 XVI. Zurich 1938 VII. Heidelberg 1907 XVII. Oxford 1947 VIII. Vienna 1910 XVIII. Copenhagen 1950 IX. Groningen 1913 XIX. Montreal 1953 X. Paris 1920 International Congresses of Prehistory and Protohistory: I. London 1932 [III. Budapest 1949] ^^2 II. Oslo 1936 III. Zurich 1950 See above. Congresses of Prehistoric Archaeology. International Congresses of Psychology: L Paris 1889 VII. Oxford 1923 II. London 1892 VIII. Groningen 1926 III. Munich 1896 IX. New Haven, Conn. 1929 IV. Paris 1900 X. Copenhagen 1932 V. Rome 1905 XL Paris 1937 VI. Geneve 1909 XII. Vienna 1940 For religion, see under history of religion above. 1=2 Withdrawn! 300 International Congresses International Congress for the Unity of Science: I. Paris 1935 II. COPHENHAGEN 1936 III. Paris 1937 International Congresses of Sociology: I. Torino 1921 II. Vienna 1922 International Congresses of Statistics: I. Bruxelles 1853 II. Paris 1855 III. Vienna 1857 IV. London 1860 V. Berlin 1863 IV. Cambridge 1938 V. Cambridge, Mass., 1939 (Isis 32, 340-44) III. Roma 1924 IV. Panama 1926 VI. Florence 1867 VII. The Hague 1869 VIII. St. Petersburg 1872 IX. Budapest 1876 X. Paris 1878 In 1885, the International Statistical Institute was founded with organized bi- ennial sessions, Roma 1887, etc. The Belgian Adolphe Quetelet (1796-1874) was the president of the first of these congresses, of the third, the fourth, the fifth, the sixth, the seventh and the eighth; he could not preside over the second congress because of illness, and over the ninth because he had died in the meanwhile. This is a unique example in the inter- national organization of science; it proves that Quetelet was really recognized as the founder and the great master, without peer (Isis 23, 10). Quetelet did not origi- nate only the congresses of statistics, for the example which he had given was fol- lowed gradually by the representatives of other studies {see table p. 292); he may be called tlie founder of international scientific congresses. International Congresses of Surgery: I. Bruxelles 1905 II. Bruxelles 1908 III. Bruxelles 1911 IV. New York 1914 V. Paris 1920 VI. London 1923 VII. Roma 1926 VIII. Warsaw 1929 IX. Madrid 1932 X. Cairo 1936 XL Bruxelles 1938 XII. London 19471" XIII. New Orleans 1949 International Congresses of Toponymy and Anthroponymy: I. Paris 1938 III. Britxelles 1949 II. Paris 1947 For more information see the journal Onomastica which began to appear in 1947 under the direction of Albert Dauzat, 10 rue de I'Eperon, Paris 6. The interna- tional center is now at the University of Louvain. International Congresses of Veterinary Medicine: » I. Hamburg 1863 VIII. Budapest 1905 II. Vienna 1865 IX. The Hague 1909 m. Zurich 1867 X. London 1914 IV. Bruxelles 1883 XL London 1930 V. Paris 1889 XII. New York 1934 VI. Bern 1895 XIII. Zurich, Interlaken 1938 VII. Baden-Baden 1899 XIV. London 1949 Weights and Measures: The Commission internationale du metre met in Paris 1869, 1870, 1872. The Comite international des poids et mesures met yearly in Paris from 1875/76 on. No meetings in 1893, 1896, 1898. The Congres international povir I'unification des poids et mesures met in Paris in 1878. 123 xhis rnight be called Congress of the Philosophy of Science. Of course, every Congress of Philosophy devotes at least one of its sections to the Philosophy of Science. i^* The London meeting replaced a meeting planned to be held in Stockholm 1941. The Stockholm meeting did not materialize; a meeting was held in that year 1941 in Boston, hers International Congresses 301 The Conference generale des poids et mesures met in Paris 1889, 1895, 1901, 1907, 1913, 1921, 1927, 1933, 1948. The Congres international pour I'unification des titres de Tor et de I'argent met in Paris in 1900. International Congresses of Zoology: I. Paris 1889 VII. Boston 1907 II. Moscow 1892 VIII. Graz 1910 m. Leiden 1895 IX. Monaco 1913 IV. Cambridge 1898 X. Budapest 1927 V. Berlin 1901 XI. Padua 1930 VI. Bern 1904 XII. Lisbon 1935. The organization of the international congresses, especially the early ones, was largely due to the initiative of enthusiastic individuals such as Kekule or Quetelet. Their eflForts were facilitated by the existence of national or international societies, and in many cases by goverrunental help. Indeed, during the nineteenth century the national (governmental) organization of science was extended considerably. Some kind of governmental influence had existed from the seventeenth century on, as is shown by the history of the Royal Society, and more obviously by that of the Academic des Sciences, by the creation of the first Observatories and the planning of cartography on a national scale. In the nineteenth century a number of geological surveys were established (Isis 2, 369-79). While the national organizations were developing, the international organization began, first in fields wherein international cooperation was essential for everybody's advantage (e.g., meteorology, astronomy, statistics, geodesy, oceanography), later in almost every field of knowledge. The international congresses were only a part albeit an important one, of the international organization. Special bodies were created to establish the international cooperation as efficiently as possible. It will suffice to name the International Geodetic Association (1864), the International Seismological Association (1901), etc. The international organi- zation was not by any means restricted to science and learning, a network of good will was gradually spreading over the whole earth, and just before the first World War it was already so extensive and so complex that an enormous volume was needed in order to describe it. I am referring to the Annuaire de la Vie Internationale^^ edited by Albert Marinus under the leadership of Henri La Fontaine.^^ The organization of scientific research was more naturally international, however, than that of every other activity, and therefore the history of science is essentially the history not of any one nation but of mankind.