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■ 3

197	THE TRIBUNE WAR TRACTS,
>py 1	Ko. Z.
	'Qf^	^

HOW TO P30SECDTE AND HOW TO END THE WAR.

SPEECH

MAJ.-GEN. BENJAMIN F. BUTLER,

AT TDB

ACADEMY OF MUSIC,

THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 2, 18C3.

Th« magtiiGcent assemblage of the choicest of the city, which gathered on Thuisday evening. April 2, in the Academy of Music, to greet the hero of the Gulf, has seldom been paralleled in the his- tory of this continent. The house was completely filled in every part long before the hour of com- mencement. While waiting for that hour —

Major-Gen. Wool, upon advancing to take his §cat on the platform, was recognized by the au- dience, and greeted with applause, which he ac- knowledged in a few firm and patriotic words.

At 7 1-2 o'clock precisely Senator Morgan, ac- compnnieJ by several gentlemen, conducted Gen. Butler upon the stage. Immediately there began a cry of enthusiasm and a scene of excitt-'ment wiiich very few people in this city have witnessed. W'iih the thunders of applause, shouts of admira- tion, waving of hats, bouquets and liandkerchiefs, the whole interior of the Academy e.\cept the roof was alive and in motion. For several min- utes this continued. At last, when it had partially subsided, Seuator Morgan presented Gen. Butler to the Mayor. The presentation was but a panto- mime, for the cheering was yet so great that the Senator's words could not be heard.

Tl.e Mayor th^n welcomed Gen. Butler, in an escecJingly pertinent and happy addre.-s, which was enlliufiastically received, — the General, who was in citizen's dress, standing the while. When the Mayor had concluded — ^ Gen. Butler advanced, and, after the tumultuous •jppliuse vith which he was again giCKted bad subsided, he said ;

Mr. Mayor, with the profoundest gratitude for the too natieiing commendation of my adminis tration of the various trusts committed to me by the Governmtrnt, which, in behalf of your asso- ciates, you have been pleased to tender me. I ask you to receive my most h<iartfelt thanks. To the

citizens of Xew Tort here asyemMed in kind ap-' preciation of my services supposed to have beea rendered to the country, I tender the deepest ae- knowledgments [Applause.] I accept it all, not for myself, but for my brave comrades of the Army of the Gulf. [Renewed applause.] I re- ceive it as an earnest of your devotion to the coi try, an evidence oi your loyalty to the constitutii uud'-r which you live and under which you hop to die. In order that the acts of the Army of the Gulf may be understood, perhaps it would be well, at ft little length, with your permission, that; soma dt-tail should be given lo the tiiesis upon wui-h we administered our dutiea The first qu-^stion then, to be ascertained is. Wiiat is tliis cosiest in which the country is engaged? At the risk ol being a liltlrt tedious, at the risk even of cailijg your at- tention to what miglit seem otherwi-e too elemen- tary, I propose to run down tlirou a tl;e history of ihe contest to see whni it is tl.at the whole country is about at this day and this hour. That we are in the midst of civil commotion, oU know But what is that commotion t Is it a not ? h it an in -uriection ? Is it a rebellion? Or is it a revolution? And pi ay, si-, aithouLrh it may seem btiU more elemeniary," What is a not? Ariot.it* I understand it, is simply an outburst of ihe pav sioii of men for the nion.ent in or. ach of the law to be put down nml subdued by the civil amhori- lies; if it goes further, to be dealt with bv (he military auilioriiies. But you say, sir, "Why treat us to a definition of a riot xjpoa this occa sion ? Wliy, ofall things, should you undeitaka to instruct a Xew York audience in what a riot is?" [Laughter.] To that I answer, because Ilia Administration of Jlr. Buchanan dealt with Ihia great change of aft'.iiis as if it were a riot, be- cause his Government officer cave the opinion that in Chaijeston it was but a riot; and ns tliere was no civil authority tiirre to chU out tlie military, therefore Sumter must be given over to the riot- ers ; and that was the beiiinning of '.his slriiggla. Let us see how it grew up. Ideal not now ia i causes but in effects — in facts. Lirecily after th* guns of the Rebt-ls hid turned upon feumter, lh« various States of the South, in Convention a«.«em- bled, inaugurated U series of movements which took out from the Union divers States; and u each waa attempted to be taken out, the riot wa*

BO longer found \n tVirm.lmt tliey became insur- rectioimi-y ; and tlie Aiiministiation, upon the 15tli of April, 18G1, dealt wiMi it a* an inBurrection, and called out tlie niiiitia of tlie United States to Bubdiie an insuiTrction. I wns CHlifd at that time into the service, to administer the laws in putting down an insurrection. I found « riot at Bilti- more. They burned l.ridges; but they had hardly arisen to the digriity of an insut-rection, because the Siiite had not moved as an organized com- munit}'. A few men were rioting at Baltimore; and as I marched there at the head of United States troops, the question came up before me, •what have I before me. You will remember that I offered then to put down all kinds of insuri-ee- tions so long as the State of Maryland remained loyal to the United States. Transferred from thence to a wider sphere at Fortress Monroe, I found that the Slate of Virginia through its organ- iz\tion liad taken itself out of the Union, and was endeavoring lo erect for itself an Independent Gov- ernment; and I dealt with that State as being in rebellion, and thought the property of the Rebels, of whatever name or nature, should be dealt with as rebellious property and contraband, [Great applause.]

