j •• I I LT> _C7) :oo •o •CD The Influence of Farm Machinery ON PRODUCTION AND LABOR BY HADtY WINFIELD QUAINTANCE, A.M. A Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN 1904 Copyright, 1904, by AMERICAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION PRESS OF ANDRUS & CHURCH ITHACA, N. Y. PREFACE The subject of this thesis was suggested to me by my former teacher, Professor David Kinley, of the Univer- sity of Illinois. Credit for helpful suggestions and in- spiration is due also to Col. Carroll D. Wright, formerly U. S. Commissioner of Labor ; to Professor I. P. Rob- erts, of Cornell University ; to the members of Profess- A m +~ or Ely's seminary in economics in the University of Wisconsin, during the school-year 1902-03 ; and to the members of the Publication Committee of the American Economic Association. To Professor M. B. Hammond, now of the Ohio State University, I am indebted not only for helpful suggestions made during the two years I was a student in the University of Illinois, but also for a most severe yet kindly criticism of the paper after I thought I had it finished. In the preparation of the paper I have been careful to avoid trying to prove a theory, preferring rather to let the data tell their own story. H. W. QUAINTANCE. University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I.— HISTORICAL, SURVEY PAGE When the change from hand to machine methods took place I Hand methods compared with machine methods 2 Output of farm machinery II PART II.— MACHINERY AND PRODUCTION Chap. i. The course of agricultural production contrasted with the increase in the population, 1840-1900 12 The principal crops as shown by the reports of the Census 12 The relative growth of the population and the cereal production 13 Chap. 2. Concerning the increase in cultivated area per farm worker and the greater effectiveness of farm workers when aided by machinery as shown by statistics of the Census 15 Chap. 3. Concerning the greater effectiveness of farm workers when aided by the use of machinery as shown by sta- tistics of the Department of Labor 19 Chap. 4. The cost of production by hand and by machine methods 23 Certain of the principal crops 25 Farm crops generally 26 Chap. 5. Influence of machinery upon fluctuations in quantity of product 27 - Chap. 6. Influence of machinery upon the quality of products.. 28 PART III.— MACHINERY AND LABOR Chap. i. The saving of labor 29 Labor saving effect of machinery in the production of the nine principal crops 29 Chap. 2. The displacement of labor 30 ^ — The absolute displacement TJ 31 In all farm work in the New England States 31 In the work of producing the nine principal crops 32 The relative displacement 34 In the different geographical divisions of the country 34 Extent of the relative displacement 36 The shifting of the people among the different oc- cupation classes 37 vi Contents Machinery the cause of displacements 39 The displaced workmen 40 Effect of machinery upon the number of persons in gainful occupation classes 42 Chap. 3. The agricultural work of former times in the towns of to-day 43 Chap. 4. The influence of machinery upon the size of farms and the resulting relationship between the dependent and independent farming classes 47 The average acreage of all land per farm 47 The average acreage of improved land per farm 48 The average acreage in crops per farm 49 The influence of machinery in the seven leading ce- real-producing States 51 The average crop acreage per farm 54 The average crop acreage per person : 55 Relative growth of the dependent and independent classes 55~56 Average value of farms 58 Chap. 5. Wages under hand and under machine methods of pro- duction 59 Daily wages 59 The position of the unskilled workman 62 Monthly wages 64 In time of hand methods 64 For the period 1866-1902 65 Sympathetic variations in wage rates 68 Chap. 6. The influence of machinery upon the life and general welfare of the independent farm operators 69 The improved condition of farm workers generally.. 69 The work of women on farms 74 Chap. 7. -The influence of machinery upon the physical and men- tal nature of man 75 The purpose and effect of the use of machinery 75 Effect upon population 76 Routine work 78 The educating influence of machinery 81 Illiteracy and injuries due to the use of machinery in North Atlantic and Southern States as shown by re- turns of the Twelfth Census 83 Chap. 8. The use of machinery and the length of the working day 84 The purpose of the employer and the employee 84 The best length of working day for a machine 86 The best length of the working day for a man 86 The conflict of interest 89 The length of the working day on farms 90 Economic forces as affecting conditions of employment 91 Contents vii TABLES OP REFERENCE I. Total number of persons, ten years of age and over in the several occupation classes in 1870, 1880, 1890 and 1900 93 II. Total number of males, ten years of age and over in the several occupation classes in 1870, 1880, 1890 and 1900 94 III. Total number of females, ten years of age and over, in the several occupation classes in 1870, 1880, 1890 and 1900 95 IV. Per cent, of persons in the several occupation classes of the total number of persons in occupation classes in 1870, 1880, 1 890 and 1900 96 V. Per cent, of males in the several occupation classes of the total number of males in occupation classes in 1870, 1880, 1890 and 1900 97 VI. Per cent, of females in the several occupation classes of the total number of females in occupation classes in 1870, 1880, 1890 and 1900 98 VII. Farming population in 1880, 1890 and 1900 99 VIII. Farming population in the seven leading cereal producing States in 1880, 1890, and 1900 100 IX. Agricultural population of New England in 1880, 1890 and 1900 101 X. Acreage in all farm crops as reported in 1880, 1890, and 1900 102 Index __^. p 105 PART I HISTORICAL SURVEY History tells of no time when farming was not a recog- nized occupation, when men have not toiled and sweated to wring from the soil their chief sustenance, and yet, it is only within the past hundred years that any considerable progress has been made in the invention of farm labor- saving machinery. There are scattered mentionings of earlier attempts to improve the means of doing farm work ; as, for example, a passage in the writings Pliny the elder, in which he describes a machine propelled by oxen and used by the Gauls for cutting grain.1 But such notices are rare, and whatever the merits of the various inventions, they seem not to have been perfected or at any rate not to have come into common use. The Independence of America found the farmers of Europe, as well as of this country, cultivating and caring for their crops by pretty much the same rude means and methods as were practiced by the Egyptians and Israel- ites three thousand years before. As to just when the modern machine methods came into general use authorities differ and will, doubtless, continue to differ. The census statistician for agri- culture makes the statement that " The year 1850 prac- tically marks the close of the period in which the only farm implements and machinery, other than the wagon, cart, and cotton gin, were those which, for want of a 141 In the vast domains of the provinces of Gaul a large, hollow frame, armed with teeth and supported on two wheels, is driven through the standing corn, the beasts being yoked behind it ; the re- sult being that the ears are torn off and fall within the frame." — Pliny's Natural History ; Bohn's Classical Library, Vol. IV, p. 103. 2 American Economic Association [800 better designation, may be called implements of hand production."1 This opinion is in substantial agreement with that of a recent German writer.2 The cotton gin was not invented until nearly twenty years after the Declaration of Independence was signed, and the wagons and carts of that time were crude affairs in comparison with those of the present day3 " The Massachusetts farmer who witnessed the revolu- tion plowed his land with the wooden bull-plow, sowed his grain broadcast, and, when it was ripe, cut it with a scythe, and thrashed it out on his barn floor with a flail."4 The poor whites of Virginia, in 1790, lived in log huts " with the chinks stuffed with clay ; the walls had no plaster ; the windows had no glass ; the fur- niture was such as they had themselves made. Their grain was thrashed by driving horses over it in the open field. When they ground it they used a rude pestle and mortar, or, placed in the hollow of one stone, they beat it with another."5 " In parts of Pennsylvania, in Delaware, the eastern shores of Maryland and Virginia and, we believe, in Rhode Island grain was generally trodden out by oxen 'Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, p. xxix. 2 " Andererseits ist der laudwirtschaftlichen Maschinenentwickelung vor dem neunzehnten Jahrhundert wenig Bedeutung beizumessen, da ihre praktische Anwendung mit ihr nicht Hand in Hand gegangen war. Daher kommt es auch, dass die Maschinen der vorigen Jahr- hunderte alle mehr oder weniger unvollkommen blieben. Die Anwendung landwirtschaftlicher Maschinen erfolgte erst in grosseren Masstab urn die vierziger Jahre dieses Jahrhunderts. " — Bensing : Einfluss der landwirtschaftlichen Maschinen, p. 16. 3 Mass. Agr. Report for 1853, p. 422. *McMaster: History of the People of the United States, Vol I., p. 1 8. 6 McMaster : History of the People of the United States, Vol. II, p. 14- 801] Historical Survey 3 or horses as the more expeditious method," even later than the year 1800. " Horses were preferred for this work. A crop of three thousand bushels could thus be threshed and secured in ten days. . . . . The treading floors were from forty to one hun- dred and thirty feet, more commonly sixty to one hun- feet in diameter with a path twelve to fourteen feet wide near the periphery upon which the grain was laid. The horses were led round at a slow trot in platoons equi- distant from each other .... The floors were sometimes removed from field to field, but permanent floors made hard and smooth, and kept so by careful use, were preferred. They were commonly fenced round, sometimes with an outer and inner fence."1 Of the Georgia estates in 1790, it is said: Their " chief products were negroes, rice, and tobacco . . . . The staple was tobacco, and this was cultivated in the simplest manner with the rudest of tools. Agri- culture as we now know it can scarcely be said to have existed. The plough was little used. The hoe was the implement of husbandry. Made at the plantation smithy, the blade was ill-formed and clumsy ; the handle was a sapling with the bark left on ... Few roads were ever marked by the tires of a four-wheeled wagon or a tumbrel. When the tobacco was ready for the inspector's mark, stout hogsheads were procured, the leaves packed in, the heads fastened in, a shaft and a rude axle attached, and, one by one they were rolled along the roads for miles to the tobacco-house nearest by."2 Michaux, who made a journey through the United States in 1802 for the express purpose of study- 1 Preliminary Report, Eighth Census, p. 95. 2 McMaster : History of the People of the United States, Vol. II, p. 4- 4 American Economic Association [802 ing agricultural conditions, in speaking of North Caro- lina, says : " Throughout the whole of the low country the agricultural labours are performed by negro slaves, and the major part of the planters employ them to drag the plough ; they conceive the land is better cultivated and calculate besides that in the course of a year a horse, for food and looking after, costs ten times more than a negro, the annual expense of which does not exceed fifteen dollars."1 Even so late as the year 1812, the French settlers in Southern Illinois were using plows " made of wood with a small point of iron fastened upon the wood by strips of rawhide, the beam resting upon an axle and small wooden wheels. They were drawn by oxen yoked by the horns by raw leather straps, a pole extending back from the yoke to the axle." Small plows for plowing between the rows of corn were not introduced until about the year 1815. "They used carts that had not a particle of iron about them."2 The Gary plow, which seems to have been a fair type the plows f ed during later colonial times and until J which were apt to result, and cautioned his readers particularly against " employing itinerate threshers, who go about the country to do work." For the " moderate farmer " he advised the use of " a small single or double horse machine or hand thresher " as the more economical and as permitting the work to be done " in winter, where there is more leisure for it." To-day the American farmer who does not use a machine of some sort is indeed far behind the times. The farmers of the far West have profited most of all. 1 Report of the Industrial Commission, Vol. XI, p. 78. 2 "Illinois Farmer" for 1 86 1, p. 178. 3 Eighth Census, Preliminary Report, p. 99. 4 The Patent Office records through the period of the Civil War show a marked decrease in the number of patents issued for agricul- tural implements and machines and a very great increase in the num- ber of patents issued for firearms and other weapons of warfare. 5R. A. Allen's " New American Farm Book" (published in 1870), p. 150. 807] Historical Survey 9 There, on the California and Oregon farms, may be found fifty-horse-power traction engines in operation. Each one dragging " sixteen ten-inch plows, four six- feet harrows, and a press drill for planting seed-wheat. In this way one such engine performs the triple work of ploughing, harrowing, and planting, all in one opera- tion. The saving of time is so great that one machine can plant with wheat, from fifty to seventy-five acres in a single day, mounting hilly and rough ground just as easily as when passing across dead levels." When the grain is ripe, a harvesting machine is, by the same means, pulled across the field. " Its cutters are often twenty to twenty-six feet wide .... When the cutters have performed their work, automatic rakers gather in the grain stalks and carry them to rows of knives where they are at once headed. Then, in the same operation, the wheat is threshed out, cleaned and sacked, and behind the great combination harvester there is left a trail of sacked wheat ready for the market. Another traction engine with a train of a dozen cars follows in the wake of the thresher and harvester, gathering up the wheat and carting it to the granary. In this manner fully seventy acres and more of wheat land are harvested in one day."1 With the aid of these engines the work of " plowing, cultivating, seeding, and harvesting on farms of a thousand acres in extent " may be done by half a dozen men in " much less time than a whole army of employees could do the work on a farm of half the acreage."2 For the profitable use of such vast machine power, large fields are a self-evident neces- sity. 1 George E. Walsh, "Steam Power for Agricultural Purposes," in Harpers Weekly, Vol. XLV, p. 567. 2 Cassier's Magazine, Vol. XIX, p. 139, and Harper's Weekly, Vol. XLV, p. 567- 2 io American Economic Association [808 The farm machines in use in the Central States are less massive and of a more varied nature and yet, in the rate of progress which they show, are no less wonderful than those above described. Instead of a hoe for cover- ing seed-corn, dropped by hand, the farmer now uses a check-row planter drawn by horses and depositing the seed at regular intervals so that the rows may be culti- vated with equal facility either in the direction of the planting or across. As a means of cultivating the corn, hoes are now laid aside, and in their stead the farmer quite commonly uses a riding plow. Steam power corn- huskers and corn-shellers are found. Instead of the old hand-method of shelling corn by scraping the ears against the handle of a frying pan or the blade of a shovel, by which means hardly six bushels could be shelled in a day, the farmer may now have his corn shelled at the rate of a bushel a minute and the machine which does the work will also " carry off the cobs to a pile or into a wagon, and deliver the corn into sacks."1 Mowing machines, horse hay-rakes, tedders, and stackers have revolutionized the work of making hay. It formerly required eleven hours of man-labor to cut and cure a ton of hay. Now the same work may be done in one hour and 39 minutes ; while the cost for the required man-labor has been decreased from 83^ to i6j^ cents per ton.2 Potato planters and diggers, feed choppers and grinders, manure spreaders, and ditch- digging machines are only a few of many labor-saving devices now common on the farms in the Central States. There is hardly a phase of farm work that has not been essentially changed by the introduction of some new implement or machine. 1 Department of Agriculture, Year Book ( 1899), pp. 316-318 and 332. 2 Department of Agriculture, Year Book (1899), p. 332. 809] Historical Survey II Some idea of the great development which has taken place along these lines may be gained from a considera- tion of the value of the output of agricultural imple- ments and machinery as reported to the Census Office. For purposes of comparative study, the figures must be taken subject to heavy allowances, because as pointed out by Mr. George K. Holmes,1 the prices of farm machinery have " declined to an enormous extent," and this too, in spite of the fact that the later machines are more effi- cient, more durable, more readily operated, lighter, and stronger. The total value of agricultural implements and machines manufactured during the several census years, as reported to the Census Office, is as follows :2 ,, Total for Year' United States. 1900 $101,207,428 1890 81,271,651 1880 68,640,486 1870 42,653,500* 1860 20,831,904 1850 6,842,611 1 Twelfth Census, Manufacturing, IV, p. 353. 2 Twelfth Census, Manufactures, Vol. IV, p. 344. 3 The amount as given in the Census Report has been reduced to a gold basis. — See Tenth Census, Manufactures, p. i. PART II MACHINERY AND PRODUCTION THE COURSE OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION CON- TRASTED WITH THE INCREASE IN THE POPULA- TION 1840-1900 The first federal census which took account of agri- cultural products was that of 1840. The principal crops, for the period from 1840 to 1900 as reported to the census office, were as follows :l V^rif Barley Corn Cotton Hay J: ear. bu. bu. bales. tons. 1899 . . . . 119,634,877 2,666,440,279 9,534,707 84,011,299 I889 . . • • 78,332,976 2,122,327,547 7,472,5n 66,831,480 1879 • • • • 43,997,495 i, 754.591, 676 5,755,359 35,150,710 1869 . . . . 29,761,305 760,944,549 3,on,996 27,316,048 1859 - - . . 15,825,898 838,792,742 5,387,052 19,083,896 1849 . . . ._ 5,167,015 592,071,104 2,469,053 13,838,642 1839 • • . . 4,161,504 377,531,875 1,580,958 10,248,108 Van5 1804 38 45.O is 7.8 10 Cotton : By hand, 750 W\J J wif*T o ^v \S / * pounds ; by machine icoo pounds( i acre) seed cotton . ... 1841 l8q«> 167 48.0 78 42.0 12 Hay : Harvesting i ton ifv / ( i acre) timothy hay 1850 1895 21 5-0 3 56.5 13 Oats : 40 bushels (i acre) oats 1810 1801 66 15.0 7 5-8 16 Potatoes : 220 bushels iujw t-^ryj *^)*vr / «J* v (i acre) potatoes . . 1866 1895 108 55-0 38 • • 17 Rice : 2640 pounds (i acre) rough rice . . 1870 1895 62 5-0 17 2.5 18 Rye : 25 bushels (i acre) rve 1847-48 I8Q4-QS 62 58.9 25 IO.O 26 Wheat : 20 bushels (i *• *"**+/ *TV ^y*r 70 w * *r o acre) wheat .... 1829-30 1895-96 61 5-0 3 19.2 These several crops for the years covered by the data concerning production by the aid of machine power, were as follows : 2 unit numbers" here given are the unit numbers made use of in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Department of Labor, from which the data in the table are taken. The numbers are repeated here only for purposes of reference. 'Department of Agriculture, Year Book for 1900. 22 American Economic Association [820 Barley, crop of 1896 (bushels) . 