^^ The network was broken and the good will partly lost or shattered after the First War. In order to reestabfish them two new overall international bodies were created in 1919, the Union Academique Internationale (International Union of Academies) and the International Research Council.^^ The later was inaugvu-ated at Brussels in July 1919, "Each state was advised to set up or recognize a central scientific body capable of representing the country in the International Council. International Unions were also organized in the major fields of science to co-ordinate and develop activities hitherto scattered among numerous small international societies with over- lapping functions and membership. There are at present ten International Unions, namely: Astronomical Union, Union of Geodesy and Geophysics, and Union of 125 Annuaire de la Vie Internationale publie pour TUnion des Associations Internationales avec le concours de la Fondation Carnegie pour la Paix intemationale et de I'lnstitut international de la Paix (vol. 2, 2,652 p., Bruxelles 1912; Isis 1, 289-90). 1^ Henri La Fontaine (1854-1943), Belgian senator and statesman, one of the main advo- cates of international arbitration and of the Permanent Court of International Justice, who was awarded the Nobel prize for peace in 1912-13 (Isis 34, 412). 12T I explained those views just before the first World War, L'histoire de la science et I'organisa- tion intemationale (Bruxelles 1913) and reprinted my appeal twenty-five years later before the second World War (Isis 29, 311-25, 1938). 128 Renamed Conseil International des Unions scientifiques. International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) in 1932. 302 International Congresses Chemistry, all organized in 1919; Scientific Radio Union, Union of Pirre and Ap- plied Physics, Union of Biological Sciences, and Union of Geography, organized in 1922, and in 1925 after provisional meetings earlier; Union of Crystallography, Union of Theoretical and Applied Mechanics, and Union of History of Science, added in 1947 after preHminary meetings in 1947." ^^ An International Union of Mathematics organized in 1922, was discontinued in 1932; it is planned to reestablish it (in 1952?). It is also planned to establish an International Union of Physiology (in 1952?). Applications for the organization of new unions must be passed upon by the executive board of ICSU. The present tendency of ICSU is to restrict the number of unions and to organize joint commis- sions covering a larger field. For example the History of Science has been amal- gamated with the Philosophy of Science. All this concerns the administration of science rather than research itself, but the hne is not always easy to draw and it is clear that the future development of science will imply collective efforts of greater and greater complexity, and that means more and more administration. This is very sad, yet unavoidable, and we must make the best of it. There will be a growing body of administrators, or of men whose points of view are administrative rather than purely scientific or indi- vidual, yet there will always be room for men of initiative and of genius. To return to our main subject, the international congresses, their organization will be regulated more and more (if only for financial reasons) by the ICSU, through whose intermediary the necessary subsidies may be obtained. The historian of science is not concerned with the organization of international congresses but with their publications which provide convenient syntheses of this or that discipline at regular intervals. However, it may be worth his while to know how the international congresses are organized and managed; the ICSU or any special scientific union, or their committees in his own nation will give him all the information which he may need at any time. Americans may obtain information from the National Research Council, Division of International Relations, Washington, D. C. Unesco has recently published a Directory of International Scientific Organiza- tions (238 p., Paris, May 1950). 129 This statement is taken from the memorandum prepared on 19 December 1949 by the Committee on International Scientific Unions (chairman. Dr. John A. Fleming) of the U. S. National Research Council. Additional information kindly provided by Dr. Fleming in a private letter (Washington, D. C, 17 Jan. 1951). 26. PRIZES I. Prix Binoux (1889) for the History or Philosophy of Science. — Founded by bequest of Louis FRANgois Binoux to the Academic des Sciences, Paris, to reward outstanding work in the history and philosophy of the sciences. It was given for the first time in 1903 (to H. G. Zeuthen). For the prizes awarded from 1903 to 1924, see Isis 8, 161-63, from 1925 to 1935, Isis 25, 136-37, from 1936 to 1945, Isis 37, 79, from 1945 to 1949, Isis 41, 303. II. Sudhoff Medal (1923). — Medal awarded by the German Society of the history of science. At the time of Sudhoff's seventieth birthday ( 1923; see Mit. 22, 305-07, 1923), a plaquette was published in his honor. Later, his portrait (as it was in that plaquette) was pubhshed in medal form to be given to eminent his- torians of science. I do not know when the first award was made. III. Dutch Medal ( 1940 ) . — Medal awarded by the Dutch Society of the History of Science. A medal of honor is awarded by the Dutch Society at irregular intervals. It was first awarded in 1940, then in 1941; three medals were given in 1946 (Archives 1, 514, 1948). IV. Prix Arnold Reymond for Philosophy of Science (1941). — The full name of the prize is "Prix Arnold Reymond, foundation Charles Eugene Guye." It was founded by Guye's bequest to the University of Lausanne (15 May 1941). Charles Eugene Guye (1866-1942) was a Swiss physico-chemist, professor of physics at the University of Geneva, much interested in the philosophy of science; the prize was named in honor of Arnold Reymond, professor of philosophy in Lau- sanne, president of the Academy from 1937 to 1947. This prize is meant to reward the memoir "which explains in the clearest and most impartial manner the progress and tendencies during the last ten years of scien- tific philosophy in