BREAN oe eee ee eek ee Leta bet ihy! Hee eye anyed 4 aw Faroese ates alpha? * * ‘ ae “+ wel # pret aha Fy orks ave Bava 7 wy (une he ¥ Ai ony ae aia - = . i rt at Na i lor’. LAS! Hus: oe 5 i ae PQX4 ati. HISTORY OF THE BERWICKSHIRE NATURALISTS’ CLUB INSTITUTED SEPTEMBER 22, 1831 “MARE ET TELLUS, ET, QUOD TEGIT OMNIA, C@LUM ” VOL. XXXIX._ Part I. 1971 Price to Non-Members £1 PRINTED FOR THE CLUB BY MARTIN’S PRINTING WORKS, MAIN STREET, SPITTAL 1972 OFFICE-BEARERS Secretary W. RYLE ELLIOT, F.S.A.Scot., Birgham House, Coldstream-on-fweed. (Tel. Birgham 231). Editing Secretary Rev. J. 1. C. FINNIE, F.S.A.Scot., Manse of Eccles, Kelso, Roxburghshire. (Tel. Leitholm 240). Treasurer W. O. MORRIS, 2 Lyall Terrace, Upper Burnmouth, Eyemouth, Berwickshire. Librarian Miss BETTY BUGLASS, 29 Castle Drive, Berwick-upon-Tweed. (Tel. Berwick 7549). HISTORY OF YHE BERWICKSHIRE NATURALISTS’ CLUB CONTENTS OF VOL. XXXIX PART I. — 1971 Some Thoughts on Herbs . Secretary’s Notes Notes on Manderston St. Andrew’s Church, Bolam Netherbyres . Coldingham Priory Excavations, VI Coldingham Priory Excavations, V The Straight Furrow Cliffs Just North of St. Abbs Recording of Pre-1855 Tombstone Inscriptions in Berwickshire Witches and Witchcraft Superstition in Eastern Borders Some Finds from Doons Law (Cairn), Whitsome, Berwickshire The Family of Redpath Dr. George Henderson of Chirnside The British Association—Swansea, 1971 Report The Two Roman Walls Natural History Observations, 1971 Extracts from the Correspondence of Dr. James Hardy with Mrs. Jane Barwell-Carter se 5 Ky ILLUSTRATIONS PART I. — 1971 St. Andtew’s Chutch, Bolam Coldingham Excavations .. The Straight Furrow The Cliffs Just North of St. Abbs Some Finds from Doons Law Pages 14 . 22-23 23 31 46 PROCEEDINGS OF THE BERWICKSHIRE NATURALISTS’ CLUB SOME THOUGHTS ON HERBS Address delivered to the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club by Lady Furness, O.B.E. There is today a renewed interest in Herbs of all kinds and their various uses. The story of Herbs is as old as history. In the early pages of Genesis we read “Even as the green herb have I given you all things” and in the Psalms con- siderably later “God who maketh the grass to grow upon the mountains and herb for the use of man.” Herbs have been used in this country for many hundreds of years. Monasteries and Priories all had their Herb Gardens, the Herbs being grown mainly for their medicinal qualities. When I visited Milton Brodie near Forres, which used to be a monastery, I saw the garden wall which was built by the monks and is still in very good condition ; Herbs still grow in odd corners of the garden, self-sowing themselves as they must have done for hundreds of years. At Coldingham Priory one can find Chamomile in the vicinity of the outer remains of the walls. Certain Herbs were also believed to give protection against various illnesses. To this day at the distribution of the special silver coins on Maundy Thursday by the Queen, she and her attendants are presented with nosegays of Herbs and Flowers prepared by the Queen’s Herbalist. This custom is a reminder of the days when Herbs were believed to give protection against infection, particularly against the dreaded plague. In some places nosegays of Herbs are also presented to Judges at Assizes to ward off plague and gaol fever. 2 SOME THOUGHTS ON HERBS In the Middle Ages, Herbs had another use, as well as medicinal. Most people will have seen the film “The Six Wives of Henry VHT’, a very authentic production in evety way except one; magnificent clothes; sumptuous feasts ; splendid apartments; but the one thing the film could not reproduce was the smell which pervaded the inside of castle or palace, and which was quite terrible ; so Herbs were used for strewing on the floor, their aromatic scent helping to cover up the disgusting smell of human and animal filth, which became so bad that every few months the Court had to move to another palace or castle so that the vacated residence could be thoroughly cleansed and then sweetened with fresh dried Herbs strewn on the floors. This was the custom in all large establishments, this moving to another castle every so often because the present one had become too filthy to stay in. Antonia Fraser mentions it several times in her book about Mary Queen of Scots. It is interesting to study the strewing Herbs. One could talk about them by their Latin names but I prefer to call them by their vernacular names. ‘There are so many books on the subject that if one wishes to know the Latin name one can easily look it up. Marjoram grows wild in many parts of Britain, the whole plant giving out a warm fragrance. In Tudor and Stuart times it was popular as a strewing Herb and it was constantly 99 66 used for “‘swete bags’’, ““swete powers”’, and “‘swete washing waters’. Meadow sweet is a lovely wild fragrant plant ; the blossom smells of almonds and the whole plant is so fragrant that it became one of the favourite strewing Herbs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and was greatly liked by Queen Elizabeth the First, “who did more desire it than any other herb to strew her chambers withall’’. Chamomile is called Ground Apple by the Greeks, Maythen by the Saxons and Manzanilla by the Spaniards, their sherry of that name being flavoured with this Herb. It is one of the Nine Sacred Herbs. The common perennial species makes a good and sweet-smelling lawn. In the Middle Ages this plant was commonly used as a strewing Herb. Alecost also known as Costmary and Bible Leaf, as its broader leaves were often used as book-markers in church. It is one of the many Herbs used to flavour beer before the SOME THOUGHTS ON HERBS 3 hop was cultivated in Britain, and was much used in Elizabethan houses as a strewing Herb to sweeten floors, shelves and cupboards. Sweet Basil is well named; the whole plant in earlier times was gathered for use as a strewing Herb. In the Kast this plant had sacred associations and the Hindus in India grow it near temples and dwellings to give protection from misfortune and to guide the way to heaven. Lemon Balm is a native of southern Europe but has in some parts become naturalized as a wild Herb in Britain. In Elizabethan England it was used for strewing and its dried leaves were put into sweet bags. Lemon Balm is a favoutite bee plant and it was an old country custom to rub leaves of it on the hives to induce the bees to return and bring others with them. Mint is the one Herb that nearly everyone knows. It was a popular strewing Herb in the Middle Ages because “the savor or smell rejoiceth the heart of man”. Chaucer mentioned it growing in company with Fennel. “Then went I forth on my right hond Downe by a litel path I fond Of Mintes full and Fennell greene’’. It is thought the two were used together in sauces in those days. Woodruff, 2 sweet woodland plant containing coumarin, which when dried has a scent resembling new-mown-hay. It was popular as a strewing Herb and used for the floors of bedchambers, for stuffing the bed, and for storage among linen and clothing. In the Middle Ages bunches of Woodruff were hung in churches together with Lavender, Box and Roses. Flyssop is yet another strewing Herb, with a very pungent flavour. It is much liked by bees and the honey made from it has a delicious aroma. Lavender which I am sure is known to all of us, was also used for strewing. It was not introduced into England until 1568, but it very quickly became a popular garden plant with medicinal virtues. Rosemary for Remembrance. It is probably not generally known that herbalists do in fact use this Herb medicinally 4 SOME THOUGHTS ON HERBS to treat forgetfulness. It flourished at Hampton Court in Tudor and Stuart times and was popular for strewing. Tansy has a very ancient history. It was propagated in the Herb Garden of Charlemagne, and at a monastery in Switzerland a thousand years ago. It has a very pungent flavour. It was popular in the time of Elizabeth the First, being mainly used in beds and bedding to discourage vermin. Southernwood also called Lads Love, and in Scotland Apple Ringie. Sprigs placed amongst clothes discouraged moths, it was also used for strewing. Wormwood is one of the most bitter Herbs we have, the other being Rue. Wormwood took a high place in the list of healing herbs of benefit to mankind at a very early date, and later was popular as a strewing Herb being a powerful deterrent to lice, bugs, fleas, moths, and other unpleasant insects. The office of King’s Herb-strewer, after being in abeyance for many yeats, was revived at the Coronation of George IV. The woman appointed to this office wore the old costume, consisting of white gown and scarlet mantle with gold lace. On her head she had a wreath of Laurel and Oak leaves, and round her neck a badge of office. She was attended by maidens with baskets who strewed Meadow- sweet and other Herbs in the path of the king. Farlier I mentioned Chamomile as being one of the Nine Sacred Herbs of ancient times ; the other eight are Mugwort, Plantain, Watercress, Nettle, Crabapple, Chervil, Fennel, and the unidentified A7zten/othe. I mentioned Rwe as being as bitter/ as Wormwood ; it is also called “Herb of Grace’’, and “Herb of Repentance” because Holy Water was at one time sprinkled from bunches of Rue at a ceremony preceeding High Mass. It was also much used in Law Courts to counter the powerful gaol smells, either strewn on the floor, or in bouquets carried by the judges, the pungent odour over-coming most other smells. Rue is one of the few Herbs employed in Heraldry and it is interesting to us in Scotland as it may be seen entwined in the collar of the Order of the Thistle, and there is also a Saxon Order called Rautenkrone (Crown of Rue). The SOME THOUGHTS ON HERBS 5 Romans believed it had the power to bestow second-sight and it was almost certainly brought to the British Isles by them. There are many references to it in literature. Shakes- peate’s lines spoken by the gardener in Richard IT and often quoted, “‘Here in this place Pll set a bank of Rue sour herb of grace.” Itis one of our oldest and most revered garden plants. I will conclude by suggesting to you that the study of Herbs is a truly fascinating occupation ; perhaps this brief account of some of the strewing Herbs may stimulate your interest in making a study of Herbs and their different uses. I am sure you will find it very rewarding. SECRETARY’S NOTES As befits one of the oldest, and best known Antiquarian Societies in Britain, the membership of the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club keeps very close to its maximum number. This year there is again a waiting list. It might well be said that we ought to waive this rule in view of modern conditions and circumstances. It has, however, always been the aim of the Council to retain the original rulings and concept of the Club, as formed in 1831 by Dr. Johnston and his circle. Perhaps this rather conservative policy is open to criticism, and indeed is criticised, but the procedure has created an unique position for the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club in the world of Learned Societies, and is much praised by other Clubs. The Meetings of the past season have been well attended, and, I think, enjoyed by all. Speakers are often difficult to get, and it is not always possible to adhere to the original programme. These are things that happen in all Societies, and are not peculiar to the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club. We were fortunate in May to be addressed at Neidpath Castle, by its owner, the well known antiquarian, The Earl of Wemyss and March. The Countess of Dysart allowed us to visit the Japanese garden at Stobo Castle when a memorable display of the parasite Lathraea Squamaria (Toothwort) was seen. Later, at Dawick, Colonel and Mrs. Balfour escorted us round the world famous woodland gardens. There had been a misunderstanding over the June Meeting but Major and Mrs. Baillie graciously welcomed us to Mander- ston, as did Mrs. Hay at Duns Castle. July found us out in full force at Bolam Church where the Rev. T. C. Bray gave us an interesting account of its history. In the afternoon Wallington Hall and gardens were visited and there tea was taken. An alteration had to be made in August when the visit to Old Linthill was cancelled. In its place a visit to Bunkle Church was arranged. Afterwards the President, Lady Furness received us at Netherbyres. There was a turn-out of about 150 members in spite of the coldness of the day and the torrential rainstorms which did not lessen the beauty of the garden at Netherbyres. SECRETARY’S NOTES 7 The weather was more clement in September for our visit to Dunstanborough Castle, and Dunstan Hall the home of J. Dudfield Rose, M.R.C.S., and Mrs. Dudfield Rose. Nearly 200 members turned out in glorious sunshine. It is not often, other than the Annual General Meeting, that we have an outing in October. It was a risk, but the day turned out to be clear and mild. We met at Legerwood Church, and later, after a pic-nic luncheon, were welcomed at Bassendean by Mrs. Home. Botanical and Field Meetings were also held and an account of these and details of the above meetings are to be found in this current History. It is a privilege and an honour to be the Secretary of this well known Club. I am ever conscious and appreciative of the help and consideration which is so unstintingly given to me by the Council and members. Without their help I would indeed be the poorer. I thank you all. NOTES ON MANDERSTON By Mrs. BAILIE of Manderston The South front of the House is the old front about 1740, built of very beautiful sandstone, on the site of an old Castle belonging to the Homes who at that time owned most of the lands. After the Homes it passed through various hands until 100 years ago when it was bought by Sir William Miller (H. Bailie’s grandfather). Hits eldest son Sit James Miller (H. Bailie’s uncle), except for the South front, entirely rebuilt the House 1902-1905. He employed Mr. John Kinross, R.S.A., who restored Falkland Palace among other places. Sir James Miller’s wife was a Curzon of Kedleston and as everyone knows there is no finer nor more interesting example of the work of the Adam brothers than Kedleston. Lady Miller’s father, Lord Scarsdale allowed Mr. Kinross to make detailed copies of the Adam’s designs notably carried out in that Hall and Ball Room at Manderston. As Adam employed foreign craftsmen for various details so did Mr. Kinross at Manderston, and Frenchmen were employed to make the vesti- bule in 1902. The Main Staircase is a copy of that of the Petit Trianon at Versailles. The collection of Blue John marble is most interesting. Blue John is perhaps the most beautiful mineral product the soil of this country yields, or rather yielded as the deposit is now extinct. The Dairy is of special interest being made of marble from many different countries and the tea room above is after one of the small oak rooms in Holyrood (J. Kinross). The Stables are very remarkable, the stalls etc., being all made of Teak (J. Kinross). For those interested in Racing there are the pictures of the two Derby winners. Sir James Miller’s racing career is one of the Fairy Tales of the English Turf. He won all the Classic Races in a few years as he died at the age of 45, a few months after the building was finished. ST. ANDREW’S CHURCH, BOLAM 9 Sainfoin won the Derby for him in 1890 and Sainfoin’s son, Rock Sand, was bred by Sir James Miller and won the Two Thousand Guineas, the Derby (1903) and the St. Leger, the Triple Crown of the Racing World and only one horse has won this event since and that was ‘‘Barham” the Aga Khan’s horse some years ago. Sir James was a subaltern in the 14th Hussars when he won the Derby with Sainfoin in 1890, and it was said his Commanding Officer would not give him leave to see the race run! Not true! ST. ANDREW’S CHURCH, BOLAM By. The Rey.-1., G7 BRAY When the church is approached from the South, through pleasant parkland it is a surprise to find that it is situated on a ridge commanding extensive views to the North. The best place from which to enjoy this view is near the fencing to the West of the church-yard entrance—from here it is framed by larch trees and it is easy to pick out a mock forti- fication at Rothley Crags, and the outline of Simonside Hill, neat Rothbury. It is surprising to find such a sizeable church and vicarage so isolated from a village; its only near neighbour is Bolam Hall, the Georgain house that lies about three-quarters of a mile to the west of the vicarage. This house was once the home of Lord Decies (head of the Horseley-Beresford family), and it was one of his forbears who commissioned John Dobson to design the artificial lake. Bolam Hall was built on the site of a medieval castle, and between it and the church, was the little town of Bolam which was at one time sufficiently important to have had a market and fair granted to it in 1305 by Edward I. The presence and size of the church is now the only indication that a large village or small town once existed here. The lost villages of England make an interesting study, and recent research suggests that well over 1200 ceased to exist between the 13th and 15th centuries. No doubt plague, and in particular the Black Death, would be responsible in some cases, but more likely reasons are economic and social. We tend to forget how radical was the change, for instance, from intensive arable farming to pastoral farming, e.g., “In some towns 200 10 ST. ANDREW’S CHURCH, BOLAM persons were occupied and lived by their lawful labours but now only 2 or 3 herdmen are occupied”. This kind of change could easily have affected Bolam and here there was the added hazard of openness to attack from ‘over the border’—the nearby ‘Scots Gap’ is a reminder of this. Almost within living memory a number of crofts and a small inn remained, but these were swept away last century by the landowner, and the stones used for the building of the park walls and ‘ha-has’. Now the main concentration of people in the parish is at Belsay, some three miles to the S.E., nearer at Gallowhill there is a residential school. The Church building is interesting and, I think, of great beauty. Interesting because it is possible to trace within it architectural styles from late Saxon to Early English; beautiful because in spite of changes it is all of a piece with a sense of unity. The tower is substantially all that is left of the Saxon Church. It is tall and slender and unbutressed ; built of irregular stones. The windows, seen from the outside, are original ; those of the bell-chamber are of two lights. They have either a single shaped stone to carry the masonry above or two slabs are used forming a triangular head. The parapet was a later addition probably added in 12th century. Note the herring-bone work immedi- ately below the parapet. The lower windows are also of more recent date. Inside the tower the remains of the original ground-floor windows can be seen. The primitive font is beautiful in its simplicity. The font cover is modern. It seems likely that the present nave represents the size of the Saxon church ; there are remains of this in the lower courses of walling on either side of the vestry door. The tower arch was probably made in its present form when the church was rebuilt in the Norman style and the very small capitals have a design of Norman foliage. This second church had a square chancel separated from the nave by the present chancel arch, and with a similar arch beyond leading into the original Norman apse. The Chancel arch has three strong columns, scalloped capitals and roll-moulding on the arch on the West side, but a plainer treatment on the Hast side. The treatment of the two capitals is quite different—those on the North side have quaint beast- head ornamentation, and until recent times there were similar ‘heads’ on the moulding of the arch. Unfortunately these were removed by a former incumbent, the Rev. Septimus Meggison, a remarkable character who became Vicar in 18 17, and continued in office till he died in 1879—an incumbency of 62 years. ST. ANDREW’S CHURCH, BOLAM II The story goes that time and time again during his preaching he saw boys imitating the little demon stone-faces—putting out their tongues and pulling their ears. He became so infuriated that one day he took hammer and chisel and hacked off the carved faces. In later life, when he was reproached for this action, he is said to have replied “I was young and zealous—and the boys would not learn’. And so Bolam church lost an interesting detail of its architecture. South Aisle. There are, of course, no records of successive additions and alterations and so, as regards dating, the building has to speak for itself. The next Change, it would appear, was the addition about 1200 of the South Aisle with its arcade of three bays and the rounded arches—the arches are supported by quatrefoil, keeled piers, with their simple, but effective, moulded capitals. The doorway also has a rounded arch ; it has slender columns and two orders of dog-toothed ornament, also on the arch and carried down the sides to the ground. The outermost order of the arch is decorated with the ‘nut-meg’ motif. Chancel. Later in the 13th century the Norman apse was replaced by the present spacious sanctuary. The shafts of the original Norman arch leading into the apse were placed back into the wall and the shaped decorated stones of the arch of the apse, can be seen in the wall. They have the saltire motif as decoration. The sanctuary has three sedilia with single chamfered arches and semi-octagonal shafts. ‘The lowness of the seats shows that the level of the sanctuary floor has been raised. ‘There is also a piscina with a similar arch. There are two aumbries, the West one, without a door, was in the earlier apse-shaped sanctuary. On the South window are wooden replicas of a helmet and gauntlet. The helmet is similar to that shown in the Middleton coat of arms on the mural tablet to the East of the window, but the crest of the wooden replica is missing. South Chapel. The latest addition to the church was the south chapel—probably a chantry chapel in memory of Robert de Reymes whose mutilated effigy it contains. For the help he gave to Edward I in his efforts against the Scots he was rewarded with a gift of land in Bolam and permission to fortify the manor-house of Shortflatt Tower—the chapel is usually known as the Shortflatt Chapel. It contains, in addition to the one and only effigy, two grave covers, one of a priest, the other of a knight. The large niche has hinges. Originally it may have housed a statue of the Virgin or of the Patron Saint Andrew. 12 ST. ANDREW’S CHURCH, BOLAM A small rectangular window has been constructed at a point where a bomb, one of three which fell here in 1942, entered the church, but mercifully did not explode. In the East wall there is an elliptical window. This window portrays an angel holding a rekindled light which represents rededication after the restora- tion of bomb damage. Church Plate. This consists of a large chalice and salver ; an Elizabethan chalice and a lid (forming a paten). The paten is dated 1571, but the cup was remade by a Newcastle silver- smith. The name Bolam comes from the Scandinavian ‘bol’ (habita- tion) and the Anglo-Saxon ‘ham’. Bolam was the barony of Sir Gilbert de Bolham, to whom it was granted by King John. It was next possessed by Sir Walter de Bolham, and by his son, and by John and James de Calcey in the reign of Henry HI. Next it was owned by Alice de Bolam and then James de Calcey and his wife Alice in the reign of Edward I. Afterwards it was possessed by the ancient family of Reymes in the time of Edward III, as appear by the escheats of the several reigns of Richard II, Henry IV, Henry VI, Queen Elizabeth and Charles I. It remained in that family for many generations. After the family of Reymes, Bolam was owned by the Horsleys. In 1809, the heiress of this branch of the Horsleys married the Rey. J. W. Beresford (who later became Lord Decies), son of the Archbishop of Armagh. NETHERBYRES By LADY FURNESS, O.B.E. The first record of a branch of the Crow or Craw family living at Netherbyres is about 1550, and the Crow family con- tinued to own the estate for the next 264 years. Netherbyres was evidently an estate of some importance as it is marked on an old map dated 1645, and also on many other old maps, including one dated 1771 where it is very prominently marked. In 1648 George Crow of Netherbyres was a Commissioner of Supply, and in 1696 a George Crow of Netherbyres, was one of those present at a Meeting of Heritors on Fogo Moor. In 1738 William Crow is mentioned as one of the Heritors of Eyemouth, although strangely enough eighteeen years earlier in 1720 it is recorded that the question as to whether Gunsgreene, Netherbyres, and Brownsbank, were in Eyemouth parish or Ayton, and at last it was settled in favour of the latter. Nether- byres is still in Ayton Parish to-day. One can only suppose that William Crow was a Heritor of Eyemouth because of the vety small amount of land on the Eyemouth side of the River Eye which has always been part of the Netherbyres Estate. William Crow, who married Margaret, one of the daughters of the Rev. James Allan, minister of Eyemouth, was well known to have great mathematical and mechanical knowledge. He planned the Old Pier at Eyemouth Harbour and in 1747 he got it constructed by private subscription ; after this the harbour became usable by coasting vessels of some size. He also con- structed “a working model of a thrashing mill. It consisted of a series of flails or swipes moved by machinery which was found tolerably efficient but dangerous to approach and very liable to break.” (Extract from R. Ker’s “General View of Agriculture of the County of Berwick, 1809). He died in 1750, and is buried at Coldingham Priory. His tombstone has at some time been moved to the side of the churchyard and built into an old doorway. It is now practically impossible to decipher the Latin inscription owing to its damaged state, but thanks to Dr. Hardy and Mr. Andrew Wilson, the inscription is recorded in Appendix 29 of “‘Coldingham Parish and Priory” by A. Thomson, together with the English translation, which is as follows :— Bs 14 NETHERBYRES ‘Here is buried William Crow of Netherbyres, Esquire, who alike in acquiring and cultivating every science worthy of an ingenuous man, exalted by a most noble genius which he assiduously exercised beyond others. By music, mechanics, the culture of letters and skill in these and other cognate arts, combined with thorough integrity and elegant manners, he became known and was deservedly dear to not a few of the chief men of the state and of literature. Sparingly cultivating the friendship of the great, he rather showed himself to be the friend of the human race. He always cheerfully devoted himself to the benefit of his acquaintances of the whole neighbourhood, by prudent counsel and by indefatigable exertion. He spent his life on his paternal estate, wisely administering his moderate means and at the same time elegantly enjoyed them. He was a despiser of lucre, and a most ardent friend of liberty. Superior to ambition, whilst he gave himself to every noble study not considering his own health or strength, in the mid-time of his days, seized with palsy, he was suddenly cut off. He died on the 26th February in the year 1750, aged - years 2 months. This stone, sacred to his memory, is erected by his deeply affected wife Margaret Allan.” Captain Sir Samual Brown, R.N., acquired the estate between 1822, when he married Mary daughter of John Home, W.S., of Edinburgh, and 1830. He demolished the old house of which we can find little trace, although some of the out buildings are obviously about the same age as the Walled Garden. He built the present house which has been enlarged at some later date, probably about 1860 by John Ramsay L’Amy who built on the West Wing. My husband built out a small wing at the back, or North side of the house in the early nineteen thirties. We have not been able to discover the name of the architect employed by Sir Samual Brown. Captain Sir Samual Brown was a man of science and acquired considerable celebrity by various useful inventions, in particular, his iron chain cables, In 1817 he obtained a patent for the construction of an iron suspension bridge. He built one over the Tweed (Union Bridge), but he is most famous for con- structing the chain pier at Brighton, for which he was awarded a Knighthood by Queen Victoria in 1838. He built and de- signed many others. Extract from ‘‘Statistical Account of Berwickshire, Parish of Ayton, 1834, regarding Netherbyres and a new bridge, ‘‘ “The operations are even now far in advance and have produced a magical transformation on the place. The particular form of suspension bridge now erecting is Captain Brown’s own invention, and which he calls a Tension Bridge, being supported by, instead of suspended from the chains.’ ” St. Andrew’s Church, Bolam See pages 9-12. NETHERBYRES 15 This bridge crossed the Eye and afforded a new access to the property. It had to be demolished in 1929 as it was in a danger- ous condition. Captain Sir Samual Brown died in 1851 at Blackheath aged 75, and was survived by his wife. There is no record of any child- ren, so it would appear that he decided in his latter years to reside in the South of England, and sold the estate to John Ramsay L’Amy, Younger of Dunkenney, who in 1845 married Mary Riche MacLeod, daughter of William Mitchell-Innes, of Ayton Castle. In 1878 William Ramsay L’Amy of Netherbyres, married his first cousin Christian, eldest daughter of Alexander Mitchell-Innes of Ayton Castle. The next owner was Mr. Gideon Gibson who sold it to a Mr. Hewat, who was connected to the Crow family. He spent most of his working life in the United States of America, but decided to return to his native countryside on retirement. He completely modernised the interior of the house without altering its appearance, but he died before he could enjoy his retirement, and his widow returned to the United States of America, as all their children lived there. My husband bought the estate in 1928. The Coats of Arms on the front of the house are as follows :— Over the large upper window are those of Captain Sir Samual Brown, R.N. Over the present front door, those of Ramsay L’ Amy, and Mitchell-Innes, and on the gable of the new part of the house, those of my husband, Furness of Tunstall Grange. The GARDEN OF NETHERBYRES We think, having studied all the information we have been able to collect, that it is almost certain that William Crow designed the Walled Garden. A man with his qualities would take a delight in planning an ellipitical wall, enclosing a mathe- matically conceived design inside it, of division and sub-division. This means it was constructed before 1750 which is the year in which he died. The oval wall is built of stone on the outside, and one half is faced with Dutch bricks, the second half was obviously lower when first constructed. One imagines that before the trees grew up one could see into it from the house. Later it was built up to the same height as the rest of the wall, and the facing bricks are not exactly the same as the first ones though they may well be Dutch, but of a later date. "These bricks would come overt from Holland by sea as there was a thriving trade between 16 NETHERBYRES Eyemouth and that country, Eyemouth at that time being a very busy port, its main exports being wool and linen. The Glasshouse was added at a later date, as it is not shown on the Ordnance map which was surveyed in 1856, but according to that map there was a fountain in the centre of the garden. This map also shows an extensive design laid out in front of the house of paths, shrubs, and trees. It was evidently considered a garden of importance in that it is shown in such detail on this old Ordnance map. We have found two tombstones mentioning gardeners at Netherbyres, which are quite interesting. The earliest is in Ayton Churchyard, and the inscription is as follows :—“‘Mary Clark, wife of Alexander Forrester, Gardener in Netherbyres. Died 18 Jan. 1856, aged 57. “and in Coldingham Churchyard, “Agnes Weir, wife of George Crookshank, Gardener at Nether- byres. Wied 13th June, 1878, aged 49”. COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, V1 By DUNCAN NOBLE, M.A. Excavations at Coldingham Priory continued for a second season from 8th to 24th April, 1971. The team included Mr. D. Price-Williams, B.A., assistant director and surveyor; Mr. J. Barfoot, photographer; and students from Whitelands College, Putney, and the University of London Extra-Mural Department. I am most grateful to Lady Furness, President of the Berwick- shire Naturalists’ Club, and to the Committee and members for much encouraging interest and financial support. To Brigadier Swinton and Mr. T. D. Thomson I owe a special debt for their advice on many occasions and practical help. To the Principal and Governors of Whitelands College thanks are due for finance which permitted Whitelands students to take part in the excavation. To Dr. J. Hazeldene Walker, of White- lands College, the expedition is indebted for much assistance. When heavy rain made it likely that the work started would not be completed, the successful completion of the operation was made possible by the most generous loan of a floodlight by Mr. Dryburgh, County Roads Surveyor of Berwickshire ; thus excavation could continue under cover. In this connection we must record our appreciation of the good offices of the Berwick- shire Constabulary. Visitors to the site included Mr. I. Ritchie, Department of the Environment, Edinburgh, and Mr. C. W. Baker, F.R.G.S., of Peel Hospital, Galashiels. The season of 19701 produced in the churchyard the doorway of a church beyond the west end of the present Parish Church, and apparently likely to extend under it. In the Abbey Yards field excavation disclosed two walls of a heavy stone building joined by the clay packing for a now robbed floor. Underneath was a mass of disturbed human bones and a burial in a grave lined and capped with shale slabs. Further excavation was necessary before one could be certain of the relationship of the two churches, or, indeed, come to any evaluation of the Abbey Yards’ remains. ‘This was the state of affairs that the 1971 season set out to clarify. INoble: Coldingham Excavations, IV ; HBNC XXXVI], 207. 17 18 COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, VI Beyond the west end of the present Church a trench (B West End) was opened between the Priors’ tombs and the Church. The walls of the porch of the earlier church were picked up on the same alignment as they had followed in the 1970 trench (A West End) which found the doorway. (Fig. 1). Victorian excavation proved to have been along the line of the walls only, leaving the floor of the porch between unexcava- ted. This floor was on two levels. On the southern side of the innermost part of the porch the floor was of rubble and mortar, with lying on it a layer of very black earth, and over that a thin wash of mortar. This floor was just one metre wide and on the north side of the porch the floor was 1o cms. higher, and divided from the lower part by a vertical plastered step. This higher floor was also of mortared rubble, and two metres wide from south to north. Immediately to the east of the porch, the walls and floor had been cut out by the foundation trench of the present Church and of the vestry which appears to the west of the Church in 18th century prints. These foundations were found. Lying im situ on the floor underneath the black earth was a coin,.a denier of Guy de Lusignan, King of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 1186-1192. (Fig. 2). This is a most welcome and valuable piece of evidence which enables us to equate this early church with the one known from history to have been built after 1098, and which continued in use till 1216. The two levels of the floor are most certainly contemporary. A possible explanation would be that the lower one was the passage out of the church, and the raised portion was a platform, such as might accommodate a font. In the Abbey Yards the area of the burials was explored by trenches as follows :— A/2 explored the burials and searched for the eastern wall of the building found in 1970 in A/1. A/3 explored the outer side of the walls in A/1 and sought there connection with the standing ancient walls which provide the Abbey Yards from the church yard. A/4 provided a section of the wall excavated in A/1. A/s5 linked A/1 and B/1 stratigraphically. In A/z2 the eastern wall of the building was found, represented by one course of ashlar masonry. Extensive investigation dis- closed that this area illustrated several distinct phases. I. There was a civil cemetery containing the remains of men, women, and children. ‘This continued in use long enough for COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, VI 19 there to be instances of bodies being placed on top of previously interred remains. II. A man was buried in a stone lined and capped grave cut through the skeletons of the civil cemetery. His left femur was found to be fused to his pelvis. Dr. C. Hackett, of the Royal National Orthopaedic Hospital, London, has examined this skeleton and diagnoses the condition as septic arthritis with its onset in late adolescence. The deceased was, however, fairly active and propelled himself by means of his left foot and his hands or elbows. Another cist burial some metres to the north awaits excavation. III. A heavy stone building was built over the cemetery, founded on bedrock. Its walls were discerned in the north and south of trench A/1. To the east the position is less clear. One course of a wall was found beside a robber trench, but it did not extend down to bedrock. Building these heavy walls necessitated the removal of skeletons which were then thrown in upon the top of the cemetery. The dating of this building is a matter for further investi- gation. At the moment the building is seen to be mortared on to the standing ancient walls to the east of the Church, but to be earlier than them. Excavation (trench C/1) underneath the path between these standing walls and the south-east corner of the Church has shown a connection between the standing walls and the foundations of the Church. But two different building phases were seen in this connection, and the standing walls are most probably later than the foundations of the Church. Whether the building complex in the Abbey Yards is, therefore, of the same period as the foundations of the Church remains to be seen. The buildings in the Abbey Yards are certainly later than Edgar’s Walls. The indications at present are that the civil cemetery is earlier than the present Church, i.e. earlier than 1216, and sufficiently earlier for there to have been no feeling about disturbing it. IV. A second building phase had walls inside the first phase’s walls. They were built on foundations over the burials, and the clay packing for a stone floor extended between them. To the east the cemetery had its limit just underneath the wall of this building. It does not go beyond it to the south. It is just possible that the architect of this period was unaware of the existence of the cemetery. SMALL FINDS 1. The coin has been mentioned already. I have to thank 20 COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, VI Miss M. M. Archibald, Assistant Keeper, Department of Coins and Medals of the British Museum, for identifying it. 2. Iron corner plates. Amid the bones thrown back in during the building of the Phase III walls were found three right-angled pieces of iron (trench A/z). They were clearly corner plates of flat iron, on average 2.5 cms. wide, 0.3 cms. thick, and bent into an angle of which each arm was on average 6 cms. long. Through the extremity of each arm was a nail. They are most logically explained as corner plates for coffins. They are not associated with any particular burial. 3. Nails. That coffins were in use is further suggested by two iron nails amid the reinterment. No signs appeared of coffins having been used for the intact burials. 4. Finger ring. A copper finger ring with an external diameter of 2.3 cms. and a thickness of 0.02 cms. was found in the mass interment underneath the phase IV wall in trench A/4. The ring was of circular section, flattened of the inside, and had an unsoldered butt joint. 5. Decorated glass. Nine pieces of decorated glass were found in trench C/1 imbedded in a mass of clay in an unstratified context below the east windows of the Church. They are of a type found in the churchyard in the 19th century and are stained and painted brown and black, although this colour could be due to decomposition in the ground. ‘The patterns are quatre- foils enclosed by a diagonal lattice background, trefoils similarly surrounded, square panels filled with lattice work, and sweeping curves, again with lattice around them. Mr. M. Archer of the Victoria and Albert Museum has most kindly examined the g!- s and reports that this is the kind of glass used as a border round figures or as a background, and it is unlikely that it is of continental origin. He dates it to between the latter part of the 14th century and the middle of the 15th. The season of 1971 produced a plentiful supply of skeletal material for osteological study, and showed that Coldingham is not just a two period site, but is more complicated. So far there are three rebuildings which can be associated with the present Church. It is these rebuildings which now merit attention, and to- gether with the search for the domestic buildings provide ample scope for further work. COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, V T. D. THOMSON, M..A., F.S.A.Scot. For the first time the weather interfered with our work, mainly through its habit of breaking down at weekends. Several Saturdays in 1971 were lost in this way, and consequently progress was not as great as had been hoped. However, the season got off to a good start and Mr. Noble’s party from London were able to make excellent progress, which he describes on p. 17. In this connection it is heartening to be able to report that a grant from Berwickshire County Council enabled much of the Norman remains, immediately west of the present Church and exposed in 1970 and 1971, to be consolidated and left open to view ; it was also possible to make a start on the repair of Edgar’s Walls. (A further grant has been intimated for 1972). We are much indebted to the Ancient Monuments Division of the Ministry of the Environment for advice on this important aspect of our work and to Mr. Virtue and Mr. Cramond for its execution. In Edgar’s Walls we continued to work eastwards, reducing a further area to the Norman level. Almost immediately east of the second pillar of the north wall (PNz) a finely worked semi-circular channel stone appeared, set in the base of the north wall at the Norman level, though we a**sadvised that it is a later insertion. This leads under the wall and rodding has indicated a clear path of 9 feet northward in the direction of the Cloister Well. Jammed between this stone and the wall stone immedi- ately above it to the east was a crumpled sheet of lead, which is now under examination; it was pulled out of place by local youngsters but was retrieved and handed to me by Mr. James Gillies, a firm friend of the Club. Southwards, this channel stone pointed towards the covered drain reported last year! but there does not appear to have been any connection with the latter nor with a much larger drain which came to light this year. The latter runs SSE from 5 feet south of the north wall, right across the interior of Edgar’s Walls and under the line of the south wall. Its cover slabs are approximately at the Norman level; they vary from massive stones to what might be capitals from pillars such as those to be 1HBNC XXXVIII 21o. 21 22 COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, V “oh seen in the Norman arcading on the north and east walls of the present Church. The investigation of this drain and of what appear to be vents associated with it will be an important task for 1972. A peculiar hearthlike structure found above the drain does not seem to be connected with it nor to have any immediately recognisable function. Thanks to the presence of a party from George Watson’s College Archaeological Society over a long weekend in June it was possible to expose PN3 and PN4 to the mediaeval level and the north end of Trench 4 was also taken down to this level. The latter operation exposed the top of the next course in the central steps, which appears to be in much better condition than the dilapidated ones above it. Baulk 2 was also reduced to the mediaeval level. At the north end fragments of pottery were found which Miss Elliot reports upon :— “Seventeen sherds of dark grey fabric, glazed dark green and patterned with thumb and chevron markings, are import- tant. Ten of these when reassembled make up a wall, neck and rim portion of a three-handled pitcher or jug, showing where two of the handles had fitted. The measurements of this portion are 62 inches by 44 inches with an internal rim diameter of 3 inches ; had the jug been complete it would have stood about 15 inches high. ‘The sherds are of a Northern type of fabric and are probably mid-15th centaéry. They will be discussed again when Area 2 pottery is reported on—and comparisons from other sites have been made.” Some 6 feet south of PN2 many more pieces of ironmongery were found in the same area as in 1970 ; when plotted these gave a definite impression of a door having burned on the spot. At the south end of Baulk 2 the series of postholes was found to be continued by a further fifteen, on a line which specifically indicates a temporary building erected later than King John’s destructive visit in 1216. Other finds were few and unimportant, apart from anything which may turn up among the iron objects now under examination in the Museum. The care and interest shown by the Watson’s party in their work in this tricky area deserve specific mention. Trench A: West End. Entrance to the early church, showing the threshold. Photo: J. Barfoot. PAKS Trench A/1: The Phase IV wall in the Abbey Yard Field, with the heavy Phase III wall behind it. Photo: J. Barfoot. Coin of Guy de Lusignan—King of Jerusalem. c. 1190. CHURCH END B COLDINGHAM - |970/1 ee” ovate ee sete Se eee emaeteggin = we rah a hl ‘Gin-gang’ Mill at Marlfield. we Nag re waa By a * age eee ae ton aly See du sede Adee dima ae eed a: i ol cadmas ima ee ee ee ee Hey CS Ree pany venga ee es oe, ee ee a fe fo een eS RT A ong or"? eee / renee PE fo n” Pp ¥ 4 “i ae & pid * a ie ig ¥ ey “f % ay . min cnarnen iien~onpiamicioninine dannii piston *y SN GLNO) The above photograph of a Plan of Marlfield consisted of paper on a material backing attached by means of small tacks to wooden poles. THE STRAIGHT FURROW By K. M. LISHMAN Introduction The subject of this study is a collection of farm account books which cover the years 1887-1914. They were written by my great grandfather and were lent to me for the purpose of this study by my father. I have chosen from the collection two small black, cash books which contain the farm accounts kept by my great grandfather, James Wilson, over the ten years 1887-1897. The first book begins with a list of implements and stock which he bought when he took over the tenancy of Marlfield farm near Coldstream ; it continues with entries of every item of expenditure on the farm for the next ten years. The other book contains details of his income from May, 1887, until June, 1904. The Farm The plan of Marlfield reproduced on page ooo was lent to me by the present owner of Marlfield, Mr. William Kerr. ‘The plan is paper on a material backing and it is attached by means of small tacks to two wooden poles. In 1887, when James Wilson became the tenant farmer, Marlfield was part of the Lees Estate owned by Mrs. Majorie- banks. The plan is dated 1844 and the farm was then the ptoperty of Robert Hogarth, Esq. From the list of contents in the bottom left hand corner of the plan one can see that Marlfield was measured as being 66 actes, 227.36 poles ; to this had been added part of Boughtrigg making a total area of 83 acres, 14.13 poles. Several markings have been made on the original plan including the farmhouse to which James Wilson and his family moved from the village of Leitholm in 1887. The new house was built some forty yards in front of the original house which I have marked on the plan. The cottages, too, had been added to the plan and must have been built with the farmhouse some time between 1844 and 1887. 2 24 THE STRAIGHT FURROW When I visited the farm earlier this year I noticed that the walls of the old house still stand to a height of about ten feet and have been usefully incorporated in the farmbuildings. A waterpump stands at the end of the old house. The name ‘Marlfield’ is interesting in that ‘marl’ is a type of clay soil and ‘marling’ was a recognised way of improving the quality of the soil much practised in the nineteenth century. “‘The usual practice was to open pits down to the marl or clay, dig and spread it at a rate of fifty to one hundred and fifty loads to the acre on clover ley or turnip fallow. In some cases trenches were opened all along the field and the clay thrown out on either side. By the action of the weather, drying and wetting followed by frost, the clay comes to a condition to be harrowed down after which it can be ploughed into the ground. The effects of ‘marling’ can be seen in increased crops, the production of better leys and pastures, greater resistance to drought and particularly an increased stiffness in the straw where manures are used to grow the crop.” R. H. Hall, The Soz/. ““He that marls sand may ae the land, He that marls moss may suffer no loss, But he that marls clay flings all away.” One field on the farm is called Marlpond, as shown on the plan, and presumably this is where the greatest concentration of marl would be. 1892 and 1896 The two small books contain many items of interest, but, in the limited space available, I have chosen to concentrate on two years of farming as revealed by these accounts. The accounts for 1887 and 1888 show deficits of £191 11s. 6d. and £34 os. 14d respectively which is understandable in view of the initial outlay required to start farming. There followed three years of profitable farming then, in 1892, there was a loss of {80 1s. 2d. I have chosen to compare this yee with 1896 in which there was a substantial profit. Sheep Most of the sheep bought for Marlfield were bought locally at Kelso, Duns and other nearby markets. In nearly every case the name of the farm from which bought in stock came is entered and throughout the ten years covered by these books some names appear again and again notably Elsdonburn. THE STRAIGHT FURROW 25 For a number of years the tup hog was bought from the shepherd at the nearby farm of Swinton Mill including the year 1896. The amount spent on sheep in 1892 was £95 19s. od; in 1896 replacement stock cost £55 2s. 9d. The amount received for sheep sold in 1892 was £171 19s. 2d. By 1896 income from this source had reached the sum of £270 ios. 43d. and it is here that the greatest difference between the two years can be found. The price obtained for sheep is much the same for the two years examined. In May, 1892, 5 cliped (sic) hogs fetched 41/6 each; in May, 1896, 7 hogs fetched 41 /- each. Ewes were slightly better in 1896 compared with 1892: in September, 1896, “‘1 ewe, 3 crop” fetched 34/-; in September, 1892, ““1 ewe, 3 crop” fetched 30/-. This may, however, reflect the quality of the sheep sold rather than an increase in selling price. The amount of money received for wool shows that there must have been a considerable increase in the number of sheep on the farm in 1896. In 1892 the wool was sold to Kyle, Kelso, for £7 12s. od. on July 29th ; odd amounts during the year brought the total figure to £8 15s. 6d. whereas in 1896 the amount received for wool sold to Russell and Ramsden in July was £21 9s. 8d. and odd sums during that year brought the total to w22 008. 9d. Lamb food for the sheep in winter and sheep dip and caps in the summer had to be purchased and in 1892 these items cost £3 38. od. ; in 1896, due to the increase in the number of sheep, they cost £13 19s. 4d. It is natural that sheep should have been the major project on the farm as before 1887 my great grandfather had been a shepherd. Cattle Most of the stock sold off Marlfield was sent to Newcastle market and the words “Newcastle with Clark of Greenlaw ” appear frequently in the ‘income’ book. I learnt from my father that Mr. Clark supervised the transporting of stock from several farms to Newcastle market, travelling with them himself from Greenlaw station. He supervised the selling of them at Newcastle and for this service he received a fee which seems to have depended upon the price obtained. The number of cattle on Marlfield from year to year must have remained more or less the same for in 1896 there is only one less 26 THE STRAIGHT FURROW beast sold than in 1892. ‘The figures below show that income and expenditure for cattle differed only very slightly in the two years under discussion. 1892 expenditure on cattle £35 2s. od. 1896 expenditure on cattle £33 18s. od. 1892 income from cattle {169 15s. od. 1896 income from cattle {£158 6s 4d. (one less sold) The price obtained at Newcastle for stock in 1896 appears to be slightly higher than that obtained in the same month in 1892. In March, 1892, the average price for five steers is £16 7s. od. The amount spent on supplementary foodstuffs for cattle in 1892 was {14 5s. 10d. whereas in 1896 only £8 4s. 9d. was spent. I have established that the number of cattle on the farm must have remained fairly constant so the difference in the figures here would seem to indicate that it was a good year for grass and that home produced oats were fed to the cattle. I see from the accounts that no oats or hay were sold in 1896. One term used in connection with the cattle which puzzled me was “‘quey” ; again my father was able to provide an answer, ““quey” being the old Scots dialect word for milk heifer. The “‘luck” shown in the accounts refers to the sum of money given, as a gesture of goodwill, by the vendor to the farmer buying his stock; it is sometimes referred to as “‘the luck penny”’. Horses In 1887 James Wilson bought three horses for his first year of farming they were Kate, Lizzie and Bill which cost £26 os. od. £14 tos. od. and £20 os. od. respectively. At this time the size of a farm was judged by the number of pairs of horses kept to do the carting jobs and work the land. The term ‘“‘odd laddie” was common on the Borders, until tractors replaced horses, and referred to the young boy hired to drive the odd horse. In 1892 the following entry appears in the accounts : November 28th. Paid boy’s wage £5 os. od. R. Cockburn. The cost of hiring a man and a pair of horses for a day’s work was 8/- as shown below. 1887, May 26th. 4 days work for 1 man and 1 pair horses at 8 /- day, £1 12s. od. In 1892 the expenditure on horses amounted to £31 12s 6d. with a further £3 6s. 9d. paid to Haig the saddler. Of this £29 was paid for a horse at Blackhouse sale and the rest was paid “to McRobbie’s man’, which would probably be for service to a mare by McRobbie’s horse ‘Briton Heit.’ THE STRAIGHT FURROW 27 In 1896 one filly was exchanged for another with a balance to pay of £16 10s.od. The saddler’s bill for 1896 was £1 115. od. There was no income from horses in 1892 but in 1896 a five year old brown mare was sold at Kelso for £27 10s. od. and 1/- was returned to the buyer for “‘luck’”’. As well as the working horse on Marlfield there must have been a pony for the gig which was bought at ““Howpark sale” in 1891 for a sum of £7 2s. 6d. The licence for the gig was bought at Coldstream and cost 15 /- annually. Very few of the farm buildings at Marlfield have been altered since my father left it in 1914 at the age of eight ; the stables, however, have been converted into a shed for wintering calves. Pigs Pigs at Marlfield must have been kept almost entirely for home consumption as there is only one reference, in the ten years covered by these accounts, to a pig being sold. Farmers killed and cured their own bacon at this time and it was hung from the ceiling and used as required. When I visited the farm in September there were still some ceiling hooks in the kitchen of the unmodernised cottage. The cost of four ceiling hooks is stated in the accounts to be 6d. There is no reference to pigs in either book for 1896 and in 1892 the only references are to fees paid for sows, presumably to farmers who kept a boar. One wonders from the entry for October 20th, 1892—Paid sow Earnslaw for May 12—3/- if the payment for a service on May 12th was withheld until the sow farrowed in October. One possible explanation for the lack of references to pigs in these books is that the farmer’s wife may have looked after the pigs and any profit would have been kept for house keeping. This is almost certainly true as regards hens which are no- where mentioned in the books ; there must have been hens on the farm as henhouses were bought from time to time at local farm sales. Crops Land for the arable crops would be ploughed by a pair of horses and a hand guided plough. The main crops on Marlefield were oats and barley and in 1892 the amount received for oats and barley sold was as follows: Oats £19 os. od. Barley £76 os. od. In 1896 no oats were sold and the amount received for barley was £82 11s. od. 28 THE STRAIGHT FURROW Unfortunately no weight is given of the grain sold so one cannot see whether more grain was sold in 1896 or whether the price was better. My great-grandfather went to the Corn Exchange at Kelso regularly and it is there that most of the buying of seed corn and selling of grain would be done. Harvesting the corn and later thrashing it involved employing extra labour and from the accounts it appears the farmer fed the extra workers too. One interesting feature on the plan of the farm is the marking of a circular building to the left of the ‘onstead’, this was the ‘gingane” mill which was used for grinding corn. The main structure was still standing when I visited the farm but the slates had been removed in preparation for demolition. The workings of the mill had been removed but I was told that it was driven by four horses yoked to bars which turned the wheel. Most of the corn was taken to Coldstream to Lees Mill to be ground. In 1892 the bill for Coldstream mill was £13 9s. 6d. and in 1896 it was £13 14s. od. Turnips were grown on Marlfield, and would be fed to sheep and cattle. ‘The cost of the turnip seed would be included in the amount paid to Hogg and Wood seedsmen of Coldstream. In 1892 the amount paid to this firm was £16 15s. 4d. and in 1896 it was {12 3s. 9d. Two turnip shawing hooks were purchased in 1892 for 10d. each. That the land was enriched by the addition of fertilisers is evident from the accounts. In 1892, for example, £18 19s. od. was spent on lime, the cost of carting the lime from the kiln at Helwell near Lowick, Northumberland, was high and brought the overall cost to £29 3s. od. In 1896 the amount paid for fertilisers was as follows I ton turnip manure LAGI 246 2 tons Dis bones Ligelo 14 cwt. Super 20 3 Making total of £26 12) 6 ‘Dis’ bones’ would be a type of bone meal and ‘super’ is elsewhere referred to as ‘superphosphate’. Rents, Rates and Insurance The rent of Marlfield was £65 a half year due at Whitsuntide and Martinmas. At these times too he paid a half share of the insurance of the farm buildings, which was 13/-. THE STRAIGHT FURROW 29 There must have been an agreement with regard to the maintenance of the hedges and fences which allowed the farmer half the cost of the materials used. Tenancy agreements were not standardized then as they are today and I am told that such an arrangement would be unusual now as the upkeep of fences is generally the sole responsibility of the tenant. As well as the 83 acres at Marlfield James Wilson rented grass parks every year. In 1892 a park was taken at Oxendean at a rent of {£16 10s. od. and one at Midbank at a rent of £37 less discount of 18/6 making a total of £52 11s. 6d. In 1896 he again had two parks one at Boughtrige at £24 7s. 6d. and one at Blackadder at £24 7s. 6d. making a total of {58 15s. od. Unfortunately no acreage of these fields is recorded so that one cannot calculate how much land was in hand altogteher. As well as the rent of the farm there were rates, road rates and poor rates to be paid. In 1896 rates were {2 15s. 10d., in 1892 these had been £2 9s. 5d. The Coldstream road rate went up from {1 9s. 5d. in 1892 to {2 2s. 4d. in 1896. The Eccles’ road rate went up from 7/3 in 1892 to 10/9. Marlfield was in the Parish of Eccles, and the poor rates paid to Eccles Parish went up from 7/9 in 1892 to 9/9 in 1896. One of the cottages at Marlfield was let in 1892 to Robson and in 1896 to George Paterson; the rent was £3 Ios. od. a year paid in two instalments. Implements and Maintenance In this section I have included all accounts for repairs and replacement for implements; there were no new implements bought in either 1892 or 1896. The total amount spent on mainteance in 1892 was £20 12s. 7d., this was mainly for hand tools, plough shares, reaper blades and accounts for repairs carried out on the farm. In 1896 the sum total was only {10 15s. od. The plumber was paid on several occasions and it was nearly always entered as to Mrs. Ford, plumber. Household Household expenses were small: in 1892 {15 1s. 5d. is shown as for the house and in 1896, £5 7s. 3d. In 1894 James was married and lived in one of the cottages. In 1896 he received £10 os. od. and his coals. As well as this sum the farmer’s wife would have the surplus butter and eggs to sell also, as I have suggested earlier, one or two pigs during the year. Most of the food would be home 30 THE STRAIGHT FURROW produced so comparatively little money would be needed to run the house. ‘The cost of new boots and repairs to boots are included in the accounts, but there is no mention of clothes of any kind. Two items of expenditure which remained constant over the years were the 5 /- twice a year paid to the cow club and 3/3 twice a year paid for the Kelso Chronicle, the local weekly paper. The accounts for 1896 contain the only reference to a doctor (Dr. Henderson) and his bill of £3 15s. 6d. is followed by the chemist’s (Elliot) account for 16/10. The other items of interest in the 1896 records are the entry: “Infirmary by Forbes—z /6” which, I think would be a collection for the infirmary ; and a donation of 2/6 to the Indian Famine Fund. After studying these books I feel sure that the profits totalling £320 6s. 43d. achieved in the four years following 1892 were largely due to money well spent on stock, fertilisers and maintenance of buildings and implements in that year. In conclusion I have prepared below a profit and loss account for the years 1892 and 1896 ; this shows that the expendi- ture coupled with the increased income from sheep led to the substantial profit in 1896. Income 1892 1896 Sheep L180 5408 £203, °2 1¢ Cattle LTOG' 5 20 £158 6 4 Horses — £27 10). oC Barley/Oats/Hay LLOQ! Ut 4 {82 11 © Rents/Rates/Insurance we Weso) ike) £3 10" 0 Implements/Maintenance — — Other minor items of income and expenditure Lo50 to 6 ors” ta Total expenses and income [427 11 4 L335 5 * AS Loss in 1892 Live May 12 Balances {507202216 £535° 5° 43 Expenses 1892 1896 Sheep fog" '2 "0 £69" 2°51 Cattle LA9* 7 10 Yip io See Ta) Horses £3419 ~3 £18 t %O Barley /Oats /Hay LAs E36 {28025 9 Rents /Rates /Insurance LT Biome Tun LA SAaTZ 18 Implements /Maintenance 2CRNE CF LrCRry “TO crea | mee \) Z ‘ - ty VIEW OF CLIFFS FROM ST. AB&S WHITE HEUGH NicK OF HEUGH cRuMBLY BRAE STARWEY BAY THE STRAIGHT FURROW 31 Other minor items of income and expenditure £6816. 5 G53 FRO Total expenses and income £5 OF 12.6 £418 18 1 Profit in 1896 £116 7 34 Balances f§07| 12.46 S35. 'GocuAa THE CLIFFS JUST NORTH OF ST. ABBS By RENNIE WEATHERHEAD A recent guide to Berwickshire has, as its cover picture, under the county name, a view of the White Heugh taken from near the modern village of St. Abbs. Undoubtedly the cliff scenery of Berwickshire is spectacular. The contrast between its coast-line and that of neighbouring Northumberland and East Lothian demonstrates Berwickshire’s individuality. The object of this article is to mention a little of the geology of the cliffs which form that great back cloth to St. Abbs harbour. The writer must acknowledge the assistance given by a member of the staff of the Institute of Geological Sciences, Edinburgh. The sea birds in looking for nesting sites have shown prefer- ence for the ledges of the White Heugh, and so have given it its name. The White Heugh and the cliffs to its north are in fact solidified lava. Lava together with other volcanic frag- ments form the promontory of St. Abbs Head proper, the thick- ness of this being calculated to be 2,000 feet, the original layers now being tilted. These lavas belong to the Lower Old Red Sandstone (LORS) epoch. The rocks from Starney to Colding- ham Sands are typical of the throat of a volcano with boulders of broken rock cemented in the old lava that welled up. This then is probably the source of the lavas of St. Abb’s Head. The guano covered cliffs stop abruptly at what is known as the Nick of the Heugh, an indentation. This is caused by a fault, or a slip in the rocks, which runs N.E. through the Mire Loch to Pettico Wick at the other end of St. Abb’s Head. The cliff south of the Nick, and known as the Crumbly Brae, is red and much pitted. There is a small exposure of this rock at the side of the cliff top path above. It has many rounded pebbles in it, being known as pudding stone, or conglomerate. This has been formed by ancient rivers carrying pebbles and sand down to an ancient sea, and depositing them on the bottom. This happened in Lower Old Red Sandstone times. At one point it is apparent to geologists that the lavas of the Head lie above this type of rock, so dating the lavas. 32 THE CLIFFS JUST NORTH OF ST. ABBS Underlying the Lower Old Red Sandstone conglomerate, so older, is Silurian greywacke, and this is exposed on the cliffs near Starney. Greywacke is a type of hard sandstone. A glance at this part of the cliff from close quarters suggests that these are also sedimentary rocks. The rocks here are also tilted. Silurian gives the geological time of formation. The name is derived from a tribe of Britains who lived in a part of Wales at the time when the Votadini were here. These rocks ate perhaps best seen looking westwards from Pettico Wick. One last feature to be noted before reaching the remains of the old volcano starting at Starney is the yellowing of the grey- wacke at its junction with the volcanic rocks. There is a fault line running from S.W. to N.E. along this edge. The outer harbour at St. Abbs is a good vantage point for the reader wishing to observe these features on a clear day. RECORDING OF PRE-18;; TOMBSTONE INSCRIPTIONS IN BERWICKSHIRE During the four years 1967-1970, a Survey of all the existing pre-1855 tombstone inscriptions of Berwickshire was under- taken by Mr. David C. Cargill, Honorary Treasurer of the Scottish Genealogy Society in collaboration with a number of Members of our Club and other helpers. The Survey covered 48 old burial grounds in the 32 Parishes of the County and formed part of a much wider operation undertaken by other Members of the Scottish Genealogy Society in the following Counties :—Clackmannan, Dunbarton, Fife, Kinross, Peebles, Renfrew, Stirling and West Lothian. Lists for all these Counties and for Berwickshire have been published by the Scottish Genealogy Society, but some of the lists are now out of print. Inscriptions on over 5,400 tombstones in Berwickshire were recorded and these include quite a number of inscriptions on stones which can no longer be traced but which were noted in the following Volumes :— (1) ‘* The Churches and Churchyards of Berwickshire” by James Robson, published in Kelso by J. & J. H. Rutherford in 1896. (2) “The Post Reformation Symbolic Gravestones of Berwickshire’? by James Hewat Craw, F.S.A., Scot., which appeared in Volume XXV of the history of this Club. RECORDING OF PRE-1855 TOMBSTONE INSCRIPTIONS 33 IN BERWICKSHIRE (3) ‘‘ The Session Book of Bunkle and Preston” by J. Hardy, Alnwick, published in 1900, and also printed in our Club history. The earliest date quoted is from a stone at Dryburgh Abbey, no longer to be seen, which recorded the death of Sir Adam Robson de Gleddiswood on 7th October, 1555. Two existing stones bear dates prior to 1600, and both are in very good condition, one at Foulden records the death in Foulden of George Ramsay “‘the last of the male line of the Ramsays of Foulden a branch of the family of Dalhousie” (Robson) who died in January, 1592. The other at Hutton commences with the death of Robert Home of Hutton Bell who died in 1564, and continues with a family history to 1678. Another early stone in good condition is in the old graveyard at Nenthorn House recording “‘ane verie honest man calit Alexander Stevisone quho departed ye 8 day of Januarue ye Zeir of God 1606.” The oldest symbolic stone in Berwickshire recorded by Mr. Craw is No. 47 in the Langton Old Burial Ground list and bears the inscription “‘ Heir lys Alexander Wer 1620” and this stone, although broken in two, is still lying in the old Graveyard. At the other extreme, the latest symbolic stone in the County, as shown by Mr. Craw, is No. 22 in the Duns list, erected in memory of Jane, daughter of Thomas Stoddart, Joiner in Duns, who died in 1847 and of his son John who died in Edinburgh in 1860. The graveyard of the old Lennel Churchyard in the Parish of Coldstream contained the largest number of stones, namely 380, and included in the lists are three stones in the burial vault at Nisbet Castle in the Parish of Duns recording members of the family of Carre, one time of West Nisbet and later of Cavers. AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS By RAYMOND LAMONT BROWN Soothsaying, divination of all kinds, sorcery, witchcraft and the use of charms and spells, all rank with espionage and prosti- tution as the most ancient institutions in the world. And from Lamberton to Traquair, from Peebles to Edrom, from Jedburgh to Hutton, from Ettrick to Norham, there is hardly a parish which does not have a mention, in folk memory, of the supernatural, and of witches and their horrifying craft in general. Once, when many of the good folk of the eastern Borders were pained with bodily ailments, or were pestered by trouble- some neighbours, they made their way not to the physician, or the local magistrate, but to a “‘spae-wifte” or ““wise wumman” : who, for a few coppers, might cast a spell to get rid of the evil ; or bring down a suitable punishment on those who had trans- gressed. Maybe an incantation of lockjaw for a nagging wife, ot a plague of boils for a grocer who had given short measure. In order to make an initial study of witchcraft in the eastern Borders a number of fundamental facts must be taken into consideration. There had existed in Europe from time im- memorial, a number of inter-related but unorganised cults of an animistic or naturalistic essence: ‘That is, from his earliest existence on earth, man had worshipped the animals with which he cohabited, and likewise the trees, plants and herbs of his habitat. He took, therefore, every form of life, flora and fauna, and gave it some kind of spirit or supernatural power. And in his primitive state man communicated directly with these spirits, adapting each for his own ends, be he hunter, arable farmer, or cattleman: Until sometime in his civilizing process there would grow up individual men and women (usually in family groups) who would devote themselves entirely to the petitioning of the spirits of earth and air, and later the various gods and goddesses. ‘The ordinary people of Britain did not take much notice of these soothsayers and herbalists during the Dark Ages (that long span of time from the departure of the Romans to the coming of the Normans), but these adherents of the old folk cults were to 34 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF 35 WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS be found in all parts. Their appearance did not incite horror among their neighbours, and should they happen to be punished at all, it was for turning the recognised “‘magic arts” (from herbalism to driving out of evil influences) to mischievous ends. For many centuries in England, Christianity was largely a matter of expediency, in short, pagan and Christian practice dwelt alongside each other amicably for a long time. A blind eye was cast towards superstitious practices and while the early priests and princes of the church openly condemned superstition and magic, by and large the clerics had more important work to do at grass-roots level in sponsoring the Gospel rather than in chasing after witches. When Christianity had a closer hold on all classes of society, with the coming of the Middle Ages, then witchcraft began to be viewed in a more precise light. The systematic persecution of witches in Europe begun in 1450 and lasted for some 300 years until 1750. The surprising, and generally unknown, feature of the witchcraft which attracted the attention of ecclesiastical and civil authorities during this period (which I call the period of Classical Witchcraft) is that it was largely invented by the Papal Inquisition and developed by it and the Medieval Roman Catholic Church. It was the Papal Bull Summis desiderentes affectibus (5; December 1484) of Pope Innocent VIII which opened the religious war against so called witchcraft: And it was the infamous book Ma//eus Maleficarum (“The Hammer of the Witches’, written by two Dominican friars, Jakob Sprenger and Heinrich Kramer) which became the indispensable authority for the belief in witchcraft. The latter work, of course, was a complete fabrication. 'There- fore, the belief in witches flying through the air, stealing children, undertaking orgiastic sabbats, concocting evil of all kinds were all thought up by the inquisitors. Thus by a gradual process of indoctrination it became in time believed and actually put into practice by self-styled witches, until a whole edifice of conventional witchcraft behaviour was firmly constructed and remained in that manufactured pattern almost everywhere it manifested itself. In this sense witchcraft was nothing more than a mass delusion, or a mammoth confidence trick. The whole basis of Classical Witchcraft then, was substanti- ated primarily to give the Church in general a greater hold on its communities, and was later used by sundry politicians to discredit their enemies: For an accusation of witchcraft was a very convenient way of getting rid of those you didn’t like. Because of the unique position of the eastern Borders the folk hereabouts came under the influence of two lines of thought on witchcraft. As far as the law was concerned the English AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS definition of witchcraft prevailed. And as like as not, those in the eastern Borders accused of witchcraft would be hauled away to Newcastle for trial and prosecution. But in the minds of the people of this area the Scottish interpretation of witchcraft was most favoured. In no other country did the witch cult flourish more rankly. In no other country did the belief in witchcraft persist more lately. In no other country did the prosecution of witches rage fiercer than in Scotland. And in the Borders the setting for witchcraft was no more custom laid. The lonely hills of Cheviot, the wild untrodden moors of Hermitage, the echoing glens of Yarrow, the remote glades of Yetholm, seemed to all who visited them the very birthplace of hauntings and mysterious powers. Every rustle of an animal in the undergrowth, every breeze sighing through the forests was taken as proof of the presence of an inhabiting spirit. To the Borderers that realm of the supernatural known to the English as “‘faerieland’’, took on a more sinister aspect and became the “‘court of Elfame’’, a fearful country ruled over by the Devil himself, to whom witches and dabblers in magic were minions. Furthermore the motiva- tion of the Calvinist obedience to the Divine Command was a real fear of the Devil. The extreme Scottish Protestants believed in the personification of evil in the shape of Satan as strenuously as did the Roman Catholics, if not more so, and the Scotsman’s hypersensitive fear of the supernatural was to wreak terrible consequences. Scotland is second only to Germany in the barbarity of its witch trials. The Presbyterian clergy acted like inquisitors and the church sessions often shared the prosecution with the secular law courts. The Scottish laws were, if anything, more heavily loaded against the accused. A protracted study of the differ- ences between Scottish and English witchcraft law, persecution and delusion could be made at this point with the obvious overtones of political and religious intrigues. But these would only have a fringe relevance to the eastern Borders. What need only be established at this point is : 1, that men and women in Scotland, and thus the eastern Borders, were far more super- stitious than those of the far south, and were consequently far more terrified of the dire consequences of the supernatural ; 2, when anything went wrong in daily life, people believed that the bad-luck had been ‘“‘wished on them” by the magic of their enemies ; 3, that the average man and woman had a very un- sophisticated mind and believed in Heaven and Hell as physical entities. We know from the records and journals of the past that there AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS have been several folk suspected of witchcraft in the eastern Borders, and the local sources of reference carry notes concerning the major cases. Should one endeavour to make a personal examination of the references extant, however, read one after another they make little sense unless one has studied a great deal of witchcraft history. Nevertheless these are the main references for instance to witchcraft in the town of Berwick- upon-T weed. 1. Ina letter from Henry, Lord Hunsdon, who was cousin to Queen Elizabeth I, and who was Governor of Berwick and Warden of the East Marches, to Sir Henry Widdrington, deputy Governor of Berwick, dated 6 March, 1590, there is this note: That King James I & VI of Scotland was requesting that a “witch” dwelling in Berwick be surrendered to him. Apparent- ly she had taken refuge in Berwick from the Scottish witch- hunters. 2. During the governorship of Peregrine, Lord Willoughby, another witch is recorded in the Berwick Council Book of 1598: “We find and present that, by the information and oath of credible witnesses Richard Swynbourne’s wife hath of long time dealt with three several women witches for the bewitching of one William, garrison man, who did answer that they would not hurt him, but that a man witch must do it; which the said Swynbourne’s wife hath confessed to this presently... .” 3. This case is quoted by John Sykes in his Historical Register of Remarkable Events: (30 July 1649) “At a private guild holden at Berwick, before the Rt. Worshipful Andrew Crispe, Esq., Mayor, Mr. Stephen Jackson, alderman, and the rest of the guild brethren, it was ordered according to the guild’s desire, that the man which tryeth the witches in Scotland shall be sent for, and satisfaction to be given him by the towne in defraying his charges, and in coming hither, and that the towne shall engage that no violence be offered him by any persons within the towne.” 4. In 1673 a certain Ann Armstrong of Birchen Nooke deposed that “‘on the second day of May laste, at nighte, the witches carried her to Berwick bridge end, where she saw a greate number of them”. (See Surtees Society, Vol XL. Depositions from the Castle of York 1861). From these four cases alone the researcher has to draw his own conclusions. In truth the country and county histories of the eastern Borders have little to tell of the prevalence of witch- mania recorded in folk-memory: And the same goes for the records of the main Assizes covering this area. For instance 38 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS in the Palatinate of Durham, nothing relating to witchcraft has been found in the indictments for the years 1582-1719. Like- wise the records of the Assize Courts of the Northern Circuit up to 1876 yield little. Therefore, this alone can be said: The eastern Borders certainly did not have any large witch trials. The nearest of any consequence being the John Fian case and the North Berwick Witches (which was to have such a direct influence on the witchcraft beliefs of King James I & VI). Although there is this dearth of official material on witchcraft, one of the richest folk-lore legacies we have here in the Borders is undoubtedly the miriad of superstitions, a portion of which race-memory concerns witchcraft. Over the years I have been able to collect in the Borders, through personal interview with old folk, and assessment of ancient chronicles and journals, a representative sample of witch superstition of which the follow- ing are the most persistent. Anything made of iron or steel (especially horseshoes) was highly regarded as a witch repellant, but perhaps above all others, salt was chosen as the most powerful anti-witch agent. Incorruptible in itself, with power to preserve other things from decay, salt soon became the emblem of immortal life and eternity, and was widely used to keep witches away. Dairymaids dropped a pinch into their pails before milking, and buttermakers did the same with their churns to avert the witch influences of evil. Sometimes cattle were smeared with salt before moving them to new pastures and many of the Tweed, Teviot, Blackadder, Whitadder and Till river fishermen sprinkled their rods, nets and boats for the same reason, to encourage the ‘“‘good” influ- ences around and to deflect witches. A very ancient Border superstition was that a newborn baby was most prone to “‘witching”. To keep the evil witch influ- ences away from her child, therefore, a mother was earnestly counselled by the wise to wear a garment with three parallel slits, cut somewhere in the fabric, to act as a “‘drain” for the evil. Before maternity hospitals were established, home confinements were the general rule, and it was commonly believed that witches frequently attempted to prevent delivery. One of their methods of doing so was to make and tighten knots during a woman’s labour. ‘Therefore, the competent Border midwife saw, as soon as she arrived on the scene, that all knots in the neighbourhood of the delivery bed were loosened. As time went by the methods for discovering witches became abundant; two basic methods, however, remained the most popular hereabouts. First, it was believed that if anyone was suspected of witchcraft, their innocence or guilt could be AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS determined by secretly driving a long nail into their footprints. If the suspect was indeed a witch, she would be compelled by the power of the metal to return to the footprint to draw the nail out. Secondly, was the age old “‘touching the victim’. It was believed that if a witchcraft-murdered corpse be touched by the witch perpetrator, it would bleed afresh. (Incidentally, a witch called Janet Preston was forced to do this at York). The trees most associated with witches in the Borders are hazel, elder and rowan. A holy tree from Celtic days, the hazel was much used in making rods to detect hidden veins of metal in the earth, and where a witch was concerned, all she had to do was to point a hazel rod at a victim to increase the power of her spell over him. But as most superstitions have an equal and opposite reaction, Border children (mostly those born in the Autumn) were often given the “milk” of hazel fruit mixed with honey as their first food, for that was deemed an antidote for witchcraft. The elder with its very mixed reputation in superstition, was formerly considered the most unlucky wood to bring into a house. Even today folk around the western areas of Berwick- shire will not bring elder into the house for they say it will cause a death to the occupying family within the year. It was further deemed important to make sure that a baby’s cradle was not made of elder wood. For if this was so, witches could rock the cradle violently from side to side and do it some injury (witches were thought to sometimes transform themselves into elder trees). When an elder tree was felled should a profuse amount of sap issue from the severed end, the tree was not used for building or carpentry, for this was a sure sign of witch possession. The rowan, or mountain ash, was considered a fortunate tree, with a power to avert witchcraft, disease and the ubiquitous “Evil Eye”. A popular wood, for superstitious reasons, for building in the Borders, rowan gave it was thought extra pro- tection toa house. ‘This was achieved by tying with red thread crosses of rowan twigs above the lintel of a door: ‘“‘Rowan tree and red thread gar the witches tyne their speed”, was a well known saying in past days in the Borders. Rowan therefore is a common tree in Border graveyards, to keep witches and evil spirits away; and one famous rowan protects the grave of David Ritchie of Woodhouse. Familiarly known locally as ““Bowed Davie 0’ Wuddus”’, this 34 feet high dwarf was made into a celebrity by the fact that Sir Walter Scott, who had met him in 1797, chose him as a prototype for his novel The Black Dwarf. Davie’s last wish was that his grave be pro- tected from witches by a rowan tree and his grave is to be seen 40 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS today at Manor Churchyard, Peeblesshire, surmounted by a flourishing rowan. One very persistent superstition was that a witch’s power could be destroyed by the letting of his or her blood: ‘‘Scoring above the breath” as it was called. This was achieved by scratching the witch above the nose or mouth; as the blood flowed so was the witch’s power deemed to flow away. Raising storms was once considered within the province of witch- craft too ; winds, hails, snows and thunder, folk said, could all be summoned by a witch just whistling. Dew collected on the morn of May day was considered potent for keeping witches away, and domestic pets were often smeared with dew for this reason. Owls neither escaped from the taint of witchcraft, their feathers and bones being used in the Borders for spells. Owl broth by the way, was once given to Border children who suffered from whooping cough. Superstition in the Borders laid milk stealing at the door of witches, who were deemed able to milk cows from a distance by means of a magic milking-tube: Various charms were used to counteract these thefts, rowan twigs braided into the cow’s tail, or a halter made from horsehair. At one time no one left empty sieves around or broken egg shells ; as these were thought to be used by witches for transportation. During the trial of Anne Baites of Morpeth, in 1673, testimony was actually given that she had been often seen in an eggshell riding over field and hillock. Clothes of all kinds were also kept out of a witch’s way, in case she cursed them and thereby harmed their owners when they put them on. Likewise personal names were kept secret, in case a witch might use the constituent letters as a naming spell. For the same reason people took care when cutting finger-nails, toe-nails or hair, to make sure that they destroyed the parings or cuttings. Another presistent superstition in these parts of the Borders was that a witch could turn herself into an animal (usually a hare) at will. Further another persistent superstition was that witches made special ointments (out of the bones of dead children) for transvection. For those who are interested in taking the study of witch superstition in general, I have explored the subject in detail in my two books A Book of Witch- craft and A Book of Superstition, both published by Messrs. David & Charles Ltd. of Newton Abbot, Devon, in 1971 and 1970 respectively. On the Scottish side of the eastern Borders three main cases of witchcraft practice are herein mentioned: But these are by AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF 41 WITCHES AND WITCHCRAFT SUPERSTITION IN THE EASTERN BORDERS no means all, for witchcraft cases have been mentioned in the annals of the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club at such places as Fast Castle, Hutton, Kelso, Westruther and so on. ‘The first of the three above-mentioned cases may be called ‘“The Lamber- ton Burning”. In the parish of Mordington, near the old church of Lamberton, on a small hill called ‘‘ The Witches’ Knowe”’, two witches were burnt around the beginning of the eighteenth century. Unfortunately no documents, or con- temporary accounts are extant in the public demesne, but it is almost certain that this witch burning would be one of local instigation. The Scottish Privy Council made a practice of granting commissions to “ resident gentlemen and ministers to examine and try and execute witches” within their own parishes. Thus these pious men had a free hand to hunt witches and were often quick to do so. Herein, of course, was the danger ; local bigwigs could use an accusation of witchcraft to get rid of troublesome neighbours and tenants. 