I have been thus careful in stating the various Btops, because, although through your kindness replying to eulogy, I am here answeiing every charge of inconsistency and wrong of intention for my acts done before the country. Wrong in judg- ment I may have been, but, I insist, wrong in in- tention or inconi^istent, never. Upon the same theory upon which I felt m\-self bound to put down insurrection in Maryland while it remained loyal, whether that insurrection consisted of blacks or whites, by the same loyalty to the Constitution and laws I felt bound to confiscate slave property in tlie rebellious State of Virginia. [Applause] Pardon me, sir, if right here I say that I am a little seusiiive upon this subject I am an oid-fnshioned Andrew Jackson Democrat of twenty years' stand- ing. [Applause. A voice: "The second hero of Kew Oi leans." Renewed applause, culminating in thiee ciieers.] And so far as I know, I have never swerved, so help me God, from one of his teachings. [Great apphiu^e.] Up to the time that disunion took place, I went as far as the furthest in sustain- ing liie constilu'ional rights of the States, however biiter or however distasteful to ne were the obli- gations my fathers had made for me in the com- promises of the Constitution, and among them it was not for me to pick out the sweet from the bit- ter; and, fellow-Democrats, I took them all [loud cheers], liecause they were constitutional obliga tioDS [applause]; and, taking them all. I stood by the Soulii, and by Southern ri^'hts under the Con- stitution, until I advanced and looked into the very pit of disunion, and not liking the prospect I quiets iy withdrew. [Immense aj^phiuse and laughter] And we were fioni that hour apart, and how far apart you can judge when I tell you that on the 2Sth Dceonibcr, 1860, I shook hands on terms of pcrsonul frieiulsliip with Jefferson Davis, and on vhe 2SLh Decemher, 1862, I had the pleasure of reading his proclamation that I was to be hanged at eiglit. [Great applau.ee and laugliter.] And row, my friends, if you will allow me lo pass on for a nioment in this line of thought, as we come up to the point of time when their men laid down their constitutional obligations: What were my lights, and what wore tlieiis?" At that hour they repudiated the Consiitution of the United States, by solemn vote in sokma convention; and not

only that, but they took arms In their hands, and undertook bj' force to rend from the Government what seemed to them the fairest portion of the her- itage which my faliiers had given to me as a rich legicy to my children. When they did that, they abiogated, abnegated, and forfeited every consti- tutional right, and released me from every constitu- tional obligation. [Loud cheers.] And when I was thus called upon to siiy what should be my action with regard to slavery, I was left to the natural instincts of mj' heart, as prompted bv a Christian education in IS'ew England, and I dealt with it accordingly, as I was no longer bound- [Immense applause.] Then I undertook earnestly and respectfully to maintain, with the same sense of duty to my constitutional obligations and to State rights, so long as they rem-uned under tho Constitution, that required me to support the svis— tom of slavery — and the same sense of duty and right, after they had gone out from under that Constitution.caused me to follow the dictates of my own conscience untrammeled. [Cheers.] So, my friends, you see, however misjudging I may have been — and I speak to my old Democratic friends — I claim we went along, step by step, up to that point, and we should still go along, step by step; for, except the right to hold slaves was made a part of the compromises made by our fathers in the Constitution, and if their J^tate rights were to be respected because of our allegiance to the Con- stitution and our respect to Staie rights, yet, when that sacred obligation was taken away, and we ns well as the negroes were disenthralled, why should not we follow the dictate of God's law and hu- manity? [Tremendi)u« applause, and cries of "Bravo, Bravo."] By the exigencies of the public service, removed once more to another sphere of action, at Kew Orleans, I found this problem to come up in another form, and that led me to exam- ine and see how fir had progressed this civil commotion, now carried on by force of arms. I found, under our complex system of States and an independent government, and the United States covering all, that there can be treason to the State and not to the United StHtes, and revolution in the Slate and not as regards the United States, and loy- alty to the State and disloyalty to the Union, and loyalty to the Union and disloyalty to the organized government of the Siate. And, ns an illustration, take the troubles which almost lately arose in the State of Rhode Island, where there was an attempt to rebel against the S aie government, nnil to change the form of State government. All of you are familiar with the movements of Mr. Dorr; there was no intent of disloyalty against t lie Uni- ted Slates, but a great deal against the State gov- ernment I, therefoi'e, in Louisania, found a State government that had entirely chnnged its form, iiiid had revolutionized itseU so far as phe could; created courts and imposed taxes; and I found, so far as this State government was concerned, it. was no longer in and of itself one of the United States of America. Ii had, so f-tr as it couM, changed if^ State government, and by solemn act. had lorever seceded from the United States of America, ait attempted to join the Confederate States; and 1 found, I respectfully submit, a revolutionized State I There had heen a revolution licj-ond an insurrec- tion and infraciion of the law; beyond the ab- negation and setting aside of the law, and a new StHte government formed, that was being support- ed by force of arms.