its wholeness or in one of its fields." It will be awarded by the University of Lausanne. The first award was made in 1944 to Pierre Lecomte du Nouy ( 1883-1947; Isis 38, 246). Further awards will be made at intervals of five to ten years. More details in Archives (1, 156, 1947). V. Prizes for Students ( 1947). — In order to encourage the study of the history of science among university students the History of Science Society was enabled by the generosity of one of its members to offer each year a "History of Science Essay Prize" of one hundred dollars. The prize was awarded for the first time in October 1947. It is restricted to undergraduates or first year graduate students in American and Canadian colleges. For more details see the advertisements appearing frequently in Isis (the first one in Isis 37, p. 4). INDEX * Abb, G., 126 AbetH, G., 156 Abraham, H., 211 Abro, A. d', 87 Adams, F. D., 178 Adamson, R., 149 Adelung, J. C, 84 Adler, C, 140 Adler, M., 281 Adnan (-Adivar), A., 140 Aglietti, F., 217 Aericola, G., 270 Albert of Saxe-Coburg, 6 Alembert, J. d', 79 Alexander, A. B. D., 183 'All ibn 'Abbas, 28 Aliamet, M., 163 AUbutt, Sir T. C, 133 AUemann, A., 220 Allen, D. P., 282 Almquist, E. B., 171 Althin, T., 279 Amano, K. W., 148 Ames, J. S., 238 Amodeo, F., 154 Anaxagoras, 3, 25 Andoyer, H., 126 Andre-Pontier, L., 191 Andreas, C. F., 234 Angiolani, A., 209 Anker, J., 171, 175, 196, 209, 276 Appel, J., 116, 159 Appel, L., 72 Appleyard, R., 162 ApoUonios, 19, 28, 38 Arber, A., 173 Archer, P., 170 Archibald, R. C., 25, 130, 131, 150, 215 Archimedes, 18, 20, 21, 23, 25,28 Arcieri, G. P., 197 Aristotle, 24, 25, 116, 136, 160, 172, 201 Armitage, A., 50, 121, 156 Armstrong, E. V., 284 Arnold, T. W., 141 Artelt, W., 184, 267, 268 Aschoff, L., 171, 216 Ashby, T., 133 Ashmole, E., 273 Ashur-Nasir-Pal, 35 Aslin, M. S., 173 Auer, H., 237 Auerbach, F., 157 Auge, C., 80 Auge, P., 81 Augustus I of Saxony, 266, 268 Auwers, 11 Avalon, J., 196 Ayala, F., 193 Ayurveda, 247 Ayer, E. E., 176 Baas, J. H., 184 Babbage, C., 162 Babini, J., 125, 262 Bachelard, G., 87, 161, 265 Bacon, F., 34, 49, 184 Bacon, R., 33 Baden-Powell, R., 117, 120 Baedeker, 76, 77 Baumker, C., 203 Baglioni, S., 202 Bagrow, L., 220 Bailey, G., 133 Bailly, J. S., 133, 156 Baker, J. N. L., 177 Baker, J. R., 94, 96 Baker, W. E. W., 122, 172 Baldinger, E. G., 248 Baldwin, J. M., 182 Baldwin, T., 77 Ball, W. W. R., 151 Bannerji, A. C., 254 Barbour, T., 65 Barduzzi, D., 237, 249 Barnard, F. P., 279 Barnard, W. N., 168 Barnes, H. E., 193 Barnett, L. D., 142 Barnouw, A. J., 127 BaroceUi, P., 274 Barry, F., 40, 87 Bartels, M., 184 Bartholin, T., 196 Bartram, J., 288 Bassermann-Jordan, E. v., 170 Basset, R., 141 Bastholm, E., 180, 196 Bates, M., 171 Battaglini, G., 207 Battani, 28, 32 Battuta, 29 Baudrand, M. A., 77 Bauer, E., 162 Bavink, B., 87 Bay, J. G., 174 Bayer, R., 299 Bayle, P., 78, 79 Baynes, N. H., 139 Beazley, Sir G. R., 137, 177 Bechold, J. H., 102 Becker, C. H., 267 Beckmann, J., 167, 246 Becquerel, A. E., 162 Becquerel, A. G., 162 Becquerel, H., 40 Behanan, K. T., 143 Belden, F. A., 286 Bell, E. T., 151 Bell, L., 122 Beltrami, L., 234 Beltran, J. R., 233, 235, 261 Benedicenti, A., 191 Benedikt, K., 290 Benfey, T., 124 Benjamin, A. G., 87 Benjamin, P., 162 Bennett, J. L., 94 BenninghofF, A., 245 Berendes, J., 191 Berger, H., 133 Berghoff, E., 244, 262 Bergier, J., 119 Bernal, J. D., 94 Bernard, G., 50, 86, 113, 172 Bemheim, E., 72 Bert, H., 215, 235, 237, 265, 290 Berry, A. J., 156, 163 * Prepared by Frances Siegel. 306 Index Berry G. G., 72 Berthelot, M., 133, 137, 163 Berzelius, A., 277, 279 Bessel, 11 Bett, W. R., 226 Beurlen, K., 245 Bevan, E. R., 139 Bezold, C, 133 Biancani, E., 213 Biancani, H., 213 Bigelow, R. P., 120 Bigourdan, G., 156, 169 Bifan, 119 Billings, J. S., 285 Bing, G., 272, 273 Binoux, L. F., 303 BIrunI, 28, 32 Black, J., 197 Blackett, P. M. S., 94 Blainville, H., 171 Blake, M. E., 133 Blanchard, R., 290 Blaserna, P., 290 Blumenthal, C., 164 Bluntschli, J. C., 124 Bobynin, V. V., 215 Bodde, D., 146 Bode, H., 37, 259 Bodenheimer, F. S., 175 Boegehold, H., 123 Bohner, K., 171 Boffito, G., 122, 215 Bogardus, E. S., 193 Bohr, N., 91 Boissier, A., 132 Boll, F., 133, 238 Boll, M., 121, 149 Bologa, V. L., 204, 277 Bolton, H. C., 163 Boncompagni, B., 208 Bonelli, M. L., 274 Bonitz, H., 78 Bonnet-Roy, F., 185 Bonola, R., 154 Borchardt, L., 170 Bord, B., 196 Borel, E., 159 Borelli, G. A., 19 Boring, E. G., 182 Born, M., 38, 87 Bouasse, H., 290 Boubier, M., 175 Bouche-Leclerc, 133 Boulger, G. S., 85 Bouligand, G., 151 Boutroux, P., 151 Boyd, W., 192 Boyer, C. B., 155 Boyle, R., 79 Boynton, H., 117 Bradley, E. S., 283 Bradley, J., 11 Brasch, F. E., 113 Brauer, L., 261 Braun, M., 245 Braunmiihl, A. v., 151 Breasted, J. H., 131 Breckx, L., 192 Brehier, E., 183 Brennand, W., 143 Bretschneider, H., 222 Brett, G. S., 182 Brewster, E. T., 171, 179 Brickner, S. M., 227 Bridgman, P. W., 36, 88, 94 Brieger-Wasservogel, L., 223 Brinckmann, A. E., 216 Britten, J., 85 Brockelmann, C., 141 Brockhaus, F. A., 80, 246 Brocklehurst, H. J. S., 167 Broglie, L. de, 91 Brown, G. B., 88 Brown, H., Ill, 198 Brown, J. C., 164 Brown, L. A., 177 Brown, R., 153 Browne, C. A., 164 Browne, E. G., 141 Browne, J. S., 226 Brunet, P., 133, 159, 200, 237 Brunet, L., 240 Brunn, W. v., 269 Brunschvicg, L., 88 Bruzen de la Martiniere, A. A., 77 Bryson, L., 94 Buchker, K. v., 200 Buck, A. H., 184 Buckley, E., 185 Buckley, H., 157 • Budge, Sir E. A. W., 132 Buffon, 5 Bugge, G., 164, 268 Bukharin, N. I., 241 Bull, L., 25, 131 Bullock, W., 184 Bunbury, Sir E. H., 133 Buonanni, F., 274, 288 Burger, D., 250, 276 Burke, R. B., 33 Burnet, J., 25 Burr, G. L., 121, 284 Bush, v., 94 Bursian, K., 124 Busquet, P., 206 Butler, F. H. C., 251 Butterfield, H., 117 Bykov, K. M., 277 Cabanes, a., 208, 210 Caird, J., 271 Cajori, F., 151, 158 Caldin, E. F., 88 Camerarius, 35 Campbell, D., 141 Campbell, N. R., 88 Candolle, A. de, 117 Cannon, W. B., 88, 127 Cantor, G., 56, 221 Cantor, M., 45, 151, 195, 290 Capparoni, P., 206 Cappel, J., 169 Carbonelli, G., 206 Carmenati, M., 229 Carmichael, R. D., 