25-55 Insurance, Books and Public Liability ef =< a 8.00 Arrears a re i‘ oe 54-22 Duplicating of Statements iS 2.00 761.25 Refund of Subs. overpaid . 3 1.25 Postage of Cards for Subscriptions 6.45 Slide Show .. z its ue 25515 Coldingham Excavation 3 5% 76.50 Bank charges se as sis 2.20 ——- 120.15 Subscriptions Sundries Chillingham Wild Cattle .. Es £1.05 British Association .. .00 Deeds of Covenant aa 2 £38.86 Assoc. fot Preservation of Rural é Donations .. # es, * 0.50 fe Ser. ee oe = 1.00 : Tae ouncil of British Archaeolo as .00 verpald Sue ae y 1 Scot. Reg. Cl. British ee 6 40.61 —_—___-—__—__—_ 14.44 Officials’ Expenses Mr. W. Ryle Elliot (Secretary) .. £29.25 Mts. McWhir (Delegate to Brit. Association) 10.00 Revie) ds. G; Finnie ‘(Editing Sec. ) 2.00 Mr. W. O. Morris (Treasurer) .. 13.82 Sa Se 55-07 Credit Balance at Bank, 22nd Septem- bet, 197 ty a0. ee ae am £306.76 Cash on hand .. js sh Bu 6.18 i eas a cae 312.94 £1,042.59 _ £1,042.59 *1L61 ‘saquiajdag yok “JOINSIT[, “UOFT ‘AIDDAD ‘9D ‘d ‘SIUYOW 'O ‘A ‘y97IOD PUNO; puv poypny zLgloF zLgloF gb-zLl — oh sie rs zs Poppe 3so70}UT 96:LoF aS ** -ydaq younsoauT yetseds go'zez ——_———— B19 ee ee we ee ee ee purg ul Zp) 9$'F1 our an Or poppe soTOIUT bS-zLoF Of Liz 7 a9 "+ 4daq qJuounsaauy qersads ghzL car (‘3d9q yUoWseaAuT [eIDedS) 9z"19 gozz or (adaq jueuNssauT Tered¢) LBP oi 2c of, Poppe 3se70}UT 9z"19 a oe yuvg sSuravg oo3snz 7, 6L°6S F oy oL61 ‘zaquiaidag 3 souLTEg gL906F a ‘+ puepjoog Jo yueg tehoy JUnOIIEy Jualugs sau yung ut ysvD bG-zis F sli af rs JUNOIY [eIsueyH WIZ parssiey SLA SS . SH LETHAL. LHHHS HONV IVE 7) ss - ’ ¢ S - ‘ ss HISTORY | OF si s ¢ oI a: % 7 : ct J ‘a ‘ z a ; ij ' i ) i ‘ a Sah " A { P) : J f ; NC dd] LW Resi BERWICKSHIRE _ NATURALISTS’ CLUB INSTITUTED SEPTEMBER 22, 1831 “MARE ET TELLUS, ET, QUOD TEGIT OMNIA, C@&LUM” VOL. XXXIX. Part 2. 1972 Price to Non-Members £1 PRINTED FOR THE CLUB BY MARTIN’S PRINTING WORKS, MAIN STREET, SPITTAL 1973 torr aS USE OFFICE-BEARERS Secretary W., RYLE ELLIOT. F.S.A.Scot., Birgham House, Coldstream-on-Tweed. (Tel. Birgham 231). Editing Secretary P. G. HENDRY, 44 Craigleith View, Edinburgh EH4 3}Y (031-337 3025). Treasurer J. STAWART, The Manse, Alnwick. Librarian Miss BETTY BUGLASS, 29 Castle Drive, Berwick-upon-Tweed (Tel. Berwick 7549) The Editing Secretary would be grateful if contributions to the final part of this volume could be received by 30th April, 1974. MIS TORY OP “LEE, BERWICKSHIRE NATURALISTS’ CLUB CONTENTS OF VOL. XXXIX PART 2. — 1972 Presidential Address Brigadier Swinton of Kimmerghame Botanical Observations During 1972 Coldingham Priory Excavations, VII Bonkyl, A Barony of Regality The History of the Craster Family Dunglass Church Coldingham Priory Excavations, VII Oldhamstocks Church The Union Canal On the Re-discovery of Linnaea Borealis at Mellerstain .. The Meuchel Stone Extracts from the Correspondence of Dr. James Hardy with Mrs. Jane Barwell-Carter a, Be ae at Records of Macro-Lepidoptera in Roxburghshire and Selkirkshire The Treasuret’s Financial Statement for the year ending 22nd September, 1971 =! bs Balance Sheet ILLUSTRATIONS PART 2. — 1972 Coidingham Excavations Coldingham Excavations—Maps The Meuche! Stone Seals between pages 106 & 107 between pages 106 & 107 between pages 106 & 107 between pages 106 & 107 PROCEEDINGS OF THE BERWICKSHIRE NATURALISTS’ CLUB PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS Delivered to the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club, at Berwick, 4th October, 1972, by Albert George Long, TOT SY Gy) OY BY NY SY ihe Ce Wa Sp LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: At the first anniversary meeting of this Club held in Coldstream on 19th September, 1832, Dr. Johnston, in his Presidential Address, said that his aim was to ‘set an example to my successors in this chair to give a summary of the communications and researches of the members during the year’. In later years this eclectic task seems to have fallen to the lot of the Secretary under the heading of his Report of the Meetings which thus left the President free to speak on some subject on which he had special knowledge. For my own part before I vacate this chair I would like to thank the Club for the honour conferred on me in electing me to this position and for the support given to me in this year of office. I wish my successor Lady McEwen and the newly nominated Vice-President Mr. Adam R. Little every success in their coming year of office. I would also like to register my thanks on behalf of all to our indefatigable Secretary who has put in so much preparatory work in the otganization of the Club Meetings. Without going into detail I will mention these meetings briefly and add the few natural history observations I was able to make. 85 86 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS On 11th May we visited Oldhamstocks, Dunglass, and Abbey St. Bathans. The Cowslip Primula veris and Meadow Saxifrage Saxifraga granulata were in flower at Dunglass and a Chiffchaff was heard at Abbey St. Bathans. On 8th June we visited Callaly. On the Castle Hill the Chickweed Wintergreen Trientalis europaea and Cowberry Vaccinium vitis-idaea were seen while from the leafy branches of the majestic woodland trees we heard the Wood Warbler, Chiffchaff, Redstart, Tree Pipit, Jay and Green Woodpecker. On 17th June Howick, Craster and Dunstanburgh were visited. On the sea-braes and shore we saw the Purple Milk Vetch Astragalus danicus, Hare’s Foot Trefoil Trifolium arvense, Sea Milkwort Glaux maritima, and Sea Purslane Hlonkenya peploides. Caterpillars of the Six-spot Burnet Moth Zygaena filipendulae were feeding in hundreds on Bird’s Foot Trefoil and Ribwort Plantain within the enclosed ground of Dunstanburgh Castle, many of the caterpillars had already spun their golden yellow cocoons. On 1st July Bonaparte’s Plantation in Mellerstain was visited and the lost patch of Linnaea borealis was te- discovered in the birch wood due south of Lightfield Farm. Nearby a Woodcock was flushed from her nest with four eggs. On 12th July Linlithgow and Hopetoun were visited. The Union Canal was found to be quite rich botanically with lots of Spotted Orchid Dactylorchis fuchsii, Yellow Rattle Rhinanthus minor and a white variety of the Ragged Robin Lychnis flos-cucult. On 2nd August we were conducted round the Roman Camp at Housesteads by the chief Custodian. One of out members noted the Chimney Sweeper moth Odezia atrata in flight. . On 23rd August the eastern and middle peaks of the Kildon Hills were climbed. While assembling at the Golf House a flock of about twenty Crossbills flew overhead. When climbing the eastern hill a female Common Blue Polyommatus icarus was seen and one specimen of the July Highflyer Aydriomena furcata. Several larvae of the Northern Egegar Lastocampa quercus subsp. callunae were found crawling on the paths PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 87 and a single Emperor caterpillar Saturnia pavonia was seen on the heather. Parsley Fern Cryptogramma crispa was seen growing on a south-facing scree of the eastern hill and the Common Club-moss Lycopodium clavatum was present near the indicator on the middle eak. 8. On 21st September Bamburgh was visited. Growing on a wall round the plantation in the village we saw Black Spleenwort Asplenium adiantum-nigrum and Pelli- tory of the Wall Parietaria diffusa. A fully grown larva of the Buff Ermine moth Spilosoma lutea was caught near the Castle. One of my special interests in the natural history of Berwickshire and the adjacent counties has been its fossil flora. This study was commenced in 1957 and I purpose to try and interpret some of this work to you under the title of The Early History of Seeds I. Introduction. What is a seed? It is customary in all scientific subjects to define the terms and units used, so by way of introduction I think we should first consider what a seed is. The literal meaning of the term ‘seed’ is ‘that which 1s sown’. In botany, however, the term is used only for the unit of reproduction in higher plants. In lower plants the unit of reproduction is typically a spore. We therefore distinguish between spore-plants and seed-plants. A spore is usually a single specially-resistant cell which is set free and dispersed and from which a new plant can gtow if given the necessary conditions. In contrast, a seed is a multicellular body. A spore is usually formed asexually, i.e. without the union of two special sex cells. In contrast a seed is the product of both an asexual and sexual process involving the forma- tion of a fertilized egg and food store. Examples of spore-plants are the ferns, horsetails, club- mosses, true mosses, liverworts, fungi, and some algae and bacteria. Examples of seed-plants are the gymnosperms and angiosperms. Gymnosperms have naked seeds, i.e. the seeds are not enclosed in an ovary or fruit. Our three native species of gymnosperms are the Scots Pine, Yew, and Juniper. 88 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS Angiosperms have enclosed seeds, i.e. they develop inside a gymoecium built up of one or more carpels. Let us consider what happens in the life cycle of a fern as an example of a spore plant. The spores are usually pro- duced in sporangia borne somewhere on the fronds, e.g. on the lower surface. Such a plant, producing spores, is called a sporophyte. When a spore germinates it does not grow directly into another fern sporophyte but forms a small green plant called a prothallus or gametophyte. It is called a gametophyte because it produces gametes or sex cells. After the fertilization of an egg by a sperm an embryo forms and this commences growth, at first drawing food from the prothallus. Eventually it becomes independent and has roots, stem and leaves. Thus in the life cycle of a fern there are two generations and typically these alternate, the sporophyte reproduces asexually by spores, and the gametophyte reproduces sexually by gametes. In this way the fern gets the best of both worlds: it has the advantages of reproduction by spores, e.g. wide dispersal, and the advantages of sexual reproduction enabling variation and adaptation to occur. In plants which live on land there is always one great disadvantage involved in sexual reproduction: this is the need for liquid water to make fertilization possible. The male gamete needs water in which to swim in order to reach the female gamete. It is this disadvantage the seed habit overcomes. ‘The primitive seeds possessed a pollen chamber containing a watery liquid which acted as a private pond ensuring that the male gametes had the necessary liquid in which to swim and bring about fertilization. In most ferns the spores of any one species are all alike in average sizeandform. Such ferns are said to be homosporous. In some other spore-plants, as for example the Lesser Clubmoss Se/aginella spinulosa (which grows on Greenlaw Moor and elsewhere), the spores are of two kinds—larger megaspores and smaller microspores. From these develop separate male and female gametophytes. Megaspores produce female gametophytes and microspores produce male gametophytes. In this way more food is provided in the prothallus which may bear a future embryo sporophyte. Spore-plants which produce the two sorts of spores— megaspores and microspores—are said to be heterosporous. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 89 We are now in a better position to understand what a seed is. A seed is a megasporangium producing only one functional megaspore. This megaspore, however, is never released but germinates to produce an internal, reduced, female gametophyte on which female organs known as archegonia form egg cells from which, after fertilization, embryo sporophytes can be formed. In addition to the megasporangium, a seed has an tegument, a kind of pro- tective coat which is called the testa. This integument is two-layered in most angiosperm seeds, but single-layered in gymmnosperm seeds. In modern seeds it is customary to call the megaporangium the nucellus, and the megaspore is called the embryo-sac. In the seeds of gymnosperms such as the Scots Pine the female prothallus acts as a food reserve called endosperm but in angiosperm seeds the prothallus is reduced beyond recog- nition and the food reserve or endosperm only develops after fertilization. By the time a modern angiosperm seed is set free from its parent plant it consists of parts of three generations tele- scoped into one reproductive structure. These are: (i) the megasporangium and its integument represent- ing the first sporophyte generation; (ii) the prothallus or female gametophyte with the egg cells representing the next gametophyte generation; (iii) the embryo or baby plant developed from a ferti- lized egg which represents the next sporophyte generation. This analysis enables us to define the terms ‘ovule’ and ‘seed’ as follows: An ovule is an integumented megasporangium retaining a single functional megaspore. A seed is a matured ovule which may or may not contain an embryo plant at the time of shedding. From this we see that seed-plants appear to have evolved from spore-plants and the chief interest of fossil seeds is the light they shed on how this evolution took place. Primitive seeds are more like simple megasporangia than modern seeds. Those of the Pteridosperms or seed-ferns very often show no sign of a female prothallus inside. When the prothallus is present within the megaspore the seed coat shows signs of wear and tear as if the seed had 90 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS been dropped some time before the female gametophyte had developed. So far no embryo has been found within a Pteridosperm seed though pollen is often present inside the pollen chamber. That which is sown is therefore a mature ovule which has usually been pollinated. Development of the female gametophyte and fertilization probably occurred while the seed was lying on the ground after abscission. Once the embryo started forming from the fertilized ege there was probably no further dormant period, it had to go on developing. The method of pollination in primitive seeds was pro- bably by wind, the pollen being caught in a droplet of fluid exuded at the apex of the ovule followed by resorption into the pollen chamber. Afterwards the pollen grains must have set free the male gametes capable of swimming in the fluid of the pollen chamber to fertilize the eggs on the female prothallus as happens in the modern Ginko biloba ot Maidenhair Tree which on this account can be called a living fossil. Il. What plants could have given rise to the seed habit ? The oldest known fossil seed is called Archaeosperma arnold. It was discovered relatively recently in the Upper Old Red Sandstone of Scaumenac Bay in the Province of Quebec, Canada (Pettitt and Beck 1968). It is preserved as a compression so that its internal structure is not known. The seeds occur in groups of four within a cupule and are associated with compressed fronds of Archaeopteris. The oldest known petrified seeds with internal structure pre- served come from the Lower Carboniferous rocks of the Cementstone Group of Berwickshire and East Lothian. Most of these seeds were probably borne on Pteridosperms, though for most the parent plant is not known. Plants thought to be Pteridosperms occur in the Upper Devonian rocks so that most palaeobotanists think that the seed habit must have evolved ‘in the Devonian period. Pteridosperms have fern-like foliage so that they are sometimes referred to as the seed-ferns. It is very unlikely, however, that they evolved from ferns. Ferns do not typically have secondary wood as do the Pteridosperms. Fossil plants with fern-like foliage, secondary wood, and reproduction by spores are now classified as Progymno- PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS gI sperms or Progymnospermopsida. Archaeopteris with its large fern-like fronds was once thought to be a fern but is now classified as a progymnosperm and was a huge tree. The petrified trunks were known for a long time under the name Callixylon before the discovery that they bore the large fronds of Archaeopteris (Beck 1960). It now seems most probable that the seed habit evolved in the Devonian petiod among Progymnosperms such as Archaeopteris or its relatives and not in the ferns. In the British Isles the best locality for Archaeopteris is at Kiltorkan in Southern Ireland. Inthe Upper Old Red Sand- stone of Scotland Archaeopteris is very rare but specimens now in the Royal Scottish Museum were obtained last century by a Mr. John Stewart and given to Hugh Miller. They were said to come from a quarry at Preston Haugh neat Duns in Berwickshire. The site of this quarry I have never discovered and I have sometimes wondered whether or not the specimens were actually obtained from the Old Red Sandstone scaur on the right bank of the Whitadder between Preston Haugh and Barramill Plantation now largely felled. This scaur is on the right bank of the river on the first big bend below Cockburn Bridge, and here I have found compressions of large stems which although without leaves could well be Archacopteris. One of Mr. Stewart’s specimens was figured by Miller in his book The Testimony of the Rocks (Miller 1869, p. 411). Before Pettitt and Beck described the compressed seeds of Archaeosperma arnoldi from Canada some isolated mega- spores were described under the name Cystosporites devonicus from the same locality (Chaloner and Pettitt 1964). These were identical with the megaspores in the seeds of Archaeo- sperma and like them were associated with fronds of Archaeo- pteris. It is of interest that one megaspore agreeing with Cystosporites devonicus has been found in Berwickshire (Long 1968). It was found in stratified volcanic ash in the bed of the Whitadder above Preston bridge near Cumledge and not very far from the site where Mr. Stewart’s specimens described by Hugh Miller were probably found. So far no one has proved that any species of Archaeopteris bore seeds but it is known that some species were hetero- sporous having some sporangia producing megaspores and others producing microspores. 92 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS Ill. How could a seed have evolved from a sporangium ? The changes involved must have been fourfold: 1. The establishment of heterospory and reduction in the number of functional megaspores to one in each mega- sporangium. 2. The incomplete dehiscence of the megasporangia so that the megaspores were never released. 3. The development of a pollen chamber inside the top part of each megasporangium and capture of pollen in a droplet of exuded liquid. 4. The development of an integument from sterile branch- lets borne near the megasporangium. The simplest hypothetical starting point for the evolution of a seed is the terminal sporangium in the Psilophytales such as Rhynia. ‘These primitive vascular plants were homosporous. The evolution of heterospory is exemplified by Archaeop- teris, e.g. in A. latifolia (Arnold 1939). Reduction in numbers of the megaspores in a single megasporangium is exemplified by Stawropteris. This is a primitive fern-like plant of which three species are known. In the Lower Carboniferous species each megasporangium was probably shed intact with two megaspores and two smaller spores inside. The sporangium had a terminal beak which may or may not have opened (Surange 1952). The evolution of an integument is best seen in Genomo- sperma (Long 1960) where eight sterile cylindrical branchlets had commenced to fuse around the base of the mega- sporangium. Later a micropyle evolved by the integu- mental lobes fusing completely around the top of the megasporangium. IV. How could the second integument of Angiosperm ovules have evolved ? Most Angiosperm ovules and seeds have a double integument whereas in Gymnosperms the ovules have a single integument. One theory put forward to account for the second integument is to regard it as derived froma cupule. Certain Pteridosperms did possess single-seeded cupules and for these the cupular origin of the second integument seems PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 93 feasible, at least for ovules that are orthotropous. Most Angiosperm ovules, however, are curved. When the ovule body is curved roughly at right angles to the stalk or funicle the ovule is said to be campylotropous as for example in a Wallflower. If the ovule body is reflexed so that it is inverted and fused on one side to the stalk it is said to be anatropous, as in a Buttercup. If such anatropous ovules are sectioned longitudinally it is seen that the second integu- ment is present only on the surface away from the stalk. This seems to suggest that the second integument was not present before the curvature took place or it would be represented all round the megasporangium like the first integument. It is therefore more likely that the second integument formed either during or after the time when the cutvatute took place. My own view is that the second integument was not derived from a cupule but more probably resulted from a differentiation within the first integument. I think that curvature of primitive seeds occutred mainly in those having only two integumental lobes. During curvature the two free lobes could have become differentiated as an inner integument which was ovet-hung by a dorsal lip. In this way the pollination droplet would be better protected from rain by the hood- like dorsal lip or so-called second integument. V. How did seeds become enclosed in carpels as in modern flowers ? In modern Angiosperms the female part of the flower is known as the gynoecium and it consists of one or more carpels. As an example let us consider the flower of a Sweet Pea Lathyrus odorata L. Here the gynoecium is monocarpellary, i.e. it consists of a single carpel. The carpel has three parts known as the ovary, style and stigma. Inside the ovary are the ovules. After pollination the Ovary ripens to form a fruit and the ovules become seeds. The style and stigma wither away. The fruit of the Sweet Pea is a pod and this has dorsal and ventral sutures which split open eventually to release the seeds. In a flower such as the Marsh Marigold Ca/tha palustris L. the gynoecium consists of several free carpels. These ripen to form a fruit known as an aggregate of follicles. Each follicle is very like a pod having dorsal and ventral sutures 94 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS but eventually only one of these opens to release the seeds, this is the ventral suture. A follicle like that of the Marsh Marigold is thought to be one of the more primitive forms of carpel. Such a carpel has a very short style and stigma on top of the ovary but in some Angiosperms thought to be even more primitive the stigma occupies the entire length of the ventral suture and really consists of the two adpressed margins of the carpel. The term ‘suture’ really means a ‘seam’ and the ventral suture really consists of the two margins of the carpel pressed together and fused. There is good evidence that at one time there was a ventral opening down this side of the carpel and in some living Angiosperms this can still be seen. Thus in the Dyer’s Rocket Reseda /uteola L. which gtows fairly commonly on shingle by the Whitadder and elsewhere, the ventral suture is open near the top so that one can see the ovules inside the carpels of the flower. This gymnospermous character supports the idea that Angiosperms have evolved from Gymnosperms. Origin- ally each carpel must have been like a purse with a slit down one side through which pollen could be blown by the wind so gaining direct access to the ovules for fertilization. The closure of the ventral suture probably began basally like a zip-fastener formed of interlocking hairs. The prime function of these hairs was to reduce loss of water by evaporation from the delicate ovules. Such hairs, however, would impede the entry of wind-borne pollen grains which would become entangled among the hairs. At some time such pollen grains acquired the power to germinate and form a pollen tube through which moisture was absorbed. Eventually the pollen tube became the structure through which the male gametes were passed to the egg-cell without being released. This mode of fertilization is known as siphonogamy. VI. From what organ was the carpel derived ? Among Pteridosperms the seeds, although naked, were often protected by an enveloping structure known as a cupule. In some, each seed had its own individual cupule and several cupules were borne on a single frond or leaf. In others, two or more seeds occurred within one cupule and again several of these were borne on a single frond. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 95 In a third type an entire frond was converted into a single relatively large cupule about the size of a Tulip flower-bud. One such example is called Calathospermum and the species named Calathospermum fimbriatum (Barnard 1960) was first described from rocks at Oxroad Bay near Tantallon Castle on the East Lothian coast. It has also been found in limestone nodules occurring in the bed of the Whitadder between Edrom and West Blanerne. In most Pterido- sperms the leaf was a large frond which forked like a letter Y. This forking of the leaf-stalk or petiole is repre- sented in the base of a Calathospermum cupule so that it consists of two lateral halves borne on a common stalk. Now such a bivalved structure may be compared to the two halves of a single carpel such as a pea-pod. It is therefore possible that the carpel in modern flowers really represents a highly modified cupule in which the two halves have joined so as to enclose and protect the seeds up to the time of their release. For this and other reasons some palaeobotanists think that Pteridosperms were the most likely ancestors of the Angiosperms. A modern flower is really a telescoped shoot in which there are basically three sorts of lateral organs borne on a stem-like axis called the receptacle. The three sorts of lateral organs are the carpels, stamens and perianth leaves sometimes differentiated into sepals and petals. Goethe put forward the idea that all these organs are really modified leaves. Itis possible, however, that the carpels and stamens evolved from branched cylindrical organs bearing sporangia which had never become typical flattened leaves. Goethe’s idea was that a carpel is really a leaf folded down its midrib so as to enclose the ovules borne along its margins. If, on the other view, the ovules represent megasporangia borne on cylindrical stalks it seems more likely that these fused basally whereas in the evolution of the true leaves the fusion of simpler units seems to have been by webbing between terminal parts so giving flattened portions which were better adapted to absorbing light for photosynthesis. By the study of fossil seeds and the plants which bore them the mystery of how flowering plants evolved may yet be solved. Fossil Angiosperms go back in the rocks only to the early Cretaceous period about 135 million years ago. The Lower Carboniferous seeds found in Berwickshire and 96 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS East Lothian are almost 350 million years old. Between the end of the Carboniferous Period and the commencement of the Cretaceous Period was a span of 135 million years covering the Permian, Triassic and Jurassic geological periods. The answer to the riddle of the Angiosperms must lie somewhere locked up in these rocks unless their ancestors completely evaded any natural burial and like Enoch of old passed from this life without leaving any physical remains behind (Genesis 6, 24). REFERENCES TO LITERATURE Arnold, C. A., 1939. Observations on fossil plants from the Devonian of eastern North America. IV. Plant remains from the Catskill delta deposits of northern Pennsylvania and southern New York. Unw. Michigan, Contrib. Mus. Paleont., 5, 271-314. Barnard, P. D. W., 1960. Calathospermum fimbriatum p. nov., a Lower Carboniferous Pteridosperm Cupule from Scotland, Palaeontology, 3, 265-275. Beck, C. B., 1960. The identity of Archaeopteris and Callixylon, Brittonia, 12, 351-368. Chaloner, W. G., and Pettitt, J. M., 1964. A seed megaspore from the Devonian of Canada. Palaeontology, 7, 29-36. Long, A. G., 1960. On the Structure of Calymmatotheca kidstoni Calder (emended) and Genomosperma latens gen. et sp. nov. from the Calciferous Sandstone Series of Berwickshire. Trans. Roy. Soc. Edin., 64, 29-44. Long, A. G., 1968. Some specimens of Mazocarpon, Achlamy- docarpon, and Cystosporites from the Lower Carboniferous Rocks of Berwickshire. Trans. Roy. Soc. Edin., 67, 359-372. Miller, Hugh, 1869. The Testimony of the Rocks. Edinburgh. p. 411. Pettitt, J. M., and Beck, C. B., 1968. -Archaeosperma arnoldii a cupulate seed from the Upper Devonian of North America. Contrib. Mus. Paleontology Univ. Mich., 22, 139-154. Surange, K. R., 1952. The morphology of Stauropteris burntis- landica P. Bertrand and its megasporangium Bensonites fusiformis R. Scott. Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc. London, 237B, ‘73-93: APPENDICES I. GEOLOGICAL TIME SCALE (modified from Holmes, A., 1959. A revised geological time-scale. Trans. Edinburgh Geol. Soc., 17; 183). PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 97 Periods measured approximately in millions of years (m.y.). PERIOD m.y. Beginning m.y. ago Tertiary JO. JO Cretaceous 65 135 Jurassic 45 180 Triassic 45 225 Permian 45 270 Carboniferous 80 350 Devonian 50 400 Silurian 40 440 Ordovician 6o 500 Cambrian 100 600 II. List OF LANTERN SLIDES USED AS ILLUSTRATIONS. 1. Linnaea borealis at Mellerstain, taken by J. and G. Waldie, Gordon. 2. payndes oy} Jo JoOy seyow sy, “z ~puriy sary “platy prez Aoqqy COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, VII see article on pages 100 to 104 Abbey Yard Field. Area Bz. On the left are the lower chamfered courses of Edgars walls, and on the right is the southernmost end of the north south wall whose ground level appears in the section above the lowest label. ‘POX a[vOS JY} JO PUD IZ9] DY} JO Ia] DY} 0} 3Snl si sov[dazy syT, ‘zg SpIvA.O} spIvA}S¥O SUNT YOTYM [][eM 3OYS 9U} ST punossaI0F 9Y} UT “}S¥9 DY} WOOF; [[VA\ _YINOS YIIOU 9Y} pUL s[[eM sIeBPyY JO MIA ‘7 vay ‘Play pez foqqy Phase IV Present standing wall Phase II Two rough courses Phase I Ashlar wall | Trench C/z. Phase III. Buttress (?) Showing the three phases of wall and the possible buttress. i ee = ns er, tau Leow 1972 COLDINGHAM PRIORY WEST END dow ary Nee, ‘¢ y : Pa \ 4 . 2 yy aN, { A , , = — % s . i ve - n ' 7 \ A ; if y y 5 i a tJ ’ / - " ” i t i St, alist ame et v i f i 7 ® ' t re ‘1 ii , 2 ut ot b ; a. RAG pa ik tens rms ye her ow de ‘ f a ; ‘ a The Meuchel Stone—see article on page 144 Ly ~ 2 | . t — i + ~ ———__ hd in BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY see article on pages 105 to 118 Seal of Walter, son of William de Bon- kyl. Seal of Sir Ranulf de Bonekil, A.D. 1231 Se ohn de ee ea 1430. Arms of Sir Edward : Boncle, a.p. 1462. (Azute, a chevron argent between three buckles, or.) BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY 107 which the church there, became the principal religious estab- lishment of the Culdees.* Belonging to the kings of Scotland, the church of Dunkeld grew mote important during the reign of Malcolm II (1005-34) when Malcolm’s daughter Bethoc married Crinan, the Abbot of Dunkeld." Although barons were unknown at this time, the marriage would call for the attendance at the ceremony of those men in the king’s service considered most worthy; it was also a natural opportunity for the king to make new gifts of land to the church and its community, and to confer some recognition for service upon his vassals. When the church of Bonkyl was founded is not known, but its connection with that of Dunkeld hints at some influence of either the king or his abbot, since only the king could give permission to build a church. Perhaps at Bonkyl such permis- sion was part of the gift of Malcolm II to the church of Dunkeld and to the family of Bonkil. This first church would be built of wood, and since it was simply a family or manorial church it need not be noticed in the early church valuations. ‘“Bunkle is not mentioned in the earliest valuations of church livings in Scotland, nor in the Papal Taxation Roll; but appears under the Bishopric of Dunkeld in Bayamund’s Roll in 1275.’ Malcolm Canmore, who was brought up at the English court of Edward the Confessor, succeeded to the crown of Scotland in 1057. He took into his court in 1067, Edgar Atheling and Margaret his sister, when they fled from the pursuit of William the Conqueror. “‘When Malcolm married Margaret he was immediately embroiled with Norman England.” He advanced to York in 1070, and later William retaliated by “‘advancing into Scotland as far as Abernethy where he made Canmote his vassal (1072), but whether for his kingdom, for his Celtic divisions of it, or merely for a gift of manors in England is debated.”4 William the Conqueror who brought his barons to England created baronies there for the first time. Malcolm Canmore knew this, and when he gave Dunbar and Lothian to his cousin Gospatrick, Earl of Northumberland, he probably created the first barony in Scotland. Towards the end of his reign he “bestowed the Abbacy of Dunkeld upon his third son, Ethelred Earl of Fife,”5 a fitting occasion to confirm previous gifts and make new ones to that Church, gifts, which may have taken the new and unusual form of creating in Scotland, barons and 1K eith’s ‘‘Scottish Bishops.” 2B.N.C. Hist. Vol. 16. 3 and 4Terrty’s ‘‘History of Scotland.” 5Chalmers’ ‘‘Caledonia,”’ 108 BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY baronies among the more esteemed of his vassals, who in turn would also make gifts to the church. The date is early, and there is no written proof yet found, but it is more than likely that the family of Bonkyl were en- nobled at this time, when they probably started to build a stone castle at Bonkyl and replace their older wooden church with one of stone. The Coldingham Charters of king Edgar (1097-1106) and his brother Alexander I are silent regarding Bonkyl, but it is signi- ficant that Edgar granted to the monks of St. Cuthbert at Coldingham, the lands of Kimmerghame, Edrom, Swinewood, etc., which were later confirmed by Alexander I, perhaps not realising that part of them already belonged to Bonkyl.? When their youngest brother David, the Earl of Huntingdon and Prince of Cumberland, succeeded to the Scottish crown in 1124, he at once began to modernise his kingdom by intro- ducing new laws. ‘He suppressed all Culdean monasteries, raised the church of Dunkeld to Cathedral status, and made it a free Regality, about 1127.’ If David’s father had already made Bonkyl a barony, and its church was already connected with Dunkeld, then it would quite naturally become a “‘Barony of the Regality of Dunkeld,” at this time. “Baronies and regalities were freehold estates of which the King was the acknowledged proprietor. Regalities were granted by the King to the Prelates, a Lord of Regality having jurisdiction over it equal to that of the King.”4 Several baronies were often included within a Regality and paid their customary dues to the Regality Lord. A baron was allowed by licence from the king to have power and liberty to hold courts within his own lands, with the privi- lege to prosecute, try, and judge his vassals within his own court; he also had the right of receiving toll, and compelling a person in whose hands stolen property was found, to name the person from whom he received it (toll and teem); he had the power of infangthief, which was to imprison and execute felons belonging within the extent of jurisdiction of his court, and of outfangthief, which was the same power over those caught within the legal bounds of the court but who lived outwith its boundary.® Regality powers were similar but extended over all the baronies within it. 1Raine’s “North Durham.” 2B.N.C. Hist. Vol. 13. 3Berwickshire ‘‘Old Documents.” Folio 9, Folder 61. 4, 5and*. Can be found in Mackay McKenzie’s ‘‘Source Book of Admini- strative Law,”’ or Chalmet’s ‘‘Caledonia.” BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY 109 The Baron court was appointed by the Baron, and consisted of his baillie, who could be a member of his own family, or his lawyer, together with some of his most worthy feuars and tenants, and the Barony was allowed to hold a weekly market and an annual fair; the revenues so accruing from them went to the baronial lords. “‘When a baron obtained his territorial grant from the king, he built a castle, a church, a milne, a kiln and a brewhouse for the accommodation of his followers.’’* If it could be reliably stated that Thomas the Rhymer composed the following lines, *Bunkle, Billie and Blanern, Three castles strong as airn, Built when Davey was a bairn,””? then the suggested date of the barony of Bonkyl belongs to the last years of Malcolm Canmore’s reign, especially when it is known that prince ‘““Davey”’ was only about twelve years old when his father died in 1093. The building of the Norman church of Bonkyl in stone was probably later and may have been contemporary with either the building of Coldingham Priory or the mid-twelfth century “‘re-building in stone of Norham castle, c. 1157, by Richard of Wolviston the master mason of Durham.” Coldingham charters first refer to Bonkyl in 1130 when David I walked and defined the boundaries between the parishes of Bonkyl and Coldingham after a dispute, which may have been brought about by the fact that the woods and moors belonging to Bonkyl lay within the bounds of Edrom and Kimmerghame, places granted to the monks and Priory of Coldingham by Edgar; the boundaries were also confirmed by William the Lyon, who, “commanded the following woods should be in the keeping of the Prior and his monks.” The woods were Harewood, Denewood, Brockholes wood and Swinewood, belonging to Bonkyl, but lying in the bounds of Edrom. This command must have followed close upon the appointment of Richard of Raynton as “Hereditary Keeper of the forests of Coldinghamshire,” by Prior Ernald between 1202 and 1208.4 From the charters of king Edgar and his brothers and William the Lyon, concerning these lands, and the disputes over the boundaries, came the mistaken belief that Bonkyl for some time belonged to Durham rather than Dunkeld. This was never so. The Family of Bonkil The first mention of any Border family is often to be found 1Henderson’s ‘‘Popular Rhymes of Berwickshire.” 2Raine’s ‘‘North Durham.” 3Gordon’s ‘‘Monasticon.” 4Cart’s “‘History of Coldingham.” 18 fe) BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY in the charters of Coldingham Priory,’ but in this case the first written evidence of the Bonkils so far found is in the Chartulary of Kelso, the rest are taken from Coldingham and Coldstream charters. 1. Ade de Bonekill, witnessed a charter by Richard Cumyn granting to the monks of Kelso, the church of Lintonroderic, c. 1160. He also witnessed another at the same time, by Hi of Simprim 2 2. Adam de Bonekil (perhaps son of the above) and Bertram, Prior of Coldingham (1188-99) witnessed a charter con- cerning the lands of Bondington. 3. Alexander de Bonekil and Prior A:rnald (1202-08) witnessed a charter about land in the town of Coldingham. 4. Ada de Bonekil witnessed another in 1209 concerning Beinrig, during the short priorship of Radulphus. This Ada de Bonekil was Sheriff of Berwickshire, and possibly the son of Adam and grandson of Ade (No. I above) and brother to Alexander and Ranulph. 5. Sir Ranulf de Bonekil is the first knight of the family to be- mentioned; “‘he lived in the time of King John and Henry III.’8 His round seal portrays him “‘as an equestrian knight in mail hauberk and surcoat, helmet with nasal and mail coif; bearing a sword and kite-shaped shield,” with the legend “‘Sigill: Ranulfi de Bonekil.”* The seal is illustrated and described by the late Dr. C. H. Hunter Blair, a Past- president of our Club, in his “‘Catalogue of Durham Seals,” a fortunate record, since it is proof that Sir Ranulf de Bonekil was a renowned member of his family, a man of no mean ability, a valiant soldier, perhaps even a crusader, and certainly at the height of power and influence. His seal partly determined this research, as few appear to have been used in Scotland before 1182 and the date of Sir Ranulf’s, A.D. 1231, is comparatively early; it is quite possible that he used it even before this date; also, since it depicts him as a “‘mailed horseman” it declares to us, that he would give to his king, a Knight’s service in warfare—a service intro- duced by the Normans after the conquest—the knight’s fee in England was represented by the hauberk or coat of mail, his first service was to give forty days a year with specified armour to the king and secondly to give the setvice of “‘castle ward” at the king’s pleasure. Knights paid their fees to the king for the lands they held of him.® 1Raine’s ‘“North Durham.” 2Dated by the Lord Lyon Geo. Cambell Swinton (1923-26) father of the late Brigadier Alan H. C. Swinton of Kimmerghame. 3 and 4Dr. C. H. Hunter Blait’s ‘‘Catalogue of Durham Seals,” 5Encycl. Brit. 11th edit. BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY III To prove this latter service and a possible earlier date for the seal we find that “‘in 1212 Sir Ranulf was excused from an Assize in Cumberland because he was with the King of Scotland,”> (also a proof of his Cumberland connections), and again “‘In 1216 his Manor of Uvedale was seized by the English king John, and restored again in 1217-182 (by Henry III). These dates ate important, for William the Lyon in 1199 had demanded of John restitution of northern earldoms in England, and after a period of armed inaction made a peaceable treaty in 1212 without recovering the earldoms,? a fact which seems to explain Sir Ranulf’s absence from the Assize, and also his presence at Bonkyl in 1216, when Alexander II confirmed the boundaries there. Of the four charters concerning Swinewood, Sir Ranulf witnessed three and was mentioned in the fourth. Swinewood belonged to the Earls of Dunbar who quit-claimed the lands. Alexander IT gave a charter of Confirmation of this quit-claim, which was “done at Roxburgh on the 9th March in the seven- teenth year of his reign,” 1231. Among the witness are ““Dns Ranulf de Bonekil and Willo de Bonekil.”* There is no charter to say that the lands of Swinewood were quit-claimed in Sir Ranulf’s favour, yet it must have been so, because later in 1231, when “Dns Ranulphus de Bonekil” renounced his claim in favour of the monks of St. Cuthbert at Coldingham of his moors and woods which lay in Coldinghamshire, Swinewood was added to Harewood, Denewood and Brockholes wood,? all of which he possibly resigned, together with Todheugh in Edrom, purposely to rid himself and his heirs from further dispute. This charter of Renunciation has the seal of Sir Ranulf attached to it.6 About the same time he witnessed a charter of the gift of lands by Henry of Hasskirk (Ashkirk) to the Nuns of the Convent of St. Mary of Coldstream,’ and before 1242 “‘Ranulfo de bonekil” with ““Walter Olifard,” justicaire of Lothian (d. 1242) witnessed a charter by “‘Mariota de Chirnside sometime wife of Richard of Renington’’’ (i.e. Richard the forester of Raynton). The last charter in which his name appears as witness is a ““Com- position between A... . Prior of Coldingham and the mayor and burgesses of Berwick,” c. 1250, signed ““Dno Ranulfo de Bonekil.’’9 Sir Ranulf’s close attendance on William the Lyon and his participation in Border affairs led eventually to his marriage with an “‘heiress of the Greystoke family in Cumberland, when 1 and 2C.D.S. 3Chamber’s ‘‘Biogtraphical Dictionary.” 4,5, 6 8, 9Raine’s ‘‘Notth Durham.” 7Coldstream ‘ ‘Chartulary.” 112 BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY he became Lord of Uvedale and Gilcrux. The Bonkils gave Gilcrux to a younger brother, Robert, whose sons Thomas and Walter, gave Gilcrux to Calder Abbey, which grant Sir Ranulph de Bonekil, Lord of Quildale and Gilcrux confirmed.”? “He had a son Alexander, whose son Adam, gave land in Uldale to Carlisle Priory. Adam’s son Alexander had a daughter and heiress who married (1) Sir John Stewart, kinsman to the king of Scotland, and (z) Sir David Brigham,? who forfeited Uldale to the Lucy family.”? For these lands in Cumberland Sir Ranulf and his heirs paid periodic homage to the English kings. He was a member of the Scottish committee of twelve knights, who with a similar English committee “‘ascertained the Laws of the Border Marches in 1249 and enforced their observation,’”4 and where his name appears as Sir Radulphus de Boukle,’’® probably a mis-reading of ““Bonkle’’, or else the author took the name from the buckles on Sir Ranulf’s shield of Arms, which he seems to have adopted “‘for the purpose of their having some allusive association through similarity of sound in their names,’® with that of his family and barony, “‘thzs allusive quality began in the thirteenth century and is called Canting.’’” 6. Sir Alexander de Bonekyl, great grandson of Sir Ranulf, was equally involved in Border affairs. In 1299 his seal of “three buckles” with the legend of “‘S ... Andri. de Bonk,” and his shield of Arms: ‘“‘Sable, three buckles Or,’ were used. “‘His wife was called Christina.’ He is first mentioned after the death of Alexander III, in 1286, as a member of the “‘Committee of Estates” at Birgham in 1289, where he was a signatory to the letter addressed to Edward I of England from the Community of Scotland, concerning the “‘Dispensation for the marriage of Margaret, their dear lady and Queen, with Prince Edward,’’® a proposed marriage which led to the signing of the ““Treaty of Birgham” in July 1290, to uphold the “Independence of Scotland,” and its freedom from English interference in its internal affairs. One of the clauses of this important treaty was a “‘Proposal by the Scots, that the castles and fortresses should not be fortified anew upon the Matrches,’”20 When the young queen died in Orkney on her way to Scotland, 1Burns & Nicholson’s ‘‘Cumberland and Westmorland.” 2Brigham or Breghin for ‘“Brechin.” 3Burns & Nicholson’s ‘“Cumberland and Westmorland.” 4 and 5Nicholson’s ‘‘Leges Marchiarum.” (Border Laws). 6 and 7Boutelle’s ‘‘Heraldry.” 8C.D.S. ®Tytler’s ‘“History of Scotland.” Vol. L. 10T'ytler’s ‘“History of Scotland.” Vol. I. BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY 113 the kingdom was plunged into conflict and a contested succession to the crown, much aggravated by “‘Edward’s assertion at Norham in May, 1291, that he was Lord Paramount of Scot- land.” The Scottish nobles, who had sought Edward’s help in the choice of a king, were unprepared for his ruthless ambition to subjugate their country and force from it a homage which he insisted had been made by former Scottish kings to England on behalf of their kingdom, whereas—except for a short period during the reign of William the Lyon—the kings of Scotland had only given homage to England for the lands they held in that country. But, when John Baliol became king of Scotland, Edward forced homage from him and made him his vassal and the Scottish nobles had no other option than to submit and swear fealty to Edward also; thus commenced what became known as the “Regeman” or “Ragman Rolls”, the signed “Oaths of Fealty” by the people of Scotland to Edward I. From 1291 to 1296 these were signed at many different places, the last and most important where oaths of allegiance were given was at Berwick in 1296, after the final humiliation of Baliol at Stracathro that year.? Sir Alexander de Bonkhill signed at Berwick in 1291, where he touched and kissed the Sacred Cross, swearing fidelity to Edward I as direct superior of the kingdom of Scotland. He swore again at Newcastle upon Tyne in 1292 (perhaps for his lands in Cumberland), and again at Berwick in 1296, as from Edinburgh.? He was “‘dead before April 1300, when an inquest was held on his lands in Cumberland at Carlisle.”4 Other members of the family whose names appear in the Ragman Roll are: John de Bonekil, Thomas Bonequil and Agnes de Bonkhille, whose Oath of fealty is the last to be fully recorded there. It is written in Norman-French.® As both Bonkyl and Preston churches were already within the Regality of Dunkeld and paying revenues to the Prelates there, (who supplied them with vicars), it is not so very strange to find that they also swore fealty to Edward at Berwick in 1296. ‘Their names were: ‘““Master Hervy, Deen of Dunkeldyin; Thomas de Preston, chanoigne of the church of Dunkeldyin, and Dovenal, vicaire of Dunkeld. Nichol Perre de Bonekil’” also signed.® 7. Margaret de Bonekil, daughter and heiress of Sir Alexander, had married c. 1280, Sir John Stewart, second son of Sir Alexander Stewart, the High Steward of Scotland, and who 1Terry’s ‘“‘History of Scotland.” 2Terry’s ‘““History of Scotland” and Ridpath’s ‘““Border History.” 3 and 5The Ragman Rolls. 4C.D.S. 8Ragman Rolls. 114 BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY “added the Arms of Bonkil to his own,’”? but Sir John never truly became “‘of Bonkyl’” because he was killed at the battle of Falkirk in 1298 before the death of his father- in-law. Hewasa strong supporter of William Wallace when many nobles had deserted his cause; records of the battle tell of Sir John’s bravery and how “‘columns of infantry, with intermediate companies of archers kept their ground and a few armed knights remained beside them, amongst these Sit John Stewart of Bonkyl in marshalling the ranks of the archers from the forest of Selkirk was thrown from his horse. ‘The faithful bowmen tried to rescue him, but in vain, he was slain and the tall athletic figures of those who fell around him, drew forth the praise of the enemy, but on the death of this leader the archers gave way” (Heming- ford). Sir John lies buried at Falkirk.? “Sit John had inherited with his wife the lands of Uvedale in Cumberland,” and in his ‘‘Historical Account of Bonkyl’ the late Dr. Hardy of Oldcambus wrote that “‘it has been doubted whether Sir John Stewart had married Margaret de Bonekil; but there was an inquest of the clergy of the deanery of Allerdale, which was held at Wigton on 2oth July, 1305, and which expressly ‘found that Sir Alexander de Bonekil had a daughter Margaret, who was now lately dead, and that in her father’s lifetime she had married Sir John Stewart, brother of the High Steward of Scotland.’ There are records in the Tower to confirm this fact.” The necessity to prove this marriage after Margaret’s death may have been due to the fact that her eldest son claimed his right to the estate in Cumberland, perhaps against the counter- claim of his step-father Sir David Brechin, whom his mother had married about 1299; Sir David got the estate however, although the Stewarts retained their title as Lords of Uvedale.5 It is not known whether Bonkyl ever became a castle ward of Berwick, but three possible periods suggest that this could have taken place; as early as the reign of William the Lyon, when Sir Ranulf may have done knight’s service there during the king’s pleasure; after Edward I took Berwick and forced oaths of fealty from the Scots in 1296, which both Sir Alexander de Bonkyl and Sir David Brechin swore; or when Sir David had married Margaret de Bonkil, and was Governor of Berwick castle during pleasure in 1304, when a tax may have been levied on the barony of Bonkyl, after its castle had fallen to Edward, without resistance. This was no military triumph as some 1 and 3C.D.S. 2Tytler’s ‘“History of Scotland.” 4Session Book of Bunkle and Preston. 5Uvedale is Ulldale. BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY 115 references suggest, the castle was easily overcome because it was purely domestic and quite unfortified—apart from the clause against re-fortification in the treaty of Birgham—also, it may have been uninhabited at the time, since Sir Alexander Stewart, like his father, was a follower of Sir William Wallace, and his mother was by then probably living in Berwick castle; from this it is easy to guess why there was a ““Bownkell Towre’’! in the castle of Berwick. The relationship between the following ‘‘de Bonkils” and the main branch of the family is uncertain, but they are too impor- tant to omit here. 1. Walter de Bonkyl, styled “‘son of William de Bonkyl’” used as his arms and seal, “two keys back to back and in base a mollet.”” This seal was also used in 1331 by “‘John Pysre, son of Walter de Bonekyll and burgess of Berwick upon Tweed.’ The seal is of interest because of the keys, which do not appear to represent those of St. Peter, but rather the old Celtic religious symbols of power and possessions. ‘““The key facing towards a person meant power of family or the person himself; the key facing outwards from a person meant power or position in church or country.” From this it can be supposed that neither William nor Walter were of the Bonkil family, since no “buckle” appears on the seal, but that both had been vicars of Bonkyl, sent by the prelates of Dunkeld from another parish, and in which case their name was likely to have been ‘‘Pysre’’. 2. A Coldingham charter of 1429-31 bears the seal of ““Thomas Atkinson de Bonekyll fil de Ade.” “‘On a chevron, three buckles.” 3. John of Renton used for his Arms: ‘‘a chevron between three buckles.” 1429.° He also, or another 4. “John of Renton, used the Lion Rampant with a buckle on its shoulder,” 1430.6 In both cases close connection with the family of Bonkil is indicated. 5. Sit Edward Boncle, 1462, is the last illustrious member of the family to be recorded. He was the first provost of the church of the Holy Trinity in Edinburgh, founded by Marie de Gueldres in 1462, and to which he presented an organ. In Linklater’s “‘Royal House of Scotland” is an excellent description of Sir Edward, and also in J. B. Barclay’s ““Edin- burgh” there is an illustration taken from the set of triptych pictures in the National Gallery of Scotland, portraying Sir 1See Scott’s ‘‘Berwick upon Tweed.” 2, 4, 5, 6C_D.S. 3Birch’s ‘‘Scottish Seals.” 116 BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY Edward kneeling in prayer beside his organ while an angel plays it. The angel is a portrait of queen Marie of Gueldres, no doubt representing St. Cecilia the patroness of music. Neither author mentions the Arms of Sir Edward displayed on the side of the music stool, which are ‘Azure, a chevron argent between three buckles, or.’”! Another reference is made to Sir Edward in 1479, ‘“‘in October of that year on hearing a cause in Parliament the Lord directed Rolly Lermonth and others to prove that Schir John Herriot, the vicar of Soutra, had power from Schir Edward Bonkle, the Provost of the Trinity College beside Edinburgh to lease the tithes of Fawnys.”2 ‘This suggests that the church of Holy Trinity, although younger by two centuries, had become the ecclesiastical head of the Trinity House of Soutra. Sir Edward is again mentioned in connection with this church in 1502, when “owing to the unsettled state of the country, it would appear that Sir Edward Bonkil, the first provost, had to apply to Parliament for assistance, to enforce the payments of his rents in Teviotdale.? With the passing of Sir Edward, the old Celtic race of Bonkil disappears from history, and the last written evidence of those living in Berwickshire is likely to be that of “‘Edward, sone to Ralf Bonkle, maltman and inkeeper” who in 1630 witnessed a ““Tak” of land between John Bowmaker in Printonan and George Paco in Deadrigs.4 These two Bonkles kept the old family names and may have been innkeepers at either Leitholm or Birgham, as there did not seem to be an inn at Eccles at this time. There are still Buncles living in Edinburgh today. The Barony of Regality had passed from the family with the marriage of Margaret to Sir John Stewart, whose seven® sons became the ancestors of many famous families. The eldest, Sir Alexander Stewart, Baron of Bonkyl was the progenitor of the Stewart earls of Angus; Sir Alan, the second son, became of ““Dreghorn” and he also bought the estate of Darnley in 1330 and became the progenitor of the Earls and Dukes of Lennox, from whom Henry, Lord Darnley, husband of Mary Queen of Scots was descended. The earls of Lennox were also ancestors of the Seigneurs d’Aubigny, powerful and illustrious men of the court of France; one, Esmé Stewart spent much time at the court of king James VI, who created him Duke of Lennox. Sir Alan Stewart was killed at the battle of Halidon Hill. His immediate younger brother, Sir Walter, was the ancestor of iLetter from the National Gallery of Scotland official. 