CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ASIA The date shows when this volume was taken. comprise **■' - . Aval ouri looks not in use ^ruction or re- search are limited to all borrowers. Volumes of periodi- cals and of pamphlets comprise so many sub- ithat they are held ibrary as much issible. For spe- ;hd purposes they are !™’ii out for a i limited time. Graduates and sen- iors are allowed five volumes for two weeks. Other students may have two vols. from the circulating library for two weeks. Books not needed during recess periods should be returned to the library, or arrange- ments made for their return during borrow - er’s absenefe, if wanted. Books needed by more than one person are held on the reserve Books of special value and gift books, when the giver wishes it, are not allowed to circulate. CORNELL W7^ 4"> 2. T8 /. CONTENTS V OF THE JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1872. Part I. No. I. Page List of Words of the Nicobar Language as spoken at Camorta, Nan- cowry, Trinkutt, and Katschal. — By E. H. Man, Assistant Superintendent in charge op the Nicobaes. — Communicated bt the Government op India, More Buddhist Remains in Orisa.- — By J. Beames, C. S., M. R. A. S., &c., Balasoro, Notes on a Visit to the Tribes inhabiting the Hills south of Sibsagar, A'sam (with five plates). — By S. E. Peal, Sibsagar, Note on Ghargaon, As&m (with one plate). — By J. M. Foster, F. R. G. S., Ndzirah, Asam, Translations of seleoted portions of Boole I. of Chand Bardai’s Epic. — By John Beames, B. C. S., M. R. A. S., &e., Koch Bihar, Koch Hdjo, and A'sam, in the lGth and 17th centuries, according to the Akbarnamah, the Padishahnamah, and the Fathiyah i ’Ibriyah. — By H. Bdochmann, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, No. II. (with one plate). — By H. Bdochmann, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, 1 7 9 32 42 49 102 No. II. The Legend of Baghesar, a deified spirit held in great reverence by the Kusru, Sun, Markam, Netia, and Sarsun clans of the Gond Tribe. — By Capt. W. L. Samuells, Assistant Commissioner, Manbhdm Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages. — By Rev. A. F. Rudoip Hoeende, D. Ph., Professor of Sanskrit, Jay Narayan’s College, Benares, iv Contents. Pane 174 Beef in Ancient India. — By Babii Ra'jendeaxaTa Mitba, The Conquest of South India in the Twelfth century by Parakrama Bahu, the groat King of Ceylon. — By T. W. Rhys Dayids, Esq., District Judge, Anuradhapura, Ceylon, 197 Note on an Arakanese Coin.— By Captain G. E. Fryer, Officiating Deputy Commissioner of Sandoway, (with three wood-cuts) 201 List of the Books contained in Chand’s poem, the Prithiraja Raso. — By John Beames, Esq., B. C. S., M. R. A. S., Balasore, 204 No. III. The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. — By A. M. Beoadley, Esq., C. S., (with nine plates), 209 I. Bilidr in Patna, 209 II. Anoionfc Magadha, 211 III. Buddhist Remains, 221 IV. Kusagarapura and Rtijagriha, 230 V. Prom Tiladaka (Tilldfali) Monastery to Kalyanpur, ... 250 VI. The Indra Saila Peak, 261 VII. The Monasteries of Ghosrawan and Titrawan, 266 VIII. Pawapuri and Bihar [The Isolated Rook], 283 IX. Rajagriha in the Mahawanso, 298 X. Nalanda [Bargaon] 299 XI. Conclusion, 306 No. IY. The Tirthas of Vrinda-vana and Gokula. — By F. S. Growse, Esq., M. A. Oxon., B. C. S., 313 On a now King of Bengal, and notes on the Husaini Dynasty and their conquest of Chatgaon (Chittagong.) — By H. Beochmann, Esq., M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, 331 A Picnic in Ancient India. — By Babu Ra'jendeala'ia Mitea, 340 Index,.. 355 LIST OF PLATES nr JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 1872. Paet I. PL I (p. 110). Inscription on the tomb of ’Alauddin Shah at Badaon. PL II (pp. 17, 24). Naga Houses and Jobolca Mount. PL III (p. 20). ’Ak,’ or tattoo, of the Banparas. — Joboka Chang. Pl. IV (p. 19). A Naga Skull house, and NagS Utensils. Pl. V. A Naga with his dliao climbing a tree. Pl. VI (p. 19). Naga woman with the dliao. PL VII (p. 40). The Rajah’s Palace at GhargSon (As 5m). Pl. VIII. Map of Bihar, shelving the routes of Fah-Hiyan and Hwen Thsang, and the principal sites of Buddhistic Ruins. Pl. IX (p. 222). Restored elevation of the great Nalanda Temple. Pl. X. Pillar and Capital from the Vestibule of the Nalanda Temple (p. 223), and sketch of a Stupa found at Titrawan (p. 282). Pl. XI. Ground plan of the Buddhist Temple on Mount Baibhar (p. 241). Pl. XII. Plan of the Tillafah ruins (p. 250). Pl. XIII. Pillars from the Sangin Masjid at Tillarah. Pl. XIV. The Ghosrawan Inscription (p. 208). Pl. XIV. Sketch plan of Ghosrawan (p. 266). Pl. XVI. Sketch plan of Titrawan (p. 266). Two Woodcuts of Arakanese Coins (p. 201). One Woodcut of the legends on do. (p. 202). ERRATA m JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY, BENGAL, FOR 1872. Pabt I. Page 55, 1. 19 .for QariLqylp&g (?) tribe read Qaraqalpik tribe, and add as a foot note — “The Qaraqalpalts swore allegiance to Russia in 1732.” Perofski’s Narrative of the Khiva Expedition in 1839. 73, 1. 9 .forjfdjM rea d ,1. 14/or read tji y>-. 79, foot note, /or Dalai (Jalal ?) read Dalai (Dinyal). 106, 1. 7 for oL>f /Aj read 1. 14 for Zafarabad read Muzaffarabad. 107, 1. 4, for read j 1. 7, for Mu’Sn read Na9r. 175, line 23, for it is read is it. 178, „ 42, for read 179, „ 14, for were read was. 180, „ 16, for Rudra read of Rudra. 182, „ 7, for If read It. 187, „ 28, for vertebra read vertebrae. 193, „ 25, for As'valayanas read Asvalayana’s. 216, „ 15, for Kalandavanonvana read Kalandavanouvana. 220, „ 13, from below, for cette ville read cette ville aux Bralimanes. 252, „ 15, et passim, for Sangi read Sangin. 263, „ 9, for Giriyak read Giryak. JOURNAL OF TIIE ASIATIC SOCIETY. — * — Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. No. I.— 1872. List of Words of the JVicobar Language as spoken at Camorta, Nancowry, Trinhutt, and Eatschal.—By E. H. Max, Assistant Superintendent Of CHARGE OP THE NlCOBARS. — COMMUNICATED BY THE GOVERNMENT op India. A. Absent (nothing), Hadart. Ache, Tehiali. After, Latdolc. Air, Ilainh. Alive, Ye-enn. All, Aumtome. Always, Dul. Ambergris, Kampe. Angry, Mubungcore. Another, Deeoh. Answer, Oopschap. Arm, Chee-koal. Ask (to), Atot. Axe, Enloin. B. Baby, Kunyoon. Back, Oke. Bad, Had-lapoa, or Menkain-yoslieh. 1 Bamboo, Hadwah. Basket, Hintai. Bathe (to), Lawn. Beat (to punish), Oodee. Beard, Enhoing. Before, Hadek. Begin (to), Hoolatai. Belly, Weeung. Below, Deg. Betel-nut, Heeya. Betel-leaf, Dai Heeya. Betel- tree, Telieea Heeya. Big, Kadoo. Bird, Sheetchua. Bird’s nest (edible), Heekai. Birds (ordinary), Hong-Kang. Biscuit, or bread, Puang. Bite (to), Opkah. Black, Ool. 2 [No. 1, List of Words of the Nicobar Language. Blind, Pukeean. Blood, Wah. Blue, Tchoongoa. Boat (Euporean), Haifoor. Body, Oke Enha. Bone, Ong-aing. Boot, Denapla or Shapata. Bow and Arrow, Shenna-Foing. Boy (male child), Lit. Bracelet, Hutlaw. Brass, Kalahee. Brave, Yock-ehaka. Breast, To-akh. Breeches, Kunha. Broken, Dakgna. Brother, Tchao. Brother (half), Tama Oosheh. Brother (own), Tchao Enlooya. Bullet, Plooroo. Buy (to),Hullao. C. Calf (of leg), Kunmoana. Calm (no wind), Nyam. Cane, Nat. Cannon, Hen-wow. Canoe, Dooey. Can (to be able), Doh. Cat, Cochin. Chair, Iiutteardeh. Cheat (to), Hai yoo nang. Cheek, Tapooah. Chest, Undaiyah. Chief, Oomai-muttai. Child, Kenh-yoon. Child (own), Koo-un. Chin, Shummah. Clean, Koten. Cloth, Loih. Cloth (strip of), Lanoa. Cloud, Kullahaya. Coat, Kunlioin. Cocoanut, green, Gnee naw. Cocoanut, ripe, Gnoat. Cocoanut tree, Wee-ow. Cock (fowl), Kamoy-koin. Cold, Ivaay. Come (to), Kaiteri. Copy (to), Hoomyee. Coral, Shai-yonn. Comer, Ongkaiung. Cover, Oke. Count (Imperative) Haro. Crying, Tcheem. Coward, Pumma-hoin. Custom, Tatoicha. Cyclone, Hoorasheh, D. Dance (to), Katoaka. Danger (fear), Poohah. Darkness, Toey-chool, Daughter, Kooun Engkana, Day, Haing. Dead, Kapa. Deep, Ool. Devil, Eewee. Dhoty, Loili Sharong. Difficult, Gnia-nayun. Dirt, Yuch. Dirty, Oomeh. Dishonest (untrustworthy) , Chit- tong-natau. Distant, Hoee. Divide (to) , Hundowa. Doctor, Munloenna, Dog, Am. Dollar, Para. Drink (to), Top. E, Ear, Nang. Earring, Eetchai. Earth, Doo. East, Fool. East wind, Hainh-fool. Easy, Too-yayun. 1872.] 3 List of Words of the Nicohar Language. Eat (to), Okenok. Ebb Tide, Tchoh. Edible Bird’s nest, Heekai. Egg, Hooya. Elbow, Deg-ong Kaiung. Enough, Layah. European (man), Bajo taten hamatt. Eye, Owl-mat. Eyebrow, Oke-mat. Eyelash, Kut-fight. P. Pace, Gnoitchaka. Farewell, Yu-tchuh. Father, Tchia Engkoin. Far, Hoee. Fear, Poohah. Feast, Yukura. Feather, Pooyawl. Fight, Pamon. Finger, Kaneetai. Finish (to), Laird. Fire, Heoch. Fish, Ka. Flesh, Enh-ha. Fly, Yooch. Flute, Hunhell. Forehead, Lai. Forget (to), Painatau. Fowl, Kamoy. Foot, (upper part), Okelah. Foot sole, Awl-lah. Friend, or, my friend, Kaiyol. Flood Tide, Hayow. G. Give, Hanh huttar, or, Horn koo am. Girl, Hooleeyen. Go (to), Tchuh. Gold, Emloum. Good, Lapoa. Grandfather, Tcho-um. Grass (jungle), Opyooap. Grass Lalang, Shenfo. Grass, ordinary, Shen. Great, Kadoo. Green, Tchoongoa. Guano, Aingala-ah. Gun, Hunndell. Gunpowder, Taroo. H. Hair (short), Yoo-ock. Hair (long), Hunkoiya. Hand, Koal. Handkerchief, Langsheh. Handsome, Yahnaisnchka. Happy, Yah-natau. Hat, Sliapeo. Hate (to), Ha-natau. Hatchet, Enloin. Have (to), Ought. Head, Koee. Headache, Tchiak-koee. Hear, Yang or Katool. Heart, Enka-hato. Heaven (sky), Kullaliaya. Heavy, Langung. Hen, Kainoy Engkana. Here, Eeta. Hill, Kohinjuan. Hog, Nod. Hot, Ke-owyun. House, Gnee. Hungry, Oingna. Husband, Koin. Hut, Kunsherpa. I. Imitate (to copy), Hoomyee. Impossible, Oolahad Sheh. Inside, Awl. Invitation, Kala-kala younde. Iron, Karao. Island, Poolgna. J. Jar, ICoodun. Jungle, Oltchua. 4 List of Words of the Nicobar Language. [No. 1, Jacket, Kunhoin. K. Key, Tunwahn. Kill (to), Thaw Kooee. Knee, Kokanoang. Knife, Innoyet. Knife, (Toddy), Innoyet Tua. L. Lad, Huh. Land, Oal Mattai. Large, Kadoo. Laugh, ItA Lead, Tchoomper. Leaf, Dai. Leg, Lah. Lemon, Carroy. Lie (to lie down), Laan. Lie (to tell lies), Mattai. Life, Aim. Light (to light the fire), Haiyooing. Light (not heavy), Had lang ung. Lightning, Maig. Like (similar to), Hangnesheh. Lime, Shooka. Lips, Manoing. Little, Ompetmsheh. Long, Kialeg. Love, Shaiyong-yuntaw. Listen (Imp.) Katool. M. Man, Paiyooh. Man (old), Pomoy-sheh. Man (young), Maiyerkh, or, Ilub. Measure, Tah. Medicine, Danoon. Moon, Kahair. Monkey, Dooen. More, Paitery. Morning, Ha kee. Mother, Tchia Engkana. Mosquito, Menh hoya. Mouth, Awl_fuang. Much, Odo liutchee. Musket, Hundell. Murder, Fliaw-kooee. Muscle, E-hay. N. Nail (finger), Kaischua. Nail (iron), Hun em. Name, Layung. Navel, Fori. Near (not far) Me-enh-houh. Neck, Onglongna. Needle, Tcha room. Never, Kit ma. Nest, Hongkang. No, Wat or watchion. North, Kappa. Nose, Moanh. Nothing, Hadart. O. Oar, Kan noot. Obey (to), Yu yung. Often, Dul. Oil, Gfnai. Old (animate) ,Boomooashee Oomioha. Old (inanimate), Lat shee. Open, Foigna. P. Paddle, Pow-wha. Pan (cooking), Chattee. Pandanus, (tree), Larohm. Paper, Lehpery. Parrot, Kattoch. Perhaps, Yonghuddeh. Pig, Nod. Pigeon, Moongmoo. Pineapple, Shoodoo. Pipe, Tanop. Plant (to), Opeep. Plantain, Hehpoo. Plenty, Yolor Ooroohud sheh. Poor, Pooap. Present, Tunnier sheh. List of Words of the Nicobar Language. 1872.] Pretty, Yahnai shehka. Q. Question, Humma. Quill-pen, Anet-lay-bery. E. Eain, Ahmee. Eat, Koomate. Eattan, Pantang. Eow, Hooyow. Eed, Ak. Eice, Arosh. Eich, Chumwoahun. Eipe, Eeshiun. Eing (finger), Kunlongtai. Eiver (stream), Whaieda. Eoad, Kaiee. Eope, Naat. Eoof, Oke. Eow, Kan not. Eudder, Hunlaidedla. Eun, Deeunna Hundial. S. Sand, Pee-yet. Sea, Komaleh. See (to), Hadduk. Ship, Tjiong. Shirt, Kunhoin. Short, Mitatu, or, Meh-enh-Shehkoee. Shot, Kutchung-kutchung. Shoot, Hadeel. Shoes, Shapata. Shoulder, Koee-oonga. Show (Imp.) Hychung. Shut, Kurrup. Sick, Tchiak. Sing, Eekaisher. Sit, Eepoohenhde. Sister, Tchao. Sister, (half), Tama-oo-sheh. Sister (own), Tchao Enlooya. Skin, Oke. Sky, Kulahaya. Slander (to), Kaiyawnasheepaiyoo. Sleep, Eeteoah. Small, Ompaislieh. Smell, Eckait. Smoke, Fosh. Snake (Boa), Toolan. Snake (ordinary), Paik. Sometimes, Kaiyai or Hang-hang. Son, Koo nr Engltoin. Speak, Olyola. Spear, Sha nenh. Steamer, Tjiong-heoeh. South, Lakhna. Star, Shok maleicha. Strong, Koang or Mong egg. Stone, Mungeh. Stockings, Hunho-ulla. Stand, Omshierma. Stomach-ache, Tchaik Weeung. Stupid (not clever), Hadokai. Sugar, Shoonk. Sugarcane, Mao. Summer (N. E. Monsoon), Koeekapa. Sun, Haing. T. Table, Menh sheh. Tool, Deg. Take, Okair. Tell, Tchong Koee. Teeth, Kanap. There, Matareo. Thief, Kaloh or Kahalacher. Thigh, Poolaw. Throat, Kolulla. Thunder, Koodei (or Koomtoogna). Tipsy, Hoo-yoy. Tobacco, Oomhoi. To-day, Len-heng. Toe, Kanechlah. To-morrow, Haing Hakee. Tongue, Kalleetah. Torch, Pal. [No. 1 List of Words of the Nicobar Language. 6 Tortoise-shell, Kap. Turtle, Kap oltchua. Tree, Tcheea. Turban, Langsheh. U. Ugly, Oomeh had sheka. Uncle, Hoey tchia. Unhappy, Kit yah natau. V. Valley, Awl-hok. Village, Awl-mattai. Voyage, (long), Yohatayha. Voyage, (short), Yock dooan. W. Walk, Ongshongha. Want, Yok. Warm, Kee-ow-yan. Warrior, Hoo-Ekka. Wash (to make clean), Atchek. Water (fresh), Dak. Water, Ivomaleh. Weak, Had-ko-ang. Weapon (Europe), Hundell. Weapon (Nicobar), Paiyooha. Weep, Tcheem. Weigh (to), Kunlah. West, Shoo-hong. White, Tenhya. When, Kalie. Wife, Kan. Wind, Hainh. Wing, Danoyen. Winter (S. W. Monsoon), Lakhna- shoohong. Woman, Englcdna. Wood, Ooneeha. Work, Winnair shi sheh. White, At-ait. Y. Yam, Kopaeh. Yawn, Hing-ap. Yellow, Laaom. Yes, Aonka. Yesterday, Mundee. Young, Iluh. Numeeals. 1, Hayang. 2, Anh. 3, Loeh. 4, Eooan. 5, Tanai. 6, Tafooel. 7, Eeshat. 8, Enfuan. 9, Hayang hutta. 10, Shorn. 11, Shorn hayang. 12, Shorn anh. 20, Hayang momtchierma. 30, Hayang momtchierma doktai. 40, Anh momtchierma. 50, Anh momtchierma doktai. 100, Tanai momtchierma. Time. 6 a. m. (sunrise), Hakee. 9 a. m., Alhakee. Forenoon, Kokin dowha. Noon, Kumheng. lp.m., Tchin foitua. 3 p. m., Tchin foitua, ainhsheh. 5 p. m., Ladeya. Sunset, Pooyoieh. Dusk, Hammok gnok. Midnight, Yuang hatam. 1 a. m., Hanh-hooaka. 3 a. m., Pooyeh. 5 a. m., Tehungneeall. Day, Haing. Night, Hatam. To-day, Len heng. To-morrow, Haing-hakee. Peesohal Peonouns. I or we, Chier. You, Menh. 1872.] He, she, it, An, or, Poonan. They, Oomtohm. Who, Ychee. Possessive Pkonoiihs. This, Xeena. That, Anaay. Your, Tehiang menh. Yours, Efoe or Efoye hayoo. My, Tehiang ehier. Sentences. Come here, Kaiteri. I will come, Yudook poonchier. He will come, Yudook poonan. Why are you afraid ? Choounpahar menh? Where is your village ? Choon mattai menh ? Go there, Yu chu, or, ehu. Bring me some fish, Okai kah paite- sheh. Light a fire, Haiyoon heoeh. I don’t know, Kit-akah. I know, Akah. Take away, Kai tery. Who is he ? Tehee ka an ? 7 Get up, Koongha. He lives at — , Kutool poonan na. Be quick, La La. Give me back (return), Yu Ooshoor hutta. Don’t come, Wat if edook. Call that man, Eeorta paiyooh. I am glad, Yonutto kaun chier. I am sorry, Gniat nato kaun chier. If it rains, I will not come, Yon ahmee kit to. Have you ever been to — ? Makun menh ? I have never been to — , Chier Kitma. Where are you going to ? Yu chun menh ? I am going on board the ship, Yu to- altjiong chier. I want to go, Kai-yeng. I will remain here, Yu katog kyaeeta. Have you any shells ? Tchian kun menhta pooker ? How much do you want ? Kah indokna sheh yok menh ? This is too much, Ooroohad shehka. Sit down, Eepoonhenhde. More Buddhist ’Remains in Orissa. More Buddhist Remains in Orissa. — By J. Beames, C. S., Balasore. In continuation of the note on the Buddhist remains at Kopari recently contributed by me, I wish to record the existence of some more structures m other parts of Orissa, whose exact similarity to those at Kopari affords a confirmation of the theories suggested by that place. On my way back from Katak, where I had been to attend the Durbar, which was not held owing to the melancholy incident which has spread such a gloom over all India, I pitched my tents at the village of Chhatia sixteen miles north of the town of Katak. In the evening as I was taking a stroll along a village road, west of the encampment, I came to a flat surface of laterite closely resembling that at Kopari. At the foot of a small hill 8 More Buddhist Remains in Orissa. [No. 1, was a square platform, about 40 feet square, of hewn laterite stones, from which rose twelve pillars, octagonal and with rounded capitals, but much worn by the action of the elements, and covered with grey lichen. To the west of this was a rude square building composed of the same stones, roughly put together without mortar. This had evidently been constructed from the stones of the older structure, as there were pieces of mouldings, capitals of pillars and sculptured stones, some upside down, and all evidently out of place. Inside, smeared with Vermillion and turmeric, were numerous portions of statues, heads, arms, a mutilated trunk or two, few of which bore any resemblance to the traditional figures of Hindu mythology. The images unfortunately are so smeared with Vermillion and oil, that it is difficult to make out all the details. There seems to be a serpent’s hood over the head of one, but it is too much worn to admit of any certainty. The next day the camp was at Dhartnsala on the Brahmani river, 31 miles north of Katak. One mile to the west of the road, at the foot of a little hill, on a small promontory jutting out into the river, stands a temple of Siva, under the name of Golcarnes 'wara Mahadeva, or as the peasants call it, Gok’ns’r Maliadeb. This is one of the usual Siva temples of the melon or ninepin shape, so common in Orissa. It faces the east, and in front of it is a square platform of laterite stones, surrounded by pillars exactly similar in design to the Kopari ones ; they are twelve in number, three at each comer of the platform thus : — irrr” “tth □ n u c ~i n._ n,c The Mahadeb temple has been built of stones taken from some pari of this ancient structure, though the fact is concealed by its being entirely covered with a smooth coating of plaster. The Hindu statues of late date surrounding this temple are of remarkable beauty and fineness. The principal figure is called by the people Saraswati, and represents a smiling woman with four arms holding a conch and lotus, with many female attendants with laughing faces grouped round the principal which is not in relief, but has the stone cut away at the back of the figure. This image was found in the river some years ago, and the others were found in the jungle close by, or as the attendant Brahman states, suddenly appeared out of the rock, and ordered themselves to be worshipped ! 1872.] 9 Notes on a Visit to the Tribes inhabiting the Sills south of Sibsdgar, Asam. — By S. E. Peal, Esq. The various Hill tribes bordering on the valley of Asam, both on the north-east and south, present so many points of interest and seem to be so little known, that I take the opportunity of putting these few notes together of a short trip into the hills to the south of Sfbsagar district, Mauza’ Oboe- pur, hoping they may be of some use or interest. Our ignorance of these various tribes, their many languages, customs, and internal arrangements, seems to be only equalled by their complete ignorance of us, our power and resources. The principle of clanship is here 'carried to the extreme ; not only are there numerous well marked tribes inhabiting con- siderable tracts, as the Butias, the Abors, Singphus, Nagas, but these again are cut up into small, and usually isolated, communities, who, among the Nagas at least, are constantly at war with each other. Their isolation is often so complete, that their resources lie wholly within their limited area. There seems good reason to suppose that the present state of things has existed for a considerable period. Not only are the languages spoken by contiguous tribes often mutually unintelligible, but the still better evidence of strongly marked physical variation holds good. And to these inferences of a long period must be added the tangible fact, that at their villages, or ‘ changs’, and not elsewhere in the hills, there are numerous Jack trees, many of them very large, and not less than 400 years old, I should say, as the Jack is a slow growing wood. I had often wished to visit some of these ‘ changs’, but had not the opportunity till this occasion ; and though the season was rather advanced, I determined to go, as the Rajah of the Banparas had invited me for the third or fourth time. My nearest neighbour consented to accompany me, and arrangements were made to start on the 30th May, at day-break. Before daylight our people were astir, caught the elephants, and tied our baggage. At 6 A. M., we started. Our party consisted of two native muharrirs, a barqandaz, and six Leklas, an interpreter, or Sokeal, joining us afterwards. It was a beautiful morning, a fresh breeze blowing across Bhagmorial Potar as we passed through it, though we lost it on entering the jungle at foot of the hills beyond. The path, so-called, we found clearer than was to be expected ; fallen trees and such like obstructions were singularly few. Game was looked for in vain, although it was evidently a good shooting ground ; and tracks of buffaloe, pig, and deer, were plentiful. This luck indeed pursued us the whole way, though it must have been exceptional. We soon reached the Ladia Ghur, an old road, leading from Kukila Mukh 2 b 10 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the JYaffd Hilts. via Nazira to Jaipur, and here so covered by jungle and bamboo as to be wholly impassable. It is usually considered the boundary line between us and the so-called Naga territory. The land then descends a few feet, and the river Tiolc was seen ahead at a very picturesque little bend, making a capital foreground, as it splashed over the boulders and ran among the snags, the hills behind rising clear and blue. The swash of the water was quite a pleasant sound to us, so long accustomed to these muddy streams. After crossing it, the road lay through a fine piece of high land, and soon after entered and went along the bed of a small stream. We here dismounted ; for the bed of the stream afforded a good path, as there was but little water, and consisted of sand and pebbles. Blocks of petrified wood lay about in profusion, and so good that the first piece I took up, I had mistaken for real wood. Quartz pebbles were plentiful, but the rock on all sides was sandstone. In some places the traffic had worn down the rock into a narrow passage, where only one at a time could pass, and also into holes and steps, very well for Nagas to grip with their bare feet, but slippery and unaccommodating to thick-soled boots. To this narrow gorge succeeded an open tract close to the foot of the first hill, part of which had been cultivated by Nagas a few years ago, and had now relapsed into rank grass, as U'lu, Borata and Hamoru, with a few trees here and there, and would in another few years be forest again. We halted here to let the elephants come up : the path in several places, having been obstructed by bamboo, had to be cleared a little for them. After another steep ascent, we reached the head of the pass, or lowest point in this first range, which here runs parallel with the valley. The range of view extended from Jaipur in the east round by the hills on the ‘ North bank,’ (or continuation of the Himalayas) which were beautifully distinct, and then as far west as Cherydo and Nazira. Both the hills we were on, and those bounding the north, presented a strong contrast to the plain we had just left. The latter seemed as flat as it was possible to be, literally a sea of jungle forest, an enormous dead level. The smallness of the area under cultivation surprised us more than any thing : it did not look one per cent. The Potars I could easily recognize, Burasiilf, Nagahat, Bhagmorial, Borhoh, Tyrai, Tinikuria, Rohona Potar, none were missed ; yet they were but little green streaks, hardly noticed in the general view. With binoculars I could make them all out, even my bungalow houses. The amount of waste land is enormous. The Brahma- putra was not visible, though to be seen at times they say ; we searched also in vain for Sibsagar ; the distance perhaps was too great, though it must have been within our horizon line. While we were enjoying the prospect, the chief brother of the Rajah made his appearance with some of his people, and seemed quite delighted, 11 1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills. talking away as if we understood every word of his Naga, and rattling his heads and bits of metal as he walked about. We soon afterwards proceeded over some undulating ground, and then took to the bed of another stream, also rocky, narrow, dark, and slippery ; the rocks still being sand- stone, with a dip to the south of 70 0 to 80°, in fact almost vertical, the strike running nearly east and west like the range itself. At a more open part of the road, we came to a large pit, about 12' X 8' X 12' deep, right in the path, and made to catch wild elephants. The bottom literally bristled with large bamboo spears, 5 or 6 feet long, firmly fixed in the earth, and carefully sharpened — certain death to any elephant falling in. The pit was nearly hidden by overhanging grass and creepers and was dug at a spot where the path on either side was difficult, and the edges were undermined. After seeing our elephants pass this safely, we went on the road now descending, and still over rock, usually very slippery, and winding about abruptly, when after a second steep descent, we heard the rush of water below and caught glimpses of the hills beyond. The stream was soon reached. It is a tributary of the Tiok, called the Sissa, running here to the east. It was now a small stream, but the rounded boulders on the flanks bore witness to its being at times a formidable obstacle. Having our doubts about the elephants being able to reach this point, we sat down at a little ‘ Dhubi’, or water hole, under the shade of a Bor tree. The pool turned out to be full of fish, so plentiful in fact that on throwing in a small bit of gravel the whole bottom seemed to rise from all sides. Most of them were small ; there were however a few large ones near the bottom. The only way the Nagds take them is by hand or poison ; but we saw a lot of Naganis carefully turning the stones over, and occasionally catching a little one. A Sowdong and a Ilundekai both of whom I knew well, were here waiting for our arrival. A 1 Sowdong’ is a sort of travelling deputy to the Rajah ; and a ‘ Hundekai’ is a resident deputy, and is of a higher grade. The highest next to the Rajah and his family is a ‘ Khunsai,’ and there is one to each village. We consulted them as to the best route, and they at first advised us to go along the bed of the stream ; but as it was so full of huge rocks and holes, that ne elephant could pass, we had to decide on the ordinary mountain path via Longhong, the shortest way, but by far the steepest. The elephants at last made their appearance ; how they managed to get down places, where we had to scramble on all fours was a mystery to us — at times they seemed immediately over us. We crossed some deep clefts over which there were rude bridges. The steepness of the ascent, especially under the hot sun, soon began to tell on us, and the elephants seemed so distressed, though we were not half way up, that we called a halt, and held a council, the first result being to unload the ele- 12 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills. plants and send them back to the Sissa, as we saw that we could not rely on Naga estimates of distance or difficulty. The Rfijah’s brother and the Hundokai of Longliong now had a long and noisy palaver, as to who should, would, or could, furnish the men to carry the few things left by the elephants. Their real power over internal affairs seems small : the men of Longliong treated the Royal brother as little better than their equal, and almost came to a row. Row enough there always is when they argue any matter however small ; it seems their custom to speak loud and look excited over nothing. The Longliong Hundekai at last agreed to get the three or four men required, as his ‘ chang’ was near, and we hastened their discussion by saying that if men did not soon come, we should follow our elephants. The Rajah’s brother now started off for Banpara to report that we would not reach it that night, and get some huts built half way between Longhong and Banpara where we could sleep. This second hill is also of sandstone, running into a finer kind, and then into a laminated clay, with a dip to the south of about 70° or 80°, and often vertical and several times inverted. At the surface it seemed to form a rich loam, and almost the whole hill was under rice, though seemingly a bad crop. The road still followed the crest of the ridge, as is usual, and we soon came to the region of bamboo, which is found close to the changs ; and where it branched off’ leading to Banpara, we found the Longhong KMnsai seated in state on some leaves, his spear stuck in the ground beside him. At some 20 feet on each side were other officials, also in state on loaves and with their spears. The Khunsai I knew well, and had a talk with him. I found, he had a bad foot, tied up in very dirty linen, and told him to wash both and keep a water-poultice on. The only extra-decoration they indulged in was a topi with a long feather in the crown. We wore passing on to see Longhong, when the old fellow hailed us, and gave us his formal permission to proceed. This we had omitted to wait for, but it seems to be considered by them necessary. A Longhong went with us, while the rest awaited our return to this point. We now saw for the first time how they weed the ‘ dlian,’ commencing at the bottom of the slopes and working upwards, in parties of ten to twenty. The dlian stalks seem far apart, and they use a bamboo loop to scrape up the earth, removing the weeds with the left hand and throwing them in little heaps. Each house or family seems to have its dlian marked out by sticks, stones, or weed heaps, and neighbours combine to work in batches. The rate at which they get over the ground was astonishing, the work being well done. The dlian was not in ear, and this was their second weeding. I was told, it was enough for this year. The land had last year, I believe, been redeemed from young forest and S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills. 13 1872.] was almost destitute of trees and stumps. The labour they are put to for a scanty crop is almost incredible. They seldom cultivate the same piece of land for more than two years in succession, as grass comes up rapidly the second year, and they have no way of eradicating it, the only implement used in cultivation being the dhdo. After the second year, they let the land go into jungle and make fresh clearances for their dlian. The hills are thus in all stages of jungle and forest, now all grass, as Borata, Ulu, and Ilamoru ; or ground deserted for three years, all in small tree jungle (for the trees kill the grass in that time) ; on other patches again larger trees may be seen, five and six years old, or eight and ten, and no grass at all. In about ten years all the available rice-growing land has had a turn, and they can clear the young forest again. They thus require far more land than the ryots in the plains, especially if the smallness of the crop yielded is taken into account. We soon reached Longhong passing through fine groves of Lottu and Wattu bamboo, and came upon the fortifications of which I had heard so often. The first attempt almost made us laugh. There were a few sticks of ekra and bamboo stuck in like a common fence, on the off-side of a ditch about 0 feet wide by 6 feet deep, over which there was a small bridge. A little further on we passed some small raised ehangs, on which we saw bodies tied up in Tocoopalm leaves, and roofed in. We heard it was the way in which they disposed of their dead. All customs relating to this subject are worth noting, so we examined them with some interest. We next came to a kind of palisade, with a long narrow passage between bamboo walls, three feet apart, not very strong, but enough to check a rush. It was the most formidable point of defence, as it was commanded by a large rock in front, on which a house had been built to give extra cover, and had a precipice on the left, the right also being steep. There seemed to be no one on duty, which was contrary to what I had heard and expected. On entering the chang, we could see very few houses at a time, the ground being very uneven, and the paths steep and tortuous, eminently calculated for defence, and such as give the spear its fullest advantage, when opposed to firearms. The houses were all thatched with Tocoopalm leaves and not grass, as in the plains, the centre posts also all projected through the roof line for some 5 or 6 feet, and were bound with leaves, presenting a very singular appearance. They were built without any arrangement, no doubt many times over on the same sites, the level being eked out by a platform raised on posts, which people use to sit on, or dance, or hold open ah- meetings. But by far the most striking feature was the number and size of the Jack trees, many of them evidently very old. We were told that the fruit, of which there seemed a large crop, was religiously respected. Each house .has certain trees. The timber used in building was also usually Jack, and as 14 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag A Hills. [No. 1, it is one of the most durable timbers, the Jack trees serve two purposes. The hill summits around are destitute of them, unless whore there is a village. There seem in fact no villages without Jacks and no Jacks without a village. We have therefore here a valuable means of reviewing their past history to some extent, as Jack, Artocarpus integrifolius, is a slow-growing wood, closely allied to the Sam, Cliama, or Artocarpus chaplasha Roxb., so celebrated for building and other purposes, and which I suspect is the ‘ Satin-wood’ of our English timber-dealers. Water supply seemed a great difficulty. We often saw little troughs placed to catch drippings from the rock, but containing little else than mud. There are no tanks, I hear, and as most of the ‘ changs’ are built on the hill tops, where springs are not likely to be numerous, it seems a serious difficulty, enhanced too by the strata being all on-edge and sand- stone. At this village, the water is obtained in a deep cleft facing the north and some 300 yards down ; but even this occasionally fails. We were taken to the highest point in the village from whence we had a fine view of the surrounding changs. To the east, nearest to Longhong and the plains, lay the Huru Mutons’ chang on its peak, which is wooded to the top. With the binoculars the houses could be clearly seen in detail, they seemed the same as in Longhong. The Huru Mutons are the deadly enemies of the Banpara tribe, though so close. Next to the south lie the Kiilun Mutons, also on a hill, and next to them again the Bor Mutons, on a conical hill with the village on the apex. More to the south and in the extreme distance was the chang of the Neyowlung Nagas, or, as they are called, Abors ; and due south was U'nugaou, one of the four Banpara villages. Several small ranges ran behind these, all inhabited by Abors, up to tho foot of the Deoparbat due east. This mountain is uninhabited, and called ‘ Deoparbat’ from an idea that it is haunted by a Deo, or devil. Hollow noises are said to be heard on the summit, where a lake is believed to exist. It is wooded to the top, and the western face is rather precipitous ; hero and there large masses of rock stand out clear of the forest and so light as to look like quartz. From behind Urntgiion a large hill rises, shutting in the view ; on it are the so-called Abors, who can never get into the plains, though in sight, as the border tribes would “ cut” them, as it is called. In the fore- ground of this hill lay a series of small hills, all Banpara territory, and on one of them we were shewn the village of that name where the Rajah resides. Nearly due south-west, Joboka rises, and is as conspicuous here as from the plains, having a gradual slope on its southern face, and a very steep one to the north. It is the hill of the Joboka tribe, with whom the Banparas are con- stantly at war, with varying success. As wo were viewing the changs around, a good many women, boys, and girls came to stare at us, a compliment we often involuntarily returned. S. E. Peal — Visit to- tTie Niiga Hills. 15 1872.] The sun was now getting low, and we returned to the place where we had left the Khiinsai seated in state. He called several of the groups of weeders up to see us. They at first seemed afraid to come, most of them being women and girls, a few stunted and old, and some strapping wenches, who could do more climbing in a day than I in a week. We then took the path down the hill and among the dhan, that led to Banpara, many weeding parties on the road stopping to stare and jabber at us. They certainly seemed to work hard, though it was nearly dark, and long past the time to leave off work in the plains. We now reached the point where the huts had been built on the Sissa River, and just as it got dark, our men with the loads came in at the same time. The temporary huts were rude in the extreme, consisting only of a few sticks stuck in the ground and others laid across. Some wild plantain leaves formed our so-called roof. The stream rushing among the stones gave us a pleasant reminiscence of home, and soon sent us to sleep. About an horn* after, we were all roused up by a loud thunder-clap, and found by the incessant lightning that a storm was coming up. We there- fore hastily rigged walls to the chang we slept on, a waterproof sheet making a good roof ; our guns were stowed under our heads and our sundries under the chang. The rain came down in torrents, but we were so tired that we fell asleep, and did not find till morning that we had been saturated. Some Nagas came diming the storm down from Banpara, hound for Longhong ; how they managed to find their way in the dark puzzled us. We also heard bears not far off. On the 31st we were up early, and had our breakfast. The royal brother now made his appearance, several Khunsais and Hundekais came too, to escort us, and all who could muster up the remains of a coat, wore the same in our honour. On starting, we adopted the Naga custom of using a staff, as they do their ‘ jatties’, or spears, to assist us in getting over the rough ground, and found we got on far easier by its help. The path, at first very steep and up a ferny cleft, soon became more level, and passed round the shoulders and along the ridges of a series of small hills, tolerably level in the main, and at a sufficient height to give us a good view of our surroundings. A part ot the road had just been cleared for us, or the jungle and grass had been thrown aside, for which we were much obliged to them as the grass was literally dripping with dew. As in Asffin, the morning dew here is like a shower, and on pausing for a moment, it sounded quite loud falling from the trees and jungle. At about half way to Banpara, we came to a kind of abbatis, at a point that could he easily defended, i. e., a narrow ridge with a precipice on each 1G [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills. side, and not more than four or five yards across. The obstruction was com- manded by a rise in the ground beyond, on which there was good cover, while there was none on the near side. The fortification could not be seen, even from a distance, and was no doubt the best point of defence on the route. There was, however, another point further on where the road for a short distance was cut on the face of a precipice, and only a few inches wide. Here a few determined men could hold any number in check for some time, the preci- pice being so steep, that I plucked a leaf off a tree top that was fully eighty feet high. We soon after came to the region of Dollu and Wattu bamboos, of which there were immense numbers, and here saw cattle tracks, both cows and buffaloes, and were told they came by the same route as we did, which wo could hardly credit. They here asked our permission to fire a salute, no doubt to warn the Rajah’s people of our proximity. We soon after reached the first point in the village finding it a counterpart of Longhong, extremely irregular and broken up, the houses all thatched with Tocoo leaves, and the centre posts project- ing. The Jack trees were both large and numerous ; we also saw a Naga ‘ bik’, or poison, tree, the leaves of which are used to intoxicate fish, an endogen and not unlike an aloe on a long stem. They at once conducted us to the Rajah’s house, the largest by far in the ohang, and also the highest. It was a repetition of all the other houses. We had to climb up a notched tree stem to reach tho bamboo chang floor, and found ourselves at once in the Royal presence. The Rajah seemed a shrewd man, about 40 to 45 years old, tall and of course tattooed. He was seated on a sort of huge stool about 8 feet by 4 or 5, over which there was a coloured rug of either Indian or English manufacture, certainly not Naga. We were pointed out to a similar sort of bench opposite, at about 8 or 10 feet distance, where wo sat down, glad to get a rest after our toil, and to look around us a little. The heir-apparent sat on a smaller throne, to the Rajah’s right and at some 15 or 20 feet, a strapping fine young fellow. He had an heir- apparent-manner about him which was to some extent very telling, and was de- corated a la Naga ; for with exception of a black cloth flung round him while he sat, he had but a bead and cowrie costume, and was tattooed also of course. The Royal brothers of the Rfijah were all en suite, and sat about Roy- alty on little three-legged stools, tho whole of them with faces of such intense gravity shaded off' by a futile attempt at indifference, that they looked supremely ludicrous. Of the brothers we fo und there were six ; we had only heard of two. On the outskirts of this upper ten, sat and stood the sons and nephews, &c., some of them very smart young fellows, and decorated in the most fantastic style, and very few tattooed. In the distance sat the outsiders, and not a few. Most of the Khunsais, Hundekais, and Sowdongs, who could do so, camo to see us. 17 1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills. We were now treated to unlimited discourse, several speaking at once, sometimes in Asamese which we could understand, and often in Naga which we could not — chiefly as to how the Rajah had heard of us, and wished to look on us as “ brothers”, that I had been some three or four years so near and had never visited him before. The Raj ah spoke of the difficulty which his people often had in getting grain, and that they then relied to a great extent on several villages in the plains. We in fact heard that in the Rajah s house alone was there any considerable quantity of grain from last year s crop. Some little stress was laid on our passing “ their Duars,” and we could plainly see that they had but vague ideas regarding their position. We were in- vited to behold the power and grandeur of the Rajah of Banpara, whose sway extended over several mountains and four villages, i. e., Banpara, Longhong, Und, and Nokrong, while neighbouring Royalty often was con- fined to one, and whose warriors were literally countless, at least by Naga numerals. We were then asked to perform a few miracles, in a general way, with which we immediately complied, firing our revolvers into a large tree stem close by. My friend led ofl' steadily, and when I began he reloaded and kept it up and put five more from my revolving carbine. This was a good beginning, and there was a great deal of wind expended over it in ‘ wah- wahing it was considered awful. He then drew fire from heaven, or rather the sun, through a lens of the binoculars. And no amount of persuasion would induce a Naga to hold his hand under the focus. Matches were enquired after, and seemed to yield endless jabbering, when struck. I happened to strike one on my waistbelt having nothing hard enough near, and I after- wards heard that they thought I lit it by simply touching my skin, and that my deota must be a “ knowing devil.” A magnet attracting or repelling a needle, even from underneath the paper it lay on, was ‘ dawai,’ medicine, and seemed to astonish less than I had expected. _ An inspection of the house was then suggested, and it seems the correct thing to sit in audience for a time at one end and then walk through to the other, letting off a few polite ejaculations en route. The house must have been 200 feet by 50 at least, though perhaps in the centre not over 30 feet high, from the floor. Like most of them, it was built two-tliirds on the rock, and one-third continued out level by a chang, where the ground fell considerably, and supported on posts. This last is the audience end, and had in this case no gable wall, the roofing being semi- circular, so as to keep out wet. For the first 50 or 60 feet where the floor rested on posts, it was like a huge barn inside, and had no partitions, the large Jack posts shewing well in three rows, one down the centre, and one each side at about 15 feet. Some of the Marolis, or horizontal beams, (wall plates of the builder) were enormous, fully a foot or a foot and a half thick at the but end, 3 c [No. 1, 18 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills. and some 50 to 60 feet long. How they were ever raised to their places, let alone up such a hill, was a mystery to us, though we were told that men lifted them on their shoulders. On the right hand wall were hung hones and skulls of pig, deer, mitton, buffalo, &c. About 50 or 60 lower jaws of the boar, made a fine display, all hung in a row, some huge tusks among them — evidently all hung as trophies of “ feasting.” The central portion of the house through which we next passed, appeared to have a series of cattle pens on each side of a central passage, the floor being rock, it was dark as pitch, and by no means fresh. From the tittering and whispering we heard as we passed or stumbled through, we concluded it was the realms of bliss, and after a hundred feet of it, we came out into another large room or hall, dedicated to dhan husking and pounding, the huge ural, cut out of a solid tree, being placed lengthwise and having places for about forty people to pound at once ; the floor was also covered with husks. Here also we saw a small bamboo quad, for refractory youths. On returning to the audience end, we were told that the Rajah was ready to receive his presents, “ as most of the Khunsais and Hundekais had gone.” So we made our men produce what we had brought, having been previously told by our own people, that we must expect them to be dissatisfied, but not to mind it. We had a large purple cloth with broad silver lace for the Rajah, a scarlet shirt, clasp knives, a red blanket, and Rs. 20 in cash. The others came in for similar things of less value, but which were reduced by their being six brothers instead of two as we had expected. No end of palaver followed, and as we had been warned, they wanted more. The Rajah, it seems, had set his heart on a gun. This we assured him was very strictly prohibited, and that we of course dare not give one, and this I had often told them, but no attention was paid to our remark, the way they urged it shewed how little they understand us. One of the oldest Sowdongs who has seen three Rajahs, a man I knew well and who understands mo better than most Nagas do, got up and made a long speech in Asamese, reiterating all the arguments, and eventually proposing seriously, that I should write direct to the * Maharaiu’, and explain clearly, that it was for the Rajah of Banpara, and she would at once acceed to the proposition. This was hailed by all as a coup de grace for us, and the general buzz as he sat down clearly proved he had brought down the House. To this we had to answer, that if guns were granted to one Rajah, all would claim them, and some were, as he knew, very insignificant, so that we knew no exception would be allowed. A revolver was next tried for, but we said that they were very complicated, often going off when least expected, and killing those dearest, as well as nearest. I was then offered a slave, if I would yield the gun question, and 1 understood, a slave for life ; but this we had to shake our heads over, and look serious. 1872.] 19 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Hills. The palaver continuing we retired to where a part of the hall had been partitioned off for us by mat walls, under cover of a remark we heard that if there was much talk, a Sahib’s head ached. We now enjoyed a little peace, a biscuit, and a cigar, in more privacy. A deputation soon after came in to urge the gun case, but we ordered them out, in a mixed dialect, saying that Sahibs were not in the habit of paying taxes this way, and if they only want- ed our presents, we should return at once. This had the desired effect. A procession now came up the house, headed by a Khunsai and the Rajah’s brother, the former beating a little gong, which was laid before us as the present from his Royal Highness, together with a couple of young goats ; but we had been so worried, that we told our people privately, if possible, to forget them when coming away. A visit to the houses of the chief brothers was next suggested, and we started off on a tour. They were all much alike, though smaller than the first : an audience end, open and with trophies of the chase and poison, then a series of the cattle pens as before mentioned, on each side of a dark passage, and a room at the other end for dhan-husking with its ural. The floor in all rose as we went on, the first portion being a cliang raised on posts, and matted. We saw here some Abor women or girls, wives of the owners, one of whom, we were told, had cost five buffaloes, and was the daughter of an Abor Rajah. They seemed far more sprightly and intelligent and good looking than Naganls, and could, we thought, understand us far better too ; whether they were exceptional cases, I cannot say. They wore the hair in a long queue, tied up with beads and wire, and in many cases it was long, not cropped at all, as is common among RTfigSnis. Costume as usual was at a discount, and as is often said “ a pocket handkerchief would make four suits yet with all this, I doubt if we could beat them in either real modesty or morals, and this applies to Naganls too. The Morrang (dead house) , or place where the skulls taken in their wars are put, was next visited. It also contained the great drum cut out of a tree stem and hollowed like a boat. I had reason to think that they might have scruples to take us in, and as I had often tried to get a skull, I did not shew my interest in it outwardly. Roughly estimated, there were about 350 skulls. About half of them hung up by a string through a hole in the crown and in the open gable end, the other half lying hi a heap on the ground. No lower jaws to be seen, nor hands and feet, as I had expected. The latter are always cut off with the head when a man is killed, and confer another kind of ‘ ak’ or decoration. None seemed fractured by a dh&o, and a large number were of young people, or children, being small and smooth. We were conscious of being face to face with the great cause of this tribal isolation, constant warfare, evidently a custom of great antiquity. 20 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the Ndgd Hills. As long as social position depends on tattooing as here, and can only he got by bringing hi the head of an enemy, so long shall we have these wars and consequent isolation of clans. The man who brings in a head is no longer called a boy or woman, and can assist in councils of state, so call- ed. And he seldom goes out on a raid again, I hear. The head he brings, is handed to the Rajah, who confers the ‘ ak,’ or right of decoration by tattoo, at which there is great feasting, and pigs, cows, or even buffaloes are killed, and no end of ‘ moad,’ or fermented rice water, is drunk. Those who are not tattooed, when old enough, make a party and lie in wait for stragglers* men, women, or children, anybody in fact with a head on him ; and as cover is plentiful, they can get on the enemy’s land and lie in ambush along side his paths ; never breaking cover unless certain of success and getting clear off All those who get heads, get the ak on the face ; those who get hands and feet, get marks accordingly ; for the former on the arms, for the latter on the legs. No two tribes, however, have the marks alike, and some even do not tattoo the face. The worst of this kind of warfare is that women and children are as often killed as men, and without any compunction. I had a smart little fellow here at work for a long time, named 1 Allee,’ (four) and once asked him how he got his ak. He said he went out and lay in wait a long tune near a spring, and at last a woman came for water, and he crept up behind her, and chopped her on the head, and then cut it off, and got off himself as quickly and quietly as he could. It was utterly incomprehensible to him how such a thing could be unmanly, I found it waste of time and breath trying to convince him. Besides the skulls, the Morrang also contains the big drum which is nothing more than a “ dug-out.” It is beaten by short heavy sticks, and can be heard a groat distance. The drum from the Muton Chang can be heard here, at least six or seven miles in a direct line. Some are made of a hollow tree with the inside gradually burned out , and open at the ends, some 20 feet long by 3 to 4 in diameter. From here we went back to the Rajah’s house, and heard an alarm of fire, which, from the general excitement, seems to be rather dreaded. On the chang we had a good wash, water being poured out of bamboos. It is here also rather scarce, and I dare say they considered it woeful waste to use it for such a purpose. Our dinner was now ready, and as it was getting dusk, we went into our apartment, not, however to dine in private, as we had hoped. Our mat wall contained too many loopholes, to be resisted by feminine curiosity, and an audience of thirty or forty had to be submitted to, whose exclamations at every new phase in our proceedings-gave us proof of our being among many people who had never before seen a white face. I have no doubt that the modus 1872.] 21 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills. operancli was to them mysterious in the extreme ; our candles, tumblers, knives, forks, and spoons, were as good as news in a foreign tongue. It being now dark, we made preparations to let off a couple of rockets, which I had brought, as a final exhibition. A good site was selected where they could fly over an uninhabited, precipice, and yet he seen by the whole village. A bamboo tube guide was soon placed and the fuse lit, after placing the Elijah’s party where it could be well seen. The fuse, however, went out and had to be re-lit, when the rocket flew off beautifully, just in the direction I had wished. A gun had been fired to warn the pykes to be on the look out, and we heard a hum of exclamations at once. After about five minutes, I fired the other and it flew, if anything, higher than the first, and burst well, the stars coming out well too, a piece of the case kept burning just long enough to let them see their value. It was evident, they were in mortal dread, as they told us that they were all very sleepy. I afterwards heard that the rockets were looked on as two devils, which I do not wonder at. As a “ peace- offering” they were very valuable, I have no doubt. Our audience had to be turned away at last, as they shewed signs of staying by us all night, and we went to sleep. We were disturbed about two or three hours after, by a torch being thrust in, and found we were being ‘ interviewed’ by some fresh arrivals from another chang. To this we responded in Anglo-Saxon and Asamese adjectives, and had them bundled out, and got peace at last. On the 1st June, we were awoke by the old Sowdong calling out to us that if we slept after the sun was up, we should be ill, which must bo a Naga proverb. The view to the east, as the sun rose behind Deoparbat, was magni- ficent. Tbo bottom of the valleys filled with white mist, the mountain shadows crossing in great blue bars, an isolated peak rising here and there clear like an island wooded to the top. We were ready to start, and were advised to start soon, as the sun would be hot. We bade adieu to the Eajah in pantomime fashion, to which he responded, and then went away, each provided with a staff that saved us many a slip. The walk did us good, and we got to the Sissa at 8 o’clock, a distance of about five or six miles, and sat down for a short time, to see if our men would come up. I went a little way up stream to a picturesque bend where the water rushed on each side over large boulders in the bed, making a great noise. The cliff on the other side was a sheer precipice of sandstone strongly laminated, dip to south 85° to 90°. Here we watched some girls gathering stones about the size of oranges used in preparing rice. Finding our men did not soon come up, we started on through the Erra back towards the Longhong path, the sun being fearfully hot, and several times we had to rest, there being no shelter. On gaining the Longhong road, we sat down and found the Naganis close at our heels though carrying heavy loads. We here remarked for the first time the peculiar noise like a whistle or 22 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the JSfar/d Hills. note on a flute, clear and plain and seeming to come from the chest, made by Naganls when carrying loads and distressed. The men told us that they always did so, when fatigued and out of breath. Subsequently we heard the same noise or note, and found it was made by an old Naganl, who carried a maund of rice and seemed half dead, though a muscular old lady. Wo now selected a hut among the dhan in which to rest and enjoy the view till our men came up. It certainly was a magnificent view, and I could see a white speck on the horizon towards Sibsagar that may have been the Rongghar or Ghargaon. We were highly amused at the Huluks, or long-armed apes. They hallooed, the chorus being led off by one giving two distinct whistles ; he then stopped and the chorus rose to a climax and fell off again ; after a pause the two distinct whistles were repeated, and the chorus at once broke out again. In no instance did they ever begin without the “ que.” Subse- quently I found that I could start them by using a railway whistle, which I use to attract deer on moonlight nights. I do not know, by the way, if the fact is known, that on hearing loud whistling (during October and November, at least) deer will charge. I once shot a large Samhre doe, as large as a pony, skin 9 feet from the nose to tip of tail ; on my whist- ling loud, it charged out of the jungle into the open and, on repeating the whistle, charged straight at us, when I knocked it over at twenty yards. Eight men could hardly carry it in. The fact is well known here, but I do not know if naturalists are aware of it. While resting in the hut and admiring the view, some NagSs and Naganfs came up en route to see the elephants. We therefore accompanied them and soon got to the Sissa where the elephants were located and found all ready to start. Many people had come to stare at the tame elephants, and to fish. We were admiring the surroundings, and watched the women catching fish by hand, when a man came to say that our muharrir had had some difficulty in getting our loads carried down, and that after starting one man had run away, though close to the chang, and he had to return and get another. Our loads were thus so delayed, that we determined to push on home, where we arrived about 5 P. M., earlier than wc had expected, as the distance must be 20 to 21 miles ; but we wore not so fatigued after all. The muharrir came in after dark, very much disgusted at the trick they had served him. The influence of the Rajah seems less than might he expected and the liberty of the subject at its maximum. We could not help speculating, during our trip, on the effect of introducing some good seeds, as the potatoe, which would no doubt grow here luxuriantly. From internal evidence, the population seems to have been stationary for a long period, perhaps centuries. The checks are all positive, too, such as constant warfare and the want of food, inducing disease, 1872.] 23 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Hills. &c.# The trouble, time, and labour expended in raising their crop of hill rice, or their Koni dhanf, if sunk in potatoes or wheat, would yield them four or six fold, and enough to supply the plains with the former, as in the Kliassia Hills. Whether it is politic to render them wholly independent while they have such vague ideas regarding their relationship to us, I cannot say. A peace policy till we get a railway, would seem the best for us planters> unless extraordinary vigour was shewn. A glance at the map, and a knowledge of what they have done, would show at once that they could nearly annihilate tea south of the Brahmaputra, by a system of night raids, for which they are famous. The present almost deserted state of this portion of the Sib- sagar district, between the Dik’ho and Diling and south of the Dhodur All, is a standing proof of what they did forty years ago, “ committing such devastation,” according to Robinson, “ as to force the ryots to remove from the neighbourhood, and stop all communication by the roads.” And there are men living who remember this tract as a vast village, or a series of villages. The destruction was done by Nagas, Burmese, and Singphus. Not only during our trip, but both before and after, the question of our present mutual relationship pressed on our notice. It is not a bad habit, especially in a country like this, which we have recently invaded, to get the “ oldest inhabitant” in any locality, and enquire. Thus we here heard among others, that there never was, in the old days, a fixed boundary to the province here, and not only did the Nagas give regular tribute in kind to the Asamese Rajalis, but the so-called Abors as well. There were both Naga and Abor ‘ Sokeals,’ or Official Interpreters, and the Abor tribes had access to the plains through certain routes, now closed to them. I see also, by referring to Robinson’s Asam, p. 384, that the Nagas about here are reported to have paid allegiance to the Rajahs of Asam, and again so at bottom of p. 386. As far as I can see, the tribes about here now forget this, and consider themselves de facto free, and any attempt on our part to remind them of their former allegiance by active measures, such as taxation or surveys, would lead to serious complications and to a * Wo did not see the places where they cultivate their kachchus, and garden produce, called “ Erra j” hut I have since scon some clearances of this kind, at the Naga village near Borhat on the Desang and Dhodar All. The land was carefully enclosed by a fence made of the boughs of the trees felled inside the clearance, not piled carelessly, but built up so as to be wholly impassable and impervious to pigs. Inside, I found kachchus, chillies, yams, and also mint, cotton, and plants which I did not know. The ground was carefully weeded, and paths led though it, and small « tongis,’ or huts on posts, were erected here and there to servo for watching at night. I found many opium-eaters at this village, even among the lads. They are Mohongias. t Koni, dhan, and sowl. 24 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills. combined action on their part. What we have most to fear is their incredible ignorance : hemmed in and stationary themselves, they cannot comprehend our having other troops than what they see at Dibrogarh, and laugh to scorn any idea of our being able to cope with them. Like an enraged child with a knife, they may inflict some severe cuts before the knife is taken from them. The question of population of course occupied our attention, and is one difficult of solution. This tribe consists of four villages, and the mean of several Asamese and Naga estimates of the number of houses was as follows : Banpara, . Longhong, Uhii, Nokrong, . 300 houses. 200 350 50 Or a total for the tribe of 900 houses. I am inclined, however, to think it far above the truth, and that 600 houses is nearer the mark, and that the able-bodied men are about 1,000 to 1,200, or two to a house. The Joboka Niigas have five villages, i. e. Joboka, Kamlung, Bor U'tii, Ham U'td, and Longting, and an Asamese estimate gives the following numbers : — Joboka, 500 Kamlung, 400 Bor. U’td, 400 Hdru ITtd, 300 Longting, 200 Total 1800 houses. This also, I think, is over-estimated, and 1000 to 1,200 will be nearer the truth. This would give, say 2,000 able-bodied men. The Miltons have four villages, i. e., Bor Muton, Huru Mutons, Kulun Mutons, and Naugaon, (I may add that it was called ‘new village’ at least sixty years ago). Whether these are really separate tribes or simply different villages of one, I cannot say. A Rajah is at each, but they never go to war with one another, but fight on the contrary together, I believe, against any enemy. Their ak also is the same. Of the Bor Duarias, Pan! Duarias, and Namsangias, I cannot give an estimate, but 1 think that they have not less than 1000 to 2000 houses, each tribe. 