88 Carra da Vaux, B., 31, 141 Carracido, J. R., 128 Carri, E. L., 201 Carter, T. F., 29, 146 Carus, J. v., 124, 175 Cams, P., 209, 230 Gary, M., 137, 178 Caso, A., 206 Casorati, F., 155 Caspari-Rosen, B., 187, 210 Casson, S., 181 Castaldi, L., 249 Castiglioni, A., 184 Cau, G., 213 CauUery, M., 126 Caverni, R., 126 Cermenati, M., 233, 240 Chace, A. B., 25, 131 Chakraberty, C, 143 Chambers, E., 79 Chapuis, A., 159 Charbonnier, P., 158 Chase, C. T., 158 Chasles, M., 154 Chevalier, U., 137 Chevreul, 50, 84 Chikashige, M., 145 Chisholm, G. G., 77 Choulant, J. L., 184 Choulant, L., 180, 219 Choynowski, M., 127 Church, A., 149 Claparede, E., 290 Clarke, S., 131 Clay, R. S., 122, 172 Index 307 Clendening, L., 282 Gierke, A. M., 156 Cline, W., 179 Clodd, E., 172 Coates, J. B., 94 Cobb, R., 105 Coster, A., 267 Cohen, I. B., 94, 221, 281 Cohen, M. R., 88, 133 Cole, F. J., 175, 180 Coleman, L. V., 286 Coleridge, S. T., 79 Colson, A., 126, 164 Columbus, C, 39 Commandino, F., 19 Comte, A., 14 Conant, J. B., 58, 117 Conant, L. L., 153 Conn, H. J., 172 Conon of Samos, 20 Conte, N. J., 265 Contenau, C, 132 Conti, A., 207 Coolidge, J. L., 151, 154 Copernicus, 3, 17, 49, 92, 156 Cordier, H., 145, 146, 148, 235 Corsini, A., 202, 212, 274 Cortesao, A., 255 Couling, S., 146 Count, E. W., 181 Couper, A. S., 197 Courel, M. H., 147 Court, T. H., 122, 172 Couturat, L., 81 Cozzo, C, 133 Creighton, C, 189 Cressy, E., 167 Crew, H., 158 Croce, B., 81 Crombie, A. C, 207 Crommelin, C. A., 275 Crowther, J. C, 94, 127 Croxon-Deller, F., 226 Crump, C. C, 137 Cubberley, E. P., 192 Cumming, Sir J., 143 Cumont, F., 131, 134 Cumston, C. C, 184 Cunningham, Sir A., 143 Cunynghame, Sir H. H., 170 Curtis-Bennett, Sir N., 180 Curtius, T., 19 Cushing, H., 185, 283 Cusi, J., 212 Cuvier, G., Ill, 118, 172 Dacier, B. J., Ill Dahl, S., 171 Dahlmann, F. C, 73 Dahlmann-Waitz, 73 Dain, M. A., 295 Dalton, J., 273 Damiens, A., 211 Dampier, Sir W. C, 118 Dana, E. S., 128 Daniel, G. E., 193 Dannemann, F., 50, 51, 118, 121 Dantzig, T., 153 Darboux, G., 208 Daremberg, C. V., 185 Darlington, C. D., 95 Darmstadter, E., 196, 229, 252 Darmstaedter, L., 58, 115 Darwin, G., 3, 112, 124, 172, 173, 175, 176 Dasgupta, S. N., 143 Datta, B., 143 Daudin, H., 172 Dauzat, A., 300 Davidson, M., 156 Davies, O., 134 Davis, H. T., 88 Davis, T. L., 210 Davison, C, 179 Dean, B., 175 De Bruyne, E., 137 Decourdemanche, J. A., 169 Deehend, H. v., 268 De Forest, L., 18 De Greef, G., 193 De Hovre, F., 192 Delacre, M., 164 Delambre, J. B. J., Ill, 134, 137, 156 Delanglez, J., 72 Delatte, A., 134, 139 Delorme, S., 299 DelviUe, L., 228 Dennis, W., 182 Dennison, F., 287 Descartes, 35, 163, 265 Desgranges, J., 151 Desnos, E., 185 Dessoir, M., 182 De Waard, G., 158 De Wulf, M., 137, 183 Dey, N. L., 143 Dharmakirti, 150 Dharmottara, 150 Dickinson, H. W., 249 Dickinson, R. E., 177 Dickson, L. E., 153 Diderot, D., 79 Diels, H., 25, 116 Diepgen, P., 134, 185, 190, 196, 234, 249, 267, 269, 270 Diergart, P., 232, 268 Dies, A., 136 Dieserud, J., 181 Dignaga, 150 Dijksterhuis, E. J., 257 Dikshit, S. B., 145 Dingle, H., 11, 15, 38, 88 Dingier, H., 88 Dioscorides, 247 Dircks, H., 159 Disney, A. N., 122, 172 Dittrick, H., 282 Dock, L. L., 185, 187 Dockx, I., 263 Doe, J., 283 Doring, E., 169 Dorr, W., 270 Dohrn, R., 190 Doig, P., 156 Doppler, 36 Dorner, I. A., 124 Dositheos of Pelusion, 20 Doublet, E. L., 156 Doursther, H., 169 Drabkin, I. E., 133 Drachmann, A. G., 196 Draper, H., 288 Draper, J. W., 118 Drechsler, A., 268 Drecker, J., 170 Dry, T. J., 181, 188 Dreyer, J. L. E., 156 Ducasse, P., 167, 240 Duckworth, W. W., 158 Diihring, E. K., 159 Dugas, R., 159 Duhem, P., 45, 89, 156, 158, 160, 290 Dumas, J. B., 164 Dumesnil, R., 185 Duncum, B. M., 185 Duong-Ba'Banh, 145 Dussieux, L., 177 Duval, M., 180 Duveen, D. L., 164 Dyck, W., 221, 270 Ebstein, W., 139 Ecchellensis, A., 19 Eddington, A. S., 36, 37, 89 Eder, J. M., 171 Edgerton, F., 143 308 Index Edison, T. A., 7, 18, 286, 288 Eichbaum, P., 191 Einstein, A., 87, 89, 90, 92, 158, 160, 161 Eisler, R., 157 Eliade, M., 143 Ellwood, C. A., 193 Elskamp, M., 263 Emden, A. B., 192 Empedocle, 136 Enestrom, G., 151, 205, 221 Engel, P., 154 Engelbach, R., 131 , Engelmann, G. J., 190 Engelmann, T., 280 Engels, P., 37 Engler, A., 207 Enke, P., 202 Enriques, P., 81, 89, 118, 134, 149, 151, 231, 232, 275 Erasmus, 263 Eratosthenes, 20 Erhard, L., 206 Erlanger, R. d', 141 Erlecke, A., 205 Ernest of Saxe-Coburg, 6 Ernest of Saxony-Gotha, 37 Ersch, J. S., 80, 106 Essig, E. O., 176 Euclid, 28, 43, 62, 135, 154 Eudemos of Rhodes, 25, 116 Euler, 162, 221 Eutocios, 18, 21 Evans, L., 273 Evans, R. C., 295 Pabry, C., 126 Paerber, E., 164 FarabI, 28 Paraday, M., 39 Parber, E., see Paerber, E. Farghanl, al-, 28, 32 Parmer, H. G., 141 Parnell, W. C., 287 Parrand, G., 142 Parrington, B., 134 Pasbender, H., 190 Pauchard, P., 247 Pavre, A., 169 Pebvre, L., 81 Pederzoni, L., 217 Peibleman, J., 89 Peldhaus, P. M., 167, 216, 240, 285, 288 Peldman, W. M., 140 Peng, see Pung Perchl, P., 164, 252, 270 Perdinand of Tirol, 289 Perguson, J., 164, 270 Perrari, P., 77 Perrari, G., 199 Pester, G., 164 Piek, W., 268 Pierz-David, H. E., 164 Pindlay, A., 164 Pindley, P., 190 Pinley, J. H., 287 Pinot, L., 144 Pischer, H(ans), 216, 250 Pischer, H(ermann), 137, 173 Pischer, J. K., 158 Pischer, K., 183 Plack, I. H., 185 Plaubert, 267 Pleming, A. P. M., 167 Pleming, J. A., 18, 302 Pletcher, R., 220 Plexner, S., 280 Plourens, 181 Pliigel, J. C., 182 Pokker, A. D., 275 Ponahn, A. M., 142 Porbes, R. J., 130, 164, 167 Pord, H., 288 Porke, A., 146 Pormiggini, 217 Poster, Sir M., 180 Pox, P., 281 Praas, K., 124 Prancesco, G. de, 118 Prank, M., 180 Prank, P., 89, 160, 227 Frankfort, H., 272 Frankhn, B., 162, 284 PrankUn, K. J., 180 Praser, C. G., 158 Freeman, D. S., 65 Preind, J., 185 Prey tag. P., 204 Priedenwald, H., 140 Priedrich II, Hesse-Cassel, 267 Priedrich III of Schleswig, 289 Friend, J. W., 89 Frohhch, O., 162 Froehner, R., 204, 209, 243 Froriep, L, P. v., 108 Pueter, E.,' 128 Fujikawa Yu, 148 Fuller, B. A. G., 183 Pulton, J. P., 180, 283 Pung Yu-lan, 146 Punkhouser, H. G., 155 Purfey, P. H., 193 