^'ow, upon what thesis shall I deal with thesa people 7 Organized iato a community under foim%

ft

of law, tlicy hnd seized a portion of the territory of the United Slates; and I respeeifuUy submit I must deal with lliem ns alien enemies. [Oreiit applause.] They liad forever passed the boundary of wayward Bisters [great laughter and applause], unless indeed they ened as Cuin did against his brother Abel. They had passed be3"oiid ihut and outside of that. Aye, and Louisiana had done this in the strongest possibe way, for she had seized on territory which the Government of the Unite! States had bought and paid for. Therefore 1 dealt with them as alien enemies. [Applause ] And what rights have alien enemit^s ciiptured in war? They have the right, •o long as I hey behave thnmselves and are non- combatants, to be free from personal violence ; they have no other rights; anJ, tiierefore, it was my duty to see to it, and I believe the record will show, I>iKl see to it. [Great applause and loud cheers.] I did see to it tlnit order was jirescrved, and that every man who beliaved well, and di 1 not aid the Confederate States, should not be molested in his person. I held everything else that they had was ftt tile mere}' of the comjueror [cheers]; and to give you an idea of it, permit me to state the method in ■which their rights were defined by one gentleman of my staff, lie very coolly paraphrased the Dred Scott decision, and said they liad no rights which a negro was bound to respect. [Loud and prolonged laughter and che-rs.] And dealing with them, I took care to protect all men in personal safety. Now 1 heard a friend behind me sny, But how did that affect loyal men? The difficulty with that proposition is this: in governmental action the Government, iu making peace and carrying on ■war, cannot deal with individuals, but with organ- ized communities, whether organized wrongly or rightly [cheers], and all I could do, so far as my judgment taught me, for tlie Inyal citizen, was to Bee to it that no e.xietion should be put upon him. No property should be taken away from him that •was not absolutely necessary for the success of mill tary operations. I know nothing else that I could do. 1 could not alter the carrying on of the war, because loyal citizens were, unfortunately, like Dog Tray, found in bad company [laughter] ; and to their persons, and to their property, even, all possi- ble protection I caused to be afforded. But let me repeat — for it is quite necessary to keep it in mind, and I am afraid that the want of this is why some of my old Democratic friends have got lost, in get- ting frrtin one portion of the country to the other, in their thoughts and feeling's — let me repeat that, in making war or making peace, carrying on gov- ernmental 0|i^r:ition3 of any sort, governments and their representaiives, so far as I am instructed, can deal only with organized communities, and men must fall or rise with the communities in which they are sitnaied. You in New York must Ibllow the Guveriinient, as cxpiessed by the will of the majoriiy of your State, until yo'i can revolutionize ugninst that Government; and those loyal at the South must, until ihis contest comcs into processof Be'tlement, also follow tliC action of the organized mnjorilies in which their lot has been cast; and no ■•hiaii, no set of m»-n, can s- e tiie solution of this or any other governmental problem, as effecting Slates, except upon this basis. Now, then, to pass from the pa titular to the general, to leave the detail in Loniiana, wiiich I have run down the ac- count of railier as illustrating niy meaning than otlKrwise, I come to ilie propo:itiun, What is the contest with all the States that are banded together in the s^vcalled Confederate States? Into what form hai it coma ? li stoi-ted in ius unection ; it

grewoipa rebellion; it has become a revolution, and carrying with it all the r'lshu of a revolution. And our Government has deilt with it upon that ground. When they blockaded their poi ts, they dealt with it as a revolution ; when they sent oit cartels of exchanijo of prisoners, they dealt with these people no longer as cimple insnrrectioi.ista and traitors, but as organized revolutionists, who had set up a government for themslves upon the territoi-y of the United States. Let no man sny to me, sir, let no man say to me, " why then vou ac- knowledge the rights of revolution in these' ni<-n I" I beg your pardon, sir; I only acknowledge the fact of revolution — what had iiappened. I look these things iu the face, and I do not dodge them because they are unplensant; I find this a revolu- tion, and these men are no lonijer, 1 repeat, our erring brethren, but they are our alien enemies, for- eigners [cheers] carrying on war against us, at- tempting to make alliances against us, attemi>ting to get into the family of nations. 1 agree, not a successful revolution, and a revolution never to be successful [loud cheers] ; pardon me, I was speak- ing of a matter of law, — never to be successful un- til acknowledged by the parent State. And now, then, I am willing to tinito with you in your cheers when you say, a revolution which we never will acknowledge. [Cheers.] Why, sir, have I .been so careful in bringing down with great distinctness these distinctions? Because, in my judgment, there are certain logical conse- quences following from them as necessarily as various corollaries from a problem in Euclid. If we are at war, as I think, with a foreign country to all intents and purposes, how can a man here stand up and say he is on the side of that forciga country and not be an enemy ? [Cheers.] Amaa must be either for his country or against hia country. [Cheers.] He cannot be throwing im- pediments all the time in the way of the progress of his country under pretense that he is help- ing some other portion of his country. If a maa thinks that he must do something to bring back his erring brethren, if he likes that form of plirase, at the South, let him take his musket and go down and try it iu that way. [Cheers.] If he ii still of a different opinion, and tliinks that is not the best way to bring them back, but he can do it by per- suasion and talk, let him go down with me to Louisiana, and I will set him over to Mississippi, and if the Rebels do not feel for his heartstrings, but not in love, I will bring him back. [Cheeia, loud and prolonged, "Send Wood down first! "] Let us say to him : " Choose ye this day whom ye will serve. If the Lord thy God be God, serve him; if Baal be God, serve ye him." [Cheers.] But no man can serve two masters, God and Jlam- mon. ["That's so."] Again, there are other log- ical consequences to flow from this view which I have ventured to take of this subject, and that ia with regard to past political action. If they are now alien enemies, I am bound to them by no ties of jiariy fealty. They have passed out of that, and I think we ought to go back a moment and exam- ine and see if all lies of party allegiance and party fealty as regards tliem are uot broken, and that I am now to l"ok simply to my country and to its service, and have them lo look to the country they are attem[iting to erect and to its service, and tbea let us try the coneluiion between us. ilark, by this I gave up no leiritory of the United States. Every foot that was ev^r circumscribed on the map by the lines around the United States belongs to us. [AppUuse.J ^oue the le^s bec»U9» bad