23 1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Hills. Some of the Abor tribes again are very small and consist of but one village, and that a small one ; as the village and tribe of Banhsang (Bamboo- chang). AVitb a powerful telescope, which I had for a short time here, I could make out changs on many peaks, far in the distance to the south, of whom neither the Asamese nor the Nagas had any knowledge whatever, and no name hut Abor, and I regretted not having a good telescope with me when on my trip, as we could have seen changs away in several directions, not to be seen from the plains. Between the Pesang on the east and the Dik’ho, there are as many as 8 or 10 tribes having a frontage to AsSm. From Desang to Lufl'ry alone, only 35 miles, there are six tribes, i. e., Bor Dudrias, Miltons, Banparas, Jobokas, Sanglors, and Lakmas, and this gives but six miles average frontage. They do not extend far into the hills, so that each may safely be said to occupy about 40 or 50 square miles. In some cases a tribe is more extensively placed ; but again in others, as Sinyong, the entire tribe consists of but one village. I know of no cases where one tribe has conquered, and become possessed of the lands of another ; hence the status quo seems of long continu- ance. The oldest ‘ Nog, ions,’ or new villages, are not less seemingly than 40 or 50 years. As a consequence of the above noted custom of head-cutting, and its isolating influence, few Ndgas reach the plains, but those living on the border. We thus see a community of some hundreds perched on a hill, and depending almost exclusively on their own resources, constantly fighting others similarly isolated, on all sides, yet thoroughly able to maintain them- selves. Perhaps in no other part of the world can so complete a tribal isolation be seen, and subdivision carried to such an extreme. The available land, too, seems all taken up. To every 40 or 50 square miles there are about four villages, of perhaps one hundred families each ; yet from the nature of the case, as before stated, not more than an eighth or tenth of the land available can be cultivated at one time, and the population would seem to have reached its maximum. I am aware that in some places there are hills and ranges said to he uninhabited, but I know of no such places here, except the peaks and ridges of the highest hills, 5,000 feet high, or more. All the other hills, as far as the telescope can penetrate, shew signs of recent or previous cultivation. But not even the names of the tribes are known, let alone the villages. In- deed, I have lately detected large villages where all Nagas insisted that there were none. The raids and isolated murders for which this large tract of country is so celebrated, have one feature in common, viz., surprise. Cover is so universal, and favourable to the attack, that advantage is invariably taken of it until the last moment. As a rule, when a whole tribe is at war, the 4 n 20 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the Ndga Hills. cause is a general one. One Rajah or tribe has been grossly insulted by another. In such cases a chang may be surprised and burnt by a com- bination of several villages. In other cases a single village of one tribe is at war with another village of a different tribe, without involving the other villages in hostilities. Bor Muton may be at war with Unu, and not involve Kiiluns or Longhong. Or again what is a common form, the young and untattooed men of three or four villages of say two distinct tribes may combine and, headed by a few older men, quietly traverse the jungles to a more distant tribe and village and, suddenly attack the people in their cultivation, the object being simply heads. Returning to the Banparas, I may say that with regal’d to weapons, they use, like most Nagas, the ‘ jattie,’ or spear, and the ‘ dhao.’ They also use the cross-bow.# I see that Robinson lays great stress on their not having hows and arrows ; he considers its total disuse a very singular circumstance, and draws rather weighty conclusions from it. It is not, I hear, of recent date. In the use of the jattee they seem clumsy and bad shots ; I have tried batches of several tribes at a mark for prizes, but found them unable to reach 80 yards. Nor could they touch a sack of straw for half an hour at 60 yards (whore I volunteered to go and be shot at), but at 40 yards one did succeed. Captain Norton says in his book on * Projectiles,’ that he could once throw a spear 170 yards, and saw the wife of an Australian chief throw one 120 yards ; hence the Nagas do not seem very formidable on this score. They use their jatties for close work, usually from ambush, and never attack in the open. The dh&o is used as a hatchet or mace, and held by both hands. One blow is usually enough, if fairly given in a fight, as they can cut with tre- mendous force. The jungle is so thick and common, that their warfare is wholly by ambush and surprise, and this gives the dhao great advantages. The bow is chiefly used for game and pigs. They have a shield, or ‘ plior,’ made of buffalo or boar skin, and often ornamented by goat’s hair dyed scarlet, or by cowries. It figures in their war dances, but I suspect is not much used elsewhere, unless in a premeditated onslaught. Like most savages, the Naga seems to aim at making himself look as hideous as possible, and their decorations at times of festivity have solely that object. Their head gear seems generally to have some bunches of hair fastened to long light stems so as to jerk about while moving. It is the hair of the man or woman who has been killed, and in all cases, I think, is human hair, if not of an enemy. But there seems no one particular head gear which * ‘ Hap’ in Naga. 1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Ndga Hills. 27 all adopt ; on the contrary, there is infinite variety ; any one who can dress or look more hideous than his neighbour, is at perfect liberty to do so. The chiefs often wear a long dark blue coat like a dressing-gown not tied, that contrasts strongly with their usually nude condition. Asamese cloths are also bought, and worn by the Nagas who can afford the luxury, during the cold season, but those who cannot, wear the little scrap commonly seen at all times and about the size of foolscap. Women wear an equally scanty morsel, which in some tribes, I hear, is even dis- pensed with. Pewter, or red cane, bracelets or armlets are considered of far greater value and moment. As far as we could see, the women wear no head gear at all, and about hall' have the hair cropped short. The bunches of hair and feathers on the topis are all usually mounted on thin slips of buffalo horn, exactly like whale hones. Of trade there is little or none. With the exception of the salt mines or springs eastward, and some pan and kachchus brought in exchange for rice, there is no such thing as trade. The tribes are too poor to be able to trade, and the constant state of warfare renders commerce impossible. On concluding a peace, some dhaos and Abor cloths change hands, or a mitton ; but as a rule the border tribes act as a most effectual barrier to all attempts at commercial transactions with those beyond. It may he worth noting that the border tribes have now lost the art of weaving or very nearly so, as the little scraps of cloth they require, are pro- cured in Asam ; while the Abors are able to weave very pretty, though coarse, pieces of party coloured cloth, as they cannot trade with Asam. If it were possible to open broad, neutral avenues among these hills, to allow the remoter hill tribes a chance of getting into the plains, it would benefit all parties and injure none, and the Abors* would thus be our native allies. I may here mention that, even in the rains, five hours’ dry weather after a week’s rain leaves communications as they were before the rain. The water runs off as it falls, while in Asam we should have a month’s ‘ boka,’ or mud. Both physically and linguistically, there is a good deal of difference in the tribes bordering each other. The Naga vocabulary compiled by Mr. Bronson at Jaipur in 1840, is of no use here, but sixteen miles west, though some words are known ; but the numerals are different, and they here only count to ten. * I have carefully enquired both among Asamese and Nagas regarding tho Abors, whether they have a wish to visit the plains, and all without exception say, they are extremely anxious to do so. This of course is to be expected, as some of their most valuable articles, as iron, comes from Asam, though in small quantities and in shape of dhaos. Asam to them is like a goal, always is sight, but never to be reached. They live in sight of the plains, at not more than a day’s journey. They are born, live, and die, longing to cross a narrow strip of land, but cannot. 28 [No. 1, S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Ilills. When once with a number of Banparas on the road, a large party of Nagas passed, and as neither party spoke, I asked who they were. I was pointed out their hill, and on asking why they did not speak, they said they would not understand one another. This I thought a good opportunity to try them, and told them to call them'in Naga and ask who they were. On being called to, they all turned round, and stopped, but said nothing ; I then made them call again; but to no purpose, the other party simply jabbered together in twos and threes, and on calling them a third time as to where they were going, they shouted out a lot of Naga which my fellows could not make out. Both parties passed on, unable to exchange a word, though living within a few miles of each other. A few words did pass, but they were As- amese. I asked how they knew the men, and they said “by their ak,” or tattoo marks. There is more lingual variation among the remote tribes, I believe, than those bordering As&m, as the latter frequently meet in the plains on a peaceful footing, while the Abors are shut out from all intercourse. The physique also varies with the tribe. I can as a rule tell a Joboka man from a Banpara, and those from a Muton, or Namsangia, and Asamese. Those who are familiar with the tribes can easily do so, without seeing the ak to guide them, simply judging by their general physique and colour. Of course there are exceptional cases, such as small stunted men, or others unusually tall or well made. Practically, the extraordinary confusion of tongues opposes a serious obstacle to the explorer, and the sooner we set to work to reduce the confusion by inducing opposite causes, the better for us and our successors, and for them and their successors. Tattooing as a decoration, or prize for committing murder, is at the bottom of it all, I fancy, and is so deeply rooted, that it may take a long time to eradicate by peaceful means. Their religion seems confined to the fear of a legion of deotas or devils, and has no system, and their devils are of course on a par with their limited ideas. Whatever they do not understand, is the work of a ‘ deota.’* Every tree, rock, or path, has its ‘ deo,’ especially lor trees, and water- falls. If a man is mad, a deo possesses him, who is propitiated by offerings of dhan, spirits, or other eatables. Deos in fact are omnipresent, and are supposed to do little else than distress human beings. The only remedy is presents and counter witchcraft. They seem to have no idea of a Supreme Being, the idea is certainly not ‘ innate’ here. There are no regular priests, though they have ‘ deorfs,’ men whose office it is to bury or attend to the dead. Two or more such men are in each village. They tie up the corpse * I was once asked by a Naga to point out which of two men had robbed him of three Rupees, and to use, for the purpose, a small horse-shoe magnet I had. Ho was under the impression that it was capable of pointing out moral delinquencies. 29 1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills. in tocoo leaves, and put it on the ‘ riik tuas,’ where it is left till sufficiently decayed when the skull is put in the Morrang. Appendix I. Numerals used by the lianparas and neighbouring tribes. 1. lianparas. eta Mohongias.* tumchee Narnsangias ,f vanthe. 2. annee kinee vanigie. 3. ajum kahom vanram. 4. allee mellee heli. 5. aggah manga hanga. 6. arruclc torrong (k?) irok. 7. annutt tenjee ingit. 8. atchutt ashut isat. 9. akoo akoo ikhu. 10. abbau abau ichi. It is worth noting that the Banpara numerals all begin with a, except the first. Specimen op a Naga Vocabulary. English. Naga. English. Ndgt Above, dingko. Arm, tzuk. Abode, n. hum. Arrow, sail. Across, arem. Ashes, labu. Afraid, rah. Asleep, gip- After, pai. Aunt, anichum. Aged, arupa. Awl, janmut. Air, rung tez. Axe, va, or ba. Alike, tavei. r arang. Babe, r mansa. Alive, \ arang. \ nausa. All, pang vei. Back, n, tawki. Alone, kura. Bag, nitzung. Amber, nSsa. Bait, n. pusen. Ancle, shiadua. Balance, n. tliak. Angel, harung. Bamboo, nyud. Animal, mai. Bandage, kako. Ant, tziktza. Bank, turn. Ape, mainak. Bam, kung. * The Mohongias, or Bor and Pam Duarias, 8 miles east, t The Narnsangias are at Jaipur, 16 miles east. [No. L 30 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Mills. English. Nagd. Basket, cage, shawkshawu. Bat, pawkpi. Battle, ron. Bead, Ilk. Beak, chukin. Beam, langpang. Bean, plasa. Bear, tchupp. Beat, pit. Bee, na. Beetle, chong. Before, taut. Bent, kdm. Bellows, zetpo. Belly, vawk. Below, hopong. Belt, ropak. Best, hanko. Betel, kovai. Between, hawtawng. Bird, awe (as the Eng- lish ‘ awe’.) Bite, chut. Bitter, ka. Black, nak. Blacksmith, changlik. Blanket, ni. Blind, mllidok. Blood, adzi. Bloom, mei pua. Boar, valda. Boat, quanu. Bolster, kungtan. Boil, taw. Bone, opak. Book, tantung. Bottle, pei (as the Eng- lish ‘ pay’). Bow, hap. English. Nagd. Bowl, kup kwaw. Box, shwalt. Boy, nausa. Bracelet, kapson. Branch, punchuk. Brandy, zu. Bread, an. Breakfast, kongsaha. Brick, hi Bridge, large, valoh. small ; shai. Brook, shwasa. Buffalo, lui. Bug, veikoi. Bull, mai hopong. Bullet, jantang. Burial place, rdlitiia. Burn, vun sung lei. Butterfly, pituak. Cable, ru. Calf, maihusa. Cane, reh. Cap, kohom. Cascade, tl kong lei. Cat, miasa. Cave, hakon. Chau-, tun tong. Charcoal, mak. Charm, vem. Chicken, ’ awsa. Chief (Rdjah), vang hum. „ (subordinate), vang sa. Chin, lcara. Chisel, juntup. Cholera, mizi. Clearance (new), of land, nau erra. Club, punkum. 1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Mgd Kills. 31 Appendix II. The Asamese Koni Pih, or Poison Perry. The seeds of this shrub or tree are used by the Asamese to kill and intoxicate fish in the rivers. They usually select the deep pools, after the floods have subsided, and stake both the outlet and inlet, so as to prevent the fish from escaping. It seems that both the leaf and the bark are capable of poisoning, if used in any quantity ; but they are not used, because the seed (husk and all) is far more active. Some say the husks alone are to be used. Fresh seeds are not selected, but rather old and half rotten ones, and I hear that if they have lain on the ground, they are still better. The custom is to collect them some days before the poison is required, and steep them m water- When soft they are pounded up, seed, husk and all, with some water, care being taken to protect the face and especially the eyes. When thoroughly reduced to a pulp, the mass is allowed to stand a day or two, and is then ready to be thrown into the stream a little above the place selected to catch the fish. About 5fts. of seed will poison a large ‘ dhubi,’ and of course affect the stream a long way down. I hear that it is injurious to human beings, and stories were told me of people killed by it, but I doubt the fact. It seems universally agreed that if the seeds are kept for a long time in a pot, moistened and allowed to rot ('? ferment), the poison is far more active, than if only kept a few days. ‘ Nagd Pih,' another poison used to intoxicate and MU fish. The tree known by this name grows to a large size, often 2, 3 and 4 feet in girth, and 50 to 80 feet high. Unlike the Koni Bill, the seeds must be used when rather unripe, or at least not old ; but all parts of the tree seem to yield the active principle, though the seeds contain most for a given weight. The poison is also most virulent if used immediately ; and for this reason, I suppose, it is the juice itself that is poisonous, and not any product of fermentation, as seems the case in the first poison. A larger quantity is also required to produce the same result. It is prepared much the same way as Koni Bih, that is, pounded up with water and macerated. The outside of the husk is covered with fine hair or down. The seed case when cut through, rapidly clanges from a light yellowish white to a dark greenish black in about a minute or less. There are also other kinds of poison called ‘ Lota Bih’ and ‘ Deo Bih,’ the latter not known to the Asamese, I believe, and ‘ Bor Bih,’ which is brought down by the Misfimis, 32 J. M. Foster — Note on Gharg'ion, Asam. [No. 1, Note on Ghargaon , Asam. — By J. M. Foster, F. R. G. S., Nazeerah, Assam. Ghargaon, for many years the capital of the Ahom kings of Asam, is so little known, or cared for even by those acquainted with its existence, that it has been thought worth while to place a record of its appearance at the present date in the hands of those likely to appreciate such, as in all probability a few years more will see the place a heap of undistinguishable ruins, or worse still, converted into materials for building purposes, dime, neglect, the heavy rains of the country, and frequent earthquakes, have much injured this once noble pile of masonry ; but strange to say, the hand of man has done hut little damage so far, a few attempts to find hidden treasure by digging being the only mischief visible : the scarcity of inhabi- tants, the respect and awe with which it is regarded, may have served to protect it so far ; hut it is much to be regretted that so interesting a speci- men of architecture should have been allowed to fall into such a state, that the abovementioned causes, and that curse of ancient Indian masonry, the Pipal tree, must inevitably complete its utter ruin before many years pass over. The following extracts from “ A Descriptive Account of Asam, by William Robinson, 1841” give a slight sketch of the founder and the his- tory of the place. P. 318. “ Of the state of the district antecedent to the conquest of the Ahoms we know nothing. It was in all probability filled by an abundant Hindu population, from whom the bulk of the present inhabitants have de- scended. The Ahoms were for many generations confined to the tract east of the Dehing. As their power increased, their conquests extended beyond that river, on the left bank of which thoy founded their first capital Huluguri- nugur. About half-way between Jaipur and Dehing Mukh, extensive re- mains of the fortifications of the Nugur are still to be seen.’ “ On the further advance of their arms, the Ahoms removed the seat of government to Ghergaon on the banks of the Dikko, which continued to be the principal residence of the princes till the prosperity of the Ahom dynasty began to fade. The royal palace at Ghergaon was surrounded by a brick wall about two miles in circumference, but the whole town and its suburbs appear to have extended over many square miles of country. The ruins of gateways built chiefly of masonry are still to be seen within the fortified circumvallations which surround the town. It may be observed that one of the gateways is composed of stone, the blocks bearing marks of iron clamp- ings, which evidently shows that they once belonged to far more ancient 33 1872.] J. M. Foster — Note on Qliargaon , Asam'. edifices. From this evidence alone, were there no other, it might safely be presumed that, long antecedent to the conquests of the Alioms, the countiy had boon possessed by a race of inhabitants far advanced in some of the arts civilized life.” Ghargaon was for certain reasons subsequently abandoned, and Rang- piir, situated lower down the river and on its left bank, was fixed upon as the capital. In the troubled reign of Gorinat’h (1780 to 95), llangpur was abandoned for Jorhat, but even here, the Rajah was not safe, and he fled for refuge to Gauluitl. On Gorinat’h’s restoration, Jorhat again became the seat of government, and continued so until the conquest of the country hy the British troops (1826). P. 163. “ On the death of Sarga Naraiyan, A. D. 1539, Chucltenmung succeeded to the throne, (he is said to have instigated the assassination of the preceding Raja Chuhummung or Dihinaja Raja, or Sarga Naraiyan). He is said to have built the town and fort of Gargaun, or Ghergong. He reigned thirteen years and was succeeded hy his son Chuckampha. Aothing le- markable is recorded of him except that he enjoyed the throne for lift} -nine years in comparative peace and comfort.” P. 165. “ In 1654, Chutumla succeeded his father Churumpha who was deposed and put in prison for imbecility. Soon after his accession, he adopted the Hindu faith and assmned the name Jaiyadhajia Singh. At the latter end of his reign, in 1601, the valley was invaded by Mir Jumla, the Subadar of Bengal, who sent up his stores and provisions in boats, but crossing the Bhramaputra at Rangamati, marched his army by land. The march "was tedious and on its progress the army was greatly annoyed by the Assamese. This added to the fatigue of dragging the boats, greatly affected the troops. The Subadar at length reached the capital Ghergaon, which, after a severe conflict, he succeeded in taking, and the Raja was obliged to tako refuge in the mountains. The rains of 1662 set in with great vio- lence, and the Raja issued from his place of concealment in the mountains and cut off the provisions of the Moguls. A pestilence also broke out in the camp which carried off many, whether they returned or remained they were equally exposed to death : in this miserable state they passed the rains, but no sooner was the country dry, than, according to the Musalman his- torians, they took courage and bravely repelled the enemy. The Raja is said to have solicited peace, which Mir Jumla was happy to grant, for he was himself attacked hy disease and his troops were mutinous. The same accounts state that the Assamese were obliged to give 20,000 tolahs of gold, 100,000 of silver, and 40 elephants ; and the Raja gave up his daughter to be married to one of the Muhammadan princes, and agreed to pay an annual tribute. The native annals on the contrary inform us that Mir Jumla’s army was entirely defeated, and he was obliged to give up the whole of the 34 [No. 1, J. M. Foster — Note on Ghargaon, Asam. zillah Kamrup to the Assamese, which was from that time placed under the management of a great Assamese officer, the Barphukan, and formed a government equal to about a third of the whole kingdom. Jaiyadhajia Singh died in 1GG3. “ He was succeeded by Chupungmung who was assassinated in 1672. The latter was succeeded by his younger brother Sucklumpha who was secretly poisoned two years after at the instigation of the Bar Baruwa, who assumed a great degree of authority, although he had installed Sulung, the young prince of Samaguriya. The Queen objecting to the Bar Baruwa’s usurpation, laid a plot for destroying him which he discovered, and despatched the king with his own hands, whilst his myrmidons assassinated the Queen and members of the Council. The young king reigned but one month and fifteen days. The Bar Baruwa next raised Teenkungiya to the throne ; but the officers of Gowhatty with a body of troops proceeded to the metropolis, secured the Bar Baruwa, beheaded him and strangled the new Baja after a reign of twenty days. Chujinpha was then placed on the throne, who committed suicide in 1677. In 1G99, Chuclcungpha founded the city and fort of Bung- pur (Sibsagor), and caused the extensive tank to be made which still bears his name. In 1770, the Moamariahs captured Ghergaon, but it was recaptured five months later by the adherents of Luckmi Singh, who died in 1780. The Moamariahs, in 1784, after some tremendous battles again cap- tured the place, and the king, Chuhitpungpha escaped to Gowhatti : after many changes of various kinds, the British Government sent a detachment to aid them in 1792, under Captain Welsh, who successfully put down the Moamariah insurrection.” The Burmese invasion, a matter of modern his- tory, was finally suppressed by the British troops at Bungpur in 1825 ; since that date, the authority of the Assam Bajas has been at an end.” Another version, by a contemporary, of the invasion of Assam is to be found in an old work entitled, ‘ Particular Events, or the most Consider- able Passages after the War of Five Years or thereabout, in the Empire of the Great Mogul,’ Tom. II. By Mons. F. Bernier, London, 1G71.’ P. 110. “ Aurengzebe too well knowing that a great Captain cannot be long at rest, and that, if he be not employed in a Forreign War, he will at length raise a Domestick one ; proposed to him to make War upon that rich and potent Baja of Aeliatn, whose Territories are on the North of Dake, upon the Gulf of Bengala. The Emir, who in all appearance had already designed the same thing of himself, and who believed, that the Conquest of this Country would make way for his Immortal Honour, and he an occasion oi carrying his Arms as far as China, declared himself ready for this Enter- prize. He embarked at Dake with a puissant Army, upon a Biver which comes from those parts ; upon which having gone about a hundred leagues North Eastward, he arrived at a Castle called Azo [Hajo], which the Bajah of 35 1872.] J. M. Foster — Note on Qhargnon, Asam. Acham had usurped from the Kingdom of Bengala, and possessed for many years. He attacked this place, and took it by force in less than fifteen daies ; thence marching overland towards Chamdara, which is the Inlet into the Country of that Raja, he entered into it after 26 daies’ journey, still Northward : There a Battel was fought, in which the Raja of Acham was worsted, and obliged to retreat to Guerguon, the Metropolis of his King- dom, four miles distant from Chamdara. The Emir pursued him so close, that he gave him no time to fortifie himself in Guerguon ; For he arrived in sight of that Town in five daies, which constrained the Raja, seeing the Emir’s Army, to fly towards the Mountains of the Kingdom of Lassa, and to abandon Guerguon, which was pillaged as had been Chamdara. They found there vast riches, it being a great, very fair and Merchant-like Town, and where the women are extraordinarily beautiful. Meantime, the season of the Rains came in sooner than usually : and they being excessive in those parts, and overflowing all the Country, except such Villages as stand on raised ground, the Emir was much embarrassed. For the Raja made his people of the Mountains come down from all parts thereabout, and to carry away all the provisions of the Field, whereby the Emir’s Army (as rich as t’was) before the end of the rains, fell into great streights, without being able to go forward or backward. It could not advance by reason of the Mountains very difficult to pass, aud continually pester’d with great Rains : nor retreat, because of the late Rains and deep ways ; the Raja having also caused the way to be digged up as far as Chamdara : So that the Emir was forced to remain in that wretched condition during the whole time of the Rain ; after which when he found his Army distasted, tired out, and half starved, he was necessitated to give over the design he had of advancing, and to return the same way he was come. But this retreat was made with so much pains, and so great inconveniences, by reason of the dirt, the want of victuals, and the pursuit of the Raja falling on the Rear, that every body (but he) that had not known how to remedy the disorder of such a March, nor had the patience to be sometimes five or six hours at one passage to make the Souldicry get over it without confusion, would have utterly perished, himself, army, and all ; yet he notwithstanding all these difficulties, made a shift to come back with great honour and vast riches. He designed to return thither again the next year, and to pursue his undertaking, sup- posing that Azo which he# had fortified, and wdiere he left a strong garrison, would be able to hold out the rest of the year against the Raja. But he no sooner arrived there, but dysentery began to rage in his army. Neither had he himself a body of steel more than the rest ; he fell sick and died, whereby fortune ended the just apprehensions of Aurengzebe. I say the just appre- hensions, for there was none of those that knew this great man, and the state of affairs of Industan, who did not say : “ ’Tis this day that Aureng- zebe is king of Bengala.” 36 [No. 1, J. M. Poster — Note on Ghargaon, Asam. In a work styled ‘ Tales of Shipwrecks and Adventures at Sea., London, 2nd Edit., 1852,’ at page 705, under the heading, “ Loss of the ‘ Ter Schelling,’ including the various calamities of the crew, during an unfortunate voyage to Bengal in 1661,” we find the following record of the progress of the Emir’s army in Assam as related by some Dutch sailors who went to Ghargaon. The ‘ Ter Schelling’ left Batavia for Bengal on the 3rd Septem- ber, 1661, in company with two other vessels. On the 18th October, they sighted the coast of Bengal, parted company, got caught in a heavy storm, and struck several times on the sandbanks in the Sunderban£ They were' finally wrecked, and the crew suffered great privations on the desert islands. Ultimately, eight of the crew (Charles Dohbcl and seven others) left the islands in a boat, and travelled for many days, until picked .up by some of the natives who took them to a village after plundering them of all money, &c. The ‘ Governor’ treated them kindly and forwarded them to Bolwa [Bhaluah]. The narrative will be best continued in the original text. ‘ The night follow- ing they arrived at Assam [?], a poor despicable place that afforded nothing. Here they sent hack the three barques and hired another as far as Bolwa. At two leagues’ distance from this village, their guides set them on shore, and made them walk the rest of the way. Whilst these guides went to the governor to give notice of their arrival, our adventurers bought milk and rice, which they dressed in a pot that was sent them by Moors, that spoke the Portuguese language. It was nearly ready when their guides returned, and told them they must come immediately to the prince, who sent for them. This news displeased them, for their appetites were very keen ; however they took the pot, and carried it by turns to the prince’s palace gate ; where they eat what was in it before they entered. They were at length brought to their lodging, and, by the prince’s order, served with an exoellent kind of meat called brensie [harisah, ?], which is only seen here at great men’s tables. This was such a nourishing food, that in three or four days they recovered their full strength. In a day or two after, the prince sent them word that they might go where they pleased, the barques being ready. This being then’ desire they parted an horn* after, and happily arrived at Decka. The factory received them very kindly, to whom our adventurers imparted their whole story. “ The governor now caused a barque to be ready to transport them to Ongueli [Hugli], where the Dutch have also a considerable factory. But an hour before the appointed time of their departure, the governorreceived a letter from the Great Mogul’s general, in which he enjoined him to send them to him. This order they were obliged to obey, though contrary to their in- clinations ; for this general threatened, in case of refusal, to seize upon all the Dutch in his master’s kingdom, and make them slaves. They travelled thirty days together, sometimes by land, and sometimes by sea, passing by se- 1871.] 37 J. M. Foster — Note on Gfiargaon, Asdm. veral cities made desolate ; the inhabitants of the country being wont, in time of war, to leave their houses, in order to follow the army wherever it marched. “ On the thirty- fifth day they went on hoard one of the vessels belong- ing to’Xiibah [the Nawab], where they found four Englishmen, some few Por- tuguese, and two of their own party. From thence they went and cast anchor near the city of Renguemati. In a short time they landed and were entertain- ed in the army of the Great Mogul. The general, whom they saluted in his tent, seemed glad to see them, and immediately ordered a large cup of arrack, that they might drink his health. The cup was so closed that it was a dif- ficult matter for them to open it ; and therefore the general ordered it on purpose, to divert himself with their embarrassments. Every one endeavoured to open it, but to no purpose ; at last one of the party finding it was made of wood, made a hole in it with the point of his knife, and being brim-full the arrack sprung out abundantly. By this means they all drank of it ; and it being a very strong liquor, they were soon intoxicated. “ The next morning tho General sent them three hundred rupees, and assigned them certain vessels called gom’opcs[vLr« gTiraV], one of which carried fourteen guns, and about fifty or sixty men. Each gourope was attended with four kosses JcosaK], which are boats with cars, to row great vessels. There were also several great flat-bottomed boats which carried no masts, but were well furnished with guns. The greatest part of the officers were Portuguese. There were several other vessels laden only with provisions and ammuni- tion. As soon as they wore ordered to march, cur adventurers sought the vessel which was assigned to them ; but, in the great multitude of people, two of them unfortunately went astray, and were eight days without knowing where to betake themselves. After a long march, these two wanderers entered Kosbia [Koch Bihar], a country lying between Bengal and Azo [Hajo], “ The Great Mogul’s general was at war with the king of Azo, and at this time subdued him. Our two adventurers expected a share of the plunder, but were disappointed. This was exceedingly mortifying to them ; their wages, which were no more than ten crowns a month, being insufficient to maintain them, on account of the then dearness of provisions. The reason that they had no more was, because they served in the army by constraint, whereas those who served voluntarily had twenty-five crowns each per month. “ Immediately after the overthrow of the king of Azo, the general has- tened to attack the countries belonging to the king of Assam ; and lest the floods, which every six months overflowed the greatest part of the kingdom, should frustrate his designs, he advanced with great expedition, and arrived before that time at the place he intended. 38 J. M. Foster — Note on Ghargion, Asam. [No. 1, “ In the mean time our two adventurers, and the English who belonged to the army, having observed all the signs of an approaching tempest, care- fully repaired their vessels. These precautions, however, were unavailing ; the vessel in which were our two adventurers, not having been properly ballasted, was overturned by the currents, and four Dutchmen and twenty-four Moors perished. Both our heroes, after swimming sevei'al hours towards land, had the good fortune to be assisted by an English vessel, which took them on board. The next morning they thanked their benefactors and went to the army, where they sought an occasion of admittance to the general. As soon as he heard of the loss of the vessel, he fell into a violent passion, and commanded them to withdraw and choose what other vessel they had a mind to. “ In two days after, their admiral sot sail in search of the enemy, atten- ded by the whole fleet. Although the wind was little favourable to them, the vessel which our adventurers entered, followed on the course, and three or four hours afterwards dashed against a rock, wlvich struck off their helm. Not long after, they discovered the enemy’s fleet, consisting of six hundred sail. As soon as the enemy perceived them, they advanced, and a smart en- counter ensued. They took three hundred of the enemy’s vessels, the least of which carried seventy men ; and of this whole number there did not escape above fifty. The three hundred vessels that escaped, unhappily east anchor at about a quarter of a league’s distance from the general, who advanced up the country with all possible expedition. Having brought near three hund- red pieces of cannon, he planted them against them, and sunk the greatest part of them ; the rest passed over to the other side of the river, and were pursued by the general’s vessels with success. “ After this pursuit, their admiral cast anchor before the city of Lokwa, situated about six leagues from Gueragon. They were obliged to stay here about three months in consequence of the flood : as soon as the waters were sufficiently fallen, they quitted their post. Having been fifteen months in the Great Mogul’s army, by the mediation of their consul, our adventurers at length obtained their discharge, and prepared for their departure. In fifteen days they came to Decka, and thence took shipping for Ongueli. Having sailed about one hundred and twenty leagues along the river, they made some stay at Cazimabahar [Qazimbazar, near Murshidabad], a place famous for silks. From thence they returned to Ongueli, where each betook himself to different employs, and it was not till 1673, that the last of our adventurers was enabled to return to his native country.” The palace of the Rajahs in Ghargaon is situated nearly in the centre of a large enclosed space about a mile from the Dik’ho river, and nine miles east of Sibsagar (Bangpur). The surrounding ‘bund’ is -some fifteen feet broad on the top, and about eight feet high, but considerably more on the outer face where an enormous ditch exists all around, some forty feet wide and 1872.] J. M. Foster — Note on Ghargaon, Asam. 89 of various depths, made probably to provide materials for the wall as well as assist in the defence of the place. The core of the bund is said to be brick, and is covered with earth, now overgrown with forest trees. Here is also another bund, (query, an outer line of defence) some four or five miles outside Ghargaon proper. There are numerous traditions respecting the enclosed land ; one that none but the better families were allowed to reside within it ; another story tells us that the bund was planted with dense hedges of bamboos (hence its name Bansgayh), and this enormous tract of country was used as a preserve for wild elephants ; another that it was the private property of the Rajah, and that no one could exercise judicial powers within it but the Rajah him- self ; whilst some think, it is merely a coincidence, and this bund was simply a road (as it is in many parts at the present date) that may have been construct- ed before or about the time Ghargaon was adopted the capital. The Romans have • the reputation of being the masters in the art of road-making, but their efforts seem small when compared with the network of enormous bunds inter- secting this country in all directions, and made absolutely from mud alone, no other materials being procurable. The same neglect which has allowed the historic monuments of this country to fall into ruins, is very perceptible to any one who has the misfortune of being obliged to travel over these once magnificent roads during the wet season. Reference is made to Chamdara in the account of Mir JumlalTs advance, by Mons. F. Bernier : this place will be seen marked about five miles from Ghargaon on the road to Sibsagar, where the road cuts through the Bansgarh, and is still known by its ancient name. The gateway there, with an innnensc amount of fine carved stonework, has been utilized for build- ing purposes by the Public Works Department. The road from Ghargaon to this spot is very different to the ‘ Rajah’ roads, and seems never to have been properly repaired since dug up to annoy the enemy’s troops in 1G62. The city of Lokwa (Lukwah) mentioned in the sailor’s narrative, is some sixteen miles from Ghargaon, on the Rajgarh : not a brick is to be seen there now, the place is at present a tea garden ; a portion of Mir Jumlah’s fleet must have gone up the Desang upon which Lukwah is situated, and probably a portion of the forces marched down the Rajgarh to invest Ghargaon on the east, whilst another portion of the fleet and army went of the Dik’ho, land- ing about where Rangpur (Sibsagar) now stands, to attack on the west ; for it seems highly improbable that the whole of the forces could have gone up the Desang to attack Lukwah, when the Dik’ho route to Ghargaon was nearer, more practicable for both fleet and army, and had water communica- tion to within gunshot of Ghargaon itself, whilst Lukwah was at least sixteen miles distant. The stone gateway mentioned by Robinson, the guard houses, and other brick buildings in the enclosed space at Ghargaon have all disappeared since 40 J. M. Foster — Note on Ghmydon, Asdm. [No. 1, 1866 ; the bund is overgrown with forest ; the ditch in many places filled with rank vegetation, and the enclosure itself a mass of dense jungle. The palace, as before mentioned, is rapidly crumbling away ; in 1869, the north- west front consisting of two verandahs fell in, the balustrades in many places are gone, huge cracks gape in every direction, the rain finds its way from top to bottom of the building, and although the plans shew that it is of the most massive construction, it is hardly safe for a visitor to mount to the summit. Some twenty years since, it was temporarily occupied by some tea planters who are said to have made slight repairs ; they are also credited with having found a sword having a silver hilt, and an ivory and gold sheath, besides other valuables. The so-called palace itself may be described as a quadrangular pile of brickwork consisting of three stories above ground, and two subterranean ones. The surface of the soil being very soft and liable to inundations 'from the Dik’ho, an immense mass of boulders was placed there, upon which the palace was erected, some ten feet above the level of the surrounding country. These boulders were probably procured from Santok Mukli, about twelve miles from Ghargaon, up the river Dik’ho, that being the nearest place where they can be found. The subterranean chambers have been visited of late years, but presented nothing of interest, and at the present date are hardly accessible from fallen brickwork, &c. The building has cupolas at the angles and a terminal one at the summit in the centre ; the openings on to the verandahs are generally arched, frequently cusped : all the decorations are in stucco, and although cut or carved bricks have been found in the imme- diate vicinity, not one is visible in 'or on the palace itself. This is singular, as cut bricks seem to constitute the chief ornaments of the old Asamese buildings in this district. The walls and piers are very massive, and the openings generally small. The general design seems more ornate than useful, and it is apparently as much a temple as a dwelling or palace. The bricks, or rather tiles, of which it is entirely composed (not a particle of wood or stone being perceptible) are extremely hard and frequently hear a polish, and are seldom of the same thickness and superficial measure, a fair specimen 8" x 10" x If". In one verandah the ornamented stucco has fallen off in places disclosing an under layer of the same material having the same pattern but on a slightly smaller scale. The plans and photographs will give a far more correct idea of the peculiarities of the building than any written description can supply. The buildings near the palace were stand- ing some three years since, and consisted of a large square room, said to have been a room for holding nautclies in, and a long arched passage-like building of which it is impossible to conjecture the use. Remains of brickwork some three hundred yards from the palace lead to the conclusion that there might have been a brick wall surrounding it at that distance, but the dense jungle 1872.] J. M. Foster — Notes on Ghargaon, Asain. 41 renders it impossible to follow it up. There were several largo tanks also within the enclosure, of which but one remains in good order. The remains of a bund surrounding what might have been a fruit garden has also been noticed. A very curious tradition respecting the builder of the palace is current amongst the natives. A Bangalf architect named Q-onsam was invited by the Rajah Chuckcnmung to construct this palace. Wishing to obtain for his Rajah in Bengal all particulars as to the strength and population of the country, he suggested that in making the bricks they should bo mixed with the white of eggs to render them harder. On Chuckcnmung enquiring where such a vast number of eggs could be obtained, he intimated that if every one in Asam gave two eggs each, he would probably have sufficient for his pur- pose. The order was accordingly given, the eggs provided, and secretly coun- ted by the builder. Unfortunately for him, the Rajah was quite alive to the stratagem, and when the building was completed, dismissed bim and his assistants with great praise and riches. They were escorted across the river to be conveyed to Dik'ho Mukb by road (the Bor Alii) ; but immediately they got as far as Nazi rah, they were attacked, made prisoners and beheaded on the spot, and the treasure returned to the Rajah. The importance of this place during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries can bo judged from the immense number of ruined temples, vast tanks, enormous maidans, and the once magnificent roads and river bunds ; it is now but sparsely populated, and the greater part of the country is one enormous jungle. The district is well worthy of a visit by some competent antiquarian, to rescue from oblivion archaeological treasures that are now rapidly perishing from neglect and wilful destruction, and would amply repay the tune and labour spent upon a thorough investigation of its many art treasures and historical monuments. G 42 J. Beames — Translations from Ghand Bardai's Epic. [No. 1, Translations of selected portions of Boole I. of Ghand Bardai's Epic. — By John Beames, B. C. S., M. E. A. S., etc. After the severe strictures passed on my translation of the 19th hook by Mr. Growse, (which, however, ho subsequently retracted) I think it necessary again to point out that in a poem constructed like this, absolute accuracy of translation is impossible. The lines generally consist of a string of crude forms of nouns without any inflectional terminations, or signs of case. In languages destitute of such grammatical formations, the order of words in a sentence often supplies the requisite clue to the meaning. This is not the case with Ghand. His words, if taken in the order in which they stand, often yield no meaning at all. In some cases turn the words as we may, it is not easy to make out any clear sense. The verbs when they occur do certainly exhibit some signs of tense ; thus we have the singular masculine of the preterite in -yaw, the feminine in - i , the plural masculine in -e, the plural feminine in -in ; but more frequently all tenses and persons are rudely ex- pressed by the indefinite participle in -i, as Icari, delclii, which serves alike for past, present, and future time. There are two other difficulties. Archaic words which neither occur in the modem languages, nor can be traced to any known Sanskrit root ; and the insertion of arbitrary letters to eke out the rhythm, such as la, su, ha, which have no meaning whatever. When to all this is added the extreme difficulty of dividing the words, I think I am not asking too much from critics, if I request that they will confine themselves to politely stating that they think I am mistaken ; in- stead of at once taxing me with ignorance of a language which I have studied for fourteen years, and whose difficulty I appreciate as much as any one can. I have recently leamt from a missionary at Ajmir that even the pro- fessional hards of that place admit their inability to understand more than the general drift of Chand’s poems. The secret of this loose careless archaic patois will only be discovered, when our researches into the vast and ancient language of which it repre • sents one phase have been established on a firm footing. To that end some few of us are devoting our spare time. The following efforts at a render- ing are perhaps premature, but even so they may yield some fruit of assist- ance to the greater task, and may even prove in some sort a guide to those who in time to come may approach the subject with a better apparatus criticus than we possess at present. The Latin and Greek scholars of the fifteenth century knew very little compared with those of the present day ; yet the world is not without some debt to Erasmus and Eeuchlin, or even to 43 1872.] J. Beames — Translations from Chand Bardai's Epic. their learned predecessors. Put me and my contemporaries as low as you will in the scale of scholarship, yet it must be admitted that we are making a beginning, upon which the better furnished scholars of the future will perhaps be not ashamed to build. 1st Selection. — The OPENnra of the poem. Stanzas 1 — 13. First, Satak metre. Om ! — 1. First reverently bowing, bowing, the poet adores the feet of the Gurus. (Taking) refuge at the feet of the highest, the afforder of support,1 the husband of the opulent Lachhi ; (Who) stands the lord of vice and of virtue, consuming the wicked, the lord of heaven, blessing with success ; (Who is as) sandalwood to the life of living beings moving on the earth, lord of all, bestower of blessings. 2. Vathua metre. First the very auspicious root is to be celebrated.2 Irrigated with the water of the truth of tradition, Religion, (like) a fair tree with one trunk sprung up With thrice six branches rejoicing the three worlds, „ Leaves (of various) colours, leaves (like) mouths, there were* Colour of flowers, and weight of fruit (it had) Speech unfailing, princely, Rejoicing with fragrance the sight and touch A’san tree of hope to the parrot (-like) poet. 3. Kavit. First having indeed proclaimed a blessing Having honored4 the sacred writings, (whose) beginning (is) the Veda, (Whose) three-fold branches, in (all) four directions (Are) possessed of colour, and leaves (like) letters Religion having sprouted (out through) the bark Flowered fair in (all) four directions Its fruit, (virtuous) deeds,8 springing out Immortal, dwelling amidst mortals (Firm as) counsel of kings, (or as) the earth, the wind shakes it not Giving to life the flavour of nectar, The Kali (yuga) affixes no stain to it Containing truth, wisdom, and (perpetual) freshness. 4. Kavit. Taking possession of the earth (like) a garden plot Irrigating it with the fullness of the Yeda, as with water Placing in it good seed6 Upsprung the shoot of knowledge 44 J. Beames— Translations from CTiand Bardai's Epic. [No. 1, Combining branches of three qualities With leaves of many names, red as earth It flowered with good deeds, and good thoughts Complete deliverance, union of substances The twice-bom of pure mind have experienced the flavour of perfect wisdom A banian tree of delight, spreading abroad virtues, The branches of (this) excellent tree in the three worlds Unconquered, victorious, diffusing virtues. 5. Bhujanga prayata metre. First be the well adorned Bhujangi7 taken Whose name this one, is spoken in many ways Second, betaken the god, the lord of life Who placed the universe by powerful spells on Seshnag. In the four Vedas by the Brahmans the glory of Hari is spoken, Of whose virtue, this unvirtuous world is witness. Third, the Bharati Vyasa spake the Bharath, Who boro witness to the more than human charioteer.3 Fourth Suka deva at the feet of Parikliit Who extolled all the kings of the race of Kura Fifth * * 8 Who placed a six-fold necklace on the neck of King Nala. Sixth Kalidasa, fair of speech, fair of wit Whose speech is that of a poet, a master-poet fair-speaking, Who made the pure fragrance of the mouth of Kali, Who firmly bound the dyke of three-fold enjoyment. Seventh, Banda mali’s charming poem The wave of whose wit is as the stream of Ganga. Jayadcva eighth, poet, king of poets Who only made the song of Govinda ; Take all these poets as thy spiritual guide, Poet Chand, Whose body is as a sacrifice inspired by Devi. The poets who have uttered praises and excellent speech, Of them Poet Chand has spoken highly. G. Duha. The speech in verse of Chand, excellent. Hearing him utter, his wife (says) Purifier of the body, O poet, Uttering excellent speech. 7. Kavit. Saith the wife to her husband. Purifier of offspring, great poet, 45 1872.] l J. Beames — Translations from CUiand Ilardai's 'Epic. Uttering spells and charms, Like an oblation offered to Devi, Hero of spells, very terrible, Giving pleasure to kings by thy poetry ; The childish sports, one by one, Of the gods having extolled in thy poems, Having uttered unchecked speech, From which to me (comes) wisdom, That word which is the visible form of Brahrn, Why should not the best of poets speak it P 8. Kavit, Chand’s speech. To his wife (saith) the bal’d Chand, muttering soft and low, That true word of Brahrn, Purifier of (all) others itself pure, That word which has no form, Stroke, letter, or colour, Unshaken, unfathomable, boundless, Purifier of all things in the three worlds, That word of Brahma, let me expound The glory of the Gurus, pleasing to Saraswati, If in the arrangement of my phrases I should succeed, It will be pleasing to thee, O lotus-faced one ! 9. Kavit, Chand’s wife’s speech. Thou art the poet, the excellent bard, Gazing on the heavens with unclouded intellect,10 Skilful in the arrangement of metres Having made the song of the Peacock-youth The wave of thy wit is like Ganga, Uttering speech immortal, soft Good men hearing it are rejoiced, (It) subdues like a spell of might. The incarnation King Prithiraj the lord, Who maintained the happiness of his kingdom, Hero, chief of heroes, and all his paladins, Of them speak a good word.13 10. Kavit, Chand’s speech. To her of the elephant-gait, Chand Singing a pleasant rhyme (said), Ravisher of the soul, tendril of enjoyment, Possessing the fragrance of the ocean of the gods, (Thou) of the glancing eye, in the flower of thy youth, J. Beames — Translations from Chand Tardai s Epic. [No. 1, 46 Beloved of my soul, giver of bliss, Wife, free from all evil qualities,13 (Thou) who hast obtained the fruit of the worship of Gauri. As many poems as there have been from first to last Consider how endless a string (there is) of them, The description of this matter (is in) many books, Thus having taken in the best counsel.14 11. Paddhari metre. First reverencing my first of gods Who uttered the imperishable word Om ! Who made the Formed out of the Formless, The will of his mind blossomed and bore fruit, The sheen of the three qualities, inhabiting the three worlds, Shining on gods in heaven, men on earth, serpents (in hell). Then in the form of Brahma leaving the Brahma-egg,15 The lord, the essence of truth said the four Yedas, The creator uttered them, unwritten, Without qualities, having neither form nor line, He who made the heaven, earth, and hell, Yama, Brahma, Indra, the Rishis, and guardians of the worlds, Winds, fire, clouds, ether, Rivers, ocean, earth, mountains, and their inhabitants, He created eighty-four lakhs of living beings I cannot come to an end of the description of them. He made a tendril of eighteen colours, Of various kinds, subject to all qualities, No one can resist his commands, Placing the order on his head (one) bears grief in the body. Day by day the sun-god when night turns to dawn16 Rises ; this comes to pass by force of the lord’s command. The moon every night obedient to order Rises in the sky, being without division, The guardians of the regions remain patiently pressed down by the earth, Their joints do not ache though they remain firmly pressed. He appoints to the wind its measure and the place of its going, It neither exceeds nor falls short, makes joy to the body. Indra’s heaven, clouds, and sky (obey his) order, He makes the rain to rain joyfully. Firm and immoveable remains the earth (like) the glory of the lord, It cannot shake or move for an instant in distress. The wave rising touches the sky, 47 1872.] J. Beames — Translations from Cliand Bardai's Epic. On the brink of the ocean there remains no trace of it ; Having obtained its limit, not one (wave) passes it, It advances only so far as the lord’s command (allows). His order no one can refute, Neither in the past, nor in the future, nor in the present. The Yeda describes Brahma as illimitable, Filling the water and land he remains in every material object. Then spake Vyasa eighteen Puranas. Arranging the incarnations in various order He describes with clear intellect every god, He searched out all of them, he did not confound their character. Then Valmiki, the incarnation of Ram, Related in a book of a hundred krores (of lines) essence of truth. # # # #18 The mighty bear, the story of the friendly monkey Again five poems live poets made, Placed a light in the breasts of ignorant men, In a few words wisdom is shown, I might make a boast, then you would laugh. 12. Dulm. Hearing the poem of Poet Chand, Delighted in her mind, his wife (says), Thou art the poet, the charming poet, Laughing being prevented. 13. Kavit. Quoth the intelligent wife. Thou who hast spells on thy tongue — ocean of spells Excelling in the description of witness Like the shining moon Thou bestower of heavenly blessings, Grant a gift to me, 0 poet ! The eighteen Puranas Their names and quantity all ; Thou telling the tale joy (will be) to me, Past and future existences will be purified, The darkness of ignorance is destroyed by hearing this, The filth of (spiritual) blindness is removed from the heart. Whereupon Chand in a long Kavit recites the names of the Puranas and number of lines contained in each. It is not worth translating. 48 J. Beames — Translations from Cliand Bardai's Epic. [No. 1. Notes to l.s/ Selection. 1. Or “ supporting the earth,” if trrC'rf be meant for VOift, which is quite possible. 2. This line is extra-metral, and is probably meant as a note. 3. A conjectural rendering, which does not satisfy me. I can propose no better. 4. I read Another reading is ijqapsj, which seems to have arisen from an omission of the vowel by the copyist. 5. 6. This strange line I read as if for =l’t5T QW 'jTWI 7. I do not know what the allusion is here. 8. These words are probably a corruption, 'acRTT*! ^nT«J being for more than earthly, from 'g'cr, over, and Tjfkpft, earth, and charioteer. It is an allusion to Krishna’s acting as charioteer to Arjuna in the great war. 9. I cannot understand this line. 10. Of the many senses of *n«(r, the one here given is the only one that will yield any meaning. 11. This seems to be an allusion to the Sanskrit poem called Kumara Sambhava, or the “Birth of the Wargod” Kartikeya, whose emblem is the peacock. Chand may have written a paraphrase of that work, as he seems to have been well acquainted with Sanskrit literature. 12. is still the common Panjibi for “ a word.” Many of these Panjabi words occur in Chand, which is natural, as he was a native of Labor. 13. Literally, wife without the quality i. e., unqualified by) — of heavy, bad qualities. 14. I do not pretend to understand what the poet means by these four lines, which I have translated as literally as I could. 15. I read SHOT'S ^TtT (for but there is another reading ^3qifV, which is not intelligible. ^3 and vT are often written for one another in the MSS. 16. rsifsr WTT, literally 1 dawn of night,’ which would convey a dif- ferent meaning to our minds. 17. having no Kalas, or the 16 digits into which the moon is divided. 18. This line is not intelligible, it contains some allusion to Sita’s rape, but the meaning is not clear. (To be continued .) 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. 49 Koch Bihar, Koch Hdjo, and Asam, in the 16 th and Vltli centuries, ac- cording to the Akbarn&mah, the Pddishdhnamah, and the Kathiyah i ’ lbriyah . — By H. Blochmamt, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah. The beginning of Anrangzih’s reign is marked by two expeditions which led to a temporary occupation of territories beyond the frontiers of Eastern Bengal. Not only had the gradual retreat of Prince Shuja’ from Akbamagar (Rdjmahall) to Dhaka and Chatganw (Chittagong) given rise to the maintenance of a large army, consisting chiefly of troops recruited by the officers themselves, which might conveniently be employed to settle several frontier disputes of long standing, to in vade Rukhang (Aracan) and recoverthe children of the lost prince, but Aurangzib found it also absolutely necessary to give employment to generals on whose military experience, the result of the wars of succession, he looked with unconcealed distrust. Dadd Khan’s expedition to Palamau, of which the particulars were given in last year’s Journal, occupied the Bihar corps; and Mir Jumkh Mu’azzam Khan, the ‘ Tar i wafadar,' or faithful friend of the throne, received orders to use his army and extend the imperial dominions in the north along the Brahma- putra, and in the south along the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal. In the expedition to A'sam, which is related below, the furthest point to which the Mughuls advanced, is marked by the intersection of 95° Long., and 27° Lat., i. e., the district north of Sibsagar and Nazir ah (the old Ghargaon) in Upper Asam ; and in the expedition to Aracan, which was undertaken after Mir Jumlah’s death, the most southern point is Raimi, or Rambu, between 21° and 22° Lat., half way between Chatganw and Akyab. Beyond these two points the Muhammadans did not advance. We have no particulars of any expedition led by the old kings of Bengal against Aracan ; A'sam was invaded about 1500 by Husain Shdh of Bengal, the scanty narrative of the expedition forming an interesting page in the description given by the Persian historian of Mir Jumlah’s invasion. The south-eastern frontier of Bengal up to the time of Aurangzib was the Phani (Fenny) River, Bhaluah and Nawak’hali being the most easterly ‘ th&nabs’ of Sirkar Sunnargaon. The A'in i Akbari, indeed, includes Sirkar Chdtgfinw in Bengal ; but there is no evidence that the Mughuls ever obtained a footing east of the Phani River before tbe annexation of Chatganw under Aurangzib. The frontier then passed along the western portions of Tiparah as far as Silhat and Liitu, went then westwards along the southern skirts of the Khasiah, Garo, and the Karibari Hills, Hatsilah* on the left * Kennel spells the name Hautchella, and places it opposite to Chilmari on the right bank of the river. I cannot find the name on modern maps. Latu is spelt Ladu in the Am. 50 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. [No. 1, bank of the Brahmaputra being looked upon as a frontier town, and then along the Brahmaputra as far as the Parganah Bhetarhand, at the confluence of the Sankos and the Brahmaputra rivers. From Bhetarhand the frontier passed westward to PStg&nw and the northern portions of Sirkar Purniah. The Morang, Koch Bihar, and the districts at the angle of the Brahmaputra lay beyond the empire. The countries bordering on the Mughul empire in the N. E. of Bengal were Koch Bihar and Koch Hajo. The latter is called by old English travellers ‘ the kingdom of Azo.’ The position of Koch Bihar is sufficiently known; even in the reign of Jahangir it did not extend eastward as far as the Brahmaputra. Koch Hajo almost coincides with the modern district of Gwalpfira, Lower Asam, extending from above Hatsilah in the Karibari Hills and Parganah, on the left side of the Brahmaputra, along the bend of the river to Gwalpdra. On the right side, it commenced north of the Par- ganah of Bhetarhand and contained the districts along the angle of the river as far as Parganah K’liontliag'hat inclusively, with the towns of Dhobrf and Rangamiti. On the east Koch Hajo bordered on Kamrup, or that part of Asam which lies between Gwalpara, and Gauhatti to both sides of the Brahmaputra. The comparatively recent time of the advance of the Muhammadans in these districts explains the paucity of Muhammadan names of towns in Koch Hajo. The maps give a Parganah ‘ Mukrumpore,’ bordering on Bhetar- band, which, no doubt, is a corruption of Mukarrampur, so called after Mu- karram Khun, the conqueror of Hajo in the reign of Jahangir. The par- ganah Golah ’Alamganj with Rangimiti as chief town, where the Imperial Faujdar had his head quarters, reminds us of ’Alamgir ; and on the left side of the Brahmaputra, north of Karibari, lies the Parganah Aurangabad, which also reminds us of Aurangzib. But these few Muhammadan names refer all to localities in the immediate vicinity of the old frontier of Bengal. From the absence of Muhammadan names we may conclude that the invasions of Koch Bihir and Asam by several Bengal kings as Husain Shah and Su- laiman i Kararani, in the beginning and the middle of the 16th century, led to no permanent results. Kamrup also, for a short time under Shahjahan, was included in the Dihli empire, and had imperial Faujdlirs whose head quarters were Gauhatti. As in other parts of Bengal, the Muhammadans established settlements of Paiks, who are defined as a sort of militia, armed with spears and shields. But the Governors of Bengal soon found that they could not trust them as a border defence ; for in the Hajo and Asamesc wars they generally took the side of the Asam Rajahs. I now proceed to collect the notes given in the works of Muhammadan Historians on Koch Bihdr, Koch Hdjo, and Asam. The notes are chiefly taken from the Akbarndmuh, the Tuzu/c i Jah&ngiri , the Bd dish a It n dm ah , H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. 