Gabrieli, G., 73 Gadd, C. J., 132 Gager, C. S., 173 Galdston, I., 185 Galileo, 3, 17, 19, 23, 33, 34, 35, 55, 89, 158, 159, 274 Galois, 39 Galton, P., 6 Gandz, S., 21, 140 Garboe, A., 196 Garcia del Real, E., 240 Garcia Franco, S., 122 Garollo, G., 77, 84 Garraghan, G. J., 72 Garratt, G. T., 144 Garrison, P. H., 185, 220 Gassendi, 184 Gauss, 154 Gautier, H., 211 GechauflF, T., 19 Geikie, Sir A., 179 Geist-Jacobi, G. P., 189 Gelis, E., 159 Gellhorn, W., 95 Gelon, 20 Gent, W., 160 Gentile, G., 82 George IV of Saxony, 268 George, W. H., 90 Gerard, L., 173 Gerard of Cremona, 32 Gerhardt, K. I., 124 Gerland, E., 125, 158, 267 Geromini, P. G., 248 Gerono, C. C., 207 Gerrits, G. C., 127 Gest, A. P., 134 Geymonat, L., 155 Ghazzali, 28 Gibault, G., 173 Gibb, H. A. R., 141 Giebel, 102 Giedroyc, P., 277 Gilbert, A., 206 Gilbert, O., 134, 180 Gilfillan, S. C., 167 Gillain, O., 131 Gilson, E., 138, 183 Gimlette, J. D., 145 Ginsburg, J., 238 Ginzburg, B., 118 Ginzel, P. K., 170 Girvin, H. P., 160 GlanviUe, S. R. K., 131 Index 309 Glasser, O., 17 Gliozzi, M., 162 Goblet d'Alviella, 47 Gomoiu, v., 277 Gonseth, F., 90 Goode, G. B., 128, 285 Gortvay, G., 274 Goose, H. A., 112 Gotfredsen, E., 196, 264 Gould, R. T., 170, 271 Goulin, 227 Grabmann, M., 203 Graebe, G., 164 Graesse, J. G. T., 77 Graham, H., 185 Gramatica, L., 198 Grant, R., 157 Gras, N. S. B., 173 Grasset, H., 185 Graves, F. P., 192 Gray, D. E., 105 Greeff, R., 122 Green, J. R., 173 Greene, E. L., 173 Greene, H. G., 86 Gregory, W., 100, 292 Grinsell, L. V., 131 Grollier de Servieres, N., 289 Groth, P. v., 179 Gruber, J. G., 80 Gubernatis, A. de, 176 Gudger, E. W., 176 Giinther, O., 84 Gunther, S., 58, 118, 134, 151, 177, 200, 252, 290 Giintz, M., 221, 224 Giintzel, H., 200 Giierin, L., 173 Guerini, V., 189 Guerlac, H. E., 259 Guiart, J., 204, 256, 265, 277 Guillaume, A., 141 Guitard, E. H., 207, 214, 236, 252 Gundel, W., 133, 134 Gunn, J. A., 160 Gunther, R. T., 122, 126, 214, 230, 273 Gurlt, E. J., 85, 185 Gurney, J. H., 176 Guthrie, D., 185, 252 Guye, C. E., 303 Guyenot, E., 172 Gyory, T., 274 Haagensen, G. D., 185 Haas, A. E., 160, 200 HaberUng, W., 85, 268 Haddon, A. C, 181 Hafliger, J. A., 280, 287 Haering, H., 73, 185, 189 Hakluyt, R., 218 Haldane, J. B. S., 95 HaU, G. S., 182 Haller, A. v., 174, 180, 186, 196 Halley, E., 19 HaUiwell, J. O., 219, 249 Halsted, G. B., 92, 155 Hambly, W. D., 192 Hamilton, W. R., 17 Hamy, E. T., 205 Hannequin, A., 118 Hanotaux, G., 126 Hansen, A., 223 Haracourt, E., 266 Hardin, W. L., 161 Harley, G. W., 186 Harrison, J., 271 Hartmann, M., 90 Hartmann, R., 141 Hartner, W., 146, 154, 268 Harvey, 172, 181 Harvey-Gibson, R. J., 174 Haskins, C. H., 138 Haven, G. T., 286 Hayem, G., 109 Heath, T. L., 20, 21, 45, 134 Heathcote, N, H. de V., 161 Heawood, E., 177 Hecker, J. F. K., 138, 189 Heffening, W., 141 Hegel, 37, 46, 126 Heiberg, J. L., 19, 21, 24, 135 Heidel, W. A., 135 Heilbronner, J. G., 152 Heller, A., 158 Hellmann, G., 180, 229, 247 Hebn, G., 163 Helmholtz, H. v., 160 Hemmeter, J. C, 186 Hennig, R., 177 Henry, J., 98 Henschel, A. W. E. T., 222 Herder, 80 Herdman, Sir W. A., 177 Herholdt, J. D., 199 Heron of Alexandria, 19, 22, 196 Herre, P., 73 Herrick, J. B., 186 Herrmann, A., 234 Herschel, J., 3, 50 Hertz, Heinrich, 160 Heusinger, C. F., 222 Hieron, 20 Higgins, J. W., 287 Higgins, T. J., 85 Hildebrandt, K., 245 Hill, C. F., 122, 172 Hinneberg, P., 81 Hintzsche, E., 204 Hipparchos, 26, 136 Hippocrates, 23, 25, 116, 218, 246 Hirsch, A., 85, 125, 189 Hirschberg, J., 142, 186 Hitler, 8, 9 Hjelt, E., 165 Hobbes, 184 Hoefer, F., 50, 84, 165 H0ffding, H., 183 HoflFen, M., 186 Hoemle, A. F. R., 144 Hofmeister, 172 Hogben, L., 95 Hollander, E., 180, 186, 202 Holmberg, A., 278, 279 Hobnyard, E. J., 31 Homer, 18 Hommel, R. P., 146, 282 Honig, P., 145 Honigmann, E., 135 Hooper, A., 152 Hoppe, E., 41, 158, 162, 163 Horniman, F. J., 272 Hough, W., 285 Houtsma, M. T., 141 Houzeau, J. C., 157 Hovorka, O. v., 186 Howard, L. O., 176 Howarth, H. E., 157 Howarth, O. J. R., 177 Howells, T. H., 90 Howland, A. C., 284 Hrosvitha, 31 Huard, P., 146 Hubble, E., 36 Huber, V. A., 222 Hubert, J. C., 205 Hudson, P. S., 37 Hiibotter, F., 85, 146, 186 Hughes, E. R., 146, 147 Hugues, L., 177 Hulin, W. S., 182 Hultsch, F., 135, 169 Humbert, P., 89, 126, 157 Humboldt, A. v., 124 310 Index Hume, E. E., 221, 284 Humboldt, A. v., 178 Hunt, R., 273 Huntington, A. T., 197, 226 Huntington, A. M., 283 Hurry, J. B., 13l Huxley, J., 37, 95, 255 Huxley, T. H., 172 Huygens, C, 276 Hyrtle, J., 181 Idrisi, 29 Imbelloni, J., 220 Imhotep, 131 Infeld, L., 89, 158 Irsay, S. d', 192 Ishaq ibn Hunain, 18 Ishaq al-Isra'ili, 28 Ising, G., 279 Jacob, Bibliophile, 138 Jacob, E. P., 137 Jacopo da S. Cassiano, 19 Jaeger, W. W., 135 Jiilins, M., 125 Jaffe, B., 128, 165 James, E. J., 49 Jastrow, J., 119 Jeans, J. H., 90 Jenkinson, S. H., 127 Jennison, M., 135 Jessen, K. F. W., 174 Jevons, W. S., 90 Jimenez Moreno, W., 206 Joad, C. E. M., 90 Jocher, C. G., 84 Johnson, M. C., 90 Johnson, O. S., 147 Jonah, D. A., 197 Jones, W. H. S., 116 Jordan, D. S., 128 Joret, C., 174 Jouguet, E., 160 Joule, J. P., 273 Jourdain, P. E. B., 86, 160 Jussieu, 172 Kaempffert, W., 167, 281 Kastner, A. G., 152 Kahlbaum, G. W. A., 229 Kant, 36, 160, 161 Karmarsch, K., 124, 167 Karpinski, L. C., 154 Kastner, K. W., 232 Kausch, J. J., 248 Keith, A. B., 144, 150 Kekule, 295 Kelly, E. C., 226 Keltie, J. S., 177 Kelvin, 162 Kenleyside, H. L., 148 Kennelly, A. E., 169 Kepler, 3, 17, 38, 49 Keys, T. E., 186, 188 Khairallah, A. A., 142 Khaldiin, ibn, 28, 29 Khwarizmi, 28, 32, 140 Kibre, P., 138 Kilgour, F. G., 220, 250 Kimble, G. H. T., 138, 177 Kircher, A., 274, 288 Klatzkin, J., 140 Klebs, A. C., 138, 214, 283 Klein, F., 152 Klein, G., 198 Kleinert, C. F., 106 Klemm, O., 182 Klibansky, R., 273 Klimpert, R., 169 Klinckowstroem, C. v., 216, 223 Knight, E. H., 167 Kobell, F., 124, 179 Koch, C. R. E., 189 Koch, R., 196, 270 Koster, A., 168 Kotter, E., 154 Komarov, V. L., 278 Kopp, Hermann, 50, 124, 165, 246 Koren, J., 155 Kraemer, H., 167 Krause, J. G., 108 Krause, P., 199 Krauss, S., 140 Kremers, E., 191, 282 Kroeber, A. L., 