69,695,223 Corn, Cotton, Hay, Oats, Potatoes, Rice, Rye, Wheat 1 1894 (bushels) 1,212,770,052 " 1895 (500 Ib. bales) 7,161,094 " 1895 (tons) 47,078,541 " 1893 (bushels) 638,854,850 " l895 (bushels) 297,237,370 " 1896 (pounds) 168,685,440 " 1895 (bushels) 27,210,070 " 1896 (bushels) 427,684,346 The number of days-work of man-labor requisite for producing the foregoing specified crops by the aid of machine power, together with the quantity of those several crops which the same labor-power could have produced by the earlier hand method, are shown in the following : Name Crop of Days-work of man-labor re- quired The same labor power by meth- ods of could have produced Barley . 1896 630,354 1829 -30 (bushels) 2,972,839 Corn . . 1894 45,873.027 1855 (bushels) 473,528,022 Cotton . 1895 28,178,904 1841 (bales) 2,518,972 Hay . . 1895 18,556,79! 1850 (tons) 8,801,640 Oats . . 1893 11,334,266 1830 (bushels) 68,433,307 Potatoes 1895 5,134,100 1866 (bushels) 103,703,321 Rice . . 1895 108,889 1870 (pounds) 46,303,587 Rye . . 1895 2,739.H7 1847-48 (bushels) 10,872,795 Wheat . 1896 7,099,560 1829-30 (bushels) 23,245,490 Finding next the difference between the quantities of the several crops actually produced under machine methods, in the years indicated, and the quantities which the labor-power requisite for their production with the aid of machines could have produced had it been devoted to the production of those same crops by hand methods, we have the following : 82 1 ] Machinery and Production 23 Crop of Due to use of machinery. Barley . . . 1896 . . (bushels) .... 66,722,384 . am . 95.7 Corn .... 1894 . . (bushels) . . . 739,242,030 . = . 60.9 Cotton . . . 1895 . . ( bales) 4,642,122 . = . 64.8 Hay .... 1895 . . (tons) 38,276,901 . = . 81.3 Oats. . . . 1893 . . (bushels) .... 570,421.543 . = . 89 2 Potatoes . . 1895 . . (bushels) .... 193,534,049 . = . 65.1 Rice. . . . 1895 . . (pounds) .... 122,381,853 . = . 72.5 Rye .... 1895 . . (bushels) .... 16,337,275 . = . 60.0 Wheat . . . 1896 . . (bushels) .... 404,438,856 . = . 94.5 The increased effectiveness of man labor power when aided by the use of machinery, as indicated by these figures, varies from 150 per cent in the case of rye to 2244 per cent in the case of barley. From this point of view a machine is " not a labor-saving" but rather a " product-making" device.1 Taking the per cent of labor saved (See page 29), as indicating the average proportion of these crops due to the use of machinery, it appears that the quantity of product is almost five times as great, per unit of^labor, as it formerly was. THE COST OF PRODUCTION Touching the difference in the cost of production per unit of product the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Department of Labor furnishes some data that will well repay a somewhat extended consideration. It should be observed, however, thatjthese data with reference to the cost of production, although collected at the same time and, doubtless, with the same care, as the data already taken from that report, are, nevertheless, for the purposes of generalization, far less reliable. The average workman will perform the same quantity of work in a day, whether he works in one locality or in another ; but rates of wages vary with localities and may vary both absolutely and relatively with differences in time. With this qualification in mind, it will be safe to take up the consideration of the data. 1 Hadley ; Economics, page 338. 24 American Economic Association [822 Including the crops above considered, the report of the Department of Labor, gives detailed information con- cerning the cost of production, by hand and by machine methods, of twenty-one different crops. The table on the next page gives the results of the several investigations in this particular, arranged in the order of the greatest saving in cost of production by machine as compared with hand methods.1 The per cent column of the following table shows that, for the most part, there has been a very great de- crease in the cost of producing these various crops. The median is 39.92 per cent, but this number is clearly too low, for the crops in which machinery is most used are principally in the upper part of the table. 1 In the production of peas and in both tobacco crops there has been an increase in the cost. This increase is not, however, from the use of machinery in the production of these crops, but rather from the lack of it. In the case of tobacco (unit 22), for example, in which there has been the greatest increase in cost, the hand method production was with the aid of the following : wagon, spades, hoes, rakes, wooden moldboard plows, harrow, turn plow, wooden pegs for setting plants, plow for cultivating, and tobacco knives. The total extent of the machinery used in the production of this crop by ma- chine methods was as follows : plow, harrow, rakes, hoes, disk harrow, drag, wagon and barrels, transplanter, double-shovel plow, tobacco knives, wagon and racks, and screw racket prize. (Thir- teenth Annual Report, Department of Labor, page 464. ) — It must be evident at once from a comparison of these items that the difference in machinery cannot account for the difference in cost of production. The cause of the increased cost in the production of tobacco and peas (units 15, 22, and 23) was a higher rate of wages. In the case of peas, wages rose from 62^ cents to $1.00 per day. In the case of tobacco (unit 22), wages rose from 30 cents per day to $20 and $23 per month ; in unit 23, the rise of wages was from 75 cents to $1.00 per day. It will be readily understood that when there is little or no change in the methods of production a rise in the rate of wages must cause a rise in the total cost of production. The "hand method" of production, as explained in the report of the department, "should not be construed to mean a method whereby a product is made entirely by the unaided hand and absolutely with- out the use of machines, but rather as the primitive method of pro- duction which was in vogue before the general use of automatic or power machines. " — (Thirteenth Annual Report, Department of Labor, p. n.) — Similarly, it should be observed, in this connection, that "machine method" does not necessarily imply that machines are used, but only that the work was done by the most approved methods practiced in more recent years. For a table of wages under hand and machine methods, see p. 60. :08T OF PRODUCTION BY HAND AND BY MACHINE MK.THODS. Unit No. l 3 27 5 17 21 12 8 20 13 19 24 16 26 n 7 i 10 18 1 15 23 22 ie and Quantity of Crop Produced. Barley ; 30 bu. Wheat : 20 bu. i acre)__ i acre)__ Year of Product' n Hand Machine Method. Method. i860 1870 1868 1850 1855 1855 Broom corn : i ton (3 acres) Rice : 2640 Ibs. ( i acre) Sweet Potatoes : 105 bushels (i acre) Hay : Harvesting i ton (i acre) timothy hay Corn : 40 bushels ( I acre ) yellow corn, shelled ; stalks, husks and blades cut into fodder Sugar corn : 20 tons (i acre) Oats : 40 bushels ( i acre ) 1 1830 Strawberries : 4,000 qts. (i acre 11871-72 Tomatoes : 1 50 bu . ( i acre 1 870 Potatoes : 220 bu. (i acre 1866 Wheat : 20 bu. (i acre )__ 1 1829-30 Hay: Harvesting and baling i ton (i acre) timothy hay 1860 Apple trees: 10,000 (i acre) 32 months, from grafts 1870-72 Beets : 300 bushel (i acre 1850 Corn : 40 bushels (i acre) yellow corn, husked ;; stalks left in field |i855 Carrots : 30 tons (i acre) 1850 1829-301895-96$ 1829-30 1895-96 Onions: 250 bu. (i acre) Apple trees : 10,000 ( i acre) 32 months, from grafts Cotton1 : By hand 750 Ibs. ; by machine 1000 Ibs. (i acre) Rye : 25 bushels ( Turnips : 350 bu. ( Carrots : 30 tons ( acre) acre) acre) Peas : 20 bushels (i acre) field Peas 1856 Tobacco: 1,500 Ibs. (i acre) Spanish seed leaf 1853 Tobacco :s By hand, 1,200 Ibs.; by machine 1,250! Ibs. (i acre) (1844 1850 1869-71 1841 1847-48 1855 1855 1895 1895 1895 1895 1894 1895 1893 1894-95 1895 1895 1895-96 1894 1893-95 1894 1895 1895 1893-95 1895 1894-95 1895 1895 1895 1895 1895 Cost. Hand Machine Method. Method. 3-88$ 4.00 90.33 7.20 34-30 1.92 16.34 40-: 3-* 231.28 36.62 13.18 3.83 3.19 200.00 32.30 5.03 38.71 32.56 202.00 6.15 5.25 25-63 30.61 6.66 25-85 •74 1. 06 1. 12 25-37 2.08 10.29 .63 6.62 16.37 1.60 97- 15. 5-97 2.03 1.91 121.00 20.01 3-31 37-21 23.89 150.69 4.71 4.30 23.36 29.96 6.76 27.99 2.67 Per cent Urrreatt 72.62 71.98 71.92 71.09 7O.OO 66.95 59-49 59-40 58.47 57.66 56.64 54-68 47.11 39.92 39-50 38.05 34-20 25.41 23.42 18.10 8.88 2.13 Percent. Increase 1.56 8.28 261.42 1 See footnote "i " page 21. 2 The data have been modified to show a comparison on the basis of equal quan- tities produced. If the equal areas be taken instead, the line should read : Cot- ton : By hand, etc , $9.23 ; $9.42. 2.09. 8 The data have been modified to show a comparison on the basis of equal quan- tities produced. If the equal areas be taken instead, the line should read : To- bacco : By hand, etc., $8.88 ; $33.39 ; 276.33. 26 American Economic Association [824 The data requisite for a similar showing with respect to all farm crops and for any certain period are, I think, not to be had ; but we can apply the data presented in the foregoing table to the principal crops of the year 1899, as reported by the Twelfth Census.1 The results are as follows : — THE COST OF PRODUCING CERTAIN CROPS OF THE YEAR 1899, BY HAND AND BY MACHINE METHODS. Cost of Production Hand Method Machine Meth . Name1 Quantity produced •) 119,634,877 $ 15,472,777 $ 4,227,098 .) 90,947,370 4,107,576 1,153,650 ) 2,666,440,279 335,304,865 220,647,933 1) 9*534,707 58,638,448 44,898,469 s) 84,011,299 161,301,694 52,927,118 .) 943,389,375 90,801,227 37,735,575 .) 11,791,121 1,535,675 1,126,759 .) 9,440,269 3,143,609 3,190,810 .) 273,328,207 16,373,935 7,417,133 .) 283,722,627 773,788 223,539 0 25,568,625 5,369,411 4,397,803 0 6,441,578 12,986,221 5,272,43! .) 42,526,696 41,676,162 4,167,616 .) 868,163,275 6,424,408 18,491,859 0 658,534,252 126,109,309 66,841,226 Barley (3) (bu. Broomcorn (5). . . (Ibs. Corn (9) (bu Cotton ( 10) . . . . (bales Hay (12) (tons) Oats (13) (bu. Onions (14) .... (bu.) Peas (15) (bu. Potatoes (16) ... (bu. Rice (17) (Ibs. Rye (18) (bu.) Sugar cane (20) . . (tons Sweet potatoes (21) (bu.) Tobacco (22). . . . (Ibs.) Wheat (26) (bu.) Total 1880,019,105 1472,719,019 The estimated cost of producing these crops by machine method is only 53.7 per cent of the estimated cost of producing the same crops by hand method. In other words, the saving in cost of production amounts to 46.3 per cent. The average date of the hand method investigations made use of in this presentation is 1850 ; the average date for the machine method investigations 1 Twelfth Census : Agriculture I, p. cxxi. 2 The figures in parentheses are the unit numbers used by the De- partment of Labor and indicate what set of reports was used as the basis of the estimated cost of production as here presented. The dates of the investigations for hand and for machine methods may be found by reference to the preceding table. 825] Machinery and Production 27 is 1895 — a difference of forty-five years. Surely it will not be too much to say that during the last half of the nineteenth century the cost of production of these crops was reduced by one-half. If we take into account the decreased cost to the farmer of food and lodging for his hired workmen and of the decreased cost of storage room for grain in the straw, then the total saving must appear to be even greater than this.1 FLUCTUATIONS IN QUANTITY OF PRODUCT The use of machinery in the production of agri- cultural products, as in the production of manufactures, tends to diminish the fluctuations in supply. Capital in any form, cannot, ordinarily, be diverted from the pro- duction for which it was designed, without more or less waste. If,t for^xampl^^a farmer wishes to change from producing wheat to^pVpoucing potatoes, he must sell his reaper at a sacrifice.1/ The difficulty in making such changes operates against great and sudden changes from 1 "Toascertain the amount of saving precisely isdifficult ; but looking through the successive stages of management and seeing that the owner of a stock farm in the preparation of his land by using lighter ploughs is able to cast off one horse in three ; and by adopting other simple tools to dispense altogether with the great part of his plough- ing ; that in the culture of crops by the various drills, horsepower cau be partly reduced ; the seed otherwise wanted, partly saved ; and the use of manures greatly economized ; while the horse hoe replaces the hoe at one half the expense ; that at harvest the American reaper can effect nearly thirty men's work ; while the Scotch cart replaces the old English wagon with exactly half the horses ; that in prepar- ing corn for food the steam threshing machine saves two thirds of our former expense ; and in preparing food for stock the turnip- cutter, at an outlay of is., adds 8s. a head in one winter to the value of sheep ; lastly, that in the indispensable but costly operation of drainage, the materials have been reduced from 8os. to 15 s., to one fifth namely of their former cost ; it seems to be proved that the efforts of agricultural mechanists have been so far successful, as in all these main branches of farming labour taken together, to effect a saving on outgoings or else an increase of incomings of not less than one- half." — Quoted from Pusey's report on Agricultural Implements in the Exhibit of , by Hearn, "Plutology," page 171. 28 Machinery and Production [826 one line of production to another, even when the pros- pects for profit in such other line may be unusually bright. Thus the supply of the more profitable product is restricted. On the other hand, farmers having their capital in the form of machinery devoted to the pro- duction of some particular crop, will continue to produce somewhat of that crop rather than to have their capital lie idle or to suffer a greater loss from an attempt to change. This influence operates towards maintaining the former supply. As a consequence of these two dissimilar forces, the supply of any product is more constant, and the re- sulting fluctuations in price less violent than they other- wise would be. THE QUALITY OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS The use of machinery is not without some influence on the quality of the product. Corn, which, by reason of too early or too late planting, as was necessarily frequent under hand methods of production, does not mature properly, and is unwholesome ; and grain cut, as formerly, under hand methods, before it is thoroughly ripened, becomes shrunken and of less value. In the matter of preparing grain for use the advant- ages of machinery are equally evident. The present generation of Americans would be slow to eat bread made of flour from wheat threshed by the treading of horses or cattle. PART III MACHINERY AND LABOR SAVING OF LABOR The quantity of labor which, by the use of machine power, is saved for other uses, may be determined, in the case of any particular crop, by finding the difference between the number of days-work requisite for pro- ducing it by hand and by machine methods. In the following table there is shown the quantity of man- labor requisite for producing the nine principal farm crops by hand and by machine methods ; the quantity of labor saved in each case by the use of machinery ; and the per cent which the quantity of saved labor is of the quantity requisite for producing the several crops by hand method. DAYS- WORK NECESSARY TO PRODUCE BY HAND METHODS Crop of Methods of Barley 1896 . 1829-30 Corn 1894 . 1855 Cotton 1895 . 1841 Hay 1895 1850 Oats 1893 . 1830 Potato 1895 . 1866 Rice 1896 . . . 1870 Rye 1895 . . . 1847-48 Wheat 1896 . . . 1829-30 Days-work 14,771,515 117,487,098 80,108,771 99,257,257 105,810,334 14,715,501 396,687 6,854,942 130,621,927 Total 570,024,032 BY MACHINE METHODS Crop of Methods of *" Barley . . 1896 . . 1895-96 630,354 I4,I4I,l6l . •=95-7 Corn . . . 1894 . . 1894 45,873,027 71,614,071 . . =60.9 Cotton . . 1895 . . 1895 28,178,904 51,929,867 . . = 64.8 Hay . . 1895 18,556,79! 80,700,466 . .=81.3 Oats . . ' 1893 . . 1893 11,334,266 94,476,068 . .=89.2 Potato. . . 1895 . . 1895 5,134,100 9,581,401 . .=65.1 Rice . . 1896 . . 1896 108,889 287,796 . .=72.5 Rye. . . Wheat . . 1895 • . . 1896 . . 1894-95 1895-96 2,739,147 7,099.560 4, "5,795 • 123,522,367 . . =60.0 - =94-5 Totals 1 1 Q. 6«.038 450,368,092 = 79.0 29 30 American Economic Association [828 The total amount of man-labor-power saved by the use of machinery in the production of these nine crops was 450,368,992 days-work or 79.0 per cent of the amount of work which would have been required to produce those same crops by the earlier hand methods. In other words, the quantity of labor now requisite for the production of a given quantity of these nine crops is, on the average, only 21 per cent, or a little over one- I fifth of the quantity which would be requisite under . the former hand methods of production.1 DISPLACEMENT OF LABOR The question of the displacement of labor is one of peculiar interest to those who work for hire, because upon it seems to depend the further question of whether the use of machinery decreases the opportuni- ties for earning a livelihood. That the introduction of machinery does frequently deprive workmen of em- ployment in particular lines of work is undeniably true. The introduction of a harvesting machine throws cradlers and binders out of employment just as certainly as the introduction of water drives air out of a jug. It is idle to say that machinery does not dis- place individual workmen and equally idle to contend that such displacement does not entail hardship and suffering, for the more thoroughly and completely one devotes himself to any particular line of work, the less fitted does he become for taking up, and gaining a live- lihood in, some other occupation. The extent of change which the introduction of machinery produces in the occupation of individuals is much obscured by the fact that the machine workman is usually given 1 See also Edward Atkinson's " Distribution of Products ", pages 14-15 and 287. 829] Machinery and Labor 31 the same name as was borne by. his predecessor ; as, for example, men who operate a steam threshing machine are called threshers, though they may never have seen a flail and are almost as little fitted for operating a flail and winnowing apparatus as the old time threshers would be to operate the new machine. The old occu- pation is gone. What we now have is a new occupa- tion passing under the old name. And a new class of workmen (machinists,) are in charge. It is only when we speak of labor as a quantity or of laborers in mass that we can presume to say there has been no displacement of labor by machinery ; and yet there may be, in this sense also, a displacement of labor. The displacement may be absolute, as where the labor force in any line of work is decreased, or it may be only relative, as where the rate of increase in the num- ber of laborers employed falls below the rate of in- crease of laborers employed in industries generally. THE ABSOLUTE DISPLACEMENT For the agricultural industry considered as a whole, New England furnishes an instance of the absolute dis- placement of labor. In 1880, the population, ten years of age and over, engaged in agriculture, numbered 304,- 679 ; but in 1900, the number was only 287, 829.* This decrease was not due to a decadence of agri- culture in those states, for the value of the New England agricultural products was more than fifty per cent greater in 1900 than in 1880. J It must have been due to the introduction of machinery as indicated 'See page 101. 2 The value of New England agricultural product, as reported in 1880, was $103,343,566 ; in 1900 it was 1169,523,435. Twelfth Census : Agriculture I, page 703. 32 American Economic Association [830 by the reported valuation of agricultural implements and machines, which increased from $1.68 per acre of improved land in 1880, to $4.49 per acre in iQoo.1 With respect to the work of cultivating and caring for those nine crops in the production of which ma- chinery appears to be most extensively used, we may determine what absolute displacement, if any, has taken place by finding in each case what amount of labor was necessarily employed in the time of produc- tion by hand methods and comparing that amount with the amount of labor necessarily employed in the time of production by machine methods. Data of crop pro- duction for the exact years covered by the report of the Department of Labor concerning production by hand method cannot be secured for all of the crops, but tak- ing the best available data and tabulating results we have the following : DAYS- WORK OF MAN-I,ABOR REQUIRED FOR PRODUCING THE Crop of2 By methods of Days-work Barley 1839 . . . 