men have attempted to organize -w^orse Govern- ment upon various portions of it And it is to be drawn in under our laws and onr Govei-nment as soon as the power of tli« United States can be exerted forthat purpose; and therefore, my friend?, you see the next set of logical consequences that must follow: that we iiave no occasion to carry on the fight for the Con-titulion as it wa«. [Cheers.] I beg your pardon, the Constitution as it is. Who is interfering with the Constituiion as it is? Who is interlering with the Constitution? AVho makes any attacks upon the Constitution if We are fi^ht- ins; witli those whi have gone out and repudiated the Con-til ution. [Cheers.] And now, my friends, I do not know but I sliall use some heresy, but as a Democrat, as an Andrew Jackson Democrat, 1 am not for the Union as it was. [Great cheering. " Good ! " " Good !"] 1 say, as a Democrat, and an Andrew Jackson Democfat, I am not for t'le Union to be ngaiu as it was. Understand me: I was for tlie Union as it was, because I saw, or thought I caw, the troubles in the future which have hurst ■upon us; but havinc; underi^one tho^e troubles, liaving spent all this blood, and this treasure, I do not mean to go back again and be cheek by jowl Trith South Carolina a< I was before, if I can help it. [Cheers. "You're right."] Mark me niiw, let no man misunderstand me, and I repeat lest I may be misundersLoO'l — there are none so slow tounder- efand a* liiose who do not wan', to — mark mp, I say I do not mean to give up a single inch of the soil of South Carolina. If 1 had been alive at that time, and hail had the position, the will, and the ability, I would have dealt with Sontli Carolina a" Jackson did, and kept her in the Union at all hazards, but Bow she has gone out, and I will take care that vhen she comes in again she comes in better be- haved [clu-ei-o] ; that she shall no longer be the firehrau'i of the Union; aye, and that she shall enjoy, what her peoj^le never yet have en- joyed, the lilessings of a Republican form of gov- ernment. [Api>lau«e.] And, therefore, in that view, I am not for the recon-tructioa of the Union OS it was. Yet I have spent treasure and blood enough upon it, in conjunction with my fellow- eitizens, to make it a Lttle better. [Cheers.] It •was good enough if it had been left, alone. The old house was good enough for me, but as they have pulled down all the L part, I propose, when we build it up, to build it up wiiii all the modern improvements. [Prolonged laughter and ap- plause]

Another of the loiieal consequences, it seems to me, that follow with inexorable and not-to-be- ehunned couise upon this proposition that we are dealing wiih alien enemies, is in our duties with re- gard to the confiscation of their property; and that •would seem to me to be easy of settlement under the Constitution, and without any discussion, if my first proposition is right. Has it not been held, from the beginning of the world down to this diiy, from the time the Israelites took possession of the Land of Cannan, which they got from alien ene- mies, has it not been held that the whole proper- ty of those siYion enemies belonged to the con- qiieror, and that it has been at" his mercy »nd his cleuienny what should be done with if For one, I would take it. anil give the loyal moa who -was loyal in the heart of the South euonsrh to make him as wei; as he was l.elore, and I would take the balancf' of it and distribute it among the volunteer eoldi^r- who have g., no— [the remainder of the sentence was drowned iu a tremeudoua burst of applrtusv.] And no lar as 1 know them, U ive

should settle Sontli Carolina irith them, in the course of a few years I should be quite willing to receive her back into the Union. [Renewed ap- plause.] That leads us to deal with another prop- osition : What shall be done with the slaves f Here, again, the laws of war have long settled, with clearness and exactness, that it is for the con- queror, for the aovernment which has maintained or extended its direction over the territory, to deal with slaves as it pleases, to free them or not as it chooses. It is not for the conquered to make terms, or to send their friends into the conquering country to make terms upon that subject.. [Ap- plause.] Another corollary follows from the proposition that we are fighting with alien ene- cnies, which relieves us from another difficulty which see'ns to trouble some of my old Democratic friends; and that is in relation to the question of arming the negro slaves. If the States are nlien' enemies, is there any objection that j'ou know of, and if so state it, to our arming one portion of tlie foreign country agtinst the other while they are fic,htingus? [Applause?, and cries of " No," " No."] Suppose that we were at war with England. Who would get up here in New York and say that we must not arm the Irish, lest they should liurt some of the Eutrlish ? [Applause.] At one time, not very far gone, all tiiose Englishmen were our grandfathers' brothers. But we are now sepanite nations. 'I'here can be no objection, for another reason, because there is no intei'nationnl law, or any other law of government action that I know of, which prevents the country from arming any portion of its citizens; and if the slaves do not lake part in the rebellion they become, simply, our citizens residing in our territory, which is at pres- ent usurped by our enemies. [Applause.] At this waning hour 1 do not propose to discuss but mere- ly to hint at these various subjects. [Cries of " Go on."] There is one question 1 am frequently asked — " Why, General Butler, what isyour experience! Will the negroes fight?" To that I answer, I have no personal experience, because I left the Depart- meut of the Gulf before they were fairly brought into action. But they did fi^ht, under Jackson, at Chalmette. More than that: let Napoleon IIL answer, who has hired them to do what the vete- rans of the Crimea cannot do — to whip the MexL- cnns. Let the veterans of Napoleon I., unJer Le Cleve, who were whipped out from San Domingo, say whether they will fight or not. What has been the demoralizing effect upon them, as a race, by their contact with white men, I know not; but I cannot forget that their fathers would not have been slaves but that they were captives in war. And, if you want to know any more than that, I can only advise you to trj' ihem. [Great applause.] Passing to another logical deduction from the principle that we are carrying on war against alien enemies, I meet the question, ■wliether we thereby give foreign nations any greater rights than if we considered them as a Rebellious por- tion of our country. So far as the Rebels are concerned, they are estopped from denying that they are alien enemies; and so far as foreig^j^ji nations are concerned, although they are alien tt»- Its. they are upon our territory, and until we acknowledge their independence there is no better settled rule in the law of nations than that foreisa recognition of them is an act of war. And no country is more sternly bound to that view thaa is England, which held the recognition by France of our own independence to be an act of war, aud declared war accordingly. Wiiat then is the duty