181 Kronfeld, A., 186, 203 Krumbacher, K., 139 Krumbhaar, E. B., 211 Ktesibios, 196 Kiihn, C. G., 227 Kiister, E., 171 Kiister (-Neocorus), L., 106 Kugler, F. X., 132 Kuhhnann, F., 113 Kumer, E., 195 Kunz, G. F., 283 Lacour, p., 116, 159 Lacroix, P., 138 Ladenburg, A., 164, 165 La Fontaine, H., 301 Lagoudaky, S., 218 Lagrange, L., 155, 160 Laignel-Lavastine, M., 186, 218, 256 Lain Entralgo, P., 210 Lamarck, 172 Lamine, J., 119 La Monte, J. L., 284 Lamouche, A., 90 Lampe, E., 221, 290 Lancaster, A., 157 Landheer, B., 127 Langdon, W. C., 287 Lange, F. A., 119 Langer, W. L., 75 Langlois, C. V., 72 Laplace, 161 Lardner, D., 120 Large, E. C., 174 La Ronciere, C. de, 177 Larousse, P., 80 Lasarev, P. P., 252 Lasswitz, K., 119, 165 La Torre, F., 190 Lattronico, N., 209, 212, 239 Laue, M. v., 51, 159 Launay, L. de, 179 Laussedat, A., 266 Lavoisier, 165 Law, N. N., 144 Lazzeri, G., 231 Lea, H. C., 283 Le Bon, G., 206 Lecat, M., 160 Le Chatelier, H., 90, 211 Leclainche, E., 191 Leclerc, L., 142 Lecomte du Nouy, P., 90, 303 Lee, R. E., 65 Lefebvre des Noettes, R., 168 Leibniz, 124, 155, 183 Leicester, H. M., 210 Lelewel, J., 138 Le Lionnais, F., 119, 152 Lemaitre, G., 36 Lemale, A. G., 169 Lemoine, J., 211 Lemos, M., 201 Lenard, P., 119, 160 Lenz, H. O., 135 Lenzen, V. F., 91 Leon of Thessalonica, 18 Leonardo, R. A., 190 Leonardo da Vinci, 35, 43, 89, 127, 158, 198, 234, 239, 240, 243 Leopold of the Belgians, 6 Leveille, A., 266 Index 311 Leveque, C, 183 Leverrier, 113 Levi della Vida, G., 274 Levi-Provengal, E., 141 Levinson, A., 226 Levy, H., 91 Lewin, L., 191 Lexa, F., 131 Libby, W., 119, 186 Li Ch'iao-p'ing, 147, 165 Lichtenberger, J. P., 193 Lieben, F., 165 Lilley, S., 95 Lima, G. A. de, 196 Lindsay, J., 95 Lindsay, T. M., 150 Linnaeus, 172 Lipbn, H. C, 198 Lippert, J., 142 Lippmann, E. O. v., 45, 165 Littre, 78, 116 Littrow, J. J. v., 49 Livingstone, Sir R. W., 135 Lloyd, C. G., 214, 281 Lloyd, H., 17 Lloyd, J. U., 208, 214, 281 Lloyd, W. E. B., 185 Locher-Ernst, L., 202 Lockeman, G., 200 Locy, W. A., 172 Low, L, 140 Lohrmann, W. G., 268 Loisel, G., 176 Lomonosov, M. V., 242 Long, E. R., 186 Lorentz, H. A., 160 Loria, G., 73, 135, 150, 152, 155, 207, 255 Losskij, N., 81 Lote, R., 126 Lotsy, J. P., 109, 174 Lotze, H., 124 Lovejoy, A. O., 248 Lovi^ie, R. H., 181 Lowry, T. M., 165 Lucas, A., 131 Ludendorff, H., 242 Liideke, C. W., 101 Liidy, F., Jr., 165 Liitjeharms, W. J., 174 Lufkin, A. W., 189 Lynam, E., 218, 220 Lysenko, T. D., 37 Maar, v., 227 Mabilleau, L., 119, 165 Mach, E., 86, 160, 161, 162 MacLeod, A., 278 MacLeod, J., 113 Macmullen, J., 226 Magalotti, L., 34 Magie, W. F., 159 Magnus, H., 196 Mahani, 18 Mahmud ibn Muhammad al-Isfahani, 19 Maimonides, 28, 29, 142, 247 Major, R. H., 187 Majumdar, G. P., 144 Makemson, M. W., 157 Malcles, L. N., 72 Mallik, D. N., 162 Mallinckrodt, E., 281 Mallisoff, W. M., 232 Malte-Brun, 198 McKie, D., 161, 198 Manning, H. P., 25, 131 Marcolongo, R., 160 Marconi, 7, 127 Margenau, H., 91 Margerie, E. de, 179 Marguet, F., 168 Mariadassou, 144 Marie, M., 152 Marinus, A., 301 Markham, Sir C., 144, 177 Marrou, H. L, 135 Marshall, C., 65 Martin, R., 268 Martin, R. M., 267 Marum, M. van, 275 Marx, K., 37 Marzell, H., 174 Mascart, J., 153 Mascherpa, P., 274 Maseres, F., 162 Mason, O. T., 167, 285 Mason, S. F., 274 Mason, S. L., 179 Massain, R., 159 Masson-Oursel, P., 144, 183 Mastrorilh, M., 201 Mather, K. F., 179 Matschoss, C., 161, 203 Matthiessen, L., 154 Mayer, C. F., 105, 194, 195, 208, 220, 231, 274, 284, 292 Mayer, R., 158 Mayo, C. A., 282 Mees, C. E. K., 96 Meira, J. de, 201 Meisen, V., 125 Meissner, B., 132 Meitzen, A., 155 Mely, F. de, 147 Mencke, O., 108 Mendel, 175 Mendeleyev, 278 Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, A., 261 Menendez y Pelayo, M., 128 Menshutkin, B. N., 223, 242 Mercator, G., 263 Mercer, H. C., 282 Mercier, D., 182 Merton, R. K., 94, 96 Merz, J. T., 119 Mettler, C. C., 187 Metzger-Briihl, H., 91, 179 Meunier, L., 187 Meunier, S., 179 Meyer, A., 261 Meyer, A. W., 181 Meyer, E. H. F. v., 165, 174 Meyer, K., 161 Meyer-Abich, A., 172, 232 Meyer-Steineg, T., 187, 222, 269, 270 Meyerhof, M., 140, 142 Meyer's Lexikon, 80 Meyerson, E., 91 Miall, L. C., 172 Michalski, S., 230 Michaud, J., 84 Michaud, L. G., 84 Michel, A., 45 Michel, H., 122, 263 Michel, J., 161 Michel, P. H., 135 Mieli, A., 133, 142, 200, 211, 238, 239, 253, 262 Mikami, Y., 146, 148, 195 Miles, G. C., 142, 169 MiDiam, W. L, 170 Milhaud, G., 119, 135, 290 Millas Vallicrosa, J. M., 128 Miller, D. C., 159, 163 Miller, O. v., 269 Milne, 90 Mirsky, J., 177 Mitchell, M., 288 Mitchell, S. A., 157 Mitman, C. W., 285 Mittasch, A., 165 Mittwoch, E., 142 Mobius, M., 174 M0ller-Christensen, V., 196 Moerbeke, William of, 22 312 Index Moholy, L., 171 Molard, F. E., 265 Molinier, A., 73 Mondor, H., 181 Monge, 154 Monroe, P., 192 Monteiro, A. C, 231 Montessus de Ballore, F. de, 179 Montgolfier, J. M., 265 Montremy, 266 Montucla, J. E., 49, 117, 119, 152 Monzie, A. de, 266 Mookerji, R., 144 Moore, C. N., 62 Moore, F. J., 165 Moreri, L., 78 Moretus, J., 262 Morison, M., 75 Morison, S. E., 281 Mortet, v., 290 Moss, H. St. L. B., 139 Mosteller, F., 259 Mottelay, P. F., 163 Moule, L., 191 Muehlmann, W. E., 182 Miiller, F., 150, 152 Miiller, J., 124, 175 Miiller, O. F., 196 Miiller-Freienfels, R., 182 Miiller-Lyer, F., 193 Muir, M. M. P., 166 Muir, Sir T., 154 Muntendam, A. M., 275 Murphy, G., 182 Musschenbroek, P. van, 34 Nagel, E., 88 Nallino, C. A., 142 Nansen, F., 177 Napoleon, 111 Nash, L. K., 117 Nasir al-din al-Tusi, 32 Nathanson, J., 96 Needham, D., 147 Needham, J., 96, 127, 147, 181 Neuburger, A., 135, 168 Neuburger, Max, 181, 187, 196, 229, 227, 262 Neudeck, G., 168 Neugebauer, O., 130, 132, 215, 234 Neurath, O., 81, 91 Newhall, B., 171 Newshobne, Sir A., 189 Newton, A., 245 Newton, I., 3, 17, 35, 87, 119, 160, 161, 165 Nicholas V, 19 Nicholson, E., 169 Nicol, 41 Nicolle, C., 91 Nieuwenhuis, A. W., 222 Nightingale, F., 6, 16 Ninck, M., 135 Nippoldt, A., 91 Nitardy, F. W., 287 Nordenskiold, A. E., 138, 172, 178 Nordstrom, J., 128, 225, 250 Northrop, F. S. C., 91 Nutting, M. A., 187 