1829-30 . . . 882,007 Corn 1855 . . . 1855 . . . 74,151,217 Cotton 1841 . . . 1841 . . . 13,717,188 Hay 1849 • • • l85° • • • 29,176,470 Oats 1839 . . . 1830 . . . 20,381,312 Potato 1866 . . . 1866 . . . 5,307,260 Rice 1871 . . . 1870-71 . . . 124,383 Rye 1849 . . . 1847-48 . . . 3,574,396 Wheat 1839 • • • 1829-30 . . . 25,905,766 "• Total 173,219,999 1 Twelfth Census : Agriculture I, page 698. 2 The barley crop of 1839 was 4tI6i,5O4 bushels— Sixth Census, page 408. The corn crop of 1855 is assumed to be 765,431,923 bushels. This is midway between the amounts reported to the census office in 1850 and 1860. The cotton crop of 1841 was 1,634,945 bales. — World Almanac for 1896, page 164. The hay crop of 1849 was 13,838,642 tons. — Eleventh Census : Agri- culture, page 90. Machinery and Labor 33 Crop of Byrnethods Days-work Difference Displace- in ment VJ days-work percent Barley. . . . 1896 . . 1895-96 . 630,354 • • 251,653 . .28.5 Corn . . . . 1894 . . 1894 . . 45,873,027 . 28,278,190. .38.1 Cotton . . . . 1895 • 1895 • • 28,178,904. . . Hay. . . . . 1895 I895 18,556,791 • . 10,619.679 . • 36.4 Oats . . . . . 1893 • .1893 11,334,266 . . 9,047,046 . .44.4 Potato. . . . 1895 . • 1895 - • 5,134,100. 76,536 . - 3-3 Rice . . . . . 1896 . . 1895-96 • • 108,889 . 15,494 . . 12.5 Rye. . . . • 1895 • . 1894-95 . . 2,739,147 • . 835,249 . •23.4 Wheat . . . . 1896 . . 1895-96 . 7,o99,56o . 18,806,206 . .72.6 Total 119,655,038 67,930,053 42.5 The table shows that in the work of producing each of the crops considered, excepting only the cotton crop, there has been an absolute displacement of man labor. Disregarding the cotton crop, the absolute displacement in the work of producing the other eight crops is 42.5 per cent. If cotton be included in the summary and allowance be made for the additional labor employed in the production of that crop, the absolute displace- ment becomes 30.9 per cent. The oats crop of 1839 was 123,054,992. — Report ot the Department of Agriculture for 1862, page 572. The potato crop of 1866 was 107,200,976 bushels. — Year Book of Department of Agriculture, 1898, page 679. The rice crop of 1870-71 was 52,892,400 pounds.— Letter of August 26, 1902 from Department of Agriculture, Division of Statistics. The rye crop of 1849 was 14,188,813 bushels. — Patent Office Report, 1853, Part 2, page 155. The wheat crop of 1839 was 84,821,065 bushels. — Report of Depart- ment of Agriculture, 1862, page 572. Crop reports for the desired years could not be found in every case. When the difference between the year reported upon by the investiga- tions of the Department of Labor and the nearest year for which a crop report could be had was greater than one year a later crop report was preferred as yielding a displacement of labor too low rather than too high. 34 American Economic Association THE RELATIVE DISPLACEMENT [832 The relative increase or decrease of the population engaged in agriculture as compared with the increase or decrease of the population engaged in each of the other occupation classes, for the continental portion of the United States, and for the several geographical divis- ions, during the period from 1880 to 1900, is shown in the following tables:1 UNITED STATES Males and fenalesUn years ^ lggo ^ Igoo Total population 36,761,607=100 . . 129.0 . . 157.6 In gainful occupations .... 17,392,099=100 . . 130.7 . . 167.2 In agriculture 7,713,875=100 . . m.o . . 135.9 In professional services . . . 603,202=100 . . 156.6 . . 208.7 In dom. and per. services . . 3,423,815=100 . . 123.3 • • 163.0 In trade and transp i,866,48r=ioo . . 178.2 . . 255.4 In manfg. and mech. arts . . 3,784,726=100 . . 150.0 . . 187.2 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION Total population 11,270,090=100 . . 123.2 . . 148.1 In gainful occupations .... 5,309,722=100 . . 131.3 . . 161.6 In agriculture 1,048,442=100 . . 104.9 • • 102.5 In professional services . . . 207,551=100 . . 144.3 • • J98-2 In dom. and per. services . . 1,211,958=100 . . 121.1 . . 153.2 In trade and transp 828,802=100 . . 158.9 . . 225.4 In manfg. and mech. arts . 2,012,969=100 . . 138.1 . . 167.4 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION Total population . 5,286,645=100 . . 121.4 . . 144.1 In gainful occupations . . . . 2,677,762=100 . . 116.4 • • 149-4 In agriculture 1,622,081=100 . . 102.9 . . 125.3 In professional services . . . 62,309=100 . . 148.2 . . 191.6 In dom. and per. services . . 517,429=100 . . 112.3 • • I54-4 In trade and transp 177,436—100 . . 174.0 . . 238.0 In manfg. and mech. arts . . 298,507=100 . . 156.4 . . 210.3 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION Total population 12,760,841=100 . . 132.5 . . 158.9 In gainful occupations .... 5,625,123=100 . . 136.4 . . 170.3 In agriculture . . 2,735,525=100 . . 113.9 • • 128.3 In professional services . . . 230,622=100 . . 161.0 . . 207.4 In dom. and per. services . . 1,025,089=100 . . 129.6 . . 171.7 In trade and transp 595,791=100 . . 193.2 . . 280.5 In manfg. and mech. arts . . 1,038,096=100 . . 164.3 • • 208.4 1 For absolute numbers, see page 93. 833] Machinery and Labor 35 187,302=100 29,265=100 204,430=100 103,003=100 /Soo igoo 128.4 . . 166.6 120.3 • • 172.4 109.5 . . 155-7 155.6 . . 207.4 112.7 . . 170.7 195.3 . . 294.8 178.5 . . 241.3 175.5 . . 236.5 176.5 . . 224.9 191.5 . . 248.3 228.6 . . 333.1 156.1 . . 181.6 227.3 . . 320.3 153.3 . . 188.4 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION m'"o/a/r^o^yearS B™ **> Total population 6,076,243=100 In gainful occupations . . . . 3,022,1735=100 In agriculture 2,120,525=100 In professional services . . . 73»455=ioo In dom. and per. services . . 464,909=100 In trade and transp 161,449=100 In manfg. and mech. arts . . 201,835=100 WESTERN DIVISION Total population 1,367,788=100 , In gainful occupations . . . In agriculture ...... In professional services In dom. and per. services In trade and transp In manfg. and mech. arts . In the United States as a whole, and in each division, excepting only the Western division, the rate of increase in the agricultural population has been much lower than in any other one of the occupation classes. Not only this, but, subject to the same exception, it has been lower than either the rate of increase in the total population or in the number of those engaged in gainful occupations. We must conclude, therefore, that for the period from 1880 to 1900, as compared with the growth in the number of those engaged in other industries, there has been a decrease in the number of those engaged in agriculture.1 1 Bringing together the data concerning the population engaged in agriculture, as presented in the foregoing tables, so as to show the relative rate of increase in that class in the different sections of the country, we have the following : POPULATION ENGAGED IN AGRICULTURE — (MALES AND FEMALES) Base 1880 iBgo /QOO United States 7,713,875=100 . . 111.04 . . 135.88 North Atlantic division . . . 1,048,442=100 . . 104.86 . . 102.47 South Atlantic division . . . 1,622,081=100 . . 102.89 • • 125.30 North Central division . . . 2,735,525=100 . . 113.94 . . 128.26 South Central division . . . 2,120,525=100 . . 109.48 . . 155.66 Western division 187,302=100 . . 191.51 . . 248.34 American Economic Association [834 Base 1880 1890 igoo J . . . . 7,119,365=100 . . 110.78 . . 132.09 les . . . 594,5io=ioo . . 114.19 . . 164.39 , males . 1,043,497=100 . . 103.38 . . 99.64 ies . . . 4,945=100 . . 418.07 . . 701.37 males. . 1,358,072=100 . . 104.68 . . 125.00 les . . . 264,009=100 . . 93.67 . . 126.86 males . . 2,720,123=100 . . 111.64 . . 125.31 les . . 15,402=100 . . 520.47 . . 649.38 males . . 1,811,486=100 . . 110.28 . . 155.03 ies ... 309,039=100 . . 104.80 . • 159.30 186,187=100 . . 188.98 2AI 57 les . . . 1,115=100 . . 613.36 •"tx«O/ • . 1379.55 The rate of increase of males and females in the va.r- ious occupation classes has been very different. The relative rates of increase, in the agricultural industry, as reported for the several sections of the country, are shown in the following table : POPULATION ENGAGED IN AGRICULTURE' United States, males females North Atlantic div., i females South Atlantic div., males females North Central div., males . females South Central div., males . females Western div., males females The foregoing table shows that women, much more rapidly than men, are turning to agricultural pursuits. The introduction and use of machine power, by decreas- ing the requirements of physical strength has placed men and women upon a more equal footing and women promise now to invade the agricultural industry as they have heretofore invaded that of manufactures. We may ascertain the extent of the movement to or from any occupation class during any period by compar- ing the distribution of the people among the various occupation classes at the beginning of such period with their distribution at its close. The following table shows, for the United States and for the several geographical divisions, what per cent of the total number of those engaged in gainful occupa- tions in 1870 and in 1900 were in the several occupation classes.2 1 See pp. 94-95- 2 See p. 96. 835] Machinery and Labor 37 Agri- cul- Prof, ser- Dom.& Pert. Trade and Mfg.Cf Meek. ture vice service Transp. Arts United States . 1900 . - 35-7 •' •4.3- . 19.2 . . I6.4 - • 24.4 1870 . . 47.6 . .30. . 18.2 . . 9-8. . 21.4 North Atlantic div. . . . 1900 . . 12.5 • .4.8. . 21.6. . 21.8 . • 39-3 1870 . . 24.9 . • 3-4 • . 21.4 . . 14.2 . .36.1 South Atlantic div. . . . 1900 . . 50.8 . .3-0. . 20.0 . . 10.5 . • '5-7 1870 . . 63.8 . . 2.0 . • 17-5 • • 5-9- . 10.8 North Central div. . . . 1900 . . 36.6 . • 5.0 . I8.4 . • 17-4 • . 22.6 1870 . . 52.5 . •3-4. . 16.7 • 9-3- . 18.1 South Central div. . . . 1900 . . 63.4 . . 2.9. . 15.2 . . 9.1 . . 9.4 1870 . . 71.5. . 2.2 . . 14.0 . • 5-3 • . 7.0 Western div IQOO . . 27. * . . 5.7 . . 21.8 . . IQ.4 . . 25.8 1870 . • ^ / "O . 27.2 . • o* / • . 3.1 • 25.4 . . ' J--+ * . 12.4 . • +^»\* - 31-9 Finding the difference between these several pairs of per cents, and representing increases by positive num- bers and decreases by negative numbers, we get the per cent of those engaged in gainful occupations who have shifted to or from the several occupation classes, during the period from 1870 to 1900, as follows: Agri- Prof. Dom. & Trade Mfg. & cut- scr- personal and tnech. ture vices services Transp. arts United States . . . . — n.9l . . 1.3 . . i.o . . 6.6 . . 3.0 North Atlantic div. . —12.4 . . 1.4 . . 0.2 .. 7.6 . . 3.2 South Atlantic div. . —13.0 . . i.o . . 2.5 . . 4.6 . . 4.9 North Central div. . —15.9 . 1.6 . . 1.7 .. 8.1 . . 4.5 South Central div. . — 8.1 . . 0.7 . 1.2 . . 3.8 . . 2.4 Western div. . . . o.i . . 2.6 . . —3.6 . . 7.0 . —6.1 1 This —11.9 per cent does not mean that there was a decrease, abso- lutely', in the number of those engaged in agriculture, but only rela- tively, and in this sense ; that, whereas the number of those engaged in agriculture increased during the period from 1870 to 1900, the in- crease was FO much less than in the other occupation classes that this particular class failed, by a number equal to 11.9 per cent of the total number engaged in gainful occupations in 1900, to maintain its former proportion. A similar remark applies to each one of the other cases where a negative number appears. The decrease in the class of those engaged in manufactures and Mechanic arts, in the Western division is due to the fact that, under the classification used, miners and quarryinen are included in that occupation class. In 1870, these workers constituted a high proportion of the total number engaged in gainful occupations in that division. 38 American Economic Association [836 Now the total number engaged in gainful occupa- tions in 1900 was 29,074,1 17,* and 11.9 per cent, of 29,074,117 gives 3,459,819 as the number which, under the conditions existing in 1870, should have been found in the agricultural class in 1900 in addition to the number actually found in that occupation class. The number reported as engaged in the agricultural industry, in 1900, was 10,381, 765. 2 It appears, there- fore, that during the period from 1870 to 1900 the agri- cultural class lost, relatively, almost one-fourth of its membership. Of this number 1,523, 365^ nearly one- half of the total for the whole United States, were from the North Central States. A table constructed similarly to the one given above and showing, separately, the shifting of males and of females among the different occupation classes, during the period from 1870 to 1900, is presented here- with as follows : — 4 SHIFTING OF THE POPULATION ENGAGED IN THE DIFFERENT OCCUPATION CLASSES : 1870-1900. Agri- Prof. Dom. & Trade Mfg. & cut- ser- Personal and Mech. ture vices services Transp. Arts United States, males. . . . —12.5 . . 0.9 . . 2.5 . . 6.6 25 females. . . — 32. . 3.1 . . —13.6 . . 83 . . 5.4 North Atlantic div., males . — 14.4 . . 1.2 . . 2.3 . . 7.5 . . 3.4 females. . . 1.5 . 1.2 . . —15.5 . . 10.9 . . 1.9 South Atlantic div., males . —13.8 . . 0.6 . . 3.6 . . 5.3 . . 4.3 females. . . — 7.8 . . 2.6 . . — 4.8 . . 2.9 . . 7.1 North Central div., males . —15.7 . . I.O . . 2.9 .. 8.0 . . 3.8 females. . 5.4. .2.6. .—30.1. .12.3. . 9.8 South Central div., males . — 9.0 . . 0.2 . . 2.5 . . 4.2 . . 2.1 females. . . — 3.4 . . 2.9 . . — 5.7 2.4. . 3.8 Western div., males . . . 1.4 . . 1.7 . . — 4.1 . . 7.2 . . —6.2 females. . . 5.0. .6.7. .—26.0. .12.1. . 2.2 1 See p. 42. * See p. 93. 'The number engaged in gainful occupations in the North Central States in 1900, was 9,580,913. (Twelfih Census, Population II, page cxxviii). The portion of this population which, during the period from 1870 to 1900, has shifted from agriculture to other occupation classes was 15.9 per cent. (See page 37. ) 4 See pp. 97-98. 837] Machinery and Labor 39 It has been shown above that, relatively speaking, nearly three and a half million people changed from agri- culture to other industries during the thirty year period, 1870 to 1900. So great a displacement will, doubtless, at first seem incredible. There is need to look at the prob- lem from another point of view : The total number of persons (i.e., farmers, planters, overseers, and agricultural laborers) reported in 1870 as engaged in farming opera- tions was 5,948,561. l They produced in that census year 1,388,526,403 bushels of cereals.2 Making allow- ance for the short corn crop of 1869,* we mav sav tnat they were able to have produced 1,519,704,342 bushels of cereals — an average of 255.4 bushels per worker. At this same rate, the 10,381,765 persons (i. e., farmers, planters, overseers and agricultural workers) engaged in cereal production in the census year of 1900* could have produced 2,651,502,781 bushels of cereals. The amount would, however, have been less than the actual product in i8995 by i, 783, 195, 965 bushels. To have made good this deficiency, on the basis of the efficiency of the aver- age worker in 1869, would have required an additional force of 6,981,973 workers. This is more than double the number of those who went from agriculture into other occupations. We must, therefore, in all fairness, say, since the machine power introduced into the busi- ness of farm work during the period from 1869 to 1899 has more than taken the place of those workers who, during that period, removed from agriculture to other occupations, it has been the cause of their removal. That more have not so removed is, of course, due to the 1 See p. 93. 2 See p. 13. 8 See p. 15. 4 See p. 93. 5 See p. 13. 40 American Economic Association [838 fact that the farm work of the present day calls for a great amount of work not demanded by the business of farming as followed in earlier years. The matter of change in the character of farm work has made it very difficult for any one, from ordinary ob- servation alone, to judge rightly of the effect of ma- chine power on labor. Even so eminent an authority on agricultural conditions as Professor Davenport, of the University of Illinois, has been misled into thinking that the labor power supplanted by machinery is offset by the demand for labor in new lines of farm work. In his testimony before the Industrial Commission he stat- ed: " The introduction of machinery has vastly extend- ed agricultural operations. It has extended the acreage under cultivation, and has increased the amount of labor bestowed upon the land per acre. I do not think it has decreased the number of men or the total employment of man power on the lands of the country." l It is barely possible that Professor Davenport and the members of the Industrial Commission who examined him, had reference to the absolute and not to the rela- tive number of workers. If such was the case then all that can be said is that Professor Davenport and the commissioners were rather solemnly deliberating upon a subject concerning which the successive census re- ports left no room for doubt. But, one may ask, What becomes of the workers who are thus thrown out of employment ? and, Are there not some compensating advantages? The first of these questions is easily answered for in the extreme case of an individual who suffers absolute displacement the only alternative from idleness is to accept a lower 1 Report of the Industrial Commission, Vol. X, page 256. See also the testimony of Mr. Ketchum on page 132 of that report. 839] Machinery and Labor 41 rate of wages for work in his accustomed employment or to enter as an inexperienced workman, in some other employment at, most' likely, a still lower rate of wages. His compensating advantage is an uncertain one and one hard to estimate. Besides, it does not ordinarily accrue until the time of his greatest need is passed.1 It arises from the decreased market price of the commodity which he formerly helped to produce. If it is a commodity which enters into his own consumption then the lower price which he pays for it, will in a measure, off-set the lower wage which he receives in his new occupation. If it is not a commod- ity which enters into his own consumption then his compensating advantage must come through the stimu- lus which the decreased price of this particular commod- ity gives to other industries in which it is employed as "raw material" or, more properly, as a factor of produc- tion. Cheaper " raw material " yielding, of course, a decreased cost of production, higher profits, and a stronger demand for labor.2 1 " It is small consolation to a working man to be assured that in a year's time he will have plenty of work, if in the meantime he must remain breadless. Loss of work even for a few weeks may exhaust his credit and the affection and means of his friends, and there may remain nothing for him but starvation, unless poor-laws or private charity come to the rescue." — Nicholson : Effects of Machinery on Wages, p. 30. 2 " Labor-saving methods seem to be a calamity, because the effect is to interfere with present pursuits and deprive some of their ac customed means of livelihood ; to render useless, skill acquired after a lifelong training. The benefits all seem to accrue to the person who first uses an invention, while the ones displaced are apparently shut out of the industrial system. It is not noticed how they are gradually absorbed into other channels of employment that open up as the cost of production is decreased. If such were not the case, the whole in- dustrial mechanism would soon come to a standstill, considering the progress of inventions supplemented by the army of aliens that arrive yearly and the increasing proportion of women breadwinners." — Henry White: "The Problem of Machinery" in The American Federationist, Vol. X, page 83. 