of neutrals? Let ns take for example the English nation. They have no treaty with the Rebels, no open relatious with them. They have treaties of amity and commerce with us. A contest arises between us and our enemies to whom they are strangers, and they claim to exercise the same neutrality as if tlin contest were between two nations with whicli tliey had treaties of amitv. Let me illustrate: I have two friends who jjave got into a fi.i];ht. I am on equally good terms with both, and do not choose to take part in their quarrel. I hold myself neutral. But suppose one of my friend* is flighting with a stranger, of whom I know nothing that is good; 1 have seen nothing except that he would fight; is it my duty then to stand perfectly neutral ? It is not the p;\rt of a friend as between men nor between nations. The JEnglisli say, We will not sell you any arms, because "^ve should have to sell the same to toe Co;ifederate Stales. To that I answer, you have treaties of commerce with us by whicli you agree to trade •with us. You have no treaty of commerce with the Rebels. I insist that there is a greater duty to us, considering this as a separate nation — an interloper trying to get admitted into the family of nations. There is still another logical conse- quence which, in my judgment, follows from this Tiew of the case. A great question put to me has been : " Uuw are we to get tlio^e men back ? — how are we to get this territory back ? — how are we to reconstruct the Union ?" I think that is much better answered upon this hypothesis than upon any other: There are but two ways in which this contest can be ended. One is by rerevolutioniz- ing a given portion of this country, and having them ask to be admitted into the Union ; the other is to bring it back by the triumphal car of victory. Whenever any portion of the inhabitants of the South shall become again a part of the Union, and •hall erect themselves into a State nnd ask us to take them back wi;h such a Constitution as they onsjht to be admitted with, there is no difficulty in i'8 being done. There is no witchery about it. This precise thing has been done in Western Virg'i.-»ia. She went out, and stayed out for a •while. jBy the aid of our armies, and by the efforts of her citizens, she rerevolntionized and threw off the Government of the rest of Virginia, and the Confederate yoke, erected herself into a Slate, with a Constitution which I believe is quite satisfactory to you, especially with the amend- ment, came back, and has been received acrain into the Union. This is the first, the entering wedge, of the series of States wliich will come back in that way. But if they will not come back, we are bound to subjugate them. What then do they become! Territories of the United States. [Ap- plause.] We ncquiie them precisely as we acquired Califoruiaand Nevada; not. exactlv as we acquii-ed Texas. Was there any difficulty in dealing with the State of California? Will there be any diffi- culty in our admitting, as a new State, Nevada, when ready to come iu and ripe to come in ? Was there any difficulty in taking in a portion of the mi Louisiana purchase I Will there be any ditucultv, wlien her people are ready, in our taking theni back again? Will there lue any difficulty in re- constructing the Union, when those that have gone out without cause, without right, wiilinui grievance, that have fi.>rmed thenisclves into new Slates and taken upon iheiuselves new alliances, are ready to return^ I am not for taking tliem back withont readmlfsii.n. 1 feel au a husl>and might leel, whose wile had run away with another

man and divorced herself from him; I should ba unwilling to take her again to my arms until we had gone before the priest, and been remarried. I have the same feeling with regard to those people who have gone out. When they repent and come back, I am ready to receive them ; but I am not ready till then. [Applause.]