Ofele, F. v., 171 Oersted, 17 Oettingen, A. v., 223 Oken, L., 101, 112 Older, J., 128 Olivier, E., 216 Olsen, 0., 178 Ore, 0., 154 O'Reilly, M. F., 163 Orfila, M., 266 Organ, T. W., 78 Omstein, M., Ill Osbom, H. F., 172 Osier, Sir W., 187, 232 Ostwald, W., 40, 51, 117, 166, 217, 223 Oudemans, A. C., 176 Packard, F. R., 198 Paetow, L. J., 73 Pagel, J. L., 187 Panckoucke, C. J., 79 Pansier, P., 213 Paoli, H. J., 212 Papillon, F., 183 Paracelsus, 196, 230 Paramananda Mariadassou, 144 Parsons, W. B., 168 Partington, J. R., 130, 166 Pasi, B. di, 169 Pasteur, L., 265, 266 Pater, W., 46 Paucton, A. J. P., 169 Paul, St., 30 Pauly-Wissowa, 78 Pazzini, A., 187, 220, 241, 233, 275 Peake, C. H., 147 Pearson, K., 6, 16, 87, 159 Peattie, D. C., 172 Peet, T. E., 25, 130 Pellett, F. C., 176 Pelseneer, J., 91, 250, 263 Pemberton, H., 172 Pendray, E., 122 Penniman, T. K., 182 Pensuti, V., 202, 237 Perna, A., 257 Perrier, E., 176 Perrier, G., 178 Perrin, J., 266 Perry, R. B., 184 Perthes, J., 108 Peschel, O., 124, 178 Peter the Stranger, 34 Peters, H., 191 Petrie. Sir W. M. F., 131, 169 Petrunkevitch, A. I., 127 Peypers, H. F. A., 222 Phidias, 18 PhiUimore, R. H., 144 Phillippe, A., 191 Phillips, P. L., 178 Philon, 196 Piazzi, G., 37 Picard, E., 126, 155, 208 Picavet, F., 138, 183 Pickering, C., 174 Pictet, R., 161 Pillsbury, W. B., 183 Pines, S., 142, 216 Pla, C., 96, 162, 262 Planck, M., 91, 161 Plantin, C., 262 Plato, 8, 24, 36, 43, 89, 135, 136, 156, 158 Pledge, H. T., 120, 271 Phny, 78 Ploetz, 75 Pluche, 5 Poggendorf, J. C., 85, 98, 159 Pogo, A., 231 Poincare, H., 10, 92 Poincare, L., 126 Polhem, C., 279 Politzer, A., 187 Pontonniee, G., 171 Portheim-Stiftung, J., 269 Poske, F., 195 Postolka, A., 191 Potamian, 163 Potonie, H., 102 Powell, B., 120 Power, Sir D'A., 187 Powicke, F. M., 192 Prantl, C. v., 149 Prasad, G., 152 Index 313 Pratt, I. A., 131, 132 Premuda, L., 212 Preuss, J., 140 Priestley, J., 117, 162, 163 Prieur, A., 207, 216 Prinzing, F., 189 Pritchard, J. B., 130 Pritzel, G. A., 174 Proksch, J. K., 189 Proskauer, C, 224, 233 Provenzal, G., 202, 209 Ptolemy, 3, 23, 26, 28, 33 Purbach, 122 Purcell, v., 147 Purkine, 264 Puschmann, T., 187, 269 Pusey, W. A., 187 Putzger, F. W., 76 Pythagoras, 135 QaSLM, ABU-L-, 28 QiftI, al-, 116 Quatregas, A. de, 182 Quesneville, 102 Quetelet, A., 5, 6, 7, 16, 125, 300 Radcliffe, W., 176 Radhakumuda, 144 Radl, E., 172 Rahmer, S., 217 Ramakrishna, S., 143, 144 Ramsay, Sir W., 166 Ramsperger, A. G., 92 Randall, J. H., Jr., 248 Ransome, H. M., 176 Rashdall, H., 192 Raumer, R. v., 124 Raveau, H., 218 Ravily, J., 201 Ray, D. N., 144 Ray, J., 235 Ray, P. C, 144 Razi, al, 28, 32 Read, B. E., 147 Read, J., 166, 210 Reed, H. S., 175 Rees, A., 79 Regiomontanus, 19 Reichenbach, G. v., 270 Reichenbach, H., 92, 122 Renan, E., 297 Renaud, H. P. J., 141 Repsold, J. A., 122 Rey, Abel, 92, 161, 237, 240, 254, 265 Rey Pastor, J., 204, 212 Reymond, A., 136, 255, 303 Ribera y Tarrago, J., 142 Ricci, J. v., 190 Rich, I., 264 Richens, R. H., 37 Richet, C., 106, 225 Richtmann, Dr., 282 Rickard, T. A., 179 Rieck, W., 204, 243 Rijnberk, G. van, 206 Ritchie, A. D., 92 Ritter, C., 77, 124, 178 Rixner, T. A., 224 Roback, A. A., 140 Roberts, H. F., 175 Roberts, L., 169 Robertson, E. W., 170 Robertson, J. D., 170 Robin, L., 136 Robinson, H. W., 198 Robinson, V., 218, 226 Rochas d'Aiglun, A. de, 136 Roentgen, 17 Rogers, A., 168 Rohde, A., 122 Rohlfs, G., 214 Rohlfs, H., 214 Rohr, M. v., 122, 171, 215 Roller, D., 117 Romanoff, A. L., 176 Ronalds, Sir F., 163 Roncali, D. B., 201 Ronchi, v., 162 Rooseboom, M., 275 Rooses, M., 262 Roscher, W., 124 Rosen, G., 187 Rosenberger, F., 159 Rosenthal, F., 273 Rosenthal-Schneider, I., 161 Rosenwald, J., 281 Rossiter, A. P., 120 Rotermund, H. W., 84 Roth, C., 140 Roucek, J. S., 139 Rousseau, 5 Rouyer, J., 123 Royce, J., 81, 92 Ruch, T. C., 176 Rudio, F., 25, 242 Rudnykh, S. P., 278 Riihlinann, M., 161 Ruge, A., 81 Ruhrah, J., 187 Rumford, B., 288 Rushd, ibn, 28, 29 Ruska, J., 31, 45, 196, 199, 218, 222, 234, 267, 269 Russell, B. A. W., 183 Rutherford, 273 Rutten, L. M. R., 146 Rytz, W., 204 Sabbe, M., 262 Sachs, J. v., 124, 175 Sacombe, J. F., 225 Sadosky, M., 241 Sageret, J., 157 Sa'id, ibn, 116 Salaman, R. N., 175 Sallet, A., 146 Salmon, W., 247 Sand, R., 188 Sandvig, A., 276 Sanford, V., 152 Santillana, G. de, 118, 134, 275 Sarkar, B. K., 145, 193 Sartiaux, E., 163 Sarton, G., 17, 35, 38, 40, 43, 49, 50, 73, 78, 79, 82, 115, 136, 138, 150, 221, 231, 254, 255, 256 Saunier, C., 171 Saussure, L. de, 147 Savorgnan di Brazza, F., 127 Saxl, F., 272, 273 Schaaf, W. L., 152 Schaumberger, J., 132 Schelenz, H., 191 Scheuchzer, J. J., 275 SchiapareUi, G. V., 136 Schiefer, C., 235 Schlegel, G., 147 Schleiden, M. J., 140 Schmid, A., 204 Schmidt, E. O., 172, 181 Schmidt, F., 123 Schmidt, W. J., 171 Schmidt-Ott, F., 126 Schmidt's Jahrbiicher, 109 Schmieder, K. C., 166 Schnabel, F., 126 Schneewind, W., 279 Schneider, I., 161 Schoen, M., 188 Schonbauer, L., 203 Schone, H., 19 Schone, R., 19 Scholz, H., 149 Schoy, K., 170 Schram, R., 145 Schrodinger, E., 92 Schrbteler, J., 192 Schroeter, M., 196 314 Index Schuhl, P. M., 136 Schullian, D. M., 188 Schulz, O., 196 Schurmann, P. F., 159 Schuster, A., 126 Schuster, J., 196, 200, 240 Schwalbe, E., 188 Schwarz, P., 234 Scott, G. L., 79 Scott, H., 8 Schoy, C, 19 Schrecker, P., 43 Scott, H. H., 188 Seal, Sir B., 145 Sedgwick, W. T., 120 Seedorf, W., 221 Seeger, F., 226 Segal, L., 178 Seippel, P., 112 Sergescu, P., 152, 200, 253, 255, 256 Sevensma, T. P., 127 Sewell, R., 145 Shapley, H., 36, 157 Shaw, Sir W. N., 180 Shcherbatskii, F. I., 150 Shepherd, W. R., 76 Sherborn, C. D., 289 Shinjo, S., 148 Shipley, A. E., 126 Shoen, H. H., 6 Shryock, R. H., 188, 280 Siber, T., 224 Siebold, E. K. J. v., 190 Siebold, J. B. v., 247 Sieglin, W., 234 Siewert, 102 Sigerist, H. E., 96, 128, 188, 199, 203, 208, 224, 229, 233, 239, 244, 254, 261, 269, 277, 280 Sikio (-Sickius), H., 106 Silla, L., 113, 127 Silliman, 101 Silow, A., 278 Simon, I., 236 Simon, M., 20, 136 Simons, C. M., 282 Simplicios, 25 Sina, ibn, 24, 28, 32 Singer, C, 120, 136, 138, 139, 166, 173, 181, 188, 