4 42 American Economic Association [840 As to those workmen who suffer only relative dis- placement there is, ordinarily, no need for any compen- sating advantages. The greatest hardship which the use of machinery lays upon them is that of avoiding those occupations in which the demand for workmen is becoming weak. It will be noticed too, that for every relative decrease in the number of persons engaged in one industry, there is a corresponding increase in some other industry.1 As a matter of fact the persons engag- ed in gainful occupations constitute a greater proportion of the total population now than formerly. 2 1 See pp. 37-38. 2 MALES AND FEMALES TEN YEARS OF AGE AND OVER IN THE UNITED STATES. Year Total mlmt,er - Percent 1900 . . . 57,949,824 . . . 29,074,117 . . . 50.2 1890 . . . 47,413,559 . . . 22,735,66! . . . 48.0 i88o . . . 36,761,607 . . . 17,392,099 . . . 47-3 1870 . . . 28,228,945 . . . 12,505,923 . . . 44-3 Ranged on the common basis of 100, for the purpose of comparison, the two columns of absolute numbers in the above table show as follows : MALES AND FEMALES TEN YEARS OF AGE AND OVER IN THE UNITED STATES. Year Total number Engaged in gain- ful occupation 1900 ........ 205.2 . ..... 232.5 1890 ........ 168.0 ........ 181.8 1880 ........ 130.2 ...... ' . . 139.1 1870 ........ loo.o . . ...... loo.o These figures show an unmistakable increase in the proportion of those engaged in clearly defined occupations. There are, however, two points which should be borne in mind in any comparative study of the census returns of occupations. First : the more elementary the industrial organization, the less differentiated are the industrial functions, and hence the proportion of those who can report themselves as having definite occupations is much less than in a highly developed industrial organization in which the workmen are much given to following special lines of work. — (Tenth Census, Population I, page 710.) Second : The number of different occupations reported upon has 841] Machinery and Labor 43 THE AGRICULTURAL WORK OF FORMER TIMES IN THE TOWNS OF TO-DAY The element of unreality in the transfer from agricul- ture to other occupations, referred to above (page 39), consists in this, that many of those who, at the present time, are employed in the towns and considered as en- gaged in occupations other than agriculture, are, in fact, doing work which, in earlier years, was done on the farms ; and the persons who then did the work, if classr fied at all, were classified as agriculturists. There is no need to cite authority for saying that 150 years ago, not in this country alone but in all countries, much of that which we now call manufactures was considered a part of agriculture. Agricultural implement manufacture, as a distinct indus- try,was then practically unknown. Each farmer, assisted, perhaps, by the village blacksmith, made his own implements. " Every homestead of any pretension had to be, at the same time, a manufactory of almost all the things required for daily use.'" " Every housewife spun her own flax and made her own linen." 2 Even within been repeatedly changed : the number of different occupations re- ported upon by the several censuses has been as follows : Twelfth Census 303 ~| Eleventh Census 218 Tenth Census 265 Twelfth Census, Ninth Census 338 j Occupations, p. xxxii. Eighth Census 584 Seventh Census 323 J Any one will readily recognize that the more minute the classifica- tion of occupations the higher must be the proportion of those in gainful occupations as compared with the whole population. 1 Smith : Colonial Days and Ways, page no. 2 McMaster : History of the People of the United States. Vol. I, p. 10. 44 American Economic Association [842 the past fifty years, the business of ginning cotton has been largely removed from the farm;1 and, in the report of the Twelfth Census, cotton ginners are classed as manufacturers.2 The business of cotton ginning like that of grinding corn and wheat, has become specialized and has been removed from the farm. Its classification as a line of manufactures followed, of necessity. The Twelfth Census classifies butter and cheese makers as manufacturers;3 but in 1870, only the cheese makers were so classified.4 Butter was made, in 1870, on the farms and as part of farm work. The development of the agricultural implement industry is another in- stance. The manufacture of the implements and machines from being a feature of farm work,5 has be- come a distinct branch of manufactures, employing, ac- cording to the returns of the Twelfth Census, during the census year reported upon, an " average number6 " of 46,582 persons besides 10,046 7 ''salaried offic a b, clerks, etc." Thus, one after another, functions which formerly were considered as belonging to agriculture have been differentiated from it and removed from the farm, 1 Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, p .xxx. 2 Twelfth Census, Population II, p. 507. 3 Twelfth Census, Population II, p. 506. 4 Ninth Census, Population, p. 680. 5 Rogers : Industrial and Commercial History, p. 26. 6 " The average number of wage-earners (men, women, and chil- dren) employed during the entire year was ascertained by using 12, the number of calendar months, as a divisor into the total of the average numbers reported for each month." Twelfth Census : Bulle- tin No. 69, p. 2. 7 Twelfth Census, Manufactures IV, page 345. "More than two hundred thousand employees are provided with regular work the year round by the factories that make the implements and machinery, and nearly as many more are engaged in selling, transporting and shipping the products to their final destination." — Geo. E. Walsh ; Machinery in Agriculture," in Gassier' s Mag., Vol. 19, p. 147. 843] Machinery and Labor 45 until the fanning business of to-day appears as a remnant of its former self. He is much mistaken, however, who would, from this fact, conclude that the farmer is sinking to the level of a wage-earner. One ought rather to say that it is a sign of the farmer rising to the position of a merchant or manufact- urer. It is specializing his work ; it is taking away only that which can be more advantageously done in the towns, and leaving to him just that which he can do most advantageously and, therefore, most profitably. It is lifting him to that place in the industrial or- ganism in which his share in the production of eco- nomic goods counts most effectively.1 The underlying and controlling fact is this : that the more highly or- ganized society becomes, the farther it advances' along the way from barbarism to a perfect civilization, the more does each individual member of society become dependent upon the offices of every other member. The transfer of occupations from the country to the town is still going on and will go on until division of labor and labor saving devices shall have ceased to serve their purpose. It is in the nature of things that this should be so, since it can be done more economically ; and it is equally in the nature of things that people should compete for the better conditions thus offered. It is in vain to try to keep the boy upon the farm where the work is slipping from his grasp. He must 1 "Better methods of husbandry, the use of superior implements, specialization of agricultural production and vastly improved trans- portation facilities, whereby large areas of new lands have been brought under cultivation, have been indispensable to this increase in productive efficiency, in consequence of which a relatively smaller part of the world's population is required to produce the food sup- ply."— C. F. Emerick : Agricultural Discontent," in Pol. Sci. Quar., Vol. XI, p. 436. 46 American Economic Association [844 follow his work. The zeal which some townspeople manifest in their efforts to persuade the farmers' boys to remain upon the farm betrays a fear that the advent of vigorous blood may diminish the profit which now arises by reason of the somewhat restricted number of competitors. It must, however, be noted that the introduction of farm machinery is developing work on the farm very much akin to that done in the town, as for exam- ple, the cutting and grinding of feed for stock. It minimizes the disagreeable features of farm work,1 and is giving opportunity for the exercise of a higher order of intellect in farm work.2 Many advantages, formerly attainable only in towns, are now accessible to the farming classes3 so that, at the present time, many of the more capable farmers' boys are finding farm life to be the more advantageous avenue to the wealth and social position which they seek. 1(4 The introduction of machinery in many branches of industry — and more especially in agriculture — while increasing, perhaps, the monotony of employment, has also greatly lightened the severity of toil, and in not a few instances has done away with certain forms of labor which were unquestionably brutalizing and degrading, or physically injurious." — David A. Wells: Recent Economic Changes, P- 372. "There is no more laborious kind of farm work than the spreading of manure ; so much so that in farming on a large scale it is difficult to procure labor for the purpose. This can now be dispensed with. A machine called the manure spreader does all this work ... It does everything in the manuring lire except to use foul language." — Scientific American Supplement, Vol. 50, p. 20528. 2 "The farmer has, by his own progressiveness, gained a better standing in business and in social life than he formerly held. The conditions on New England farms are now such as to attract men of brains and intelligence." — Chas. S. Phelps : " Is there a decadence of New England Agriculture," in New England Magazine, Vol. 25, p. 383. 'Seepage 71, et seq. 84.c] Machinery and Labor 47 THE EFFECT OF THE USE OF MACHINERY UPON THE SIZE OF FARMS AND THE RESULTING RELATIONSHIP BE- TWEEN THE DEPENDENT AND THE INDEPENDENT FARMING CLASSES The average size of farms of the Continental United States, and in the several divisions, as shown by the successive census returns from 1850 to the present, given in acres, is as follows i1 1900 1890 1880 1870 1860 1850 United States . . 147-0 . . i36-5 • - 133.7 . - 153-3 • • 199-2 • . 202.6 N. Atl. dir. . • • 97-5 • • 95-3 • • 97-7 • . 104.3 • . 108.1 . . 112. 6 S. Atl. div. . . . . 109.1 . . 133-6 . . 157-4 • . 241.1 . . 352.8 . . 376.4 N. Cent. div. . . 145-2 . • 133.4 . . 121.9 - . 123-7 • • 139.7 . . 143.3 S. Cent. div. . . . 156.0 . . 144.0 . . 150.6 . . 194.4 . . 321.3 . . 291.0 Western div. . . .393.5. . 324.1 . .312.9. .336.4. .366.9. .694.9 An inspection of the foregoing table shows that for the period from 1850 to 1880, for the whole United States and for each division, except the South Central, in 1860, there was a constant tendency toward smaller farms. In the North At- lantic and South Central divisions this tendency is shown to have been still in operation in 1890 and the average size of farms in the North Atlantic division in 1900, although greater than in 1890, was still a trifle below the average shown for 1880. In the South At- lantic division the tendency toward smaller farms has continued unbroken to the present time ; but other- wise, for the several divisions and for the United States, as a whole, the year 1880 marks the point of the smallest average sized farms. The returns subse- quent to that date, except in the cases noted, show a marked increase in the average size of farms. The total area in farms may, however, be somewhat misleading, when considered as an index of the extent 1 Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, page 688. 1900 1890 1880 1870 1860 1850 72.7 . . 78.3. . 71-0. . 71-0. . 79-8 • . 78.0 57-4- . 64.3 . . 66.6. . 68.3.-. 69.0 . • 69.3 47.9. . 55-6. . 56.1 . . 80.7. . 115.6 . . 120.9 IOI.2 . . 95.8. . 80.6 . . 69.7. . 67.7- . 61.0 48.3. . 61.0 . . 56.2. . 60.8. . 89.7. . 82.6 in. 8 . . 157.8 . . 185.9 ' • 168.1 . . 106.4 • . 51-8 48 American Economic Association [846 of farming operations subject to the influence of ma- chinery, as will clearly appear upon a comparison of the data in the table last above given with those of the following table showing the average number of acres of improved land, per farm, 1850-1900, inclusive.1 United States N. Atl. div. . S. Atl. div. . N. Cent. div. S. Cent. div. . Western div. . By this table it appears, that the lowest average number of acres of improved land per farm, for the United States, as a whole, was reached in 1870; that this average was the same in 1880; and that while it rose somewhat in 1890, it fell again in 1900 almost to the level for 1870 and 1880. Turning to the several divisions we find that, with but one exception, the movement toward smaller farms continues and is ap- parent in the returns for 1900. The one exception is, however, all important in this discussion for it is the North Central division, the one above all others de- voted to the use of farm machinery, and in this di- vision it is shown, not only for the period from 1880 but for the whole period from 1850 to 1900, that there has been a strong and unvarying increase in the aver- age number of acres of improved land per farm, rising from an average of 61.0 acres in 1850 to 101.2 acres in 1900. The average number of acres in crops is a still better index to the extent of farming operations. Unfortu- nately, this average cannot be given for the whole of the period from 1850 to 1900; but for the more im~ 1 Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, p. xxii. 847] Machinery and Labor 49 portant part of that period, namely from 1880 to 1900, it can be given with tolerable completeness. The fol- lowing table shows the AVERAGE NUMBER OF ACRES IN AM, FARM CROPS,* PER FARM OF TEN ACRES AND OVER IN 1880, 1890, and 1900.' 1900 1890 1880 United States 49.8 48.6 42.6 North Atlantic div 35.1 35.7 33.7 South Atlantic div 29.4 33.4 36.2 North Central div 73.0 65.1 51.5 South Central div 33.6 34.3 34.6 Western div. 68.5 68.4 64.5 This last table agrees, in a general, with the cor- responding portion of the table showing the average number of acres of improved land per farm ; but it is to be noted that, according to the table now presented, the average crop area per farm is less, for the years 1890 and 1900 than for the year 1880, in only two di- visions ; namely, the South Atlantic and South Cen- tral. In each of the other divisions, and for the United States, as a whole, the average crop acreage per farm, both for 1890 and 1900, is greater than in 1880. The movement toward a larger average crop acreage is es- pecially strong in the North Central division. The relative strength of the tendency toward a greater average crop acreage per farm will be more readily appreciated if the facts disclosed in the fore- going table are presented from the basis of a common denominator, as follows : 1 For acreage in all farm crops see p. 102. 2 Number of farms derived from Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, pp. 688 and 690. 50 American Economic Association [848 INDEX NUMBERS REPRESENTING THE AVERAGE NUM- BER OF ACRES IN ALL FARM CROPS, PER FARM OF TEN ACRES AND OVER IN 1880, 1890, AND 1900 Base 1880 1890 igoo United States 42.6 = 100 .... 114.1 .... 116.9 North Atlantic div. . . . 33.7 = 100 .... 105.9 .... 104.2 South Atlantic div. . . . 36.2 = 100 .... 92.3 .... 80.9 North Central div. . . . 51.5 = 100 . . . 126.4 .... 141.8 South Central div 34.6 = 100 .... 99.1 .... 97.1 Western div 64.5 = 100 .... 106.0 .... 106.2 There are three principal causes which have oper- ated to produce the different conditions disclosed by this last table. First : As between the North and South, there is a difference in the character of the workers. The negro workmen, as compared with the white workmen in the North and West, are lacking in the intelligence requi- site for conducting extensive farming operations, as also for the using of machine power advantageously. This, coupled with the breaking up of the old planta- tion system, has tended to give smaller farms in the South Atlantic and South Central divisions.1 Second : The character of the principal crops culti- vated in the Southern states are those in the cultiva- tion of which, as compared with the crops raised in the Northern states, machine power is but little used. The only machine which plays any considerable part in the production of the distinctively Southern crops, is the cotton gin and the influence of this machine was in full operation long before the year 1880; whereas the influence of the machines used in the production of the distinctively Northern crops was, at that time, only fairly well under way. Third : As between the North Atlantic, North Cen- 1 Hammond : Cotton Industry, pp. 123-129. 849] Machinery and Labor 51 tral and Western divisions, the character of the culti- vation affects the size of farms. The North Atlantic states are much devoted to market gardening and the general character of farm work in that division is, therefore, more intensive and a given area gives em- ployment for a greater quantity of both machine and man-labor power. The Western states, in like manner, much more than the North Central states, are devoted to market garden and orchard products.1 The Noith Central states lead in what may be termed field crops.2 Looking to the total farm acreage, it may seem ques- tionable whether the effect of machinery is to increase or decrease the size of farms. But it is noticeable that the total farm acreage includes land kept for stock- raising, for timber supply, for speculation, etc., and in- cludes altogether too much of that with which ma- chinery has nothing to do, to make it a fit basis for a study of the influence of farm machinery either upon the size of farms or upon the nature and extent of farm work. When we use the word " farm " to denote only that portion of the land with which machinery has to do (/. *?., the area devoted to the production of crops), it becomes apparent that, other things being equal, the use of farm machinery leads to, or is at any rate ac- companied by, an increase in the size of farms. This increase is most marked in the states of the North Cen- tral division. SOME CONSEQUENCES RESULTING FROM THE USE OF FARM MACHINERY IN THE REGION MOST DEVOTED TO ITS USE It has been shown that the cereal and hay crops are those in the production of which machine power 1 See Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, pp. 324 and 599 et seq. 2 See pp. 52-53. 52 American Economic Association [850 plays the greatest part. It now becomes needful to know the relative importance of the cereal and hay crops in the different divisions of the country. The following table shows for the United States and for the several geographical divisions, the total number of acres in all crops ; the total number of acres in cereals and hay ; and the per cent, which the total acreage in the cereals and hay bears to the total crop acreage, as reported by the census of 1900. Total crop Total acreage in ^ acreage^ cereals and hay2 ™ United States . ... 289,734,591 . . . 246,674,289 . . . 85.1 North Atlantic div. . . . 24,683,365 . . . 21,876,493 . . . 88.6 South Atlantic div. .. . 29,194,661 . . . 19,125,863 . . . 65.5 North Central div. . . . 163,000,561 . . . 155,000,940 . . . 95.1 South Central div. . . . 56,233,143 . . . 35,405,091 . . . 62.9 Western div 16,622,861 . . . 15,265,902 . . . 91.8 For the purpose of further narrowing the field of in- vestigation, it may be assumed also, as a matter of com- mon knowledge, that, although machinery is much used in the production of hay, the work of hay produc- tion constitutes relatively but a small portion of the total work requisite for the production of both cereals and hay. It is, therefore, the cereal producing regions to 'which we must look for the most marked effects of the use of farm machinery. The following table, taken from the report of the Twelfth Census,3 indicates the distribution of the cereal crops and the relative importance of the cereal crops, from the standpoint both of acreage devoted to their production and of the value of the product as compared with the acreage and value of all crops. 