To your flattering allusions, sir, to my acts in the Department of tlid Gulf, I will answer a pingle word. When I left th«t Department, 1 sat down deliberately, and put in the f rm of an address to the people of that Department an exr.ct account of the acts I had done while there, and 1 said to them : You know I have done these things; no man can deny it I have waited more than three months, and I have not yet hrard any denial from that De- partment that those thing-» were done. T<> that fact I point as the justification of your too flatter- ing eulogy, as an answer forever to every sl.iniier and every calumny. The lailies of New Orleans knew whether they were safe. Has any one of them ever said she was not? The men of New Or- leans knew whether their life and property were safe. Has any man ever said it was nolf The poor of New Orleans know whether the money that was taken from the rich rebels was fed out to them. Has any one of them denied it? [Applause.] To that record I point as tiie only answer I shall ever make to the calumnies that have been poured upon me, and upon the officers everywhere in that De- partment that aided so successfully in carrying out every effort for the good of the country. [Ap- plause.] I desire now to say a single word ii-pon the question. What are the prospects of this war? My opinion would be no better than that of an- other man ; but let me show you the reason for il.te faith that is in me, that this war is progress- ing steadily to a successful termination. Compare the state of the country on January 1, 1SG3, with the Slate of the country on Januaiy 1, 1802, and tell me whether there has not been progress. At that time the Union armies held no consideralde portion of Missouri, of Kentucky, or of Teiincs-ee; none of Virginia except Fortress Monroe and Ar- lington nights; none of North Carolina save Plat- teras, and none of South Carolina save Port Royal. All the rest was ground of struggle at least, and all the rest furnishing supplies to the re^iela. Now they hold none of Missouri, none of Kentucky, none of Tennessee for any valuable puipo;e of sup- plies, because the western portion is in our hands, and the eastern portion has been so run over by the contending armies that the supplies are gone. They hold no portion of Virginia valuable for sup- plies, for that is eaten out by their armies. A\ e hold one third of Virginia, and half of North Caro- lina. We hold our own in South Carolina, and I hope that before the ilth of this month we shall hold a little more. [Applause.] We hold two tliirds of Louisiana in wealth and population. We hold all Arkansas and all Texas, so far as 8iip|dics are concerned, so long as Furragiit is between Port tiud-on and Vicksburg. [Applause.] And I be- lieve the colored troops liold Florida at the last accounts. [Applause.] The rebellion is reduced to the remainder of Virginia, part of North Caro- lina, the larger part of South Carolina, all of Geor- gia, Alabama aii<l Missi-ssiopi, and a small poi tioa of Louisiana and Tennessee — Texas and Ai kan>a?, as 1 said before, being cut off. Why I draw strong hopes from this is t hat their supplies all came either from Kentucky, Tenne^s-'e, Missouri, Arkans.is, or Texas, and these are complt-tely now beyond their reaclu To that 1 iook lai gely for the eunpressioa

6

of tbis rebellion, and the overthrow of this revolu- tion. Tbey have got to the end of tlieir eonscrip- liun; we have not begun ours. Tbey have got to the end of tbtir national credit; we bave not put ours in any inni'ket in the world. [Applause.] "Why should we be impatient? The llevolutionai-y "War lasted seven years. Nations at war ever move slowly. It has seemed strange to me tliat our Navy could not catch tlie steamer Alabama; but a frit-nd reminded me that I'aid Jones, with a sailing ship even, upon the coast of Englanil, bid defiance to llie whole British navy for many months; and that Lord Cochrane, with a single ship, held the •whole French coast in terror. iSo that, if we will only have a little padeuce, and possess our souls with a little patriotism, we shall have no reason to comphiin.

But there is one thing, I say frankly, that I do not like the appearance of. I refer to tiie war made ■upon our commerce. It is not the fault of the Navy, or uf any department of ibe Government; but it is the fault of our allies. Pardon me a mo- ment, ior I am speaking now to the merchants of New York, as this is a matter on which I have giv- en some i-efleciion. Pardon me while we examin«' to see what England has done. She agieed to be neutral. I trieJ to demonstrate to 30U that she ought to have been a Hi tie more. But has she been? [Cries of "No, no."] Let us see the evi- dence of that " No." Li the first place, there has been nothing in the Union cause but what her ora- tors and statesmen have maligned. There has been nothing we bave done that has not been perveried by her press. There lias been nothing of sympathy or encourag-'ment which she has not afforded our eremiiM. There has b>-en nothing which she could do under a cover of neutrality which she has not done to help Rebels. ["That is true."] Nassau has been a naval arsenal for pi ivate Rebel boats to refit in; Kingston has been a coal depot; and Barbadoes has lieen a dancing-hall to fete pirate chiefiains in. [Great applause.] What cause, my friends, what cause, my countrymen, had she so to deal with us V What is the reason she has so dealt with us? Is it because we have never shown sympathy toward her or love to her people? and mark me lieie: I diaw a distinct line between the English people, the ina>8es. and the English Gov- ernment. I tiiiiik the heart of her people beats responsive to oui-s. [Great applause.] But I know her Government and her nrisloeracy haie us with a hate that passeth all uaderstanding. [Loud cheers.] I saj', let us see if we have given an\' cause for tliis: You remember when tiie famine overlook the Irishmen in lS47,and the Macedonian frigate can lod bread to feed the poor wh^n Eng- land wassiarviiig. And when hcrfavored heir ap- peared her<-, in this very hous», we assenibldl and gave him »ucli a welcome as Northern gentlemen give to their friends, and his present admirers at Pkichmond gave him such a welcome as Sontht-rn gentlemen give to iheir fiends. [Lou'i laughter and applause.] An-l Iho George Griswold has gone from the city^of Now Yi>rk to f^sed the starving poor of Lancashire; and it was only by Gild's Viiessing that she was not overhaul, d and burned by the pirate Alabama, tittc 1 out iu an English ])ort, [Applause.] Vet. to-day we hear that a steamer is being built at, Gliii>gov/ for the Emperor of China [lar.giiter and appiaiis-], and at Liver-

rool r.noiher one for the Emperor of Chin.i. But don't believe the Emperor of China will buy many ships of Great Brbain until they bring Ictck tbu eiiiis tney kLuIc fiuui liu palace at PckLu !