51 1872.] the ’ Alamgirnamali, and the Fathiyah i ’ Ibriyah . The first four works are sufficiently known ; but the last mentioned work requires a few introductory remarks. The Fathiyah i ’Ibriyah is also called Tarikh Fath i A sham, or History of the Conquest of A'sam. It was written by Ibn Muhammad Wali, or Shihabuddin Talish, between the 4th Muharram and the 20th Shawwal, 1073, A. H., or between the 9th August, 1062, and 13th May, 1063, A. D. We know very little about the author. He was in the service of Mir Muham- mad Sa’id of Ardistan, better known to European historians under the name of Mir Jumlah, lvlnin Khanan and Governor of Bengal in the beginning of Aurangzib’s reign, and accompanied the general, apparently in the position of a clerk, on his expedition to A'sam in 1662, and returned with him to Bengal. His brother Muhammad Sa’id, too, held an inferior office during the expedition. In the preface the author states that the reports which the imperial Wdqi’ahnawises used to send to Court, were often in the opinion of Mir Jumlah defective and incorrect ; hence the object of the author is to give a detailed and faithful account of the whole expedition to As&m up to the death of Mir Jumlah, with which the book closes. The office of Waqi’ah- nawis, or writer of events, had been introduced by Akbar :* his duty was to report to Court whatever happened in the district to which he was ap- pointed. Before the time of the Mughuls also the office existed, though reports were not so systematically forwarded, as from the time of Akbar. In the TdriJch i Firuzshahi, for instance, we find the word bar id, an Arabic corruption of the Latin veredus, used instead of ‘ Waqi’ahnawis.’ Dr. Fryer, who was in India from 1672 to 1681, in his most interesting ‘ New Account of East India and Persia’ (London, 1698), calls these officers ‘ Public Notaries,’ or ‘ Public Intelligencers,’ and has the following remark {loc. cit., p. 140). — “This cheat [he means the practice of false musters] is practised all over the Realm, notwithstanding here are Puhlick Notaries placed immediately by the Mogul, to give Notice of all Transactions ; which they are sure to represent in favour of the Governors where they reside, being Fee’d by them, as well as paid by the Emperor ; so that if a Defeat happen, it is extenuated ; if a Victory, it is magnified to the height : Those in this Office are called Focanoveces.” On comparing the account of Shihabuddin with the shorter account of Mir Jumlali’s expedition in the ’ A! lamgirnd rnah, which contains a his- tory of the first ten years of Aurangzib’s reign and was issued with the Emperor’s permission, we find a remarkable coincidence in language and phraseology. Whole sentences, in fact occur word for word in both books ; and we are led to conclude that the author of the ’Alamgirnamali either used Shihabuddin’s account, or both had access to the official reports which were sent to the Emperor. I shall notice this circumstance below. * Vide A'm translation, p. 258. 52 H. Bloclimann — Koch, Bihdr and Asam. [No. 1, In point of style, ShiMbuddin’s work is elegant and simple. The Per- sian is flowing and pure, and the total absence of Indian isti'mdl, or Indo- Persian constructions, shews that the author was a native of Persia. The book* consists of a short preface, an introduction (mugaddimah) and two parts (maqdlah). The introduction treats of the causes which led to the invasion of Koch Bihar and Asam. The first part relates the con- quest of Koch Bihar and the general condition of the country. The second part narrates the invasion of Asam by Mir Jumlah ; the occupation of the country, which lasted for fourteen months, from the 23rd Jumada I, 1072 to the 26th Bajab, 1073 ; the peace which was concluded ; and the return of the general to Khizrpur near Dhaka, where he died shortly after, on the 2nd Ramazan, 1073. The second part is divided into 17 chapters, of which the sixth is particularly interesting as containing a description of Asam and the Asamese in 1662 and occasional notices of the Aboriginal tribes in Eastern and Southern Asam. Koch Biha'r and Koch Ha'jo (Lower A'sa'm). The following extracts are taken from the Alcbarn&mah (Lucknow Edition, III, p. 207). “ To the events of this time [beginning of the 23rd years, of Akbar’s reign, A. H. 986, or A. D., 1578] belongs the arrival of the pesh/cash from Bengal and Koch Bihar. Rajah Balgosain, who is the Zamhidar of Koch, submitted again, and sent valuable presents from Bengal with fifty-four elephants.” This was after the total defeat of Daiid, king of Bengal, by Khan Jahdn. Ain translation, p. 330. The following passage from the same work (III, 762) refers to the end of the 41st year of Akbar’s reign, or the middle of 1005 A. H. [A. D. 1596, end], “ About tins time Lachmi Narain submitted. He is the ruler of Koch, and has 4000 horse, and 200,000 foot, 700 elephants, and 1000 ships. His country is 200 Jeon long, and from 100 to 40 /cos broad, extending in the east to the Brahmaputra, in the north to Tibbat, in the south to G’hora- g’hat, and in the west to Tirhut. “ About five hundredf years ago, a woman prayed in a Mahadeo temple for a son. Her prayer was granted, and she called the son Bisa. He be- came the ruler of Koch Bihar. One of his descendants, or grandsons * The Asiatic Society of Bengal has a MS. of the work. No. 425 of the Persian Catalogue. It was also printed at Calcutta, in the old Madrasah, Baithak-khanah, 1st Bajab, 1265, by Masihuddin Khan, a Munshf of the Foreign Department. The book is out of print. + The Lucknow Edition has fifteen. Although I quote the Lucknow Edition of the Akbarnainah, I translate from MSS., for the text of the Lucknow Edition is worse than the worst possible MS. For Bisd the MSS. have B{bd, Biyd, or Bisbd. H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. 53 1872.] (nabirali) , was Bal Gosain, a wise ruler. He wrote a letter in praise of tlie Emperor and sent it with presents to Court. As he lived the life of an ascetic, he did not marry, and when he was fifty years old, he appointed Pat Kunwar, his brother’s son, successor. But the Rajah’s eldest brother, Sliukl Gosain desired a marriage, and in order not to offend him, Bal Gosain assented, and had a son Lachmi Narain. When he died and Laclimi Nani in became Rajah, Pat Ivunwar rebelled. Being hard pressed by the opponent, Each mi made his submission to the Emperor, and requested Man Singh, tho Governor of Bengal, to introduce him at Court. A meeting was arranged ; Man Singh set out from Salhnnagar* and the Rajah travelled forty Jcos to meet him at Anandapur. The meeting took place on 13th Dai. After many festivities, the Rajah wished to take Man Singh to his capital ; but Man Singh was for some reason unwilling and politely took leave of the Rajah. The latter soon after gave him his daughter in marriage. “ As the Koch Bihar Rajahs had not personally paid their respects at the Court of the kings of Bengal, Sulaiman i Kararani had invaded Koch Bihar, hut without result.” From the Tuzwk i Jahdngiri (p. 147) we see that, in. the end of 1024, ninety elephants were paraded before Jahangir, which Qasim Khan, the Governor of Bengal, had taken from Orisa, the Mugs, and Koch Bihar. “ In the beginning of 1027, or A. D. 1618, Lachmi Narain paid his re- spects personally at Court in Gujrat, and presented a nazar of 500 muliurs” (Joe. cit., p. 220). The following more detailed account is taken from the Bddishahndmah (II, pp. 64 ff). Bengal in the north is hounded by two kingdoms, one of which is called Koch Hajo and the other Koch Bihar. Koch Bihar lies far away from the Brahmaputra ; Koch Hajo lies on the banks of that river. In the beginning of Jahangir’s reign, Koch Hajo was ruled over by Parichliat, and Koch Bihar by Lachmi Narain, who was the brother of Parichhat’s grandfather. Now in the 8th year of the reign of that Em- peror, when Shaikh ’Alauddin Fathpf.ri Islam Khan had been made gover- nor of Bengal, Parichliat was complained against by hag hunat h, zamindar of the Parganah Sosang.t whose family Parichliat had imprisoned. Rag'll li- nat h’s complaints were found to he correct ; and as I arichhat had not behaved so submissively as Lachmi Narain of Koch Bihar, Shaikh ’Alauddin determined to annex Koch Hajo, and ordered Mukarram Khanf quickly to invade Hajo with 6000 horse, 10,000 to 12,000 foot, and 500 ships§. The * Salima agar is the name of the fort of Sherpur Murchah (Mymensingh). f Sosang lies east of the Brahmaputra, between the Kanban and the Garo Hills. J Ain translation, p. 493. 54 H. Bloclimann — Koch Bihar and Asdm. [No. 1, vanguard was commanded by Kamal Khan who quickly yet cautiously marched to Hatsilah, which belongs to the Parganah Karibari and is the beginning of Koch Hajo, fortifying at every stage his encampment with bamboo palisades according to the system of warfare followed in these parts of the country. He then advanced on Port Dhobri, which lies on the [right] bank of the Brahmaputra and was garrisoned with 500 horse and 10000 foot of Pariohhat’s troops, and besieged it. After a bombardment of one month, he took the fort, killing a large number of the enemies. Parichhat now sent a vakil from Khelah, where his residence was, to the commander, sued for peace, and offered 100 elephants, 100 Tangbans (ponies), and 20 mans of lignum aloes. He also promised to release Itag’hunat’h’s family. Mukarram Khan and Kamal informed the Governor of Bengal of the pro- posals, and before the answer came back, Parichhat had carried out the terms and sent the animals, &c. But the governor demanded the surrender both of the country and of Pariclihat’s person. Hostilities were therefore re- sumed ; but the army stayed in Port Dhobri till the end of the rains. A sudden attack which Parichhat made on Dhobri with 20 elephants, 400 horse, and 10000 foot, was with some difficulty repulsed, and the enemy with- drew in disorder towards Khelah. The imperialists now left Dhobri and encountered Parichhat’s fleet in the Gujadhar river. In the engagement which ensued, the hostile ships were driven back, and Parichhat was forced to retreat to Khelah. But even there he did not stay long, as ho had heard that Lachmi Narain had joined the imperialists and was about to attack him from the flank. He therefore left for Budhnagar, which lies on the Banas river,* followed by the imperialists who had passed over Khelah arid reached the Banas. Unable to hold himself any longer, he now surrendered himself to the mercy of the Mughuls, and was taken, together with his ele- phants and riches, to Mukarram Khan. Baldeo, however, Parichhat’s brother, fled to the Sargdeo of Asam, whoso friend he was. In this way Koch Ha jo was annexed to the empire. Mukarram Khan, with the sanction of ’Alauddin Islam Khan, appointed his brother ’Abdus- salsim Patlipiiri to command the garrison which was to be left at Khelah, and returned with Parichhat as prisoner towards Dhaka. Immediately before his arrival, ’Alauddin had died, and as no successor had yet been ap- pointed, Hosliang, ’Alauddin’s son, and Mukarram sent a report to court. Jahangir ordered Parichhat to be sent to him. Soon after, Shaikh Qasim, ’Alauddin’s brother, who had been in charge of district Munger, was ap- pointed governor of Bengal with the title of Muhtashim Khan. Upon entering on his office, he appointed Mukarram Khan governor of Hajo. Mukarram obeyed and remained in Hajo for a year, when, vexed at the * The Banas flows into the Brahmaputra, right bank, opposite to Gwalpara. The Padishahnamah spells wrongly and H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. 1872.] annoyances lie had to suffer at the hands of Qasim, who certainly possessed little tact, if any, he left his post and proceeded over G’horag’hat to Court. Qasim therefore sent Sayyid Hakim, an imperial officer, and Sayyid Aba Baler with 10 to 12000 horse and foot and 400 large ships to Hajo, and ordered them to invade Asam. They waited in Hajo for the end of the rains, marched three or four stages into Asam, when they were totally de- stroyed by tire Asame.se in a night attack. As this disaster was caused by the shortsightedness of Qasim Khan, he was deposed from his office as governor of Bengal. ( Page 68.) Asam borders on Hajo. As the Asamese exclude foreigners, the only information regarding the country that we possess, is derived from prisoners or some of those doggish Asamese who come, to Hajo as traders. It is a large country, producing elephants and lignum aloes, which is called agar in Hindiistan, and also gold of inferior purity, which sells at half price. It borders on Khata (Chinese Tartary). The present king [A. H. 1047, or 1637, A. D.] is called Sarg Deo, and is an infidel who keeps one thousand elephants and one hundred thousand foot. The inhabitants shave the head, and clip off heard and whiskers. They eat every land and water animal. In looks they resemble the Qaraqylp&q (?) tribe. They are very black and loath- some to far and near. The chiefs travel on elephants or country ponies ; hut the army consists only of foot soldiers. The fleet is large and well fitted out. The soldiers use bows and arrows and matchlocks, but do not come up m courage to our soldiers, though they are very brave in naval engagements. On the march they quickly and dexterously fortify their encampments with mud walls and bamboo palisades, and surround the whole with a ditch. It was mentioned above that Baldeo had fled to the king of Asam, whom he now persuaded to invade Hajo, offering his assistance under the condition that he was to be appointed governor of the province. The Asam Rajah agreed and sent Baldeo with an army towards Hajo. Profiting by the unsettledness arising from the removal of one governor and the arrival of another, Baldeo took Durang, which was owned by several zamindars of that district and lies about 10 kos from Hajo, on the south of the Brahma- putra, and continued his aggressions by force and persuasion, so that he soon saw himself at the head of 10 to 12000 men, both Asamese and Bangalis. The frontier t’hanah of the Asamese, therefore, which under the rale of Parichhat had been far off, was now much pushed forward. At the time of Khan Zaman, who acted as Governor of Bengal for his father Mahabat Khan, Baldeo continued his raids unopposed, and took away Parganahs Lulu* and Bhaomanti, causing not only much distress in those districts themselves, but inflicting also severe losses on the empire, * Duar Luki is separated from Gwalpara byParganah Habrag’hat, and lies E. E.S. °f Gwalpara. 56 H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1 because he afforded protection to the people when the tax-gatherers came amongst them, and indirectly influenced the zamiudars of other imperial districts to delay the customary payments. During the governorship of Qasim Khan several chiefs had been sent to these districts with 10 to 12000 soldiers armed with shields and swords. Such soldiers are called pdiks, and had before been in Hajo, and lived on the lands which the Bengal governors had given them as jagirs, being engaged either in cultivation or keeping up Ic'hedahs (enclosures for catching wild elephants). But as these men had been remiss in forwarding elephants, Qasim Khan called the chiefs to Dhaka and imprisoned them for some time, after which he let them off on payment of a fine of 30,000 Rupees. The result was that Santosh Lashkar and Jairam Lashkar, who were the chiefs of the Paiks, fled to the Sargdeo Rajah of Asam, who provided for them, and thus attached them to his party. Again, when Islam Khan was ap- pointed to Bengal, Satrjit, the wicked Thanahdar of Pandu, made common cause with Baldeo, and instigated him to profit by the change of gover- nors and push forward. Baldeo thereupon collected an army of Asamese and Kochis, left Durang, and attacked ’Abdussalam, who was in charge of Koch Hajo and had been ordered to look after the k’hedahs. ’Abdussalam reported matters to Islam Khan and asked for reinforcements. Islam Khan, therefore, in the 9th year of Shahjahan’s reign (1st Jumada II., 1045 to 1st Jumada II., 1016, or A. D. 1636), sent ’Abdussalam’s bro- ther, Shaikh Muhiuddin, together with Muhammad £alih Kamlni, Mirza Mu- hammad Bukhari and other imperial Mumyibdirs, as also Sayyid Zainul’abi- din, one of his own soldiers of merit, with 1000 horse, 1000 matchlockmen, part- ly imperial and partly belonging to his own contingent, and 10 ghrahs and nearly 200 kosahs and jalbahs* all well provided and fitted out, to ’Abdus- salam’s assistance. An officer was at the same time ordered to hasten to G’ho- rag’hat.and there collect boats, to convey the army and the baggage. The rainy season delayed matters, and when the forces reached G’horag’hat, the horses and the heavy baggage were left behind till the end of the rains, whilst the men proceeded in small boats upwards. Muhammad f alih, whose kosahs were swift going, had a start of two days and arrived first in Hajo. At this time Satrjit, the traitor, sent a message to ’Abdussalam, stating that he had heard from spies that the Asamese intended to make a night attack on his thanah. ’Abdussalam, therefore, ordered Muhammad palih to accompany Satrjit and protect his thanah. After a short march, night overtook them, and Satrjit asked Muhammad f'alih to remain where they were, whilst he would go and get information about the thanah. But as next morning Satrjit had not returned, Qalih broke up, and met Satrjit half-way with his ships, who gave out that the Asamese had attacked and taken his thanah with superior forces, and he had fled to save at least the ships. * Kinds of ships ; vide below. H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sam. 57 1872.] They remained for one day and one night at the place of meeting, and hear- ing of Zainid'abidin’s arrival, returned to Hajo. It was now resolved that ’Abdussalam should not leave Hajo ; his brother Muluuddm and Fazil Beg, an officer of Islam Khan, who commanded 300 horse and the same number of matchlockmen of the Khan’s contingent, were to garrison the thanahs in the neighbourhood of Hajo, whilst Zain ul’abidin should push the ships as far as Srig’hat, where Asam begins, and try to keep the enemy at bay. Zain ul- abidin, therefore, and Muhammad palili, with imperial troops and soldiers belonging to Islam Khan’s contingent, and manyZamindars and ships, marched forward, and met the enemy, who had advanced two kos beyond Panda. The Asamese at once left the two fortified camps which they had erected, and attacked the Imperialists. After a severe fight, they were dislodged and lost five guns. Zain ul’abidin destroyed their camps, and then marched quickly on to Srig’hat, where the Asamese had assembled in force. Fighting was at once renewed, and in one of the engagements a Phulcan, i. e., an Asamese chief and commander of ten or twelve thousand men, was killed. Five large ships, which they call bachhdru, and several kosahs, i. e., ships that have one mast,* were taken. On the following day also, the Asamese lost in an engagement 300 men, 12 bachhdns, and 40 kosahs. Islam Khan had in the meantime collected further reinforcements, and intended to take personally the command of the expedition. But on account of the great distance of Hajo from Jaliangimagar, where his presence was re- quired, he had to give up his plan, and therefore sent his own brother Mir Zain nddin, Allah Yar Khan, Muhammad Beg Abakash, ’Abdul Wahhab, Mir Qasim Samnani, Amirah Sasan, Sayyid Muhammad Bukhari and others, with 1500 horse, 4000 matchlockmen and bowmen of his own contingent to Hajo. Muhammad Zaman of Tahran, who was Faujdar and Tuyuldar of Si I hat, was also ordered to join the detachment. As the Paiks had, in the meantime, joined the Asamese, which deprived the Hajo and Srig’hat corps of regular supplies, Islam Khan shipped large stores of grain and had them conveyed by twenty-five war-kosahs belonging to Ma’fum Zamindar,f who also took with him ammunition, weapons, and money. Khwajah Sher, Faujdar of G’horag’hat and lately appointed to the Faujdari of Khelah, was ordered to join with his detachment Mir Husaini, a servant of the governor, who with 200 horse and 300 foot had gone to Koch Bihar to collect the peslikash, and then to move to Dhobri. There they were to be joined by * Yakchobah, pr. having one pole or beam, one-masted (?). On page 37, the term kosah was applied to snch ships as are used to row war-ships. The term ghrdb is looked upon by the author of the Padishahnamah (Ij p. 431) as a Bengali term. t Ma’7 for ; P- 694 o for ; p. 696 yi\ G for^i • Do., for ; p. 700, jodb for * ■*). Of the former two, the first is known as the Yak Duar ; and if the Duar be forced, there would be no further obstacles, and the army might proceed to the town of Koch Bihar. The second is known as the K’hont’ha- g’ha( roadf. It passes near Rangamati, and is a narrow road intersected by many nalahs. To both sides of the dl, or embankment, there is dense jungle up to the town of Koch Bihar. But there was still another road, along an dl much lower than the others, and surrounded by dense bamboo shrubs ; and as the Rajah thought the road impracticable for an army, he had not guarded it. For this reason the Nawab determined to go by this road, and ordered the fleet to anchor in the nalah which flows from Sirkar G’horag’hat into the Brahmaputra. On the last day of Rabi’ II. [12th December, 1661], Rajah Sublian Singh joined the Nawab. On the 1st Jumada I. [13th December, 1661], the Nawab arrived at the foot of the dl. A few enemies were there, but they dispersed on his approach. On the next day, the army went along the dl, the Nawab himself being continually on horseback. The march was difficult, and the elephants and the footmen had continually to cut a road through the jungle. At a place three stages from Koch Bihar it was reported that the Rajah had fled to Bhutant (Bhootan). The army also crossed here a river, which was said to be bottomless. On the 6th Jumada I., the army stood before Koch Bihar, and on the next day [19th December, 1661], the Nawab entered the town. The azdn, or call to prayer, was chanted by fadr Mir Muhammad p.tlih in the Rajah’s palace. The kingdom of Koch Bihar extends from Parganah Bhetarband, “ which belongB to his Majesty's empire,” to PatganwJ near the frontier of * “ The frontier of the empire.” ’Alamglmdmah. Baritalah lies near Chilmari, near the right bank of the Brahmaputra, opposite to Hatsilah in Parganah Karibnri. t The Bibl. Indica Edition of the ’ Ahmgtmdmah has O’hordg'hat, but gives the correct reading in a footnote. t The printed edition has Pdpgdon, the MS. Pdtgdon. Patgaon in the north of the Rangpur District appears to be meant. The ’ Alwingimamah ( p. 691) has the following— “ The length of Koob Bihar is 65 statute (jartb{) kos, and the breadth 50. # * * Whatever of the country lies within the band, is called ‘ Bhetarband.’ One large and two small rivers enter the ‘ band;’ and these, together with such rivers as come from 9 i 66 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1, the kingdom of Morang. It is 52 statute kos long. The breadth from the Parganah of Tsijhat, which belongs to the empire, to Pusakarpur near K’hont’hag’hat, is 50 kos. The mountains of Bhutant, which are inhabited by the Bhutiahs, produce T&ngan horses, Bhiitiah cloth, Pari,* and musk. Koch Bihar is well-known for its excellent water, mildness of the climate, its fresh vegetation and flowers. Oranges are plentiful, as also other fruits and vegetables. If properly administrated, the country might yield a revenue of 8 lacs of rupees. The inhabitants, since ancient times, are the Meeh and Koch tribes. The Eajah belongs to the Mech. He coins gold muhurs and Naruin rupees. The zamxndars of India esteem the Koch Bih.ir Bajahs, and believe that they trace their descent from Bajahs who reigned there before the arrival of the Muhammadans in India. Bhim Nar. in was a noble, mighty king, powerful, and fond of company. He never took his lip from the edge of the bowl, nor his hand from the flagon ; he was continually surrounded by singing women, and was so addicted to the pleasures of the harem, that he did not look after his kingdom. His palace is regal, has a ghusulkhdnah,\ a darshan, private rooms, aecommoda- other sides, flow into the Sankos. Outside the ' band’ are 5 chaklahs, containing 75 parganahs ; and within the ‘ band’ there are 12 parganahs. The revenue of the kingdom is nearly 10 laos of Rupees. * The printed edition has pari, the MS. sari. The ’ A'lamgtmdmah says (p. 690) that ‘ pari’ is a kind of thick cloth with long threads ( purzddr , like coarse plush), woven on strings, and is used for carpets. “Another woollen stuff is called phut.” The last is very likely a mistake for the bhiitiah cloth mentioned in the text. f The word ghusuVthanah, as is well known, means now-a-day a bath-room, or a closet, or both. At the Dihli court it had a particular meaning, as will be seen from the following extracts. The Balmr i ’Ajarn says — “ It is said that Sher Shah, when emperor of Dihli, appointed a room in the Palace where he nsed to sit after his bath, in order to have his carls dried. (This, by the way, is the only historical statement which ascribes curls [gesudn] to Sher Shah.) When Akbar came to the throne, he called that room Diwdn i lchdg. Khan Arzu says that he had heard that the grandees in old times used to sit on coming to pay their respects ; but when Akbar came to the throne, he disapproved of it. He could not, however, do away with the oustom, and built a house where he took his bath, but put on that account no carpets on the ground, so that when the Amirs came in, they had to stand. And from his time, the grandees in presenting reports, &e., have been accustomed to stand. Now the room was called ghusvMlianah, and though the bath was in course of time abolished, the name remained." From the Pddishdhndmah (II, p 220) we see that Shahjahira wished to change the name from ghusulkhanah to daulatlchdnah i khdg; but the old name remained. Bernier (Calcutta edition I, p 300) calls the ‘ gosel-kanay’ an evening reception room. Dwrshan, as the name implies, is the place where the king shews himself to tho people, a general audience hall. H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asdm. 67 1872.] tions for the harem, for servants, baths and fountains, and a garden. In the town there are flowerbeds in the streets, and trees to both sides of them. The people use the sword, firelock, and arrows, as weapons. The arrows are generally poisoned ; thoir mere touch is fatal. Some of the inhabitants are enchanters ; they read formulas upon water, and give it the wounded to drink, who then recover. The men and the women are rarely good looking. As the people, a day before the army arrived, had fled, the Nawab strictly forbade plundering ; and a few soldiers, having gone marauding and brought home a cow, or a goat, or a few plantains, were marched through the camp and the town with an arrow stuck through then- noses, and the stolen things suspended from their necks. This encouraged the inhabitants, and they returned to their homes. The son of the Rajah* about this time fled from his father, and waited on the Nawab, and became a Muhammadan. Isfandiar Beg, son of the late Ilah Yar Khan, was ordered to Morang to capture Bhawanfit’h, the Rajah’s vazir. Farhad Khan also was sent there hy another route. Riza Quli Beg Abalcash, a companion of Isfandiar, captured the vazir and brought him in fettered, as also his wife and child. According to orders, the Yak Duar was levelled with the ground, and by cutting down the trees for about a hundred yards, an open space was made. 106 guns, 145 zamburaks, 11 ramcbangis, 123 matchlocks, and much material and baggage, were seized. The artillery stores were forwarded to Jahangir- nagar. Of the other things Muhammad ’Abid, the Barrack Master, took charge. A party was then sent to Kanthalbari at the foot of the Bhutant Hills, where the Rajah concealed himself ; but the Rajah withdrew to the summit of the mountains. Only an elephant, several horses, and cow car- nages, and a Bhutiah, were brought back. The Bhutiah begged hard for his life, and promised to take a letter to the Rajah of Bhiitant, whose name is Dharm rajah, and who is over one hundred and twenty years old. He is an ascetic, eats only plantains, drinks only milk, and indulges in no pleasures what- ever. He is famous for his justice, and rales over a large people. The prisoner also told us that a river runs through his kingdom, not very broad, but very * The ’ Alamgirndmah calls him Bishn Naniin, and says that Bhim Narain from distrust had always kept him under surveillance (p. G88). Tor MccTi , the Bibl. Indica edition of that work has Mash e< The inhabi- tants of Koch Bihar belong to two tribes, the Mech and the Bihar tribes. The former live within the ‘ band,’ the Bihiirs without it. In fact the name Kooh Bihdr has a reference to this tribo ; even A'sam is sometimes called ‘ Koch A’sam.’ The people are very ngly, both men and women ; they look like Qalmaqs, and have a steel blue complexion. Some are fair. Among the Meches white people are found. This tribe furnishes agriculturists and soldiers” (pp. 692, 693). The king in the ’ Alamgirnamah also is described as an effeminate voluptuary, who left every- thing in the hands of his vazir ‘ Bholnnath.’ G8 H Blochmann — Koch Bihar ancl A’sam. [No. 1. rapid and deep ; and a chain passes over the water, the ends of which are fastened to opposite rocks. Above this chain there is another, the distance between the two being the height of a man. People cross the river by walk- ing along the lower chain and supporting themselves by seizing the upper one ; even horses and burdens are made to cross the river on the chain. I can- not vouch for the truth of the Bhiitiah’s story. The man looked very fair, was strongly built, and had long, light brownish hair, hanging over the shoulders. His only dress was a white cloth which covered his private parts. Their language is related to that of the Kochis. The Nawab now sent the man with a letter to the Dharmrajah, asking him to seize and send Bhim Narain to him, or at least drive him from his hills. The man brought at last an answer, in which the Dharmrajah excused himself by saying that he had not called Bhim Narain ; but as he had come unasked, he could not well drive away a guest. The Nawab had no time to lose, overlooked the impertinence, and prepared himself to invade Asam. Koch Kiliar was thus annexed. The name of the town was changed to ’ Almngirnagar. Isfantliar Beg received from his Majesty the title of Khan, and was to officiate as Faujdar of the country till the arrival of ’Askar Khan, who had been appointed to that office. Isfandiar remained in Koch Bihar with 400 horse of his own contingent, and 1000 Imperial matchlock- men ; Qazi Samiii Shuja’i* was madeDiwan ; Mir ’Abdurrazzaq and Khwajah Kishwar I)tis Man9abdar were made Amins. The Nawab after a stay of sixteen days started for As&m. The Conquest of A'sa'm. The Nawab left Koch Bihar on the 23d Jumada I., [4th January, 16G2],f and marched over K’hont’haghat into A'sam. Everywhere there were dense jungles. When he arrived at Kangamati, Rashid Khan joined him. The zamindars of the district, who believed the conquest impossible, could not be trusted, and the Nawab had for carriage and guides solely to depend on his own exertions. Dilir Khan was appointed harawal (vanguard) ; and he and Mir Murtaz.i, the Daroghah of the Artillery park, had to look after the roads. In consequence of the jungles and the numerous nalahs, which * I. e. Qazi Samu, who had been in the service of Prince Shuja’. The Bibl. Indica Edition of KhafC Khan calls him Qazi Timur, evidently on the authority of bad MSS. Besides, Khafi Khan is an untrustworthy historian. The “rebellious” princes of the Dihli house recoivo nick names at the hands of the historians. Dara Shikoh, i. e. ‘ one who has the dignity of Darius,’ is called Dara he Shikoh, the undignified Dara ; Prince Shuja’, i. e., ‘ the brave,’ is always called ‘ Nashuja’, * the recreant.’ Shahryar, Jahangir’s son, who proclaimed himself at IAhor, was nicknamed ‘ Nashudani, or ‘ good-for-nothing.’ f The ’ Alamgtmdmah (p. C94) says that the reached the Brahmaputra on the 28th. 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. GO however were mostly shallow, the daily progress was not more than 2 or 2J kos. The fatigues which the men had to undergo defy all descrip- tion. The grass and the reeds especially were annoying to men and animals- At last, on the 9th Junnida II., [20tli January, 1662], they reached and took possession of Fort Jogig’hopah* [opposite Gwalpara], which belongs to Kanmlp. Tho enemies had fled without striking a blow. ’Ataullah, a servant of the Nawab, was left here as Thanahdar. It is a high and large fort on the Brahmaputra. Near it the enemies had for a short distance dug many holes in the ground for the horses to fall into, and pointed pieces of bamboo (called in their language phdnjis) had been stuck in the holes. Behind the holes, for about half a shot’s distance, on even ground, they had made a ditch, and behind this ditch another one three yards deep near the fort. The latter ditch was also full of pointed bamboos. This is the way how the Asamese fortify all their positions. They make their forts, like the Indian peasants, of mud. The Brahmaputra is south of the fort ; and on the east a large river, called the Banas, flows past the mountain and joins the Brahmaputra. To the north, the fort is guarded hy a ditch, several mountains, and dense jungle. The writer nearly lost one his horses that had put its foot into one of the holes. A bridge of boats was made over the Banas. At the time of crossing, the guns of a boat fell into the river ; so also a gun belonging to the Naw&b, which shot ser balls The latter was after several days’ labour recovered. Na$iruddin Khan, Yadgar Khan, and other Amirs crossed the Bralmri- putra, and marched along the other bank opposite to the army, whilst ’Ataullah, one of the Nawab’s men, was left behind as commander of Jogig’hopah. On the 24th Jumada II. [4th February, 1662], the neighbourhood of Gawaliatti was reached. Rashid Khan was sent off, to prevent the enemies from escaping to the north. But before he could reach, they had fled, and left the fort empty. On the 25th Jumada II., the army reached Fort Srig’hat. The exits and entrances had all been closed with large logs of wood driven into the ground. Some the elephants pulled out, some Haji Muhammad Baqir of Isfa- han, a servant of the Nawab, renowned for his strength. The Nawab entered and inspected the place, and then moved to Gawahatti, which lies a kos further °n. Fort Pandu also, which lies on the other side of the river opposite to Srig’hat, was taken without fight. Yadgar Khan Uzbak killed, however, a * The 'Ala mil (mama h (p. 696) says that Jogig’hopah means ‘ Hermit’s Cave,’ and was so called from a Hindu Ascetic who had lived there. On the other side of the river was a mountain called Panch llat an, also fortified. An island on the river had also been fortifiod with palisades. 70 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1, large number of tlie retreating enemies. The garrison also of Fort Kajli, which lies 7 kos farther from Fort Pandu, had deserted the stronghold. Some zamburaks, matchlocks, and a quantity of gimpowder, were captured. Fort Srig’hat is bigger and higher than Fort Jogig’hopah. Fort Pandu is about equal to Fort Srig’hat ; Fort Kajli is not less important. Idol- temples devoted to Gaumuk’hiadebi and Lunachamari and Isma’il Jogi, are upon the mountain near Fort Pandu. From the foot of the mountain to the top there is a stone staircase of more than 950 and less than 1000 steps. Fort Kajli lies near the very same ‘ Kajliban,’ which is mentioned in Hindu books. It is a place full of elephants. At this time Makardhaj,* Rajah of Durang, who is subject to the Rajah of A'sara, came and paid his respects to the Nawab, presented an elephant, received a khal'at, was promised protection, and was ordered to travel with the army. Muhammad Bog, a dependent of the Nawab, was made Faujdar of Gawahatti, and Hasan Beg Zanganah, also a servant of the Nawab, was made Thanahdar of Kajli. II. After Rashid Khan had occupied Rangamati, before the Nawab had left Khizrpur, the zamindars of A'sam had sent an ambassador to Rashid Khan with insolent letters. Rashid sent the man to the Nawab, who told him in plain terms that if the Rajah of A'sam would restore those lands which he had occupied and would send his daughter with a decent peshkash and also the guns and other things which he had earned off from Kamrup, and make a treaty and give his oath that he would in future desist from annoying the imperialists, the Nawab would give up the expedition. Indeed the Nawab would have liked such an arrangement, and would have contented himself with the cession of Kamrup and a mode- rate peskash, as he wished, after the rains were over, to invade Arakan ; for his . Majesty had ordered him to send the children and the wives of Prince Shuja’ to court. But the Nawab resolved to spttle in this year the affairs of Koch Bihar and A'sam, and to go next year to Arakan. The ambassador to whom he had given the aboVe answer, did not return ; and after having waited some time at Gawahatti, on the 27th Jumada II., the Nawab set out, and entered A'sam Proper. Asamese warfare depends upon tricks and night attacks ; hence all guards were ordered to do chauki armed and with their horses saddled. The march was directed to Ghargaon, the capital of the Rajah, which lies on the other side of the Brahmaputra. First it was necessary to take Fort * The Bibl. Indica Edition of the ’ A'lamgirndmah (p. 703) lias Malirox>anj. 1872.] H. Bio ohm arm — Koch Bihar and Asdin. 71 Chamdhurah. At the place Bartinah* which lies halfway between Gawahatti and Chamdhurah, the whole army crossed in two days the Brahma- putra on boats, on the 6th Rajah [15th February, 1662]. A messenger, who had accompanied the former Asamese ambassador, came here into camp with an evasive answer. The Rajah of Ddmuriah one of the subjects of the Rajah of A'sarn, sent his brother’s son with an elephant to attend on the Rajah, begging the Nawab to excuse his absence as he was sick. His rela- tion went with the camp. At this time Mirza Beg, the Bakhshl of the Nawab, was killed. He was stabbed by one of his soldiers ; but though mortally wounded, he inflicted two sword-cuts on the man. Mirza Beg died during the night, and the murderer was killed by Mirza Beg’s relations. At one of the stages, a tremendous storm took place, during which many ships were upset ; large pieces of hail also fell, and many horses threw themselves into the river. The Asamese, thinkhig that Fort Chamdhurah would be, as it had been in former expeditions, the farthest point of the advance of the imperialists, had strengthened the fortifications of Simlahgar, which lies on the other side of the river, opposite to Chamdhurah. On the 11th Rajab [20th February, 1662], the army encamped at the foot of Simlahgar, so near the fort that a zambiirak ball from the fort passed over the Nawab’s tent. Some of the Nawab’s men wished to take the fort by climbing up ; hut as this would have cost much human life, they were ordered not to do so, and a siege was commenced. Simlahgar is very strong and high. The inhabitants are as numerous as ants and locusts. Two sides of the fort have walls with battlements, and guns are placed without break upon them. The guns are all manned. At the foot of the walls are a ditch and the customary holes with the phdnjis. On the south side, the fort ends in a hill extending for four kos. The * AaaRj. MS. . The ’Alamgirnamali does not give the name. The name ‘ Bartinah’ is doubtful, and our modern maps do not help us to identify the place where Mir Jumlah crossed for the left bank of the Brahmaputra. Chamdhu- rah lies opposite to Tezpur, the maps giving a Mahail Cliamdhoree and a place of the same name. A Chamdhoreegaon I find marked on an island of the Brahmaputra, east of Tezpur, half way between Tezpur and the Kamaldiya Temple. Simlahgar (for which the Bibl.'Indica Edition of Khafi Khan gives BMmgar) is not on our maps ; but it cannot lie far from Tezpur, as it is said to lie opposite to Chamdhurah. After the conquest of Simlahgar, the Nawab inspects the fort, and encamps on the same day at Kulyabar, which lies on the loft hank of the Bx-ahmaputra, S. E. of Tezpur. The identification of these names is a difficult matter, as it would appear that the numerous branches of the Brahmaputra are often shifting, Mr. Foster (vide pp. 35’ 3y) identifies Bernier’s Cbamdara with a place of the same name five miles from Ghargaon. This may be correct ; bnt if so, it is another Cbamdara, because the Chamdurah opposite to Simlahgar lies, as will he seen below, seven days’ marches west of Lak’hugar, the western point of Majnli Island. 72 H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and Asdm. [No. 1, northern wall is near the Brahmaputra, about 3 Jcos distant from it. A nalah extends from the south of the fort, touching the southern bastion and from there flows westward. The army encamped on the banks of this nalah. Mahmud Beg distinguished himself by his alertness. Dilir Khan and Mir Murtaza were in advance, and threw up trenches within gun-shot distance from the fort. The big guns were sent to them ; but as the walls of the fort were too wide, the guns made little impression on them. The commanders, however, carried their covered ways ( sibah ) close up to the wall, continually exposed to the fire of the enemies. In one night, a sally on the covered trenches was with difficulty repulsed. III. The Conquest of Simlahgar. The attacking column moved forward in the night of the 15th Bajab, commanded by Dilir Khan. Adam Khan tells the author that Dilir’s elephant received twenty-five wounds. Farhad Khan and Aghar Khan were wounded. Dilir enters the fort, and Mir Murtaza opens the gate. The enemies fly. Mahmud Beg pursues them. A good number of Musalman men and women were found, whom the enemies had forced to remain with them. The fall of Simlahgar broke the spirit of the hostile garrison of Chamdhurah. They fled. The Nawab entered Simlahgar on the 16th Bajab [26th February, 1662], and was astonished to see the strength of the fortifications. He then encamped at Kulvabar Much war material was taken. No marauding whatever was allowed ; in fact during the whole expedition, which lasted one year, the punishments inflicted on marauders were most severe. Sayyid Nayiruddin Khan was made Faujdar of Kulyabar ; and Sayyid Mirza, Sayyid Nisar,* and Bdjah Kislin Singh garrisoned Chamdhurah. IV. Victorious progress of the fleet. Arrival at Lalc'hugar. The Nawab left Kulyabar on the 20th Bajab [2nd March, 1662]. On account of the hills along the banks of the Brahmaputra, the army had to march at some distance from the river, and was thus separated from the ships. It happened that Ibn Husain for some important reason was away from the fleet with the army, when suddenly, after evening prayer, on the 21st Bajab, 7 or 800 hostile ships attacked the fleet, which had just anchored. Munawwar Khan Zamindar and ’Ali Beg did their best till more ships came up. The cannonade lasted the whole night, and was heard by the army. The Nawab sent Muhammad Mumin Beg (a servant of Yakalitaz Khan) * The Bibl. Indica Edition of the ’A'laingtrndrnah (p. 713) has ‘ Sayyid Tatar.’ 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. 73 to assist the fleet. He arrived at the first watch of the morning at a nalah near the river and the fleet, and told his trumpeters to blow. This decided the fate of the engagement. 300 or 400 ships, with a gun on each, were seized. The author was with the fleet. The next day the army again approached the river. The conquest of Simlahgar and the defeat of their fleet disheartened the Asamese. They withdrew to the hills, and trusted to surprises and night- attacks. The Nawsib then reached Solahgar where several Amirs came with letters from the Rajah — Amirs are called in Asamese Phuhans ( ) — , and asked for peace. But it soon became evident that their object was to cause delay or a decrease in vigilance, in which hope they were disappointed. On the 27th Rajah [9th March, 1662], the Nawab reached Lak’hugar. Here eleven elephants of the Rajah were seized. A Brahman, an inhabitant of Dewalgaon and spiritual guide of the Rajah, came to the camp ; so did Yalnoli Phukan, who brought a pdnddn, a gold vessel, and two silver jars, 100 gold muhurs, and a submissive letter from the Rajah. But the letter was not deemed sincere, and a reply was sent that the Nawab would soon he in Ghargaon, where alone he would treat with the Rajah. Lak’hugar* lies at the confluence of the Hihing River with the Brahma- putra. The Dihing comes from the mountains north of Ghargaon, and he who goes to Ghargaon travels along the southern hanks of the Dihing. Between the Dihing and the Brahmaputra is a tract which stretches to the mountains of Namrup, and is well cultivated. Ghargaon itself lies on the Dik’ho Nalali, which 8 Jcos from the town joins the Dihing. It is very shallow, and the fleet was ordered to remain stationed at Lak’hugar, in charge of Ibn Husain Darogah, Jamal Khan, ’All Beg, Munawwar Khan, &c. The fleet consisted of 323 ships, viz., Carried forward 280 159 kosahs palils (cL^Kj ) 1 48 jalbahs (Axl^.) bhars (g4l) I 10 ghrabs (vt/*) balams ( 2 7 parindahs («^J) khatgiris 10 4 bajrahs (XysJ) mahallgiris ... 5 50 patilahs (aLJL>) palwarahs and 2 salbs (wJU) other small ships 24 280 Total 323 On the 28th of this month, the sun entered Aries. * Lak'hugar lies on the confluence of the Dihing and the Brahmaputra. The Dihing River, on Lieut. Wilcox’s Survey map, published in Vol. XVI of the Asiatic 10 K 71 H. Blochmann - Zuif/f BiMr and A’sam. [No. 1, V. The Conquest of Ghargaon. On the 1st Sha’bin, 1072 [12th March, 1602], the Nawab left Lak'hu- gar, crossed the nalali, and encamped at the Naosal, or arsenal, of the Rajah. Next day, they came to Dewalgaon, where the spiritual guide of the Rajah lives, crossed a nalah, the water of which reached up to the saddles of the horses, and encamped on the banks. An idol temple and a line garden, near the Billing River, are the sights of Dewalgaon. There were plenty of orange trees, full of very large and unusually juicy oranges. They were sold in the camp at ten for a pice. ’All Elza Beg was made Thanahdar of Dewalgaon. Several Muhammadans of the place informed the Nawab that the Rajah kept a large number of Musalmans imprisoned, and had fled with his valuables to Namrup. On the 4th Sha’ban [15th March], the Nawab set out, and encamped at the village of Gajpur. Farhad Khan and Mir Sayyid Muhammad Diwan i tan, and other Amirs, were ordered to march quickly to Ghargaon, and seize upon the elephants and other property, which the Nawab had heard were still there. Anwar Beg, a servant of the Nawab, was made Thanahdar of Gajpur. Four elephants were here also seized. On the 5th Sha’ban, [16th March] the Nawab encamped at Taramhani which is the name of the confluence of the Dik’ho and the Billing, and made Nurullah, one of his servants, Thanahdar of Taramhani. He col- lected here much cattle. Muhammad Muqim was ordered to seize on Nam- dlng,# a place between Taramhani and Ghargaon and a nalah, which comes from the hill and passes it. Researches, forms with the Bnri or Lohit Branch the Majoli Island. Mr. Peat informs me that the Lohit is the old bed of tho Brahmaputra ; the Dik’ho and the Disang fell into the Dihing, and the Majoli Island was joined to Muttok by an isthmus. On modern maps the name of Dihing is not used ; the Lohit is looked upon as a branch, and the former Dihing branch is now called Brahmaputra. On no map have I found Lak’hugar, which circumstance may be due to tho shifting of the stream. But if it lay at the confluence of the modern Lohit and Brahmaputra, it can scarcely be identical with the Lockwa mentioned on p. 38 j for the distance of tho point of confluence from Ghargaon is more than a geographical degree. Nor can I find the place Solahgar, ‘ which lies between Kulyabar and Lak’hugar.’ * Dewalgaon lies two miles N. E of the point where tho Ladkiitgaj-h crosses the Sioni A1 (or Alii, which seems to be the word now-a-days used in A'sam). Gajpur lies two miles from Jorhat,. At Gajpur the Nawab was on the Sioni A1 ; ho then turned off to the Bor Al, on which Taramhani must have been. Mr. Foster suggests to alter the Taramhani of the MSS. to Ta/rah-hdnt which means ‘a feeding-ground.’ The letters he and mtm are constantly confused in MSS., and Mr. B’oster’s conjecture does the reading of the MSS. no violence. It is also significant that at Tarahani the Nawab 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A's'.m. 75 At every station the road was intersected by nalahs ; in fact they are so numerous, that I cannot mention each singly. On the l(5th Sha’ban, [17th March, 1662] the Nawab entered Ghargaon. He crossed the Dik’ho, and went eastward, and occupied the Kajah’s palace. The next day many guns were recovered from the tanks into which the Rajah had thrown them before his flight ; 82 elephants, and nearly three lacs of rupees in gold and silver, were also found. The number of guns which were captured, from the starting of the expedition till the return, was 675, among them a large iron gun ) the halls of which weighed 3 mans; 1343 zamburaks ; 1200 ramehangis ; and 6570 matchlocks; 340 mans of powder ; 1960 boxes with powder, in each box about 2 or 2 1 mans of powder ; 7828 shields ; a large quantity of saltpetre, iron, sulphur, and lead ; 1000 and odd ships, many of which accommodated 80, 70, and 60 sailors. Unfortunately 123 bachhari ships, like which no other existed in the dock- yards at Ghargaon, were burned, some Asamese having set fire to the chhappars under which they were kept. About 173 store houses for rice were discovered, over which matchlockmen were placed as guards, each of the houses containing from ten to one thousand mans of rice. These stores proved very useful. VI. On A'sam and its Inhabitants.* A'sam is a wild and inaccessible country, cultivated only along the Brahmaputra, which flows through it from east to west. From Gawahatti to Sadiah (<*j the distance is about 200 kos. The breadth from the hills, inhabited by the Miris, Michmis [Mishmis], Duflahs, and Landahs,t up to the “ collects cattle,” and Mr. Foster tells me that according to the legends the Bor M was expressly constructed to bring the Rajah’s milk from the feeding grounds to Ghargaon. The Nawfib then marches along the Bor Al, a magnificent road, to Mmdilng, for which the ‘A'lamijtmdmah (p 719) has ‘ Lamdang, and the Fathiyah, ‘Ramdiing. The Kamdang Rivor flows into the Dik’ho, N. N. W. of Ghargaon. lho distance of Namdang from the Bansgark of Ghargaon is about ten miles. At the place where the Bor Al entors the Bansgarh, there is still a ruined fortified gateway, called the Singh Duar,’ from which the Dik’ho is about four miles distant. * The greater part of this chapter is given in the ’Alamgirnamah, from which it was translated into English by Mr. H. Yansittart in the Asiatic Researches, Yol. II, P. 171. But as his proper names are mostly wrong, I give here a full translation of the chapter as given in the more complete Fathiyah i ’ Ibriyah . t All MSS. havo clearly landali. If the word is correct, it would refor to a tribe Of Aborigines not mentioned in our Ethnological works. Col. Dalton, to whom I 76 H. Blochmann — Koch TZih&r and Asam. [No. 1, district of the N%a tribes, is about a journey of seven or eight days. Its south- ern mountains reach the Kb asiali (Aj-aA), Kachhar, and the Gonaser Hills* lengthways, and in the breadth, the Naga Hills. Its northern mountains reach the high ridges of Kamrup lengthways, and in the breadth the hills occupied by the Duflahs and the Landalis. The northern banks of the Brahmaputra form the Uttarkol ; the southern, the Dak’hinkol. The Uttarkol extends from Gawahatti to the country of the Mills and Michinls ; and the Dak hinkol from the kingdom of Nakirani to Sadiah. The hill tribes pay no tribute to the Rajah of Asam, but regard him with awe, and submit to some of his orders. But the Duflahs do not obey him, and often make raids into the Rajah’s territory. The distance between Kulyabar aad Ghargaon is well cultivated ; every- where are houses, gardens, and orchards. Along the sides of the road there submitted this passago, says in a letter — “ I cannot mate out the word ‘ Lnndah but from the relative position of the word with the names ol the other tribes of the North bank, I think, the author must mean the A'kas or Ankas ; and if yon read the passage thus “ The breadth of Asam from the hills inhabited by the (1) Mishmis, (2) Mins, (3) Duflahs, (4) Ankas, to the Naga Hills, &c.," yon have the tribes in their proper geographical order. Tom- author includes only Upper and Central Asam in his de- scription of what he calls Asam, excluding Kamrup. This explains what might other- wise appear obscure when he says (in the following sentence) — “The northern mountains (i e. those in which the Mishmis, Miris, &o., dwell) extend to the high ridges of Kamrup.” Regarding the Miris, Mishmis, and Duflahs (Dophlas) the reader will find the fullest information in Col. Dalton’s “ Ethnology of Bengal.” * The text has Kashmir ; the MS. of the Asiatic Society has^xiS" Kasidr, mjdSAS Kmashir. The ’A'lamjrrndmah boldy substitutes Srinagar (i. e., Kashmir), which Vansittart also gives. But this is absurd. I havo conjecturally translated Oonaser Hills, i. e. Qunasher, following the MS. of the Asiatic Society. A part of what we now call the Garo Hills is evidently meant ; and I find that Rennell, — but no modern map — calls the southern portion of the Garo Hills Oonaser (Map ix, of the Bengal Atlas). The order of his hills from the east is Kachhar Hills, Jaintiah Hills, Gonaser Hills, Karim Hills, Kuribari Hills. His Giro Hills are north of the Gonaser Hills. The word Naga is spelt with a nasal n, ‘ Nanga hence ATansittart s Nanac. For his Zemlah, lUh we havo to read Daflahs — a shifting of the dot. f Col. Dalton says : — “ The author again excludes Kamrup from A'sam, and com- mences the Uttarkol from Gawahatti. The modern Gawahatti is on tho south bank; but the ancient city, called Pragjoitishpur, oocupied a vast area on both banks. Nakirani I cannot make out ; it may, however, refer to Deshrani, a large parganah of Kamrup, close to the modern Gawahatti.” Col. Dalton’s identification is confirmed by the author’s wish to exclude Kamrup from Asam; hence the Dak’hinkol must commence with the Deshrani parganah. The name again occurs below in the articles of peace (p. ‘J J) . H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. 1872.] are high bamboo-shrubs. There are many wild and cultivated flowers, and behind the bamboos, as far as the hills, there are fields and gardens. So it is also along the road from Lak’hugar to Gliargaon. There is a high and wide dl, or raised road, up to Ghargaon. The fields and the gardens are made so oven in this country, that the eye up to the far horizon rejoices to see neither depression nor elevation. On the whole, the Uttarkol is better cultivated ; hut as the Dak’hinkol is better fortified by nature and less easy to cross, the Rajahs of Asam have generally lived in this part. The climate of all parts near the Brahma- putra is healthy for natives and strangers ; but the districts remote from the river are deadly to strangers, though they may be healthy enough for the natives of the place. The rains often last for eight months ; even the cold season is not tree from rain. In the cold season, fluxes and fevers attack the natives and spare strangers ; in the hot season, strangers suffer more than natives, especially from bilious complaints. But the natives of A'sarn are free from several disgusting diseases, as leprosy, white leprosy, elephantiasis, abscesses, swellings of the neck and the testicles, which last complaint is so common in Bengal, and from other diseases. The air and the water in the hills are fatal to natives and strangers. The fruits and flowers of Bengal are found in A'sam ; but there are many that are neither to be had in Bengal, nor in other parts of India. Cocoanut and Nun are rare; but filfil (pepper) , sadaj (spikenard),* and different kinds of lemons are common. The mangoes are plentiful, but full of worms ; sweet ones without strings are rare. The pine apples are large and taste well ; the black, red, and white sugarcane is sweet, but so hard as to break one’s teeth ; ginger is large and delicate, and not stringy either, Paniulahs, a kind of amlah, are very fine, and many prefer them to plums. The staple food of the country is rice ; but the superior kinds are rare. Wheat, barley, vetches, are not sown, though the ground is suitable for their cultivation. In fact, everything grows well. Salt is very dear. At the foot of the hills, salt is, indeed, found, but it has a bitter, biting taste. Some of the natives dry the kelah plant in the sun, bum it, and collect the ashes in a white sheet, which they fix on four poles. They then pour gradually water on the ashes, and catch whatever percolates in a vessel below the sheet. Ihe liquid is saltpetre-like and very bitter ; but they use it as salt. Ducks and fowls are very large. Then- fighting cocks are very plucky, and rarely run away. If a weak cock fight with a strong one and get its head broken and its brain scattered about, or be dying, it will never take its eyes from * Vansittart says that sadaj is the same as tezpat, Lauras cassia, laurel leaf. Sir W Jones has an article on the Asamese spikenard in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. II, 405. 78 H. Blochmann — Koch Biluir and Asam. [No. 1 the opponent or show its back. Elephants are large and numerous in a wild state in the hills. Gazelles, stags, nilgaos, and wild goats, are rare. In Ghargaon there were several cage-like enclosures, secured with strong and high poles. It is said that some elephant drivers of the Rajah rub a certain kind of grass over the body of a female elephant, and let her go among wild elephants when they rut. As soon as they smell the scent of the grass, they will run after her, and will even follow her to the enclosure to which the driver leads her, when they are caught. The Nawab tried in vain to get hold of one of the drivers. Gold is found in the Brahmaputra ; about ten thousand people are employed in the washings. Each man makes in the average a tolali of gold per annum, and hands it to the Rajah. But the gold is not fine, and sells for 9 or 8 rupees per tolali. Cowries are in use ; and rupees and muhurs, coined by the Rajah, are current. Copper is not current. In the hills of the Miris and Michmis who live in Eastern Asam, in Uttarkol, about eleven days’ journey from Ghar- gaon, musk deer and wild elephants are found. Silver, copper, and tin also are obtained in their hills. The way these people live, resembles the way of the Asamese. Their women are generally better looking than the women in Asam. They dread matchlocks, and say, “ A matchlock is a thing that makes a great noise, and does not stir from its place, whilst a child issues from its womb that kills a man.” The musk deer is also found in the mountains of Asam. The musk bags are larger than large [gram] grains, and have a fine colour and perfume. Lignum aloes, which is chiefly found in the mountains of Namrup, Sadiah, and Lak’hugar, is heavy, coloured, and has a strong scent. If Asam were administrated like other parts of the empire, it is quite possible that the land-tax and the revenue from wild elephants and other imposts might amoimt to 45 lacs of Rupees.* It is not customary to levy taxes from tho inhabitants ; but of every three people in each house one is taken for the service of the Rajah. If a man is lazy in what he is told to do, capital punishment is immediately inflicted ; hence the absolute sway of the Rajah, No Indian king in former times ever conquered Asam. Even tho intercourse of foreigners and the Asamese was very limited. They allow no stranger to enter their territories, and prevent their own people from leaving the country. Once a year, at the order of the Rajah, a party of Asameso used to visit the neighbourhood of Gawahatti and the boundary of the * Last year’s revenue of tho whole Asam Division, which contains tho districts of Durang, Kamrup, Lak’himpur, Naugaon, and Sibsagar, in addition to the Naga, Khasiab, and Jaintiah Hills, amounted to nearly 21 lacs (Rs. 20,93,374). 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihxr ancl Asam. 79 country, bringing gold, musk, lignum aloes, filfil, sadaj, and silk. These articles they gave in exchange for salt, saltpetre, sulphur, and other tilings, which the people of Gnwahattl used to furnish. But all armies that entered Asam perished, and no caravan ever got safe out of it. If an army invaded the country, it was exposed to continual night attacks ; or the people withdrew to the hills, and waited for the beginning of the rains, when the soldiers were sure to die or could easily be cut off. Thus Husain Shah, one of the kings of Bengal, invaded Asam with 24000 foot and horse and numerous ships. The Rajah withdrew to the hills. Husain Shah, therefore, took possession of the country, left his son there with a strong detachment, and returned to Bengal. As soon as the rains set in, the Rajah came down from the hills and, assisted by his own people, who had of course submitted to Husain’s son, killed the prince, starved the army, and managed to capture or kill the whole of them. It is said that the people who are now called Moslems in Asam, are the descendants of the captives of Husain’s army.* It is from the misfortunes which have invariably befallen those who entered Asam, that the people of India have come to look upon the Asamese as sorcerers, and use the word 1 Asam’ in such formulas as dispel witchcraft. The Asam Rajahs have always been insolent and proud of their power and the number of their men. The present Rajah, Jaidliaj Singh, is called Sargi Rajah, because sarg in Hindi means ‘ heaven.’ The fellow believes that one of his ancestors commanded the heavenly host, and descended from heaven on a golden ladder ; and as he found the country beautiful, he remained there instead of returning to heaven. The present Rajah is much prouder than his ancestors : for a slight fault he will destroy a whole family, or on suspicion throw people into fetters. His wife only gives birth to daughters, and has no son ; hence the * Vide Prinsep’s list of tho Asam Rajahs, p. 273, of Thomas’s Edition of Prinsep’s Useful Tables. His list is based upon the Asam Buranji, or Asam Chronicle, by Huliram Dhaikiyal Phukan, of Gawahatti. Another Asam Buranji, or history of the kings of Asam, was compiled by Sri Radhanath Bar Bamwa and Knsinath Tumuli Phukan, (printed by tho American Baptist Mission Press, Sibsngar, Asam 1844, 8vo , 102 pp.). Husain's invasion is generally referred to A. X). 1408, and his son s name is said to have been Dalai (Jalal, ?) Gliazi. Tho ’ Alamgtmdmah and the Asam Histories speak of an invasion of Asam by Muhammad Shah (A. D., 1337). The former work says (p. 731)—“ Muhammad Shah, son of Tughluq Shah, sent 100,000 horse well equipped to Asam ; but the whole army perished in that land of witchcraft, and not a trace was left of the army. He sent a second army to avenge the former disaster ; but when they came to Bengal, they would not go farther, and the plan had to be given up.” Tims it would seem that Muhammad Tughluq intended to invade China via Asam. Vide Dowson, Elliot’s History, Vol. Ill, pp. 241, 242. so H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'tam. [No. 1, word ‘ succession’ has a had name in Asam, especially as there is no male relation in the whole family. He professes to be a Hindu ; but as he believes himself to be one of the great emanations of the deity, he worships no idols. The inhabitants profess no religion whatever. They eat whatever they get, and from whomsoever it be, following the bent of their uncivilized minds. They will accept food from Muhammadans and other people ; they will eat every kind of flesh except human, whether of dead or killed animals. They taboo butter, so much so that they refuse food, if it only smells of butter. The language of the Asamese differs entirely from the dialects spoken in Eastern Bengal. The males are strongly built. They are quarrelsome, fond of shedding blood, fearless in affrays, merciless, mean, and treacherous ; in lies and deceit they stand unrivalled beneath the sun. Their women have mild features, but are very black ; their hair is long, and their skin soft and smooth ; their hands and feet are delicate. From a distance the people look well ; but they are ill-favoured as far as proportion of limbs is concerned. Hence if you look at them near, you will call them rather ugly. Neither the women of the Rajah, nor those of common people, veil themselves ; they go about in the bazars without head-coverings. Few men have less than two wives ; most have four or five. The several wives of a man will carry on sales and barter among each other. In paying respect, the Asamese bend the knees ; and when the subjects go to the king or the phukans, they bend their knees, sit dozdnu, and fix their eyes on the ground. They shave the head and beard and whiskers ; and if a man only departs a little from this custom, they call him Bengalized and kill him. Asses, camels, horses, are as rare in Asam as pheenixes ; but like asses they will admire a donkey and pay a high price for it. If they see a camel, they get quite excited in their admiration. They are afraid of horses. If they catch one, they cut through the sinews of the feet ; and if a horseman attack a hundred armed Asamese, they will throw down their arms, and run away ; but if one of them should meet ten Muhammadans on foot, he will fearlessly attack them and even be victorious. To sell an elephant is looked upon as a heinous crime. The Rajah and the Phiikans travel in xinghetsans, and chiefs and rich people in dulls, made in a most ridiculous way. They use a kind of chair instead of howdahs. Turbans, long coats, trowsers, shoes, and sleeping on chdrpdis, are quite unusual. They use a coarse cloth for the head, one for the waist, and a sheet for the the shoulders. Some of the richer people wear a kind of half coat, which resembles our Yt^qubkhani jacket. Those who can afford it, sleep on a wooden dais. 1872.] H. Bloehmarm — Koch Bihdr and Asam. 81 They eat pan in large quantities with unripe supdri, unshelled. They weave excellent flowered silk, velvet, tatbands, and other silks. Boxes, trays, stools, chairs, are cleverly and neatly made of one piece of wood. I saw several stools belonging to the Rajah, two cubits broad ; even the feet were cut out of the same piece, and not merely joined to it. Their war-sloops resemble the Bengali kosahs. They call them bacharis. The difference is only this that at the poop and the stern, the kosah has two planks (£U, pr. branches) ; but the poop (sar) and the keel (uj) of the bacharis are made of one flattened plank. They are slower than kosahs. The shipping traffic may be estimated from remarks taken from the reports of the Waqi'ahnawis of Gawahatti lor Rama- zan last. He says that, up to the present time, no less than 32,000 boats, bacharis and kosahs, have arrived here. The number of ships engaged for the army, and those belonging to the Asamese which accompanied the army on its return, must certainly have been larger ; and it is probable that more than one half belonged to Asamese. The ships are built of chambal wood ( MS. J-Aa.) ; and a ship built of such wood, no matter how full it is, will never, on sinking, remain at the bottom of the water. This fact was examined by many, and by me, too. Their matchlocks and bavhaluldr guns are well oast, and the people show much expertness in the manufacture. Them powder is of several kinds ; for the best kind they import the components from his Majesty’s country. With the exception of the gates of Ghargaon and some idol temples, houses in Asam are not built of bricks or stones and mortar. Rich and poor build then' houses of wood or bamboo or grass. The ancient inhabitants of this country belong to two nations, the Asamese and the Kulita (UH).