1 Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 62. 2 See p. 102. 3 Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 62. 851] Machinery and Labor 53 Per cent of Per cent of Average value acreage value of Per acre of onfall crops all crops in cereals ift cereals all crops cereals United States 63.8 .... 51.0 .... $10.04 $ 8.02 North Atlantic div. .. . 36.3 .... 26.6 .... 15.19 11.14 South Atlantic div. ... 58.1 .... 33.6 .... 11.32 6.55 North Central div. . . . 73.2 .... 71.1 .... 8.42 8 18 South Central div. . . . 56.1 .... 36.3 .... 10.99 7 « Western div 49.4 .... 37.0 .... 11.59 869 The North Central division ranked first in the pro- duction of cereals, not only in 1899, but a^so *n J^9 and in 1879.* ^ ranked first also in the production of hay.2 That it is the region of increasing average size of farms3 and of increasing crop acreage per person en- gaged in farm work4 has already been shown. The North Central states will, therefore, furnish the best field for a study of the effects of farm machinery. Among the states of the North Central division there were seven which, for the year 1899, reported that over 70 per cent, of their total crop acreage was in cereals and also that the value of their cereal crops for that year constituted more than 70 per cent, of the value of their total crop production.5 The seven states and the per cent, of their reported cereal acreage and cereal crop values to their total crop acreage and crop values, respectively, are as follows :6 1 Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 63. •Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 215. 3 See pp. 47-50. * See pp. 16-17. 5 Oklahoma is the only other State, or Territory, in the Union which reported so high a per cent of acreage and value in cereals for the year 1899. But no separate report was returned for Oklahoma in 1880 and it is, therefore, necessarily omitted from this study. 6 Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p 62. 54 American Economic Association [852 Cereal Cereal Acreage, of total Value, of total State crop acreage. crop value. Per cent Per cent Illinois 80.4 77.6 Iowa 76.3 76.9 Kansas 72.5 74.2 Nebraska 79.7 82.3 Minnesota 74.0 75.9 North Dakota 71.7 744 South Dakota 70.2 78.3 The hay and forage acreage of these seven states, in 1899, was 35.6 per cent, of the total hay and forage acreage of the United States1 and their acreage in cereals and hay and forage was 96.6 per cent, of their own total crop acreage.2 These seven states constitute, therefore, a region in which the cultivated area is almost wholly devoted to the production of those crops in the cultivation and handling of which farm machinery is most used. Their acreage in the different farm crops, as reported to the Census Office, for the period of 1880- 1900 was as follows : 7900 1890 1880 Cereals3 .... 82,116,414 . . . 58,522,442 . . . 39,923.160 Hay and forage* . . . 22,010,381 . . . 19,770,323 . . . 7,998,365 Tobacco5 2,587 . . . 4,500 . . . 6,906 Hops6 911 ... 46 ... 103 Cotton7 153 ... 731 • • • Totals .... 104,130,446 78,298,042 47,928,534 The average acreage in farm crops, per farm of ten acres and over8 was, in 1880, 64.4 acres; in 1890, 86.2 1 Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 215. 2 The total crop acreage of these seven States in 1899 was IO8>394>9°8 acres — Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 62. 'Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 63. * Idem, p. 215. 5 Idem, p. 527. 6 Idem, p. 540; Eleventh Census, Agriculture II, p. 91 et seq. 7 Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 424. 8 Tracts of less than ten acres are excluded as being vegetable, or truck farms, rather than farms for the raising of the crops here con- sidered. For number of farms, see Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, pp. 688 and 690. 853] Machinery and Labor 55 acres; in 1900, 102.5 acres. The average acreage in all farm crops, per person cultivating such crops,1 was, in 1880, 40.6 acres; in 1890, 53.9 acres; in 1900, 62.4 acres. Presenting these data in form to show the relative rates of increase, we have the following : Base 1880 1890 igoo Average acreage in all farm crops per farm 64.4 = 100 . . . 133.9 • • • *59 2 Average acreage in all farm crops per person cultivating same 40.6 — 100 . . . 132.8 . . . 153.7 The tendency in machine using states, toward a greater crop acreage per farm and per person, is strong and unmistakable.2 The persons who cultivated these crops are classfied as follows :3 1900 1890 1880 Agricultural laborers* 612,418 . . 359,894 . . 352,565 Farmers, planters and overseers . 1,056,237 . . 1,091,867 . . 828,800 Totals 1,668,655 M5i,76i 1,181,365 Presented from the basis of a common denominator, these data show rates of increase as follows : 1 Agricultural laborers, farmers, planters and overseers. 2 " With the coming of the great harvesters, the planters, culti- vators, and scores of other farm mechanisms there was an opportunity to double and quadruple the crops and the farms gradually increased from ten and twenty acres to one and two hundred." — Geo. E. Walsh : " Machinery in Agriculture," in Cassiers Mag., Vol. 19, p. 139. 3 See table of absolute numbers, p. 100. 4 This includes 4,264 garden and nursery laborers in the returns for 1900 and probably one-half as many of the same in the returns for 1890 and for 1880 ; but they were not separately reported by the Tenth and Eleventh Censuses, and hence cannot be discarded. 56 American Economic Association [854 Base 1880 1890* 1900 Agricultural laborers . 352,565 = 100 . . 102.1 . . 173.6 Farmers, planters, and overseers . . 828,800 = 100 . . 131.7 . . 127.4 Disregarding the returns of the Eleventh Census, let us consider what these per cents indicate. Starting in 1880 with a given ratio between the number of farm employees and employers, we find that in twenty years the employed, or dependent class, has increased 73.6 per cent while the employing, or independent class, has increased only 27.4 per cent. In other words, during the twenty year period from 1880 to 1900, the dependent increased 46.2 per cent more rapidly than did the independent class. With these figures in mind, one needs but a moment's reflection to satisfy himself that, at the rates of increase indicated, the de- pendent class of farm operators must soon outnumber the independent class.2 There is no need here for ar- 1 The returns of the Eleventh Census are known to have been very defective in this, that "farmer's sons and daughters were often re- ported as farmers rather than as farm laborers, thus very much com- plicating the occupation returns in this class." — (Letter of Carroll D. Wright, under date of Dec. 29, 1899.) That some such error must have crept into the returns is evident on a consideration of the rate of increase of the two classes (i. £., "agricultural laborers" and " farmers, planters, and overseers "), when taken together. The com- bined rate of increase appears as follows : Base 1880 1890 1900 Agricultural laborers, farmers, planters anH overseers . . . 1,181,365 = 100 . . 122.9 • • 141.2 These figures show that the total population engaged in farming increased at a uniform rate and there seems no good reason for sup- posing that there was in fact any such extraordinary movement from the class of employees to the class of employers and then back again within the period of twenty years from 1880 to 1900, as indicated by the returns. 2 "Of these evils that which is most serious and general is the divorce which machinery is bringing about between labor and capital. So far has this already gone that people have come to think of the two as things naturally distinct from each other, and to regard it as a normal state of affairs that the persons who perform the manual toil of a country shall be absolutety dependent for employment on a com- 855] Machinery and Labor 57 gument that a large dependent class is dangerous to society.1 The reason for this condition of affairs has been already indicated. The profitable use of a machine re- quires that it shall have a field of operation suited to its capacity ;2 just as a man, in order that he may work to best advantage, requires more and heavier labor than that suited to a boy. Hence the movement toward larger farms and greater average crop acreage per farm so noticeable in the machine using states. Moreover, the larger farms call for a corresponding increase in the amount of capital at the command of the farmer, es- pecially when, as in this country, there is a tendency toward more intensive cultivation. This is equally true whether the farmer be an owner or a tenant. The paratively small class known specifically as capitalists, in whose hands are concentrated the implements with which alone modern industry can be successfully carried on. That such dependence is un- favorable to the highest type of manhood will hardly be questioned ; and the enormous extent to which machinery has increased and is still increasing the percentage of persons subject to such dependence is surely a most serious matter. The manhood of a nation is its most precious possession, for the loss or deterioration of which no increase of material wealth can adequately compensate." — Edward T. Peters: Some Economic and Social Effects of Machinery, p. 2. 1 In 1890 the proportion of male agricultural laborers reported as unemployed during some portion of the census year was 17.2 % ; in 1900 it was 36.1 %. Females, in 1890, 18.6 % ; in 1900, 44.3 %. — Twelfth Census, Occupations, pp. ccxxviii-ccxxxi. * " In order to make the steam power machines of value, the farms must be large and extensive. On small farms, they would prove too costly either In the operation or initial expense. For this reason it has been said that steam power could never supplant horse power on the farms, for our democratic notions demand that farming-lands shall never be consolidated in the hands of a few, and farming on a gigantic scale can never represent more than a very limited part of the industry in this country. Yet the tendency in the West is to I operate enormous farms, combining several rather than cutting up I into smaller ones." — Geo. E. Walsh : "Steam Power for Agricultural Purposes," in Harper's Weekly, Vol. 45, p. 567. 5 58 American Economic Association [856 increasing amount of capital requisite for farm proprie- torship makes it more and more difficult for a member of the dependent class (i. Western States, $19.48 ; Moun- tain States, $28.91 ; Pacific States, $27.90. These figures are averages of averages and must, therefore, be taken with some allowance. Accepting, as true, the average rate for the several states, as reported by the depart- ment, the rate here given for the Middle States is clearly too low since Delaware, whose wage rate was $13.81, is given equal weight with New York, whose wage rate was $19.65. The rate here given for the Pacific States is likewise too low since Oregon, whose wage rate was $25.98, is given equal weight with Cali- fornia, whose wage rate was $29.38. For the Southern and for the Western States the rate here given is prob- ably too high, the highest rates being reported for the less populous states. For the other groups the rates here given are approximately correct. By reference to the accompanying chart it may read- ily be seen that the average rate of wages for the whole of the United States was somewhat higher in 1899 an(* in 1902 than in 1866. It is very evident, however, that Par M 45 AS I— t— 4- -I A/ It /3 > \ 7 1 0 A \ * \ s / \ s ~ — ® ,-— J ^ — • ^ .-*• / / / i / * "^ X, ^l •^ ^v. ^ S' 0 — £ - € ?* *^- ^ •**», ^ ^^ \ • If JO- 865] Machinery and Labor 67 the line of wages for the whole of the United States is very largely controlled by the wage rates in the " Southern States. " It is hardly fair to strike an aver- age of wages by considering together the wages of two such different classes of people as the whites and the blacks. We can avoid this incongruity for a considera- ble portion of the period under consideration. Taking the number of agricultural laborers in the Mountain, Pacific, Eastern, and Western States i. e.y the whole of the United States, exclusive of the Southern States), to have been in 1899, as reported in 1900, we find that the average rate of wages per month, with board, was, in 1899, 17. 31.' In like manner, the average monthly wage, in the same region, in 1890, is found to have been $15.81 ; in 1879 it was $13.14;* in 1869 it was $12.29* The increase in the average rate per month, during the period from 1869 to 1899, was 40.8 per cent. 1 In getting this average, I found first the total number of agricul- tural laborers in each of the geographical divisions named and then found the total wage payment in each group at the rates given in the table on p. 65. The sum of these wage payments divided by the total number of agricultural laborers in all the groups, gives the quotient $ij. 31. 1 The number of agricultural laborers in 1879 is assumed to have been the same as that reported in 1880 and the average rate of wages in the "Mountain States " is assumed to have been the same as was reported for the Pacific States. 3 The number of agricultural laborers in 1869 is assumed to have been the same as was reported in 1870 and the average rate of wages in the Mountain States is assumed to have been the same as was re- ported for the Pacific States. In the matter of the 20,321 agricultural laborers reported by the Ninth Census as being in the Territories, it should be noted that these have been apportioned somewhat arbitrarily, as follows : To the Mountain States, 15,000; to the Pacific States, 1,500; to the Western States, 3,821. 68 American Economic Association [866 In the matter of general well-being the agricultural laborers, in the North, at any rate, have, of course, shared the homes of their employers ; clothing has cer- tainly been cheaper in late years'; and, altogether, it seems safe to say that the condition of the dependent white agricultural laborers is much improved.1 The accompanying chart discloses a very strong tend- ency in the wage rates of the different parts of the coun- try, especially in the region where white laborers are employed, to rise or fall together. The reason for this sympathetic fluctuation in rates lies, partly, in the some- what characteristic dispositions of Americans to go wher- ever there is a prospect of more profitable employment,2 and partly in the ready means of communication and 1 " Bine weitere Verbesserung des Arbeitereiukommens ist in der vermehrten Kaufkraft des Gelde< zu suchen. Sowohl die Kleidungs- stiicke als auch andere Gebrauchsartikel sind durch die hervorragende Anwendutig der Machinenarbeit in der Industrie bedeutend im Preise heruntergegangen ; dazu sind auch die Lebensrnittel meisteus billiger zu kaufen. Der Arbeitslohn ist also iiicht nur im allgemeinen absolut, sondern auch iui Verhaltuis zu dem Preise der notwendigen Lebensmittel gestiegen. Inwieweit allerdings die landwirtschaft- lichen Maschinen zur Verbilligung der Lebensmittel beigetragen haben, lasst sich zahlenmassig nicht bestimmen. Wir konnen uns sehr wohl denken, dass die Intensitat des Betriebes, die Anwendung der Maschinen, die Produktion so gesteigert haben, dass sie eine Verbilligung der Lebensmittel zur Folge hatten Wir denken dabei besonders an das klassische Land der Maschinenan- wendung, an Amerika, welches noch vor wenigen Jahren der deutscheu Getreideproduktion am gefabrlichsten war. Wie hoch sind dort die Arbeitslohne und wie billig ist das Getreide ! " Bensiiig : Kinfluss der landwirtschaftlichen Maschinen, S. 73. 2 "The United States perhaps affords the highest example of a body of labor prepared and equipped to seek its best market wherever that market may be. " Walker: "Wages, "p. 180. " L'Americain de pur sang a cela de commun avec le Tartare, qu'il est canape" et non fixe" sur le sol que ses pieds foulent." M. Chevalier : Lettres sur 1'Amerique du nord, Tome I, p. 196. 867] Machinery and Labor 69 transportation.1 That the fluctuations are most marked in the " Pacific" and " Mountain " States, is largely due to the less perfect means of communication and trans- portation and to the further fact that farming oper- ations in those regions are rather closely confined to the production of a very few different crops, upon the productiveness of which depends practically the whole of the demand for labor.2 THE INFLUENCE OF MACHINERY UPON THE LIFE AND GENERAL WELFARE OF THE INDEPENDENT FARM OPERATORS Statistical data showing the changed condition of the independent farm operators, separate and apart from the dependent operators, are not at hand. It will be worth while, however, to note what showing can be de- duced concerning the income of the independent farm operators from the average income per agricultural worker during the twenty-year period from 1880 to 1900. The value of agricultural products, per capita of per- son ten years of age and over engaged in agriculture, as reported by the Tenth, Eleventh and Twelfth Censuses 1 "The mobility of capital and labor depend upon two factors, (a) means of transport, (b) knowledge of markets. Both of these ele- ments have been influenced by machinery." Nicholson: Effects of Machinery on Wages, p. 104. 2 "The greatest irregularity of employment in the North, particu- larly in the Northwest, is found where the farmers are engaged in raising one or two staple crops to the neglect or exclusion of any wide system of diversified industry. . . . There was of that irregu- larity far more in the early days of the West than there is to-day, be- cause the great central States of the North, where over half of our products are raised, are tending naturally and inevitably, though slowly, toward a diversity of crops that keep the men engaged on the farms for a greater relative proportion of the year; and thus irregularity of employment, owing to this change, is decreasing." L. G. Powers in Rpt. of Ind. Com. (1901), Vol. X, p. 172. 7O American Economic Association [868 for the United States and for the several geographical divisions, was as follows : 1 igoo 1890* 1880 United States $454-37 . • • $287.19 . . . $286.82 North Atlantic div 620.20 . . . 380.47 . . . 420.41 South Atlantic div 229.01 . . . 175.46 . . . 165.26 North Central div 672.59 . . . 357.05 . . . 369.39 South Central div 269.19 . . . 206.89 . . . 187.87 Western div. . .- 723.72 . . . 433-95 • • • 506.25 Considering only the data for the United States, as a whole, we have found 3 that in 1879, 1890 and 1899, the average monthly wage of dependent farm workers was, respectively, #10.43, $I2-45> an(^ #I4'O7> an ^n- crease of 34.9 per cent, in the twenty-year period. But the average value of agricultural products per farm worker for the years 1880, 1890, and 1900 was, respect- ively, $286.82, $287.19, and $454.37, an increase of 58.4 per cent, for practically the same twenty-year period.4 It is self-evident that if the increase in the income of the dependent class alone is represented by 34.9 per cent., while the increase in the income of all agricul- tural workers — dependent and independent taken to- 1 For data of value of products see Twelfth Census, Agriculture I, p. 703. For number of persons in agriculture, see p. 93 of this study. 2 The low valuation reported by the Eleventh Census was not the result of a decreased production ; but rather, if it can be proper to use the term at any time, to an over-production. Take, for illustra- tion, the case of corn : The corn crop produced in 1889 (the crop re- ported upon b)' the Eleventh Census), was so greatly in excess of the production in previous years that not only the price per bushel but the total value of the crop fell below that reported for any one of the nine preceding years. The same statement applies, more or less, to most of the staple farm crops for that year. See Dept. of Agr., Year Book (1901 ), pp. 699 et seq. 8 See p. 65. 