[Great laughter.] Now, I learn from the late cor- respondence of Earl Russell that the British have put two articles of the treaty of Paris in compact with the Rebels — first, that enemies gouds shall be covered by neutral flags, and there shall be free trade at the ports, and open trade with neutrals. Why didn't Great Britain put the other part of the treaty in compact, namely, that there should be no more privateering! if she was honest and earnest? Again, when we took from her deck our two Sena- tors and Rebel Embassadors, Slidell and Mason, and took them, in my judgment, aecorJi^fr to the law* of nations, what did slie do but threaten us with war? I agree that it was wisely done, perhaps, not to provoke war at that time -we were not quite in a condition for it — but 1 thank Goil. and that always, that we are fast gei'ing Ir? acondiiion to remember that always and evt.y day 1 [Tn ■ ^ mendous applause, and avivi-'s: >-/ "hami kerchiefs,'"*'" and cries of " Good I ] W i.^ is '.* aii this has been done? Because, we al-'Dv cau be the comuiercial rival of Great Britain!

There has been, in my iuiigment, a deliberate attempt on t..e part of Great Britain, nnder the plea of neutrality, to allow our commerce to be ruined. [Cries of "That is so."] It is idle to tell me Great Britain does not know these vessels are fitted out iu her ports. It is idle and insulting to tell you that she put the Alabama under ?!20,000 bonds, not to go into the service of the Confederate States. We did not so deal with her when she was at war with Russia. Oa the suggestion of the British Minister, our Government stopped, with the rapidity of lightning, the sailing of a steamer, until tlie Minister himself was willing to let her go. We must take some means to put a stop to these proceedings. I was told the other day that tue amount of property ahead}' destroyed would amount to $9,OUO,000! What, then, is'our reme- dy ? The peaceful and proper remedy, for we must look forward to these matters. The Govern- ment is no doubt doing it; but we ourselves must look at it, for we are the peo[)le — we are the Gov- ernment [applause]; and when our Government get^ ready to take the step we mu-t be ready to sup|)ort it. Enirland tfUs us what to do; \s hea tiiere was a likelihood of war she stopped the ex- portation of those articles she thought we wanted. Let us do the same thing. [Great; applause and loud cheers.] Let us proclaim noninieicourse, bo that no ounce of food from the United States shall by any accident ever find lis way into nn English- man's mouth until the piracy is stopped. [Ap- plause and cries of " Good," and Voice: "Let u» hear that again."] I never say anj-thing that I am afraid 10 say again, [Renewed applause.] I say again, let us pioc-laim noii-iot-rcouise, so that no ounce of fooii from America shall ever by any ac- cident find its way to an Englishman's mouth un- til these piracies are slopped [greet cheering, and cries of "Tlia 'ft so," and " Good!"] ; and that we have a right to do. But I hear some objector say. If we proi-laim non-iiitercou:->e England may go to war ["Let hergol"]; but I am not to be friLriit^ enod twice nimiiag. [Laughter and a|iplau-e.] ^ I got frightened a little more than a year ago, but I iiave got over it. [f.aughter] It is a nece?sity, for we must keep imr ships at home to save th< m from these jiiratcs, if a dozen of them get loose upon the ocean. Ji. becojnes a war measure, which a;iy nation under any law would have a I'ight to enii'rce: and iisnouid be made to apply directly to the English nation, lor I never heard of a block- ade runner under ih«i French flag, or Russiau, or

AnstHan, or Greek flag — no, not even the Tnrts T^-ill do it. [Loud cheers nnd app'nuse.] There- fore I have ventured fo Fiiggest this to yon oe a possible, aje, as n probable, rtmedj, unless tliis thing is seen to and stopped. We must see to it. We should protect our.<elvea, nnd take a manly place amonij ihe nations of the earth. [Loud np- plause.l But I hear some say that this will bring down tlie price of our provisions, and make our Western ninrkets more depressed. Allow me to Buggep.t that I he exportation of gold be also i>ro- hibited, nnd then tliere would be nothinsf to mert our bills of exchange to pay for our goods but our provisions, and we could pay for our silks and ealins in butler, lard, corn, beef, and pork, and if our fair sisters and dnir«hters will wear silks, nnd •atins, and laces, they will feel no troutile beciuise ,a portion of the extra price goes to the Western farmer instend of going into the coffers of a Jew banker in Wall street. [Great applause aud cries of " Good."]

You will observe, my friends, that in the list of grievances with which I charge England, I do not charge her with tampering with our "leading politicians." [Loud laughter.] So far as any evidence I have, I don't know that she is guilty. But what shall we say of our leading politicians xvho have tampered with her? [Great applause.] I have read that — which surprised me more than any other fact of this war — that here in New York leading politicians consulted with the British Min- ister as to how this Union should be sepaiated ; and when I read that, every drop of blood in my veins boiled, and I would have liked to have seen that " leading politician." [Most enthusiastic ap- lause, the cheers being renewed again and again.] don't know that Lord Lyons is to blame. 1 sup- pose, sir, if a m:in goes to one of your clerk?, and offers to go into partnership with him to rob one of your neichbors, and he refuses an^. reports the matter to you, you. don't blame your clerk; but ■what do yovi do with the man who makes the offer? [Great applause, and cries of "Hang him!"] I think we had'better take a le?son from the Gov- ernment of Washington's Administration, though the case is reversed. When the French Minister, Citizen Genet, undertook to make an address to the people of the United States, complaint was made to his Government and he was rec lUed ; and a law was passed preventing for all time to come anv interference of foiei»;D ministers in the politics of the United States. I want to be understood : I have no evidence that Lord Lyons interfered at all, but the correspondence says that certain leading pol- iticians of New York came to him and desired that he should do — whatf That he would advise with his Government not to interfere? Why not? Be- cause it would aid the country — they would spurn it, nnd would be stronger than ever to crush tlie Rebellion, and " we and our party shall be crushed out!" [Great laughter and cheer.->.] ilark the insidious point. They knew how the people felt against England. They knew the heart of this ^ people to be true to the Constitution. They knew the people would not brook any interference from England, and they ask the British Minister to use the power of British diplomacy to get other nations to interfere, and Great Britain to keep out of eight lest we should see the cat under the meal. [Loud laughter.] 1 have used the phra^se up to this mo- ment, as yon see, of "politician ;" but what kind of politicians are they? [Cries of "Copperheads," "Traitors," from all over the house, Hmid great oheen.] Conservative politiciaoB 1 [Loud laugh-