209, 211, 226, 239, 254, 255 Singer, I., 140 Singh, A. N., 143 Smith, D. E., 136, 148, 153, 154, 253 Smidi, E. F., 210, 284 Smith, E., 131 Smith, Sir F., 191 Smith, F. P., 147 Smith, H. M., 166 Smuts, J. C, 92 Snowman, J., 140 Soddy, F., 96, 166 Soderberg, S., 279 Sorensen, E., 195 Solovine, M., 225 Sommerville, D, M'L. Y., 155 Sophocles, 18 Sortais, G. (S.J.), 183 Sowerby, A. de C., 147 Spengel, L., 116 Sperner, E., 221 Speter, M., 50 Spottiswoode, W., 80 Sprengel, K. P. J., 175, 188, 203 Stadler, H., 200 Stackel, P., 154 Stagg, J. M., 296 Stapleton, H. E., 31 Stas, J., 263 Staudt, 155 Stcherbalsky, T., 150 Steam, A. E., 190 Steam, E. W., 190 Stefansson, V., 178 Stein, L., 200 Steinmetz, 288 Steinschneider, M., 80 Stendel, J., 249 Stenzel, J., 234 Stephenson, 7 Stemer, M., 153 Stevenson, E. L., 178 Stevenson, W., 168 Stevin, S., 38 Sticker, G., 190, 246, 270 Stillman, J. M., 166 Stintzing, R., 124 Stoeckel, W., 190 Stokvis, A. M. H. J., 75 Straub, H., 168 Strecker, K., 31 Strohl, J., 216 Strong, R. M., 176 Stroppiana, L., 275 Struik, D. J., 153 Strunz, F., 138, 166, 223 Stuart, G. A., 147 Studer, T., 112 Stiibe, R., 234 Sudhoff, K., 45, 112, 138, 187, 188, 189, 196, 199. 200, 223, 229, 239, 246, 249, 254, 255, 268, 269, 290, 303 Siissenguth, A., 164, 270 Sugiura, S., 150 Suidas, 19, 22 Summervogel, C., 228 Suter, H., 142, 153 Sydenham, 240 Sykes, Sir P. M., 178 Szumowski, W., 277 Taine, 46 Tannery, M., 120 Tannery, P., 25, 31, 45, 48, 81, 120, 136, 290 Tarchi, A., 212 Tartaglia, 19 Taton, R., 153, 250, 299 Taylor, F. A., 285 Taylor, F. S., 120, 166, 198, 271, 274 Taylor, H. O., 136 Tegetmeier, W. B., 245 TeLxeira, C., 251 Tergohna, U., 249 Terquem, O., 107, 207 Tertsch, H., 179 Testi, G., 166, 202 Teyler, P., 275 Thabit ibn Qurra, 18, 19 Thales, 136, 172 Theodosios of Bithynia, 19, 22 Theophrastos, 172 Thierfelder, J. C., 222 Thirion, J., 136 Thomas, A. F., 148 Thomas, E., 145, 170 Thomas, E. R., 211 Thomas, I., 137 Thomas, J., 77, 84 Thomas, St., 35 Thompson, C. J. S., 123, 188, 271 Thompson, H., 168 Thompson, J. W., 139 Thompson, R. C., 132 Thompson, S., 182, 296 Thoms, H., 190 Thomson, H. W., 145 Thomson, J. O., 137, 178 Thomdike, L., 120, 139, 254 Thornton, J. E., 96 Thorpe, Sir T. E., 166 Thureau-Dangin, F., 132 Thurston, R. H., 168 Todd, A. J., 193 Index 315 Todhunter, I., 155, 156, 159, 161 Toepli, R. v., 262 Toeplitz, O., 234 Tolkowsky, S., 175 Torricelli, 274 Tory, H. M., 125 Toulouse, E., 81 Towne, H. R., 283 Tozer, H. F., 137, 178 Tradescant, Sr. J., 273 Traumiiller, F., 158 Treharne, R. F., 76 Triaire, P., 237 Tricot-Royer, J., 245, 256 Troilo, E., 211 TrommsdorflF, J. B., 247 Tropfke, J., 153 Trzebinski, S., 277 Tukey, J., 259 Tunberg, S., 278 Turner, D. M., 163 Tyler, H. W., 120 UccELLi, A,, 121, 168 Ueberweg, F., 150, 184 Onver, A. S., 242, 245 Uhles, E., 200 Ulich, R., 192 Ulldal, Dr., 277 'Umar Khayyam, 28, 32 Unanue, J. H., 242 Underwood, E. A., 272 lingerer. A., 171 Unteutsch, K., 195 Urbain, G., 121 Urdang, G., 191, 282, 287 Usaibi'a, ibn abi, 116 Usher, A. P., 168 Uzlik, F. N., 242 Valdizan, H., 242 Vallery-Radot, P., 265 Van Bemmelen, J. A., 109 Van Damme, D., 263 Van Deman, E. B., 137 Van der Burg, C. L., 222 Van der Klaauw, C. J., 275 Vandermonde, C. A., 265 Van de Velde, A. J. J., 114, 263 van Leersum, E. C, 222, 250 Van Overbergh, C, 125 Vaucanson, J. de, 265 Vazquez Queipo, V., 170 Venable, F. P., 166 Verdet, E., 162 Verdoorn, F., 145, 206, 209, 231, 256, 284, 294 Verdoorn, J. G., 209 Verga, E., 234 Vesalius, 17 Vetter, Q., 255, 264 Victoria, 6 Vidyabhusana, S. C., 150 Viedebantt, O., 137, 170 Vierordt, H., 85, 188 Vincent, A., 125 Vitruvius, 22 Vivien de Saint Martin, L., 178 VoUgraff, J. A., 250, 256 Volta, 17, 162 Voltaire, 5, 44 WaFa', ABU-L-, 28 Wainwright, G. A., 132 Waitz, G., 73 Walcott, G. D., 238 Walker, H. M., 156 Wallace, W. S., 125 Waller, R., 34 Walsh, J. J., 163, 188 Walter, E., 280 Walzer, R., 20, 273 Warburg, A., 272, 273 Warmington, E. H., 137 Wasserloss, E., 226 Waterfield, R. L., 157 Watson, D. L., 96 Wavre, R., 216 Weaver, W., 97 Weaver, W. D., 163 Weber, A., 184 Weber, E., 204 Weber, R. E. J., 276 Webster, 77, 84 Week, W., 146 Weeks, M. E., 166 Weevers, T., 175 Wegele, F. X., 125 Wegner, R. N., 181 Wehrh, G. A., 280 Weidner, E. F., 132 Weil, E., 17 Weinberg, G., 241 Weinberger, B. W., 189 Weindler, F., 181, 190 Weinreich, M., 8 Weissenborn, H., 155 Weizsacker, C. F. v., 92 Welch, W. H., 222, 280 Wellcome, Sir H., 271 Wensinck, A. J., 141 Werkmeister, W. H., 93 Werner, K., 124 Wernich, A., 85 Westaway, F. W., 93 Westergaard, H., 156 Westgren, A., 279 Weule, K., 178 Weyl, H., 93 Weyl, T., 188 Wheatland, D. P., 281 Wheeler, S. S., 163 Whetham, C. D., 118 Whetham, M. D., 118 Whetham, see Dampier Whetzel, H. H., 175 Whewell, W., 15, 49, 86, 121 Whipple, R. S., 270 White, A. D., 121 White, J. H., 167 Whitehead, A. N., 93 Whitrow, G. J., 157 Whittaker, E. T., 163 Wickersheimer, E., 139 Wiedemann, E., 203, 238 Wieleitner, H., 153 Wightman, W. P. D., 121 Wilcox, O. R., 178 Wilde, E., 162 Wilhelm, IV, Landgraf, 267 Willem of Moerbeke, 18, 24 Willius, F. A., 181, 188 WiUughby, F., 245 Wind, E., 273 Windelband, W., 81, 134 Windred, G., 161 Winslow, G. E. A., 190 Winsor, C., 259 Wintner, A., 161 Winternitz, M., 145 Wise, T. A., 189 Wissowa, G., 78 Withington, E. T., 189 Witkowski, G. J., 190 Wittkower, R., 273 Wittwer, P. L., 199 Witz, A., 163 Wolf, A., 50, 93, 121 Wolf, K., 245 Wolf, R., 37, 124, 157 Wolff, G., 226 Wong, K. C., 148, 251, 264 Wood, C. A., 176 Woody, T., 192 Woolhouse, W. S. B., 170 Wootton, A. C., 191 Worrell, W. H., 23 Wren, G., 271 Wright, J. K., 139 316 Index Wright, J., 189 Wright, S. L., 284 Wright, T., 219 Wrzosek, A., 277 Wu Lien-teh, 148 Wycherley, R. E., 137 Yeldham, F. a., 154 Youmans, W. J., 128 Young, J., 164, 270 Yperman, 245 Yule, Sir H., 148 Yusuf al-Khuri, 18 Zach, F. X. v., 37 Zaunick, R., 229 Zedler, J. H., 79 ZeUer, E., 124 Zenneck, J., 195 Zeuthen, H. G., 22, 137, 153, 290, 303 Zichy, I., 205 Zimmer, H. R., 145 Zimmer, J. T., 176 Zinner, E., 157, 238 Zinsser, H., 190 Zirkle, C, 37, 173, 175 Zittel, K. A., 125, 179 Znaniecki, F., 97