* The latter, in all things, are superior to the former, except where fatigues are to be undergone, and in warlike expedi- * “ The Kolitas are the only pure descendants of the Aryans who first colonized Asam. They were dominant there for many centuries, and had evidently arrived at a high state of civilization when the inroads of the Mongolians commenced. There was a Hindu Pal dynasty in the upper portion of the valley with their head quarters at Sadiah, who succumbed to a Chutia or Kachari invasion, probably about the same time that the Kamrap Hindu dynasty was subverted by the Koch. Afterwards the Shans conquered the valley from Sadiah to Kiimrup, and on the retreat of the Muham- madans invaded and took possession of Kiimrup. These Shans after their first successes called themselves the ‘ Ahom,’ or ‘ the non-equalled people,’ and henco the name of Asam.” Vide Col. Dalton’s Ethnology of Bengal, Group II, Sect. I. The interchange of s and h is very common in Asamese ; several other examples will be found below. It is curious that the same interchange of h and s should be found in Asam, the farthest east, and in Sindh, the farthest west ; for it is Sindh, country and river, which, in its pronunciation hind, induced the Greeks to call the whole country India. L 11 82 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. [No. 1 tions, in which the former are better. Six or'seven thousand Asamese guard the environs of the palace and the harem of the Rajah. The guards are called jauddngs ( ),* * * § and are the trusted and devoted servants and executioners of the Rajali. The arms used by the people are matchlocks, ramehangis, guns, arrows with ironpoints and without them, half swords, long lances, bamboo bows, and TaJchsh arrows. At the time of war, all trades people and well-to-do peasants, and farmers, with or without armour, have to serve, whether they will or not.f Like jackals, they will commence a tremendous howl, and will like foxes think that the noise frightens the lions of the bush. A small number of their fighting men may indeed checkmate thousands ; they are the agal Asamese ; but their number does not exceed 20,000. J They are given to night attacks, for which they especially believe the night of Tuesday to be auspicious. But the common people will run away, with or without fighting, and only think of throwing away their armours. They bury their dead with the head towards the East and the feet towards the West. The chiefs erect funeral vaults ( and round about the town, instead of fortifications, there are circular bushes of bamboos, about two /cos in diameter. But the town is not like other towns, the huts of the inhabitants being within the bamboo bushes near the A’l. Each man has his garden or field before his house, so that one side of the field touches the Al, and the other the house. Near the Rajah’s palace, to both sides of the Dik’lio River, are large houses. The bazar road is narrow, and is only occupied by ym«-sellers. Eatables are not sold as in our markets ; but each man keeps in his house stores for a year, and no one either sells or buys. The town looks large, being a cluster of several villages. Round about the palace, an Al has been thrown up, the top of which is fortified by a bamboo palisade instead of by walls, and along the sides of it a ditch runs, the depth of which exceeds a man’s height. It is always full of water. The circumference is 1 /cos, 14 j arils. Inside are high and spacious chhappars. The Diwankhanah of the Rajah, which is called so/ang, is one hundred and twenty cubits in length and thirty wide inside. It has sixty-six pillars, each about four cubits in circumference. The pillars, though so large, are quite smooth, so that at the first glance you take them to be planed Now though the Asamese understand planing, yet you cannot believe that they did smoothen the pillars in this way. The orna- ments and curiosities with which the whole woodwork of the house is filled, defies all description: nowhere in the whole inhabited world, will you find a house equal to it in strength, ornamentation, and pictures. The sides of this palace are embellished by extraordinary wooden trellice work. Inside there are large brass mirrors highly polished, and if the sun shines °n one of them, the eyes of the by-standers arc perfectly dazzled. Twelve thousand workmen arc said to have erected the building in the course of one year. At one end of the hall, rings are fastened on four pillars op- posite to each other, each pillar having nine rings. When the Rajah takes his seat in the hall, they put a dais in the middle of these four pillars, and nine canopies of various stuffs are fastened above it to the rings. The Rajah then sits on the dais below the canopies. The naqqurac/ns (drummers) strike the drum and the eland. The latter instrument is round and 84 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and A'sdm. [No. 1, flat, and made of ruin metal, and is struck like a gong. The instrument is used when the audience commences, or when the Rajah issues forth, or the Phukans ride out, or leave for an appointment. Mulla Darwish i Harawi [a poet who accompanied the expedition] says that these ddnds must be the very identical metal plates* that are mentioned in the Shahnamah ; but God knows best. There are other houses in Ghargaon, beautifully adorned, strong, very long and spacious, full of fine mats, which really must be seen. But alas, unless this kingdom be annexed to his Majesty’s dominions, not even an infidel could see all these fine things without falling into the misfortunes into which we fell. Beyond the en- closure of this hall there is another house, the dwelling-house of the Rajah. It is a fine and beautiful house. The Phukans have erected dwellings in its neighbourhood. Each Phukan is a son-in-law of the Rajah, and has a beautiful garden and a tank. Indeed, it is a pleasant place. As the soil of the country is very damp, the people do not live on the ground floor, but on the maehdn, which is the name for a raised floor. VII. Advance of the army to Mat'hurapur. Krcction of Thandhs. The Rajah had first intended to fly to the Naga Hills, but from fear of our army, the Nagas would not afford him an asylum. The Nagas live in the southern mountains of A'sam, have a light brown complexion, are well built, but treacherous. In number they equal the helpers of Yagog and Magog, and resemble in hardiness and physical strength the ’Adis [an ancient Arabian tribe]. They go about naked like beasts, and do not mind to copulate with them women in the streets and the bazars, before the people and the chiefs. The women only . cover their breasts, f as they say that it would be absurd to cover those limbs which every one might have seen from their birth ; but this was not the case with the breasts, which since then had formed and should, therefore, be covered. Some of their chiefs came to see the Nawab. They wore dark hip-clothes 0-£d) , ornamented with cowries, and round about their heads they wore a belt of boar’s tusks, allowing their black hair to hang down over the neck. The chief weapon of these people is the short mace * Vide Ain translation, p. 562, note 1. t “ I have seen Nagas to the south of Sibsagar who answer to the description of that people by the Persian historian. Both sexes go quite naked. The women I did not see ; but I recollect having heard that when seen by strangers, they folded their arms across their breasts, and wore regardless of what else was exposed.” From a letter by Col. Dalton. The illustrations to Col. Dalton’s ‘ Ethnology of Bengal’ and the specimens of .Naga dress in our museum, show that the boar’s tusks mentioned below are a very common ornament for caps. They also protect the head. 1872.] H. Bloclimann — Koch Bihdr and A’sdm. 85 The Rajah had, therefore, fled with the Phiikans to NSmriip.* * * § This Narnrup may he called a part of hell. It lies in the hollow of three high ridges, and its climate is worse than that of the well of Babel. The Asamese say, “ if a bird Hies over it, bats will yield their lives, and if steel enters the ground, it turns to wax.” The Rajahs used to banish to Namriip those whom their sword had spared. There is only one road in the countryt along which a horse can pass, and this road lends to Batam north of Ghargaon. The beginning of this road leads for half a /cos through a jungle so dense that you can scarcely ‘ think’ yourself through it. Afterwards comes a pass extending for five or six /cos full of stones and mud, two high mountains being on either side. There some of the rebellious people of the southern mountains under the Bargosain [principal noble] had established themselves, whilst the Phiikans with a great number of men had encamped on an ‘ island’ be- tween the Brahmaputra and the Billing River. About this time it rained for three days and nights, and living in tents was impossible. The intention of the Nawab was to spend the rainy season m Lak hugar ; hut the Muta9addis reported that there would he no time to transport the conquered material, and secondly, tho wild elephants could not well he brought to move properly. In any case, it was clear that it would he impossible to reach Lak’iigar before the commencement of the rains. It was, therefore, resolved to move to Mat’hurapur, which lies 8.1 /cos beyond Ghargaon at the foot of a mountain, towards the south-east. A party was left behind in Ghargaon. The author also stayed behind for reasons which are not explained. A great number of guns were sent on to Jahangimagar. The Nawab had also rupees and pice struck with the name of his Majesty on them. Mir M urta/.a in Ghargaon was to take charge of all such stores as were to he kept and sent on to Jahangimagar ; Miyanah Khan was sent to Mauza’ Salhati,§ which lies at the foot of the hills, south of Ghargaon, and was held by the Bargosain and other accursed people ; Ghazf Khan was sent as thanahdar to Mauza’ T)eopani,|| between Ghargaon and Salhati ; and Jalal Khan of Baryabad was to guard the Billing River. * Namriip is the most eastern part of Airim and scarcely known. Vansittart in his translation confounds it with Kamrup (Western A'sam), which he substitutes for it. His Dhonec is the * Dihing.’ His Nanec are the Nagas. t This seems to refer to the Ladhisigarh road, which now forms the boundary between the British and Independent Territories. t The name is doubtful. The MSS. have every possible diacritical mark for the word, Niyam, Nipiim, Batam, Banam, Biyam, Panam, Patam, &c. § Bor Salhati the ’Alamgirnamah has, perhaps correctly, Saipan/. II So tho ’Alamgirnamah (p. 735). The Fathiyah i ’Ibriyah has Veotani. But Deopani is evidently the oorrcct name. It still exists, and lies due south of Sibsagar, at the foot of the hills, and S. S. W. of Ghargaon. It is now a tea garden in possession 86 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sam. [No. 1,- On the 20th Sha’ban, the Nawab moved to Mat’hurapur, and A'dam Khan marched eight kos farther towards Parganah Abhipfir.* He had repeatedly to fight with the Asamese. The enemies also made night-attacks on Jalal Khan from the other side of the Hilling. But they were every time repelled, and Jalal Khan and his Baryabadi men became objects of terror for the Asamese. Miyanah Khan’s position at Salliati protected the inhabitants of that district. On the whole, the Dak’hinkol was in the hands of the Imperial- ists, and the inhabitants were satisfied with their condition. The people of Uttarkol also thought of submitting, but fate decreed otherwise. VIII. The rains set in. At the beginning of the rains, the Asamese made a night attack upon ’All Rizii, the Thanahdar at Bewalgaon, who was enforced by a detachment, which the Nawab sent him under Yadgar Khan Uzbak. A flotilla with provisions sent by Ibn i Husain under the command of Muhammad Murad from Lak’hugar, arrived safely at Ghargaon [up the Dik’ho]. On the 1st Shawwal, an attack was made upon Anwar Beg, Thanahdar of Gajpur. He and his men were killed. Gajpur thus fell into the hands of the Asamese, who now made trenches on the other side of the Hilling as far as Lak’hugar, in order to cut off the supplies of the army. Sarand&z Khan Uzbak was at once sent off by the Nawab to recover Gajpur. Ho reached Mauza’ Tik,+ beyond which he could not pass without ships on account of the mud in the nalahs. The Nawab ordered Muhammad Murad to go with several ships to his assistance. But the two commanders could not agree, and on the 14th Shawwal, Sarandaz Khan went back to Tik, and Muhammad Murad pushed forward. He was suddenly attacked at night by the Asamese ; his men were in the greatest confusion, and his whole fleet was captured and the sailors were killed. Only a few Afghans escaped to bring the tale of the disaster to Bewalgaon. The Hilling River in the meantime rose, and the Asamese attacked the Baryabadis at Salliati, whilst the water that rushed of tlie * Assam Company.’ TVTr. Foster tells me tliat according to a native tradition, five Asamese once went up to the hills to make a puja and curse a deity, when a little stream suddenly rose and engulfed them. The littlo stream was called Deopani. * On the maps Obeypore, S. E. of Ghargaon. The name is very frequent in the whole district south of Sibsagar. When Aurangzib received the Nawab’ s official reports, he made him a commander of 7000, 7000 horse, 5000 dimspah sihaspah troopers, and added to his jagir certain mahalls the revenue of which was 1 kror dams, or 2$ lacs rupees. ’ A'lwmgtrndmah, p. 741. f Evidently the Tiok River, 3 miles above Gajpur. The ’ A'lamgfmdmah (Bibl. Indica Edition, p. 779) has for 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and Asam. 87 down the mountain caused the men great inconvenience. Nay, the enemies were even hold enough to shew themselves near Ghargaon, and it required every care on the part of Mir Murtaza to prevent mischief. Gh&zi Khan, the TMnahdar of Deopani, who had 20 horse and 50 foot, was attacked by 10 or 12,000 Asamese, under the son of the Bargosain’s bro- ther. Their leader was at the time of the attack far in advance of his men, and encountered Ibrahim Khan, one of Ghazi Khan’s men, gave his horse a swordcut over the head, and brought Ibrahim down. But jumping up quick- ly, Ibrahim ran against the leader, threw him on the ground, and finished him with his dagger. The Asamese saw their leader fall, and without coming to his assistance, retreated and watched for a better opportunity. At this time, the population of Ghargdon, Mat’hurapur, and Adam Khan’s thanahs commenced to leave their houses at night. A rumour was also current that Bhim Narain of Koch Bihar had returned and driven away the Imperialists. The rumour proved in the end to be true. The officer in charge of Koch Bihar, after the Nawdb had left, commenced the jam' hand), (financial settlement) of the country ; but the people did not under- stand the now way of assessing them, and dispersed in rebellion ; and when the Rajah returned to the foot of the hills, they gathered round him, and attacked and killed Muhammad Qalih, the Officer who, at Kanthalbari, tried to intercept the Rajah. They then cut off the supplies of Isfandiar Khan. The Rajah wrote to him that he should not unnecessarily court danger, and would do better to retreat ; and Isfandiar profiting by his advice, retreated to G’horag’hat. ’Askar Khan soon followed him. The Nawab strengthened Ghazi Khan’s thanali by a detachment under Abul Hasan, Mirza Beg’s JchaM (maternal uncle) ; for the Asamese had thrown up trenches opposite the tlianah, and were continually on the alert. Another detachment under Sayyid Salar was sent to Ghargaon. IX. Farh&d Khan marches towards Lak'hugar, and returns safely. The Nawab, on hearing the result of Muhammad Murad’s expedition, despatched Farhad Khan and Qarawal Khan with a strong detachment towards Lak’hugar, to keep the roads clear for the supplies. They were also to assist Sarandaz Khan in getting to Gajpur, and send reinforcements to the thanahs under Mir Nurullah and Muhammad Muqim. On the 18th Shawwal, [27th May, 1662] Farhad Khan, in spite of a dreadful storm, reached Ghargaon, crossed the same night the Dik’ho, took UP Abul Hasan, who was on his way from Deopani to head quarters, and reached with great trouble Mauza’ Tik, which lies between Taramhani and Gajpur, Sarandaz Klian joined the corps. The Asamese made their ap- 88 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. [No. 1, pearance in tlieir trenches, and their ships under a renowned Phukan com- menced to tire. Fighting continued for several days. The Rajputs of Rajah Subli&n Singh distinguished themselves. Forty-one ships captured. Farhad arrived at the tlnmah of Muhammad Muqim, from whom he heard that the inhabitants of the district had been away for some days, but had just come back with many wounded. Farhad Khan therefore sent Muhammad Mumin Beg into the villages, as it was clear that they had been fighting against him. All males were killed and the women were carried off. On the 2nd Zf Qa’dah, [9th June, 1662] Farhad Khan returns to the Nawab. The captured women were let off. X. The roads entirely closed. The Thanahs are drawn in. With the progress of the rains the thanahs had to he drawn in. At the Nawab’s order, Adam Khan was to leave Abhipur and join head quarters. The other thanahs were to join the corps at Ghargaon, whilst Sarandaz Khan and Miyanah Khan were to guard the other banks of the Dik’ho. Jalal Khan, Ghfiz'i Khan, and Muhammad Muqim, should occupy this side of Dik’ho, and he under Mir Murtaza’s orders. This is done with difficulty. Sarandaz Khan and Miyanah Khan occupy a piece of land surrounded on three sides hy the Dik’ho Nalah,* and shut up the fourth side by a strong wall. The whole country is now re-occupied by the Asamese, only Mat’hurapur and Ghargaon being in the hands of the Imperialists. If a man dared to leave the camp, lie was certain to be shot by the Asamese. A similar case never happened before in the history of Dibit. Hero were 12,000 horse and numerous infantry locked in for six months, prevented hy the rains from continuing operations, and yet scarcely attacked by the enemies that surrounded them. Nor did during this time provisions arrive. “ The Amirs turned their eyes longingly to Dihli, and the soldiers yearned for their wives and children.” The Asamese were under orders of the Phukan Bijdili, an Asamese Brahman, whose father had risen from a storekeeper to he a noble. The Rajah himself had come from Namrup and taken up his abode in Solagori ( ),t which in former times had been the capital of the Asamese Rajahs. It lies four stages from Mat’hurapur and Ghargaon. The Rajah had called up the whole population and placed them at Bijdili’s disposal. This commander’s head quarters were at the Dillx (^A) River, which issues from * Evidently the modern Nazirah. Mr. Foster tells me that traces of the wall which closed the fourth side still exist. t Solagori lies north of Ghargaon on the Disang. It is often called Hulagori, according to the interchange of s and h, above alluded to. H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. 8!) 1872.] the hills, passes Mat’hurapur, and flows into the Dihing. It is a dangerous river in the rains, though at other times it is scarcely knee-deep. He had thrown up trenches, and had* built a strong wall three Icon long, one end of the wall extending to a mountain, and the other to the place where the Dilli joins the Dihing. He had also cut every where the banks of the river, and made them so steep, that no man, much less a horse, could get up. He had several times at night attacked Dili)- Klian, but was repulsed. Rajah Subhan Singh drives away the Charang Rajah who threatened Ghargaon. The (Jharangs are an Asamese tribe living in the southern mountains, and their zamindar holds from the Rajah of Asam the title of Rajah. The author says that it is impossible to relate the minor affairs which almost daily oocurred. Once Phukan Bijdili sent an ambassador to the Nawab, and asked for cessation of the hostilities. Khwajah Bhor Mall took the Nawiib’s answer, which was that he agreed to stop hostilities on receiving five hundred elephants that had still their first teeth; thirty lacs oftolahsof goldand silver as peshkash ; a daughter of the Rajah for the harem of his Majesty ; a yearly tribute of fifty elephants with their first teeth ; and lastly, a promise to cede that portion of Asam over which the Imperialists had passed. Tho Rajah was to keep Narnrup and the whole of the mountainous districts to himself. Bhor Mall went, and was received with great honor by the Phukan, with whom he remained for half a night alone. The Phiikan approved of the articles, and said that should the Rajah not accept them, ho would himself come and join the Xawab. Bhor’ Mall returned after two days. But in the meantime the epidemic had broken out, and the Nawab moved to Ghargaon ; and as the Asamese looked upon this movement as a sign of weakness, Bijdili did not come, as he had promised. XI. Condition of the army at Ghargaon. The Asamese in their continual attacks upon Ghargaon had succeeded in burning down several houses of the Rajah and the Phukans outside the enclosure. On the 7th Zi Qa’dah [14th June, 1662], Farhad Khan, Sayyid Salar, and Qarawal Khun had arrived, and Mir Murtaz* prepared to protect the town more efficiently. The north-western part of the town being principally subject to attacks, a bamboo fort was erected, of which one end reached as far as the Dik’ho and the other to the northern corner of the palisade of the palace. Many of the inhabitants also, who suffered in the attacks, were transferred by Mir Murtaza inside the enclosure, notably so the inhabitants of Mauza'Chachni wll° were transferred from beyond 90 H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. [No. 1, the ditch to the north side of the enclosure of the Rajah’s palace. In one night attack, the Asamese entered the bamboo fort, and occupied half of Gliargdon. The confusion was extreme, as Mb’ "Murtaza could not find out where the enemies chiefly were, when an Asamese set fire to the large chhappars of the Rajah’s palace, and the dark night became clear as day. Account of how they were repulsed. Farhad Khdn wounded in the hand. Further immediate fortifications. The night attacks continue without interruption. The Dili! Nalah and the Dandka* Nalah, which flows into the Diliing about one Icos north-east of Ghargdon, wore especially attacked by the Asamese. The Dandka Nalah had a bridge which allowed communi- cations to go on between Gliargdon and Mat’hurapur. One night the Asamese broke it up ; but it was immediately rebuilt and guarded day and night. Several store-houses were burnt by the enemies. Detailed description of a general night attack on Ghargaon on the 5th Zi Hajjah [12th July, 1GG2], Bepulsed with great difficulties. The enemies cross the Dilli, and throw up a trench on the Kakujan Nalah, which flows between the Dilli and the Dandka. Renewed night attack on the 8th Zil Hajjah [15th July]. Farhdd Khan’s wounds did not allow him any longer to remain in command, and he repeatedly asked the Nawab to relieve him. Rashid Khan arrived on the 11th with reinforcements. Farhad went next day to Mat’hurapur. Daily attacks. On the 16th [23rd July], Rashid Khan succeeds in taking the trenches on the Kakujan Nalah, and 170 prisoners are taken whom the author takes the next day to the Nawab, who sent them back. The chiefs among them were fettered and the others impaled on the Dandka Nalah. XII. Affairs in Lalchugar. Condition of the fleet. When Anwar Beg, the Thnnahdar of Gajpiir, had been killed, Ibn i Husain despatched a flotilla under ’Ali Beg to take Gajpiir and destroy the fort which the Asamese had erected. ’Ali Beg went, but as he was not immediately successful, he encamped the night outside the fort, his ships anchoring at Bansbdrf, which lies between Dewalgaon and Gaj- pur. A few ships were taken from the enemies, among them several of Muhammad Murad’s ships. Yddgar Khan moves from Dewalgaon, and joins Ibn i Husain at Lak’hilgar, who fortifies his camp. Repeated attacks on Solaligar on the part of the Imperialists. Demonstration of the people in favour of the invaders. On the /th Muharram, 1073 [12th August, 1662], Sayyid Najiruddin Khan died. Several attacks repulsed. The Bargosafn brought in. Yddgar * The Bibl. Ind, Edit, of the ’ Alain firnamah has 1 Dandkdlah Nfilah. H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. 91 1872.] Kh&n again occupies Dewalgaon. A report of his success was sent to the Nawab, who received it in the beginning of pafar [September, 1662] at Ghargaon. XIII. Epidemic at Ghargaon and Mat'lmrdpur. Return of the Nawab. Mat’hurapur lies high and was properly speaking an excellent place for an encampment. But it was soon found that the air of the surrounding jungles and the water from the mountain itself were unhealthy. The mountain is called 1 Jur Parbat,’ which in Asamese means 1 fever moun- tain.’ The men soon suffered from severe fever, and the casualties became numerous. Thus in the beginning of the war, Dilir Khan’s detachment con- sisted of nearly 1500 horse ; but at the end of the rains and his expedition to Namriip, he only mustered between 4 and 500. Of the people also an unusual number died, and Bhor Mall had heard from Phukan Bijdili that the present year was exceptionally unfavourable to all. Food, though it was not scarce, was limited to a few things, and some articles were only to be had at fabulous prices. Thus butter sold at 14 Rupees per ser ; mash, 1 Tt. ; opium tolali, 1 goldmuhur ; 1 chillum of tobacco, 3 Its. ; dalmung, 10 Its. per ser ; salt, 30 Its. per 8er rJ']]0 only thing the army had was sh&li. Many horses died. It was altogether an extraordinary year, and famine even raged in Jahangirnagar. The Nawab, therefore, found it necessary to leave Mat'hurapur, and marched on the 12th Muliarram, 1073, [17th August, 1662] to Ghargaon. One fourth of the stores of shall, for want of conveyance, had to he left behind. Many wounded and sick people were also left in Mat’huraphr, and it has never become known what their fate was, when the Asamese occupied the place. Several guns also stuck in the mud,* the cows that pulled them having no strength from want of food. At night, the Nawab stayed at a house belonging to the Rajah, one kos from Ghargaon, and Dilir Khan who commanded the rear, was ordered to look after the guns, as the Nawab had resolved to wait where he was till all the guns had been brought up. The rain was fearful. Dilir Khan told the Nawab that he would look after everything, and on the 13th Muharram, the Nawab entered Ghargaon. Immediate attacks of the Asamese followed. In Ghargaon also coarse red * Mr. Foster writes from Nazirah — There are numerous large iron gnns in the neighbourhood. One seven miles from here is 18' 6" long, 6i" bore, and has 4 trun- nions. There are three 14' guns within a quarter mile of my bungalow. They will he lost in the River Dik’ho next wet season, being only some 15 feet from the bank which is rapidly cutting away. I think they must have been left by the Mughul army, when it retreated in 1663. 92 H. Blochmann — Koch, Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1, rice, without salt, and limes were the only things that could he had, and fever and dysentery soon raged as had as in Mat’hurapur. Muhammad Mumin of Tabriz, the Waqi’ahnawis, died. A bridge which the Imperialists had made over the Dik’lio, was torn away by the current, but was at last built again. XIV. A change for the letter. The rains ceased about the middle of f afar [end of September, 1662], Makrdhaj, Bajah of Durang, had died in Mat’hurapur, and his mother who held the reigns of the government during his absence, favoured the Imperialists, and placed men at the disposal of the Faujdar of Gawahatti. Communications now became easier. On the 21st Babi’ I. [21th October, 1662], the first supplies arrived by land, and on the 28tli, the ships with the provisions landed at Ghargaon. The Asamese gradually withdrew, and the Bajah went to Solagorl, and then back to Namrup. Bijdili and Karkumba, the two principal Phukans, were intrenched on the Dill! Biver, and Bijdili sent again an ambassador expressing his willingness to conclude peace, should the Imperia- lists withdraw from the country. But his offers were not listened to. About this time orders came from court in which Ihtisham Khan was appointed Governor of A'sam and Bashld Khfin Faujdar of Kamrup. The latter refused on account of the unhealthiness of the climate, and Ihtisham Khan also begged to be excused. On the 8th Babl’ II. [10th November, 1662], Abul Hasan was ordered to take back the provision ships to Taramhtai, and then to take the entrenchments of Bijdili in the rear. QarawalKhan was to accompany him. XV. The Nawab takes the offensive. Pursuit of the Bajah. Abul Hasan succeeds in destroying some entrenchments held by the Asamese, and set out for Bijdili’s trenches, whilst the Nawab, too, marches towards the Dihing to support him. But Bijdili withdrew. The Nawab reaches the Dihing. Has a fainting fit. Badll Phdkan pays his respects with his three brothers. The defection of the Phukans alarmed the Bajah, and as he had been dissatisfied with Bijdili’s operations, he killed him and his whole family, males and females. Numerous letters also arrived from the Bajah and the Phukans, but the Nawab paid no attention to them. Badli Pliukan submits a plan how to hunt down the Bajah, and with the Nawab’s permission collects between three and four thousand fighting men, and is appointed fiibahdar of the country between Ghargaon and Narurup. 1872.] H. Bloclnnann — Koch Bihar and A’sam. 93 Numerous requests to conclude peace arrive from the Rajah, hut the Nawab pays no attention to them. An unwelcome news also reaches the camp, that in consequence of the famine in Bengal no rice had been sent, and Ibn i Husain had put his sailors on short rations. The Nawab sent off 12000 maunds of shah to Rak’liugar. At Badli Phukan’s advice, the Nawab, on the 1st Jumada I. [1st December, 1662], sent a detachment under Darwfsh Beg to Solagori, where several Phukans and a number of elephants were reported to be. Badli Phukan aeompanies Darwish, and they reach Solagori on the 6th. The Nawab himself crosses the Dihing on the 7th [7th December], On the 9th, he has an attack of fever and severe pain in the chest. Hakim Karima of Oilan attends him. But though sick, he determined to follow the Rajah to Namrup. But many of his officers and the men showed signs of dissatis- faction, and it was reported to the Nawab that large numbers would march away, if he ffjq uot retum, as the men would not pass another rainy season in A'sam, much less in Namrup. The Nawab got so annoyed, that his illness became worse ; but on the 14th [14th December], he broke up, and marched one stage further on to Batam.* On account of his sickness he travelled by palki. Batam belongs to A'sam, and the zamindar holds the title of Rajah. It lies on the outskirt of the Namrup jungles. The Rajah in the meantime renews his applications for peace, and asks Dilir Khan to intercede on his behalf with the Nawab. XVI. Conclusion of Peace. Beturn of the Army to Bengal. Illness forced the Nawab to listen to the proposals of peace. Bhor Mall was again employed to confer with the Phukans, and the following conditions were agreed upon — 1. The Rajahs of A'sam and Batam should each send one of their daughters to the imperial harem. 2. Each should pay 20,000 tolahs of gold, and 120,000 tolahs of silver. 3. Fifteen elephants to be sent to the Emperor ; fifteen to the Nawab, and five to Dilir Khan. 4. Within the next twelve months 3 lacs tolahs of silver and 90 elephants to be sent as tribute to Bengal, in three four-monthly instalments. 5. Twenty elephants to be furnished annually. 6. The sons of Budh Gosain, Karkas-ha, Bar Gosain, Prahatar, the four principal Phukans of the Rajah, to remain as hostages with the Nawab, till the fulfilment of the conditions in para. 4. * Or Patam. I have not identified this place; in fact there are no maps available. Vide p. 85, third note. 91 H. Blochmann — Koch Tiihur and A'sdm. [No. 1, 7. The following districts to be ceded to his Majesty the Emperor — A. In the Uttarkol. (a.) Sirkar Durang, bounded by Oawahatti on one side, and by the All Burari,* which passes Fort Chamdhurah, on the other side. K. In the Dale hinkol. (a.) The district of Nakirani (<_s> | (h.) The Naga Hills. (c.) 1 Sol tal! («?.) Dumuriah 8. All inhabitants of Kamrup kept as prisoners by the Rajah in the hills and in Namrup to be restored ; so also the family of Badli Phulian. The districts of the Dak’hinkol that were ceded, have at no previous time formed part of his Majesty’s empire. Nakirani [Deshrani] lies near the Garo Hills. The Garos are a wild tribe excessively fond of dog’s flesh. J If a dog sees a Garo, it will instinctively howl and rim away. Their hills are also near Kalahari, which belongs to the empire. Dumuriah extends as far as the Kulang Eiver, which flows at the foot of Fort Kajli. Hence as the Ali Burari forms the boundary between the empire and A'sam in the Uttarkol, so does the Kulang form the boundary in the Dak’hinkol. Durang is a country full of wild elephants and k’hedalis for catching them. Once Jaidhaj captured no less than one hundred and twenty elephants. In the territory of the Rajah of Dumuriah elephants were formerly found. It borders on Kachhar, from which the elephants used to come into Du- muriah ; but the Kachhar Rajah having put a stop to the migrations of the elephants, no k’hedahs are now-a-days found in the Dumuriah. The above conditions of peace were accepted, and the treaty was mutually signed. After some delay caused by an attempt at cheating in the hostages, the Rajah sent, on the 5th Jumada II., [4th January, 1963] his daughter, the gold and silver, ten elephants, and the hostages to the Nawab, and promised to send. thirty elephants more to Lak’hugar. The gold and silver was put into the treasury, the hostages were given to Dilir Khan to take charge of, and the * Called on the map Bhor-alli, or Bhoreli. It flows near Tezpur and the Kamakhya Temple, Central A'aam. f Vide p. 76, last note. It seems to be the same as Deshrani, because Deshrani, Desh Dumuriah, and Desh Beltalah are mentioned together. They belong to Thanah Gawahatti, and lie south of it. Vide also Kobinson’s Asam, p. 289, By “ Naga Hills” the Mildr and Bengmah Naga hills appear to be meant. $ Most of tho wild Asameso tribes eat dogs, The custom is to hang up the dog and force large quantities of boiled rice down its throat. When it is swollen up, it is suspended over a fire and slowly roastod. The rice is said to be ” delicious.” 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sam, , 95 Rajah’s daughter was provided a place in the Nawab’s harem. On the 9th Jumada II., eleven elephants were brought in. The order to return to Bengal was given on the 10th Jumada II., [9th January, 1663], to the intense joy of all. The Nawab had still to travel in palld ; he did not march over Ghargaon, hut went straight to Taramhani, where the prisoners, whom the Rajah had detained in Namrup, and Badli Phukan’s family arrived. XVII. Arrival at La’hhugar. Distress during the retreat. March over Baritalah to Khizrpur. Death of the Nawab. On the 26th Jumada II., [25th January, 1663] the Nawab left Dewalgaon for Lak’hugar. His health daily improved. Mir Murtaza brought all stores from Ghargaon, and twenty-five elephants arrived which the Rajah had sent. Many people, males and females, followed the army, happy to find thus a means of leaving A’sam. The Nawab had resolved to go to Gawahatti, settle financial mat- ters, and then to march against Koch Bihar. lie, therefore, embarked with the hostages at Lak’hugar, sending the principal part of the army via the Dak’hinkol to Baritalah where they should cross the Brahmaputra. On the 1st Rajab [29th January], he left Lak’hugar, inspected on his road portions of Dumuriah, now annexed, and passed in palld over the Kajli plain, where never before an army had passed. On the first and the second days, he travelled eight kos daily ; on the third, fourteen ; on the fourth, twelve. He then passed the Kulang river and then Port Kajli. During these four days, the men lived on water and the animals on grass. At Kajli, the Nawab rested a few days. The mother and the son of Malcr Dhaj, Rajah of Durang, who had lately died, waited on the Nawab. The Rajah of Dumuriah was also expected. But his brother’s son only came, and, soon after, the Rajah’s mother. Here the Nawab had a relapse, which ended in asthma, and the hasty way in which he proceeded from remedy to remedy, made him only worse. In the evening of 11th, [7th February, 1663] the same day on which the mother of the Rajah of Dumuriah had come, tremendous lightning and thunder frightened the army, and immediately afterwards, a strong earthquake was felt which shook all, whether they were sitting or standing, reclining or sleeping. The shocks continued for half an hour. On the 13th [9th February], the Nawab left Kajli, and arrived at Pandu, which lies opposite to Gawahatti. Muhammad Beg, Faujdar of Gawahatti reported the capture of eighty-four Durang elephants in the k’hedahs. The Nawab recommended to him the mother and the son of the late 96 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. [No. 1, Rajah of Durang, and the mother of the Rajah of Diimuriah, and dismissed them to their homes. Badli Phukan was to have a Parganah in Bengal, with a revenue of 3000 Rs. On the 14th, Dilir Khan arrived from Lak’hugar, bringing eight more elephants with him. Rashid Khan, who had formerly declined the office of Faujdar of Karnriip, received from his Majesty a reprimand. He now accepted the office, and was appointed to it by the Nawab. Muhammad Beg, the former Faujdar of Gawahattl, who was a servant of the Nawab, was appointed Tlianahdar of Kajli, under Rashid Khan. The Nawab, though very ill, settled several financial matters of great importance, and left Gawahatti on the 26tli Rajab [22nd February, 1663]. On the last of the month, he reached Baritalah, where the Koch Bihar detachment joined him. Here the Nawab’s condition got much worse, the fainting fits came on oftener, and Hakim Zahira Ardistani was sent for from Hugli, and Mlrza Muhammad from Akbamagar. Description of the diagnosis of each doctor. The men commonly believed that the sickness was the result of witchcraft practised by the Rajah of Asam. The doctors recommended the Nawab to go to Khizrpur. On the 26th Sha'ban, he appoints ’Askar Khan to renew operations against Koch Bihar. The Nawab died on board the barge on Wednesday, the 2nd Ramazan, 1073 [30th March, 1663], half an hour before sunset, two kos above Khizrpur.* The i Arikh of his death is 0r 1 occupant of paradise,’ A. H. 1073. Dilir Khan and Ihtisham Khan buried the body the next day at Khizrpur, in a vault which the Nawab had given orders to build after leaving for Asam. According to his last wish, his body was to be taken to Najaf, and buried in holy ground. News of his death was at once sent to court and to his son Muhammad Amin Khan. * Neither Rennel’s Map of the ‘ Environs of Dacca’ in 1778 (Map xii, of the Bengal Atlas), nor the Survey Maps help us to identify Khizrpur, and 1 addressed Dr. James Wise, of Dhaka, who is so well known for his researches in the local history of the District, regarding the geographical position of the place. Ho kindly sent mo the following reply — « Narainganj, eight miles S. E. of Dacca, is in a parganah called Khizrpur. It is bounded by tho Dacca river, the Burha Ganga. This situation corresponds with that of the historical Khizrpur, which was on the banks of the Ganges. A tomb, said to be that of one of Shaistak KhSn’a daughters, is called by the Muhammadans of the present day the ‘ Khizrpur Maqbarah.’ It is strange that the tomb of such a groat man as Mir Jumlah should not exist.” The Maasir ul Vma rd does not record whether the body was taken to Najaf { Mashhad, in Khurasan). It is said that many towns in Talinganah contain buil- dings erected by tho Nawab, and in Haidarabad there is a tank, a villa, and a palace, still bearing his name. 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and As&m. 97 Events after 1663. With the death of the Nawab the Fathigah i 'Tbriyah ends. The news of his death reached Aurangzib at Labor, and, according to Bernier, (vide above p. 35) was a source of joy for the emperor. The ' Alomgirndmah says that he was sorry, because Mir Jumlah had been an old servant. Whether the “ ceded” districts of Central A'sam were ever taken actual possession of by the Imperialists, is a matter of doubt. The Asam Buranji, or Asam Chronicle, according to Robinson (loc. cit., p. 166), gives a very different version, and says “ that Mir Jumlah’s army was entirely defeated, and he was obliged, to give up the whole of zillah Kamrup to the Asamese, which was from that time placed under the management of a great Asamese officer, the Bar Phukan, and formed a government equal to about a third part of the whole kingdom. Jaidhaj Singh died A. D. 1663.” Prom the following extract from the ’ Alamglrnamah it would certainly appear that Gawahatti was the actual frontier of the Mughul empire and Asam, when Mir Jumlah returned to Bengal, and that the cession of Durang as far as Tezpur was nominal ; but on the other side it is quite clear that Mir Jumlah’s retreat was not an absolute defeat. The pay- ments of the money are certainly nowhere recorded by Muhammadan historians ; but a part of the elephants did come, and a daughter of the king of Asam was subsequently married to an Imperial Prince. Gawahatti then was the actual frontier at Mir Jumlah’s retreat, and remained so for four years, till the beginning of 1078 A. H., or the very end of A. D. 1667. The re-conquest by the Asamese is the last event recorded in the ' Alamgirndmah (Bibl. Ind. Edit., p. 1068) as follows — “ At tills time [llajab, 1078, or December, 1667], reports were received by his Majesty from Bengal that the Asamese with a numerous army and a large fleet had attacked Gawahatti, which is the frontier of Bengal. The Thanahdar, Sayyid Firuz Khan, could not in time receive assistance. He and most of his men bravely defended themselves, and sacrificed their lives on the path of loyalty ('ubudiyat). His Majesty resolved to punish the Asamese, and appointed Rajah Ram Singh to the command of an imperial corps, which was to be strengthened by troops of the Bengal army. Ri^ah Ram Singh, on the 21st Rajah 1078, A. H., [27th December, 1667] received as klial'at a horse with a gilded saddle and a dagger with a belt adorned with pearls, and was sent to A'sam. Na<;iri Khan,* Kisari Singh Bhurtialpt Rag’hunath Singh of Mirthah, Bairam Deo Sisaudiah, and other Manjabdars, with 1500 Ahadis and 500 artillery, accompanied him.” * The Madsvr i ’ AlarngM (Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 65) has Nuqrat Khan. t The Maasir i ’ AlamgM has Kirat Singh Bhurtiah, which is clearly the correct reading. 13 N 98 H. Blochmann — Koch Bilidr and Asiim. [No. 1, For the subsequent events we have only the Maasir i ’ Alamgiri to refer to, whose scanty notes are nevertheless of great value. I translate from the edition of this work in the Bibliotheca Indica. Page 73. “ On the first of Zi Hajjah, 1078 [2nd May, 1G68], Eahmat Banu, the daughter of the king of Asam was married to Prince Muhammad A’zam. Dowry, 180,000 Rupees.” It is not said whether this is the same girl that was taken by Mir Jumlah to Bengal. Her name implies that she had been converted to Islam. It was only Akbar and Jahangir that did not convert their Hindu prin- cesses. Page 97. “ Rajah Rdm Singh, who was a commander of 4000, 4000 duaspah sihaspah troopers, was promoted to a command of 5000, and his son* * This Kishn Singh is called grandson (naltrah) of Ram Singh on p. 172 of the Marfsirr. It should he son. Ram Singh was the son of Jai Singh I, of Arnbar (Jaipur), with whose assistance Aurangzib had como to the throno. He died at Burkanpur on tho 28th Muharram 1076, or 10th J uly, 1667. The ’A'lamgfrndinah (p. 1051) and the Madsir i Alamtjin (p. t»2) state that he died a natural death, and that his son Ram Singh was immediately made Rajah. Colonel Brooke ( Political History of Jcypore, p. 14) says, though he does not mention his authority, that Jai Singh was killed by his son Kirat Singh, whom Aurangzib had promised tho succession, and that the Emperor had engaged his services, because he thought Jai Singh too powerful a subject. “Tho fooling of the countiy, however, was too strong against the parricide, to allow such a succession to be carried out, and Kirat Singh was obliged to content himself with Kamah, now in the Bhurtpore territory, and which his descendants enjoy to this day ; but the par. ricidal act of their ancestor has for ever excluded them from any chance of sncceeding to the Jeypore throne.” Kirat Singh certainly was at Burk&npur, when Jai Singh died. He had in nearly every war served under his father, as, for instance, in the Mew disturbances, after which ho received Kamah Pahuid, and Koh-Mujahid, and was appointed Faujdar of Mewat. Shahjahdn, two years before being disposed, had made him a commander of 1000, and nftor the wars with Siwa, Aurangzib gave him a command of 2500. After the death of his father, he was made a commander of 3000, a promotion which docs not look like a reward for the great crime imputed to him. Kirat continued to serve in the Dak’hiu, and died in the beginning of 1081 (1673, A. D.). Jai Singh -was succeeded by his first-born son, Ram Singh. He had risen under Shahjahan to tho rank of commander of 3000. In the battle of Samogar, he was with Dard Shikoh, but joined soon aftorwards, like his father, the party of Aurungzib. He served under Muftnmmad Sultan, in tho pursuit of Shnja’, and took a part in the capture of Sulaiman Shikoh at Srinagar. Subsequently, he served under his father against Siwa; and when the Bhonsla and his son Samba presented themselves at Court, Aurangzib warned Ram Singh to have a sharp eye on them, and not to let them escape. But they fled (beginning of 1077), and Ram Singh fell into temporary disgrace, and lost his rank. The fact that Jai Singh died soon afterwards may be construed mto a suspicion against Kirat Singh. But Ram Singh was immediately restored, received the title of.Rajah, and a mamjab of 4000. In the same year (1078), he was ordered to Gawahatti in Asam. Ram Singh remained in Asam till tho middle of 1086 (1675), his long stay being evidently a punishment. Ho died soon after. His son , H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. 99 1872.] Kishn Singh received a present of a sarpesh studded with jewels.” End of 1080 A. H., or beginning of A. D. 1G70. Page 154. “On the 22nd Rabi’ II., 1087, [21th June, 1676] Rajah Bam Singh returned from Asam, and paid his respects at court.” Page 178. “ On the 29th Muharram, 1090, [1st March, 1679] Shahrukh, a servant of Prince Muhammad A’zam brought a report to court which contained the account of the conquest of Gawahatti by his Majesty’s troops. The messenger received a reward of Rs. 1000 ; and a necklace of 91 pearls, valued at 2 lacs of Rupees, and a tassel ( turrah ) studded with jewels, of a value of 25,000 Rupees, were sent to the Prince as presents.” Page 234. Rashid Khan reported that, according to orders, the Amirul- Umara had been charged with 52 lacs of Rupees on account of expenses incurred in Gawahatti. The officer referred to had written to say that the whole expenditure amounted to 7 lacs of Rupees * * # Hence this sum was ordered to he charged.” Page 387. Prince Muhammad ’Azim [’Azim ushshan, son of Bahadur Shah] was appointed pubahdSr of Bengal and Faujdar of Koch Bihar.” End of 1108, A. H., or middle of 1697, A. D. This closes my collection of notes on Koch Bihar and Asam from Muhammadan historians of the 16th and 17th centuries. I have only occasionally referred to Khdfi Khan (Ed. Bibl. Indiea, II, pp. 130 IF.). He has used the ’Alamgirnamah, in his slovenly way, without the slightest exactness even in his meagre geographical and chronological details. To give an example. He makes the Koch Bihfir Rajah flee to an old zamindar of the country, near whose castle there is a river, over which two chains pass. The chains are fastened to pegs and stems of trees on the opposite banks, and people use the chains as a bridge. Comparing this with the account on p. 68, we see that Khali has a wonderful power of combina- tion, whilst the castle is altogether fictitious. He gives Koch Bihar five chaklahs or eighty-nine parganahs, and fixes the revenue at 10 lacs of Naraini rupees. The kaseru root ( Cyperus tuberosus, Wild) is mentioned as the best lemedy for wounds caused by poisoned arrows. He speaks of the breaking of idols in Koch Bihar, and makes the Nawab build mosques iu Simlaligar and Ghargaon, and remit one year’s taxes. The circulation of Kara ini rupees in Asam was forbidden, because the Nawab corned money with Aurangzib’s name on it. A great deal of silver and gold is found with the assistance of expert treasure-finders, and ten or twelve golden keys and a map of Asam are sent to court. He traces the epidemic to bad water ; “ for the rain Kunwar Kishn Singh died when young, of a wound he had received. He had served for some time in Kabul. Yido my essay, entitled ‘ A Chapter from Muhammadan History,’ Calcutta Review, 1870. 100 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1, falls on many poisonous trees, and when such water runs into rivers or tanks, it renders them poisonous. Again, the wind blows the flowers of poisonous trees into the rivers, and thus makes the water unwholesome. Thus between Khandesh and Surat, four stages from the latter, there is a river called Sapin, the water of which at the end of the rains is quite poisonous.”* Robinson (Xsam, p. 156) has some notes on Baldeo, or Balit Narain, as he calls him, and places his death in A. D. 1634. This is certainly too early as his defeat by the Mughuls ( vide above p. 62) took place in 1637. He does not mention Baldeo’s son, Chandr Narain, but a grandson of the same name, who in 1671 was succeeded by Surja Narain. He then says that about 1682 the territory of Surja Narain [Durang and Kamrup] “ were invaded by Munjur Khan, a general of the emperor of Dihli, when he himself was taken prisoner, and conveyed to the presence of the emperor. Some time after, effecting his escape, ho returned to his own dominions ; but from a sense of shame, is said to have refused resuming tho reins of govern- ment.” His brother Indra Narain lost portions of his kingdom to the Ahom kings, and only retained Durang. I do not know who this “ Munjur Khan” can be. The spelling suggests Manzur Khan a doubtful name, or Mamjur Ivkan ((iilAjj^uxj). The year 1682 refers to A. H. 1094 ; but I can find nothing regarding this invasion in Muhammadan historians. APPENDIX. Col. J. C. Haughton, C. S. I., Koch Bihar, kindly sent me the follow- ing extract from Biswessar’s History of A'sam, which may advantageously be compared with the extracts from the Akbarnamah, on pp. 52, 53, 56. “ Rajah Nara Narain, t having no male issue, determined to appoint his nephew Rag’hudeb successor. When old, however, he had a son, and Rag’hudeb became hopeless. The latter therefore, quitted one day the pa- lace under tho pretext of going a hunting ; but the Rajah, in order to con- sole him, allotted to him a portion of the raj.% “ Nara Narain died after a reign of fifty -six years, and was succeeded by his son Lachmi Narain. * The text of Khfifi Khan’s history in the Bibl. Indica Edition is very untrust- worthy as regards proper nouns. On p. 138, of vol. II., read Qazi Samui, for Qdzi Timur; p. 142, Oawdha((l for Korthf ; p. 144, Stmldligarh for Bhimgar ; p. 161, Gagpur for Kaohhp&r ; p. 163, Subhdm Singh, for Sagan Singh. f The 1 Balgosain’ of the Akbarnamah. Rag’liudeb is tho ‘ Pat Kunwar.’ t This seems to have caused tho division of Koch Bihar and Koch Iliijo. Lachnu was thus the first KSjah of Koch Bihar only. 1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and A'sam. 101 “ Eag’hudeb laving obtained a portion of bis uncle's kingdom, founded the town of Ghclabijaya in Kamrup, and erected a temple at Hajo in 1583. He died in 1593, and was succeeded by Paricbbat Narain, who made war on his uncle Laclimi Narain. Parichhat went to Delhi, and died at Patna on his way home from A'grab in 1G0G.* Subsequently, the Muhammadan ruler invaded the kingdom to realize the promised tribute. The Mantri succeed- ed in obtaining the office of Qaniingo. “ Ah this time the kingdom was divided into four sirkars. Baht Narain, brother of Parichhat, got the Sirkar, east of Dikrai and west of the river Manah. Parichhat’ s son, Bijat Narain, only got the land between the Manah and Sankos. The descendants of Bijat Narain are known as the Rajahs of Bijni.” The following extract from the family history of the Rajahs of Bijni, I also owe to Col. Haughton’s kindness. “ Maharajah Biswa Singh had two sons. The elder, Nara Narain Blnip leigned over that portion of the kingdom which lies between Karatuja and Bihar. The younger, Shukladhaj Bliup ruled over the country from Biliar o Dikrai. For his impetuosity at time of war, he was called Chilah Eai, Hmg Kite.’ His son was Eag’hudeb Narain. The latter had three sons ; one was king of Durang, another ruler over Beltalah, and the eldest, Pari- o at Narain was Rajah of Bijni. Parichhat waged war with Laclimi Narain ; but sorry for having attacked his nearest relation, he turned hermit. He went also to Dilili with his Diwan, astonished the emperor by his extra- ordinary talents, received a Jchal'at, and was sent back to his country with a royal guard. But ho died at Rajmahall on his way home. The Hiwan went back to Dilili, and was made Qanungo of Koch Bihar. Pari- chhat left a son Chandr Narain, who enjoyed his father’s raj, but did nothing remarkable.” [Vide pp, 58 to GO, and Robinson, p. 155.] * This date is too early. 102 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1, Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, No. II. — Iiy H. Blochmatot, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah. Since the publication, in last year’s Journal, of several Arabic and Per- sian Inscriptions forwarded to the Society during 1871, a few others have been received from Messrs. Wilson, C. S., Badaon ; E. Yesey Westmacott, C. S., Dinajpur ; and Dr. J. Wise, Dhaka. As these inscriptions are of great inter- est, I have placed them together, and added a few notes and extracts from the letters which accompanied the rubbings. They refer to Dinajpur, (Gangarampur) . Dhaka. DhamrSi, N. of Dhaka. Badaon, and A’lapur, East of Badaon. Gangara'mpu'r, Di'na jpu'r. The following four inscriptions were received from Mr. Westmacott C. S., Dinajpur. They are by no means new, having been mentioned by Buchanan in his ‘ Historical Description of Dinajpur’ (p. 51), and partly by Mr. Thomas in his * Chronicles of the Pathan Kings’ (p. 149) ; but they are here for the first time given with the text and correct translations. Buchanan says that the chief place in Division Gangarampur is Damdamah, the old Dev Kct.* “ It received its present appellation (which signifies a place of war) from its having been a military station during the early Muhammadan government, as it probably was then on the frontier. * * * The chief officer, under the title of Wazir, seems to have resided on the banks of a very noble tank, which is named Dahal Dig’hi, and has evidently been formed by the Mu- hammadans : its water being about 4000 feet from east to west, and 1000 from north to south * * * On many different parts, especially towards the north east comer, are heaps of bricks, probably the ruins of the houses that were oc- cupied by the Muhammadan officers. On the centre of the north side is the Dargah of a saint, named Mulla ’Atauddm, contiguous to which is a small mosque. Both are very ruinous, but a canopy is still suspended over the tomb, which is much frequented as a place of worship, and the faqir has an endowment of 200 big’hahs (about 100 acres) of land.” Buchanan then mentions five inscriptions belonging to the tomb and the mosque. * Mentioned several times in the Tdbaqat i Naqirt and in Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s Historians, II, pp. 313, 314, tf. 103 1872.] H. Tiloelimann — Kot.es on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. First. — One over the gate of the mosque, “ by Wazir Shair Musaur of “ Mozofurabad, commander of the troops of Firuzabad, in the reign of “ Hoseyn Shah, Sultan of Hostina, son of Mozofur Shah, A. H. 718.” His date and names are wrong ; vide p. 100, inscription III. Secondly. — One under the former, stating that the Gumbuz [vault] of the tomb had been erected “ by Sekandar Shah, son of Majahud Shah, son °f Ay as Shah, A. H. 7G5.” These readings will he found corrected below ; vide inscription II, p. 101. Thirdly. — One in the wing of the mosque, mentioning “ Futeh Shah, son of Mahmud Shah, A. H. 845.” I have not seen this inscription ; but the year is wrong. Mr. Westmacott says that the wall on which the inscrip- tion was, has fallen down. F ourthly. — An inscription stating that “ a part of the mosque, called Hamada [P] was built in the reign of Ky Kaos Shah, by order of Sakandar 8ani, or the 2nd, A. H. 872.” This is the famous Kai Kaus inscription, No. I, below. Fifthly. — An inscription “ over the door of an apartment used as a kit- chen by faqirs, to the right of the mosque, on which Makhdum Mulla and uzaffar Shah are mentioned. The date is no longer visible.” Vide p. 107> No. IV. I shall now give the text and translation of the inscriptions from the rubbings which Mr. Westmacott forwarded to the Society. I. The Gangaranipur Kai Kaus Inscription. * . .. - - . * S5 Vr5 '-y-* ^..cA j $.{.1.0 $.i! A A &U| • , „ ^ ^ | Jji w* ■ * ^ This mosque was built during the reign of the king of kings, Rukn uddunya w a d d i n, the shadow of God on earth, Kai Kaus Shah, son of Mahmud, son of the ultan, the right hand of the Khalifah of God, the helper of the Commander of the Faith- ful—n -may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom ! — at the order of the Lord of the age, by ^hihabulhaqq wad din, a second Alexander, the Ulugh i A’zam Humayun, afar Khan Bahrain I' t gin — may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom and 104 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1, may God prolong his life!— under the supervision (batwuliyat)* of Salah Jiwand of Multan. On tho 1st Muhnrram, 697, A. H. [19th October, 1297]. As mentioned above, this inscription is quoted by Mr. Thomas in his ‘ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings,’ p. 140, where a “ rough” translation by Col. Nassau Lees is givon. The ‘ translation’ leaves out the name of the builder, and wrongly puts his titles in apposition to the words Khusrawe mm An. The absence of a facsimile has led Mr. Thomas to state that Kai Kaus confessed allegiance to ’Alauddin of Dihli, who is the Sikandar ussani par excellence ; but the grammatical construction of the sentence, and the idiom, shew that the words ‘ Sikandar ussani, Ulugh i A’zam 1 lumayun, and Zafar Khan’, are merely titles of Bahrain Ttgin. He must have been a Malik of high rank, as the titles are high ; but my Tribeni inscriptions (Journal, 1870) and Mr. Broadley’s Bihar inscriptions, (about to be publish- ed in this volume) give Maliks not only similar titles, but also the phrase ‘ May God perpetuate his rule and kingdom,’ and even Julus names, if I may say so. ‘ Shihab ul Haq waddin’, therefore, is merely tho julus name of Malik Zafar Khan, and shews, moreover, that the ‘ Sikandar ussani,’ cannot be ’Alauddin, whose full julus name, with the Tcunyah , was ’Alauddin Abulmu- zaffar Muhammad Shah. Observe also that when names and titles are given, the titles are gen- erally put first and then the name, and the idiom requires that the word htimdyun he taken to TJluyh i A’zam, not to Zafar Khan. It gin is Turkish and means ‘ proprietor.’ It also occurs as name ; e. g., in the list of the grandees of Balban’s Court ( Tarikh Barani, p. 24, last line). The Arabic style of the inscription is bad, as in all Bengal inscriptions. The words are gpgptly doubtful, the rubbing merely giving I am not satisfied with my reading of the name of the supervisor ; ‘ Jiwand’ is unusual ; but ‘ Jiwan,’ without the final d, is very common. II. The Inscription on the Dargah of the Mauldna ’ Ata . Buchanan calls him ’Atauddin, which is perhaps a mistake for ’Ataullah. The inscription is half poetry, half verse. L'tj k slA. jUb t.S j, j Ijlci — 5. 1 — ^ joAj # jib-s* U yi i s IjV^i » -j * / '' , c A'' ' f p', l ** ..iA » j * The same phrase occurs in the Arabic inscription on the wall of a Jain Temple near Ajmir, of A. H. 666; vide Journal for 1848, p. 653. 1872.] H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 105 as/ j ju. i Q SLajj j) i “ -j.] tS fSjj A>.1£ ■gfc I ^ gO AjJjSI i . -la) j ui UJ kP ^ . ^ jl J * >jj UJ f a* slyL* Xhsrl Jaa. _J (s/c) Ua- US^.o (P *» •** „ -.V*A J I JilixA* gj I Ul vP * * j d’UJI pjJ J^ll JJI * * * * ^*^1 o^SI xL*. * Tlie date was already at Buchanan’s time illegible. It looks as if it was ‘Eajab, 902.’ 108 II. Bloclimann — Notes on Arabic and 'Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1, I) all j txL &1J| ^U> God says, • Surely the mosques belong to God. Worship no one elso besides God [Qoran, LXXII, 18], This entrance was firmly erected* during the days of the reign of the Khalifah of God, Naijiruddunya waddin Abnl MuzaffarMahmddShah, the king, by the Khan whose title is KhwajahJaha n — may the Merciful proteot him from all misfortunes on earth, * * * to the day of resurrection ! Dated, 20th Sha’ban, 863, [13th June, 1459, A. D.] of the era of the Prophet,— may God bless him and all his family ! This inscription is, I believe, the first of Mahmud Shah that has been published. It is, therefore, of particular value. The year 803 is remark- able, and it looks as if during the long reign of Nafir Shah, or Husain Shah I., as he ought to be called, Mahmud Shah had reigned as opposition king. Mahmud’s reign must have been of precarious tenure, as he was opposed by his son Barbak Shah, whom my Tribend inscriptions mention as reigning king in 860. Dr. Wise’s inscription give Mahmud’s full name NAgiruddm Abut Mw- zaffar Mahmud Shah. This may explain the fact that Bengal Histories call Barbak Shah ‘ the son of Na^ir Shah’ ; for confusions of names and julus names are common in Bengal History ; vide Journal, 1870, p. 296. It may be that the Khan Khwajah Jahan mentioned in this inscription, is the same as the Klnin Jahan, whose tomb is at Bagerh.lt. f A description of his tomb was given by Balm Gaur Das Baisak, in the Journal of this Society, for 1807, pp. 130, 131. On p. 135, loc. cit., the Babu gives the inscriptions J attached to the tomb, from which it appears that Khan Jahan died in the end of Zil Hajjali, 863 [end of October, 1459, A. D.] — the same year, which is mentioned in the above inscription. The Bagherhat inscrip- tions mention, unfortunately, no king. * The writor uses as a transitive verb, for which construction there seems to be no authority. t Babu Gaur Das Baisak derives the name of Bagerhat from the Persian ^b, and explains Bdjher~hd( by * garden fair.’ I cannot say whether this is correct ; Muhammadans pronounce Bdqvr-hdt, from some Muhammadan of the name of Bdqyr. $ The Arabic inscription (A.) given by the Babu contains several misprints. His inscription E. is a curious specimen in point of metre, as it is eight times although the Bajaz i musamman i salim ( vide my Prosody of the Persian, p. 34) is not used in Persian. 1872.] H. Bloehmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 109 Dha'inra'i, North of Dha'ka'. Two Inscriptions of the reigns of Jalaluddin Path Shah and Ilusain Shah. ■ Dr. Wise says — “ Dhamrai is situated about twenty miles north of Dhaka, at the junc- tion of Kaklajani and Bunsi rivers. It was one of the places where the Af- ghans were settled after the defeats in Orisa and Lower Bengal, towards the end of Akbar’s reign. There were two other places still further north on the Bunsi, where they were granted free lands. One, Ganakp-ArS, stands on the left hank of the river. There are no descendants of the Pat’hans there now, nor are there old Masjids or ruins. The third settlement was Ghosi in pergunnah ’Atiah, zil’ah Maimansingh. It is about ten miles due north of Dhamrai. “ Dhamrai is a scattered village, each portion being placed on a mound, generally of red laterite. One of its Mahallahs is still called ‘ Pat’hantalah,’ and a few of the residents still claim to he of Afghan blood ; hut the pecu- liar physiognomy of that race is not to he found now-a-days. There are no °ld Masjids in Dhamrai. One did exist till lately ; hut it became ruinous, and the proprietors have dug up the foundations and sold the bricks. The only buildings of interest are the tombs of five brothers, all pirs, or saints. The most striking one is that of Mir Sayyid ’Ali in Pat’hantalah. It is eight feet high, and is surrounded by a high wall. On the west side of the tomb is an inscription in fine preservation, which hears the name of Sultan Husain Shah (vide below). The tombs of the other Pirs are of no interest. The other inscription was found by me in a private house in Pat’hantalah. It belongs to Path Shah’s reign. Both inscriptions are evidently plundered from Sunn&rgaon or some other city. There is no inscription in Mu’az- zampur.” I. r^i j MJU Mil Mi) JIS „ tA» yj W-f *1 All) Ml ks"'* 3 sd c all) Jtf Ci^^l 4 MIL iC/jJ] 0,Upl 3 A(.*J| ^IkLw &W| ^jJ) 3 Dial) (J3U. ^jUaLMI ^ ^i*!***!) J Mllal* J Mix 0 Mil alA ^jUaLJI j yjUalv- w 2 ^ XgJLuaJ) ^ J i| y j^lUJ Ml | itiL.1 i £l*Jl C-lU jjJI .4 I) UL.jl*j 3 3 sAm J_jS) 110 H. Blochmann — JVotes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1, God Almighty says, 1 Surely he who believes in God and a future life, will build mosques for God’ [Qorfrn, IX, 18]. The prophet — may God’s blessing rest on him ! — says, 1 He who builds a mosque for God, will have a house built for him by God in Paradiso.’ This mosque was built in the fimo of the king of the ago and tho period, who is aided by the aid of the Meroiful, the helper of Islam and the Muslims, the king, son of the king, .T al al u d duny a waddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, the king, son of Mahmud Shah, tho king, — May God perpetuate his rule and kingdom, and elevate his power and dignity 1 The builder of this mosque which is blessed to Islam and the Muslims, is Zahir- ulmillat waddin, Malikul Mu Ik Ale bund Shor, the admiral — Ma.y God Al- mighty give him a dwelling in Paradise 1 Dated 10th Jnmada I., 887 [27th June 1482, A D.] II. St* ** t JU »> aJ aJJI aU JL J Axle aU| ^1-e ^aa'I JUi ijj ^ UJ ' . . , UJ f ^ ,<*JI |»kx.Jl j-thsr I Iiilb Assr'l t (.lx* Ixxj ji' . # OJ JJ wM . UJ w*J I) aAmu»J } aXm Aitkin, _j A ^(Lu»,» * # # i.Ay £.xS SJJ ( S ) AxlUj] ^ ^XU$ jyilSs* £sbj/G ( ^ ) 3 v__?JL< 3 77 tU jj -hourth line ^,-Lq ufy*l ^tjljT (pi / , I ^ v*) $ • 1 cJ,U sJ {.xx* \2j\ Ua.| ^.o ^JL> j dulc aU| iri^ ^^.la^A/O ^CysQ 'kSj$tS/< ^ L ** . 1 > Fifth line yj j-xfj J>\ jfAAj ^ Jyf^ I ^UxL* ’ y~*~* ( ^ ) Xm—B-fj * L ^ ( S ) i s i ix j &.xjfxj jj.A.L« aJEJ! jAc j! aio ^ line J’(q-) lM ( S ) ^4 ( ? ) ^ ,,« * . « • **■* **• (j! ^lc &.!y£i'<’ £-iyo ^yiw) The purport evidently is, that certain waste lands of Mauza’ Pindoll, in Tappah Jhonali (or Jhoniah), perganah Salbahan, were cultivated. A Hadis of the prophet is then mentioned, according to which he who reclaims lands becomes the owner of them. These lands appear to have been set aside for the maintenance of the tombs of Sultan 'Alauddin ’Alam Shah, son of Sul- tan Muhammad Shah, and his wife. Such as resume waqf lands are threa- tened with divine punishment, according to a passage in the Qoran [II, 177], At the side of the inscription are the words, ‘ Malik Salamat Sultani, Mutawalli of the above place.’ Mr. Wilson says in a letter. — “ There is a village called ‘ Pindol,’ and another called ‘ Nagar Jhonah” in perganah Kot Salbahan of this district L ‘button] ; but there is no sub-division known as ‘ Tappah Jhonah.’ There is nothing particular about the tomb of ’Alauddin. It is a large square, massive, structure of brick, covered with a vaulted roof, and with the 1 Milams of some minarets on the top. In the inside there are two graves 112 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1, side by side, also a smaller one in the corner, but with no inscription of any kind on them. The tomb is in a very dilapidated condition, and the same may be said of the remains of other smaller buildings near it. Close to the tomb is an old masonry well, which is in working order, and is used for irri- gating the adjacent lands.” The tomb, according to Maulavi Muhammad Karim, Deputy Collector of the district, lies in Miran Sara, a Mahallali of Badaon. The emperor is said to have founded A’laptir (j_>J ),* which lies seven /cos East of Badaon. He had three sons, Ahsan, ’Abbas, Haidar. ’Abbas had no issue. Alisan founded Sayyidpurah, outside Port Badaon, to the south. The place does no longer exist, nor are there any descendants of his. Sayy id Haidar founded Sarai Miran. His descendants exist to the present day, but they are all poor agriculturists. II. Mr. Wilson’s second inscription is taken from the gateway of the Jami’ Masjid at Badaon. His reading is as follows : — j IjJjJ! ^ 53 jj ^ aIJ I ! ]1 Aphj j SXmj Enter it in peace ! The great Sultan, the owner of the necks of nations, Shams- ud dunya waddin, the helper of Islam and the Moslems, themostjust of rulers and kings, Abul Muzaffar Tlitmish, [Altamsh] the king, who assists the Commander of the Faithful,— may God perpetuate his kingdom ! In the blessed month of Ramazan, 628 [November, 1230, A. D.] A’la'pu'r. From the Masjid in A ’la pur, east of Badaon — III. w_iuaxxj) t gj UJ 1! \ Qiq, son of (?), Dadbak [highest judicial officer] in the district of Badaon. In the middle of Rabi’ I„ 707, [September, 1307, A. D.] The inscription seems to be incomplete. * So spelt by the Deputy Collector, notj^jlls ’Alapur. 1872.] H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 113 IV. From inside a mosque at A’lapur — \JJ w >JJ *** I ww ^ jbib y\ * *U\ I) - -‘Mf j^xi l^jt*"b"J) J_5" j c_ai| In the name of God, the merciful and the clement ! This mosque was built during the reign of Abu Zafar Muhxuddin Muhammad Aurangzib Bahadur, ’A'lamgir Padishah, when Dindar Khan Kliweshagi was Jagirdar. A H. 1071, [A. D„ 1660.]. This Dindar Khan* belongs to a well known Afghan family, called the Khweshagis, or ‘ relatives,’ who settled at Qasur ( )y~>, or )}-^*) in the Bari Duab. He is twice mentioned in the Maasir i 'A'lamgm (pp. 213, 340). The Maasir ul TTrnara gives interesting biographical details of Nazar Baha- dur Kliweshagi and Husain Khan Kliweshagi. In the Proceedings for March of this year, I gave two other inscriptions received from Mr. Wilson. Maulavi Muhammad Karim suggests two altera- tions in the first inscription (Joe. cit., p. 48). For the unusual J'-iaU-, he reads J^K^, a 1 well-tank,’ which compound appears to me to he as curious as my old reading. The date he reads 898, instead of 798. The rubbing, it would appear, gives hi rad, instead of haft ad, which I chose, and the Maulavi says that in Persian stands for has head, not for 0.-011*, In giving the text of the inscription, I mentioned that it was, in point of grammar and sense, the worst that I had seen ; and if the writer did use higad, he used a form which no Persian knows, nor any dictionary records. Besides, there was no occasion for an artificial Head, as hashgad suits the metre as well. But the Maulavi gives a better reason for adopting 898, when he maintains that the second verse is an allusion to Sikandar Lodi, in whose reign a Khan Jahan [Lodi] lived. This Khan Jahan is mentioned in Badaoni and Firishtah. For the three asterisks in the first line, he reads ft line AhA ‘ Jagirdar of the District of Badaon,’ which I believe to be correct, although the form muqati’ should, according to usage, he muqti’ . However the author of the inscription knew as little of grammar as of poetry. * He is not to be confounded with the Dindar Khan i Bukhari, who served under Jahangir and Shahjahan. He was Faujdar of the Miyan Duab, and died in A. H. 1045. Maasir ul Umard. In the julus name of Aurangzib we find, in MSS. and inscriptions, both Abul Muzaffar and Abu zafar. . lo 1* JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. — • — Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, Sec. No. II.— 1872. The Legend of Bdghesar, a deified spirit held in great reverence hg the Kusrii, Surl, Markam, Netia , and Sarsun clans of the Oond Tribe. — By Capt. W. L. Sam mams, Assistant Commissioner, Manbhum. Once upon a time, in a family of the Gond tribe, there were five brothers, named respectively Kusrii, Siiri, Markam, Netia, and Sarsun. On the first occasion on which Kiisru’s wife was pregnant, she brought forth a male child ; but on the second occasion she gave birth to a tiger’s whelp. This young cub was treated by its parents with as much affection and regard as their first-born ; and the superior nursing it received, had such a powerful effect on its growth and constitution, that in a few months it grew up to be the finest child of its age and kind that ever was known. From childhood he was the constant companion of Kusrii, never forsaking his side for a moment ; and so great was the filial attachment he bore towards his unnatural parent, that, to this day it is said in praise of him, he was never known to have injured Kusrii in any way. To the Gond mind no doubt this was a most remarkable trait of character ; for what is the ex- perience of their lives from day to day, but that of the strong lording it over the weak. Kusrii, whose occupation was husbandly, had taken to tilling jungle lands near his village, and during such time as there were crops in the ground, he used to spend the greater portion of it in watching them. But at one time it so happened that for some days past he had been less vigilant than usual, and the nilgai and sambar, making the best of the opportunity, well-nigh ruined the crop and Kt'isrd’s prospects. However, it was better to save what remained than lose all, thought Kusrii philosophically ; so he 116 [No. 2, W. L. Samuells — Gond Legend of Bdghesar. hutted himself' close by the field, and night and day watched without ceas- ing. Weary days and nights were those for Kusru, and little wonder was it that— t- s , ' * One beautiful night When the stars shone bright’ Kusru’s head went nid-nid-nodding, and his eyes, s^re and weary from watching, dropped tho curtains and went to sleep. But whilst he slept, the young cub watching, saw a trespasser approach. So placing his paw gently on K (isrus shoulder, he roused, him from sleep, and by signs and gestures drew his attention to a noble looking sambar, who was making himself «at home amongst "the young and tender urid plants. Kfisru, however, instead of being quickened to . action by the sight, fell into a desponding state ; and tearing his liah and bemoaning his ill-fortune, sunk to the ground and cried aloud, ‘ Oh, that mine enemy might be swal- lowed up !’ The young cub, moved by this despairing and touching appeal, instantly crouched and sprang upon the deer, which it killed and tore to pieces ; making emphatically no bones about the matter. And so from day to day, till the crop was gathered, the young cub watched and slew, and thus saved Kusru’s field from further injury. For this great act of deliverance, Kiisrfi began to love the young cub as he never before had loved him, with a love in fact that was little short of idolatry. But Ivusru had at length to experience the bitter truism that ‘ all flesh is but as dust for, alas, a day came—1 the long, long, weary day’ of Kusru’s existence — when the young tiger departed this life and gave up the ghost. In other words he died and became a bhut ! Kusru was inconsolable, and his wife by no means improved matters by presenting him at such a time with an addition to the family in the shape of a daughter. If she had only kept up the tiger progeny, she might possi- bly have helped thereby to fill up that aching void which was gnawing at Kusru’s gizzard. He ate not — he slept not ; and how life was sustained during the following space of ten or twelve years, we are not informed. Tradition, not to be burdened with such trifles, hurries us on to the period when Kiisrii’s daughter had matured into a plump and buxom lass, and veiled and decked as a bride in turmeric-stained garments, looking as fine as a carrot fresh-scraped, we find her seated with a bridegroom at her side under a leafy marriage-bower, which has been erected for the occasion within her father’s court-yard. Kinsmen and acquaintances from far and near have come in holiday attire to offer their congratulations and enjoy the fun, and are to be seen crowding round the manva, or bower, with joyful faces and sparkling eyes. Even Kusru, forgetful of his old sorrows, is determined to make merry yith the rest, and is to be seen urging the drummers and pipers to increased 117 1872.] W. L. Samuells — Qond Legend of Baghesar. exertion, as if in all conscience they were not making enough din and 'noise already. But the time and occasion perhaps require it. The ceremony is at a close, and the nuptial knot has been tied. , Three hours have passed in tedious rites and ceremonies. The happy couple with the hride’s-maids and -best man have all been kissed and marked with the sacred symbols times out of number, first by one relation and then by an- other. The bride and bridegroom with ;their garments knotted together have, with mincing Steps, slowly and wearily crept seven times round the ihcmnra, or branch, which foyms the central support to the bower. The rice given in dowry has be§in measured out to the samp, mystical number of seven times. Everything, in short, has been done that _ ought to have been done, and the wedded couple are now about to retire within the house, whilst the spectators withdraw to the green outside to dance, sing, and make merry. But the attention of every one present is suddenly arrested by fiendish yells and roars. i • “ What is it ? Who is it ?” is the anxious enquiry of every one as the words pass from mouth to mouth with wind-like rapidity. With quivering accents and bated breath the answer comes speedily back, that one of the company has become (demoniacally) possessed with a demon. A thrill of mingled terroy and dismay ran through the 'whole party at the sudden news of so untoward an event, for “ When the sun sets, who doth ‘hot look for night P” 1 i »f %r The most civilized community on earth could'not fail, on a similarly joyful occasion of then’ own, to be overcome with, at least,, a sense of gloom, if one of their number on the spot went suddenly mad or hysterical. But amongst a people naturally superstitious, aud that to a degree almost incredible, the circumstance before alluded to had a wider and deeper significance than any- thing we can possibly imagine. Falling into the midst of the company, the individual possessed is dash- mg his body about on the ground ; up and down ; right and left ; driving the lookers on from post to pillar, and from pillar to post ; and, by his wild and fiendish actions, striking consternation and terror into the hearts of all ; for a visitation of this sort had never on such an occasion been known before. , , Kusru’s spirits went down with a run, and looking as grave as a judge, he implored the Baiga, or village priest- and necromancer, to divine whose spirit this was, and for what purpose it had pome. Forthwith the Baiga, with an -air of authority worthy of an exorcist, in- terrogates the spirit, saying — 118 W. L. Samuells — Gond Legend of Bnghesar. [No. 2, Speak ! speak ! thou fearful guest ! Whose spirit haunts thy breast ?* Why thus as one possessed Come ye to daunt me ? Amidst a breathless silence, the demoniac giving the wretched Kusru a piercing look of recognition, informs him and his terror-stricken guests in a voice peculiar to gnomes, bogies, goblins, and such like fry, I was a tiger bold ! My deeds, though manifold, No Gond hath yet extolled, For this I sought thee. Kusru is thunder-struck, and the company in dumb show betoken bewilderment, whilst the restless and impatient spirit roars, ‘ Worship me with offerings and sacrifices.’ A fowl was immediately fetched for the purpose of being offered up in the orthodox fashion ; but the spirit evinced such unmistakeable signs of dissatisfaction at the very sight of this familiar bird, that a kid was instantly brought to be sacrificed in its stead. As soon as the demoniac espied that animal, he sprang at it after the fashion of a tiger, and, seizing it between his teeth, gnawed and tore it to death. Krisru’s joy at this sight was unspeakable ; for there was a something in the killing way in which the demoniac went to work that revealed to him beyond a doubt, that the spirit present was of a truth no other than that of his favourite tiger-son. So he brought out a pot of the last home-brew, and some of the finest and purest ghi which his store contained wherewith to treat his welcome guest. Three loaf-cupfuls of the former were poured down the demoniac’s throat and a handful of ghi forced into his mouth, whereupon the spirit being satisfied went out of the man, and took its departure for the shades below, leaving Kusru dilated with joy, but the company en masse in grave doubt as to the light in which this apparently unwarrantable intrusion ought to be regarded. But they soon received the assurance of Kusru and the Baiga that this little novelty which had so alarmed every one at the first was the happiest omen possible. So from that day forth, the spirit of Kusni’s tiger-son was deified and worshipped under the name of Baghesar by the five Gond clans descended from, and respectively named after, the brothers Kusru, Suri, Mar- ram, Netia, and Sarsun. * “ Speak ! speak ! thou fearful guest ! “ Who with thy hollow breast, &c.” Longfellow’s Skeleton in Armour. W. L. Samuells — Gond Legend of Baghesar. 119 1872.] The substance of the above was told me by a Gond of the Tviisru clan, at the marriage of whose daughter I was present ; and it was then that I witnessed the pranks of the demon Baghesar from which I was led to make enquiry as to his antecedents. It is only at the marriages of members of the five clans, who are named in the heading to this paper, that Baghesar manifests his presence in the manner narrated in the story. With them he is held hi reverence as a deified spirit ; hut with other Gonds, Baghesar is simply one of the many spirits to whom propitiatory offerings are yearly made. According to the latter he has no such origin as that ascribed to him by the five clans before- mentioned, but is simply regarded as 1 the concentrated essence of spirits’, which have issued from those Gonds who have met their deaths by tigers ; for, according to local belief, the spirits of all Gonds thus killed, are said to unite and form the one great spirit Baghesar ; and it is simply with a view to saving their flocks and herds, and their own lives also, from the ravages of tigers that the inhabitants of every Gond village yearly make offerings to propitiate this demon. And to this extent I find the same spirit is known and propitiated by the people of these wild parts generally. At the marriage ceremony which I witnessed, Baghesar entered into and possessed two men. One was the puj dr ( or priest, and the other a looker on. The puj dr i is always told off specially for this duty, in ease none of the company should happen to get involuntarily possessed. A woman, on the occasion referred to, was also taken worse, but got quickly bundled out of the way from motives of public decency. The manner in which the two men seized the kid between their teeth and by that means killed it, was a sight which could only be equalled in a zoological garden or menagerie on feeding days. But this exhibition of fiend-like butchery is only allowed to be partially witnessed, for, as soon as the kid has been fairly pinned, the members of the family who are standing by, throw blankets or cloths over the demoniacs, as they say it is a sight not fit for all eyes to behold ; a point which no civilized being would be likely to dispute with them. The demoniacs I saw, were permitted to exercise their teeth on the kid’s carcase some time after it had sounded its last gurgling note : and this indulgence, judging from the motions of the covering cloths, was entered into with an amount of zest and gusto that was positively brutal ; and from an orange-sucking sound that was occasionally audible, a horrid suspicion crossed my mind that they had even gone to the extent of blood-sucking, though of this I could not be positive. The bride’s father at length dragged out the mangled and lifeless body of the kid and put it aside ; and the men emerging from their covering disported themselves like electrified frogs d la Ghamasan, another gentleman 120 A. F. Rudolf Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, of tlie infernal regions whose acquaintance I made in these parts, and who throws those whom he possesses into a state suggestive of one attacked simultaneously with hysterics, epilepsy, ague, and colic, a fearful combination, it is true, and to fully realise which, tha reader must make a trip to Chang- Bhokar, which, geographically speaking, is one of the Chutia-Nagpur Tribu- tary States, but which psychologically, I think, must be one of the outlying provinces of Pandemonium. The bride’s father having treated each of the demoniacs to three cupfuls of liquor and a mouthful of ghi, Baghesar’s spirit vanished, leaving both the men considerably blown and exhausted. During the whole of this scene not a soul spoke, and the general impres- sion seemed to be, that it was too solemn a matter to be sneered or laughed at. Still no marriage ceremony is complete without it, and, according to Gond ideas, fortune smiles on the wedded couple when Baghesar appears. If the bride’s parents are poor and have not the means to afford a kid, a pig is given instead. This I should think can’t be quite so pleasant for the demoniacB, but the fun no doubt would he considerably enhanced to those lookers-on who, like myself, had nothing to fear from Baghesar, and could therefore with impunity smile at his pranks. Of the extraordinary nature of the scene in general, no description could ever supply a perfectly accurate conception ; but, as an illustration of the superstitious belief and worship of one of the most interesting of the aboriginal tribes of India, it is nevertheless worthy of record. - Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages. — Eg Rev. A. F. Rudolf Hoeenle, D. Eh., Professor of Sanskrit, Jag Ndrayan's College, Benares. I .-—Introductory. It may be convenient to have a collective name for all North-Indian languages derived from the Sanskrit. As Dravidian is now, after the example set by Dr. Caldwell in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian langu- ages, the name generally received to designate the non-Sanskritic languages of South India, and as Gaurian ( ) is the term commonly, used by San- skrit writers as the correlative to Dravidian ( ^Tfs.^3" ), it appears to be the simplest plan to appropriate the term Gaurian for the Sanskritic languages of North India.* The following languages must be accounted Gaurian : viz., the Oriya, the Bangali, the Hindi, the Naipali, the Marathi, the Gujarati, the Sindhi, * If X am not much mistaken, I have already seon tho word Gaurian employed by some writers in this wise, so that its use by me is not a novelty. I* Note to p. 119. Bdghesar means ‘ the Tiger-God,’ from lag'll, a tiger, and eshivar, 1 God.’ Compare also Herklots’s ‘ Manners and Customs of the Mussul- mans of India,’ p. 220, — “ After the demoniac is well filled with the devil, he sometimes screeching takes a kakra (large wick), continues lighting and extinguishing it by putting the lighted end into his mouth ; some, biting the neck of a fowl, suck its blood.” **u ►A* Jf* * l&f ~ *«»*' * *• * *&• 121 1872.] Hoernle — Essays on tlie Gaurian Languages. the Panjabi (or Gurmuklii), and the Kashmiri. They are divided into two groups by somo striking' grammatical peculiarities, of which I may here niention two, which will more immediately concern us in the following essays. One is the possession of an eighth case of agent (over and above the common seven Sanskrit cases) , formed by the post-position sr (or sf ; in the Naipali, ^j) ; a correlate of which is the absence of an organic past tense of the verb. The other is the adjective character 'of the genitive post-positions, which agree with the noun which they qualify, in gender, number, and case. These peculiarities are possessed by all Gaurian languages* except the Oriya and Bangali, which two latter, therefore, form a group by themselves ; the remainder making up the other group. The Hindi is the most extensively spoken of all the Gaurian languages. Its area consists of nearly 40,000 square miles, and extends from the River Gandak in the east to the Satlaj in the west, and from the Himalaya in the north to the Vindhya Mountains in the south. But a distinction must bo made between the high Hindi and the low Hindi, the mutual relation of which shows many striking resemblances to that between the high and low German. I take here the terms high and low in their ordinary sense, mean- ing by high the cultivated, the language of literature, and by low, the vulgar Bpoken dialects. The high Hindi is used almost exclusively for literature over the whole area, and is understood everywhere ; though it is perhaps no- where spoken in its purity by the people : at all events, it is spoken only by the higher and educated classes. The high Hindi does not differ from the Urdu in its grammar ; and in its vocabulary only so far, that it substitutes for all foreign (i. e., Persian or Arabic) words, others transferred to it directly from the Sanskrit. It arose gradually by the substitution of Sanskrit words partly for foreign words, partly for such Prakrit words as had become, in the course of time, obsolete or vulgar ; and the cause of this substitution was partly the revival of Hindil patriotism, partly the impetus given to Hindi literature through the introduction by the English of vernacular education and Christian missions. It is, therefore, a comparatively modem language. In fact, its formation and growth is still going on, as ipiy one who takes an interest in such matters may verify by personal observation. While the high Hindi is uniform and spread over the whole area of the Hindi, the low Hindi consists of many dialects differing more or less among themselves and confined to different provinces. But they may be divided into two great classes, of which the Braj Bhasha and the (so-called) Ganwari, respectively, are typical. The former class occupies the western, the latter the eastern half of the Hindi area. Roughly speaking, the boundary line tna.y be drawn at 80° Long. To the western class belong, besides the typi- cal Braj Bhasha spoken in the A'gra and Mathura Districts, the Dialects of 122 Iloemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, Gwitliar, Alwar, Jaipiir, the Marwari dialect, &c. To the eastern class be- long, beside the typical Ganwari spoken in the Benares Division, the Bais- wari* dialect of Audh, the Maithili dialect of Tirhut, and others. The differences between these two classes are so great as to constitute them al- most two different languages ; for the Ganwari and its class of dialects participate in most of the characteristics of the Bang&li class of the Gaurian languages, while the Braj Bhasha class of dialects share those of the other Gaurian languages. The Ganwari, as its name which means * rustic’ or ‘ vul- gar’ confined to villages) indicates, has never received any literary cultivation, and is confined to the low and uneducated part of the population. Throughout the whole area of the latter, a more or less pure high Hindi is spoken and written by the higher and the educated classes. Hence here the area of the Hindi class of the Gaurian languages and that of the Bangali class overlap each other, the Ganwari forming a sort of transition language between the two. The Braj Bhasha on the other hand has begun from early times to receive some literary cultivation. Most Hindi poets within the last 400 years ( e . g., Kabir, Bihari Lai, Sur Das, Tulsi Das, &c.) have employed it principally in their poems. Hence it has become the mother of the Urdu and high Hindi. The latter derive by far the greatest part of then- gram- mar and vocabulary from it. In fact, it is distinguished from the high Hindi chiefly by a greater roughness and a greater abundance of its grammatical forms. Grammars of the Braj Bhasha have been written hi modern times, e. g., by Ballantyne, and in the Hindi and Hindustani Selections ; and per- haps the best known prose work written hi it is the i?i janiti, a translation of the Sanskrit HUopadeshd. Two opposite opinions are held by different scholars regarding the na- ture of the Gaurian languages. While some Orientalists consider them to be, with trifling exceptions in the vocabulary, wholly Sanskritic, others admit large un-Sanskritic additions, both in the grammar and in the vocabu- lary. According to Dr. Caldwell, t e. g., “the grammatical structure of the spoken idioms of Northern India was from the first, and always continued to be, in the main Scythian ; and the change which took place when Sanskrit acquired the predominance as the Aryans gradually extended their conquests and their colonies, was rather a change of vocabulary than of grammar ; a * The derivation of Baiswdra is uncertain. According to some Pandits, it is con- nected with the word IpUTSfY which is said to be the name of a Kshattriya tribe living in Audh, who gave to their country the name of the Baiswara countiy, and to their dialect the name of the Baiswari dialect. According to others, it is a modifica- tion of «[ ry y rid The meaning of the name would then be : the dialect confined to the Yaisyas, or rustics ; and it would be almost identical with the meaning of the name Ganwari, which is a modification of HHrerCt, e., confined to villages. f Comparative Grammar, p. 38. 123 1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. change not so much in arrangement and vital spirit as in the materiel of the language. Seeing that the northern vernaculars possess with the words of the. Sanskrit a grammatical structure which in the main appears to he Scy- thian, it seems more correct to represent these languages as having a Scy- thian basis with a large and overwhelming Sanskrit addition, than as having a Sanskrit basis with a small admixture of a Scythian element.” If this theory should be true, the Gauriari languages could no more be accounted Sanskritic or Indo-European, any more than the El'S vidian languages. For languages must be classified according to their grammatical structure.* Otherwise, English (Johnsonian English at all events) would have to be counted among the Romance, and Urdu among the Semitic languages. But the whole question is hardly yet ripe for adjudication. The Gaurian langua- ges have as yet had very little attention paid to them as regards their nature and origin. Moreover in such an investigation a serious difficulty is met with at the outset in the extreme want and inaccessibility of the Gaurian literature dating from the time when the Gaurian languages took then- origin (about 800 to 1200, A. D.). As up to this time the Aryan population of North India, who had imigrated many centuries before, had used exclusively Sanskritic languages (Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrit), it would be a most remarkable phenomenon, if they, a Culturvolk, had now exchanged their native grammar for that of the uncultured and despised aboriginal population ; supposing that the language of the latter was really a non-Aryan one, and that it had really survived the long Aryan occupation ; both suppositions by no means established as yet. It has happened more than once that a conquering nation (especially, if inferior in culture), while retaining more or less its native vocabulary, adopted the grammar of the conquered people (as the Normans in England, the Arabs and Turks in North India, the Pranks in Gaul), under the condition that this process commenced from the very first beginning of the conquest. But that the conquerors, after having resided for Centuries hi the country and retained their native language (both in grammar and vocabulary, trifling instances in the latter excepted) entirely unmixed with the aboriginal languages, should abandon their own grammar in favour of that of the conquered, requires strong proofs to be credited, especially as it is by no means certain whether the aboriginal languages at all survived at so late a date ; for, according to the evidence aflorded by the Prakrit of the playg, Prakrit was spoken by the low class population, which was composed, uo doubt, principally of the subjugated aboriginal people, who, therefore, either spoke a Sanskritic language from the first or adopted the vulgar dialect of the language of their conquerors. * Compare Max Muller’s remarks in Lectures on tke Science of Language, lect. > pp. 86-90 (Gth Ed.). 16 * II., 124 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, If by a more thorough investigation of the Gaurian languages it can be shown, that they are entirely Sanskritie, this will, on account of the many undoubted resemblances between the Gaurian and Dravidian languages (cf. Dr. Caldwell’s Comparative Grammar, pp. 34 to 39), materially affect our view of the classification of the latter. However, this problem awaits yet a thorough scientific enquiry. And the following essays are offered as a slight contribution towards its solution. For the inflexional post-positions of the Gaurian languages are, above other points, considered to be evidences of the Dravidian* or Seythianf character of their grammatical structure. Essay II. — On the Post-Positions of the Genitive. The present essay will be devoted to the elucidation of the nature and origin of the post-positions of the genitive. They are the following : — In the High Hindi, ... qrr, ft, % ; Braj Bhasha, - - - - *RT, ft, f ; Alwar Dialect, Ganwari, Maithili, Naipali, Marathi, Gujarati, Panjabi, Sindhi, Bangali, Onya, S5k -v - ^ ; - - ^\T, ^rr ; - ^T, 'ft, % %, "ST, ft ; - ^T, ft, *rt, Hi; - fl> ft, f ; - %T, ft, f, 3IT ; - ^ or TC ; - The only attempt at an explanation of the origin of these post-positions that I remember to have met with, is one made by Bopp in his Comparative Grammar, para. 340, note. J He compares the Hindi genitives formed by means of the post-positions «ffT, etc., with the Sanskrit genitive plural HginKH of hihh I, and of thou, etc. These words are possessive pronomina (our and your) formed by the affix Others also have referred to this Sanskrit affix or ft *4, which expresses relation or possession, as an explanation of the Hindi post-positions. But there are serious objections to this theory. * By Dr. Stevenson, in tire Jonrnal of the Bombay Asiatic Society. t Cf. Dr. Caldwell’B Comparative Grammar, p. 39. He seems, however, inclined to admit a Sanskritie origin of the genitive post-positions, cf. p. 246. X He says : Es verdient bemerkt zu werden, dass im Hindostanischen die Formen, die man in beideu zalrlen alier deolinations-faehigen woerter ais genitive aufstellt, sich als unverkennbare possessiva herausstellen, dadurch dass sie sich nach dem Geschlechte des folgonden Substantives richten. Die pronomina erster und zweiter person haben im masc, rft, im fern, rt, als possessiv suffix, die iibrigen woerter im masc. k&, im Fern, ki j ka aber stimmt zum skr. suffix ka von asmaka, yusnraka, mamaka, tftvaka. 1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Oaurian Languages. 125 The form of the word to which the post-positions are added, is not always the pure hase, as the addition of the Sanskrit affix would require, but already inflected (e. //., ilT% hi of a horse, is not the simple base of the word ifFfr, but an infleeted form of it). Again, it is most unlikely that elements like the affixes 3f, cjtol, etc., which occur in Sanskrit only as integral parts of a word, but never by themselves as independent words, should have, in a comparatively modem language, separated themselves from the body of the word and assumed independent life (as post-positions) similar to that of prepositions. It would be a phenomenon contrary to those that have been observed in all other cases of (what Max Muller calls) dialectic regeneration. It is clear also that by this theory the other post-positions (as H, *j, %) cannot be explained. But there can be no doubt that, whatever the true explanation be, it must be the same for all post-positions. For these reasons among others, any theory which traces the post-positions to Sanskrit affixes cannot be the true one. Their explanation must be sought for in a different direction. In the first place, it may be remarked that the term “ post-position” is misleading. It gives the idea as if the words, to which it is applied, belonged to that class of words which includes the prepositions, conjunctions, etc., i. e., elements of language which are incapable of either derivation or inflexion. Now most of the so-called post-positions of the genitive are capable of both. They have clearly a nominal or more accurately an adjective character. For the Hindi ^rr, #7, agree with the noun which they qualify, in case, number, and gender, exactly as for instance, ^ good. If the qualified noun is a masculine singular nominative, then «RT is used ; if a feminine singular or plural, then cRl ; if a masculine plural nominative, then % ; if a masculine in any oblique case, then The same is the case with the Panjabi 27, the Braj Bhaslia 3RT, %, etc. In the Sindhi, 5H and oil are used like 3fT and in High Hindi ; 5TT is used, if the qualified noun is in the masculine plural nominative, and si is used, if it is a masculine in any oblique case singular or plural. With this agrees the use of the post- positions ir, eft, of the Alwar and Jaipur dialect. After these explanations the following scheme of the agreement* of the * This agreement is not altogether perfect ; bnt neither is the agreement of the real adjective with its substantive more so; e. g., in Hindi, qyj and % ought to have a different form in the plural ; probably these plural forms are irregularly adopted from the singular ; but then g°0TT © ©t^t %t ^©r© i nr© © ufat ©t ii Lanka kand. Again %T occurs in the following verses : U5©! unnTT© nn nr© ii i. e. High Hindi : © ©fin utTnr © n/qT ^ qq^W n Ditto, Act YI. Or : qr^rqr qqqrqi^qi fspjpjnw qqftro ll i. e. Skr. *?-/e- Skr. TT5l^rav»H£lT*rei ,*nr HJT: ^iwfa ii or High Hindi : TTsrrawdwuw dir u fwNl 7? sn^ft ^t^'jit ii ° In these examples evidently, forms no more a pleonastic genitive, but itself determines the genitive case of the word with which it is com- pounded, in the place of the real original case affix. It has clearly not only lost its predicative meaning, but has become altogether a determinative ele- ment, or a sort of affix. But what was originally the meaning of this word and how did it come to lapse into the condition of a mere affix ? In order to answer this question, we must go back to the Sanskrit. In one place occurs instead of viz. : — rf^ jpi || i. e. Skr. ri? 11 or High Hindi : vx JTTft ^ fa ^ W WTT V ll The Sanskrit equivalent of qfa*ra is aWT* The noun tlssfa means < nature,’ that which distinguishes one from another. Hence, MSfa may mean, natural, peculiar, or own ; for what is peculiar to one, that is one’s own. The word therefore means own, and was originally inserted after the genitive to emphasize the possessive sense of the genitive. But in course of time, this original object of the insertion of ifa*r<«r was lost sight of, and it was used simply to express the genitive itself. In fact, it may be shown that the genitive in many other languages arose by some such process.f As * LitoraUy it is ’S^irPf I bat it is a vory common practico in Prakrit, of which numberless instances aro found in the plays, to add the affix to Sanskrit words without any effect upon tho sense of the latter (of. Pr. Prak. iv, 25, Com.). f A good illustration of the process is mentioned by Max Muller in his Lectures on the Science of Languages. In Lect. II, page 79, he quotes the following remarks from an American paper about the Negro-English. “As to Oases, I do not know that I ever heard a regular possessive, but they have begun to develope one of their own, which is a vory curious illustration of the way inflectional forms have probably grown up in other languages. If they wiBh to make the faot of possession at all emphatic or dis- tinct, they use the whole word “ own.” Thus they will say “ Mosey houso. But if asked whose house that is, the answer is “ Mosey own.” “ Co’ Molsy y own was the 131 1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian ^Languages. ^r?irf is the original of P#qtqi, so W flTrit ii or High Hindi, qr%r qjfqtuq qiq qifx arrq' q«q qifx fli?' h There is no great difficulty, therefore, in deriving qrr, qil, qi, from qjvq, %Xt ; qiX, still another derivation is possible which I shall presently give, and odd reply made by a little girl to the question, whose child she was carrying. Co’ is little j y euphonic.” — I think also, it can he shown that the affix by means of which many Sanskrit genitives are formed, is nothing else but a possessive pronominal base, equivalent to the common possessive pronominal base XI, meaning “own.” 17 it 132 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, which is not open to this difficulty. Before, however, proceeding to the con- sideration of it, I will dispose of another genitive post-position which, there appears little doubt, is really derived from ^tt and thus medially from the Prakrit viz. the Bangdli genitive post-position XX, and the Bangali and Oriya C In Bangali, all adjectives which are derived through the Prakrit appear in the crude base (that is without the Prakrit endings sit [masculine] or VjT or ^ [feminine] and anuswara [neuter]), and hence are alike in all genders and cases, e. g., WIT siPST^, little boy, and irz Trf%*RT, little girl (cf. Shama Churn Sircar’s Bangali Grammar, page 75, 2nd edition). Hence the Prakrit or contracted ifiKT, would in Bangali become ffiC Now this form tfir occurs now and then in Tulsi Das, who, in his Ramayan, has laid all the principal Gaurian languages, and Bangali among them, under contribution. An instance of a verse containing it, has been already quoted. I have above referred to the Prakrit rule of eliding a medial single mute consonant. The term medial includes also the initial consonant of a word which forms the last part of a compound (cf. Pr. Prak. II, 2 ) ; e. g., Sanscrit becomes in Prakrit ^3PC*JT ; Sanskrit finiavTC becomes in Pr krit finpiiTTT. in Gaurian ; Sanskrit becomes Prakrit ^jjVjTXT, Gaurian ^K. I have also shown that, though in Prakrit i9 generally used pleonastically, so that its concomitant word is also in the genitive case, yet in some instances it is made to form a compound with its concomitant word which thou drops its genitive inflexion. This latter usage seems to have become exclusively established in the Bangali, and in using in composition with the word in the genitive case, the initial of the former is elided regularly. Thus we arrive at VC Take for instance the genitive of T? wire a child ; it would be vrwnvr this would change to and this to or (by contraction of the two adjoining vowels) ^wrrkr, which is the present genitive in Bangali. By analogy, the other Bangali genitive post-position T, which it shares with the Oriya, is probably a curtailment of the genitive sign ^T- Prom (or T or «rt) the feminine 3ft was formed, according to the univer- sal rule of the Hindi of forming the feminine in x;, instead of the Sanskrit or Prakrit ^T. The origin of the feminine 3d and the inflected form % will be explained afterwards (see Essay I V). The form f%g; perhaps has even a better claim than the form to be considered the original of 3fT, '3t, 3f. It is true that so far as I have search- ed the Prakrit dialogues of Sanskrit dramas, I have not discovered an in- stance of either 3\ 3J or f3i vj sngrfg n or High Hindi : g gfa fa gg gr fag ( gigi g ) gg *fig V ll Or : grigrcg fg g II i- e. Skr. ggfai ■gigrg: sgsfa g sngrfg n or High Hindi : g uwt fa giTg fag ( gjTgT g ) gg *r' 3fTgg\ # I Mrichchhakati. Or : ire giw fa II *’• e- Skr. uu gggw gfa n or High Hindi : gg Jifat fag g fag % ll Or : yg trggrgtggigfagig Tugg fa u *• e- Skr. vg vfa u or High Hindi : gg rift vrsn % gr^T gtarg gr fag g n Ditto, Act. VI. page, 186. Examples of fag are — grgj fag g;g gjrggT ll i- e. * Max Muller, Lectures ou the Science of Language, Lect. II., page 67. The greater part of that lecture (pp, 60 to 80) is devoted to this sirhject of what M. M. calls “ dialectio regeneration.” 13G [No. 2, Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. Skr. w ii or High Hindi : fare % fasfa? *i i? II Batnavali, Act II, page 57. Or : sffar g*i fajfanr^^w^Tns^fai^ *iwimre il i. e. Skr. ssgiTrr ^j?rg?fa*iTW 3fh... . ll or High Hindi : «pt‘ g; % fa# ... v^imiii ^rT or cfTT) ; just as the harsher forms Trfjf or or T, &e., of the Braj 137 1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. Bhasha are contracted in the High Hindi into the more euphonious KTT, &c.. The following scheme will make the similarity still more manifest to the eye— Sanskrit. Prakrit. Br. Bhasha. Hindi. (3rfWK:), (^f-)f«qrr: = far-)f%^T = fa-)1^rT = (^r-)w = (3T-)TT (TB?Tr:), (T-)f% 'fft war NrTlHT SNr. In this last example, the participle %f and the genitive affix qrr are side by side.* Whichever be thought the more probable derivation of HTT, either from 'fT'T or f'fT'p — and this can only be decided after a more thorough examina- tion of the earliest Gaurian literature — I hope, I have succeeded in proving so much beyond doubt, that the Sanskrit participle eid is in one form or the other the original of the genitive post-positions. There remains briefly to consider the post-positions in the other Gau- rian languages. In the case of most of them my remarks are not meant to be * A very similar, thougli not quite so parallel case is that of vjj, a past participle of NT*TT, to he, which still occurs in the Ganwari, and is also met with now and then in Tulsi Das. It stands for the High Hindi aTN (Sanski’it W«T- ), and the Low Hindi WHT, or HHT- It occurs, for instance, in the following verse of Tulsi Das, NH HTf# HT HVfH NHHWIT II i. e. High Hindi : HHf SHT Hv TNT N NHHTH II Sundar kand. HT is, a curtailment of the Low Hindi VRT or HHT, which are both probably de- rived from a Prakrit (for Sanskrit Wjfi) . Prom Hfq^f, by the elision of would come VltHHT, Vli)T, WHT, and from the same, by the elision of both ^ and H, would come «?;NT = N*TT = HUT. Another parallel case, I believe, wo have in the syllable 31T (femhnno Hi, plural H), which forms the Hindi future tense ; e. g., tHAI, he will be For it stands probably for HHT, the Hindi past participle of NTHT, to go ; and JTHT itself is connectedjvith the Sanskrit Hrfb and Prakrit HHT or (with insertion of an eupho- nious *0 HHT- Compare also HI in the Low Hindi phrase HT 5JTHT, to bo found, for HINT 5JT«TT, and HIT, the Low Hindi for Hffi, what ? 139 1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. more than suggestions of their probable origin, founded partly on the fact of the common origin of all Gaurian languages, partly on Prakrit analogies. In the Marathi genitive post-positions ^T, a simple transforma- tion of the guttural of 5fT ^irsi*5 | 5T5T 5S15T S*JJT ifipfl II *. e. High Hindi : mi V(T^S( TVVT | HI TJI-irT -if f^UT II Tulsi Das Ramayan, Ajudhya Kami. Again : 57Tfv qTtT % *JtpTT ^TT I IlST fV ~Pf=TT II i. e. High Hindi : 3T^T 3iT% IJtPTT f^T I ^^rfT ^ ^T% %T f^TUT II Kabir, Rekhtas. Again : JT5T 3ipr I Wt ^ II i. e. High Hindi : 3TT -til fa»=qT I ^rai ^ q^r ii Pr. R&j Ray., I, 1 1 . Again : '-FIV ill ?jfif a^f 1 VIPS J2W qiVT 11 i. e. High Hindi : 35JT HiKST fqf *JT1 «q faVT I fllff %I V*I BsTST II Pr. Eaj II tv., 1, 18. * The dontal «T for original qt according to general Hindi usage. t In P. P. vm, 13, it is stated the root IF or IF r may change he does for (= Sanskrit q>Tlf &c., are nothing hut phonetic corruptions of the Sanskrit genitives ?r^J, Vt „ churnings taff ft 73 37 tt „ Ur iguana tt vt 3r ?> neut. gjar^r thicket ft sraiTar 37 tt „ qr«Tt water tt 373d art (See Grammar of Shapurji Edalji.) It is manifest that all these Gaurian languages allow an oblique form only to such nouns as have passed directly or immediately from the Prakrit into the Gaurian, which form part, as it were, of the original stock of voca- bles with which the Gaurian started on its way of development, when it first began to become a distinct language beside Prakrit. These nouns (viz. those which admit of an oblique form) I shall always in future dis- tinguish briefly as the Pralcritic elements of the Gaurian. Besides these Pralcritic elements of the Gaurian, there is another class of nouns in the above-mentioned languages (viz. Hindi, Panjabi, Sindh i, Gujarati, Naipali, which I shall in future call for brevity’s sake the Hindi- class Gaurian), the naturo of which is unmistakable to any one acquainted with the phonetic peculiarities of Prakrit and Sanskrit. They are purely Sanskrit. As the Prakrit tolerates no compound consonant in the begin- ning, nor a dissimilar compound consonant in the middle of a word ; further as it generally either changes a medial surd mute consonant to the corre- sponding sonant one, or elides it altogether ; and as it generally changes an aspirate mute consonant to the simple aspirate it follows, that, 1, every Gaurian word containing a compound consonant in the beginning or a dis- similar compound consonant in the middle must be Sanslcritic (barring of course all foreign words) ; 2. Most Gaurian words containing a medial surd mute or aspirate are Sanslcritic, e. //., wrath is in Hindi both JfiTt) and 147 1872.] Iloenile — Essays otl the Oaufian Languages. 5 but the latter is Prakritie, whereas the former is purely Sanskritic ; again or 3TT>q work are Sanskritic, but ^TTW or 3fT3f are Prakritie ; again written is Sanskritic, but f%*gT or is Prakritie, &c. &c* All such nouns I shall call the Sanskritic elements of the Gaurian. It needs no proof to show that this Sanskritic element is the most modern part of the Gaupan ; modern, that is, not absolutely, but relatively to the other elements ; for the presence of some of the Sanskritic element dates from some centuries. But a very slight examination of the Hindi liter- ature will show that this Sanskritic element is least present in its oldest specimens, and that it increases in proportion as the date of the literature approaches our own times. In the High Hindi it preponderates very large- ly, and, as I have already remarked in the introductory essay, its intro- duction is still progressing. Now what happens when we see a Sanskrit word naturalised, as it were, in the Gaurian (High Hindi) ? It is simply taken in the form of the Sanskrit nominative sing. In this form it remains stereotyped in the Gaurian and serves as the Gaupan Inflexional base for all cases, the nomin- ative, as well as the oblique ones ; e. g., wise is in Hindi fsHTW, gen. 3TT. This inflexional base is nothing but the nominative sing, of the Sanskrit word (or rather base) Again soul is in Hindi 'sjriJTr (with gen. ^T(Str 3>r) which is merely the Sanskrit nominative sing, of the base The same word occurs in Hindi also in the Prakritie form '3?PT (for Prakr. in the sense of an honorific term of address. It follows from this as the distinctive principle of the (Hindi-class) Gaurian, f that they have 1, lost the power of forming organic inflexions of a noun (as the Sanskrit and Prakrit do.) 2. That they leave their inflexional bases unchanged and indicate their inflexion by post-positions, and 3, that they use as their bases the nouns in the nominative singular belonging to a former and now fossil state of the language {viz., to Sanskrit or, as we shall presently see, to Prakrit) ; having thus become unconscious of the already inflected nature of its nouns. It has been now shown that the Prakritie element of the (Hindi-class) Gaurian contains all those norms which admit of an oblique form , and * These are only a few of the more broad and general criteria. There are others also; e. g., in the High Hindi (not in the low Hindi of Alwar) every lingual nr of the Prakrit (which, as is well known, not only retains all Sanskrit lingual tn but changes even every single, dental «T of the Sanskrit into the lingual p ) is changed into a dental •f oven in those cases whore the Prakrit represented the original Sanskrit nr Hence every Hindi word containing a lingual nr must be Sanskritic ; e. g., to do is Prakritie, but to do and Bfrprp cau3° are Sanskritic; ear is Prakritie, but ear Sanskritic, &c. t I. e.t of the Gauj*ian after its fall development as a distinct and separate lan- guage ; leaving out of account, therefore, the Prakritie element, which represents a state of the Gaurian, when it was not yet distinct from Prakrit. 19 a 148 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, that all Sanskritic elements (of the Gaurian) belong to that class of nouns which admit of no ohlique form, a class which is much more extensive than the other. But Sanslcritic elements do not account for the whole of the nouns belonging to that class. There are many nouns in this class which 1., ex- hibit all the phonetic peculiarities (enumerated above) of the Prakrit ; which 2., have the form of the nominative sing, of the Prakrit ; and which 3., pre- serve this form unchanged in all cases (i. e., do not admit of an oblique form), indicating their inflexion by post-positions ; e. g., elephant is in Hindi it is identical with the Prakrit nominative singular (= Sanskrit nominative singular of the base vrmvf ), and is in Hindi the ( inflexion- al) base of which the nominative is the gen. TIrit 357, &c. From this we conclude, 1., that all these nouns have been transferred to the Gaurian not from the Sanskrit, but from the Prakrit ; but 2., that they were so transferred not before the distinctive principles of the Gaurian had fully established themselves, i. e., after the Gaurian had finally and entirely- replaced the Prakrit as a separate and distinct language. These nouns, therefore, have an altogether different nature from those nouns which con- stitute the Prdkritic elements of the Gaurian. The latter are the earliest elements of the Gaurian which were transferred to it from the Prakrit at that early time when the principles of the Gaurian were not yet formed, but only in process of formation ; when as yet the Gaurian was only a much decayed dialect of the Prakrit. Hence the Prakritic elements have a mixed character, half Prakrit, half Gaurian ; Prakrit they are in showing traces of organic inflexion, vie., in the oblique form (as differing from the direct form of the nominative) ; Gaurian, in preserving their oblique form unchanged in all oblique cases alike, indicating the difference of the various oblique cases by post-positions. On the other hand the other Prakrit nouns entered the Gaurian when its principles were fully formed ; and, therefore, becoming sub- ject to the force of those principles, they were fully assimilated by the Gaurian. I shall therefore in future denominate all such nouns as the proper Gaurian elements of the Gaurian, to distinguish them from the Prakritic elements on the one hand, and from the Sanskritic elements on the other hand.* Thus we have seen that the whole of the Gaurian nouns are divided into three classes. z. The Prdkritic element containing all nouns, which admit an oblique form. 2. The proper Gaurian element containing one part * By tlie term te Gaurian element” only, I shall designate both the proper Ga/urian and the Sanskritic elements together. For all Gaupian nouns may be divided thus : — 1. Prdkritic nouns, i. e.f admitting an oblique form. 2. Gaurian nouns, i. e ., not admitting an oblique form, a. Gaurian proper. b. Sanslcritic. 1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 149 of the nouns which do not admit an oblique form. 3. The Sanskritic element containing the remaining part of the nouns which do not admit an oblique form. And from what has been explained above, it follows further that these three elements or classes represent three, in the main, successive stages in the development or periods in the history of the Gaurian lan- guages. The PrdJcritic element exhibits the Gaurian in its earliest stage (probably before 800 A. D.) Next comes the proper Gaurian element which shows the Gaurian in its middle stage (extending probably from about 800 to 1300 A. D.) Lastly comes the Sanskritic element showing the Gaurian in its modern form (beginning probably with about 1300 A. D.) I may remark here en passant, that the nouns (now post-positions) %T (Naipali), (Hindi) ; (Panjabi), 5TT (Sindhi), «rr (Gujarati), since they exhibit the phonetic peculiarities of the Prakrit (for they stand for the Prakrit [fai^T or 3iT37 or rather for] or and the. Sanskrit [sRri: or) as explained in Essay II), and since they admit of an oblique form (i. e., ^TI, if, 'ft), belong to the Prakritic element of the Gaurian and hence to the earliest period of its history ; to that tune of its history, in fact, when it was yet merely a modification of Prakrit. The Gaurian was not established as a separate and distinct language until after these nouns had assumed fully the nature of mere inflexional post-positions. This fact it is important to bear in mind, when we come afterwards to the ex- planation of the nature of the oblique form of nouns ; and also because, as it will be observed, it tends to confirm the theory of the origin of the geni- tive post-positions, given in Essay II. Another point I may also dispose of here, before I pass on to the examination of the oblique form in the remaining Gaurian languages, (Marathi, Bangdli, Uriya). It has been stated that it is a principle of the Hindi-class Gaurian languages that they assume as their inflexional bases the nouns of their parent languages (Prakrit and Sanskrit) in the form of the nominative singular and preserve this form throughout in all cases. Here two phonetic laws come into play which have the curious effect of making the terminations of many Sanskritie and proper Gaurian nouns, which would otherwise have been widely different, identical ; so that looking simply at the termination, it would be impossible in some cases to judge, to which class of elements such nouns belong. These two phonetic laws are ; first, the well known law, that final short vowels in Gaurian are quiescent or not pronounced, so that a word, though ending in reality in a short vowel, virtually terminates in a consonant and is treated accordingly. In most Gaurian grammars such nouns and those ending really in conso- nants are considered alike as constituting the consonatal declension and are subject to identical rules of inflexion. Eor clearness of distinction jn these ISO Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, essays, all Gaupan words really ending in consonants will have the Viba'ma (furru) appended to them while those which end only virtually in conso- nants (but really in short vowels) will be written without it ; e. g., q\T*T ear is pronounced kan not kiina, and treated exactly like wise (pro- nounced budhiman, not budhimana). This explains also how it happened that some words which really end in ^ or 'a come to be written as if ending in vj. The truth is, that they are not really written with a final % but their final X or not being pronounced, was also not written.* The tran- scription of the word assimilated itself to the pronunciation ; e.g., 'YTJT fire seems at first sight by the analogy of ^TT*T, &c., to bo really aga though pronounced only ag ; hut this is only in appearance, in truth stands for ^Tf*I (Prakrit Sanskrit vjfjp), but as final Y was not pronounced, it was also suppressed in writing. So again the modern High Hindi hav- ing done stands for the older Low Hindi qifY (Prakrit q\fY3(, Sanskrit STSfr), which lias dropped its final ?, hi accommodation to the pronunciation. In poetry, indeed, ^Rl, qrv and other nouns of the same nature are commonly treated as if termmating in 'Sj (i. e., aga, kara, not as ag, lcar,) but this is merely because according to the native grammatical system, the vowel “?( is supposed to he inherent in every consonant. The second law is this, that a final diphthong or long vowel of the Pra- krit is reduced by the Gaurian to its inherent simple vowel. The inherent simple vowel of is of Y and x it is X, of ill and ^ it is In Prakrit all masculine bases in ^ terminate in the nominative singular in % or q (cf. Pr. Prak. V. 1, XI, 10) ; all masculine and feminine bases in X and ^ terminate in the nominative singular in Y and ^ (cf. Pr. Prak. V, 18) ; all masculine and feminine bases in q|T, Y and ^ terminate in the nominative singular in ^Ti, Y and <3? respectively. I have shown above that the Gaurian adopts its nouns from the Prakrit in the form of the nomina- tive singular of the Prakrit. Now in adopting them in this manner, the Gaurian reduces their (Prakrit) terminations ^JT, % X, regularly to their inherent simple vowels "W, X and 'S.f E. //., Sanskrit ^Tfli = Prakrit * Traces of this phenomenon occur already in Prakrit ; comp. Pr. Prak. 2JI, 10., according to which sutra instead of uij qftjrj (for Skr. qq q-qq:) may be said and written r nvrhRvr id 1 *rr csi*i 11 Ayodhya Kand. Beside these a great many other such nouns in ^ are met with in poetical Hindi ; in fact, I have no doubt, every noun, that now in Hindi prose ends in ^.f What is, thus, a form confined in Hindi to the old and poetic language, appears in Sindhi to he preserved in the common modem language. Dr, Trumpp says : “ The old Prakrit ending in o has in Sindhi been split up into two great classes, one of which has corrupted the Prakrit (final) o into u, the other has preserved it unchanged.” He adds : “ It is noteworthy that many words which in Sindhi end in o, in Hindi end in a, while on the other hand the short final u in Sindhi has in Hindi been thrown away or become quiescent.” (Of. Journ. Germ. As. Society, vol. XVI, p. 131). Also in the common modern Naipali an important instance of that form has been preserved. The nominative plural is there formed by adding to the noun. Now is nothing else but a modification of the Prakrit %Tt, Sanskrit ifc: multitude. Though this form has disappeared from for T having a woman’s faoe), but comp. Pr. Prak. VI, 6 (e. g , for of what). Note that in Prakrit all these forms are optional, but not in Gaurian. X may add a few examples from the Mrichchhakatika : — 3VI isuwv ^rf twl 1 e. Slcr. vpnfg fffir w 11 Again | - Sanskrit fsiv: e (Tiff II * A few other instances are in Hindi 7312, bed, for Prakrit 7§f~r; Sanskrit 7gipT ; flute, for Prakrit ^tuif, Sanskrit sjpsjf ; ttflol, shame, for Prakrit Sanskrit ; 5f|U, tongue, for Prakrit (or SftWT ), Sanskrit shade, for Prakrit -t? T (see Pr. Prak. II, 18.), Sanskrit at mi- t These archaic forms are very common in poetry, only it should be noted that as they generally occur at the end of a line, they are usually lengthened to for metre’s sake. 1872.] Hoernle — JEssays on the Gaurian Languages. 153 Ganwari and in poetical and old Hindi, the original forms still commonly occur, e. g., sr? WlfJT I ?rq -UTK ^nfjt II i. e. H. H. 5r?t srm htji qr i rr^t % ^tjt ii Lanka Kand. Or srsiffr ^TfJI Wlf^Nrl II i- e. H. H. STtsral ^TJI II Prithiraj Rayasa, 1. 18. Again faff WrT HTft II i. e. H. H. u* ft ^i’n Pfrni % wet ii Ayodhya Kand. Again ^THT jpv’nsrqe" WKW II *'• e. ^Tq >4UT;i5T8^ tTH #T »TT*t II Ayodhya Kand. Again fqrrf% wilST ^nft II i. e. H. H. fqrTT €r ^ and barytones reducing it to -g- (or ^j) This theory is quite insufficient for the purpose. Mr. Beames him- self admits that “ it cannot bo said that every oxytono substantive in Sanskrit gives rise to a noun in 1 or o in modern languages. On the contrary the exemp- tions to the rule are as numerous as the illustrations of it." This admission, surely, is fatal to the theory. But though in the case of tioo different oxytone words it may be possible to show cause, why in the one instance the accent had its legiti- mate influence, hut not in the other, this is manifestly inadmissible, when it is one 1872.] 