2 and 3Chalmets ‘‘Caledonia.” 4Berwickshite ‘“Old Documents.”” Large Folio. Folder 61. 5Chalmets and Terry note only four sons; Burke’s “‘Extinct Peerage” gives five, and B.N.C. unpublished Mss, seven. BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY 117 the earls of Galloway, and Sir James the fourth son, who was also killed at Halidon in 1333, was ancestor of the earls of Buchan, Athol and Traquair. Sir John the fifth son was killed at Halidon; Sir Hugh, the sixth, fought in Ireland under Edward Bruce, and died 1318; the youngest became Sir Robert Stewart of Dol or Dul,! ancestor of the Coltness, Goodtrees, Allanton and Allanbank families.2 These last two places likely refer to those of the same name in Ayrshire, known to have existed before Berwickshire ones.? The only daughter of Margaret de Bonkil and Sir John Stewart was Isobel, who married Thomas Randolph, earl of Moray; their daughter, Agnes became the wife of Patrick, earl of Dunbar, memorable as ‘“‘Black Agnes” during her splendid defence of the castle of Dunbar. For the rest of the baronial records see those of the Earls of Angus and Douglas. Of the more modern barony of Bonkyl and Preston within the Regality of Dunkeld, we find that James Lorain, sheriff clerk of Berwickshire, was baillie of the Baron court in 1747,4 when Regality courts were abolished by Act of Parliament, like other heritable jurisdictions. The barony at this time included Stow in Wedale. In the Scottish Record Office, Edinburgh, there is one Court book for the “‘Regality of Boncle and Preston,” covering the dates 1686-90. (Ref. RHII/8).5 The late Dr. George Henderson of Chirnside has left this record of Bonkyl castle: ‘‘A small portion of the north wall in which a postern doorway still remains, and a few scattered fragments skirting the green mound is all that remains of this once massive stronghold. ‘The site of the ruin is close upon the road leading from Auchencrow to Dunse—a little to the north of Bonkyl church. The walls of the castle have been of great thickness, very compact and have been built of large whinstones; the moat surrounding the walls can be traced easily. About seventy years ago a small village surrounded the ruins of Buncle castle of which not a vestige now remains.”6 The Norman Apse is all that is left of the ancient church of Bonkyl and this is well described in the ‘Inventory of Berwick- shire Monuments” a report by the Royal Commission for such in 1915; and Club members are reminded that the late Dr. Hardy’s transcription of the “‘Session Book of Bonckle,” with his ‘Historical Description of the Parish,” published by the Club in 1899, is still the most important work regarding this ancient barony; every effort has been made here, to overlap as little as ISkene’s ‘“Celtic Scotland.” Vol. II. 2B.N.S. Mss. 3Johnston’s ‘‘Place-names of Berwickshire.” 4Berwickshire “Old Documents.” 5Record Office note, 1972. 6Copy of Dr. Henderson’s Mss. Vol. I. in Duns Library. 118 BONKYL, A BARONY OF REGALITY possible with Dr. Hardy’s work, or that of the other authors included in it. My thanks are due to Roy Huddleston, Esq., Editing Secretary of the Cumbecland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, for help regarding the marriage of Sir Ranulf de Bonkil with an heiress of Uvedale; to Hugh Brigstock, Esq., Assistant Keeper of the National Galleries of Scotland, for the description of Sir Edward Boncle’s shield of Arms on the organ stool, and to J. K. Bates, Esq., for verifying the existence of the Regality Court Book of Bonkyl in the Record Office in Edinburgh. Agnes de Bonkhille’s Oath of Fealty at Berwick, A.D. 1296 ““Atouz ceaus qui Cestes lettres verront ou orront. Agnes de Bonkhille/del counte de Berewyk—Saluz. Pur ceo que jeo fuy venuz 4 la foi é 4 la volunte du tresnoble Prince € mon chier Seigneur Sire Edward par la grace Dieu/ Roi Dengleterre/Seignor Dirland/é Ducs Daquitaigne/jeo promet pur moi é pur mes heirs sur peine de cors € davoir/é sur quant ge jeo puisse encore/que jeo ly servirai bien é leaument contres totes les foiz que jeo serrai reqis ou garniz de par nostre Seigneur le Roi Dengleterre avantdit/ou par ses heirs. E que jeo leur damage ne sauroie que jeo nil desturberay 4 tot mon poer /é le leur fray 4 savoire. E 4 cestes choses tenir é garder/ jeo oblige moy émes heirs/é touz nos biens/é outre ceo ai jeo jurez sur Seintes Evangeiles. Estre ceo jeo ai fait feauté a nostre Seignor le Roi Dengleterre avantdit en cestes paroles. Jeo serrai feal é leal/é foi é leaute porterai au Roi Edward Roi Dengleterre /é 4 ses heirs / de vie € de membres /é de terrien honur contre totes gentz qui purront vivre € morir/é jammes pur nuly armes ne porterai/ nen conseil/ nen eide ne serrai contre ly ne contra ses heirs en nul cas que poet avenir/é leau- ment reconnstrey/é leaument frai les services que apartenant as tenementz que jeo cleim tenir de ly/ si meide Dieu é les Seintz. En tesmoignance des queus choses/joe ai fat faire cestes lettres overtes sealéés de mon Seal.” Donéé 4 Berewyk, etc. rte BUS TORY, OF. THE GRAS TER FAMILY By SIR EDMUND CRASTER (Continued from Vol. XX XVII) John’s younger brother, Edmund, who lived on at Craster and saw to the winding-up of his father’s personal affairs, also married. His wife, Margaret Steward, came from Stamford neat Embleton. His sister Ann was already the wife of a Stamford gentleman-farmer named William Grey. Other sisters also found husbands—Barbara in Nicholas Whitehead of Lesbury Field House, son to her father’s business partner, and Mary in John Atkinson of Gateshead, whose family again became united with the Crasters a hundred years later. In 1692, his father being dead, John Craster set to work in earnest to redeem the family property. After increasing the Stote mortgage from {500 to £800, presumably to allow the clearance of smaller debts, he released—probably for a sum of money down—all claim to Craster South Side, now called Craster South Farm. ‘This had been sold by his great-grandfather, an eatlier John Craster, in 1638, to a kinsman, Thomas Forster of Adderstone, and since then, after being owned for a time by our John’s uncle, Martin Fenwick of Kenton, had passed to one George Burrell, to whom John now gave release. Then, final stage in these transactions, Alexander Browne once more appeared upon the scene, and bought, for the sum of £1,500, the farm lands that the Crasters had owned for some centuries past in Dunstan and Embleton. Most of the purchase money went to paying off the Stote and Milbanke mortgages; but out of the balance and £200 advanced to him by the accommodating Mr. Browne, John Craster was able at long last to meet his father’s obligations as sheriff. Alexander Browne did not retain his purchase for long. Perhaps he had never intended to do so. The Embleton holding was tenanted by a Quaker family named Christon, who eventually bought their farm lands, and these, when finally enclosed, went to make up the property since known as Christon Bank. Mr. Browne added to his Dunstan purchase by buying up for £1,800 the estate of the ancient but impoverished Wetwang family, and subsequently, in 1705, exchanged Dunstan and other lands with Mr. John Proctor for the properties of Shawdon and Crawley. So it came about that the old tower-house of 119 120 THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY Dunstan, which had formed the ancestral home of the Wetwangs, and before them of the Wendouts, acquired the name of Proctor Steads. We shall see presently how the Dunstan lands came to be bought back for Craster in the next generation. For the time being the family property was reduced to 425 acres, known as Craster North Side. Near its southern border stood the square four-storey tower which an earlier Edmund Craster had built in the fourteenth century, enlarged by the addition, on its eastern side, of a seventeenth century manor house. John Craster never himself resided in the family home, but spent the earlier years of his married life in his father-in-law’s house at Fawside; and, when John Ayton died in 1702, leaving his daughter Mary Craster, a marriage portion of £800, the young couple with their children moved to Chester-le-Street. Craster may have been occupied at the time by a cousin, William Craster, who voted at the Northumbrian parliamentary elections of 1710 and 1715 in virtue of property at Craster. William’s father, Daniel, younger brother to old Edmund Craster, had been a Jacobite, and had held a commission in a regiment which the Duke of Newcastle raised to support James IT on his tottering throne; and William was of the same party. When Thomas Foster of Bamburgh, M.P. for the county, declared for the Old Pretender in 1715, he only succeeded in enlisting three North- umbrian gentry for the Stuart cause, but William was one of them. He is said to have been taken prisoner and ordered to be executed. However, with the failure of the rising and the execution of its more prominent supporters, the Government and local magistracy did not greatly concern themselves with minor adherents. Though orders were made in Quarter Sessions for the arrest of disaffected persons, a return made three years later reported that William Craster, though suspected to be concerned in the late rebellion and known to reside at Rock, could not be found upon search made for him. There the matter was allowed to rest, and William died in peace in 1725, at Rock Moor House, the farm that Thomas Proctor of Rock had leased to him. Meanwhile John Craster was bringing up his young family at Chester-le-Street. He had paid off his father’s debts and was evidently prospering, for he was able, in 1710, to purchase from Lady Crew and her Jacobite nephew, Thomas Forster, the lease of Shoreswood, a property of about 1,200 acres some three miles east of Norham. Shoreswood was held of the Dean and Chapter of Durham at a low rental but subject to the payment of a heavy fine upon every renewal of the lease. The purchase price was £1,250, of which John was in a position to pay down £700, the vendors taking a mortgage for the residue. THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY 121 His three sons were clever boys. John, the eldest, was sent up in 1712 to his father’s college of Merton, from which he migrated two years later to Corpus, and, having taken his degree and being intended for the legal profession, went on to London in 1716 to study law at Gray’s Inn. There were five girls but one had died in infancy, and Barbara, the eldest of the family, died in 1715 when she was twenty-four. Their maiden aunt Sarah Ayton, to whom her father had devised Fawside and various small holdings in the county of Durham, was evidently attached to John Craster and his family. Dying in 1719, she left him all her properties, and he returned to live at Fawside. Next year the two younger boys left their school at Sedbergh for Oxford. William went to Oriel; Bertram or Bartie (he had been christened Bartholomew at his mother’s request, having been born on St. Bartholomew’s Day) matriculated at Brasenose, but subsequently left it for Lincoln College. In the autumn of 1720 their sister Isabel found a husband in a neighbouring squire, John Myllot of Whitehill near Chester-le-Street. Family tradition says that their’s was a Gretna Green marriage. How- ever that may have been, the ceremony was duly performed at Ebchester. So John Craster was left at home with his wife and his two youngest daughters. He was failing in health and wrote to his son John outlining his wishes for the disposal of his property. By his will he left Craster and Shoreswood, with the bulk of the Durham properties, to his son John, and to each of his two younger sons an anuity of £80 out of Shoreswood, whither his widow retired with their two unmarried daughters. He died in July 1722 and was buried in ‘“‘Craster’s Porch” in Embleton church. The two younger sons took their degrees in the following year. William succeeded in obtaining a fellowship at his College and prepared to settle down to the life of an Oxford don. He died in October 1729 at the early age of twenty-eight, and was buried in the University church of St. Mary’s. Less is known of the young Bartie. After taking his degree, he secured readmission to his old college of Brasenose. He had already followed his elder brother John to Gray’s Inn, and was called to the Bar in February 1728/9. He was still living and drawing his annuity in 1740. That is the last that is heard of him. Some of his books are in the library at Craster Tower. John Craster, the eldest son, was away in London, devoting himself to the Bar, to which he had been called six months before his father died. The family mansion at Craster and its home farm were probably let to a kinsman, Daniel Craster, second of that name and elder brother of that William who 122 THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY went out with Tom Forster in “‘the Fifteen”. Daniel is recorded in 1737 as paying £200 yearly rent for Craster mansion house and demesne. This he farmed in conjunction with Dunstan Hill Farm which he had on lease from his brother-in-law, John Proctor. In 1728 old Mrs. Craster died and was buried at Norham. The elder unmarried daughter, Elizabeth, became the wife, in the following summer of Christopher Blackett of Haughton, a kinsman of her brother-in-law Myllot, and settled at Newham. Her younger sister Ann remained to be provided for, but the Myllots found a husband for her also. John Myllot’s step- mother had re-married Mr. John Wood of Beadnell. A marriage was eventually arranged between her other stepson, Thomas Wood and Ann Craster, and took place in December 1737. In this way the families of Craster and of Wood of Beadnell became for the first time united. So long as he was a bachelor, John Craster kept his rooms in Gray’s Inn, but early in 1727 he too married. His bride, Catherine Villiers, had been living with her brother Henry in the parish of Christ Church, Newgate. Her father, Henry Villiers, who had died twenty years previously, was a former governor of Tynemouth Castle; and the governor’s house, which her grandfather, Sir Edward Villiers, built on the castle promon- tory on the north side of the ruined priory church, had been the Villiers’ home during the latter part of the previous century. As nephew to the great Duke of Buckingham and uncle to the notorious Duchess of Cleveland, Sir Edward had been closely connected with the Stuart court in which he had held the post of Knight Marshal. Nor had the Revolution of 1688 reduced the Villiers’ fortunes, for two of Sir Edward’s daughters, Elizabeth and Ann, had been maids of honour to the Princess Mary in Holland. There William of Orange had fallen in love with Elizabeth and taken her to be his mistress, and had married Ann to his closest friend, William Bentinck, afterwards Earl of Portland. So when the Prince of Orange succeeded to the English Crown as William III, Elizabeth Villiers rose to power with her royal lover. It was perhaps as a result of her influence that her elder brother Edward was created Earl of Jersey. Although, yielding to Queen Mary’s dying request, the King eventually sent Elizabeth away from his Court, he found for her at the same time a husband in Lord George Hamilton, one of Marlborough’s most distinguished generals; created him Earl of Orkney, and bestowed upon them vast estates, including all King James’s lands in Ireland. Out of their riches the Orkneys built themselves a notable residence at Cliveden on the Thames. Catherine Villiers must have found her aunt Elizabeth a THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY 123 remarkable personage, for, though she is said to have “‘squinted like a dragon’, the great Dean Swift, no mean judge of intelli- gence, described her as the wisest woman he ever knew. Aunt Mary was also still living and was Dowager Lady Inchiquin. Aunt Barbara who was Lady Fitzharding, and Aunt Henrietta, Countess of Breadalbane, had both died some years before Catherine married, but their children, her cousins, were her friends. Evidently she had the entry into good society. Yet she was not possessed of any fortune, her resources being apparently limited to a life annuity of {40 out of Tynemouth lighthouse dues and to a pension of £200 from Queen Anne which she shared with her sisters Barbara and Frances, and which had been vested in their aunt Orkney for their joint use. The John Crasters set up house in Tooke’s Court, opening out of Furnival Street off Holborn, and Lord Orkney provided them with a country home, then named Park Gate House but now Taplow Lodge, on Taplow Common, opposite the gates of Cliveden. It was in Tooke’s Court that John and Catherine had their first child born to them; a little girl named Mary after her Craster grandmother, who stood godmother to her and sub- sequently left her a legacy of £50. Two boys followed—John and then Edmund; but little Edmund was a sickly child and died when he was ten months old. Then came George, born in December 1734, and named after his two godfathers, Lord Orkney and George Granville, Lord Landsdowne, who had both married into the Villiers family. Nine months before George was born, his sister Mary had died at Taplow at the age of seven. His elder brother John died when he too was seven years old, and was buried at Taplow alongside his sister. An- other little girl had been born a month earlier and named Frances after her godmother, Lord Orkney’s younger daughter, Lady Frances Saunderson, who subsequently became Lady Scar- borough. Of the five children, George and Frances alone were left. After his mother’s death in 1728, John Craster improved the family residence at Shoreswood, then called Moor Hall but now known as Shoreswood Hall, keeping it and some 300 acres in hand as a demesne farm and staying here on his visits to the North. A small colliery near to it was working at least as early as 1736. The remainder of the Shoreswood estate was let as a farm of a thousand acres. The Craster estates in Northumber- land and Durham were in 1737 reckoned by their owner as totalling 2,090 acres and as yielding a net rent of £680 13s. 9d. By this time John Craster had moved out of Tooke’s Court into better quarters in Carey Street at the back of the present Law Courts. In 1742 he was made a Bencher of his Inn, and he 124 THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY continued to practise at the Bar at least up to 1747. But he spent much time at Taplow, where he had his brother-in-law, Henry Villiers, as a neighbour. As Lord Orkney’s executor he had access to the old general’s papers at Cliveden, and there still remain at Craster copies which he made of a letter written to Orkney by Alexander Pope, and of Orkney’s own letters describing the principal engagements in Marlborough’s wars— Blenheim, Ramillies, Oudenarde and Malplaquet. Here at Taplow his ten-year-old girl, Frances, died in 1748. His one remaining child, George, was by now an oppidan at Eton. A little later he left Carey Street for No. 40, Lincoln’s Inn Fields. It would be interesting to know more of the acquaint- ance—though it may have been only slight—which John Craster struck up at this time with Samuel Johnson, then still working away upon his Dictionary, or of the reasons that led Johnson’s friend, the novelist Samuel Richardson, to send to Craster a presentation copy of S7r Charles Grandison. John Craster certainly had literary tastes and these are evinced by the books which he began collecting when still an undergraduate. After he married he started to buy all the current literature which he wished to read, and so he amassed a respectable gentleman’s library which remains, reasonably intact, at Craster. His taste was sound and representative of his time and class. For Pope he had a particular enthusiasm. Already in his Oxford days he had acquired a taste of genealogy, and this led him to pursue researches, from the time he entered into his property, into the history of his own family. So he left behind him a use- ful and fairly accurate account of his descent, based on public records, wills in the Durham probate registry, and deeds in his possession. That he was a successful lawyer, with good capacity for business, is plain from his career. John Craster reveals him- self, in an account which he has left of a three-day ride through Lincolnshire to Scarborough, as a man of wit and cultivation, with tags of Horace at his command, and as of an enquiring disposition with a special interest in heraldry and architecture. Through the help of his wife’s kinsman, Thomas Villiers, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, and with the approval of Carteret, Earl Granville, John Craster was elected member, in 1754, for Lord Weymouth’s pocket-borough of Weobley in Herefordshire, and so obtained a seat in Parliament. He had stipulated that his election expenses should not exceed £800. He sat in the House of Commons through the remainder of Newcastle’s sole ministry and throughout the coalition ministry of Newcastle and Pitt. Son George was now a young man of twenty and, his Eton days being over, was entered in the same year at Gray’s Inn, THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY 125 where his father was a Bencher; not with any intention, it may be presumed, of practising at the Bar, but in order to acquire such knowledge of the law as befitted a future landowner. By way of further completing his education John Craster gave him £100 to go to France. Two years later the indulgent father bought his son a commission in the Royal Troop of Horse Guards. It cost him £2,000 which was in part met by increas- ing the mortgage on Shoreswood from {£2,000 to £3,200. The house numbered 46 Lincoln’s Inn Fields, was occupied by a widowed lady, Mrs. Sharpe, a Cartwright by birth (though not of the Aynho line), and relict of Mr. John Sharpe, Solicitor of the Treasury and M.P. for the notorious rotten borough of Callington. She had a daughter named Olive. The young people at numbers 40 and 46 became acquainted. Both were good-looking though of sallow complexion and indifferent constitution. He had his Guards’ uniform and she was said to have a fortune of £30,000. On 3rd February, 1757, George and Olive were married in the neighbouring church of St. Clement Dane’s It was no runaway match. John Craster, as has been observed was a lawyer, and the ample marriage settlement concluded on the day before the wedding had for its trustees Lord Jersey and no less a person than the Lord Chancellor, the eminent Lord Macclesfield. ‘The bride appears to have received a jointure of £10,000, with a further {10,000 on her mother’s death. She also brought into settlement £8,000, a sum lent out on mortgage, and which it was intended should be invested in the purchase of lands as near as convenient to the manor of Craster. John Craster cherished, it seems, the idea of rounding off the family estate by buying back Craster South Farm. On his part he gave his son an annuity of {400 during his own lifetime and the reversion, on his death, of his estates in Northumberland and Durham. A memorandum which he drew up preparatory to the settle- ment gives particulars as to the state of his properties. The family house at Craster is there stated to be ruinous and sadly in need of repair. Old Daniel Craster had given up his lease, and the house was now let, with the demesne farm and Craster West Farm, for {250 to Mr. Marmaduke Grey, ancestor of the Bacon Greys of Styford. Dunstan Hill Farm was let for £120. The main part of the Shoreswood estate was let at £260; the colliery there was stated to bring in on the average {250 a year; and Shoreswood Hall, where John Craster resided when in the north, was estimated as having a yearly value of £100. Three Durham copyhold farms with a colliery wayleave brought in £232. Rents in all totalled £1,324 16s. They had nearly 126 THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY doubled in the space of twenty years; such was the effect of agricultural improvements. Mrs. Sharpe had the young couple to live with her until she died in 1760. Olive and her brother then divided the Sharpe family silver between them. She and George bought themselves a glass coach for £140, which John Craster promised to pay for but did not. George’s mother ordered £390 worth of jewellery for her daughter-in-law, for which John Craster also undertook to pay; but the jeweller, for all his insistent demands, never received payment until George produced the money himself. There seems to have been some bickering between father and son. The fact is that other matters were beginning to engage the old lawyer’s attention. Some six weeks before his son married, an aged widow died in Upper Brook Street, childless and in- testate. Her name was Dame Dorothy Windsor. She was the last surviving child of that Sir Richard Stote who had helped to make John Craster’s grandfather sheriff of Northumberland in Charles II’s reign, and whose mother Jane Bewick, had for her grandfather an Edmund Craster who. had owned Craster in the days of Elizabeth. So she was third cousin once removed to John. What was also much to the point, she owned large and profitable estates in the south of Northumberland. These comprised 1,759 acres in Kirkheaton (including Kirkheaton Hall and a landsale colliery), 1,056 in Long Benton, 296 in Willington, and 89 acres in Jesmond. John’s genealogical researches gave prospect of yielding a substantial dividend. He asserted his claim to be Dame Dorothy’s next-of-kin and heir. As was to be expected, there were rival claimants. Sir Robert Bewicke of Close House also set up to be next-of-kin and heir- at-law; while the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Carlisle and Sir William Blackett all asserted that there were no heirs at all and claimed various portions of the estates as escheats. More than one suit was started in the Court of Exchequer, and legal proceedings dragged on for three years, threatening to involve the litigants in considerable expense. John Craster thought it wise to come to terms with Sir Robert Bewicke and make common cause with him against the other parties. "They agreed to act in conert and to share expenses and benefits. Events justified the Craster-Bewicke partnership. Judgment was given in their favour, and they entered into the coveted estates as tenants in common. _ George and Olive set out in the autumn of 1760 and returned to England in the summer of 1763, after their grand tour of Europe. Old John Craster was failing in health. Two years earlier he had written to inform Lord Weymouth of his intention to give up his seat in Parliament at the forthcoming election. THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY 127 “*The bustle of life”, he wrote, “‘is over for me, for daily admoni- tions tell me it is time to retire.” In June 1763 he drafted his will. In December he was lying ill at Taplow. His will was at last engrossed and signed on Christmas Eve, and on the last night of the old year he died. Under the settlement made upon George and Olive’s marriage, Craster and Dunstan Hill, Shoreswood and the principal Durham farms had been settled, along with Olive’s £8,000, upon George and his male issue, subject to John’s life interest. But John had reserved to himself the revision, that is the right to dispose of these properties in the event of his son having no male issue; and as yet there were no children. He had also acquired, since the settlement was made, an undivided moiety of Dame Dorothy Windsor’s estates, and of this he had free disposal. By his will he settled the Windsor estates upon his son in tailmale, and created an entail under which all the settled properties should pass, in the event of his son leaving no male issue, to the testator’s second cousin, Daniel Craster of Preston, only son of that other Daniel, who had tenanted Craster twenty-five years before. He made his wife sole executor and left her an annuity of £100, together with his plate and pictures, the furniture of his house in Lincoln’s Inn Fields, the chariot and horses in his London stables, and all his other personal effects. There were also annuities of {50 each to his two sisters, Isabell Myllot and Ann Wood; and he empowered his son to raise {1,000 for distri- bution among his nephews and nieces. A life interest in two small Durham farms was given to George Empson, an illegiti- mate son of the testator’s father. George Craster had no wish to live on at Taplow, and his wife succeeded in letting Park Gate House to Stephen Fox, Lord Holland’s son and elder brother to Charles James Fox. The family mansion at Craster had fallen vacant, for Marma- duke Grey had died there in October 1764, and his widow had given up the house and farm. In the following September George’s cousin, lame, skittish Betty Wood, wrote to her brother from her aunt Mylott’s at Chester-le-Street: ‘“We have had Mr. and Mrs. Craster here twice. They have left Shores- wood entirely and gone to live at Craster, but he talks of building a house at Fawside which is in this neighbourhood, for, upon consulting lawyers, he finds he has the right to dispose of all the estates in this country, owing to his father neglecting to take surrenders out of the court at Durham to his will, which makes it of no effect as to these estates.’’ Nevertheless, second thoughts prevailed. In February 1767 Betty Wood reported that George and Olive had made a very long stay at Craster that summer and had only just set off for London. They had decided by this time to rebuild, or rather to add on a square 128 THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY Georgian block of rooms to the south side of the tower, con- vetting the earlier house to use as offices and servants’ quarters. From George’s note made in April 1770, of “‘things to order for the finishing of Craster”, it appears that the new work was by that time practically complete. George did little to increase his fathers’ library, though he appreciated it sufficiently to leave it by will as an heirloom to accompany the Craster estate. His improvements at Craster included the construction of a conservatory near the house and the making of the present brick-walled garden at some little distance from it. Sailing furnished him with another pastime. He shot and he fished; yet, despite of this, George, with all his waistcoats, his town-bred manners, and that air of arrogant superiority that lives on in Battoni’s portrait, was not wholly popular with his county neighbours. Betty Wood writes of how Mr. Bacon of Adderstone ‘“‘fell upon my cousin C. and took him to pieces very genteely. Dixon seemed very uneasy for fear he should go to great lengths, as I was present, and gave him the broadest hints that I was a relation; but the other would not hold his tongue.” We are not told what the neighbours thought of Olive. For all her vivacity her health was causing alarm. She and her husband went in March 1769 to Bristol to take the waters, after spending the later summer months at Craster they decided to winter abroad, and went in October to Paris. They had been there for little more than six weeks when Olive died. George determined that his wife should be buried, with due pomp, in the new family vault which he had made in Embleton church. So her body was brought to England and taken north from London in a coach drawn by six horses. A black velvet pall covered the coffin. Decked with black ostrich feathers and accompanied by horsemen and postillions in funeral cloaks and wearing crépe hatbands, the hearse was driven at walking pace along the Great North Road and arrived, after twenty-four days, at Craster, whence the coffin was taken to Embleton for inter- ment. The total expenses of the journey came to £288 18s. Nor was this the whole outlay of the funeral. There were mourning rings, twenty-two in number and costing a guinea each, to be distributed among friends and relations. Superior tokens were reserved for Sir Richard Lyttelton and his wife the Duchess. Their rings, costing eleven guineas each, were set with brilliants. - There had been no children of the marriage. Still, George was only thirty-five when his wife died, and there was time for him to marry again. He had certainly wanted to found a family, and he had drafted a petition to His Majesty asking for the con- ferment of a title. But for the moment his thoughts turned again THE HISTORY OF THE CRASTER FAMILY 129 to Paris. It was going to be gay there the following summer, for the marriage of the young Dauphin, afterwards Louis XVI, to Marie Antoinette had been fixed for 17th May 1770. George resolved to see what he could; and so to Paris he went, accom- panied by his friend Mr. Aynsley; and, after the festivities at Versailles were over sat down to send a rather dull account of them home. After the usual autumn visit to Craster, he was back again in Paris in October. He may even have thought of settling there, for in the following January (1771) he took himself a house on the Boulevards. But his health, never good, was beginning to fail. In May he fell ill, and, when he passed through London in July on his way to Craster, he made his will. Though able to attend Kelso races in September, he was a sick man, never to leave his north-country home again. He had no particular affection for the Daniel Crasters. On the other hand he liked his Wood cousins at Beadnell. George determined to leave them what he could. But his father had so tied up the estates by the settlement he made on George’s marriage and by his subsequent will that Daniel Craster was bound to inherit. It was only through the flaw of which we have already spoken that George was able to dispose of the house at Taplow and the copyhold lands in the county of Durham. ‘These he devised to his mother for life; then to his aunt Wood, and finally to her elder son John. He could not touch the rest of the Craster properties unless Daniel should leave no male heirs, and, as there were already four sons, that contingency must have seemed a remote one. Nevertheless he provided by his will that, in such an event, his cousin John Wood ot his male issue should inherit. And this actually came to pass. At the beginning of March George wrote out his final in- structions to his executor. On 9th May 1772, he died; and three days later he was interred, “‘in a grand manner’ according to the local press, by Olive’s side in the family vault at Embleton. He was succeeded at Craster by his cousin. Daniel Craster moved in from Preston which had been his home for near twenty years past, and brought with him his wife, his four sons, his four daughters, and his old father, now turned ninety, a hale old man with rugged features, who had outlived three wives and of whom the tale goes that he would say, as he mounted his ancient nag, ““Here we go a hundred and twenty years together.” Of the rest of the family the story is soon told. George’s mother returned from Tonbridge to London. She had a house there in Nassau Street, off Soho Square, as well as apartments in Windsor Castle, for George III had not as yet made Windsor 130 DUNGLASS CHURCH his residence, and rooms there were granted by royal favour. She survived her son by a bare five months and was buried in Taplow church, near to the spot where her husband and their young children were lying. Aunt Myllot finally left Chester-le- Street and came to live with the Woods at Beadnell, where she died in 1781, leaving a chalice to the village church and a ghost to haunt the Hall. John Craster’s last surviving sister, Anne Wood, lived on until 1796, dying at the ripe age of eighty-seven at Netherby, the home of her married daughter, Katherine Senhouse. Her son John married another Anne Craster, Daniel’s pretty daughter, and in 1838 their elder son, Thomas Wood, succeeded under George Craster’s will to the estates and name of Craster. (To be concluded) DUNGLASS CHURCH By. A. D. S. MacDONALD Dunglass church belongs to the Late Pointed period of Gothic architecture. ‘The masonry is almost intact, except for damages done in the 18th century, when the church was turned into stabling and other farm building. The south transept is the burial vault of the Halls of Dunglass. The building is cruciform and consists of a nave 4o ft. long and 20 ft. wide internally; a choir about 33 ft. long and 18 ft. wide; and north and south transepts, each about 213 ft. long and 14 ft. wide. The total internal length of the church is 90 ft. 8 in., and the total length of transept from north to south is 63 ft. There is a sacristy on the north side of the choir, from which it enters by a low centred arch, pointed and splayed. The building is roofed throughout, except for the tower over the crossing, with a continuous pointed barrel vault over each arm of the cross (this was the form commonly practised in Scotland in the 15th century, both in churches and castles), with a roof of heavy overlapping stone slabs resting on the outside of the arch. Thus no timber was ae in the con- struction of the walls and roof. The tower was. divided internally into three stages and the cotbels for supporting the floor beams still remain. In the north side of the west wall of the tower, a door opens into the nave at a high level: it was probably reached by wooden steps. The plan of the tower piers is peculiar; the two west piers stand out from the angle of the walls of the nave and transept, to which they are attached by a strip of masonry only 9-10 in. thick. The tower is thus considerably off the centre of the DUNGLASS CHURCH 131 transept, and is much less in breadth than the limbs of the cross. The two east piers project from the angle into the choir, but not so as to diminish the width of the transept. It is difficult to account for the very unusual and eccentric position of the tower supports. Possibly the choir and tower were built first, and when the nave and transepts were erected, it was thought desirable to make them wider than first intended. The piers of the crossing are simply splayed and notched on the inner diagonal faces, and are all alike; but the arch faces or mouldings vary, those of the nave and transepts corresponding with the piers, while the choir arch is moulded on both faces with shallow mouldings. The former arches spring from moulded caps, the latter from caps carved and moulded. The splayed base of the piers is omitted on the chancel side. The windows in the end walls of the nave, choir and transepts are all pointed and originally were filled with tracery. The east wall under the window sill was cut out to allow of passage to farm vehicles. Below the end windows of the transept and sacristy are tomb recesses, probably ornamented with cusping now cut away. The ornamental brackets for supporting these enrichments have label terminations of angels. One (in the sacristy) plays on a stringed instrument. The side windows of the church have segmented sconsion arches and double lights, with massive tracery. The north and south doorways of the nave are round arched, with moulded jambs. The other door- ways ate plain, with lintels. The sedilia in the south wall near the east end is very beautiful and fairly well preserved. It contains the usual three seats, indicated by three ogee crocketed arch-heads. These arches rest on carved capitals at each end, and the intermediate ones on corbels supported by angels, one holding a shield and the other playing on a viol. Between the sedilia and the east wall and below the sill of the window there has been a piscina, now cut away. It was apparently supported by a shaft from the floor. Adjoining this, in the east wall, is a projecting corbel with a shield on the face. This was probably meant either to support a light or a figure in connection with the altar. There are consecration crosses on the side walls in the sacristy and in the choir. There is doubt as to the founder and date of the church, Possibly it was Sir Thomas Home, in the reign of Robert III (1390-1406). He married Nicola Pepdie, who brought him the lordship of Dunglass, and their arms adjoin the north transept window. This note is based on MacGibbon and Ross, Keclesiastical Architecture of Scotland, 1896: article on Dunglass church in Vol. II. COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS VIII T. D. THOMSON, M.a., F.s.A.SCOT. The Club’s own operations were almost entirely confined to the large drain noted in the previous report. The cover slabs were all lifted; these included three running under the line of the south wall of Edgar’s Walls, massive stones which when turned over proved to have been channelled on their under sides. At this point the drain was found to be lined with a nine-foot-long sheet of lead shaped to the drain. Disappointingly, nothing was found in this drain save mud and a few fragments of the usual pottery; the lifting of a few of the lining stones was also unproductive. The examination of the remainder awaits the 1973 season, but it would seem at present that they had come from building debris considerably later than 1216 and that the drain may have been cut down into the Norman level long after that was out of use; there was no sign of specific disturbance of the mediaeval level immediately above the drain. Following upon Mr. Noble’s report on the work at the Priors’ tombs west of the present Church, the Department of the Environment’s Conservation Section undertook the reinterment of Prior Radulphus’ remains. This involved examination of the other tomb, that of Prior Aernaldus, which turned out to be 18 in. nearer the post-1850 surface than his neighbour’s, although he died a year before the latter. This, and the fact that both tombs would have effectually obstructed the western entrance to the Old Church, suggests that the Priors may have been reinterred in their present position in what would have been the crossing of the thirteenth-century Church. It was found that Aernaldus’ remains—which were inconsiderable—were lying facing west, which may have been done after examination in the 1850s; they were revereftly reorientated. The completion of this work enabled the consolidation of the Norman walls in this area to be finished, once again by Mr. Cramond, who was also able to carry out further repairs to Edgar’s Walls; these operations were again financed by the County Council. 132 COLDINGHAM PRIORY EXCAVATIONS, VUI 133 A further improvement was the opening up of the doorway leading from the churchyard into the South Transept at its south-west corner, which had been blocked by a very dilapidated tombstone in memory of William Crow of Netherbyres, who was responsible for the building of the first harbour works at Eyemouth in the eighteenth century. Towards the end of the year proposals were submitted, by request, to the County Council for the comprehensive conserva- tion and laying-out of the Priory precincts so far as these are in the Council’s ownership. These have not yet been decided upon, but, to trespass a little into 1973, the Council financed a week’s hard work at Easter by a party from the Conservation Corps, who did an excellent job in removing rubbish and over- burden from the unexcavated part of Edgar’s Walls and the passage between the Walls and the modern boundary wall south of the Cloisters, leaving these areas free for more skilled examina- tion. ‘They worked under the eye of Mr. Noble and were able to absorb a good deal of knowledge through a happy associ- ation with the party from London. * % x Last year it was reported (HBNC XXXIX, 18 and plate) that a coin found in the area of the Priors’ tombs at Coldingham Priory had been identified at the British Museum as a denier of Guy de Lusignan, King of Jerusalem (1186-1192). Since then — a number of scientific tests have been carried out, and doubt has atisen as to the length of time that this coin had been in the position in which it was found. It is hoped that a full report on the findings may be published in the next Part of this History. yd i as OLDHAMSTOCKS CHURCH By ithe Rey. DoF. S) DICK S10 t. Ds E Db: An Address given in Oldhamstocks Church, on 11th May, 1972. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : It gives me great pleasure to extend to you a very cordial welcome to the parish, village and church of Oldhamstocks. I have been asked to speak about the church, which has recently been included in the Secretary of State’s list of buildings of special architectural or historic interest. At the outset I should make it clear—and so save you from discovering for yourselves— that I am not an authority either on Scottish history or archi- tecture, as some of you may be. I can say with Socrates that “what I don’t know, I don’t even think I know’, but I am glad to share with you such information as I possess. In due course it is hoped to produce a short history of the kirk in Oldhamstocks and a list of its ministers. Last year Miss Sheila M. Petrie submitted a project to Edinburgh University on the social history of the parish, which yielded some information about the church. There was a church here sometime before 1127. In that year Adulph, priest of Oldhamstocks, witnessed a charter (which has been preserved) by Robert, Bishop of St. Andrew’s, in favour of the monks of St. Cuthbert at Coldingham. In October 1242 the church was consecrated by David, Bishop of St. Andrew’s, with St. Michael as its patron saint. The name of the first known priest appears to me to be Anglo-Saxon and I am inclined to believe that the derivation of the name Oldhamstocks should be sought there and not in Gaelic. If this is so, ““Ald ham stoc” would mean “‘old home or dwelling-place.” The list of ministers is still incomplete but it is known that in 1450 Patrick Sinclair was rector of Oldhamstocks. At this time and for another century or two, Oldhamstocks, which was a considerably larger parish than it is now, was quite a wealthy incumbency. It was not attached to, or dependent upon, any monastic establishment, and indeed support for other founda- tions was diverted from it. Among others to benefit was the interesting but unfortunate and unsuccessful experiment of the collegiate church of Dunglass, which obtained from Oldham- stocks a prebend, a portion of land or tithe, from which the staff or one of the staff was supported. ‘This was part of a process which in the 15th century denuded the parishes of their re- sources, leading to their neglect and eventually making the Reformation inevitable. 134 OLDHAMSTOCKS CHURCH 135 However, even after the Reformation, Oldhamstocks was not by any standard a poor parish. In the Register of Ministers and Readers in the year 1574, under the heading “‘Aldhamstockis, Colbranspeth, Aldcammos”’, we find that David Home, minister (“‘payand his own reidare’”’) had a stipend of £186 13s.-4d. His reader Alexander Lawder had a miserable pittance of £20 os. od., while Thomas Harlaw, “reidare at Colbranispeth,” and John Wood, “‘reidare at Aldcammos,” each had £16 plus kirk lands. At that time there were 289 ministers and 988 parishes, of which 715 had “‘reidares.” Of the ministers only nine had a higher stipend than Oldhamstocks and of all the dioceses in Scotland the Diocese of Merse and Lothian had the highest valuation. (Miscellany of the Wodrow Society, Vol. I). Today, as a result of the diversion of the patrimony of the Kirk to other beneficiaries, outside and inside the church, and of the movement of population, Oldhamstocks is dependent on its linking with Cockburnspath, which had been part of the Parish of Oldhamstocks till it became an independent quoad omnia parish in 1609. I now turn to the architectural and historic interest of this building. Of the earliest building or buildings on the site only some traces of the ground course can be seen. Originally the church was built east and west, with the altar in front of the present chancel which was originally a separate burial vault or burial aisle, but never used as such. It was a later addition, separate from the church, with the entrance on the south side. It was built probably in the 16th or early 17th century. On the apex of the south-west corner, there is a remarkable 16th century sundial, such as is found also on the south-west buttress at Cockburnspath. The latter is illustrated in The Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland, and it appears that these two are the only known examples of this type of sundial. They had a gnomon used for the morning hours while the piece of stone which jutted out on the west side was used as the gnomon of a secondary dial for the afternoon hours. The first major extension and renovation took place in 1701. While the work was in progress the congregation worshipped in a barn belonging to the Lady of Blackcastle, which then stood in the field on the other side of the road, due north of the church. In 1684 Sir Patrick Hepburn of Blackcastle was fined £200 sterling by the Council, which found him guilty of the high crime of “resetting, conversing with and harbouring a declared rebel” in the person of Mr. Gabriel Sempill, who was captured by a party of guards in his house at Oldhamstocks. Mr. Sempill, a nephew of Sir Patrick, was an ‘‘outed” covenanting Presbyterian minister, who had carried on part of his ministry 136 OLDHAMSTOCKS CHURCH at Ford as well as at various places in Scotland. The renovation of 1701 transformed the church into the other kind of interior order, with the congregation round a central pulpit in the centre of the west wall, flanked by doors on either side. The congregation sat round the pulpit, the communion table and the font. It is interesting that in some of the larger C. of E. and R.C. churches an interior re-ordering to make this possible is being carried out to-day. It was at this time that the aisle to the north (known locally as the wing) was added, including a gallery of which the supporting pillars can still be seen. The belfry and bell were a later gift of the Broadwood family, for which the heritors recorded their appreci- ation in the Heritor’s Minute Book, in 1854. Originally the family had been wrights in Oldhamstocks, and the grave of the last wright is marked by a stone in the kirkyard. John Broad- wood (1732-1812) left for London, where he entered the employ- ment of Burkhardt Tschudi, the harpsichord maker, becoming in 1782 sole proprietor of the firm which was to be so famous in the history of the pianoforte. It is said that the beautiful tone of the bell is due to the amount of silver which it was stipulated should be included in the metal from which it was cast. The other scheduled building is the Watch House, which was donated by Mrs. Moore in 1826, three years before Burke was hanged. Agnes Moore was the third wife of the Reverend Robert Moore, minister of Oldhamstocks from 1797 to 1843. The inscription above the door is taken from Jeremiah xxxi.4o: “And the whole valley of dead bodies and of ashes shall be holy unto the Lord; it shall not be plucked up or thrown down for ever.”” Fear of the body-snatchers is also indicated by heavy flat-topped stones in the kirkyard. The last major reconstruction was undertaken in 1920 by the Rev. Bryce Gordon, who did much of the work with his own hands. ‘The original interior order was resumed and the burial vault opened up to form a chancel. It is appropriate that his imaginative reconstruction should be commemorated by a brass plate on the wall. About ten years ago, during the ministry of the Rev. J. W. M. Cameron, the plaster was removed from the walls, where it was discoloured by damp, to reveal the warm- coloured stone, and the floor, roof and interior furnishings were renewed. ‘Two ladies who then lived in Oldhamstocks House, which had been the manse (built in 1677), took a great interest in this renovation and did much to make it possible—Mrs. Fleming, a minister’s widow, and Mrs. Marshall. The latter had a family connection with the well-known firm of church furnishers, Whytock & Reid, and the pulpit, a beautiful example of modern carving, was executed by Miss Goodwin, a member of their staff, OLDHAMSTOCKS CHURCH 137 I should also draw your attention to the heraldic crests which you would notice on the outside wall of the chancel as you apptoached the church. These were found among the ruins of Blackcastle by Thomas Mitchell, minister of Oldhamstocks 1843-76, and placed on the gable-end of the chancel for preserva- tion. The initials are those of Thomas Hepburn, minister of Oldhamstocks 1578-85, and of his wife Margaret Sinclair, and ate dated 1581. On the right is the heraldic crest of the Hepburns, and on the left that of the Patersons of Bannockburn to whom Margaret Sinclair was related. The Hepburn motto inscribed above is “‘J keep traist’’. This brings us to the most glorious—or notorious—historical interest of the church. The patronage of the church was vested in the Lords of Blackcastle, the Hepburn family, related to the Bothwell Hepburns of Hailes Castle. This explains why so many of the ministers of the parish before and after the Reforma- tion were Hepburns or relatives of Hepburns. From 1562 until 1672, five out of the nine ministers were Hepburns. It is recorded that, at the first General Assembly of the reformed Church of Scotland, ‘‘among others whilk are thought apt and able, by the ministers and commissioners aforesaid, to minister,” there were three Hepburns, one of whom Thomas Hepburn, was of Oldhamstocks. It may be that he was the priest at Oldhamstocks. His relatives had certainly served in that capacity. Most of the priests who entered the ministry of the reformed church were readers for a time and were then accepted as ministers. But some of them, like John Knox, became ministers without any such probationary period, and this may have been the case with Thomas Hepburn, though this is not yet established. In 1567 this Thomas Hepburn, the parson of Oldhamstocks, is said to have been in Edinburgh, in the entourage of Bothwell Hepburn, the Lord of Hailes, at the time of the explosion at Kirk o’ Fields and the murder of Darnley. (Antonia Fraser: Mary Queen of Scots). In the same year, at the 16th General Assembley, Mr. John Craig, minister in Edinburgh, “‘at the ordinances of the Assemblie presented in writ his proceedings, touching the proclaiming of bannes betwixt the queen and the Erle Bothwell”. ‘‘First” he said in explanation, “‘being required of Mr. Thomas Hepburne, in the queen’s name to proclaim her with the Lord Bothwell, I plainly refused because I had not her hand-writt and also because of the constant bruit that the Lord hath both ravished her and keeped her in captivitie [i.e. at Dunbar]. Upon Wednesday next, the Justice clerk brought mea writing subscrived with her hand, bearing effect that she was neither ravished not yet detained in captivity and therefore 138 OLDHAMSTOCKS CHURCH charged me to proclaim.” He further explains that if it was a bad marriage, as he believed, the more publicity it got before- hand the better (Calderwood’s History, Vol. Il). Referring to the mysterious messenger sent by Bothwell to the Castle of Edinburgh to obtain the silver casket which had been in the possession of the King of France and was then in the custody of Sir James Balfour, Governor of the Castle, Calderwood writes: “I find in a certain manuscript that the messenger was Mr. Thomas Hepburn, Parson of Aldhamstocks.” Sir James Balfour handed over the casket with the letters of the queen, which Bothwell wanted in his own defence, but at the same time he told some of the nobles what he had done, and the messenger was intercepted and relieved of his dangerous and precious burden. It is also said that the parson was present among the party who rescued Mary Queen of Scots from Lochleven, and that this explains why he found himself in a difficult position later, but this is not yet certain, as far as my information goes. It is certain, however, and not entirely surprising, that he was at one time in trouble with the General Assembly on a charge of heresy, although the Assembly had previously commissioned him, along with several other ministers, “‘to preach in the unplanted kirks of the Merce, their moneth by course”. When he appeared before the Assembly in 1576, he professed himself willing to be shown the error of his opinions, and was suspended from preaching only for a short time (Row’s Historie of the Kirk of Scotland). It is not part of my brief, nor is there time, to speak about the parish, which is described as it was in the eighteenth century by John Cochran, minister of Oldhamstocks, 1787-97, in Sinclair’s Statistical Account. Let me just refer to the fact that this year is the tercentenary of the Act of the Parliament of Scotland, in the reign of Charles II, permitting, in response to a supplication ““putit to the King’s Majestie and Estates of Parliament be John Earle of Tweddale,” “‘two frie fairs yearly to be keiped and holden at the said Toune of Auldhamstocks, ane upon the third Tuesday of Junij and ane other upon the third Tuesday of October, yearly, in all time coming; together with ane weekly mercat, to be kept thereat upon Tuesday, for buying and selling horse, nolt, sheep, meill, malt and all sort of grane, cloath, linning, and woolen, and all sort of merchandise and other commodities, useful for the country, with power to the said Earle of Tweddale, and his foresaids and such as they shall appoint to collect and uptake the tolls, customs, duties and casualities belonging to the said two yearly fairs and weekly mercats. And to enjoy all other freedoms, liberties and privileges and immunities sicklike and as frielie as any other has done in like cases.” (Acts of the Parliament of Scotland 1670-80. Acta Parliamentorum Caroli II, A.D, 1672, Number 9: roth July 1672). THE UNION CANAL By B. C. SKINNER In The Scotsman of 7th March, 1818, there appeared the following notice: We have great pleasure in announcing that on Tuesday, after the adjournment of the General Meeting of the Union Canal Company,. the Committee of Management with many of the proprietors proceeded to the West end of Fountainbridge, the spot fixed on for the basin, where they wete met by the engineer and contractors, and after an appropriate and impressive ptayer by the Rev. David Dickson, junior, Mr. Downie of ees president of the Company, dug the first spadeful in this extensive work. The Union Canal, which came into use in May, 1822, ran from Port Hopetoun to Port Downie at Lock 16 on the Forth- Clyde Canal, a distance of 314 miles. It was five feet deep, thirty-seven feet wide, and was entirely level except for the final half-mile at the west end, which contained eleven locks. Its route touched at Slateford, Ratho, Broxburn, Winchburgh, Philpstoun, Linlithgow, and Falkirk. Of this original length, approximately a quarter-mile has dispappeared at the east end, and a half-mile at the west end. The construction of the canal followed an Act of Parliament of 1817, itself the outcome of a twenty-five year debate on the choice of route. In this debate, largely carried on by pamphlet war, the main points at issue were: (1) The relative costs of each line, influenced by the amounts of lockage required, the compensation value of land to be purchased, and the mineral advantages of land passed through. (The third aspect led to the making of valuable mineral surveys). (2) The ultimate purpose of the canal—whether it should be primarily a coal-canal, or a feeder to the Forth-Clyde Canal, or a rival to the Forth-Clyde Canal. When finally constructed, it was essentially as a feeder to the Forth-Clyde Canal, in its brief independent life before take-over by the Edinburgh-Glasgow Railway Company in 1849. It carried: (1) Coal from the Falkirk area to Edinburgh; (2) Building ware, slate, timber and lime to Edinburgh; (3) Manure from Edinburgh to the country districts; and (4) General merchandise and passengers in both directions. 