4 Excluding the " Southern States," the corresponding showing for this twenty-year period is, for dependent workers, an increase of 31.7 per cent ; for all farm workers, 71.2 per cent. 869] Machinery and Labor 71 gether — is represented by 58.4 per cent, then the in- crease in the income of the independent class alone could be indicated only by a much higher number. How much higher we cannot tell, probably not less than 75 or 80 per cent. For the period from 1850 to 1 900 the rate should, doubtless, be more than doubled. The independent farmer of the present day, who has hired workmen, does not find it needful to work always at the same laborious tasks he sets for his employees. At harvest time, it is not the hired man but the farmer himself who tends the machines and does the lighter work. Farm buildings are more substantial and sup- plied with more conveniences than they were fifty, or even twenty, years ago. Good roads abound, and, probably not less than one-fourth of the farmers now have the advantages of a free delivery of mail.1 Tele- phone service between farm houses and connecting with the neighboring towns, or cities, is by no means uncommon. Railway and electric car lines run through the farming districts and where formerly there was a back-country farm house there is now, not infrequently, a suburban home. These advantages enable the modern farmer to keep well abreast of the times and to inform himself concerning measures and events nearly, if not quite as well, as the average resident of the towns.' lThe Superintendent of Free Delivery, iii a letter dated January 27 1903, stated that on February I, 1903, there would "be 13,108 rural routes in operation " and that each carrier " serves an average of 100 families." 2 "The social and ethical sides of farm life are also making progress through the freer intercourse with the world, afforded by improved highways and by the extension of trolley lines. The contact of the younger generation with the life of the city is making new and more progressive methods of living almost a necessity. To-day, on many farms, the ' best room ' is none too good for the family. Musical in- struments are found in a large proportion of the country homes ; a daily paper, some of the best magazines, and often the leading novel 72 American Economic Association [870 It is rare indeed that the farmer of the present day cannot afford to send his children to school for at least six months of each school year during the greater por- tion of their school age. Our High Schools and Uni- versities and especially our Agricultural Colleges which, twenty years ago, were hardly known, except on paper,1 furnish ample evidence both of the greater interest of the fanning classes in higher education and of their fit- ness for the higher lines of work. Whether we look to the external signs of comfort and general welfare or to the character of the farm houses, there appears overwhelming evidence of a great change for the better with respect both to the dependent and independent classes,2 the greater advantage appearing, however, to be in favor of the independent class. To ascribe these improved conditions to the introduc- of the day are not uncommon. . . . The attractiveness of our rural communities is growing. The movement of the population which has been so strongly toward the cities is now turning toward the country. Improved highways and the extension of trolley lines are bound to encourage this tendency. If formerly country people have sought homes in the cities, it is evident that the people of to- day are appreciating, as never before, that the country offers the strongest inducements for the building up of homes where health and the comforts of life can be enjoyed." Chas. S. Phelps : "Is there a Decadence of New England Agriculture," in New Bug. Mag., Vol. 25, p. 382-3. 1 Department of Agriculture, Year Book (1899), p. 173 2 " But most have a false idea of farm life as it is to-day. The wife need not be the drudge she was once. Bearings have shifted, things are done differently, life runs smoother and better. More is accom- plished with less wear of muscle and nerve. People work easier and do more, have greater leisure for recreation and self-culture. Much that the wife did formerly is provided for in other ways. . . . Ad- vanced methods have made farming more profitable, easier indoors and out, have carried to the thinly settled country most of the refin- ing influences and many of the a Wantages of city life." Clarence E. Blake : " Abandoned Farms as Homes for the Unemployed and City's Poor," in New Eng. Mag. (N. S.), Vol. 24, p. 582. 871] Machinery and Labor 73 tion and use of machine power alone would, doubtless, be to overstate the truth, and yet, even waiving the im- practicability of providing the requisite food supply by the earlier methods of culture, it is not at all clear that, under those earlier methods of heavy and exhaustive toil, men could be able effectively to interest them- selves in affairs of government, social relations, and ed- ucation in any degree comparable to that now common among the farming classes in this country.1 Consider how much lighter farm work now is than it was fifty years ago, before the introduction of machinery. How infinitely easier it must be to ride in the spring seat of a reaping machine, with no harder task at hand than that of keeping the horses out of the grain, than it would be to shuffle wearily along that same way, with bended back and with the perspiration springing from every pore, cutting an eight or ten foot cradle swath. And how much preferable to pitch sheaves to a threshing machine, or to work on the straw stack for a day or two than to labor all through the winter months flailing and winnowing grain.* It is much more delightful to have a sulky plow, with the option to walk or to ride, as inclination may direct, than to be compelled to trudge all day over the yield- ing soil, till your limbs grow heavy and you stumble at 1 " The elimination of exhausting manual labor by the substitution of powerful machinery for puny arms has emancipated labor in our day from its hardest tasks, and has given to the worker both inclina- tion and leisure for the development of his intellect in various ways that were impossible under former conditions." A. E. Outerbridgc, Jr. : "Machinery and the Man," in Scientific American Supp., Vol. 51, P- 21235. 2 "Threshing was then, as it remained till our time, when it has been almost superseded by machinery, the chief farm-work of the winter." Rogers : History of Agriculture and Prices, Vol. I, p. 15. 76 American Economic Association [874 any machine, is the production of utilities at a less ex- penditure of time, energy, and money.1 But this is only another way of saying that, when aided by ma- chine power, a given expenditure of time, energy, and money will produce a greater quantity of utilities. Utilities are the means of satisfying wants ; and the satisfaction of wants is essential to life and happiness. The use of machinery, by supplying wants, does there- fore, one of two things ; either it "enables a larger number of persons to get a living", or it enables a given number "to get a better living."2 Anyone will, I think, admit that the utilities supplied by machine power have not all been consumed in better livings. A very great part of this additional means of satisfying wants has been devoted to the maintenance of a more numerous population. That this is true must be self- evident when we consider how greatly the supply of utilities has been increased by the use of machinery,3 and how utterly impossible it would be for the labor force now in existence, unaided by machinery, to pro- vide even the ordinary necessities of life as we now count 1 " Les outils ne sont que des machines simples et les machines ne sont que des outiles cotnpliqu£s que nous ajoutons a nos bras pour en augmeuter la puissance ; et les uns et les autres ne sont, a beaucoup d'egards, que des moyens d'obtenir le concours des agens naturels. lyeur resultat est e"videmment de donner moins de travail pour obtenir la meme quantit£ d'utilite", ou, ce qui revient au uieme, d'obtenir plus d'utilit£ pour la uieme quantite de travail humain." J. B. Say, Traite d'Economie Politique, p. 85. 2 Powers: L/abor Making Machinery, p. 27. 3 See pp. 22-23. 4 " Selbst der Aermste hat in unserer Arbeitstheilung doch mehr zu geniessen als wenn er im ungeselligeu Zustand lebte : die bei uns am iibelsten gestellt sind, Krankliche ohne Vermogen, Familienvater mit allzu vielen Kindern, etc., wiirden im Urwalde einfach verhun- gern." Roscher : Grundlagen der Nationalokonomie (edition of 1900), p. 166. 875] Machinery and Labor 77 By lightening the tasks of those who labor with their hands, and by increasing the quantity of the necessaries of life which a given amount of labor can procure, machinery has not only favored a higher standard of living, but has increased the chances of attaining it.1 Moreover, the use of machine power has made it possi- ble for many now to devote themselves wholly to intel- lectual pursuits without involving either the enslave- ment or the degradation of others.2 lyooking at the question from the standpoint of the whole social body, there can be no other conclusion than that the use of machinery, by increasing the supply of utilities and by making utilities more accessible,8 has '"To-day the world obtains commodities of excellent quality at prices which even the preceding generation would have deemed in- credible .... The poor enjoy what the rich could not before afford. What were the luxuries have become the necessaries of life. The laborer has more comforts than the farmer had a few generations ago. The farmer has more luxuries than the landlord had and is more richly clad and better housed. The landlord has books and pictures rarer, and appointments more artistic, than the king could then obtain." Carnegie : The Gospel of Wealth, p. 4. 2 " If every instrument, at command, or from foreknowledge of its master's will, could accomplish its special work .... if the shuttle would weave, and the lyre play of itself; then neither would the architect want servants, nor the master slaves." Aristotle : " Politics" I, sec. 4 (Translation by Edward Walford.) 3 "There is no fact in modern history more easily demonstrated than that the products of steam-driven machinery are mainly con- sumed by the common people — the masses." Gunton : Principles of Social Economics, p. 147. " Quand je vous ai prouve", messieurs, que 1'introduction des machines expe"ditives, telles que le moulin a farine, ne diminue pas les moyens d'existence de la classes laborieuse, et n'a que 1'incon- vdnient, assez grave & la ve'rite', de changer la nature de ses occupa- tions, je n'ai pas completement rendu justice aux machines. Le fait est que, dans la plupart des cas, elles sont favorables aux ouvriers memes dont elles semblaient sopprimer le travail. Tout procexle' expe*ditif, en reduisant les frais de production, met le produit a la porte"e d'un plus grande numbre de consommateurs. I/expe*rience prouve meine que le nombre des consommateurs s'augmente dansune proportion bien plus rapide que la baisse du prix." J. B. Say : Cours Complet d' Economic Politique, Tome I, p. 193. 78 American Economic Association [876 opened the way to a greater number, not only to live and to work,1 but to develop themselves and to make the most of themselves which their inherent qualities may allow. With reference to the workers themselves, we may safely say that men who have worked for years with machinery are on the average, quite as strong and healthy and at least as intelligent, as were men em- ployed in the same industries before machine power was introduced. They certainly compare most favorably, too, with the average workman among those who now have little or nothing to do with machinery. That routine work, which is persisted in and made one's principal occupation long after the worker has fully mastered it and developed his efficiency in that line to the limit of his capacity, tends to narrow the in tellectual field of the worker and to depress his spirit, may be freely admitted. The human mind is con- tinually opening to new wants and seeking the means !"In der Behauptung, dass die Maschinen viele Arbeiter brotlos machen, liegt etwas Wahres aber noch mehr Irriges. In gewissen Fallen werden allerdings viele Arbeiter infolge eiuer neu eingefiihrten Maschine brotlos, aber ganz falsch ist die Ansicht, dass die Bevolke- rung iiberhaupt durch Eiufiihrung des Maschinenwesens vermindert werde. Die Ausdehnung des Masclimengebrauches ist sogar cine der Hauptursachen der gestiegenen Bevolkerung gewesen, denn dadurch wurde die Erzeugtmg von Nahrungsmitteln, Kleidern und anderen Giitern so vermehrt, dass viel mehr Meuschen erhalten werden konnen. Nicht bloss eine allgemeine Vertnehrung der Bevolkerung hat in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten stattgefunden, sondern auch selbst in solchen Gewerben, in welchen die Maschinenanwendung zugenommen hat, ist die Zahl der Arbeiter oft weit grosser geworden." F. G. Schulze : National okonomie, Leipzig, 1856, S. 44. Quoted by Franz Sensing in "Der Einfluss der landwirtschaftlichen Maschinen." S. 5- 877] Machinery and Labor 79 of satisfying them.1 In proportion, therefore, as the ambition of the individual worker and his capacity for accomplishing new and greater tasks, prompt him to advance in any line of activities, just so will he tend to become despondent and dissatisfied and wearied with too long continuance in any routine employment. Under such conditions the health of the strongest worker must eventually give way. It is to be noticed, however, that a certain amount of routine is good for a person. No one ever acquires any high degree of skill or proficiency in any line of work until he has thoughtfully and systematically re- peated its essential features over and over and made the doing of the task a habit, — to be done, when occa- sion demands, with little or no thought concerning the manner of the doing. The every day business of dress- ing ourselves, or of walking, would involve an enor- mous waste of time and patience if we were compelled to learn anew each day ; and the still more common routine employment of carrying food to our mouths and of chewing it, always in the same old way, would become unbearable if routine were of itself a thing detrimental to the well-being of persons and always to be avoided. It is to be noted also, that routine work is not con- fined to those employments which require the use of machine power. As a matter of fact, machines can be used to advantage only when the thing to be done by the machine is routine work. The tendency is, " ! It is absurd to say that human beings can produce too much of everything needed for the satisfaction of human desire, since the satisfaction of one desire but awakens a new and wider desire, and there can be no end to the demands, the cravings, the yearnings of the being we call man." Henry George, Jr. : in Chicago Record- Herald of May 3, 1903. 8o American Economic Association [878 therefore, always to give over to the machine,1 the routine part of any work and to leave the more varied employment to the person in charge. The business of weaving, by the former hand method and by the present machine method, is a case in point.2 Routine work is found quite as frequently in other occupations, as for example, in that of book-keeping, or of teaching music, or of repairing boots and shoes. It is accom- panied, not infrequently, with heavy and exhaustive labor, as in the case of hod-carriers and of stone- masons. If we look to the business of many of our common laborers on the street, or on the railroads and canals, or at boat-wharves, we shall find many in- stances of routine employments such as the worst of machine-driven workmen, not only would not, but could not endure. It is not so much the fact of routine or monotony of work as the far more serious fact of monotony of life which depresses and degrades the workman.3 The 1 "New machinery, when just invented, generally requires a great deal of care and attention. But the work of its attendant is always being sifted ; that which is uniform and monotonous is gradually taken over by the machine, which thus becomes steadily more and more automatic and self-acting ; till at last there is nothing for the hand to do, but to supply the material at certain intervals and to take away the work when finished. ' ' Marshall : Principles of Economics (3ded.), Vol. I, p. 341. 2 " Nothing could be more narrow or monotonous than the occupa- tion of a weaver of plain stuffs in the old time. But now one woman will manage four or more looms, each of which does many times as much work in the course of the day as the old time hand-loom did and her work is much less monotonous and calls for much more judg- ment than his did." Marshall : Principles of Economics, (3d ed.), Vol. I, p. 342. 8 " As Roscher says, it is monotony of life much more than monotony of work that is to be dreaded ; monotony of work is an evil of the first order only when it involves monotony of life." Mar- shall : Principles of Economics, (3d ed.), Vol. I, p. 342. 879] Machinery and Labor 81 boy, who is assigned lessons that are too hard for him, is disposed to quit his books, and he languishes if com- pelled to remain by them. On the other hand, if the tasks are suited to his capacity, and he masters them, he is usually proud of his achievements and anxious to do more ; and if, instead of being assigned further work, he is required to do the same problems over and over again for, seemingly, no better object than that of being dutiful, he becomes dissatisfied and discouraged. In either case there is degradation and loss of power. The grown up man is only an older boy. He de- lights to learn new things. He wants to be ever mov- ing forward in the satisfaction of new wants ; and if for any reason, as from the consciousness that the length of the working day or the intensity of his em- ployment exacts too much for his strength or from a feeling that he is subject to some undue disadvantage, he finds that his natural powers are being over-taxed or that he cannot advance as rapidly as he thinks he should, he becomes dissatisfied and discouraged ; and the longer he stays at his post, the less prepared he be- comes to go into another employment. Hence arise the despair and abandon which leads to reckless living and, occasionally, to riot. It is idle to say that the mere fact of working with a machine tends to narrow the intellectual capacity of the worker. As well might one say that it is injurious to a pupil to give attention to the more skillful work of his teacher.1 The mere fact of working with a machine and of being compelled to follow its orderly processes, tends i " It is thought that educates, — the contact with quick and fertile minds ; and it matters not whether this contact be produced by a voice or a book or a machine : the result is the same." Washington Gladden : Working People and their Employers, p. 20. 82 American Economic Association [880 to develop in the mind of the operator, unless he be a perfect blockhead, a more or less perfect comprehension of the plan which was in the mind of the inventor. From having a conscious perception of the purpose of the inventor to noting defects in the means provided for the execution of it, is a step so easy and so obvious that it needs no discussion here. Every such conscious perception of an inventor's plan, or purpose, and every notation of defect in the means provided for its execu- tion, involves a mental effort and a development of intellectual power just as certainly as, and, frequently, with far more beneficial results than, does the conjuga- tion of a Greek verb or the reading of a page from the Aeneid. The operator of farm machinery is especially favored in this respect ; 1 because, ordinarily he has charge of a complete machine and must understand it in order that he may keep it in repair.2 The simple fact that it requires the exercise of a cer- tain degree of intelligence for the successful operation 1 " Wer jemals einelandwirtschaftliche Maschitie in ihrerThatigkeit beobachtet und acht darauf gehabt hat, wie der Arbeiter sich drehen und wendeii muss, wie er die grosste Aufinerksamkeit auf jede Bewe- gung der Maschine richteii muss, wird zugeben, dass sie einen schad- lichen Einfluss auf den geistlichen Zustand des Arbeiters nicht hat. Das Umgekehrte 1st vielmehr der Fall. Die Arbeiter sind durch die Beschaftigung mit solchen Maschinen viel intelligenter undgeschickt- er geworden, so dass es ihnen nicht nur moglich ist, in der Landwirt- schaft eineu guten Verdienst zu finden, sondern auch in anderen Gewerben. Hire Erwerbsthatigkeit ist mit einem Wort durch die Maschinen eine bessere und hohere geworden, so dass ihnen jederzeit der tibergang von einem zum anderen Gewerbe ermoglicht ist. Das ist unstreitig ein Vorteil, den der landwirtschaftliche Arbeiter durch die Beschaftigung mit Maschinen vor dein industriellen voraus hat." — Bensing: Der Einfluss der land wirtsch aft) icheu Maschinen, S. 76. 