f

ter.] Tliey can't be Democratic po'iticianj. ['• Of course they can't"] I should like- to hear old Andrew Jackson say a few woid-i aHr.ut such politicians, who call themselves Deniocrafj". ["He'd hang them."] No, my friend, I don't think he would hnng them. 1 don't think he would ever catih tliem. [Laughter.] I have felt it my duty h<'re and now, in the city of New York, from the interest I have in public affairs, to call attention to this most extraordinary matter. It is a matter which arrests the attention more than any other, to wit: that there are men so lost to patriotism, and so bound up in the traditions of party, and so selfish, as to be uilliii;; to tamper with Great Britain for the sepaiaiioa of tliis country! It is the most alarming fact that I have seen. 1 had rather see lOO.dOO men set in the field on the Rebel side, — aye, I had rather see Great Britain herself armed against us openly, if you please, as she has been covertly, — rather than to feel that there are men, lineal descendants of Judas Iscariot, and intermarried with Benedict Arnold, who would thus betray their country. [Loud cries of" Fernando Wood," with hi.'ises and cheers. " He knows them all."] That has shown me the great danger — the only danger — we are in. I call upon true men to sustain the Government [Great ap- plause.] It is not a Government of my choice. I didn't vote for it, or any part of it; but it is the Government of my country ; it is the only- organ by which I can exert the force of the country and protect her integrity; and so lon^' as I believe that action is honestly exerted, I will throw tiio mantle of charity over any mistakes I think I may see, and support it heartily with hand and purst so long as I live. [Applause.] -

I have no loyalty to any man. My loyalty is to the Government [cheers, "That's it"]; antl it makes no difference to me who the people have put into that Government, bo long as it h;is been properly and constitutionally d'.ne. So long as they hold their seats and hold their j.ower I am a trnitor and a false man if I falter in that support This is what I understand to be loyaltj- to the Govern- ment. [Cheers.] And I was sorry to hear the other day that there was a man in New York who professed not to know the meanin? of the word. ["Who was it?" "Fernando Wood !"] I desire to say that it is the duty of every man to be loyal to the Government to sustain tlie Government, to pardon its errors, to help rectify its mistakes, to press it on to everything that it nmy do for the country, and let i- carry the country on in its course of glory and grandeur on which it was placed 'b'V evr fathers; for let me say to you, my friends, ye^i young men. that no man yet has ever

frospered who opposed his country in'tinie of war. (Cheers.] The Tory ot the Revolution, the Ilart- lord Coijventionist of 1812, the immoitai Seven that voted against the supplies in the Mexican War, all history is against them. And let no politician put himself in the way of the march of this conn- try to glory and greatness; for he will he crushed. Its course is onward and certain, aud let him who opposes it beware;

" The mower mows on thongli the adder may writhe. And the Copperhead curl round the blade of tlio scythe." [Tremendous applause.]

It only remains for me, sir, to thank you, nnd the citizens of New York here assentbled, for the kind attention with which they have lietened to me, and with wliich they have received ine, for which please, again and again, accept iny thani«.

PLotifl nn<3 prolonged applause, and tlire« cheers^or Gen. Builer.]

Gen. Butler was immediately surrounded by the gentlemen oa the stage, ■which was crowded with the leading men of the city, all of whom Eonght to present to him their thanks and coni^ratulations. Tor many minutes the audience before the stage sat in a condition of expectancy. The band played "The Star-Spangled Banner," and " Yankee Doo- dle," and the Union Glee Club sang a song in praise of Gen. Butler.

ToMi! friend* whri love free'loin, Rnd lotn In rnr song, Tur Cuuiitry auJ Uuion we're luarobiog oluii^,';

TI16 " C^de" of «nr Bn(l(>T ba< rljTitod a vtobj^ And under hib baauer we're marctitog along.

CnoBca—

>farchlpg a'ong, we're marrhlns alonst: Pur iMir Klacr and our Co')n:ry we're inirchlns alongt Let IIS chrer i«r <>nr BnlK-r nnd y-ln in tlie tons, Fur treasim was bligUUid whuio ho marclicd aloo^

Our Army and Navy Rr« moving alon?, Anil our Vi'limtet-r !-oldlers iini " in our Bons; Thev fiilit for our fiaa. it can tuff'-r no wrong. AVhile liutler and Hooker are uiarching along.

In tlie 'West and the South we're mnrcliing alon^ For the tliumler of Karmgut echoes our son§; And tlio veterans <>f U.iso ron-* eaL'erly lliron? To join tue glad cborua, Wo'ie uiarcliing aloo^

The Mayor then announced that the meeting; was

adjourned.

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III i ill I nil II II I I I

THE TRIBUNE ASSOCIATION",

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

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