155 Hoernle — Essays on tlie Gaurian Languages. But to return to our enquiry, we have now seen that if a Prakrit noun having the general form of its base, passed into the Gaurian, it sub- mitted to the laws of the Gaurian. Hence e. g., the nominative singular of the Prakrit HH'if would become the inflexional base in the Gaurian not admitting an oblique form, but remaining unchanged in all cases ; thus nominative genitive instrumental etc. But the form of the Gaurian inflexional base is, then, modified to which now is the unchangeable inflexional base of all cases ; lastly, is modified to h#? which still remains the unchangeable inflexional base in modern Hindi. But this process of phonetic corruption has obtained in all modern Gaurian languages almost without exception, and has reduced all unchangeable inflexional bases, which originally ended in WT, to the form of the crude ( general ) base in Only in Marathi a few isolated instances of the original unchangeable inflexional base in remains; e. g., ^7% gain (= nominative singular Prakrit wr%T = Sanskrit has nominative tjTT^T, gen. *n%r ^T, dat. wTlxpsiT, etc. In the present poetical and old Hindi it oc- curs only as ^its, and from the modem High Hindi it has disappeared alto- gether and has been substituted by the Sanskritio ^rrw. Some other in- stances in Marathi of the base in are WTTT surprise, *r%T sensation of burning, 3T[%T moaning, Hl^T bees’ nest. Confining our attention to the modern Hindi and the example we find that the modem Hindi possesses also another form of this same word ; viz., which is also tho unchangeable inflexional base of all cases in the singular ; thus : nominative #?, gen. ^rr, instr. if, etc. The difference between them is this, that Jjir? has come into the Hindi from the Prakrit, and belongs to the Proper Gaurian element, whereas and the same word which now exhibits tho Prakrit termination sg j (or ^jj), now the Gaurian reduced termination ^ (or ^j), Now, in Hindi at all events with which I am more particularly acquainted, every so-called tadbhava adjective may be used with both forms of the termination i (though no doubt one is more common than the other) 5 e. g., true is as well as (fern, ^t) ; great is as well as q-gq (fem. ; y°u may say ^ jj-gyr % as well as JRiV ^ he is a very vulgar man ; yon may also say ^ ST, UP3. Tfra, h~T, 3P5T, sim, 3P|, TO ^0 ; e. g., JTTUt carriage, gen. Jipft UT ; chalk ig^^T; but mother-in-law, gen. UTU§ rtT or U13i Ui ; woman f^UT. _ _ (5) . The following neuter nouns in rt ; viz. . ’UTUU, 'SSlrt, Us(T~f, mz, * t a?' ■ ari^, Ti3rt^. Ulsi, e. g., Ula', 'gen. 'W'UG but* TT? pony, gen. «TET UT, and 7TTU ship, gen. f»?r»r ) has nom. gen. Tpdf'37 instr. vpft u dat. 3Tr, ^m?r 'fiT, vitit ^>T, fu^Pfrr, etc.). Again the Sanskritic nouns *n#f, HTHt, etc. (nom. sing, of etc.) form the gen. sing. KTWr^T, ^TUJT m, gTUJT ^T, by the analogy of the Prdkrittc words etc., which form gen. wn^jj rfT TlTrHr m Here, however, an option is possible, for the proper Gaurian noun vfTf), gen. mdT m, also affords an analogy. According- ly we find that some Sanskritic words have chosen to follow the analogy of and such like Gaurian words and, according to the Gaurian law, do not admit an oblique form. Such are the Samkritic nouns ^rt, «RT), ^t, ^wiT, etc., and the foreign nouns mspi), qfT^t, etc. Here a great deal of arbitrariness seems to prevail as to the analogy which should be followed. As regards the nouns in X and ^ (whether masc., fern, or neuter), they appear to be all Sanslcritic; at least if Dadoba’s grammar represents the case fairly ; for none of the instances given by him (pp. 7G, 78, 79, 86, 87, 89, 94, 95,) need bo a word derived from the Prakrit ; they are such as ^f%, ^ftr, (masc.), wf%, ajfs, VW, mg (fem.) ; Uifr, (neuter). It should be remembered that according to the Gaurian law explained formerly, the final visarga of the Sanskrit nom. sing, is dropped in the Gaurian ; hence the nouns just mentioned are modifications of the Sanskrit nom. sing. «tfP'*:,'3if%:,'3lf5rb etc., etc. Now all these Sanslcritic nouns are treated by the law of the Prukritic elements and admit an oblique form in long x or It is not very difficult to see the analogy which they follow. There are in Marathi a good number of feminine nouns in "W which belong to the Prakritic element and form an oblique form in long X. The reason of this is simply this, that they are really feminine nouns in short X, which X, however, according to the Gaurian law explained before, becomes quiescent and, being also suppressed in writing, is thus apparently changed to * In an older state of Marathi, no doubt, the original final ? was both written and spoken (similarly as it has been proved already in the case of Hindi) ; e. g., fire in Marathi is ^rrfl (which is th o proper Gaurian form of the word, beside which the Sanskritic form is also used) ; in reality it is standing for the Prakrit which (by the Gaurian law of shortening * This law applies strictly only to words derived from Prakrit. In words derived from Sanskrit the final x (or ^) is often pronounced and, as a rule, always written. This explains the fact, why all Marathi nouns in ^ (or \3) appear to be Sanslcritic. Exceptionally, however, the final x may dropped in Sanskritic words ; e. g., 3f rf 3fTrT, ^ etc. = ) v.rT%T, Nrphy, didiy. Next the syllable Eff or is reduced to ^ (or in other words the consonant dr of y etc. In conclusion it may he well to recapitulate briefly the main results of the foregoing enquiry : 1. Th Gaurian languages consist of three parts ; a., the Pralcritic ; b., the Gaurian; c., the Sanslcritic. Of these, speaking generally, the Pralcritic is the oldest, then comes the Gaurian Proper, then the Sanslcritic. 2. The PrdJcritio element consists of all those nouns which have come into the Gaurian from the Prakrit, and which have preserved traces of the old organic inflexion of the Prakrit declension ; vis., the Prakrit nominative and genitive. The former (i. e., the nom.) constitutes the inflexional base of the nominative or the 'direct form of the inflexional base in the Gaurian declension. The latter (i. e., the gen.) constitutes the inflexional base of the remaining cases (which among themselves are distinguished by post-positions) or the oblique form. The distinguishing feature of the nouns of this class (vis., of the Pralcritic element) is their possession of an oblique form, different from the direct form. Note. — Bangali and Uriya are exceptional in so far as the oblique form of their Prdlcritic nouns is not the organic genitive, but probably the crude base of the Prakrit declension, and the apparent identity of the . oblique form and the direct form of such nouns is the accidental result of phonetic modification of the direct form. I admit, however, another view is possible which would allow to the Bangali and Uriya no Pralcritic element at all but onlyj proper Gaurian. 3. The proper Gaurian element consists of all those nouns which have been contributed also by the Prakrit, but which have not preserved any traces of the organic declension of the Prakrit. They have been trans- ferred from the Prakrit into the Gaurian in the form of the Prakrit nom. sing., and this form constitutes their unchangeable inflexional base for all eases of the Gaurian declension, (which distinguishes the various cases among themselves by the various post-positions). The distinguishing feature of the nouns of this class therefore is their non-possession of an oblique form different from the direct form. 4. The Sanslcritic element consists of all those nouns which have come into the Gaurian language direct from the Sanskrit (not through the medium of Prakrit) and which like the proper Gaurian element admit of no oblique form ; their unchangeable inflexional base being the form of the nom. sing, of the noun in Sanskrit. 1GS Iloernle — Unsays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, 5. The relation, accordingly, of these three different elements, one to another, is this ; the Prdkritic and the proper Gaurian parts agree in both receiving their nouns from the Prakrit, but differ in the former (Prdkritic) admitting an oblique form, while the latter does not. The proper Gaurian and the Sanskritic parts agree in both not possessing an oblique form ; but they differ in the former deriving its nouns from the Prakrit, while the latter receives them directly from the Sanskrit. The Prdkritic and Sans- kritic parts differ in every respect. G. The great characteristic of the Gaurian languages in their full development, i. e., after having finally separated themselves from the Prakrit as distinct languages by themselves, is that they do not admit an oblique form, but use the nom. sing, of their parent languages (Sanskrit and Prakrit) as their inflexional base for the formation of all cases, in other words that they do not form an organic declension. Hence the proper Gaurian and the Sanskritic nouns only are really Gaurian. The Prdkritic nouns are transitional forms partaking of the character of both the Prakrit and the Gaurian. 7. Hence it follows that those Gaurian languages are most really Gaurian which contain the largest proportion of Gaurian elements (i e., Gaurian Proper and Sanskritic) and least of the Prdkritic element. In this respect the Gaurian languages differ chnsiderably among themselves. They may be divided into three classes : the first class contains only the Marathi ; it possesses least of the Gaurian element, and therefore is the most Prdkritic of all the Gaurian languages, and represents most accurately the transitional stage between Prakrit and Gaurian. The second class * coirtains all the remaining Gaurian languages, except Bangali and Uriya ; viz., Hindi, Naipall, Panjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, (i. e., the Hindi-class Gaurian languages), they are almost entirely pure Gaurian. The third class contains Bangali and Uriya. They also are almost entirely Gaurian ; if not perhaps altogether. The difference between the second and third class consists not so much in the relative amount of the Prdkritic element which they contain, as in the nature of the Prakritic element as explained in No. 2, note. 8. All Gaurian nouns which have been received from the Prakrit, are derived either from the general base of the word (common to both Sanskrit and Prakrit) or from a particular base in (peculiar to Prakrit). The final sound of the direct form of the inflexional base of nouns of the latter kind is not liable to phonetic corruption (except the change of % to or ^T), while that of the former kind is. 9. The final sound of the direct form of the Gaurian inflexional base (with the exceptions mentioned in No. 8) is subject to considerable phonetic corruptions. As regards those inflexional bases which are Prakrit nom. sing., two stages of phonetic corruption may be distinguished ; a., a Prakrit final 1(59 1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. diphthong or long vowel is reduced to its constituent short vowel, i. e., to v or to ?; ; ^iT or <3! to ^ ; b., a final Gaurian short vowel is made quiescent, so that all such inflexional bases appear in pronunciation and, generally, also in writing to end in a consonant or (since ^ is considered inherent in a consonant) in As regards those inflexional bases which are Sanskrit nom. sing., two stages also may be recognized ; a., a Sanskrit final visarga (or ) and anuswara (or is elided ; and h., if a final short vowel be the resultant of such elision, that vowel may or may not bo made quies- cent, but, as a rule, is always written. The next essay (No. IV) will set forth the proof of the positions stated in No. 2 and No. 8, i. e., that the oblique form of the inflexional base is identical with the Prakrit genitive ; and that the phenomenon of the direct form of some inflexional bases retaining the original Prakrit termination ii, is owing to the fact, that they are derived from particular Prakrit bases, formed by means of the affix 3f. Appendix; to Essay III. On a closer examination of Naipali I have been convinced, that the view of Naipali taken in the preceding Essay must be somewhat modified, and that Naipali is much more Prdkritic than I thought at first ; though I still think that its Prahritic element is not sufficiently strong to take it altogether out of the second class, i. e., of the Hindi-class Gaurian lan- guages. But it is next to Gujarati the most Prakritic of that class and therefore the nearest in that respect to Marathi. In this general respect as well as in many particular instances which I shall have occasion at differ- ent times to notice in these essays, Naipali shows a remarkable affinity to Marathi. My observations are based altogether on a translation of the Gospel of St. Luke into Naipali, the only Naipali work that I have been able to procure.* The translation, I believe, was made by Missionaries ; and therefore, having been made by foreigners to whom Naipali is yet a new language, it must be used with caution. It is full of inaccuracies of spelling, and even of grammatical mistakes here and there ; e. g., in ch. x. 24. vejt fbfTrii: 3TT the use of ^ (= Hindi fl) is surely in- * I have been informed by the Rev. W. Macfarlane of Darjeeling, that the only printed Naipali Grammar is one published in 1820 in Calcutta by Lt. Ayfcon, of which only ono copy exists in the library of the Asiatic Society, I have boon unable to obtain a loan of it. 170 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, correct ; for ^rf WT is tbe present tense like Hindi ^3^ ^T.# Again very often consonants are spelled as compound which are in reality separated by a quiescent 37, as an5* instead ol (in Hindi 5n«r«TT ; also sometimes wrongly spelled sttwit). There is also a very inscientific principle followed in attaching the virdma to words really ending in consonants, as well as to words apparently terminating in a consonant, hut in reality in some quiescent vowel. But as regards the phenomena which I am now about to mention, there is every reason to believe (from general Gaurian analogy) that-the lan- guage of the translation is correct. As the first observation it may bo mentioned that the SansJcritio element of the Naipali is, in proportion to its proper Gaurian and PrdJcritie elements considerably less than in High Hindi. In this respect Naipali is on a level with the more cultivated low Hindi dialects. In the next place the PrdJcritie element of Naipdli includes besides that class of nouns which is the common PrdJcritie element of all Hindi- class Gaurian languages, two more classes of nouns. It has been observed that all masculine nouns terminating in 3*T or 3jT and derived through the Prd/crit are hi all Hindi-class Gaurian languages PrdJcritie. Thus Naipali has direct form ^TT, thine, oblique form 77TT Hindi V „ "it Panjabi » *ro Sindhi 7J „ Gujarati 9f tTTT „ In regard to Gujarati, the neuter nouns in ^3 had to be added to that class. They necessarily belong to it, as they are nothing else, but the neuter nouns corresponding to those masculine nouns in "%t. Similarly in regard to Low Hindi, the neuter nouns in vj (Braj Bliaska) and (Sura Dasas Sura Sagara) had to be added. In Naipali a like addition has to be made. It possesses probably neuter nouns in 3)t which form an oblique form in 37T. I have met with such a neuter, however, in a very few instances only ; and perhaps they are doubtful ;f though to judge from the fact that Naipali * There is also apparently great confusion as to the feminine gender. The femi- nine is made to terminate promiscuously in (like i'lVt. girl), or in •?; (like given ; though she teas is far not fgpr), or >u 3(T (like *75fT, dust, for Hindi or o- • ^ wf%), or in (liko fate). Now such variations are not probable in themselves, and the terminations x, %, are contrary to all Gaurian analogy. Or are they, per- haps, all misprints for x ? t E. g., St. Luko x. 18, fr( || 171 1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. stands in its general character on a level with the Low Hindi dialects, the existence of a neuter gender is but to he expected. To this class of Prdkritic nouns (viz. masculine in % and neuter in which Naipali has in common with the other Hindi-class Gau- fian languages, two further classes of Prdkritic nouns aro to be added. Namely, 1., a small class of nouns in ^3 which form their oblique form in "5ST, like the nouns in % ; e. g., oion in Naipali is 'WPfTW with an oblique form ^pfTWT •, see St. Luke xxiv. 32, WT W»T *tt% *r tin f=ir = Hindi 33T #riii "it’ ^w«tt ^qwr ww fnrfiT w wt ; but St. Luke xviii. 14. ifT ’Wrqii WT 'ST JlilT = Hindi W? WW®] 'WW %I JTtTT. All infinitives belong to this class. They have a direct form in ^3 but an oblique form in ’Wr ; e. g., saying (or to say) is but order to say is w*t»it fwfwTt or ««nrr qrr «nfjr ; see St. Luke v. 23.wkt wot wptf win vfw www % wfsf www fvr «efrN = Hindi qm twi 'zz. liiT qwr but St. Luke v. 24 «TTWr WWWT fwfwrt = Hindi f%w f^T gw %TJI STTWh or again St. Luke xix. 4. <3 qrr ~utji ant wt ^sr?T = Hindi #!%«} w ^«tt. 2. A class oi' nouns with an oblique form in WI- The direct form would end, probably, in f is to be formed (e. g., ^3*3% WTCWT Al ^rsjT JKT^ = Hindi if wrcw WFTl 3JT3JI "fTVir, St. Luke xxiv. 20) ; but the form in is used, whenever the genitive is used objectively (e. g., *3 '3'awjr W = Hin- di '3'3^-qi^rT WT) . I consider it, however, more probable that the direct form of these oblique forms in WT would end in ’qji, that, e, g., to '33vt;r the direct form would be qfWWT- For these forms in WT correspond evidently 172 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2, to the Marathi oblique forms in *JT of nouns in (for %) ; thus Marathi has genitive irr33?l^r. I have already observed that the Marathi ijpfT (and such like nouns) presupposes a Prakrit form hrFf'i'T (or U[f3'llT for iirf%r). This view is confirmed by the derivation of the Naipali It stands for a Prakrit form 7331#?% (Pr. Prak. II, 17), which would represent a San- skrit form ^3 75! rift*? ! (from 33 + W + ^«ffq). The Prakrit genitive 33<5Yw^T would he contracted in Naipali to <33*7?!. This, however, will he fully dis- cussed in the IVth Essay. The adjective force is conveyed by the genitive. The genitive is used in this manner in all Gaurian languages. As regards Marathi, see the Manual, §. 212, p. 132, note 1, and §. 276, note. For Panjabi, see Ludiana grammar of Panjabi §§. 43, 120. Eor Gujarati, see Edalji’s Gujarati Grammar, §. 90, b. For Bangui!, see Shama Churn Sircar’s Grammar p. 99, (2nd edition). In Hindi such expressions are quite idiomatic as 3 if*JT 3T*3 377 •T^f, i. it is not my habit (or intention) to act in this manner ; or this, 33 fiW BTHT 3TI «T^f, i. e., this thing is useless. For some other cases of this kind, see Etherington’s Hindi Gram- mar §. 405. In Hindi, however, in many of these cases the affix argr («rNft fern ) may also be used. This word is really a noun (as I think, the Prakrit equivalent of the Sanskrit CTT733f) which has merely been degraded to the position of an affix, and moreover is often a, pleonastic addition. Its case is exactly Hite that of the Prakrit 3iT*frr and its Gaurian (Hindi) equivalent 3fT, as explained in Essay II, and affords an illustration of what has been said there regarding 3K+T and 3iT. Instead of saying 3 T 33t it would he equally idiomatic to say V V3t «TNf . In the latter sentence, the word 37^3 is in reality already a genitive {viz. of 37337 ; since it is the oblique form of it ; more an this in essay IV) ; and as such has already all that adjectival force which the word 3773 3l«TT expresses. The addition of 3T^TT is, therefore, in reality perfectly pleonastic, making the word 37333T31T doubly adjectival. The word 37 ; 331317 in fact means exactly the same as 3773 377 which, as explained in Essay Hud, is also a double adjective or a double genitive (for Prakrit 37VfiY*rc0 ^T%). Hence in many Hindi phrases 37T and UT~U are interchangeable : e. g., you may say 3f33 371 33; and qf^Tf*T^TT 33, i. e., the country of the west or the western country. Just as the Naipali nouns with a (conjectured) direct form in % and an oblique form in 3T correspond to the Marathi nouns in 3T with an oblique form in *71, so the Naipali nouns with a direct form in ^3 and oblique form in W correspond to the Marathi nouns in 3 with an oblique form in 3?T. Both have reduced the Prakrit nominative termination % (one to <3, the other to 3) in their direct form and have preserved the Prakrit organic genitive in their oblique form. There is this difference, however, that while in Marathi the Prakrit nominative termination % has been worn down to 173 1872.] Hoernle — 'Essays on the Qaurian Languages. its utmost limit 33 (i. fi., from % to ^3 and from <3 to or rather to nothing, leaving the mere consonant), in Naipali it has been only half worn down to *3. Besides this class of nouns in ^ which are Pralsritic for they have an oblique form, the Naipali possesses also another class of nouns in <3 which are Proper Qaurian , because they have no oblique form, but retain their inflexional base in '3 throughout all cases. Such nouns are, e. g.. ^[R self— the Hindi e. g„ ^R «TTT *RT, i. e., Hindi RR % %PC %:iit «tRT, St. Luke, xxiii. 39 ; IrtT sign, e. g., ^rf?, ^ 11 vr gyrerq 38ffigym: «tt»t 3t wjj; i qqq fsnrmqj ^JTWqrfriT | ?Trf MTWq;qq«Jqjqrrr | %q | | sfqqjw I Sf^qiqfjqiq | OTT ^TTHfl qqrqqfjggqpq | -V-IWipqT- qrC9rT( rf| qvr: 3fmht _ ^ C J -v _ ¥7¥d 33^Uf)¥«T‘^Hr, ¥377 ¥7gJ JZ¥¥¥riT ?fTUg7¥7:, ¥¥«M¥7T7¥¥7 ¥¥7¥*77f¥T, ¥fm^rq ¥S-¥rfod, one of the gambhari sticks alluded to above, was driven into the region of the heart to effect the destruction. Both methods are noticed elsewhere, and the spike was called sphya. But however effected, immediately after the immolation, the master of the ceremony should cover the right hypochon- driac region with a little kiis'a grass, and make an oblique incision to extract an important organ from the abdomen. If the immolation be made with the animal’s head to the east, it will be necessary to turn the carcass over to come to the spot. The organ to be extracted is called Vapd, and in Sanskrit dictionaries it is set down as a synonym of fat or marrow. Some take it to be the omentum, but the commentator of As'valayana describes its place to be a hollow above, and to the right of the navel, f which takes us exactly to the region of the liver, and knowing how eagerly such Hindus as take flesh meat in the present day, like the liver of goats, as a delicacy, I am disposed to believe that the word means the liver. Such a tit bit would be much more worthy of the gods than the skinny omentum, which is utterly unfit for human food. * Gmelina arborea. The wood of this tree is reputed to bo remarkably dense, hard and tough. The technical name of the stick is Papdsrcepcmi. A srapani is ordi- narily a cooking pot, but in the present instance, as one of them should be ^pjfTtsiT “ without leaves” and the other yrjjjtsix leaves, I infer that sticks are meant. f vnfflw qfw qrnr i ‘ef ^ fsRrtnqwtr Tfd yn I rTTrefapT ^frT I Tfrf! JTT ifTV- <£fw«T ?rrircret'*rT frar tpt (avrcTwrer?? ftratqx msiT ’rrw l sir^fsiyi: ?j-sn tjfrr ?f^ui 3iidT fSqTrf I fTfll I 55RTT'?r?'!i l ^^Tfsr trtfwl I 7f7(T l " 'J 190 Rajendralala Mitra — Beef in Ancient India. [No. 2, The liver being thus extracted, it should be cut, stuck on the two gam- bhari sticks, washed, and then heated on the cooking fire. Proceed- ing then to the sacrificial fire, an offering is to be made to it with a bit of the liver. Sitting then on the south side of that fire, the meat is to be cooked, and butter be dropped on it while cooking. The roast being in this way completely dressed, it should be placed on the leaves of the plaksha tree (Ficus infect oria), and further offerings made to the two fires. On this occasion rice is likewise cooked, and the carcass being then cut up into eleven principal parts, such as the heart, the tongue, the briskets, &c. besides other minor parts, they are all to be cooked at the samitra fire. The heart is to be stuck on a spit and carefully roasted over the fire so as to make it tender, clarified butter being subsequently poured on it to complete the dressing.* On the completion of the operation, the different kinds of cooked meat and rice should be offered to the sacrificial fire with appropriate man- tras, each ending with the word svdhd. If the meat and rice be offered separately, then separate evish{aki~it or final offerings are to be made for each of them, otherwise one final-offering would suffice for all. The roast should be offered last without any mantra. The mantras enjoined are all extracts from the Sanhlta of the Rig Veda. These rules, simple as they are, are nevertheless too complicated for a feast to be improvised whenever a respectable guest honours a house ; and for such a purpose, therefore, a separate set of rules have been provided in which the order of the guest to slaughter, given in a Rig Vedic verse, followed by another when immolating, is held sufficient. The ceremony is called 11a- dhuparka, or the offering of honied meal. The persons for whom this cere- mony was imperative, were ritvigs, kings, bridegrooms, Vedic students on their return home after the completion of their studies, A'charyas or tutors coming to a house after a year’s absence, fathers-in-law, uncles, and generally all men of high rank.t The first duty of the householder on the arrival of a guest belonging to any of these classes was, after salutation, to offer a seat. This was ordinarily a mat made of^kus'af grass, and in the case of ritvijas * VTfa tot: ufuurf^rnfvr tot *gfr- ttoto i ^>4 fsnn to l TO9ipTf*r ssrfvr Trernfq frowsr I *nf*r *Tfro: i VTO hi??} uvnqqffr tot jyff uqffr i to to vq' 3TS‘Afr. frimqrr vf), which is probably modern, the characters seem to correspond with the Sanskrit of the fifth century A. D., as given in the table of modifications at p. 276, Vol. VII of the Journal, for 1838. Our Assistant Secretary, Pratapachandra Ghosh a, well-versed in Nagari characters, has proposed the following readings for these letters — (c) instead of Sri vrieghau , he would read Sri-vi-krama : ( b ) Sri-ta-candra : (a) Dham- ma-chandra. Thus two out of the three end in chandra. Captain Latter in his paper states, that a popular tradition is connected with these coins, which shortly is as follows : — a certain Arakan king, before setting out on a voyage to China, left with his wife a ring, and told her in case he did not return in seven years, she was to raise to the throne and marry any person whom it would fit. It fitted a herdsman whom she mar- ried, and who, in commemoration of his origin, put on these corns an ox and a goad (the trident). In Vol. XIII of the Journal, pp. 36, 37, Captain (now Sir Arthur) Phayre tells us in his 1 History of Arakan,’ that the monarch who set out for 203 1872.] Fryer — Note on an Arakanese Coin. China was Gala taing candra, the ninth and last sovereign of the dynasty of the city of Vaisali, and that his wife Cau-da-devi, in ^ .1 ai9, firs^ married and raised to the throne a chief of the Myu tribe, named Amyatu, and on his death, seven years after, married his nephew Pe-byu, both of whom the ring was found to fit. After Pe-byu's accession in A. D. 904, he aban- doned the city of Vaisali, and closed a dynasty which had virtually ended in A. D. 957, when Cula taing candra was drowned on his return from China. All the names in this dynasty end in candra, and that of the seventh king Siri taing candra is so like Sri ta candra on one of Captain Latter’s coins, that the identity seems complete. I think therefore we may rightly regard these coins as records of the Vaisali dynasty of Arakan, of which there reigned in lineal succession nine kings from A. D. 788 to 957, or throughout a period of 169 years, syn- chronous with the Anglo-Saxon period of English history. Dynasty of Vaisali. A. D. 1. Maha taing candra, 788 2. Suriya taing candra, 810 3. Mola taing candra, 830 4. Pola taing candra, 849 5. Kala taing candra, 875 6. Dula taing candra, 884 7. Siri taing candra, 903 8. Singha taing candra, 935 9. Cula taing candra, 951 26 0 20 i [No. 2 List of the Boolcs con tained in Chand's poem, the Prithiraj a Baso. — By John Beam eh, B. C. 8., Balasore. I receive so many letters from enquirers in various parts of India ask- ing for information as to whether this or that poem is to he found in the genuine works of Chand, that I conceive the Society would be doing a favour to scholars in publishing the following accurate list in supersession of some defective and inaccurate list previously made public. There are in circulation in some parts of India scraps of bardic poems all of which are dignified by the name of Chand. Some of these are appa- rently extracts from the real work, others are by entirely different authors. Five MSS. may be taken to be genuine ; — 1. The Baidla. 2. Colonel Tod’s, R. A. JSocy. 3. Colonel Caulfield’s, do. 4. The Bodleian. 5. The Agra College. All these five I have seen, and compared the headings of the chapters in each ; with very few and trifling exceptions they all agree in this respect, and we may, therefore, on their authority pronounce the following list to be correct, and may reject, or at least look with suspicion on, all fragments of old Hindi rhapsodies which do not find a place in it. If genuine, they are at any rate not “ canonical.” I give a brief note of the contents of those prastavas which I have read, of the rest merely the names and num- ber of kavitts are given. 1. Adi Farva. 401 kavitts.* Invocations, legends of early sages, the origin of the Chauhan race, their genealogy, birth of Prithiraj. 2; Da'sama. 220k. Poems on the ten avatars of Vishnu. 3. Di'li'ki'lr katha'. 39k. Story of the iron pillar. 4. Aja'nva'h. 18k. 166 lines also called Lohana Ajanvahu. 5. Kanhapatti. 64k. also called Kanhakhapatti. Kanh the Chauhan kills PratSp Singh the Clialuk in open darbar, because he twisted his mous- tache. Prithiraj compels him to wear a bandage over his eyes in darbar ; hence the name of the book. 6. A'khetak bir. 113k. Marvellous story of a hunting expedition in in which Chand sees Siva and gets a blessing from him. 7. Na'har Rai. 118k. Fight with Nahar Rai. 8. Mewa'ti' Mugal. 45k. Fight with the Mewatis. * Each kavitt, or ckhand, contains generally about 30 lines, except Sathak, doha and one or two peculiar and rarely used metros, which seldom exceed 8 lines each. 205 1872.] Beames — List' of Boolcs in Chattel J 9. Husen Katha. 94k. Battle with Shahabuddin, who came after Husen Khan, one of his chiefs, who had taken refuge with Prithiraj. Shahab is captured, but released, Husen slain. 10. A'khet Chu'k. 30k. Shah&b attacks Prithiraj when out hunting, with very few attendants, but is defeated. 11. Chitrarekha'. 17k. Story of Chitrarekha, the Gakkhar princess, who was the causa belli between Shahab and Husen Khan in Bit. 9. She was the Shah’s concubine and Husen ran’away with'her. 12. Bhola Rai'. 285k. War with Bhola Rai of Gujarat. 13. Salakh Judh. 94k. Salakh takes the Sultan captive, he is re- leased. 14. Inchhini' Vyah 118k. Prithiraj’s marriage with Inchhini. 15. Mugal Judh. 20k. Battle with the Mughals. 10. Da'himi Vya'h. 16k. Marriage with Daliimi, daughter of Chain! Sen, the Pundir. 17. Bhu'mi Swapan. 47k. 18. Dillida'n. 47.' Gift of the kingdom of Dilli to ‘Prithiraj by his grandfather Anangapal, the Tuar. 19. Ma'dho Bha't. 113k. Visit of Madho the Bliat, fresh attack by the Sultan Shahabuddln ; he is captured and let go again on paying a fine in accordance with Rajput custom. 20. Padma'vati Vya'h. 4*6k. Already translated by me in J. A. S. B. I reckoned it as the 19th book, but it is the 20th. In Tod’s copy, the Ak- het bir is not counted. This omission makes all the numbering of the chap- ters wrong by one throughout. 21. Alha' TJdal. Also called P r i t h i r a j a r a y a s o, a name differ- ing from Prithiraj raso, but often erroneously applied to the whole poem ; it is also called M ah o b a S a m y o, 308 kavits ; occupies 52 quarto pages. The longest but one of all the chapters. Relates the war with Parimal, the Chandel King of Mahoba, in which he was assisted by the two heroes A'lha and Udal of the Banaphar clan. 22. Pritha Vya'h. 99k. Marriage of Pritha, sister of Prithiraj with Samar Singh, Raja of Chittrakot. 23. Holi Katha' 22. Short kavitts. Description of the Holi festival , the origin of which is attributed tc5 Siva’s gift to a female devotee, contrary to the modern Vaishnava theory. 24. Di'pma'i Katha'. 35k. Legendary origin of the Dipmala or De- wali festival. 25. Dhan Katha'. 314k. Prithiraj finds a treasure in the Kliattu forest. While digging it up, is attacked by the Sultan whom, as usual, he captures and releases. 206 [No. 2, Beames —List of Books in Chand. 26 Sa'sibrata'. 542k. Abduction of Sasibrata, daughter of the Raja of Deogiri, by Prithiraj, and war with Jay chand of Kanauj in consequence. 27. Devagiri. 64k. Siege of Deogiri by Jaychand and his ultimate defeat by Chamand Rsii, one of Prithiraj ’s generals. 28. Rewa'tata. 96k. Battle with the Sultan on the banks of the Rewa. 29. Anangpa'l 98k. Anangpal returns to Dilli, but after a short stay returns to Badrinath. (He wanted to get the kingdom back again from Prithiraj, but failed). 30. Gliagharki lara'i. 48k. Battle with the Shah at the Ghaghar river (Daradwati, near Ambala). 31. Karnati Patra. 23k. Prithiraj goes to the “ Kamata des” in the south. 32. Pi'pa' Judh. 72k. 33. Indra'vati Vya'h. 70k. Also called “ Samar Si Raja.” 33. (34) Indra'vati Vya'h. 60k. A second book with the same name as the preceding, but with separate heading and ending. 34. (35) Jait Rao Judh. 36k. The Sultan surprises Prithiraj while hunting ; Jait Rao seizes him (they are always doing this). 35. (36) Ka'ngura'. 32k. Prithiraj takes the hill fort of Kangura (Kangra ?) 36. (37) Hansa'vati Vya'h. 155k. Marriage with Hansavati. 37. (38) Pa'har Ra'i. 7lk. 38. (39) Barun Katha'. 33k. 39. (40) Somesar badh. 88k. Death of Somesar, Prithiraj’s father, (killed by Bhola Bhim of Gujarat). 40. (41) Pajjun chhonga'na'. 17k. 41. (42) Pajjun chalukya. 29k. 42. (43) Chand Dwa'rika'. 59k. Chand’s pilgrimage to Dwarika. 43. (44) Raima's Judh. 79k. Kaimas, one of Prithiraj’s generals, seizes the Sultan in the Ivhattu forest. 44. (45) Bhi'm Badh. 148k. Prithiraj kills Bhola Rai Bhimang, the Chalukya Raja of Gujarat, who had killed his father Somesar. 45. (46) Vinaya Mangal. 188k. In two parts. 1st of 142 kavitts, relates the previous birth of Sanyogita. 2nd in 86k. her penance. 46. (47) Suk varnan. 78k. 47. (48) Ba'luka' Rai. 119k. 48. (49) Panga Jagya vidhwansa. 20k. 49. (50) Sanjogita nem. Sanjogita’s vow to marry Prithiraj. 50 (51) Hansi Judh. 203k. In two parts, 1st, pratham judh, 90k. ; 2nd, dwitiyajudli, 113k. 51. (52) Pajju'n mahuba. 23k. 1872.] Beames — List of Boolcs in Chand. 207 52. (53) Pajjun Pa'tisa'h Judh. 34k. Sultan gets cauglit again for the twentieth time or so ; as he is always released again, it does not much matter. 53. (54) Sa'mant Panga Judh. 25k. 54. (5C) Samar Panga Judh. 62k. Fight of Jaichand Rao with Sa- mar Si. 65. (58) Raima's Badh. 186k. Death of Kaimas. 56. (57) Durga' Keda'r. 168k. Sultan gets taken again. 57- (58) Dilli varnan. 17k. 58. (56) Jangam Katha'. 7k. At end“ jangam sophi katha.” 59. (00) Kanavajja Judh. 1455 kavitts. Prithiraj ’s war with Raja Jay Chand of Kanauj. The longest book in the whole poem, 121 quarto pages. 80. (81) S'ukcharitra 102k. Interlude. 01. (82) Akhhet chakh s'ra'p. 1181c. 02. (83) Dhi'r Pundi'r. 3121c. Exploits of Dhir, the Pundir ; takes the Sultan again, and again lets him go — for the last time. 03. (84) Bibah Samyo. 31c. List of Prithiraj’s wives. 04. (85) Bari' lara'i. 937k. The great battle in which Prithiraj was taken. 05. (08) Ba'n bedh. 3631c. Events following the battle. Chand s search for Prithiraj. Conversation with the Sultan. Death of Prithiraj (I have not read the book through, but there seem to be many historical facts in it. It is worth special attention. I think I make out that Chand goes to Ghazni to seek for Prithiraj, hut am not sure without fuller perusal.) 08. (07) Rayan Si. 116k. Narayan Singh (familiarly Rayan Si), son of Prithiraj is duly crowned king, hut is soon after killed, and Dilli sacked and everything comes to an end. _ 67. (68) 3k. Three supplementary kavitts about the poem itself. 68. (89) Birbhadra. 8k. A short supplementary chapter. The full number of 69 hooks is made up by counting the two parts of book 33 separately as 33 and 34. I have indicated this method of counting by the figures in brackets. JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. — ♦ — Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. No. III.— 1872. The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. — By A. M. Beoadley, Esq., C. S. I. Biha'r in Patna. General Cunningham in speaking of and describing the kingdom of Magadha writes as follows “ As this country was the scene of Buddha’s early career, as a religious reformer, it possesses a greater number of holy places connected with Buddhism than any other province of India. The chief places are Buddha-Gaya, Kukkutapada, Raj agriha, Kusagarapura, Na- landa, Indrasilaguha, and the Kapotaka monastery.” Of these seven places, no less than live are situated within the boundary of the sub-division Bihar, which forms a large section of the Patna Zil’ah. The word Bihar has in turn served to designate several artificial divi- sions of this part of India. The name originally belonged to the ancient city, which from its far-famed seat of Buddhistic learning was distinguished by the name ‘ Bihar’ [Sanscrit, f^TTY]. The Muhammadan conquerors of the city extended its name to the surrounding country, of which it became the capital ; and at the time of Akbar it came to signify that important portion of Eastern India comprised in the seven sirkars of Hunger, Chanfparan, Hajipdr, Saran, Tirhut, Rohtas, and Bihar. This was Sdbah Bihar. Un- der British rule, Sdbah Bihar and Subah Bengal were united under a joint government, while the Zil’ah, surrounding the capital and which bore its name, was divided into Zil’ah Patna and Zil’ah Gaya. In 1861, the impor- tant parganahs of Biliar and liajgir were detached from the jurisdiction of Gaya, and, together with the parganahs of Tillarah, Pillich, and Biswak, formed into a sub-division, bearing the name of Bihar and within the * ‘Ancient Geography of India,’ Yol. I, p. 455. 27 v L 210 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, jurisdiction of Zil’ah Patna. Sub all Bihar, for more than a century, has ceased to exist except in name. Zil’ah Bihar has now disappeared from the map of India, and the name can now only as a matter of fact be properly applied to the ancient Muhammadan capital, founded by Bakhtyar Khilji, and the five surrounding parganahs of which it is still the chief town. The tract of country about which I shall have to speak, extends for about thirty-five miles from north to south, and forty from east to west. With the exception of the solitary mountain rock of Bihar, the country presents an almost unbroken plain, sloping gradually from the foot of the Eajagrilia Hills (which form the southern boundary of the sub-division) down to the hanks of the Ganges. The greater part of this tract of country is singularly fertile, being watered by various streams which descend from the southern hills to join the Ganges below Patna. The Panchani .River enters Bihar almost under the shade of the Indra-Sailapeak at Giryak, and flows south-west till it reaches the ancient city. At this point several branches of it intersect the various ‘ mahallahs’ of the town, while the main course of the river still flows to the north, and enters the Ganges near Barb, the chief station of a Sub-Division bearing that name, which lies between Bihar and the banks of “ the sacred stream.” The Panchani was once an important river. Vast sandy wastes, on either side of it, now only serve to indicate the extent of its original channel. In the summer months, the bed of the river is almost wholly dry. Not only has the current itself almost ceased to flow, but what remains of it, is almost entirely carried away into a large hollow, or “ pyne” four miles south of Bihar, in conse- quence of a large sand bed having formed a few miles below the town. The silting-up of this sand-bank has altered the whole appearance of the city. In exploring its outskirts, the eye often lights on a spacious bridge now spanning a rice field or a piece of waste-land, and on ruined ghats, which now only serve to bound a scorching expanse of arid sand. The archaeological and historical interest of this narrow tract of country may be almost said to be unrivalled. It was in the midst of the rugged range of hills, which forms its southern boundary, that once flourished the mighty Kusfig&rapura, the metropolis of Magadha ; outside its western walls, in the dark “ Valley of the Five Hills,” [the BanbhiSm of to-day] was fought a great battle mentioned in theMahabharata. Here also Sakhya Muni — still the “ Adorable Lord” of three hundred millions of men — spent a great portion of his life. Almost within a stone’s throw of the northern foot of the hills are still to be seen the Btately remains of New Bajagriha — Bajagri- harapura — the capital of Ajata Satru, son of Bimbisara, the contemporary of Buddha. In the plain itself lie the ruins of “ our holy mother Nalanda,” the gorgeous Queen of Buddhistic convents, and of the less important monasteries ot Tillarali, Titrawan, Ghosrawan, and Hurugawan. Still further 211 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. north of these places lies Bihar, once the academia, or vihara, of the country south of the Ganges, and still later the metropolis of the Muhammadan lieutenants, who sometimes ruled this garden of India as the delegates of the emperor of Dihli, sometimes of the kings of Bengal. On the 15th March, 1871, I took charge of the Sub-Division of Bihar, and ever since that time, have devoted such of my leisure as I could spare from my official duties, to the examination of the antiquities of the country, he they Muhammedan, Hindu, or Buddhistic ; hut in the following pages I speak only of the last ; the others will, I trust, one day form the subject of separate papers. The ruins of the Nalanda monasteries have been described in a separate pamphlet, and I therefore barely allude to them here. II. Ancient Magadha. The name of the ancient kingdom of Magadha dates as far back as the time of the Mahiibharata. In the map of India, which illustrates Mr. Talboy Wheeler’s History of these remote times, the territories of Magadha are shewn to the south of the river Ganges, bounded on one side by Mithila and on the other by Banga, or Bengal. In the pages of the great Sanskrit epic, an account is given of the wars of Bliima and Iv r i sh i i a with Jaiasan- dha, king of Magadha ; but I merely allude to it here, because I propose to write exclusively of a much more recent period in the history of India. I shall, however, from time to time be compelled to make some allusion to the great Asura king, whose history is inseparably associated by the traditions of the people with the places about which I propose to write. Passing over a number of centuries, we come to the time when Ohi-Fah- Hiyan left his home at Tchang’au in China, to “ follow the footsteps” of the great sage of Magadha, whose teaching, nigh a thousand years before, had caused a new religion to spead itself with wonderful rapidity over the greater part of the continent of Asia.* * The travels of Chi-Fah-Hiyan were first translated into French by MM. Bemu- sat, Klaproth, and Landrosse. An English version of this work was published by Mr. Lai’dlay, in Calcutta, in 1848. In 1869, the Eev. S. Beal published an original trans- lation from the Chinese text. Great doubts are entertained as to the correctness of portions of the French work, and M. Julien points out that it cannot be safely used by persons nnnble to verify the translation by comparison with the original. Under these circumstances I make reference only to the edition of Mr. Beal. Throughout Fah-Hian’s work, distances are computed by ‘ lis’ and ‘ yojanas.’ Mr. Beal allows four or five lis to the mile, General Cunningham six, and this estimate is doubtless correct. As to the second measure, Mr. Beal allows seven miles to a yojana in the North-West Provinces, and only four in Magadha. Gen- eral Cunningham counts 'uniformly 71 or 8 miles as equal to a yojana. From a comparison of the distances given in Bihar, the very centre of the kingdom of Magadha, I do not see how more than five or six miles can, by any possibility, be allowed, e. g., Bihar to Nalanda, one yojana, actual distanoe 51 or 6 miles ; Patna to Bihar, 9 212 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Rih&r. [No. 3, In the pages of the account which he wrote of his Indian travels, Magadha has a prominent place, no less than four chapters being occupied in the rela- tion of his wanderings in that kingdom.* Before retracing our steps to the time of Sakhya Muni himself, I must say something of another great travel- ler, who, two centuries later, passed over very nearly the same route as his predecessor. On the 1st August, 629, A. D. Hwen Thsang left his home at Liang-cheu, on a similar errand to that of Chi-Fah-Hiyan,f and it is not till A. D. 644 that he again arrives in the frontiers of his native land. Ac- cording to the computation of General Cunningham, he reached Magadha on February 10th, 637, and remained there till January, A. D. 639. It also appears that he revisited it during the spring of A. D. 642. The Buddhist pilgrim has bequeathed to posterity an account of his travels, and of the places and people he visited, the historical and archaeological value of which it is impossible to overrate. It is much to be regretted, that no carefully annotated English translation has as yet been prepared of these invaluable records. In this instance the French have gone before us, and it is to M. Stanislaus Julien that the world is indebted for its knowledge of the history, geography, and antiquities of India during the 7th century of our era. This eminent scholar has published two entirely distinct works on the subject, and for reasons which I shall presently state, I deem it best to give the title of them in full. The first appeared in 1853. It is entitled “ Histone de la vie de Hiouen Thsang et de ses voyages dans l’Hinde depuis l’an 629 jusqu’en 645, par Hoei-li et Yen-Thsang, suivie de documents et d’eclaircissements geo- grapliiques tires de la relation originale de Hiouen Thsang, traduite de Chinois par Stanislaus Julien.” The second was published at Paris five years later, and bears the title “ Memoires sur les contrees ocoidentales, traduit du Sanscrit en Chinois en l’an 648 par Hiouen Thsang, et du Chinois en Francais par M. Stanislaus Julien. Paris 1857.”! yojanas, actual distance about 54 miles ; Nalanda to Rajgir, one yojana, actual distance, 5£ or 6 miles. For these reasons I consider a yojana as equivalent to a dis- tance of between 5 and 6 miles. * Beal’s « Fah-Hiyan,’ pp. 102-119. t Cunningham’s * Ancient Geography of India/ p. 563. X The following will shew the discrepancies between both editions, as far as Magadha is concerned — JT. — “ Histoire de la vie de Hiouen Thsang 1853. From To Distance Direction Patalipntra Tilaqakya 7 Y. S. W. Tila^akya Bodhidrouma 100 L. S. Bodhidrouma Nalanda 7 Y. ? Nalanda Rajgriha P ? Rajgriha Indrasaila guha 30 L. E. Indrasaila guha Nalanda ? ? 213 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of RihAr. It would be impossible to overrate the vast importance of these records, and the travels of Fah-Hiyan and Hwen Thsang will form as it were the basis of my attempt to describe the Buddhistic remains of this part of the kingdom of Magadha. We can now go hack to the time of the great found- er of the Buddhist faith, and see how deeply connected Magadha was with many of the most important episodes in his life. Buddhism arose in India about the beginning of the sixth century before Christ. Its founder was Sakhya Muni, son of Suddhodana, ruler of the country of Kapila, which appears to have been situated some distance to the north of Banaras. The tenets of his religion may be shortly summed up as follows.* I. — That man may become superior to the gods. II. — That Nirvanaf is the supreme good. III. — That religion consists in a right preparation of the heart (suppression of evil desire, practice of self- JI — “ Memoir es sur les Contrees Occidentales ,” 1857. From To Distance Direction Pataliputra Tilaijakya. 100 L. S. W. Tilagakya Gunamati Mt. 90 L. S. W. Gunamati convent Silabkadra convent on isolated hill. 20 L. S. W. Convent of Silabkadra Gaya. 40 L. s. w. Gaya. Kukkutapada M. 100 L. E. Kukkutapada M. Buddhavana M. 100 L. N. E. Bnddhavana M. Yachtivana Forest. 30 L. E. Yacktivana Forest Sources Thermales. 10 L. S.W. Yachtivana Forest A mountain. 7 L. SE. This mountain Another. 3 or 4 L. N. This one A third. 4 or 5 L. N.E. This mountain Kouqagarapura (old Rajgir) 16 L. E. Rajgriha Nalanda. 30 L. N Nalanda Kulika. 9L. S.W. Kulika Kalapinaka. 20 L. S.E. Kalapinaka Indra saila gouha. 30 L. E. Indra saila gouha Kapotika Sangharama. 150-61 L. N.E. Kapotika^Sangkarama A monastery. 40 L. S.E. This monastery A village south of the Ganges. 70 L. N.E. It would be an almost endless task to attempt to point out the discrepancies which exist between these two accounts, much more so to convey a satisfactory expla- nation of them, but I have stated them in the onset to shew the extreme difficulty of a satisfactory or positively correct identification of the places alluded to, and to de- monstrate how little we can trust the distances and directions which form the only data on which we can rely. * Beal, Introduction, p. 49. I I. e . , exemption from sorrow, complete unconsciousness of, and indifforence to, external objects. 214 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, denial, active benevolence). IV. — That men of all castes and women may enjoy the benefits of a religious life. The religion, of which these are the principles, spread from the moun- tain solitudes of the ltajgir Hills to the remotest parts of Eastern Asia, and is at the present day professed by no less than three hundred millions of human beings. I have not the slightest intention to dwell even for a moment on the details of the Buddhist creed, which have been so eloquently and clearly explained and illustrated by Messrs. Beal, Alabaster, and Bishop Bigandet, and shall only allude to them again when I come to speak of the causes of the ultimate decay and overthrow of the Buddhist faith in Hindu- stan. All writers who have attempted to gather together the half historical, half mythical, facts connected with the life of the great sage of Magadha, have agreed in naming Rajgir and N&landa as the scene of many of the epi- sodes of his history. It appears that at the very commencement of his religious career, he was attracted by the wild mountain solitudes which surrounded the Maga- dha capital. Alabaster, in his translation of the Siamese Life of Buddha,* gives the following poetical account of his arrival at Iiaj agriha. ‘ He entered the city, and visited each house he came to, that he might receive alms. As- tounded at his beauty, the people crowded round him, wondering who it might he. Some said, “ Surely it is the moon flowing from the Eavanaso Asura Rahu, how else can we account for his radiant glory ?” Others made other guesses, and they could come to no conclusion. So they went and told the king Bimbisara, king of Rajagriha, that there was a being in the city whose beauty made them doubt whether he were not an angel. Then the king, looking from a window of the palace, saw him, and, filled with astonishment, gave orders to ascertain who he might be, saying, “ Follow him ! If he is not a human being, when he leaves the city, he will disappear ; if he is an angel, he will fly through the air ; if a snake king, he will sink into the earth ; hut if a man, he will remain and eat his food.” < r[’|10 grand being that was approaching the Buddhaship, calmly con- tinued his work, regarding but the small space of earth close around him ; and having collected sufficient food, he left the city by the same gate he had entered it. • He passed on to the Banthawa Hills, and sitting down on the summit of a lofty rock, he looked at the food collected in his pan. ‘ He — who had ever been accustomed to the most dainty meats, the most refined delicacies — looked at the mixed mess in his pot and loathed it ; he could scarcely swallow it. Yet even this caused no wish to return to his city and his palace. * P. 135. 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. 215 ‘ He reflected on the foulness of his own body, and ate without further aversion. He finished his meal, rinsed his mouth, washed his pan, and re- placed it in his wallet, and seated himself in a position of contemplation on the rocky clift. ‘ Then the officers who had been set to watch him, returned and told king Bimbisara that he was certainly a man ; and the king desiring to converse with him, called for his royal palankeen, and attended by a great train of noblemen and soldiers, went forth to seek him at the Banthawa Hills. < Sitting on a rocky slab, the king gazed with delight at the grand being, and observed the grace of his manners and thus addressed him : “ Man of beauty, whence comest thou ?” ' ‘ Most excellent lord, I come from the country of Sakya.’ “ Prom what Sakya country ?” * Prom the royal city, Kapila.’ « The king continued to question him as to his caste, family, and name, and was informed in answer, that he was of the royal race (caste) of the Sakyas, the son of king Suddhodana and named Siddhartha. ‘ Now king Bimbisara and the prince Siddhartha were on most friendly terms. Though they had never met, and did not know each other by sight, they were in the constant habit of exchanging presents as tokens of good will, and when the grand being announced his name, the king was assured, beyond all doubt, by his admirable manners and language, that it was none other than his friend. ‘ He reflected that perhaps the prince had fled from his country on ac- count of some family quarrel, and under that impression, he invited him to share his power — to rule over half the great country of Magadha. Then the grand being told him the reasons, the object for which he had resigned the empire of the world. He told him of the four sights which had in- fluenced his thoughts, and of his determination to achieve the omniscient Buddhahood. And the king having obtained from him a promise that after the attainment of omniscience, he would first teach in Rajagriha, did homage, and returned to his city.’ In Hr. Bigandet’s Life of the Burmese Buddha, we find a great deal more allusion made to Rajgir than in Mr. Alabaster’s translation from the Siamese.* He tells us that Buddha set out for Bajgir [Radzagio], and halt- ed in a grove of palm trees a short distance from the city, where he was met by Bimbisara [Pimpattara] at the head of 120,000 warriors, to whom he delivered a religious discourse. Next day he made a triumphal entry into Rajgir. “ Then Pimpattara, king of Magaritz [Magadha], thought within himself of the thing which could prove acceptable to Phra, in order to offer it to him. He said within himself : my garden, which is situated * P. 101, etc. 216 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Bemains of Bihar. [No. 3, near the city, would doubtless be a very fit place for Buddha and his followers to live in, as it lies not far from the city ; it would be a place of easy resort to all those who would feel inclined to visit Buddha and pay him their respect ; it is moreover far enough, that the noise and cries of the people could not be heard therein ; the place is peculiarly fitted for retreat and contemplation ; it will assuredly prove agreeable to Buddha. Whereupon he rose up, and holding in bis hand a golden shell, like a cup, he made to Phra a solemn offering of that garden, which was called Weluwana. Gaudama remained silent in token of his acceptance of the gift. He preach- ed the law and left the palace. At that time he called his disciples and said to them, “ Beloved liahans, I give you permission to receive offerings.” He next proceeds to recount the conversion from schism of Sariputra [Thariputra] and Mogalan [Mankalan], who subsequently became the chief disciples of Buddha. After this event, Buddha continues to preach, teach at the Kalandavanonvana Vihara,* but at last yields to the frequent messages of his royal father and returns to Kapila.f The next chapter, however, is devoted to legends connected with his three years’ stay at Ra j agriha, i. e., the dedication of the Dzetawoon [?] monastery, the miraculous cure of Djvika, and the avarice of Mogalan. In the succeeding chapter we leam that Buddha spent the 11th season of his religious life at Nalanda, and 17th and 20th again at Raj agriha. After this Sariputra set out for his native place Nalanda, to enter into that state of unconsciousness — the much-longed for Nirvana — which formed the consummation of religious life. I quote Bigandet’s translation of this part of the biography, as a specimen of Bud- dhist writing, and as peculiarly interesting on account of its close connection with the rains of the great Nalanda monastery. ‘ It was little before dark when the great Bahan arrived at the en- trance of the Nalaka village. He went to rest at the foot of a banian tree close to that spot. At that time there came a young man, his nephew, named Ooparewata, who perceiving Thariputra bowed down before him and stood in that place. The great Rahan said to him : “ Is your grandmother at home ?” Having been answered in the affirmative, he continued addressing him: “ Go now to her and tell her to prepare for me the room wherein I was born, and a place for these five hundred Rahans that accompany me. I will stay for a while in the village, and will go to her house, but this evening. The lad went in all haste to his grandmother’s house and said to her : “ My uncle is come, and is staying at the entrance of the village.” “ Is he alone,” * Beal, p. 117, note. Although he states the monastry to be called in Singalese (as in Burmese) Weluwana, he supposes it to have been the gift of a rich landow- ner, Kalanda. The Burmese text, however, states distinctly that it was the religious gift of Buddha. f Bigandet, p. 120. 217 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. inquired the grandmother, “ or has he with him a numerous retinue ? For what purpose is he coming here ?” The young man related to her all the particulars of his interview with his uncle. Nupathari, the mother of Tha- riputra, thought within her self: perhaps my son who has been a Italian from his youth, desires in his old age to leave his profession. She, however, gave orders to have the desired room cleaned, and a place prepared for all his attendants. ‘ In the evening the great disciple went to his mother’s house with all his followers. He ascended to the room prepared for him and rested there- in. He hade all the Italians to withdraw and leave him alone. They had scarcely departed when a most violent disease seized Thariputra, which caused an abundant vomiting of blood, so great indeed, that the vessel wherein it flowed could not hold it. His mother, at the sight of such an awful distemper, did not dare to approach, hut with a broken heart retired into her own room, leaning against the door. At that time four great Nats, a Thagia, their chief, and four Brahmas came to see him, and to minister unto him, during his painful illness, hut he bade them retire. His mother seeing the coming in and going out of so many distinguished visitors, and the respect they paid to her son, drew near to the door of his room and calling the faithful Tsanda, inquired from him wherefore so many distin- guished individuals had come. Tsanda explained to her that the great Nats, the chief of Thagias, had come to visit and assist her son, and enjoy the presence of the great Kahan. < Meanwhile he informed the patient that his mother wished to see him. Thariputra replied that the moment was not a proper one, and asked from his mother the motive of her untimely visit. “ Beloved son,” said she, “ I am come here to contemplate your ever dear countenance. But who are they, those that have just come to see you ?” Thariputra explained to her how he had been visited by Nats, Thagias, and Brahmas. His mother inquiring from him if he were greater than any one of these, he hesitatingly replied that he was more excellent than any of them. His mother thought within herself : if my son be so exalted, how much more must Buddha be. Her heart was then overflowed with the purest joy. < Thariputra rightly understood that the moment had come to preach the law to his mother. He said to her : “ Woman, at the time my great teacher was born, when he obtained the supreme intelligence and preached the most excellent law, a great earthquake was felt throughout ten thousand worlds. No one has ever equalled him in the practice of virtue, in under- standing, wisdom, and in the knowledge oi, and the affection for, the trans- cendent excellencies of the state ol a rahat. He then went on explaining to her the law and many particulars relating to the person of Buddha. “ Be- loved son,” said his mother, delighted with all that she heard, “ why have you 28 Si 218 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. [No. 3, been so late in acquainting me with such a perfect law ?” At the conclusion of the instruction, she attained the state of Thantapam. Thariputra replied : “ Now, woman, I have repaid you for all the labours you have bestowed on me in bearing, nursing, and educating me ; depart from me and leave me alone.” ‘ Thariputra inquired from the devoted Tsanda whether the moment had come. Having been informed that is was daylight, he requested to be set up. By his order all the Bahans were called to his presence, and he said to them, “ During the last forty-four years you have ever been with me ; should I have offended any one during all that time I beg to be pardoned.” The Bahans answered him : — “ Great teacher, we have lived with you during the last forty years, and have been your inseparable attendants, following you everywhere, as the shadow follows the body. We have never experienced the least dissatisfaction from your part, but we have to request your for- bearance and pardon for ourselves.” ‘ It was on the evening of the full moon Satsaongmon (November) that Thariputra went to his mother’s place, and laid in the room wherein he had been born. During the night he was attacked with the most distressing distemper. In the morning at daylight, ho was habited with his tsiwaran and made to lie on his right side. He entered into a sort of ecstacy, passed successively from the first state of Dzan to the second, third, and fourth, and thence dived into the bottomless state of Niban, which is the complete exemption from the influence of passion and matter.’ After the death of Buddha, his relics were brought to Bajgir and 1 juried there by the reigning prince. The following account of then1 reception at the capital of Magadha is given in Bishop Bigandet’s translation of the Bur- mese life of Buddha.* 1 King Adzatathat ordered a beautiful and well levelled road, eight oothabas broad, to bo made from the city of Kuthinaran to that of Badzagio. The distance is twenty-five youdzanas. He wished to adorn it, in all its length, in the same manner as the Malla princes had done for the road leading from the place that had been decorated with all sorts of ornaments, to that where the relics had been deposited. At fixed and pro- per distances, houses were built for resting and spending the night. The king attended by a countless crowd of people, went to take the relics and carry them into his country. During the journey, singing, dancing, and playing of musical instruments went on uninterrupted. Offerings of perfumes and flowers were incessantly made by the people. At certain intervals, they stopped during seven days, when fresh honors were paid to the relics, in the midst of the greatest rejoicings. In this manner, seven months, and seven days were employed in going over the distance between the two countries. At Badzagio, the relics were deposited in a place prepared for that purpose, and a dzedi was erected on them. The seven other kings built also dzedis * P. 212-14. 219 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Bemains of Bihdr. over the relics they had obtained. Daima built one, too, over the golden vessel, and the Mauria kings erected likewise one religious monument over the coals. Thus there were at that time ten dzedis. ‘ When this was all over, the great Kathaba fearing yet for the safety of the precious relics, wont to king Adzatathat and said to him that precau- tions were to be taken for seeming the preservation of the relics. The king asked him by what means all the relics could be had from those who had obtained them. Kathaba replied that he would know how to manage such a delicate affair. He went to the seven kings who gave to him all the prin- cipal relics, keeping by themselves only what was strictly necessary to be deemed an object of worship and goodwill towards Buddha’s person. One exception was made in favour of the relics deposited in the village of Rama, because they were, in future times, to be carried to Ceylon and placed in the great Wira or Pagoda. All the relics having been brought to Radzagio, Kathaba took with him the relics and went out of the city. He directed his steps in a south-east direction, loaded with this precious burthen, which he carried all the way. Having reached a certain spot, he made the follow- ing prayer : “ May all the rocks and stones of this place disappear, and there be in place thereof a fine sandy desert or soil ; may water never issue from this spot.” Adzatathat ordered the soil to be dug very deep ; with the earth, bricks were made and eight dzedis were built. The depth of the hole was eighty cubits. Its bottom was lined with iron bars. To that bottom was lowered a monastery made of bars, similar in shape and proportion to the great Wira of Ceylon. Six gold boxes containing the precious relics were placed in this monastery. Each box was enclosed in one of silver, the latter in one adorned with precious stones, and so on, until eight boxes were placed in the other. Thero also were arranged 550 statues, representing Buddha in 550 preceding existences, described in the sacred writings, the statues of the 80 great disciples, with those of Tliudaudana and Maia. There also were arranged 500 lamps of gold and 500 lamps of silver, filled with the most fragrant oil, with wicks made of the richest cloth. The groat Katha- ba taking a leaf of gold, wrote upon it the following words : — “ In after times, a young man named Pradatha shall ascend the throne, and become a great and renowned monarch under the name of Athanka. Through him, the relics shall be spread all over the island of Dzapondeba.” King Adzatathat made new offerings of flowers and perfumes. All the doors of the monastery were shut and fastened with an iron bolt. Hear the last door, he placed a large ruby upon which the following words were written : — ‘ Let the poor king who shall find this 1'uby, present it to the relics.’ A Thagia ordered a Nat to watch over the precious deposit. The Nat disposed around it figures the most hideous and terrifying, armed with swords. The whole was encompassed by six walls made of stones and bricks ; a large slab of stone, covered the upper part and upon it he built a small dzedi.’ 220 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. [No. 3, At the time of Buddha’s death Ajatasatra, the son of Bimbisara, was reigning in Rajgir. According to Hwen Thsang he had transferred his capital from the old city in the valley of the five hills, which, as the Bur- mese writer expresses it, “ surrounded it like a cow-pen, to a new town in the open plain just outside the ravine which led to the metropolis of his fore- fathers.” The translator of the Life of Hwen Thsang* gives the following account of the circumstance which led to the change alluded to. ‘ Dans l’origine, lorsque le roi Pin-pi-so-lo (Bimbisara) residait dans la ville Chaug-maolcong-tch’ing (K oufagarapoura) , la population etait fort nombreuse, et les habitations, pressees les unes contre les autres, eurent souvent a soulfrir des ravages du feu. Le roi rendit alors un decret qui mena- fait ceux qui faute d’attention et de vigilance, laisseraient prendre le feu dans leur maison, de les transferer dans la Foret froide (Cdtavana). Dans ce royaume on appelle ainsi un lieu abhorre oil l’on jette les cadavres Cmaca- nam, (un cimetiere) . Mais peu de temps apres, le feu prit dans le palais. Le roi dit aloi's : “ Je suis le maitre des homines ; si je viole moi-meme mes propres decrets, je n’aurai plus lft droit de reprimer les dcarts des mes sujets.” ‘ Le roi ordonna alors au prince royal de roster a sa place, et alia demeurer dans la Foret froide (e’est-a-dire dans le cimetiere). Pendant ce temps-lii, le roi de Fei-che-li (Va^ali), ayant appris que Pin-pi-so-lo (Bimbisara) habitait en dehors de la ville, dans une plaine deserte, voulut lever des troupes, pour s’emparer de lui par surprise. ‘ Les officiers places au loin on observation en ayant 6te informes firent un rapport au roi, qui constmisit alors une ville fortifiee. Comme le roi avait commence a habiter dans cet endroit, on l’appela pour cette raison Wang- che-tch’ing (Radjagriha-poura) ; e’etait prdcisement la ville nouvelle. Dans la suite le roi Che (Adjatacatrou) lui ayant succede, y dtablit sa cour. Elle continua a servir de residence royalc, jusquii l’epoque ou le roi Acoka, ayant transfere sa cour a Pet’oli (Pupili-poutra), donna cette ville, on ne voit point d’hommos de diverses croyances ; il n’y a plus que des Brahmanes, qui tor- ment un millier de families.’ After the death of the great founder of the Buddhistic faith, Kasyapa, on whose shoulder the mantle of the primacy seems to have descended, con- vened the first great council of monks who had attained the Rahatship, or highest degree of sanctity, in a hall facing the Sattapani cave, which appears to have been situated in tho northern shade of Mount Baibhar. Under the direction of the president, tho whole canon of Sakhya Muni’s teachings was recited. To the convening of this council Ajatasatra lent his aid. He is said to have gained the throne by staining his hands in his father’s blood some years before the Nirvana of Buddha, and to have subsequently extended his dominions to Kapila, Kosali, and Wesali. Any detailed ac- * P. 159. 221 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. count of the proceedings of Maha Kasyapa, and his sacred conclave, is quite heyond my province, hut 1 may incidentally mention that both Fall Hiyan and Hvven Thsang say something on the subject. New Eajgir seems to have enjoyed a brief existence as the capital of Maga- dha ; for a century later, Asoka appears to have transferred the seat of govern- ment to Patali, a town clearly identical with the Palibothra of the Greeks and the modern Patna of the Hindus and ’Azimab&d of the Muhammadans. I have not endeavoured in the foregoing pages to write a connected history of Buddha’s life in Eajgir, or to give a complete account of the rulers of that city ; but my object has been simply to show the intimate con- nection of the Maghada of those days, and the Bihar of the present, with the earliest days of the Buddhistic faith. This connection oneo established and shewn, the extreme interest and importance of the Buddhist remains of this part of the country becomes apparent. They are important to the his- torian as throwing light on annals of a remote period, and still more impor- tant to the archaiologist as illustrating the manners and customs, the costume and ceremonies of another age, and as throwing light on the details of a reli- gion which has passed to other climes. Whatever liistorical incidents re- main untouched, I shall speak of when I come to write of the places with which they are connected, of Tillarah and Bihar, of Ghosrawan, Titrawan, and the Indra-Saila Hill. III. Buddhist Remains. The relics of Buddhism still existing in Bihar may he divided into five groups : — (1) Ruins of Temples. (2) Those of Monasteries, or Yiharas. (3) Votive Stupas. (4) Figures and sculptures. (5) Inscriptions. First. — The temples seem to have varied in size and splendour at different epochs in the history of the religion to which they belong. Amongst the earlier temples are those of Eajgir, Dapthti, and the Indra-Saila peak, and amongst the more modern, those of Bargaon. The most ancient of the temples are remarkable for the extreme simplicity of their construction. They usually consisted of an outer court, varying in size from fifteen to twenty-five feet, the walls of which were composed of enormous bricks of rare solidity. The roof of the building was generally nine or ten feet high, some- times more, sometimes less, and consisted of slabs of granite or other stone, placed close to each other, and supported by pillars of the same material. The capitals of the pillars were generally separate from the shaft, and of such size and form as to render the weight of the roof less difficult to sustain. Their shape was generally either cruciform or oblong. This court generally led to an inner chamber or shrine, smaller and less lofty than the vestibule, but of simi- lar shape and construction. In the centre of this is generally to be found the figure of Buddha. Carvings were often arranged round the walls of 222 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, the outer appartment, but apparently merely for the purpose of ornament. The roof was generally covered with brick and probably surmounted by a low cupola or turret of the same material. The lintels, &c., of the doorway were generally composed of basalt slabs, rudely carved with a bold geometrical pattern, having one or more figures of Buddha in the centre. The brick work appears uniformly to have been plain, but remarkably uniform, the outside edges being reduced to a level by the chisel. As an illus- tration of the older type of Buddhist temple I may mention the large one discovered by me in the side of the Baibhar hill at Uajgir. A great number of the pillars are literally imbedded in the brickwork of the wall. This feature is also observable in the excavated building at the Nirmal-kund, and the series of temples at Daptliu. The more modern temples present a striking contrast to the more ancient ones. The walls of these buildings were adorned with the most exquisitely moulded brick work ; the facade was lavishly ornamented with pillared vestibules, and the richest sculptures which art could produce ; the roof was crowned with a majestic spire or cupola abounding in profuse decoration in brick, plaster, and basalt ; and the doors and windows were surrounded with bands of lace-like carving. The excavated temple at Bargiion affordsk a striking exam- ple of the religious architecture of the Buddhists from 450 A. D. to 900 A. D. I extract a description of it from the pamphlet I have already written on the subject. ‘ liaised a few feet above the plain was an evenly paved court, as near as possible one hundred feet square. This court was surrounded by halls and buildings of every description on all sides except *the eastern, and these doubtless served as the dwelling-places, refectory, &c., of the recluses of the convent. In the centre of the court rose an enormous temple, eighty feet long at the base on each side, and consisting of a series of several stories tapering to a point, each about fourteen feet above the other. The main fabric was composed of enormous bricks, each about one foot three inches in length, three inches thick, and ten inches wide, placed so close together that the cement which joined them is barely visible. The first two stories of the building were uncovered, and are now almost as perfect as when Hwen Thsang saw them fourteen hundred years ago. In order to preserve every detail in describing this remarkable building, we will take it side by side. The great entrance was towards the east (a custom still observed in the construction of the Buddhist temples of Tibbat), and was faced by a terrace of stone fifty feet in length and composed of two rows of sandstone slabs, the first decorated by a simple triangle in the centre, the second carved with a very beautiful geometrical pattern. These stones vary in length from seven to three feet, and are as near as possible a foot square. In the centre of this ten-ace, which is about six feet in front of the main building, is a 223 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bilidr. flight of three steps exactly ten feet in length. The first court was of very considerable proportions, fifty feet by twenty-six, and was covered by a stone roof supported by a series of twelve large pillars. These columns rested first on a rough pedestal of unhewn stone which disappeared beneath the floor, and then on a cruciform base, also separate from the pillar itself, but joined to it by a stone plug six inches long, one end of which pierced the former, while the other was imbedded in the centre of the latter. Two of these pillars were recovered by me intact, and are of the most elaborate workman- ship. The cruciform base measures three feet each way, and the four arms are uniformly carved with a curious pattern. The shaft itself is seven feet eight inches high, of which one foot nine inches are taken up in the capital. The upper half of this consists of a simple square, and the latter of an oval band of a rich lace-like pattern. The rest of the pillar, down to one foot ten inches of the lower end, where it again has a third base of oblong shape, is oval, having a circumference of three feet eight inches, and ornamented at regular distances by two bands of carving about twelve inches wide. Each band consists of two parts, the first exhibiting a row of flowers strongly resembling heraldic roses, and the second a series of gargoyle-like faces* which form a peculiar feature in Buddhist ornamentation, and which is employed and re-produced at every possible opportunity. On each side of this covered terrace, but several feet behind it, is an elaborate brick mould- ing, fourteen feet long and six 'and a half feet high, surmounted by a narrow terrace of the same material, approached on either side by three steps from the pillared court. This moulding has sixteen turns, and is of the most graceful appearance. On each side of the entrance court, and above .the nar- row terrace, the main wall is still standing ten feet high. On tho west side of the court was the great entrance door, which was uncovered by me perfect, but was thrown down in my absence by the workmen, who imagined I wish- ed to remove the whole edifice to Bihar. This doorway was of extraordi- nary beauty, and measured twenty feet across and more than twelve feet high. It was composed of a series of eighteen slabs, nine on each side, gra- dually lessening in height towards the centre, where they terminated in a narrow portal, hardly three feet wide, and surmounted by a heavy slab de- corated with elaborate carving. The whole of this enormous mass of sculp- ture rested on three great stones, two and a half feet square and twenty -two feet in length. Each slab was joined to the next one by a strong iron clamp, and the upper portion of each was joined to the lower in the same manner. The first two stones on cither side were devoi(1 of il11 ornament and were placed nearly a foot behind the other slabs. The next pillar of the series (or rather what remained of it intact) was eight feet in height, twelve inches broad, and of enormous thickness. The first slab was of light brown * See plate, Proceedings, Asiatio Society, Bengal, February, 1872, p. 32. 224 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, colour and of a soft and pliable nature, whereas this one resembled the hard- est granite and presented a curious variety of appearance and colour. The base of it is plain, and above it is a grotesque kneeling figure with a long beard and hands uplifted, supporting a canopy, above which rises a long line of geometrical pattern. The third slab is of black basalt and is scarce four inches wide. It is taken up entirely by the representation of two enormous snakes, one twining round the other. The next stone is of the same material, and is of unusually elaborate workmanship. A winding stem of flowery pattern work covers its face, and from each side of it springs a lotus- like flower, which alternately forms the resting place of a mystic bird or elephant rampant. The fifth slab* is plain. The sixth pillar is ornamented at the base with a female figure eight inches high, from whose hands spring a winding branch of foliage and flowers which stretches to the top of the lintel. The seventh slab is a repetition of the third, and the eighth is of the same stone as the second, containing three large female figures, one above the other, each about one and a half feet high, and in the hands of each is seen a musical instrument similar in shape and size to the modern ‘ sitar.’ The ninth stone has a simple beading, and is surmounted by a heavy slab covered with carving. The two last slabs of the series, together with the one which covers them, form the doorway which leads to the inner part of the temple. The magnificent gate led to the second hall, twelve feet wide and eighteen feet long ; and on each side of this chamber were smaller octagonal rooms, from the western end of which a staircase lead to the terraces above. These were approached by narrow doors right and left of the great gate- way. These rooms were evidently of great height, and were decorated by elaborately carved pannels of sandstone let into the brick-work. I have added a series of these to my own collection. One of these consists of a slab of Mirzapur stone covered with the most elaborate design, the chief feature of which is two figures with arms and legs entwined. The colour of the stone is peculiarly beautiful. Another is of black basalt, and represents a large elephant, richly caparisoned, with a lotus flower in its mouth. Be- yond this, one enters by another door an inner chamber twenty-two feet square, the walls of which are in their ruined state still fourteen feet high. This was doubtless the sanctum sanctorum of the building, and I discovered at its western end a headless Buddha four feet high, placed on a handsome ‘ singhAsan,’ or throne, of black basalt, and was divided into five compart- ments ; the first on each side containing single figures, the next lions-couchant, and the one in the centre two devotees in the act of making an offering. The wall is eighteen feet thick on either side.’ * Its baso contains an inscription. Babu Eajendralala Mitra makes tho date ‘ Sambat 856,’ and Professor Earn Gopal Bhandakar ‘ the eleventh year of the reign of King Mahapiila Dcva.’ 225 1872.] A. M. Broadley — Tlie Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. The higher stories and roofs have toppled over on the northern side, and from an examination of their remains, it is clear that the building consisted of at least five stories, surmounted by a spire or minaret, (not by a cupola,) at least two hundred feet high in all. The excavation of the western side is the most perfect of all. The up- per story is about sixty-three feet long, and is exactly twelve feet above the lower one, which is eleven feet wide. The wall of the high terrace is quite plain, decorated merely by a simple moulding about throe feet from the base. The stories consist of solid brick, and not of chambers as I first imagined. This I ascertained by making a perforation six feet deep in its centre. Not quite in the centre of the building is an irregular protuberance, twenty-two feet wide and twenty-seven feet long. 1 at first imagined it to be a portico, but on closer examination, I think it must have been a mere support, built up to sustain the weight of the upper stories when they showed symptoms of decay ; for on removing the great portion of it (December 5th and 6th) the pilasters, mouldings, and statues which decorate the wall of the lower terrace were found entire behind it. In fact this protuberance seems so singularly out of place, that I should have imagined it to have been a por- tion of the ruins of the upper stories, had not the existence of regular walls precluded the possibility of such being the case. The ornamentation of each of these sides consisted of a series of mouldings and niches filled with stucco figures of Buddha in various positions. After the remqval of the protuber- ance above mentioned, the west side presented the following appearance. At the base a moulding of briclc-work, five feet three inches high, having thir- teen distinct turns. The moulding runs along the whole facade. After the first six feet, it recedes a foot and continues in the same line for eighteen, feet, when it again advances a foot, and continues in that line for eight feet, when it again recedes to the former line, and so on. Above the moulding is a series of niches two feet ten inches wide and three feet three inches high. These niches are separated by pilasters about four feet six inches high. These pilasters have plain square bases, and a three-sided shaft, each shaft being somewhat semicircuh in form, above this is a square moulded capital. Above the niches are projec bosses of brick, lotus-shaped, protruding from the wall, and above these another moulding similar to that below. The niches are surmounted by arches of over-lapping brick, and each contained a figure in plaster. The original bricks are moulded with exquisite exact- ness, and present great variety of patterns ; some of the pilaster bases, for instance, containing figures, &c., in different portions fitted together. The temple has evidently twice at least been covered by a coating of plaster moulded into different forms, but as a rule greatly inferior to the workman- ship of the brick underneath. The southern side is precisely similar to the western. On the top of the terrace, which doubtless ran round the three 29 K 226 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, sides- of the temple, was a verandah, and the sockets of the beams are still visible in the upper wall. The southern side still stands more than thirty feet high. In order to get a more complete idea of the lofty cupola which doubt- less once surmounted the temple of Baladitya, I have since cleared away a great part of the rubbish in the northern side of the temple, and have been thus enabled to design a restored elevation of the whole building. I have also procured an illustration of the great doorway, which is of the greatest archeological and architectural interest. Although there was little variety in the Buddhist architect’s design, it was peculiarly graceful and calculated to produce a pleasing and majestic effect. The gargoyle face, the almost endless repetition of the figure of Buddha, the quaint niches and the long lines of lotus leaves, formed a tout ensemble which Hindu art lias never surpassed. Of the minor sculptures which decorated this and similar religious edifices, a full description will be given when I come to speak of the different localities in which they were found. The pillars which formed ono of the chief features, both in the build- ings and in the monasteries, became more and more elaborate as know- ledge and art increased. Secondly. — The monasteries appear to have been quadrangles of brick buildings (similarly ornamented to the temples), and generally having a pago- da in the centre. According to Hwen Thsang’s account, they must have been very magnificent. Little idea can be gained of the form, &e., by an inspection of the ruins ; for the wood carvings and tiles have of course disappeared under the ravages of time. The monasteries were almost invariably situated in pic- turesque positions on the banks of ponds of the clearest water, and surround- ed by groves of mangoe, bar, and pipal trees. They appear to have been generally built a short distance from the villages to which they belonged. Any further description is unnecessary, as I shall dwell very fully on all monasteries of Bihar, when I come to speak of them separately. Thirdly. — Votive St upas. The subject of t> ise most interesting monu- ments of the Buddhist faith has been clearly ; aWefly summarised by Herrn Schlagintweit.* Ho writes — “ The ancient 'stupas were originally meant as receptacles for relies of either the Buddhas or the Bodhisattvas, and the kings who encouraged the propagation of the Buddhist faith. But already in the early periods of Buddhism stupas were constructed ex voto as sym- bolical substitutes for a tomb with a sacred relic, either for marking the spot where remarkable incidents in the sacred history had taken place, or for decorating the Viharas and temples. Their erection is considered as an act * Buddhism in Thibet, p. 193. 227 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. of devotion and reverence paid to the Buddhas, and was recommended al- ready in the ancient legends as a most meritorious work.” Few places in India are richer than Bihar in Buddhistic stupas and ehaityas ; and I have ventured to classify them as follows : — I, — Stupas actually containing relics of Buddha or his disciples. II, — Stupas containing no relies, but built to mark the occurrence of some event memorable in the history of the faith. III, — Stupas and Chaityas purely votive, most of them serving as the repository of images. IY. — Chaityas, or miniature stupas, not built, but carved in one or more blocks of stone, and generally covered with ornamentions and figures of Buddha. On the back of a figure of Buddha in the Titrawan ruins, I found a well- executed drawing of a stupa which I append as an illustration. The form of the stupa varied little, whatever class it belonged to. They seem to have been generally surmounted by a series of umbrellas. The large tope at Nalanda, and the tumuli to the west of the walls of Rajagrilia belong un- doubtedly to the first class ; but their extreme antiquity (not less than 2200 years) makes it doubtful if any thing could be found there, to say nothing of the frequent removals and abstractions of the relics we read of. I have sunk a shaft in the second tumulus at Rajgir ; but without success, the labour- ers cutting through a solid deposit of bricks to a depth of fifteen feet. The topes on the summits of the hills, on the contrary, are of the second class, and in all probability served to mark some of the most sacred episodes in the history of Sakhya Muni ; e. his sitting on the Banthawan Hills with the bhiksliu’s bowl, etc., etc. The small topes discovered by me in the staircase or causeway leading to the Deoghat Hill, I imagine, served chiefly for the deposit of images of' Tathagata. It will be seen that on opening one of them, I found three perfect figures, of equal size, differing only in position, im- bedded in the ruins. The small chaityas vary in size, and were doubtless made to suit the pluses of those whose means did not permit them to raise a lofty mass of brickwork “ for the advancement of the highest knowledge amongst mankind.” Some of them are circular, some octagonal, some twelve-sided, some oval ; but nearly all of them are richly ornamented and hear several figures of Buddha. A very fine circular chaitya found by me at Kurkihar, the Kukkutapiida of Hwen Thsang, contains more than forty figures of Buddha, all carved with wonderful sharpness and delicacy. The ehaityas which were composed of a number of pieces linked together, must have contained as many as 500. These chaityas were originally surmounted by umbrellas, which were formed very frequently of separate pieces of stone, often possibly of metal, fitted into the top of the carving. The Buddhist images contain numerous illustrations of these ehaityas, and I have, in some [No. 3, 228 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. instances, counted as many as sixteen or twenty umbrellas, arranged one above the other. The chaityas vary in height from four inches to two feet. I have about twenty-five distinct varieties in my own collection. Buddhism has now-a-days disappeared even in tradition from the minds and recollec- tion of the people of BiMr, and the dedicatory chaityas of the pious followers of Tath&gata are commonly supposed to be nothing else than a different form of the sacred linga of the Hindus. The question of stupas is thus treated by Bishop Bigandet.* ‘ The re- ligious edifices that arc to be met with, in all parts of Burmah, deserve a particular notice. They are called ‘ dzedis’ in all the Buddhist writings of the Burmese ; but the people generally mention them by the appellation of Payas or Phras, which, in this instance, is merely an honorific title of a reli- gious character. 1 Dzedis, in the earliest days of Buddhism, were sacred tumuli, raised upon a shrine, wherein relics of Buddha had been deposited. These struc- tures were as so many lofty witnesses, bearing evidence to the presence of a sacred and precious object, intended to revive in the memory of the faitli- fvd the remembrance of Buddha, and foster in their hearts tender feelings of devotion and a glowing fervour for his religion. ‘ From the perusal of this legend, it seems that dzedis were likewise erected on the tombs of individuals, who, during their lifetime, had obtained great distinction by their virtues and spiritual attainments among the mem- bers of the assembly. Buddha himself ordered that a monument should be built over the shrine containing the relics of the two great disciples, Thari- putra and Mankalan. In Burmah no dzedis of great dimensions and pro- portions have ever been erected on the ashes of distinguished phoungies. In some parts, however, particularly in the upper country, there may be seen here and there some small dzedis a few feet high, erected on the spot where have been deposited the remains of somo saintly personage. These monuments are little noticed by the people, though on certain occasions, a few offerings of flowers, tapers, &c., are made around and in front of them. The same kind of religious edifices have been built sometimes also, to be- come a receptacle of the Pitagat, or collection of the holy scriptures. One of the finest temples of Ceylon was devoted to that purpose. There was also one in the ancient city of Ava, but I am not aware that there is any of this kind at Amarapiira. ‘ Finally, dzedis have been erected for the sole purpose of harbour- ing statues of Gaudama ; but there is every reason to believe that this practice has gained ground in subsequent ages. When a fervent Buddhist, impelled by the desire of satisfying the cravings of his piety and devo- * Life or Legend of the Buddha of the Burmese, p. 141. 229 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. tion, wished to build a religious monument and could not procure relics, he then remained contented with supplying the deficiency with images of Buddha, representing that eminent personage in some attitudes of body that were to remind Buddhists of some of the most striking actions of his life. In many instances, dzedis have been built up, not even for the sake of sheltering statues, but for the pious purpose of reminding the people of the holy relics of Buddha and, as they used to say, for kindling in the soul a tender feeling of affectionate reverence for the person of Buddha and his religion. If what is put forward as a plea for building pagodas be founded on conviction and truth, we must conclude that the inhabitants of the valley of the Irrawady are most devotedly religious, as the mania for building dzedis has been, and even now is, carried to such a pitch, as to ren- der fabulously exaggerated the number of religious buildings to be seen on an extent of above 700 miles as far as Bhamo.’ Fourthly. — As to the next division of my subject — Buddhist figures — I shall say little here, reserving detailed descriptions of particular figures for fu- ture chapters. The principal figure of course is that of Buddha, who is found in every possible position, and in every possible variation of costume. The favourite type of the image of Buddha in Bihar, is one containing a large figure in the centre, seated on a lotus petal throne, surrounded by smaller images, aud illustrating some famous episode in the Sage’s life ; e. g., Buddha with one hand uplifted, denoting his character as a teacher ; a similar figure in a sitting attitude, with one hand holding thealms bowl, the other hanging down over the knee, showing him to be plunged in meditation, and so forth. The hah- of Buddha, when not covered by the jewelled crown, is generally in small tufts. This is not explained by Schlagintweit, but I take it to typify the following* incident in his life, which is supposed to have taken place at the time of his embracing the pursuit of a religious life. “ He reflected that his long hair did not become the character of a poor ascetic, and he determined to have it cut off : but as no one was worthy to touch his head, he cut it off with his own sword, praying “ May my hair, thus cut, be neat and even !” And by the force of his prayer, the hair parted evenly, leaving each hair about an inch and a half in length, and they curled hr right-handed spirals, and never grew more to the last day of his life.” To the left of the figure of Buddha is generally seen a delicately carved female figure, holding with one hand the branch of a luxuriant tree. This refers to the birth of Buddha in the Simwaliwana forest, which is very poetically translated in Mr. Alabaster’s 1 Wheel of the Law’ (p. 101). ‘ When the queen Maia entered this forest, the trees, the inanimate trees, bowed down their heads before her, as if they would say, ‘ Enjoy your- self, 0 queen, among us, ere you proceed on your journey.’ And the queen, * Alabaster’s Life of Buddha, p. 150. 230 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, looking on the great trees and the forest, lovely as the gardens of the angels, ordered hor litter to be stayed, that she might descend and walk. Then standing under one of the majestic trees, she desired to pluck a sprig from the branches, and the branches bent themselves down, that she might reach the sprig that she desired ; and at that moment, while she yet held the branch, her labour came upon her. Her attendants held curtains around her, the angels brought her garments of the most exquisite softness ; and standing there, holding the branch, with her face turned to the East, she brought forth her son, without pain or any of the circumstances which attend that event with women in general.’ To speak further of the symbols of Buddhism is quite beyond the pro- vince I have chosen. Every information on this subject, can be gleaned with ease from the learned writings of Schlagintweit and Alabaster, and I shall have occasion to say more about them when I come to speak of particular figures. Fifthly. — Inscriptions. These vary from B. C. 200 to A. D. 1000, and are in most cases confined to the Buddhist creed. I have, however, discovered several dated inscriptions, which I shall give in full when I come to speak of the monastic buildings to which they belong. I now proceed without any further introduction to give an account of the Buddhist remains in Bihar. IV. Kusa'ga'rapura and Ba'j agriha. Neither Hwen Thsang nor Chi-Fah-Hiyan visited at once the capital of the Magadha kingdom. Both of them arrived there after spending a con- siderable time in the various monasteries of the surrounding territory. A description of the remains of those institutions will follow in future chap- ters ; but 1 have thought it best for many reasons to commence my narrative with an account of the great metropolis itself. The ruins of Rajagriha may conveniently be classified under two heads : 1st, the remains of the more ancient city — Kusagarapura — situated within the Valley of the Five Hills ; 2nd, those of the more modern city Kaj agriha, which are found in the plain to the north of the mountains. The one I de- signate as the city of Bimbisara, the other as that of Ajatasatru. These towns were visited by both the Buddhist pilgrims, by Fah Hiyan about the year 415, A. D., and by Hwen Thsang in March, 637, A. D. Hwen Thsang and Fah-Hiyan have bequeathed to posterity very detailed accoimts of the monuments and antiquities both of the towns themselves, and the sacred range of hills which surrounded them. Their respective narratives are to be found in the “ Memo ires sur les Contrees Occidentales,” Vol. Ill, pp. 15 — 41, in the “ Histoire de la Vie do Hwen Thsang,” pp. 153 — 161 ; in Mr. Laidley’s 231 1872.] A. M. Broadley— The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. translation of M. Remusat’s Chi-Fah-Hiyan, pp. 201-279, and the Rev. S. Beal’s original translation of the same writer, pp. 111-119. According to the first named work, Hwen Thsang travelled to Rajagri- ha from Nalanda, but the second states that he arrived first at the ancient town of Bimbisfira via Bodh Gaya and Kukkutapada ; but both translations of the earlier pilgrim agree in taking him to the capital by the former route. Nalanda was the largest and most important Buddhist monastery in India, and is identical with the modem village of Bargaon situated about six or seven miles to the north or north-west of liajagriha. It is now the scene of a mass of the most interesting ruins, which have been fully described by me in a separate pamphlet.* Since the time that account was printed, fresh excavations have been made, and I trust one day to present to the public a still more complete account of these important Buddhistic remains. I shall now proceed to follow in the first place the footsteps of F ah- Hiyan. He writes Going west from Nalanda one yojana, we arrive at the new Rajgir.” This undoubtedly corresponds with the large circuit of fortifica- tions (still bearing the same name) at the foot of the Baibhar and Vipula hills, situated six miles or thereabouts to the south of the Bargaon ruins. I, therefore, think the direction given by the translators must be a mistake. Fah-Hian continues : ‘ This was the town king Ajasat built. There are two Sangharamas in it. Leaving the town by the west gate and proceeding 300 paces, (we arrive at) the tower which king Ajasat: raised over the share of Buddha’s relics which he obtained. Its height is very imposing.’ The walls of the town and its gates are distinctly traceable at the dis- tance of about half a mile from the foot of the mountain and directly facing the northern entrance of the Valley of the Five Hills. Its form is somewhat difficult to describe, and authors have varied in their attempts to do so, but after careful inspection from all points of view, and, what is still better, after studying its form from two of the hills above, I am of opinion it cannot be correctly called a pentagon, but is rather a quadrilateral, having, as mea- sured from the top of the ramparts, three equal sides, viz., the north, west, and south, each measuring 1,900 feet, and one unequal viz., the east, measur- ing 1,200 feet. The wall appears to have had a uniform thickness of about 11 feet, and is composed of masses of stone about four feet square, the faces of which are made uniform and placed one upon the other in close contiguity, without any mortar or cement whatever. Starting from the north-east corner, where a stone bastion still exists in tolerable entirety', the wall re- mains unbroken for 200 feet, at the end of which distance a second bastion appears to have existed and similar traces are seen at the 300th foot. The remains of the wall now almost entirely disappear, but at the distance of * Ruins of the Nalanda Monastery, hy A. M. Broadley. Calcutta, 1S72. 232 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, 1100 feet from the north-east corner there is a portion of an entire wall measur- ing 20 feet by 14. Further on, the wall appears clearly to have been remov- ed and hardly a trace of it remains till towards the north-west corner, where its elevation considerably increases, and there are enormous masses of brick, which lead me to the conclusion that a tower must have once existed here. At this place the bricks are very small and of remarkable solidity. At a distance of 110 feet from the corner there are clear marks of a bastion, and the same feature is observable at similar distances up to the great west door, some 500 or GOO feet from the north-west comer of the fort. The rampart throughout this distance presents an average elevation of 25 or 30 feet above the plain beneath. Just before the west door, a fine piece of wall still remains intact measuring 2G feet by 14. Passing out by the west gate and going 800 feet in a direct line to the south-west, and crossing about midway the Sarasvati rivulet, one arrives at a circular mound having an elevation of some 30 feet and a diameter of 180. The centre is considerably depressed, and seems to consist simply of masses of bricks similar to those on the ram- parts and inside the fort. From the west side of the ruins a sort of terrace leads to a semi-circular heap of somewhat loss elevation than the first. In the centre of this I discovered three large statues of Buddha, all headless but otherwise little mutilated ; they are all seated on lotus-petal thrones, supported by bases ornamented by different devices. In one, several figures are seen in the act of making an offering ; the centre of the second is occupied by the “ Wheel of the Law,” with a deer on either side, and the third bears the representations of two lions-coucliant. These mounds are undoubtedly the mins of the great tower mentioned in the text. I have made at the present time two incisions in the side of the topes, and have recovered from them some Buddhist idols of remarkable beauty, as well as a tablet covered with the representations of the nine planets. From the west door the ramparts still increase in height, but the wall is hidden by masses of brick. Not far from the end of the western side, there is auotlier break in the wall, exactly opposite which is a small temple containing a Buddhist idol, now worshipped by the Hindus as the image of Beni Madhava. At each side of the Sarasvati stream is a pacca ghat, and the ceremonies of “ Goudan” and “ Pindadan” are constantly performed here. At a short distance from this opening, the south rampart commences, and has an elevation nearly equal to that on the west. The wall is not straight, but inclines towards the north-east. At about the 500th foot from the south-west corner, there are unmistakable traces of an enormous brick tower, and 400 feet farther on there is a long piece of wall still intact, and terminating in the southern gate. From this point to the south-east angle the wall is clearly visible. It lias an elevation of some 30 or 40 feet above the valley, and there appear to have been bastions at distances varying 233 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. from 100 to 110 feet. Opposite the south-east corner and at a distance of 50 or GO paces, thore are distinct marks of a ruined tower similar to the one near the western gate already described. The wall towards the east has a total length of nearly 1,200 feet, and the ruins have a very inconsiderable elevation. Bastions are clearly visible at the following distances from the south-east angle, viz., 200, 320, 420, 520, G20, 720, 820, 920, 1020, 1120, and 1200 feet. Montgomery Martin considers the heaps of brick to be the remains of a second set of fortifications built by Sher Shah, but I am rather inclined to regard them as the ruins of the ancient towers, the two monas- teries, and the royal palace, which we know to have existed in the town and parts of which as well as other buildings were doubtless built on the city walls. General Cunningham gives a much larger area to the ruined city, but it must be remembered that he made his measurements outside the ditch, very faint traces of which are visible on two sides of the wall. I have en- deavoured to trace carefully the rampart, and in many places removed the heaps of brick which covered it. In most cases I succeeded m uncovering the original wall, which uniformly presents a thickness of 14 feet. As re- gards the outer walls which are said to have existed, if the heaps of stone which are found at different distances from the fort are traces of them, they are so imperfect that any attempt to follow them would be simply futile. It now remains for us to see what Hwen Tlisang said of the “ new town.” The description of the “ old town” comes first in his account. Af- ter completing bis account of the deserted city, he says : “ Bn sortant par la porte septentrionale de la ville entouree de montagnes — Kouiyigarapura — il fit un li, et arriva au Bois de Batnbous don no par Karandavenouvana. II y a maintenant un Yiliara dont les fondements sont en pierre et le batiment en briques. La porte regard l’orient.” This spot can be very correctly identified with the mass of debris found in the ravine, between the northern gate of the old town, and the southern entrance to the new. A large plat- form of stone-work still exists, and this is covered by a small pillared cell. It is, straugc to say, still popularly called the Madrasah, or College, — vihara. He then distinctly mentions the stupas referred to above. He writes, “ A Test du bois des Bambous de Karandavenouvana il y a un stoupa qui a ete bati par le roi Ajatugatrou. Apres le Nirvana du Tathagata les rois par- tagerent les reliques, Le roi s en rotourna avec la poition qu il avait ob- tenue, batit par respect un stoupa et lui offrit ses hommages. Le roi A 90k a avant coneu une foi sincere, ouvrit le monument, prit les reliques, ct batit a son tour un autre stoupa. A. cote du stoupa du roi Ajatuqatrou il y en a un autre qui renferme les reliques de la moitie du corps du venerable Anan- da.” This description agrees wonderfully with that given by me above, of the two tumuli to the west of the new-town, of the identity of which there * Memoiros, Tom. III., p. 29. 30 234 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, cannot be the slightest doubt. “ Au nord du Viliara du Bois des Bamhous,” continues Hwen Thsang, “ il fit environ deux cents pas, et arriva a 1’ etang de Karandahrada.” The remains of the tank can still be seen facing the southern wall of the new town, and a figure I found there bore the words “ A religious gift to the Karandahrada tank.” To the north of the tank, at a distance of two or three feet, he saw a stupa about 60 feet in height, which had been built by Afoka. This must be identical with one of the jungle covered mounds just under the city ramparts ; but every trace of the monolith which stood beside it, has disappeared. He now arrives in new liajgir, and it is clear that the two centuries which had passed since Fall Hiyan’s visit, had reduced the town to a ruin, very lit- tle different from that which it has been my task to describe, a fact which makes the contemplation of these venerable walls doubly interesting, both to the historian and to the archaeologist. He writes,* “ L ’enceinte ex- terieure etait deja detruite, et Von n' apcrcevait pas meme les restes des murs” [yot General Cunningham endeavours to survey them !]. “ Quoique les murs interieurs fussent on ruines, lour base avait encore une certaine eleva- tion, et embrassait dans ses contours une vingtaine de li A 1’ angle sud- ouest de la ville royale il y a deux petits Sangharamas ou s’arretent les religieux (Strangers qui voyagent.” These monasteries are now represented by the enormous pile of bricks and rubbish which is to be found at the south-west corner of the town, and which I have already alluded to. We can now return to Fah Hiyan, and follow him into the Valley of the Five Hills. ‘ Leaving the south side of the city and proceeding southwards four li, we enter a valley between five hills. These hills encircle it completely like the walls of a town . This is the site of the old city of king Bimbisara.’ The valley is clearly identical with the narrow tract of country surrounded by the five mountains of Rajgir, a little less than a mile due south of the fortifications previously described. This spot is of the greatest archaeologi- cal interest. Here once stood, according to tradition, the impregnable for- tress of Jarasandha, outside the walls of which was fought one of the most famous battles of the Mahabharata; centuries later, the valley was the scene of many of the episodes in the life of Tathfigata ; and lastly — during the palmiest days of Muhammadan rule in Bihar — its solitudes became the abiding place of Makhdum Sharaf-uddin, one of the greatest saints amongst the Faithful in Hindustan. These five hills are by no means solitary ; they form a portion of a rocky mountain chain stretching nearly thirty miles from the neighbourhood of Gaya, north-west as far as Giryak in Bihar. Their sides are rugged and precipitous, and are mostly covered with an impenetrable jungle, broken only * Memoires, Tom. Ill, p. 38. 235 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. by irregular pathways overgrown with brushwood, which are yearly trodden by hundreds of Jain pilgrims from Murshidabad, Banaras, and even Bom- bay, who throng to Rajgir during the cold and dry seasons to do homage to the sacred charanas, or ‘ foot prints,’ of then.' saints, enshrined in the temples which crown the mountain tops. The north side of the valley is bounded by Mount Baibhar — a rocky hill running three or four miles north-.west, and terminating at its eastern side in the hot wells of Rajgir. Here the valley is entered by a narrow ravine through the midst of which the Sarasvati rivulet forces its way into the low country to the north of the hills. On the eastern side of the stream rises the lofty ascent of Mount Yipula, a branch of which runs as far as Griryak, a distance of six miles. Hardly a quarter of a mile from the wes- tern side of the hill, it is joined at right angles by a third mountain running from the north, called Ratnagir. This hill is of inconsiderable length and terminates in a narrow ravine branching away to the east. On the opposite side of this ravine rises Mount Udayagir, a less important hill, running due south and terminating in the ancient wall and fort of Banganga, the sou- thern gate of the ancient capital of Magadha. To the west of the torrent is the fifth and largest hill, Mount Sonar. It first takes a course to the west, then turns northwards, and finally, exactly opposite the narrow valley between Mounts Ratnagir and Udayagir, stretches away to the west, and forms the southern boundary of this natural fortress, being only separated at its western extremity by a narrow ravine from an offshoot of Mount Baibhar, commonly called the ‘ Chhatsi.’ These five hills are called in the Mahabharata* — Vaihara, Yaraha, Vrishabha, Rishigiri, and Chaityaka ; and in the Pali annals of Ceylon — Gijjhakuta, Isigili, Webharo,+ Wepulo, and Panda wo. $ Speaking of the valley, Pah-Hiyan§ goes on to say : ‘ From east to west it is about five or six li, from north to south seven or eight li.’ It is evi- dent that Fah-Hian excluded from his computation the eastern and western bifurcations of the valley, and even then its dimensions are slightly under- stated. The description of the valley of the five hills given by Hwen Thsang|| differs very considerably from that of his forerunner. He tells us that the city was situated just in the centre of the kingdom of Magadha, and was in * Mahabharatn, II. 20, v. 799, 800. f Lassen suspects the reading Vaibhdra by Tumour to be ineorroot, and proposes to read Vcdhdra in accordance witb tbe Mahablidrata. ‘ It is surprising,’ he adds, ‘ that the first and last nainos are Buddhistic, and we may, therefore, suspect they were given to these mountains only after the time of Buddha. Alterth., vol. II., p. 79. J Tumour, in Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. VI., p. 996. § Beal’s Fah Hian, Chapter xxviii., p. 112. || Memo! res, Tom. III., pp. 15-16. 23G A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, ancient days the metropolis of the country Its name, he says, was derived from a flowering shrub, which grew there in abundance. Ho continues : “ De hautes montagnes l’entourent de quatro cotes et forment ses murs ex- terieurs. A l’ouest on y penetre par un sentier qui existe entre deux mon- tagnes ; au nord on a ouvert une entree a travers la montagne. Cette ville est allongee de Test a l’ouest et resserree du sud au nord. Sa circonfe- rence est de ccnt-cinquante li (30 miles). Les restes des fondements de la ville interieure ont environ trente li detour.” This area would make the outer walls of the old town to extend from Gir- yak to the Chhata hill, a distance of ten or eleven miles ; and from the foot of the Udayagir and Sonargir hills to the opposite side of the valley, a distance of two or thi’ee miles. From a careful examination of every part of the valley, I have little doubt that the whole of it, or very nearly so, was sur- rounded by the fortification of the ancient capital, but the inner town, (the ramparts alone of which I have endeavoured to trace) certainly did not ex- tend further than the Nekpai embankment on the one side, to the Jarasan- dha band on the other. I will now proceed to describe as shortly as possible the present appearance of the valley of the “ sweet-scented shrub.” The north side of the valley is watered by two streams, both bearing the name of Sarasvati, which rise, the one at the foot of Batnagir, and the other at the western extremity of Mount Sonar. These rivulets join a short distance to the south of the ravine which forms the entrance to the valley. The sides of the hills and the plain at their feet are covered mostly by a tangled mass of flowering shrubs and wild tulsi grass, broken only by some protruding escarpment or the white cupola of a Jain pagoda in the one case, and in the other, by heaps of bricks — the rums of temples and topes, and the huge piles of stones which still mark the ancient ramparts of the city. The form of the walls can, with a little difficulty, be traced with tolerable accuracy. Strictly speaking, these ramparts formed an irregular pentagon about four miles in circumference. One side faced the west, and was about a mile in length, extending along the western branch of the Saras- vati ; a second ran south to the foot of the Sonargir ; a third east to the entrance of the ravine between (Jdayagir and Batnagir ; a fourth north, to- wards the junction of the streams ; and the fifth and smallest joins the first and fourth. A road seems to have run through the city from the new town to Banganga. The northern side of the city, facing the ravine, appears to have been protected by a lofty tower composed of stones of irregular shape, placed one upon the other (not squared and arranged in courses as in the walls of new Bajgir). Near the stream appears to have been another tower of great height and of similar appearance, and close under it an outer gate towards the north. From this place an enormous wall, 18 or 20 feet thick 237 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. and 15 or 16 feet high, stretched itself to the summit of Mount Vipula, and protected the city from attacks on the mountain side. There were doubtless similar fortifications on the side of Mount Baibhar, but their traces are very faint, whereas those on the western slope of Mount Vipula are remarkably perfect and distinct. Over the whole surface of the interior of the city is spread a mass of debris covered by brushwood and shrubs, and here and there are piles of bricks and stones, denoting the site of some house or temple. Near the south-west corner of the city is a lofty tumulus, somewhat higher than the ruins of the eastern entrance. This is covered by a small Jaina cupola of brick and plaster. The sides of the tumulus are strewn with bricks and fragments of granite pillars. I also discovered some pieces of cornice covered with representations of Buddhas and Nag, is. I made an excavation on the north side of the tumulus, and uncovered a considerable portion of the northern side of a Buddhist building, of which the entrance seems to have faced the north — a feature I have not before met with in any similar ruin, — for the numerous temples which I have seen at liajgir and other places are, without exception, approached from the east. A staircase of brick, with walls on either side, led to the inner hall. The walls appear to have been strengthened, and the roof at the same time provided with supports, by the erection of gray stone pillars, about four feet apart, with plain square bases and capitals. This passage led to a room about 12 feet square, con- taining twelve pillars similar to those in the staircase — ten of which are imbedded in the brickwork and two support the roof in the centre of the chamber. The centre hall is directly underneath the Jaina temple, and it consequently has been impossible to uncover it. I think the precise nature of the original building is doubtful ; the position of the entrance leads me to the conclusion that it was most likely a house or tower, not a religious edifice. The doorway seems to have been surmounted by a long basalt slab containing figures twelve inches high. I brought away two pieces of this to Bihar. Several other figures were found in this place years ago, when it was pierced by an avaricious road-contractor in the hope of finding treasure. If he ever learned the Jaina traditions connected with the place, his hopes must have been high, for they make out tho tumulus to be the ruin of the house of Danaji and Sathadraji, two seths, or bankers, in whose honour, they say, a small temple still exists on the eastern slope of Mouut Baibhar. If the priests made their story known to this enterprising scion of the Depart- ment of Public Works, they cannot solely blame him for the disaster which followed on his researches, namely, the collapse of the stucco pagoda and its sacred ‘ charana’ towards the end of the succeeding rains. About a mile to the south-east of the mound is a long piece of rampart known as * Barghaut.’ In the centre of this was the southern gate of Kusagsirapura, flanked by two towers. The view from the top of the ruin 238 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, is very striking, for you see at once both entrances of the valley and all the five hills. A little to the west of this, at the foot of Sonargir, is a ridge of rock called the wrestling ground of Bhim, and various indentations in its surface are pointed out as the marks of the feet of the combatants. Be- neath this, to the west of the city walls, and between Mounts Baibhar and Sonar is Baubluim, the traditionary scene of the battle mentioned in the Mahfibharata. A rugged path leads from this place to the southern outlet of the valley at Banganga. Certain marks on the stones are considered by Captain Kit- toe to be inscriptions, but if this be the case, the letters are far too imperfect to admit of being deciphered. The valley terminates in a rocky ravine of the most inconsiderable width, having Son.-irgir to the west and Udayagir to the east. The Banganga torrent, which rises at the foot of the former, rushes over the slippery rocks into the southern plain of Hisua-Nowada. The pass is literally only a few feet wide, and its entrance was jealously guarded by fortifications of enormous strength, which will be fully described when I come to speak of the antiquities of the hills. The first mountain I ascended was Baibhar to the north-east of the northern entrance of the valley. At the foot of the hill runs the Sarasvati, from the banks of which a large stone staircase leads to the sacred wells and temples, which, though still venerated by the Hindus of Bihar, yield but a scanty subsistence to the numerous Brahmans who attend them. The wells are vaults of stone, about 10 feet square and 12 deep, approached by steps ; and the temples are quite modern, and of the poorest proportions and work- manship. Most of them contain fragments of Buddhist idols, mouldings, cornices, &c., and here and there I noticed a chatty a, now doing duty as a linga. All of these carvings, however, are very inferior to those found by me in the mounds of Bargaon, Bohoi, and Kalyanpur. The wells at the foot of Baibhar are seven in number, and arc all clustered round the great Brdhmakund, which is larger, deeper and more highly esteemed than the rest. Tho one nearest the ascent of the mountain is the Gangd-Jamuna- Jcund. The water is warm, and enters the vault by means of two stone shoots, the ends of which are carved to represent the heads of tigers or lions. They remind one strangely of the gargoyles of early English Architecture. These pipes were clearly mentioned by II wen Thsang in the narrative of his travels. He says “ a toutes les ouvertures par oil s’echappe l’eau des sour- ces, on a posd des pierres sculptces. Tantot on a figure des tetes de lions, etc.”* Below tills are the Anand Ri7chi,Mdrkanda, and Byds Tcund springs. Next to these comes the Hat, dwdra — a vault some 60 feet long by 10 feet wide, which receives seven distinct streams on the west side, from the moun- tain above. Several of these springs enter the reservoir through “ tuyaux * Memoires, Tom. II., p. 23. 239 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic . Remains of Bihar. suspendus,” and at the south end is a small subterranean temple contain- ing rude and, apparently, very modern images of the ‘ Seven Rishis.’ At the east side of the Sal dwdra is the celebrated Brahma Jcund. The temper- ature of the water is about 105 deg. Fahr. It is in this that several hun- dred thousand persons bathe at the recurrence of every thirty-first lunation. Below this is the Kdsi tirth, which is in reality a mere outlet for the waters of the Brahma lcupd, which escape through it, still warm and steaming, into the Sarasvati below. Climbing a distance of 276 feet to the south-west of the Markanda kund, one arrives at an enormous stone platform projecting' from the face of the hill. It is composed of huge masses of unhewn stone piled one upon the other, and is about 50 feet square and 28 high. At its base there are a number of small grottos six or eight feet square, of which two are in the eastern and five on the northern side. These were evidently caves or chambers of meditation, and are up to this day inhabited at times by 1 nagas’ or ‘ sadhus’, a jogi whose body is perpetually smeared with ashes, and whose wardrobe seems to consist merely of a very small waisteloth, a tattered umbrella, and a necklace of enormous boads. These beggars flock in thousands from all parts of India to Rajgir during the great fair, and are fed by the Maliants, or abbots, of the monasteries of Rajgir and Rajavali, who alone exercise the jealously-guarded right of raising their crimson stan- dards during the month in which the gathering takes place. To return to the stone platform. It is generally known as the Jard- sandha-kd-haithalc, and on its summit are three Muhammadan tombs, one of which is said to be that of Raja Kamdar Khan Main, whose life and ad- ventures during the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries form the subject of many a rude ballad and story in Bihar, and which occu- py almost the same place in the heart of the people as the tales of Robin Hood and his followers do at home. Behind this platform is a large cave. I searched for it in vain in September, but owing to the dense brushwood and jungle which covered it during the rainy season, I failed to find it. General Cunningham, however, was fortunate enough to light on it during bis recent visit, and I have since completely cleared and excavated it. It is of oval shape, and has an opening to the east. Its floor was considerably below the surface, and was reached by a flight of eight or nine brick steps several of which I uncovered almost entire. The chamber measured 36 feet from east to west, and 26 from north to south. The roof (most of which bas fallen in) was 18 or 20 feet high. The whole was lined, as it were, by a brick wall about 2 feet thick. In the midst of the rubbish which filled up the bottom of the cave I found a very perfect standing figure of Buddha in black basalt. I can, I think, satisfactorily identify this cave and platform with the account of Fah-Hiyau and also with that of Hwen Thsang. Fah- Hiyan says — •“ skirting the southern lull” (and it is to be noted that this 240 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, part of Baibhar runs almost due south) “ and proceeding westward 300 paces, there is a stone cell, called the P'/pal Cave, where Buddha was accus- tomed to sit in deep moditation after his mid-day meal.”* This corresponds exactly with the position of the cave in question, and this view is supported strongly by the succeeding sentence, — “ going still in a westerly direction five or six li, there is a stone cave situate in the nor- thern shade of the mountain, and called Che-ti.” This description applies with singular accuracy to the Sonbhandar Cave in the northern shade of Mount Baibhar, and almost exactly a mile from the haithak of Jarasandha. Hwen Thsang’s account is still more striking, — “ A l’ouest des sources ther- males, on voit la maison en pierre du Pi-po-lo (Pippala). Jadis, l’honor- able du siecle, y faisait son sejour habituel. La cavern a prof onde qui s’ouvre derriere ses murs ctait le palais des ’O-sou-lo — Asouras”f [of Jarasandha ?]. Pushing 800 feet further up the mountain side, I found another plat- form, or haithak, almost identical in size and shape with that of Jarasandha. The Raj wars call it Sitdmuri, but I could discover no special legend concern- ing it. Leaving it and climbing up a steep ascent to the west for a distance of about 1300 feet, one comes, quite suddenly, on a small Jain a temple built some few years ago by one Hukumat Rai. Between the last haithak and this temple there are marks of au enormous wall, 14 or 15 feet thick, and this forms the pathway which leads up the mountain side. The Raj wars, the sole inhabitants of the wild of Itajgir, called it Jarasandha’s stair- case, and tell you that he built it in a single day to assemble his troops on the mountain tops on the approach of his enemies from the west. The temple contains (besides the usual charana, or footprint) two very fine and perfect figures of Buddha. The first is throe feet high. Buddha is repre- sented sitting on the lotus throne (padmasana) in the attitude of meditation. Beneath this, the Sinhdsana is divided into three compartments — the two outer containing lions, and the middle one the ‘ Wheel of the Law,’ (very elaborately carved) supported by two shells. The second figure is a smaller one and is surmounted by a canopy. Eight hundred feet to the west of this temple is a similar building con- taining nothing of interest. Twelve or fourteen paces to the south of it, I found the ruins of a very small Buddhist temple covered with the densest jungle. It appears to have contained twelve gray stone columns about six feet high. The entrance was to the east, and in digging out the centre I found a very curious image of Buddha — very roughly carved. The main figure was surrounded by smaller ones, each depicting some chief episode in his life. Piercing the jungle 400 feet to the south-west of this ruin, I found the remains of a very large temple almost perfect. The cupola had fallen * Beal’s Pah-Hian, Oh. xxx., p. 117. t Memoirea, Tom. II., p. 24. 