2 "On the whole the effect of the use of machinery has been to raise the intelligence and skill required on the part of those who use it, whether hired laborers or farm owners, and this is said to have resulted in improving the intellectual status of the American farmer." — Rept. of Ind. Com. (1901), Vol. X, p. xiv. 88 1 ] Machinery and Labor 83 of a machine, together with the well known fact that machine workmen continue to command higher wages than other workmen engaged in the same industries, should be conclusive evidence that the use of a machine does not impair the intellect of the operator. Anyone may be presumed to know that it requires a higher grade of intellect to operate a steam-plow than it docs to operate a hoe, and that the operator of the steam- plow commands the higher wage. It is significant of the mutual relationship between the possession of intellectual power and the ability to operate machinery that, according to the returns of the Twelth Census, the North Atlantic States, having 44.2 per cent of the total population of the country ten years of age and over engaged in manufactures, mechanic arts, trade, and transportation, reported only 15.8 per cent of the total number of illiterates, ten years of age and over, and only 27.9 per cent of the total number of deaths, occurring during the census year, from " in- juries by machinery " ; while the Southern States (South Atlantic and South Central divisions), having but 16.9 per cent of the total number, ten years of age and over, engaged in manufactures, mechanic arts, trade, and transportation, reported 66.9 per cent of the total number of illiterates, ten years of age and over, and 39.6 per cent of the total number of deaths from u injuries by machinery." It is safe to say that the people in the Southern States employ, relatively, even less of machinery in agri- 1 For the number of persons engaged in manufactures, mechanic arts, trade and transportation, see page 93. For statistics of illiteracy see Twelfth Census, Population II, p. C. The total number of deaths, reported as resulting from " injuries by machinery," was 333; of these 80 were reported from the North Atlantic States and 132 from the South Atlantic and South Central States —Twelfth Census, Vital Statistics II, Table 7. 84 American Economic Association [882 culture than they do in manufactures, mechanic arts, trade, and transportation. Accepting this as a fact, and bearing in mind the showing above made touching the matter of education and the personal injuries re- sulting from the use of machinery, it is not difficult to concur in the opinion of the English writer who held that " the expense of ignorance is the greatest in the obstructions which it presents to the introduction of machinery ; " that " notwithstanding the progress of machinery in agriculture, there is probably as much sound practical labour-saving invention and machinery unused, as there is used ; and that it is unused solely in consequence of the ignorance and incompetence of the work-people." THE USE OF MACHINERY AND THE LENGTH OF THE WORKING DAY The length of the working-day is shorter now than formerly, This shorter working-day is, however, only very indirectly a consequence of the use of machinery. So far as the individual employer is concerned it would be quite correct to say that the shorter working-day is, not so much because of, as in spite of, his use of machinery. Every employer of labor expects to further his own interests by giving employment to others. Of course it may happen, and doubtless does happen occasionally, 1 Edwin Chad wick, Esq.: Journal of the Statistical Society, Vol. 25 ? p. 516. "The less general use of improved machinery in the South than in other sections is cited in partial explanation of the slow rate of agri- cultural progress in that country and is itself explained by the lack of mechanical skill on the part of the negroes and by the cheapness of labor, which makes it more economical to employ hand labor in many operations which would be more cheaply done by machinery where labor is more expensive." — Rept. of Ind. Com. (1901), Vol. X, p. xiv. 883] Machinery and Labor 85 that men offer employment for the sake of the em- ployee, but wages paid for such employment are really charity offerings in disguise. They have no part in a discussion concerning the usual and every-day relations between employers and employees. In like manner we may say that every employee ex- pects, in return for any service which he renders, to re- ceive a certain payment which shall yield him a net return of satisfaction above sacrifice. Not only does he expect a net return, but he expects a higher net return of satisfaction above sacrifice than he could otherwise secure. In other words, he expects that it will be bet- ter or more profitable, for him to undertake the employ- ment offered, on the terms proposed, than to decline it and, perhaps continue unemployed. Unless the workman has such an expectation, he should not un- dertake the work. It is not only proper,1 but most desirable that both the employer and the employee should have their expectations realized. What is the attitude of the parties with respect to each other? Assuming a certain length of working day, the position of the machine-using employer has been well stated by an English factory inspector as fol- lows : " The quantity produced must, in the main, be regulated by the speed of the machinery ; it must be the interest of the mill owner to drive it at the utmost rate of speed consistent with these following conditions, viz., the preservation of the machinery from too rapid deterioration ; the preservation of the quality of the article manufactured ; and the capability of the work- man to follow the motion without a greater exertion 1 " In au ordinary contract both parties may, and usually do, gain by entering into the agreement." Amer. and Eng. Enc. of Law, (2d ed.), Vol. XIV, p. 582. 86 American Economic Association [884 than he can sustain for a constancy." l In short, it is the interest and purpose of the employer to so manage his establishment that he may secure from it the high- est net return. He is producing for a market, and the more promptly he can supply the demands of that market the greater are his chances of making a profit ; and hence the need for " the utmost rate of speed," and also for the most constant operation of the factors of production consistent with the conditions named. " The highest result with the least expenditure of means,"2 is the motto of the employer. One factor, the machine, can work almost continu- ously day and night ; and its efficiency is the same for the twenty-fourth hour as for the first hour or for any intermediate hour. Indeed, except as occasional stops may be requisite in order that the machine be kept in repair, the more continuously it is kept at work the less likely it is to deteriorate and the less likely that it will become worthless by reason of the invention of a better machine. Whether we consider the work of a machine for a day, for a year, or for its whole life-time as a producing agent, it is most effective and yields the highest net return to its owner when operated almost continuously. The other factor, the workman, cannot work con- tinuously for any great length of time. There must be portions of each day given to rest and recuperation ; and the efficiency of the workman in the last hour of a long working-day is much less than in any other hour, unless, perhaps, in the first. In the average em- ployment requiring the use of little or no machinery, we may assume that the first hour's work of each work- !See Karl Marx : Capital, p. 413. 2 Brooks: The Social Unrest, p. 20 r. 8S5] Machinery and Labor 87 ing day is worth less than that of the second, or of the third, etc. But after the sixth or seventh hour the workman becomes increasingly less efficient. More- over, if he works beyond his strength in any one day, and still more, if he works beyond his strength for any considerable length of time, he loses vitality ; and loss of vitality, whatever may be the determining cause, means, inevitably, the degradation of the workman and a permanently decreased efficiency.1 The employer who is seeking the highest net return from an investment in labor should, therefore, if he is wise, be guided by a very different rule, in fixing the working-day for a man, from that which he should follow in fixing the length of the working-day for a machine. If the term of employment is for a day only, and fresh workmen can be secured for each succeeding day, it may pay the employer to crowd his employees, to the utmost limit of their strength throughout, perhaps, the full twenty-four hours of the day. But if the term of employment is for a year, or for life, with no chance of getting a substitute, then it will, ordinarily,2 pay an employer to be more saving of his employees' vitality. He must now look to the preservation of the health and strength of his employees for the longer period of em- ployment. It is only in this way that the employer can secure the highest net return on his investment. We know, however, that employers are sometimes both i Walker: Wages, pp. 81-88. 2 " Slave-labour, under an intelligent profit monger, may require provision to be made for a full working life, though even in slavery it may sometimes pay to use up a slave by intense toil during a shorter period." John A. Hobsou : The Economies of Distribution, p.. 162. 88 American Economic Association [886 unwise l and unscrupulous 2 and that even in cases of employment for long periods, employers will, not in- frequently, discount the future at too high a rate and overwork their employees. The temptation to do this way is especially strong when free laborers are employed because the services of a freeman are not ordinarily paid for in advance and for the whole period of possible employment, as in the purchase of a slave, but day by day, or month by month, and the death or total disabiliy of the freeman relieves the employer from paying for the latter portion of the stipulated term, that is for that portion of the term when the overworked laborer is least efficient. Moreover, except as provided for by the employer's liability acts, the employer of free labor has no financial interest in the welfare of a workman after the stipulated period of service is in any way terminated. 141 1 challenge the assumption which underlies the orthodox doc- trine of wages, namely, the sufficiency of the sense of self interest. Mankind, always less wise, and too often foolish to the point of stu- pidity, on the one side, and of fanaticism, on the other, whether in government, in domestic life, in the care of their bodies, or in the care of their souls, do not suddenly become wise in industrial con- cerns. The argument for keeping a laborer well applies with equal force to the maintenance of a slave." Francis A. Walker: Wages, p. 58. " It shocks us to-day to hear the allegation that slaveowners once discussed in convention the expediency of using a slave up in six years or four years in a certain occupation, and decided that it ' paid ' to use him up in four." Ely : Outlines of Economics, p. 182. 3 "Certainly, it seldom happens that any one in the position of a monopolist with respect to the purchase of labor power will look ahead for years and ask, Is not the course I am pursuing likely to diminish the labor supply ? We do not find any action on the part of the purchaser of labor power which would indicate that this is the case. Take the example of the sweater and his victims. We do not find that he is held back from exercising his full power over them by the fear that he will cut off the future supply of labor power. He thinks that it will be forthcoming from some source ; but even if not, he thinks, before the supply dries up I will reap my harvest ; I will make my fortune." Ely : Monopolies and Trusts, p. 132. 887] Machinery and Labor 89 Ambitious men will even overwork themselves. It is too much to expect that they should, voluntarily, be more solicitous for the welfare of their employees. We have now to inquire concerning the effect of yoking together the machine and labor factors, — the one yielding the highest net return, when worked almost incessantly, either for short or for long terms of employ- ment ; the other yielding the highest net return when worked for longer or shorter periods, according to the length of the term of employment, but always, unless in the case of employment for a single day, when consider- able portions of each day are allowed for rest and recu- peration. It is like harnessing together a racer and a plow horse. From the standpoint of the employer, the machine and labor factors do not work in harmony. Under any conditions the employer is interested in get- ting as much service as possible from his employee and, when using machinery, is constantly impelled, accord- ing to the amount of his investment in the machine factor1 to spur on the labor factor to a longer working day. The position of the employee is radically different from that of the employer. When making a contract for the sale of his labor power, the employee does not seek to establish a long working day. He wants a cer- tain amount of exercise, and he may even be glad to do some work for the pleasure which comes of achieve- ment, but a long working day, or a day of intense or otherwise exhaustive toil, is not desired. Not infre- 1 "As machinery became more and more costly, the length of the working-day was lengthened until it became, even for women and children, sixteen and eighteen hours in cases not rare. Indeed, it has been generally longer where women and children have been the predominating labor force, because they are less powerful to resist oppression." — Ely : Labor Movement in America, p. 109. 7 90 American Economic Association [888 qtiently, the employee assumes a position antagonistic to the interests of his employer. There remains, therefore, a wide margin within which the interests of employers and employees are adverse to each other ; and the immediate effect of the introduction of ma- chinery is rather to widen that area than to narrow it. It would doubtless be impossible to enumerate all of the causes which have operated to give a shorter work- ing day in the more recent years. Public opinion has doubtless had some influence in this direction ; but, for the most part, the various causes have found expression in, and have operated through, factory and labor laws. Just how far the legislation thus far enacted in be- half of employees has operated to give farm laborers a shorter working day it would, doubtless, be impossible to say. That the farm laborers have, in some degree, profited by such legislation may be fairly inferred from the testimony presented before the recent Industrial Commission and summarized in the report of that Com- mission as follows : " Returns relative to the hours of daily service show the influence of general labor agita- tion for shorter hours in shortening the day of rural service. The reduction is very general, and greater where industrial and mechanical enterprise is domi- nant."1 It is to be expected, however, that the working-day should be longer on the farms than in the factories, for the outdoor life and more varied nature of the employ- ment promotes health and makes it possible for farm workmen to continue their work through a given period with, relatively, much less cost of vitality. That this is true will appear fairly evident from a 1 Report of Industrial Commission (1901), Vol. XI, p. 82. 889] Machinery and Labor 91 consideration of the following table taken from Dr. Amos G. Warner's work on "American Charitic NUMBER LIVING AT STATED AGES OUT OF 1,000 LIVING AT Acs OP 25. 35 Farmer2 898.5 Shoemaker 908.8 Weaver 920.3 Grocer 923.7 Blacksmith 918.8 Carpenter 905.5 Tailor 883.7 Laborer . . 902.1 Miner 915.1 Baker 924.1 Butcher 887.0 Innkeeper 861.7 As a matter of fact, the length of the working day, the conditions under which work shall be done, and the wages to be paid in any industry, are questions which must all, ultimately, be determined by economic law3 and, to a very large extent, independently for each 1 Warner : American Charities, p. 107. 2 " The farmers and agricultural laborers are at present among the healthiest classes of the population classified according to occupa- tion. The young farmer for some reason or other suffers a higher mortality than the labourer ; but at 35 and upward the British farmer enjoys comforts which are beyond the reach of the labourers." — Parr : Vital Statistics, p. 403. 8 " If men can produce as much or nearly as much in eight hours as they can in ten, eight hours is destined to become the working day ; otherwise not. The owner of a stoneyard in Chicago has stated that his men could do as much work in eight hours as in ten hours. Their work is fatiguing and little or nothing is gained by working the men over eight hours. Eight hours was the day's labor in that yard, and the owner said so far as his business was concerned the eight- hour question had solved itself." — Powers : Labor Making Machinery, P- 33- 92 American Economic Association [890 industry according to the nature of the work to be done and according to the character of the workers. But the economic law by which they are to be deter- mined is not necessarily the economic law which is most favorable to employers, or to employees, nor even to the interest of employers and employees jointly con- sidered, any more than the policy of our federal govern- ment is to be determined by the civil law most favora- ble to any particular state or section of the Union. Such questions are to be determined by that economic law which is most favorable to the whole social body, — to the state, — to humanity.1 1 " Ausgangspunkt, wie Zielpunkt unserer Wissenschaft 1st der Mensch" — Ro^cher: Grundlagen der Nationalokonomie, S. I. [NOTE. — The tables which follow, and upon which the calculations in this study are based, will be found to differ in some particulars from the corresponding tables in the Twelfth Census special report on occupations. The foot-notes connected with the several tables show the sources upon which I relied in making them. Further than this I need add only that my tables were completed early in 1903 — over a year before the publication of the census report referred to — H. W. Q.] 89i] Tables of Reference TOTAL NUMBER OF PERSONS, TEN YEARS OP AGE AND OVER, IN THE SEVERAL OCCUPATION CLASSES IN 1870, 1880, 1890, AND 1900 — CLASSIFICATION OF THE TWELFTH CENSUS1 Agricul- ture Prof. Ser- vices Dom. and Pers. Trade and Trans. Mfg. and Meek. Arts UNITED STATES 1900 . 10,381,765 . 1890 . 8,565,926 . 1880 . 7,713,875 . 1870 . 5,948,561 . • 1,258,739 . 944,333 . 603,202 . • 371,098 . • 5,580,657 . . 4,220,812 . • 3,423,815 . • 2,277,587 . . 4,766,964 . . 3,326,122 . . 1,866,481 . . 1,228,823 • 7,o85,99a • 5,678,468 . 3.784,726 • 2,679 854 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1903 . 1,074,412 . 1890 . 1,099,465 . 1880 . 1,048,442 . 1870 . 1,020,440 . . 411,279- . 299,468 . . 207,551 . . 139,809 . 1,857,069 . . 1,467,628 . . 1,211,958 . 878,064 . . 1,867,805 . • 1,316,779 • . 828,802 . . 584,672 . 3,368jio . 2,788,120 . 2,012,969 1,483,608 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . 2,032,569 . 1890. 1,669,014. 1880 . 1,622,081 . 1870 . 1,272,873 . . 