159 140 THE UNION CANAL For the carriage of goods, charges per ton/mile were: Stone, coal, building material, manure—Twopence; Timber—Threepence; General merchandise—Fourpence. Wharf or basin dues were payable in addition. For passengers, the fares to Glasgow were initially seven shillings (cabin), and five shillings (steerage), each of these amounts being later reduced by one shilling. (A threepenny omnibus was available from Princes Street to Port Hopetoun). In 1832, 33,692 passengers were carried, and by 1835 the number had risen to 127,292. From a study of the surviving documents, especially those in the Institute of Civil Engineers in London, one can form an unusually detailed picture of the physical process of canal construction. The supervising engineer was Hugh Baird of Kelvinhead, and periodic inspections were made by Thomas Telford. Between the passing of the Act in June, 1817, and the cutting of the first turf in March, 1818, contractors were engaged and briefed, and a labour force recruited. The proposed line was divided into 33 lots, each comprising one or two miles of canal, or one of the aqueducts. The lots were tendered, and in the event were divided almost equally among six major contractors. With each lot, a detailed des- cription of the work to be done was issued, covering not only the cutting or embanking to be carried out, but also the methods of disposal of surplus rock and soil, the provision of service roadways, bridges, culverts and other structures. In these, reference is made to Standard Specifications drawn up for the general governance of all works on the canal, e.g. Specification No. 1—for Cutting, Embanking, Lining, Puddling and Fencing—shows the Cut to be 22 feet wide at the bottom, 37 feet at the water surface (i.e. depth of five feet), and 4o feet at the top of the bank, and the towpath to be nine feet wide. The contractors tended to be men with earlier experience in canal construction. Hugh McIntosh of Bloomsbury, responsible for the Edinburgh-Almond section, had previously worked on the Lancaster, Kennet-Avon and Croydon canals, while the firm of Hughes & Williams had been associated with Thomas Telford in the construction of the Caledonian Canal. The estimates given by McIntosh included £7,390 for the Edinburgh basins, £38,159 for ten miles of canal and twelve bridges, and £12,800 for the Slateford Aqueduct. Average costs included £2,500 for excavating and finishing one mile of canal, and £325 for constructing a bridge 67 feet long with a twelve-foot roadway. The overall final cost was approximately £600,000. THE UNION CANAL 141 The labour force required for canal construction was very large—a fact illustrated by the engagement (luckily abortive) at Winchburgh on 21st November, 1818, between 750 Irish navvies and a similar number of Highlanders. This is a reminder of the principal sources of labour supply—the poorest classes of Irish labourers (advertisements for workers on the Union Canal were appearing in Londonderry papers from 1817 onwards), and evicted crofters from the north of Scotland. It is possibly significant that Mr. John Downie, president of the canal com- pany, himself owned a sheepwalk in Appin. This meant a considerable disturbance to the country districts of Midlothian and West Lothian, and many Irish settled perm- anently in the area: in 1842 the minister of Ratho wrote, ““Those that remain have come under the humanifying influence of good neighbourhood and Protestant institutions.” Possibly the most striking features of the Union Canal are its three major aqueducts—spanning the Avon, Almond, and Water of Leith. These range in height from 86 feet (the first) to 65 feet (the last). The water on all three was carried in cast-iron troughs thirteen feet wide by six feet deep, and giving a weight of 73 tons of cast iron per arch. The design, manufacture and provision of these was left to Thomas Telford and his assistant James Thompson, and the plates were ordered by Thompson, after a visit to the Pontcysylte aqueduct in Denbigh- shire, from William Hazledene of Shrewsbury who had supplied them for that structure. They were brought by sea from Shrop- shire to Leith via the English Channel. To-day, the chief threats to the Union Canal come from uncorrected accidents (such as slipping bings), from demolition carried out in the name of improvement, and from casual vandalism. As an outstanding monument of our industrial past, it urgently requires a planned policy for preservative treatment: and, thanks to the recent founding of the Scottish Inland Waterways Association, one can now feel more hopeful for its future and that of Scotland’s other canals. ON THE RE-DISCOVERY OF LIVNA EA BOREALTS at MELLERSTAIN Notes by A. G. LONG, Hancock Museum Linnaea borealis was first discovered at Mellerstain by Mr. Dunn the gardener in 1834 (H.B.N.C. 1, 248). It was first seen there by members of the Club in 1843, and Dr. Johnston wrote that it occupied two or three considerable patches located in a fir wood on Lightfield Farm (JVatural History of the Eastern Borders, 1853, p.99)- In 1866 the plant was seen again at the same site on 28th June, and said to be in full flower (H.B.N.C. 5, 244). In 1869 Dr. Charles Stuart described the plant as growing over an area which was about eighty paces in circumference on and July (H.B.N.C. 6, 71). In 1880 James Hardy noted that the plant was still present at Mellerstain (H.B.N.C. 9, 229 and 293). In 1894 Rev. G. Gunn recorded its presence at this locality (EL. BoINIG,, 155/82). In 1915 Rev. J. J. M. L. Aiken could not find it at Mellerstain (H.B.N.C. 22, 354), but in the following year it was found by J. Ferguson (4.B.N.C. 23, 47). This is the last record I have found for the plant at the Mellerstain site. On ist July, 1972, the Club held a special botanical meeting at Mellerstain with the object of trying to re-locate the plant. Mrs. E. O. Pate made the arrangements, first obtaining per- mission for the visit from the Estate Factor, Mr. John E. Hume. Mr. Sturrock, the Forester at Mellerstain, kindly met the party of about 25 members who assembled at the “‘Cocked Hat’ plantation at the eastern entry to the estate on the road south from Gordon. As Bonaparte’s Plantation had been felled and re-planted in relatively recent years, fears were entertained that the Linnaea might have died out, since it is a shade-loving plant. Much time was spent without success searching among the herbage between the young trees of the new plantation, but a few members ventured over the wire-netting fence at the west side and near to a ditch bounding the older birch wood which hhad not been re-planted. It was in the shade of this wood, a short distance from the N-E corner and due south of Lightfield Farm, that Messrs J. and G. Waldie of Gordon found the plant growing over an area of a few square yards and bearing its twin 142 ON THE RE-DISCOVERY OF LINNAEA BOREALIS 143 AT MELLERSTAIN bell flowers of delicate pink colour. The plant was photo- graphed and the whole party summoned to see the plant which had survived over the span of 138 years from its initial discovery. Nearby a Woodcock was flushed from its nest with four eggs. Everyone went away gratified to know that this interesting plant named in honour of the great Swedish botanist was still surviving at the place of its first discovery in Berwickshire. Other sites at which Linnaea has been found in the County are: Huntly Wood near Gordon (1880, H.B.N.C. 9, 294); Longfor- macus strip (1884, H.B.N.C. 10, 608); wood between Drake- mire and Brockholes (1891, H.B.N.C. 13, 386) and Fans (1922, HI.B.N.C. 24, 358). It would be of interest to investigate these localities and determine whether or not the plant still survives at these stations also. THE MEUCHEL STONE By G. A. C. BINNIE This headstone is to be found on New Horndean Farm, virtually due east of the farmhouse (O.S. reference NT 900 501). Some fifteen yards of a five-feet-high wall remain, which marks the boundary between the parishes of Fishwick and Ladykirk, and the stone backs on to the wall and stands about three feet to the west of it. The stone itself is 31 inches high, 28 inches across, and 94 inches deep. On the east side, towards the wall, is a roughly- embossed cross, with a 19-inch vertical arm and 17-inch hori- zontal arm, both about 4 inches wide. The inscription on the west face reads: THE MEUCHEL STONE INSCRIBED ANNO 1805. MOST ATROCIOUS ASSASINATION. The Meuchel Stone is also known locally as the ‘‘Packman’s Grave’, and the story is told that a packman was caught stealing horsehair (one of the hind’s perquisites) in the stables at New Horndean. He fled, pursued by some farm workers who caught and killed him as he clambered over the wall; the alternative story is that, in his haste to climb the wall, he slipped and was strangled by the straps of his packman’s bag. The cross on the stone might suggest that the Meuchel Stone is a gravestone, but Horndean graveyard is only a couple of hundred yards away, and was still in use in 1805. The pack- man’s identity and the fate of his assailants remain a mystery; there is certainly no mention of such a crime in any edition of the Kelso Maz/l of 1805, and no mention either in the parish records of Ladykirk. However, on 6th September 1736 the parish records state that ““Thomas Meichall in Norham had a child baptised called Agnes”; could it be that the name of the unfortunate packman was Muckle?—a surname still extant in Norham. See photo between pages 106 and 107 144 EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER Letter 41. Mill Vale, Wooler, Oct. 14, 1875. Dear Mrs. Carter, I have your obliging favour, and though I wrote two days ago, and have nothing to tell you, I may as well mention that a journey to Norham this season is not very likely to happen. As soon as I go home, and find all right, I think of going to Edinburgh for a week, to consult libraries, and will then settle down to work at the “‘Proceedings”.. . I return Mr. Cunningham’s letter—Miss Hunter would prob- ably have some of your Father’s letters, as well as Miss Bell... . This is the second wet day we have had here. I made some observations on Monday on glacial scratches on some of the sandstone rocks. A shower came across the hills opposite, and involved them in that deep gloom which is so impressive; which we never see in the low country. When the blast moved on, the Cheviot tops were whitened with hail. Next morning there was thunder. The frost of Monday has loosened the tree leaves, and before my window to-day showers of leaves are passing like meteors. My look-out is opposite a bank covered with tall beeches and ashes, with a willow in the foreground, and two tall pear trees, and as night falls, and the branches interlace in the shadow, I seem to be in the depths of a forest. There is a pleasant view in another direction of Wooler Haugh, with interlacing hedgerows, single trees, cots, and whitewashed farm houses, nearly as far as the scene of Surrey’s encampment before Flodden, and the old house of entertainment when Wooler was resorted to, for drinking goat’s milk. I shall probably go home about Saturday next week, and will resume my walks as soon as the weather permits. Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, Yours faithfully, James Hardy. 145 146 EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER Letter 42. Oldcambus, by Cockburnspath, Nov. 17th, 1875. Dear Mrs. Carter, It is a long while since I came home, but somehow I never have found leisure to write, although wishing to do so. I had letters both to write and to reply to, and a large number of books to read, and some places to go to, and I have not got all con- cluded as yet. It was very dreary when I passed Berwick on my return... the only spot of beauty was Mrs. Forster’s house, Castle Hills, in the centre of its rich framework of variegated foliage. Before I left Wooler I took a journey to Langleyford and the base of Cheviot, very much that I might write and tell you, how it looked in its autumn bravery; and moreover it was a sort of commission to point out what parts of the valley, and hills might be photographed to advantage. But it is a month ago now, and I would have to resort to my Journal, and have not time to copy anything, but the scene was very lovely and one never wearies in these mountain solitudes. I have only to shut my eyes, and the brown and orange birchen woods, the green and golden hazel shaws, and the stiff dusky alders, which chiefly compose the woodlands, return vividly, with all the barren hillsides, the grey castellated rocks, the gloom along the hill-tops, and the twilight yellow-brown of the plots of bracken. We have all these here, but they are “‘tame and domestic”, as the poet says, to one ““‘who has roamed on the mountains afar’’. We have no grand shadows to heighten them. The weather has been so bad, that had our proposed visit to Norham been taken, it would not have been very comfortable. I have been in East Lothian examining some British Graves, but there was neither skeleton nor work of art revealed, and I saw seven of them; nothing except the side and bottom slabs remained. I got cold and have not been well since. I got some information about Birds; and it seems there is something more, that I have to go back and inspect.... Jam trying to get a little notice of Jeffrey the Roxburgh historian, i.e. to get somebody to write an obituary; for I cannot do everything, especially about people I know nothing about. I wish to have the printing set going, and some papers ready before going to Edinburgh to consult some libraries... . I am busy reading some books which I wish to finish. I hope you are well, and that I shall hear from you when convenient, and with best wishes. Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, faithfully yours, James Hardy. EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF 147 DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER INote.—Alexander Jeffrey (1806-1874) became a member of the Club in 1862, for a Memoir see H.B.IN.C. 7, 471-480; there is also a notice and portrait in H.B.IN.C. 25, 485-486. Letter 43. Oldcambus, Dec. 17, 1875. Dear Mrs. Carter, I have been variously employed since I heard from you, and not much further forward than I was. As regards coming home, I passed through in the middle of the week. I had flowers and bushes and a heavy lot of luggage, and did not come by the coach; had one of my bad days, which kept me other two, and at last sallied out, regardless of rain. It is a pity you had expected me. My saying I would come, was in respect to the visit to Norham, which I said I could not take. I have not moved out since from the neighbourhood. Our printing is not getting on, I don’t know for what reason. These Alnwick people don’t use me well, by not answering my letters. I have today put in order the Memoir of the Rev. Abraham Robertson, D.D., Savilian Professor of Astronomy, Oxford: a native of Dunse.... I would like if we could find out more local worthies, and members to write their lives.... I cannot expect to have Mr. Logan of Penang ready this year. I may even give up the Battle of Dunbar, and save my visit to Edin- burgh.... [have not been able to find a writer for Sir William Jardine yet. I am advised to try his father-in-law, who is a respectable writer on Geology. No one in Dumfriesshire knows him scientifically, I am told. Some of his collections of books were sold last week, in Edinburgh. Perhaps the house was overloaded. ‘The Birds are not sold.... I am being importuned to write some papers on hurtful farm insects, for the Highland Society, and have given a sort of consent, provided I have time. However, it is to be kept a secret for the present. We have had very unpropitious weather. I have been twice laid up, but recovered as rapidly, and one can now have pleasant walks. Along all the coast there are tokens of wreck; a Baltic ship apparently with timber, has perished in some of the late storms. Our most numerous birds inland at present are field- fares; at sea, wild ducks. A small party of St. Cuthbert’s ducks . are visible today. We cannot get our wheat sown yet. I fear it is going to rain again before we are ready. It has been called an awkward season in this respect, but we may overcome it yet. I have no news as I very seldom see anyone, I am getting some new old books to follow out researches in history; and 148 EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER have read a number of modern productions within the last few weeks. I inserted a notice of Miss Elizabeth Hunter in the President’s Address, as being your father’s correspondent, etc. I have not got the date of her decease yet. With kind regards, Believe me, faithfully yours, James Hardy. Letter 44. Oldcambus by Cockburnspath, Dec. 26, 1875. Dear Mrs. Carter, I had your favour today, and as I will be putting odds and ends together perhaps tomorrow, I will write you at once. I have been rather unwell today, but have got over it. Perhaps I am rather sitting too close; but I get out on all the good days. First of all, I have succeeded in getting the Rev. W. S. Symonds to consent to write an Obituary Memoir of Sir William Jardine, and he proposes to take Mrs. Strickland’s assistance. I hope they will combine their information. ... It would not be an unadvisable plan, to add your Father’s notes on Jardine Hall, at the end of the notice, if you could manage to copy them, with ease to yourself. The names of Jardine, Selby and Johnston are indissolubly connected. ... If any of your lady correspondents have seen a life of Miss Jane Porter, with letters dated from Lesbury, perhaps you might find out for me, what she says about the place, and also about Stockdale the eccentric Vicar . . . born at Cornhill . . . a most prolific writer, who always imagined he would rise to fame as a poet, and I suppose, died believing that he had not got justice, and that one day his name would fill the world. One time Sheridan was on a visit to Lord Grey at Howick, and Stockdale took the occasion to ask the wit to write a preface to a proposed Edition of his collected works. Sheridan wrote by return: ‘Rag, tag and bobtail The mad works of Stockdale’; and so the negotiation ended. I have been reading his life by himself. It is full of vanity about himself, but there were some good things about him. He wrote against Bull-baiting and similar cruelties to animals; and was an early advocate for the abolition of human slavery... . EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF 149 DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER I am expecting a visit from your M.P. Captn. Milne Home, along with his brother-in-law to see my collection of insects. This of course is an event in my retired position. I will try to enlist the brother-in-law into the Club’s active service, if he wishes to work as it seems. With kind regards, Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, Yours faithfully, James Hardy. Letter 45. Oldcambus, Jan. 1st, 1876. Dear Mrs. Carter, I would have acknowledged the arrival of your father’s admirable Journal earlier, but I have been over at Penmanshiel, seeing my Father. It will answer very well to follow the Memoir, but it occurs to me that instead of giving the title, visit to Sir William and Lady Jardine, it would be better to make it Jardine Hall.... I have said a few words to introduce the paper, and I have given it this title.... Accept the Club’s thanks ex officio. . . The country across the moors is very unlovely and bleak on a day like this; one sighs for the summer leafage and verdure. I hope to get this posted tomorrow morning in time. Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, faithfully yours, James Hardy. Letter 46. Oldcambus, Jan. 17, 1876. Dear Mrs. Carter, I have not much time tonight to write a long letter. I have to apprise you, that the Memoir, or Obituary Notice of Sir William Jardine, has come to hand; and if you are ready to start with your contribution, I shall be fortified against printer’s demands, for a little way onward... . As regards Stockdale, I will adhere to what Mr. Tate says of him, as it is too long a subject to enter upon. You will, how- ever, oblige me by giving me the volume and page and date of the Quarterly Review, where the work is noticed; as I intend to point out where more information can be obtained. Miss Jane 150 EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER Porter wrote a notice of his life for Nichols, the printer of the Gentleman’s Magazine. ... I am very busy at present transcribing some Border poetry, and local facts, and out of door, I am surrounded by three flocks of sheep, which I require to look at, at least twice in the day; besides being tormented with rooks stealing the new sown wheat. There is no getting away anywhere at present; and I am so busy that I have neither time to repine, nor weary. The voluntary pen work will be finished in a day or two. Believe me, Dear Mts. Carter, faithfully yours, James Hardy. Letter 47. Oldcambus, Jan. 26, 1876. Dear Mrs. Carter, As long as I mind, I have now cleared off the notices of Queen Margaret, which occurred while in search of other facts, and I am not likely to meet with her soon again. You will find them enclosed... . I must not forget to enclose some verses on your father by Dr. Henderson—one of his best effusions. They appeared in the ‘““Berwick Advertiser” at the peziod when you would be all in mourning, and you may not have noticed them. I found them when transcribing some of Dr. Henderson’s MSS.... I have got an article from, the “‘Annals of Nat. Hist.”, des- cribing a new mite with the funny name of Calyptostoma Hardii. It is one of the biggest of its kind. Your father used to be fond of this class of minims. ‘This is altogether new. Perhaps it may be reprinted, as the Newcastle people do, with their scientific papers. We have very little science in this number. It continues good open weather. I get a stroll every day.... I have everything ready for attacking Mr. Tate’s paper, and filling up omissions, and then I look for ease to my arm. Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, faithfully yours, James Hardy. EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF 151 DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER Letter 48. Oldcambus by Cockburnspath, Match 27, 1876. Dear Mrs. Carter, I have been from home, and could not earlier acknowledge receipt of the Newspaper (which will be returned when I have leisure to read the article), and the packet of letters. I am glad you ate so well pleased with the correspondence. There are more in a large miscellaneous collection of letters in quarto, which I shall seek out some day, and send to you. I have some of later date than those in the octavo vol. ... Perhaps the blank at the end may have been owing to my own remissness in writing, at a time when I might be engaged on some researches; or it may have been when the house was repairing at Penman- shiel, and we got divided into two families, some in our old house, and others in the cottages; and then there was no oppor- tunity for letter writing. ... The contributions for the ‘““Proceedings” are mostly forward, but a number of new observations have been sent, and I must immediately recast some notes to admit them... . I am keeping pretty strong. Out of doors I am getting on with the seed-sowing. Beans are finished with me, and oats will be nearly concluded tonight. My forwardness is not the rule, but the exception. On the sea-coast we are favoured with a dry climate. I will write you again, when I have my arrears of letter writing cleared off. I find I am again nominated on the School Board of the parish. Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, Yours faithfully, James Hardy. Letter 49. Oldcambus, April 28, 1876. Dear Mrs. Carter, One ought not to promise to write a better or fuller letter next time, as it only prevents that next letter being written. I have several times been thinking about this in my walks, and then forgot all about it when I came in, and set to my work with the pen. I have never yet got to my paper room, to look up the Book of Letters containing your Father’s; but I am getting more shelving for my books, and when I bring some of them from their present retreats, I will be sure to find the missing budget. There was a break in the present deplorable weather on Tuesday, and I got a pleasant day to visit Dunbar, and arrange for the Club Meeting, which is not to be a failure 152 EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. JAMES HARDY WITH MRS. JANE BARWELL-CARTER this time. It is a mean place, Dunbar. The present provost is a drill-serjeant to the Yeomanry. We won’t pick up any members in that vicinity; but there is good scope for a walk, and everything will be fresh to the most of us... . Our summer birds are late this year, or rather have dropt in on us, and then left, for the Cuckoo was early, having been heard and seen on April 7th. One swallow was visible this week. I have the corn all sown, and it is mostly above ground; but I suppose some will have scarcely commenced on high, or undrained soils. This is a bad bitter blast today, retarding everything. I see only one error in printing your Father’s Journal: the word Polygonums is printed with a small p. I remember correct- ing it, but sometimes the corrections are not entered carefully at Alnwick. It is of no consequence. It reads better in print, than in the written state. Your Father’s new list of Fishes for his proposed Fauna appeared to be carefully wrought out, and might be worth giving. Very few have been added since. Believe me, Dear Mrs. Carter, Yours faithfully, James Hardy. Letter 50. Oldcambus, May 19, 1876. Dear Mrs. Carter, I enclose you a Report of the Dunbar Meeting, which you may give to the Warder, or any other of the Newspapers of the town, for none of them have had one from me.... I was busy all yesterday with proofs, and other necessary matters. I have to go to Penmanshiel this afternoon. My father has been very bad for some days. He is very old, almost 95. The Dr. gives us hopes that he may rally. We had a fine day at Dunbar. ... We were constantly occupied, and could not do justice to the papers. Only one was read—Mr. Gray’s on Dunbar—and it was received with applause. Sir W. Elliot is getting frail, and did not speak distinctly. The Proceedings are printed, except the List of Members, and the Index. The last is not copied out yet. It is the Pro- ceedings that forms the inducement, it seems, for a proportion of the new membership. We have been revising the list, and calling in arrears, and do not lose many. 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