119,360 . . 92,361 • 62,309 . • 39,778 . . 798,837 • . 581,127 . • 517,429 . 349,164. . 422,272 . • 308,751 . . 177,436 . 118,217 • • 627,653 . 466,803 • 298,507 • 215,740 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . 3,508,808 . 1890. 3,117,043. 1880 . 2,735,525 . 1870 . 2,043,984 . • 478,237 . . 371,347 • . 230,622 . 131,821 . • 1,759,936 . • 1,328,853 . 1,025,089 . . 652,225 . . 1,671,015 . • I,i5i,i39 • 595,791 • • 363,638. . 2,162,917 1,705,456 . 1,038,096 . 703,642 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . 3,300,817 . 1890 . 2,321,694 . 1880 . 2,120,525 . 1870 . 1,499,316 . . 152,381 . . 114,263 . 73,455 • . 46,751 • • 793,549 • . 524,165 . . 464,909 . 293,287 . • 475,931 • • 3i5,3i8 . 161,449 . • "1,347 . 487,077 • 36o,374 . 201,835 • 145,514 WESTERN DIVISION 1900 465,159 • 1890 . 358,710 . 1880 . 187,302 . 1870 . 111,948 . 97,482 . 66,894 . . 29,265 . 12,939 . . 371,266 . • 319,039 • . 204,430 . 104,847 . • 329,941 . • 234,135 . . 103,003 . 50,949 • 439,635 - 357,7'S • 233,319 • 131,350 !The data for the years 1890 and 1900 are taken from the Report of the Twelfth Census, Population II, pp. cxxxv-cxxxvi. The data for the years 1870 and 1880 are derived from the Report of the Eleventh Census, Population II, pp. cix-cx. Corrections being made as indicated in the Report of the Twelfth Census, Population II, p. cxxvii. The correction is complete except in the case of " Officials of Mining and Quarrying Companies " for the year 1880. These were not separately reported in that year and hence correction was impossible as to them. 94 American Economic Association [892 TOTAL NUMBER OF MALES, TEN YEARS OF AGE AND OVER, IN THE SEVERAL OCCUPATION CLASSES, IN 1870, 1880, 1890, AND 1900— CLASSIFICATION OF TWELFTH CENSUS1 Agricul- ture Prof. Ser- vices Dow. and Pers. Trade and Trans. Mfg. and Mech. Arts UNITED STATES 1900 . 9,404,429 . 1890 . 7,887,042 . 1880 . 7,119,365 • 1870 . 5,551,593 • . 828,163 . . 632,646 . • 425,947 • . 278.841 . . 3,485,208 . • 2,553,161 . . 2,242,309 . . 1,304,430 . . 4,263,617 . • 3,097,7oi . . 1,803,629 . . 1,208,995 . • 5,772,788 . 4,650,540 . 3,153,692 • 2,325,776 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . 1,039,729 . 1890 . 1,078,791 . 1880 . 1,043,497 . 1870 . 1,017,751 . . 270,254 . • 192,797 - • 136,572 • . 95,853 • • 1,165,352 . . 890,856 . • 774,767 - . 514,160 . . 1,629,782 . . 1,201,302 . • 790,344 • . 57i,io6 . . 2,629,848 • 2,179,295 . 1,587,867 . 1,221,885 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . 1,697,623 . 1890 . 1,421,695 . 1880 . 1,358,072 . 1870 . 1,088,122 . 81,949 . 66,791 . 49,168 . 33,572 . 418,784 . . 271,493 . . 289,342 . . 156,037 . • 389,390 . . 291,228 . 170,702 . • H5,394 - • 505,345 . 380,580 . 252,208 . 189,468 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . 3,408,789 . 1890 . 3,036,880 . 1880 . 2,720,123 . 1870 . 2,037,688 . . 299,297 . . 236,730 . . 156,419 • 97,011 . . 1,162,678 . • 854,956 . . 714,686 . . 402,982 . . 1,489,968 . . 1,076,163 . • 582,458 . • 36i,354 • . 1,822,671 . 1,456,420 • 914,347 . 654,120 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . 2,808,511 . 1890 . 1,997,805 . 1880 . 1,811,486 . 1870 . 1,296,652 . . 109,401 . 86,914 . 61,011 . 41,231 . • 452,563 • . 277,033 . . 283,271 . . 140,623 . . 450,308 . . 304,360 . . 158,314 . . 110,372 . • 4i7,i5i • 306,933 . 178,177 . 132,846 WESTERN DIVISION 1900 . 449,777 • 1890 . 351,871 • 1880. 186,187. 1870 . 111,380 . 67,262 . 49,414 . 22,777 . . 11,174- . 285,831 . . 258,823 . . 180,243 . 90,628 . . 304,169 . . 224,648 . . 101,811 . 50,769 . • 397,773 • 327,3" • 221,093 • 127,457 See footnote, page 93. 893] Tables of Reference 95 TOTAL NUMBER OF FEMALES, TEN YEARS OP AGE AND OVER, IN THE SEVERAL OCCUPATION CLASSES IN 1870, 1880, 1890, AND 1900 — CLASSIFICATION OF THE TWELFTH CENSUS1 Agricul- ture UNITED STATES Prof. Ser- vices Dom. and Trade and Pers. Trans. Mf*. and Mech. Arts 1900 . 977,336 . . 430,576 . . 2,095,449 . . 503,347 • . 1,313,204 1890 . 678,884 . . 3",687 . . 1,667,651 . . 228,421 . . 1,027,928 1880. 594,510 . • 177,255 • . 1,181,506 . . 62,852 . . 631,034 1870 . 396,968 . • 92,257 • • 973,157 - - 19,828 . • 354,078 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . 34,683 . . 141,025 . . 691,717 . . 238,023 . • 738,862 1890 . 20,674 • . 106,671 . . 576,772 . . "5,477 • . 608,825 1880. 4,945 . 70,979 • • 437J9I • 38,458 . . 425,102 1870 . 2,689 . • 43,956 . . 363,904 - 13,566 . . 261,723 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . 334,946 . 37,411 . . 380,053 . . 32,882 . . 122,308 1890 . 247,3r9 • • 25,570 . . 309,634 • • 17,523 . . 86,223 1880 . 264,009 . 13,141 • . 228,087 • • 6,734 • • 46,299 1870 . 184,751 • 6,206 . . 193,127 • • 2,823 • 26,272 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . 100,019 . . 178,940 . . 597,258. . 181,047 . . 340,246 1890 . 80,163 • . 134,617 • • 473,897 . . 74,976 . . 249,036 1880. 15,402 . . 74,203 . . 310,403 . . 13,333 • • 123,749 1870 . 6,296 . 34,810 . . 249,243 • • 2,284. . 49,522 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . 492,306 . 42,980 . . 340,986. . 25,623 . . 69,926 1890 . 323,889 . . 27,349 . . 247,132 . . 10,958 . . 53,441 1880 . 309,039 • 12,444 • . 181,638 . . 3,135 - • 23,658 1870 . 202,664 . 5,520 . . 152,664 . . 975 . . 12,668 WESTERN DIVISION 1900 . 15,382 . 30,220 . . 85,435 . . 25,772 • . 41,862 1890 . 6,839 • 17,480 . 60,216 . . 9,487 • . 30,403 1880 . 1,115 • . 6,488 . . 24,187 . . 1,192 . 12,226 1870 . 568. 1,765 • . 14,219. - I So. • 3,893 1 See footnote, page 93. 96 American Economic Association [894 PER CENT OF PERSONS IN THE SEVERAL OCCUPATION CLASSES OF THE TOTAL NUMBER IN OCCUPATION CLASSES, IN 1870, 1880, 1890, AND 1900.— (CLASSIFICA- TION OF 1900).! Agricul- Prof. Ser- Dom. and Trade and Mfg. and ture vices Pers. Trans. Mech. Arts UNITED STATES 1900 • • 35-7 • . . . 4-3 - . . . 19.2 . . . . 16.4 . . . . 24.4 1890 . . 37.7 • . . . 4.1 . . . . 18.6 . . . . 14.6 . . . . 25.0 1880 . . 44.3 . . . . 3-5 . . . . 19.7 - . . . 10.7 . . . .21.8 1870 . . 47.6 . . . .3.0. . . . 18.2 . . . . 9.8. . . . 21.4 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 12.5 . . . .4-8. . . . 21.6 . . . . 21.8 . . . . 39.3 1890 . . 15.8 . . . . 4.3 • . . . 21.0 . . . . 18.9 . . . . 40.0 1880 . . 19.8 . . . .3.9. . . . 22.8 . . . .15.6 . . • 37.9 1870 . . 24.9 . . . . 3-4 . . . . 21.4 . . . . 14.2 . . . .36.1 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 50.8 . . . .3.0. . . . 20.0 . . . . 10.5 - - - . 15.7 1890 . . 53-5 - . . . 3.0 . . . . 18.6 . . . . 9.9. . . . 15.0 1880 . . 60.6 . . . . 2.3 . . . - 19-3 • ... 6.6 ... . II. 2 1870 . . 63.8 . . . . 2.0 . . . . 17-5 • ... 5.9 ... . 10.8 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 36.6 . . . . 5.0 . . . . 18.4 . . . . 17.4 . . . . 22.6 1890 . . 40.6 . . . . 4-9 - . . . 17-3 • . . . 15.0 . . . . 22.2 1880 . . 48.6 . . . . 4.1 . . . . 18.2 . . . . 10.6 . . . .18.5 1870 . . 52.5 • . . -3-4. . . . 16.7 . . . . 9-3 • • • . 18.1 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 63.4 . . . .2.9. . . . 15.2 . ... 9.1 ... . 9-4 1890 . . 63.9 . . . . 3.1 • . . . 14.4 . ... 8.7 ... « 9-9 1880 . . 70.2 . . . . 2.4 . . . . 15-4 . ... 5-3 ... . 6.7 1870 . . 71.5 . . . . 2.2 . . . . 14.0 . ... 5-3 ... . 7.0 WESTERN DIVISION 1900 . . 27.3 . . . 5-7 • . . . 21.8 . . . . 19.4 . . . .25.8 1890 . . 26.8 . . . . 5.0 . . . . 23.9. . . . 17.5 . • • . 26.8 1880 . . 24.7 . . . .3-9- . . . 27.0 . . . . 13.6 . . . . 30.8 1870 . 27.2 . . . -3-1 • . . . 25.4 . . . . 12.4 . . . • 3^9 1 See footnote, p. 93. 895] Tables of Reference 97 PER CENT OF MALES IN THE SEVERAL OCCUPATION CLASSES OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OP MALES IN OCCUPATION CLASSES IN 1870, 1880, 1890 AND 1900.— (CLASSIFICATION OF 1900). » Agricul- Prof. Ser- Dom. and Trade and Mfg. and ture vices Pers. Trans. Mech. Arts UNITED STATES 1900 . . 39.6 . ... 3-5 • • . . 14.7 . . . . 17-9 • - - .24.3 1890 . . 41-9 • . . .3-4. - . . 13.6 . . 16.4 . . . .24.7 1880 . . 48.3 . ... 2.9 .. . . 15.2 . . . . 12.2 . . . . 21.4 1870 . . 52.1 . ... 2.6 .. . . 12.2 . . . . II.3. . . . 21.8 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 15.4 . . . . 4.0 . . . 17. ^ . 1890 . . 19.4 . ... 3-5 -. . . 16.1 . . . 21.7. . • 393 1880 . . 24.1 . ... 3-2 .. . . 17-9 • • . . 18.2 . . . .36.6 1870 . . 29.8 . . . .2.8. . . . 15-0 . . . . I6.7 . . • .35-7 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 54.9 - ... 2.7 . . • 13-5 • • . . 12.6 . . . . 16.3 1890 . . 58.5 ... 2.7 .. . . II. 2 . . . . 12.0 . . . . 15.6 1880 . . 64.7 . ... 2.3 .. . . I3.6 . . . . 8.0. . . . 11.9 1870 . . 68.7 . . . . 2.1 . . . . 9.9. . • - 7-3 • . . . I2.O NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 41.7 . ... 3-7 • • . . 14.2 . . . . 18.2 . . . . 22.2 1890. .45-6. ... 3-5 . . . . 12.8 . . . . 16.2 . . . . 21.9 1880 . . 53.5 . . . .3-1 • • . . 14.0 . . . . 11.4. . . . 18.0 1870 . . 57-4 - ... 2.7 .. . . 11.3. . . . 10.2 . . . . I8.4 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 66.3 . ... 2.6 .. . . 10.7 • • . . 10.6 . . . . 9.8 1890 . . 67.2 ... 2.9 .. . . 9.3 .. . . 10.3 . . . . 10.3 1880 . . 72.7 . ... 2.4 .. . . 11.4. . . . 6.4. . . . 7.1 1870 . . 75-3 • . . . 2.4 . . . . 8.2. . . . 6.4. . . . 7-7 WESTERN DIVISION 1900 . . 29.9 . ... 4-5 • . . . 190 . . . 20.2 . . .26.4 1890 . . 29.0 . . . . 4. i . . . . 21.4. . . . I8.5 . . . . 27.0 1880 . . 26.1 . . . .3-2 . . . . 25.3 . . . . 14.3 • . . .31-1 1870 . . 28.5 . ... 2.8 .. . . 23.1 . . . . 13 o . . . .32.6 1 See footnote, p. 93. American Economic Association [896 PER CENT OF FEMALES IN THE SEVERAL OCCUPATION CLASSES OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OF FEMALES IN OCCUPATION CLASSES IN 1870, 1880, 1890, AND 1900 (CLASSIFICATION OF 1900).! Agricul- Prof. Ser- Dom. and Trade and Mfg. and ture vices Pers. Trans. Mech. Arts UNITED STATES 1900 . . 18.4 . . . .8.1 . . . . 39.4 . . . . 9.4 -. . . 24.7 1890 . . 17.3 . . . .8.0. . . .42.6. . . . 5.8 . . . .26.3 1880 . . 22.5 . . . .6.7. . . . 44-6 . . . . 2.4 .. . -23.8 1870 . . 21.6 . . . .5-0. . . • 53-0 . . . . i.i . . • • 19-3 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 1.9 . . . .7.6. . . • 37-5 • • . . 12.9 . . . . 40.1 1800 . , 1.4 . . 7.5 . . . 40.4 . . 8.1 . . 42.6 1880 ..05. ... 7-3 .. . . 44-8 . . . . 3.9 . . • -43-5 1870 . . 0.4 . . . .6.4. . . . 53-0 . . . . 2.0 .. . .38.2 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 36.9 . ... 4.1 .. . . 41- y . . . . 3-6 . . . • 13-5 1890 . . 36.0 . ... 3-7 -. . . 45-1 • • . . 2.6 .. . . 12.6 1880 . . 47.3 . . . . 2.3 . . . . 40.9 . . . . 1.2 . . . . 8.3 1870 . . 44.7 . ... 1.5 • . . . 46.7 . • . . 0.7 .. . . 6.4 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 7.2 . . . 12.8. . . . 42.7 . . . . 13.0 . . . • 24-3 1890 . . 7.9 . . . 13.3 • • . . 46.8 . . . . 7-4 •• . . 24.6 1880 , . 2.9 . . . 13.8. . . .57.8. . . . 2.5 .. . • 23.0 1870 . . 1.8 . . . 10.2 . . . .72.8. . . . 0.7 .. . - 14.5 SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 50.7 . . . 4-4 .. . .35.1 • • . . 2.6 .. . . 7.2 1890 . . 48.9 . . . 4.1 -. . • 37-3 • . . . 1.6 .. . . 8.1 1880 . . 58.3 . . . 2.3 .. • • 34-3 . • . . 0.6 .. . . 4-5 1870 . . 54.1 . . . 1.5 . . . . 40.8 . . . . 0.2 .. . • 3-4 WESTERN DIVISION 1900 . . 7.7 . . . 15.2 . . . . 43 o . . . . 13.0 . . . . 21. 1 1890 . . 5.5 . . . 14.1 .. . . 48.4 • . . . 7-6. . . . 24.4 1880 . . 2.5 . . . 14-4 • . . • 53-5 . . . . 2.6 .. . .27.0 1870 . . 2.7 . . . 8.5 .. . . 69.0 . . . . 0.9. . . . 18.9 1 See footnote, p. 93. 897] Tables of Reference FARMING POPULATION IN 1880, 1890, AND 1900.1 Agriculutral laborers Male Female UNITED STATES 1900 . . 3,747,668 . . 663,209 1890 . . 2,556,957 . . 447,104 . 1880 . . 2,788,976 . . 534,900 . NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 410,856 . . 3,827 . 1890 . . 353,580 . . 2,277 • 1880 . . 344,512 . . 1,372 . SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION 1900 . . 780,073 . . 267,518 . 1890 . . 613,407 . . 198,203 . 1880 . . 706,651 . . 244,615 . NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 1,209,612 . . 13,531 . 1890 . . 772,455 . . 5,56i . 1880 . . 840,966 . . 4,133 . SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION 1900 . . 1,189,470 . . 376,361 . 1890 . . 716,060 . . 240,477 . 1880 . . 849,170 . . 284,537 . WESTERN DIVISION 1900 . . 157,657 . . i,972 • 1890 . . 101,455 • • 586 . 1880 . . 47,677 • • 243 . Farmers, planters and overseen Male Female 5,367,169 5,055,130 4,172,049 587,550 671,429 666,299 873,147 773,834 634,464 2,125,701 2,191,542 1,832,623 1,565,384 1,240,801 936,274 215,387 177,524 102,389 307,706 226,427 57,002 30,019 17,233 3,041 66,657 48,241 18,808 84,656 73,083 10,678 114,895 82,333 23,778 ".479 5,537 697 twelfth Census, Population II, pp. 510 et seq. ; Eleventh Census, Population II, pp. 306 et seq. ; Tenth Census, Population, pp. 760 et seq. IOO American Economic Association [898 FARMING POPULATION IN THE SEVEN LEADING CEREAL PRODUCING STATES, IN 1880, 1890 AND 1900.1 Agricultural laborers Male Female Farmers, planters and overseers Male Female SEVEN STATES 1900 . . 605,596 . . 6,822 .... 1,022,123 . . 34,114 1890 . . 357,565 • • 2,329 • .... 1,057,665 . . 34,202 1880 . . 350,947 . . 1,618 . .... 824,362 . . 4,438 ILLINOIS 1900 . . 183,272 . . 1,687 .... 257,790 . 10,159 1890 . . 125,137 • . 827. .... 285,644 . . 11,885 1880 . . 150,190 . . 717 . .... 279,423 , . 1,754 IOWA 1900 . . 132,290 . . 1,160 . .... 227,482 . . 6,846 1890 . . 73,753 . . 403 • 236,338. . 7,5i5 1880 . . 88,045 • • 354- .... 210,928 . . 973 KANSAS 1900 . . 88,462 . . 809. .... 172,337 . . 5,682 1890 . . 47,965 • . 234- .... 192,452 . . 6,387 1880 . . 54,725 • • 177 . .... 146,988 . . 643 MINNESOTA 1900 . . 92,889. . 1,306 . .... 152,094 . . 5,402 1890 . . 51,701 . . 457 • .... 130,607 . . 3,261 1880 . . 33,852. . 141 . .... 96,128 . . 559 NEBRASKA 1900 . . 58,760. . 841 . .... 118,330 . . 3,245 1890 . . 34,596 • . 175 • .... 129,106 . . 3,186 1880 . . 18,848 . . 210 . . . . . 68,263. . 400 NORTH DAKOTA 1900 . . 23,774 • • 419 .... 43,699 - • 1,312 1890 . . 12,157 . . 116 .... 30,109 . . 691 i88o2 . . 5,287 . . 19. .... 22,632 . . 109 SOUTH DAKOTA 1900 . . 26,149 . . 600 .... 50,39! . . 1,468 1890 . . 12,256 . . 117 . .... 53,409 . 1,277 i88o3 . 1 See footnote I, page 99. 2 Includes returns from South Dakota. 3 Included in returns for North Dakota. 899] Tables of Reference 101 AGRICULTURAL POPULATION OF NEW ENGLAND IN 1880, 1890, AND 1900. (CLASSIFICATION OF 1900).* Total NEW ENGLAND 1900 287,829 . 1890 .... 304,448 . 1880 304,679 . CONNECTICUT 19°° 44,796 . 1890 ..... 45,596 1880 44,274 MASSACHUSETTS 1900 66,551 . 1890 69,720 1880 65,215 , MAINE 1900 76,923 1890 81,284 , 1880 83,437 NEW HAMPSHIRE 1900. .... 38,782 1890 42,279 1880 45,122 RHODE ISLAND 1900 I0,957 1890 11,630 1880 10,986 VERMONT 1900 49,820 1890 53,939 1880 .... 55,645 In Agriculture Male Female 277,956 . . . 299,835 . . . 303,679 • • • - - .9,873 . . 4,613 . . . 1,000 43,247 • . • 44,830. . . 44,184. • • • • 1.549 ... 766 . . . 90 64,669. . . 68 700 . . . 1,882 Q*O 64,988 . . . 227 73,791 • • 79,821 . . . 83,194 . . . • • 3,132 . . . 1,463 ... 243 37,224. . . 41,658 . . . . . 1,558 . . 621 44,931 • • • ... 191 10,673 • • • , 1^446 ... 284 184 10,951 . . - • 35 48,352 . . 53,290. - . . . . 1,468 • • 649 55,43i • • • ... 214 1 Data for 1890 and 1900 taken from Report of Twelfth Census, Population II, pp. cxxxv-cxxxix. As to data for 1880 see footnote i, P. 93- 102 American Economic Association [900 ACREAGE IN ALL FARM CROPS,* AS REPORTED IN 1880, 1890, AND 1900.' igoo i8go 1880 UNITED STATES All Farm Crops . . . 272,493,449 . . . 214,623,412 . . . 164,830,442 Cereals 184,983,220 . . . 140,378,857 . . . 118,805,952 Hay 61,691,069 . . . 52,948,797 • • • 30,631.054 Cotton 24,275,101 . . . 20,175,270 . . . 14,480,019 Cane 386,986 . . . 374,975 • • • 227,776 Tobacco 1,101,460 . . . 695,301 . . . 638,841 Hops 55,613 . . . 50,212 . . . 46,800 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION All Farm Crops . . . 21,957,338. . . 22,155,561. . . 22,024,776 Cereals 8,957,452 . . . 8,869,351 . . . 9,913,840 Hay 12,919,041 . . . 13,205,321 . . . '12,026,364 Cotton ... ... Cane ... ... Tobacco 53,28i . . . 44,080 . . . 44,852 Hops 27,564 . . . 36,809 . . 39,720 SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION All Farm Crops . . . 26,481,330. . . 23,730,022. . . 22,135,566 Cereals 16,964,662 . . . 14,790,108 ... 15,575,701 Hay 2,161,201 . . . 1,925,753 • • • 1,128,420 Cotton 6,842,489 . . . 6,746,292 . . . 5,165,175 Cane 47,223 . . . 32,888 . . . 24,778 Tobacco .... 465,754 • • • 234,981 . . . 241,480 Hops i . . ... 12 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION All Farm Crops . . . 155,167,564 . . . 122,950,427 . . . 85,760,874 Cereals 119,324,898 . . . 90,584,015 . . . 70,154,743 Hay 35,676,042 . . . 32,220,468 . . . 15,490,866 Cotton 45,749- • • 57,991- • • 32,n6 Cane ... ... Tobacco 120,516 ... 86,789 ... 78,038 Hops 359 . . . 1,164. • - 5. in * ! By "all farm crops " is meant the following crops : Barley, buck- wheat, cane, corn, cotton, hay, hops, oats, rice, rye, tobacco, and wheat. These are all of the crops for which comparable data can be had and they constitute nearly the whole of the crop acreage. The only crops of any consequence, from the standpoint of acreage, and not included are : Broomcorn, flax, hemp, potatoes, vegetables, and orchard fruits. 2 The data of hop acreage in 1879 au(^ ^89 are taken from the Re- port of the Eleventh Census, Agriculture II, p. 91 et seq. All other data are taken from the Report of the Twelfth Census, Agriculture II, p. 63 et seq. 9oi] Tables of Reference igoo SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION All Farm Crops . . . 53,593,46? . Cereals 3I,52i,429 - Hay Cotton .... Cane Tobacco . . . Hops WESTERN DIVISION All Farm Crops . Cereals .... Hay Cotton .... Cane ..... Tobacco . . . Hops 3,883,662 . 17,386,807 . 339,708 . 461,855 . 6. 15,293,750 . 8,214,779 - 7,051,123 • 56. 55 • 54- 27,683 . 1890 36,178,553 20,222,568 1,913,532 13,370,987 342,087 329,379 9,608,849 5,9«,8i5 3,683,723 72 12,239 103 1880 29,744.199 19,350,718 633,433 9,282,728 202,998 274,322 5,165,027 3,810,950 i,35',97i 149 1,957 INDEX PAGE Average size of farms, 1850-1900 47 acreage of improved land per farm 48 acreage in crops per farm 49 acreage in crops per worker 17 California, harvesting in 9 Cereal and hay acreage in 1899 52 Corn crop of 1869 15 Corn cultivators introduced 4 and 8 Corn shelling 10 Cost of production 23 Cotton gin invented •'.... 6 Crop acreage in 1899 52 Crop products in 1839-1899 12 Displaced workmen, what becomes of 40 "Farm crops", includes what 102, note Farm life, improved condition of 69-75 Farm machinery, when introduced i Farm products, value per person 70 Farm work transferred to towns 43 Farming in Georgia in colonial times 3 Farms, influence of machinery on size of 47 Fluctuations in supply of farm products 27 Food supply per capita 14, note Labor, saving of 29 displacement of 30 absolute displacement of 31 relative displacement of 34 Laborers, dependent class, growth of 55~56 Longevity in different occupation classes 91 Mail, free delivery of 71 Machinery, includes what 20, note output of farm machinery u Census Office showing on effectiveness of 16 as a " product making' ' device 23 and quality of product 28 and labor 29 where most used . * * ' . . 53 and general welfare 69 and illiteracy 83 influence of on population 76 and the length of the working day 84 Occupation classes, shifting in 37~38 growth of 42 io6 Index [904 Plow, in colonial times 4 Charles Newbold's cast iron plow 6 Daniel Webster's stump plow 5 Population and food- supply I3~I4 Reaping machines, among the Gauls i in the United States 7, 9 Routine work 78 Threshing, in colonial times . . 2 in the United States about 1870 ....••• 8 "Unskilled workmen" 62 and note Wages, daily 60 monthly . 65 Wage rates, sympathetic variations in 68 Webster and his plow 5 Women's work on the farm 74 Working-day, length of 84 O -H W tO 3 3 IO •V 0)i oi oj i Si •31 <5| o •P O s. d o a-a-s •IT a a O: | £ ^ H UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY Acme Library Card Pocket Under Pat. 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