241 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. down on all sides, forming a mound about 500 feet in circumference and 16 or 17 feet high. The entrance to the east is about 6 feet wide, and leads to a passage some 14 or 15 feet long, the roof of which was formerly supported by gray stone pillars about 6 feet high. This leads to a square chamber or hall some 23 or 24 feet square. Its roof is supported by twelve columns in the chamber, and eighteen more let into the brick work. These columns are each 7 feet high, with square bases and capitals and octagon shafts. They rested on a detached square plinth a foot high. A sur-capital, separate from the shaft, and cruciform in plan, supported the roof which was com- posed of enormous granite slabs laid transversely. From this room a mas- sive doorway and a flight of three steps leads to the inner chamber — some- what less in size than the other, but considerably loftier — the total height of its roof being 13 feet. The columns are of the same description as those in the outer hall, but more lofty. The detached capital are each a foot high, the base is 2, the octagonal shaft 6, and the second capital 3 feet in height. The lintel of the doorway is 2 feet broad and is carved with a rude moulding. In the centre of the lintel, is a figure of Buddha. I found no images in the temple, but it is by far the most perfect building of the kind I have yet seen. Its situation is magnificent, commanding at once a view of the high- ly cultivated plain of Bihar, the “ solitary rock,” the topes and temples of Nalanda, the walls of new Rajgir, the five hills, and the valley of Kusa- garapura. A short distance to the south of this is a very small Jain a temple de- dicated to Dharmanatha and Sliantinatha, the 15th and 16th Tirthankaras. It contains two images and a charana, with an inscription about 200 years old. The pujari has corrupted the names to ‘ Dhanaji’ and ‘ Sathadraji, and describes them as two wealthy bankers who lived in the house at the Nirmul kund, i. e. the mound in the south-west corner of the ancient city. Continuing to ascend the eastern slope of the hill for nearly a quarter °f a mile, we arrive at a Jaina temple of very considerable dimensions. It is square in form, and is surmounted by four handsome minarets and a cupola. It was built by one Pratap Singh of Murshidabad, and a passage (.pradakshina) encircles the central shrine. There is also a small octagon chapel, containing charanas at each corner. The doorway has been taken from a Buddhist temple, and is covered with exquisite carving. The tem- ple is 51 feet by 58. Some two hundred yards to the west of this is the largest temple of the group, built by one Manikchand Seth in the middle of the last century. Manikchand was a well known character in Calcutta, and his dedication is recorded on the charana. The building consists almost entirely of Buddhist materials. It has a vestibule, the roof of which is sup- ported by pillars somewhat smaller in size, though of the same shape as those in the temple I have described above in detail. At the north side are 31 T 242 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, the remains of a Buddhist temple, probably larger than any other on the hill. Its pillars, &c., lie about in all directions, and it seems to have served as the quarry from which Manikehand built his. A quarter of a mile fur- ther on, and near the crest of the hill, I had the good fortune to find an- other Buddhist temple in the jungle, about five paces to the north of the path. Its details resemble very much those of the great temple below, but a figure of Buddha still occupies the centre, and the foundations of a court-yard can still be traced. Proceeding still westwards for nearly half a mile, the highest peak of the hill is gained, where is an enormous tope, covered with brushwood, and crowned with a Jaina temple. The view from the top is magnificent, espe- cially towards the valley, the whole of which Baibhar commands. Descending the almost precipitous southern face of the mountain, I arrived at the Sonbhandar cave, which is situated in the “ northern shade” of the hill, as nearly as possible a mile to the south-west of the hot wells. I have little difficulty in identifying this with the Sattapanni cave spoken of both by Fah-Hian and Hwen Thsang. In doing so it must be borne in mind that the Baibhar hill runs due south- west — not ‘ west,’ and that the Sonbhandar is near the northern end of the mountain. Fah-Hian says, that “ going in a westerly direction five or six lis" (i. e., from just above the hot-springs) “ there is a stone cave situate in the northern shade of the mountain, and called Ohe-ti. This is the place where 500 Iiahats assembled after the Nirvana of Buddha to arrange the collection of sacred books.” This coincides exactly with the position of the Sonbhandar cave, and it also agrees with Hwen Thsang, who places it five or six lis to the south-west of the Karandavenuvana clump of bamboos, which both authors represent as being close to the hot-springs. The words of Hwen Thsang are as follows — “ au sud-ouest du Bois des Bambous, il fit cinq a six liv. Au nord d’une montagne situee au midi,” (this I have previously explained) “ au milieu d’un vaste bois de bambous il y a une grande maison en pierre. Ce fut la qu’apres le Nirvana de Jauldi, le venerable Malia Kashyapa et neuf cent quatro-vingt-dix-neuf grands Arhats formerent la collection des trois Re- cueils sacres. En face de cette maison, on voit encore d’ancients fonde- ments. Le roi Ajatasatru avait fait construire cet edifice, &c.” The cave appears to have been formerly approached from the south by a staircase or sloping path, which has now almost entirely disappeared, and to have been faced by a broad platform nearly 100 feet square. This space was occupied by an extensive hall, the rafters supporting the roof of which rested in cavities in the rock that still exist. Piles of bricks and stones lie in all directions. The face of the cave has a naked surface of rock, as smooth and even as if built of brick. It is 44 feet in length and 16 feet high, and is bounded on the west by a protruding rock and on the east by 243 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bilidr. a narrow staircase of twenty steps cut in the cliff. The rock is pierced in the centre by a door 6 feet 4 inches high and about 3J feet wide. The thickness of the wall of rock is exactly 3 feet. At 11 feet 10 inches west from the door, and in a line with it is an opening in the cliff 3 feet high by 3 feet wide, which serves to light the vault. The interior is a vaulted cham- ber 33 feet long by 17 feet wide, with a semicircular roof 16 feet high. The floor has been spoiled by the water which constantly falls from the roofs. Outside the door, and three feet to the west of it, is a headless figure of Buddha cut in the rock, and close to it an inscription, in the Asoka cha- racter, recording the visit of some holy man to the cave in search of quiet and solitude. There are also some DevanagarS inscriptions inside. Inside the cave is a ‘ chaitya,’ so curious in shape and design, that I think it worth while to describe it somewhat fully. Its form is square with a conical top surmounted by a large knob. Each side is 1 foot 10 inches broad, and its total height is 4 feet 9 inches. On each face there is a pillared canopy, underneath which is a standing figure of Buddha on a lotus-leaf pedestal, with a miniature attendant on either side, each holding a torch. The hair on the head is knotted, and the body is covered by a long cloak. The hands, instead of being raised in the usual attitude, are held down close by the side. The attendant figures are elaborately dressed and ornamented. At each comer of the arch of the canopy are figures holding scrolls. In the centre of the canopy, and imme- diately above the head of Buddha, rises a pipal tree surmounted by three umbrellas. The bases vary in design ; on either side, beneath the pedestal, is depicted the Wheel of the Law, supported on one side by elephants, on another by caparisoned horses (with saddles of almost Luropean shape), °n the third by elephants kneeling, and on the fourth by bulls. The coni- cal top of the chaitya resembles the cupola of a temple. To return to Mount Vipula. This hill rises about three hundred yards to the east of the hot springs previously described. Its direction is due north-east. The northern face of the mountain is a rugged cliff, and its western slope is but a little less precipitous. At the foot of the hill there are six wells, — some of which contain hot, and some cold water. They re- semble in shape those of Mount Baibhar, and are called respectively Nana- kuud, Sita-kund, S6ma-kund, Ganesha-kupd, and Rama-kund. Nearly a quarter ofa mile from these wells is a spring immediately under the northern lace of the mountain. It is surrounded by a large enclosure, and its water is tepid. Passing through a courtyard, the visitor arrives at a small stone- cell in the rock, and immediately above this a flight of some eighty steps leads up the side of the hill to a platform paved with brick. This is the celebrated Makhdum-kund of the Muhammadans, and Sringgi-rikhi-kund of the Hindus. This well is held in extraordinary veneration alike by Hindus 244 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, and Musalmans, and is thronged by pilgrims all the year round. The spot is celebrated as the residence of Makhdum Shfih Shaikh Sharaf-uddin Ahmad, a saint, not only revered by the Muhammadans of Bihar, hut by the follow- ers of the Crescent all over India. The date of his sojourn at Rajgir was, as far as I can ascertain, about 715, A. H. The stone cell is said to be his “ hujrah,” i. e. the scene of a forty days’ meditation andfast [Persian, chillali], and the platform above, the place of his morning and evening prayers. General Cunningham has been led into a strange error about this spot, and states it to have been the dwelling of Saint Chillah, a converted Hindu.*. I shall give a complete history of the life and writings of Sharaf-uddin, in connection with the history of Muhammadan rule in Bihar. About two hundred feet from the foot of the hill, almost immediately above the northern gate of the ancient city, and nearly half a mile south- west of the Makhdum-kund, are the remains of an enormous brick stupa or “ tope,” now surmounted by a small temple of Mah&deva. There is a simi- lar ruin opposite this at the foot of Baibhar, and the bed of the ravine is also strewn with debris. I clearly identify these ruins with the description of Hwen Thsang :f “ En dehors de la porte septentrionale de la ville, il y a un Stoupa au nord-est de l’endroit ou fut dompte T elephant ivre il y a un Stoupa.” Leaving this place, and going some few hundred yards to the north-east, one arrives at two small Jama pagodas, built on a peak of the hill. The first is dedicated to Hemantu Sadhu, and the second to Mahavira, the 24th Tirthankara of the Jainas, who is said to have lived and died at Pawapfiri, eight miles north-east of Rajgir. Continuing to ascend the wes- tern face of the hill, one looks down on a rocky defile which separates Mount Vipula from Ratnagir. There is little difficulty in identifying this from the remarks of Hwen Thsang as well as by those of Fah-Hian. The former says,$ “ Au nord de l’endroit ou Che-li-tseu (Saripouttra) avait obtenu le fruit du Saint (la dignity d ’Arhat), tout pres il y a une fosso large et pro- fonde, a cote de laquelle on a elevc mi Stoupa Au nord-est de la fosse ardente, a Tangle de la ville entouree de montagnes il y a un Stoupa. En cet endroit, le grand modicin Chi-po-lcia (Djivika) bat it en faveur du Boud- dha une salle pour Texplication de la loi.” Fah-Hian writes :§ “ To the north-east of the city in the middle of a crooked defile, Djivika erected a Vihara .. Its ruins still exist.” I believe these places to be identical with the remains which I shall presently describe. Nearly a quarter of a mile to the east of the pagoda of Mahavira, one arrives at the summit of the hill, which is exactly above the centre of the “ crooked defile.” At this place is an enormous platform 130 feet long by * Ancient Geography, p. 466. f Memoiros, Tom. II., p. 16. t Memoires, Tom. II., pp. 18-19. § Beal’s Translation, Chap, xxviii, p. 113. 215 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. 30 wide, and about 6 feet above the surrounding rocks. It is constructed almost entirely of the materials of Buddhist buildings — I counted more than 30 pillars in the floor alone, — and this is easily accounted for by a large pile of ruins at either end of the platform. The mound to the east is nearly 30 feet high, and its surface is bestrewn with pillars and stone slabs. The ruins to the west are undoubtedly those of a temple or vih&ra, and several gray stone columns arc still erect. The modern Jaina temples on the platform deserve some notice, as all of them abound, more or less, in Buddhist orna- mentation. The first of the series of four is only about 10 feet square, and 18 surmounted by a simple semi-circular cupola. It is dedicated to Chan- draprabha, the 8th Tirthankara. The doorway is a fine specimen of Buddhist art. In the centre is a figure of Buddha under a canopy, and three parallel rows of exquisite geometrical pattern run round the sides. Above the door, a large ornamental slab, about five feet long and eight inches wide, is inserted in the masonry. It is divided into seven compartments, the first of which, on either side, contain figures of elephants, and the remainder — groups of figures in the attitude of the dance. This is almost identical with the ornamentation of a very beautiful doorway excavated by me from the mound at Dapthu, and which is now in my col- lection of Buddhist sculptures. The next temple is divided into two cham- bers, and is of considerable size. It is dedicated to Mahavira, and both the mner and outer doors are very fine. The cornice of the latter is divided into nine compartments, in the first of which a man is represented in the act of dedicating a chaitya. The others are filled with the usual Buddhist de- vices. The top of the temple is pyramidal in shape. The next pagoda is faced by an open court, to the right and left of which are two slabs, the one covered with the representation of the ten Incarnations of Vishnu, and the other with those of the Nine Planets. The vacant space at the base of the carving is covered with a modern inscription in Nagari. The doorway is surmounted by a comparatively plain moulding. This temple is dedicated to Munisuvrata, the 20th Jaiua Tirthankara, who is said to have been born in Rajgir. Inside the fourth temple are four charanas — two of them being of white marble. They are dedicated respectively to Mahavira [or Vardham&na], Parshwanatha, Shanthanatha, and Kunthunatha — the 24th, 23rd, 16th, and 17th Tirthankaras respectively. Beaving the temples and skirting the north side of the ravine, you cross a nan’ow ridge which brings you to Mount Ratnagir. The summit is crowned by a temple decorated with some small black basalt columns, elaborately carved. From this a stone staircase or pathway leads down the western slope of the hill to the plain beneath. Between Itatnagir and Udayagir lies a narrow valley covered with jungle, situated, as nearly as possible due north-east of the ancient city, 246 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, and stretching away as far as Giryak, a distance of six or seven miles. I shall now proceed to establish if possible an identification of this valley, connected with the writings of both the pilgrims. Hwen Thsang writes as follows :* “ Aw nord-est de la ville, il fit de quatorze a quinze li” [2f or 3 miles], “ et arriva au mont Ki-li-tho-Jciu-tch'a (Gridhrakoiita Parvata), qui touche au midi de la montagne du nord, et s’^leve isolement a une hauteur prodigieuse. . . . Le roi P'in-pi-so-lo (Bimbisara), voulant entendre la loi, leva un grand nombre d’hommes ; puis, pour traverser la vallee et franchir les ravins, depuis le pied de la montagne jusqu’au sommet, il fit assembler des pierres, et pratiqua des escaliers larges d'environ dix pas, et ayant une lon- gueur de cinq a six li. Au milieu du chemin, il y a deux petits Stoupas : Le sommet de cette montagne est allonge de Test l’ouest, et res- serre du sud au nord.” He then proceeds to speak of a vihara to the west of the mountain, a colossal stone once trodden by the sacred feet of Sakhya Muni, a stiipa to the south, and a second on the summit of the mountain. Fah-Hian’s descriptionf is far less minute, hut he gives exactly the same distance [viz., 15 li], and speaks of two caves on the hill — the colossal stone — the Vihara, and the lofty peak. On the 20th January, I made an attempt to explore the valley. Clear- ing the dense brushwood and jungle as I advanced, I skirted the foot of Rat- nagir for about a mile from the old city, and then struck across into the centre of the valley, and pushed on two miles further to the east. I then saw that to the east of Batnagir there is another mountain terminating in a lofty peak, which towers above the summit of the surrounding hills. This mountain is called Dcoghit, and I unhesitatingly identify it with that mentioned in the text of Fah-Hian and Hwen Thsang. It adjoins the sou- thern side of Vipula. In the middle of the valley, a stone terrace or stair- case, about 20 feet broad, runs duo north, towards the foot of the hill, for a distance of 900 feet. At this point it branches off to the east up the mountain side. At the distance of 300 feet from the plain, I found a small stupa in the very centre of the staircase about 8 feet square, and in front of it three or four steps are still almost intact, each step being about 18 or 20 feet wide and a foot high. Near tins place under a great heap of debris I found three images of Buddha almost perfect, but of the rudest workman- ship. They are uniform in size, and bear inscriptions. From the stupa the staircase continues to traverse the mountain-side for a distance of 800 feet. At this point I discovered a second stiipa and a large quantity of images, pillars, &e. Of these, the most remarkable are a figure of Buddha seated on a lion, a large Buddha seated on the usual lotus throne, and a standing figure of Buddha with a long inscription. All these idols have been remov- * Memoires, Tom. II., pp. 20-21. + Baal’s Fah-Hian, Ch. xxix., p. 114. 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. 247 ed to Bihar, and merit a much more detailed description. The terrace now becomes more broken, hut its traces are visible up to the peak. From its commencement in the valley up to the summit of the mountain it measures, as nearly as possible, one mile. The south and west side of the hill are covered with the debris of houses, &c., and the solitary peak which crowns the hill is surmounted by an enormous brick stupa. Though there is no natural cave in the southern face of the hill, as might reasonably be expect- ed, the other features it presents are so remarkable that its identification is beyond a doubt, and besides this everything tends to show that the caves and grottos of Bajgir were mostly artificial. Parallel with Batnagir and Devaghat [or Deoghat] runs Udayagir. Two ramparts or walls seem to have traversed the valley. The first to the west now called the Nekpai-band, and the second stretches from the foot of Deoghat, as before described, to the centre of the valley, and this seems to have been continued as far as the foot of the Udaya Hill. The slopes of this hill are more gradual than any of the others, and this accounts for the fortifications which surmount it. The steepest side of the mountain is towards the west, and it is through a narrow ravine at the foot of it, that the valley is entered from the south. The passage is very narrow, and in the centre runs the Banganga rivulet, which rises from beneath Sonargir. The pass was strong- ly fortified, and the ramparts and bastions are still remarkably perfect, although they have been exposed to the devastations of the rain and sun for many centuries. Just within the valley are the ruins of the two towers, and at the entrance of the pass, where the width of the ravine is little naore than twenty feet, two forts of considerable size — one on the slope of Udayagir, and the other facing it, at the foot of Sonargir. The former Measures 111 feet from the north to south, and 40 from east to west. From this point a massive wall, 16 feet thick (and still having an elevation of some 10 or 12 feet), stretches in a direct line due east to the summit of the mountain. I measured it to a distance of 4,000 feet from the com- mencement, and it thus appears to continue its course for more than two miles on the crest of the hill, then to cross over towards the north, and finally to pass down the northern slope, and into the narrow valley between Udayagir and Batnagir, just opposite the staircase of Bimbisara, which leads t° the summit of the Deoghat hill. The wall is composed of huge stones on either side, closely fitted together without cement, the centre being filled UP by a mass of pebbles and rubbish. There are traces of Buddhist ruins °n the top of the hill, and I found several images, and the remains of two mrge stupas, and one temple similar to that on Baibhar. There is also a large enclosure containing five modern Jaina temples — the centre one square and the others triangular in shape. Each of the small ones contains a figure of Buddha bearing the creed, “ ye dharma lietu, etc.” There are 248 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, large numbers of gray stone columns at the foot of the mounds above men- tioned, and the spot has evidently been once the site of a Vihara. Although live hills are stated both in poetry and history to have sur- rounded the ancient capital of Magadha, this can hardly be considered literally correct, and to maintain the old description, several peaks must be considered as forming part of the same mountain. Thus the rocky cliffs of Chhata, (or Chhakra,) must he deemed the eastern extremity of Baibhar, and the various parts of Sonargir must be considered as portions of one great hill. Sondrgir, the most extensive, though the least lofty, of all the hills, begins at the south-east corner of the valley, and runs due east from this point till it reaches the centre of the valley just above the plain of the Ranbhum. From this point three branches stretch eastwards ; the first inclining slightly towards the north, and forming the southern boundary of the valley of the five hills, the second runs due east and forms the western side of the ravine which leads into the Hisua-Nowada plains, and the third turns first south, then again almost due east, and finally termi- nates, as I have before described, in the rocks and torrents of Banganga. This was evidently the weakest point in the natural defences of the city ; for an enemy who had once gained the entrance of the valley, (which ap- pears to have been still further protected by a semi-circular wall outside it,) could easily pass up the gentle slope between the two last mentioned branch- es of the hill, and descend by an equally easy road on the northern side of the hill into the very heart of the valley. I ascended the hill on this side, and soon gained the summit, which, like that of Udayagir, is occupied by an enormous pile of rums, and a modem Jaina temple. Inside the pagoda is a large figure of Buddha, bearing the creed, and also a comparatively modern inscription on the unoccupied portions of the pedestal. Several columns are lying about, and also portions of cornice and other ornamental carving. This was once, evidently, the site of some great vihara or temple. Thirty paces south of the pagoda, one comes quite suddenly on the great wall, almost unbroken and entire. It is uniformly sixteen feet thick, but its height differs, at various places. It commences in the Ranbhum plain, and then runs in a direct line to the summit of the hill, a distance of 2300 feet. From this point an enormous embankment runs across the valley to the foot of Baibhar, and now bears the name of Jarasandha’s band. At the top of the mountain the wall turns to the east, following the crest of the central branch of Sonargir, which now takes an almost semi-circular form, to a dis- tance of 4100 feet. The wall at this point runs down the ravine, crosses it close to the source of the Banganga torrent, then ascends the slope of the southern branch of the hill, and passes first along its ridge and then down its western slope till it ends in the foot to the west of the stream, as nearly as possible 12,000 feet from its commencement in the Ranbhum plain. The 219 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. fort at which it ends is about half the size of the one on the opposite side of the torrent. 1 have thus succeeded in tracing the great wall which formed the artificial defence of the valley ; but strange to say, popular legends, so far from connecting it with any such purpose, make it the evening walk of the Asura king — the spot where he used to enjoy the cool mountain air after the fatigues of the day. Before giving some account of the wild ravine to the west of the valley it may bo interesting to say something of the Jaina pagodas which still adorn the hills. They are maintained and repaired by subscriptions collect- ed all over India, and are yearly visited by thousands of pilgrims from fiwaliar, Bombay, Calcutta, and Murshidabad. They all contain charanas, or impressions of the sacred feet of the Tirthankaras— generally carved in black basalt, but sometimes in marble, and invariably surrounded by a Nagari inscription. I have taken copies of the whole of them, but many have become very indistinct, on account of the oil, ghi, &c., with which they are anointed. The following are specimens of them.* In the temple dedicated to Munisuvr&ta, on the Vipula Hill, I found the following : — “ On fhe 7th of the waxing moon in the month of Kartika, Samvat 1818, the image of the supremely liberated sage who attained salvation on the Vipula Mountain together with his congregation, was made and consecrated by S ri Amrita Dharma Vacliaka.” In another of the series of temples : — ‘ On the 9th of the waxing moon in the month of Phalguna, Samvat 1501, by Santha S'ivaraja, &c., of the noble .latada race.” On Sonargir : — “ In tbe auspicious Khadatara Port [y«r/<»], the imago of S'ri Adinatha, &c.” The other inscriptions arc similar, and the dates 1819, 1823, (on Udayagir) 1816, (Ratnagir) 1830 Samvat, occur. I will give one other at length. It comes from Vipulagir, and rims as follows: — “ On Friday, the 13th of the waxing moon, in the month of Aswina, when the S aka year 1572 was current, Samvat 1707, [A. D. 1650], Suyama and his younger brother Gobardhana, sons of Lakshmid&sa and his wife Vananihala, of the Vihara Vastuvya family, of the Dopada gotra, caused certain repairs to be done to in Rajagriha.” Babu Raj endralala Mitra remarks, that in this inscription all the proper names have the title ‘ sangha prefixed to them, and this shows that the individuals in question belonged to a Buddhist congregation. In one of the temples at the summit of V ipulagir I found the follow- ing : — “ On the 7th of the waxing moon in Ivartika, this statue of Mukhti- gupta, the absolutely liberated sage, was made by Sri Sanga, on the “ Sri Tipulachala hill, and consecrated by the preachers of salvation.” The Clia- I'ana on Ratnagir bears the following : — “ Om, Salvation. On the 6th of * These readings and translations were made by Babu Rajendralala Mitra, for whose valuable assistance I cannot be too grateful. 32 v 250 A. M. Broaclley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, the waxing moon in the month of Magha, Samvat year 1829, Sha Manik- chand, son of Bulakidasa of the Ganghigotra and Osa family, an inhabitant of Hugli, having repaired the temple on the Ratnagiri hill in Rajagriha, placed the two lotus-like feet of the Jina Sri Parsvanatha there.” I conclude with the oldest inscription, which is on Sonargir — “ On the 9th of the waxing moon in the month of Phalguna, in the Samvat year 1504 of the Jatada Gotra, Ramamala Varma Dasa, son of Sangha Manikadeva, son of the wife of Sangha ... baraia, son of Sangha B unarm a, son of Sangha D,evaraja.” [A. D. 1447.] The most recent of the inscriptions is dated as late as Samvat 1912, or A. D. 1855. The ravine on the west of the valley is bounded on either side by a range of rocky hills, terminating in a narrow pathway covered with almost impene- trable brushwood and j ungle. The plain between the mountains is almost level, and is covered with bushes, and broken here and there by heaps of stone. A huge embankment stretches right across it, from the foot of Sonargir (exactly below the Jaina tample which crowns its summit) to that of Baibliar. The plain to the east of this is the RanbhAm. About a quarter of a mile beyond this a second hand, hardly inferior in size and importance, traverses the valley almost at right angles. The traveller Fah-Hiyan quitted the Magadha capital through the ravine and the rugged valley of Jeti-ban which lies beyond it. -I have tra- versed the whole of the country as far as the hot springs of Tapoban, but a detailed description of it, does not find a place here, as it lies beyond the limits of “ Bihar in Patna.” V.— Prom Tiladaka [or Tilasakya] Monastery to Kalya'npu'r. Hwcn Thsang started from the east of Patna [Patali] and proceeded to a monastery situated at a place called Tilayakya, but strange to say one account makes the distance thirty-live miles or seven yojanas, and the other twenty miles or one hundred lis. Although I am unable to explain this dis- crepancy, except by the generally inaccurate distances given by the writer, I have no hesitation in identifying this place with the modern village of Til- larah or Tillardah situated, as nearly as possible twenty-four miles to the south-west of the most easterly part of Patna, (which town is nearly eight miles long) on a narrow strip of land between the Kattfir and the Sona streams, two branches of the Phalgu River. The modern village consists of a straggling line of houses and shops running from east to west, but nearly a third of them are unoccupied and fast falling to decay. The town of Tillarah, however, still bears the signs of a period of prosperity which has now long since passed away. The ruins of a fine bridge of five arches still spans the now nearly dried up course of the Sona-nadi ; a splendid masjid composed 251 1872.] A. M. firoadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. entirely of Buddhist materials is falling to decay on the eastern outskirts of the village, and the ruined verandahs, courtyards, and tombs, which meet the eye in all directions, serve only to testify to the fact, that oven dur- ing the later days of Musalman rule, Tillarah had not altogether lost its pristine importance. Hwen Thsang tells us a good deal about the splendour of the Tillarah monastery, when ho visited it in February, 637 A.I).# He writes : — “ The convent of Tillarah has four courtyards, and is ornamented with verandahs, three-storied pavillions, lofty towers, and a series of gates. It was built by the last scion of the house of Bimbis&ra, who was a man of more than ordinary attainments, and who assembled around him men of talent and worth for every quarter. Men of letters from distant countries flocked there in crowds. There are a thousand recluses here who study the doctrine of the Greater Vessel. In the road which leads to the eastern gate, there are three viharas, each of them surmounted by a cupola hung with bells. These buildings are several stories high, and are surmounted by ba- lustrades. The doors, windows, rafters, columns, etc., are covered with bas- reliefs in gilded copper, decorated with still choicer ornaments. A casket of relics is deposited in each vihara. From time to time a supernatural light proceeds from these, and wonders and marvels occur there.” The site of this once magnificent pile of buildings is now marked by an enormous mound of irregular shape, near the banks of the Sonanadi, about fifty feet high, and covered, I regret to say, with Muhammadan tombs. Nearly every grave that has been dug there, has yielded some specimen of Buddhistic art, and idols of brass and basalt are constantly found there. I have secured some very beautiful specimens of the latter, but the former are sold as soon as discovered and quickly converted into the heavy ‘ batisi’ and ‘ kara’ which decorate (?) the wrists and ancles of the women of the lower castes of the Hin- dus. Few places in India, I feel sure, would yield more archaeological treasure than this great Tillarah mound, and a shaft might be very well cut through it, without interfering with or in any way injuring the tombs on its surface. At the eastern side of the village is a large masjid raised by a platform a few feet above the surrounding plains. This platform is composed almost entirely of pillars, portions of cornice, etc., which once belonged to some great Buddhist temple. The building is surrounded by a brick wall, and the en- closure is entered by a porch facing the east, both doors of which are purely Buddhistic. One bears an inscription of two lines, but is so much defaced as to be quite illegible. The word ‘ Sam vat,’ however, is decipherable. The masjid itself consists of one oblong chamber forty-one feet by twenty-two broad, the roof of which, is supported by three rows of pillars numbering fourteen in the centre of the building, while several others are almost com- * MemoiroB, Vol. II., p. 439. 252 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, pletely imbedded in the brick work. The roof is nine feet six inches above the floor. Most of the pillars are about six feet six inches high, and have separate capitals and bases. They are surmounted by long stone beams placed transversely, which in turn support the roof consisting of huge slabs of granite and basalt. The pillars are of great variety of shape and design. Some are square, both at the capital, base, and shaft ; others have square bases and capitals but simple octagon shafts, while others again are oval and covered with the richest ornament. Most of these exhibit great freedom of design, and several of them are of the most graceful form. The ‘ Sangi Masjid’ (as it is popularly called) was built on the site of a Buddhist temple, and near- ly all the graves dug around it, have yielded either figures, pillars, or portions of cornice and moulding. The Musalman of Tillarah refuses to bury in any tomb from which any idolatrous image or carving has been turned up, and for this reason a grave has sometimes to be dug three or four times over. Just outside the gate of the Sangi Masjid, a man pointed out a spot, which he said had been dug out for his father’s grave, and subsequently abandoned because a large image had been found there. I ordered an excava- tion to be made in the place indicated, and came on a splendid figure of Buddha, unfortunately broken in three pieces, about four feet from the sur- face. The black basalt in which it was carved, is of the finest quality, and the features quite perfect. It has been photographed. Outside the doors of the masjid is a second enclosure containing the tomb of Sayyid Yusuf Iqbal, a Muhammadan saint who lived in Tillarah about two hundred and fifty years ago. He and his six brothers are greatly respected and revered by the Musalmans of the Tillarah district, and the tombs of the latter are to be found at the villages of Meawan, Mandaj, Abdalpur, Fathpiir, Parbalpur, and Bibipur. Down to the time of Altbar, Tillarah was a place of some considerable importance, and the capital of one of the largest parganahs between the Bajgir hills and the Ganges. Its area is in the A'in-i-Akbari stated to be 39,053 bighahs, and its revenue 2,920,360 dams. It also had to furnish a force of 300 cavalry and 20 infantry. Some of the finest figures and carvings in my collection come from the Tillarah monastery. I extract a description of them from my catalogue [No. LXII.]. Unmutilated alto-relievo figure in fine black basalt, two feet seven inches high, holding a lotus in either hand. On the head is a jewelled crown, conical in shape, with curious ornaments behind the ears. The hair is dressed in profuse ringlets. A garland passes over the loft shoulder across the body. The earrings consist of two parts — a jewelled ring, passed through an oval hoop. There is a jewelled girdle around the waist. The body is covered with a tight jacket, having an ornamental facing. The legs are covered with pantaloons, and the feet with boots. A sword is girded below 253 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. the left thigh. Between the feet is a small grotesque booted figure, gather- ing up a set of reins in his hands and waving a whip over his shoulders. Below this is a row of seven horses galloping from left to right, and drawing a chariot. On the other side of the main figure are attendants, standing hooted, and wearing curious caps and circular earrings. Above these, dimi- nutive female figures are seen, discharging arrows right and left. The figure may be either Hindu or Buddhist.” The next figure [LXI\ .] is purely Hin- du (for at Tillarah as in the Nalanda rains Hindu and Buddhist idols are mixed together). Like the one last described, it is unbroken. It is “an alto-relievo in black basalt two feet four inches high, containing figures of Durga and Siva. Siva is four-handed, and is elaborately dressed and orna- mented. He is seated on a bull. The upper hand to the right grasps a lotus, while the other rests playfully on the chin of the goddess. His lower hand on the opposite side passes round her body and supports her left breast. The one above it grasps a trident. His right leg is turned outwards to the right, but the left one is twisted over the bull’s head, so that the right leg of the goddess rests upon it. Her right hand passes round his neck, while the left grasps a mirror. She is seated on a lion. In his right ear is a cir- cular ring and in his left an oblong drop. In her case the arrangement is reversed. His hair is rolled up into a ball first, while hers is dressed almost precisely after the fashion of George Ilnd’s time.” Another figure represents a tfaWiie-handed goddess (quite perfect) with a Buddha seated in the hair. Each hand contains some weapon or ornament, e. g., a string of beads, an arrow, &c. The creed is engraved above. This idol is unique as far as Bihar is con- cerned. About four miles south-east of Tillarah is a village called Ongari, in which there is a splendid tank called the Siiraj Pok har. To the north of it there is a temple containing an image of Surjya, and a pit of broken Bud- dhist figures. Under a heap of bricks and rubbish, I picked out two idols of great beauty and differing essentially in design from those generally found. About a mile and a half from Ongari, across the rice fields to the south, arc the remains of a large town, called Biswak or Biswa. Like Tilla- rah, this place gave its name to a parganah which, according to the Ain-i- Akbari, once contained 35,318 bighahs, and which stretches away nearly as far east as the banks of the Panchana. There are two enormous tanks to the east of the village, and two mud forts of considerable size and antiquity. To the north of the first tank is a long line of tumuli, which mark the site of some large Buddhist vihara. I cleared away one end of it, and came on a perfect heap of figures, some of them quite unique. With one exception (that of an idol of Ganesh) all the remains discovered by me were purely Buddhistic. One figure is eight-handed and somewhat resembles the many- handed divinity of Tillarah, and another is a Padmopani Buddda nearly life- 254 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. [No. 3, size. Besides the figures, I dug out a cliarana almost like these of Efiia- griha. Islampur is about four miles to the south-west of Biswak and is still a very flourishing town, doing a good trade in rice and tobacco, and affording a resting-place for the pilgrims who pass down in great numbers from the north of Bengal en route for Gaya. To the extreme west of the village I lighted on the remains of a large vihara, many of the granite columns of which still exist intact, but I regret to say that the bulk of the building was pulled down somo years ago by the zamindar of the place, one Chaudhri Zuhurul Haq, to construct the platform of his now masjid, and I am told cart-loads of figures, &c., were used for the same purpose. The old men of the place remember the time when the building was intact, and say it resembled very much the ‘ Sangi Masjid’ of Tillarah and contained a Nagari inscription, and a great deal of sculpture. About a mile south-west of Islampur, is a small village called Icchos, which was doubtless the site of a great Buddhist temple and vihara. I found the remains ol a tope close to the old mud fort, and saw in a garden a great figure of the ascetic Buddha, nearly six feet high. A short distance off, I found the remains of two very fine basalt columns, the largest piece being still six feet long. The base is 2 feet high and H feet broad. Next to it comes a circular band or ornament one foot four inches wide, each corner being decorated by a sprig of very elaborate scroll work, the stone behind which is hollowed out leaving the inner circle unbroken. This is a constant feature in Buddhist pillars, and I found a miniature reproduction of this column at Bogam, a mile to the north ol Bihar. Above the ornament in question, the shaft becomes octagon and there is a lion-rampant at each of the four corners. This portion of the pillar is two feet in height, and is de- corated with small arched canopies and pillars about a foot high, surmounted by fork-shaped pieces of scroll work. Above this is second line of niches. The quality of the stone is very fine and holes have been rubbed in its base by persons who imagine its touch a sovereign remedy for swollen necks and throats ! One mile south-west of Icchos is a large village called Mubarak- pur. To the south is a large tank and at its north-west corner a huge mound marking the site of a temple or vihara of great importance. I moved away a great portion of the rubbish and succeeded in recovering a large quantity of very beautiful figures. Notably I may mention a basalt arch, with a gurgoyle face for its (supposed) keystone and long lines of rich carving right and left, a figure of Jama, with a background of flames, and a large mixture of Hindu and Buddhist idols, more than forty in number. Several of there were un- finished, and others scarcely begun. For this reason, I suppose Mubarakpur to have been the site of a the sculptor’s studio. About 300 yards to the south of the Mubarakpiir ruins is a village known as Afzalpur Sarunda. Here again are the remains of a tope now 255 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. covered by a mud fort. To the south of the village is another large tank and I found several Buddhistic figures on its banks. To the west of it is a fine uncultivated plain studded with mangoe groves and stretching away as far as the eye can reach to the distant hills of Barabar. In the western outskirts of the plain, and not far from the side of the tank, are the marks of a large tumulus, and several Buddhist figures surround it. Following a road for about a mile to the south across the plain, I came quite suddenly on a large tumulus on the outskirts of a village, the name of which is Lat. About a hundred yards to the east of this place, in the midst of a rice field lies an enormous column hewn from a single stone— -fifty -two feet in length. The base is square, and seven feet long by three broad ; the capital is of the same shape, but is five feet long and four broad. The shaft has sixteen sides, each about six inches hi breadth. There is not a vestige of a temple or building in this plain of rice, fields, in fact one might almost say as appropriately of it, as of the Sundarban, that “ there is no stone big enough there to throw at a dog.” The appearance of this enormous solitary column lying by itself, half buried in the sandy soil which surrounds it, is very striking. The villagers of Lat [the vernacular for ‘ a pillar’] have their own story about their venerat- ed deity (for puja is daily offered to it), and it is as follows. More than a thousand years ago Sibai Singh reigned in Tirhut, having Darbhangah for his capital. The king’s servants were martial men of the Rajput daste, and his favourite was a soldier named Ranjit Singh. One day the king went to see the progress of the works at a tank which he was excavating near bis palace, and Ranjit; Singh was of his guards. The king and his companions began to throw up the earth and assist the workmen at their labour, but Ranjit stood aloof leaning on his spear. This provoked the king who began to chide him for his indifference. The soldier replied, ‘ I am by caste a Khatria, my busi- ness is to fight or to execute any great commission you may entrust me with — not to dig or build.’ On this the king wrote a letter to the prince of Ceylon, who was no other than the mighty Raban, and requested him to send two colossal pillars for the new tanks.* The execution of this order was made over to Ranjit Singh. Taking the letter, Ranjit made his way to the “ golden island of the south,” and having procured the pillars, enlisted the aid of the “ dhuts,” or supernatural messengers to convey them to Tirhut. These, although possessed of enormous strength could only travel by night. The first reached Darbhangah in safety, but the bearers of the second tarried at Sarunda to get oil for their torches, and the dawn breaking upon * To plaoe a large pillar in the centre of a tank was a custom of the times. In a great tank just outside Bihar there is a column about twenty feet high still stand- ing. This custom has hardly ceased to prevail. General Claude Martin erected a colossal pillar in the middle of the artificial lake which faces the Indo-Italian palace which he built in Lakhnau. 25G A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic llemains of Bihar. [No. 3, them suddenly they fled, leaving their burden in the open plain.” It is said that the kings of Darbliangah have often tried in vain to raise the Lat. Mitarjft Singh (who was alive in the time of Lord Cornwallis) spent large sums in endeavouring to remove it, hut was at last deterred by an apparition of the pillar, which warned him in a dream that the accomplishment of his purpose would lead to his certain destruction. The village regard the Lat ■with the most superstitions veneration and declare the last time it was pol- luted by the touch of an unbeliever, the villagers were promptly visited a conflagration. About a mile to the south-east of the Lat is a village called Dapthu, the site of a great mass of ruined temples, of which a long account is given in Montgomery Martin’s ‘ Gya and Shahabad,’ pp. 97-100. I quote it in de- tail merely for the purpose of illustrating how quickly buildings, even of the most solid description, disappear, under the influence of the varying seasons of an Indian climate. “ Immediately west from the temple called Parasnath is a line of four temples running north and south. The two extreme temples of this line are said to be those of Kanaiya, the images of which entirely resemble those usually called LakslimS Narayan or Viisudeva, and are very large. I believe that those which have two attendants on each side are usually called by the former name, and those which have only one attendant as this, are called by the latter, but I did not at first attend to the distinction, and can- not say whether or not it is generally observed. The temple furthest north consists of one chamber supported by antique columns of grauite. “ The brick work had fallen and was rebuilt by Raja Mitrajit’s grand- father, but has again decayed a great deal. The door is of stone and is highly ornamented. The original sides remain, but the lintel has been removed, and its place supplied by one of the sides of the door of Parasnath which will perhaps show that before the repair was given, the temple had been so long a ruin that its door had been lost. The southern temple of Kanaiya is an entire ruin, but the image remains in its place. “ The central temple next to this is the most entire, and contains a large image, called Surya, and very nearly similar to that of Akbarpur. On one side is placed the usual figure called Lakshmi Narayan. The temple consists of a flat-roofed natmundir porch, or propylacrum and of a pyramidical shrine or mundir. The roof of the former consists of long stones supported by stone beams and these by columns. The interstices of the outer rows are filled with bricks to complete the walls. “ The shrine, except the door is constructed entirely of brick. Both the door of the shrine and the stone-work of the porch are of much greater anti- quity than the parts that consist of brick, which have probably been several times renewed ; but there is no appearance that the image or stone- 257 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic . Remains of Bihar. work has ever undergone alteration ; and this seems to he by far the most ancient temple of the district that still remains tolerably entire. The porch consists of four rows of columns, the interstices between the two outermost of which, as I have said, are filled up with bricks to form the walls. Bound the porch, but not built into the wall, have been placed a row of small images intended as an ornament and not at all consecrated to worship. “ They were placed in the following order : — A Surya similar to that worshipped, Jagadamba, as usual killing a man and a buffalo, a Haragauri as usual, a Ganes dancing as that at Dinajpur, another Haragauri as usual, a Lukshmi Narain or Vasudeva, as usual ; another Surya ; a male called Vishnu, like Vasudeva but in armour ; one called Gauri Sankar represents a male sitting between two females and leaning one foot on a crocodile. There is here neither bull nor lion as in the common Gauri Sankar, or Ha- ragauri. Another Ganes, another Gauri Sankar or Haragauri. Another Ganes ; another Gauri Sankar, or Haragauri, another Ganesa, another Gauri Sankar like the last, a Narasingha in the form usual in the ancient tem- ples of this district, a strange male figure, called Trinilcrama Avatar, which I have seen nowhere else ; a female sitting on a bull and leaning on a porcine head which is called Varaha, but is quite different from that so-called at Baragang, nor have I seen it anywhere else ; although among such immense numbers of images as are scattered through this district, many may have escaped my notice. “ On the outside of the door is a very curious sculpture, which is. called Bhairau, but seems to me to represent a prince riding out to hunt the ante- lope. He is accompanied by archers, musicians, targeteers, women, dogs, &c. The animal on which he rides is by the natives called a sheep, but I pre- sume, was intended to represent a horse. The last temple of the place im- mediately north to that of Surjya is an entire ruin, and has contained an enormous linga, before which is placed the form of Gauri Sankar that is common at the place.” To the south of the village of Dapthu is a large dried up tank, now a flourishing rice field. To the north of this is a huge mound covered with the densest jungle. I made an excavation through it, and found a colossal figure of Vishnu somewhat mutilated, and a doorway of great beauty. This has been photographed. It consists of three pieces. The two lintels are ornamented with boldly executed mouldings to the right and left, and towards the centre by lines of figures, apparently those of dancers and musicians. The chief feature of the upper cornice is a crowd of figures supporting a crown, extended over some object of veneration, which has been too much mutilated to admit of description. The musical instruments, dresses, etc., are precisely those of the present day. 33 x 258 A. M. Broadley- — The Buddhistic . Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, Along the western side of the tank are the remains of a row of temples, four in number, of which two have yielded completely to the ravages of decay, and the sites of which are only marked by mounds of earth, broken pillars, and fragments of idols. The second temple still remains in a tolera- ble state of preservation, and the fourth, although very dilapidated, is still perfect enough to allow the spectator to form a correct idea of its size and proportions. The second temple of the row is built of bricks, rather smaller than those of Bargaon, and faces the east. There is a stone cornice at the top, and the entrance consists merely of a nai’row opening in the brick work. This leads to a court or porch, twenty-three feet square, and ten high, as measured from the inside. The roof consists of long slabs of grey stone laid from east to west and covered with a thick layer of plas- ter. This is supported by sixteen columns, twelve of which are almost entirely imbedded in the brick work, while four are as near as possible in the centre of the building. These pillars have square bases and capitals and octagon shafts, and are surmounted by separate capitals oblong in shape, being about four feet in length, and about a foot thick. Various idols are grouped around the chamber. There is a distance of about six feet between the pillars. At the west end of the room is a very finely carved doorway (of which Montogomery Martin’s drawing conveys a very incorrect idea). It measures seven feet five inches in width. The pillars on either side are two feet wide, and six feet high, and the slab which surmounts them is of about the same size. The whole is covered with a very beautiful geometrical pattern. The actual doorway is only two feet nine inches wide. It leads to a small chamber eight feet square, the roof of which has fallen in, but which I suppose was once covered by a dome or cupola. This contains a large looted figure of Surjya much mutilated, and a very perfect one of Vishnu, similar to those recovered from Bargaon, and now in my collection. The whole building resembles most strongly the Buddhist temple dis- covered by me on the Baibhar hill at Rajgriha, of which a full description has been given in Chapter IV. Strange to say, I only found two purely Buddhist images amongst the ruins of Dapthu ; but I have little doubt the temples were originally intended for Buddhist worship, and this is confirmed by the fact that several figures [most probably of Buddhas] appear to have been deliberately removed from the ornamentation of the doorway found by me in the mound to the north of the dried-up tank. The other temple has no inner room, but is otherwise similar in shape to the first. The lintels of the door (now fallen down) are very fine, and are almost identical with specimens from Nalanda in my collection. Two miles to the south-east of Dapthu is another village, called Sarthua, where I found the remains of a tope (nearly levelled by time) and a figure of Buddha, now in my collection, and rather larger than life. It is in the 259 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic . "Remains of Bihar. usual attitude, and the Buddhist creed is inscribed over the halo which sur- rounds its head. Four miles east of Sarthua is a place called Mahmtida, once the site of a vihara. There is a large mound of hriclcs to the east of the village, at the top of which several granite columns have been collected and arranged, forming as it were a miniature reproduction of the Sangi Masjid at Tillarah. Leaving this village, and going seven miles to the north-east, I arrived at a hamlet called Sawra, which is exactly two miles to the south- west of the site of the once great N&landa monastery — the modern village of Bargaon. We can now begin to trace again the foot steps of Hwen Thsang, whom we left at Tillarah setting out for the Guuamati monastery, the sacred Pipal tree of Bodh-Gya, and the other holy places to the west and south of the mountains of Raj agriha. We must now suppose for a moment that he has finished his inspection of the ruins of Kusa- garapura, and having arrived within the precincts of “ our sacred mother Nalanda,” is describing the neighbourhood of the convent.* “ Au sud-ouest de Nalanda il tit huit a neuf li, et arriva a la ville de Koulika. Au centre s’elevait un stoupa qui avait ete bati par le roi A^oka. C’etait le pays natal du venerable Mogalan-pouttra. A cote de cetto ville il y a un stou- pa. Ce fut dans cet endroit que le venerable Mogalan-pouttra eutra dans le nirvana definitif ; le stoupa renferme les reliques de son corps.” This spot can he most satisfactorily identified with Sawra. I found there the remains of a large stupa and nine very perfect Buddhist idols. I again return to the pilgrim’s narrative.f “ Apres avoir fait quelque li a Test du pays de Moga- lan-pouttra il reneontra un stoupa.” This must be Jagdespur — one mile to the east of Sawra. This is strangely confirmed by the existence of an enormous tumulus there, together with a gigantic alto-relievo figure of Buddha, now worshipped as the goddess Rukhmini. Hwen Thsang then seems to have gone twenty lis to the south-east]; and to have arrived at the town of Kalapinika. “ On y voit au centre,” he writes. “ un stoupa bati par le roi Ayoka ; c’^tait le pays natal du venerable paripouttra. Le puits de sa maison existe encore au- jourd’hui. A cote du puits il y a un stoupa. Ce fut-la que le venerable paripouttra entra dans le nirvana. Un monument renferme les reliques de son corps.” This corresponds almost exactly with the position of Chandi- mau,four miles south-east of Nalanda. This singularly picturesque spot is situated about two miles from the foot of the Rajagriha hills and near the banks of the Panchana. The surrounding country is well-wooded, and a beautiful tank forms the western boundary of the village, which possesses a large mud fort, said to have been built early in the last century by Kamdar Khan Main of Rajagriha. To the south of the tank is the ruin of a stiipa, near which I found a pile of Buddhist idols — most of them much mutilated. I recovered, however, one very fine figure of Buddha, the description of * Memoires, Tom. II., p. 51. f Memoires, p. 51. ] Idem, p. 54. 2 GO A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Biliar. [No. 3, which I quote from my catalogue. [XV.] Statue of Buddha, in black basalt, five feet three inches high, seated on a throne, divided into two portions. The upper consists of a double row of lotus leaves, and the lower is divided into five compartments — containing representations of devotees at either corner — then two lions-couehant and, in the centre, the Wheel of the Law supported by a deer on either side. The figure is seated in the attitude of meditation. The head is surrounded by an elaborate halo, above which rises a three branched pipal tree ; on either side of the head is a seated Buddha, and on either side of the body, two attendants each two feet high, and most elaborately dressed. The one to the right has a diminutive Buddha, seated in the hair, which is twisted into a point. These figures are very richly ornamented with a spangled “ dhi'itf,” and highly wrought bangles and necklace. The usual flower garland surrounds the body, and a lotus is grasped in the left hand.” A little further to the east, I came on another large heap of Buddhist carvings — door lintels, cliaityas, etc., and the pieces of an enormous Buddha as large as the Telia Bhandar at Nalanda, or the Sri Bullum Buddha at Titrawan. About half a mile to the south-west is another village — Kalyanpur. There I also found ruins of more Buddhist buildings, and a number of idols. The principal of these was that of a god- dess, five feet high and seated on a throne, almost exactly similar to that just now described. The figure is eight-handed and the breasts are mutilat- ed. The waist is encircled by an elaborately sculptured girdle, from the centre of which a chain and jewel depends over the pedestal. A star pat- terned garment descends from the waist as far as the ankles of both feet. The left foot depends from the throne, and rests on a lotus blossom, sup- ported by the head -and arms of an attendant, while a second devotee holds a flower in his hand a short distance off. An elaborate ornament encircles the neck and the lower part of the arms. The hair is gathered up in a chignon on the top of the head, but ultimately falls in ringlets over the shoulders. Several of the hands are mutilated. The upper hand on the right side grasps a circular shield, and the wrist is decorated by two bangles. The second wrist is encircled by a ‘ batisi.’ The third hand (having three bangles on the wrist) grasps a bow and the fourth a shell. The lower hand on the right side rests on the right knee ; the next holds a sword, and has one bangle on the wrist. The third is ornamented with the batisi, and the fourth, having two bangles or armlets on the wrist, is in the act of draw- ing an arrow from the quiver. On either side of the heads are two attend- ants holding scrolls or garlands. Around the large figure were strewn innumerable fragments of Buddhas of all sizes. Three miles to the south- east of Kalyanpur, one arrives at the foot of the Indra-Saila hill, which rises from the bank of the Panchana river, just above the village of Giryak. Here again there is little difficulty in following the steps of Hwen Thsang, 2G1 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. and I cannot do better than quote his own words.* “ A Test du stoupa du paripoutra il fit environ trente li et arriva a une montagne appeltie Indra- fila-gouha. Les cavernes et les vallees de cette montagne sont tenebreuses : des hois fieuris la couvrent d’ une riche vegetation. Sur le passage superieur de cette montagne s’elevent deux pics isoles. Dans une caverne du pic meri- dional il y a une grande maison taillee dans le roc : celle est large et basse. Sur le pic oriental il y a un couvent. Devant le couvent il y a un stoupa qu’ on appelle Hansa-sangharama.” VI. — The Indra Saila Peak. The range of rocky hills, which run in a north-easterly direction nearly forty miles, abruptly ends at Giryak. The foot of the mountain is washed by the waters of the Panchana river, which here leaves the Hisua-Nowada valley, and slowly makes its way southwards through the Bihar plain to the Ganges. On the east side of the river is an enormous mass of ruins, which appears to mark the site of a Muhammadan town and fort, which tradition holds to have been built by K&mdar Khan Main nearly two centuries ago, to defend the fertile fields of Bihar from the frequent iucursions of the preda- tory Rajwars. Above the western bank rise the two precipitous peaks which crown the Indra-Saila hill. The reader will remember that in speak- ing of Rajgir I described a narrow ravine which stretched away to the east between Udayagir on the south, and Iiatnagir and the Devaghat hill on the north. This valley terminates at Giryak, about a mile to the south-west of the Indra Saila peak. From the northern side of this moun- tain, a rocky hill — the Masellia-pahar, (as the Rajwars call it) — runs to the south-west, having almost a semi-circular shape. This hill meets the off- shoot of Udayagir, from which it is only separated by a passage, far narrower than that of the Banganga. The face of the Masellia-pahar near the pass is almost a sheer cliff, but towards the centre of the hill the ascent is more gradual, and it was therefore fortified by a wall sixteen feet thick, which follows closely the shape of the mountain. The eastern entrance to the Valley of the Five Hills seems, therefore, to have been quite as strongly forti- fied, both by art and nature as the Banganga and Raj agriha gates. It is about three hundred feet from the plain, and just above the entrance of the ravine that the Gidda-dwar cave is situated. Seen from below, it looks like a small hole in the rock. Its entrance is gained with difficulty, for the last eight feet of the cliff are perpendicular, and have been faced by a stone wall, the remains of which are tolerably entire. This combination of the natural and the artificial reminds one forcibly of the front of the Sattapanni cave on the Baibhar hill. The entrance to the cavern is sixteen or seventeen feet wide, and its roof semi-circular in shape. There is an outer chamber forty feet long, from which a fissure in the rock appears to load to the interior of the hill, * Idem, pp. 54-5. 262 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, but abruptly terminates at a distance of sixty or seventy feet from the en- trance. This shows the tradition which makes the fissure in question a subterranean passage leading to a tower on the Indra-Saila hill to be perfect- ly erroneous. The atmosphere in the cave is most oppressive and, in addi- tion to its being the home of a motley tribe of vultures and kites, a sulphureous smell proceeds from the rock which has a sickening effect on the explorer. Crossing the mountain in a north-easterly direction and passing over the wall [popularly called4 Jarasandha’s baud’], one comes quite suddenly on the eastern peak of the Indra-Saila mountain. This is crowned with a stone platform, about twenty-five feet high, one hundred and fifty long and one hundred broad, which appears to have been the site of a large vihara and the usual temple. The wall of the vihara towards the east is still tolerably entire, and was originally composed of enormous bricks similar to those found at Nalanda and Rajagriha. Besides this wall, the remains of the temple towards the western end can clearly be traced, and several granite pillars in the vestibule are still erect. The whole of these ruins should be carefully excavated at the expense of Government, for the vihara in question was one of great importance and antiquity. I shall afterwards have occasion to refer to the monastery again, when I come to speak of it in relation to Hwen Thsang’s visit to the Indra-Saila hill. From the eastern door of the vihara a broad stone staircase or roadway leads to the eastern peak, which is crowned by a brick tower, sixty-five feet in cir- cumference and about twenty-five feet high. This edifice is generally de- scribed as the baithak, or resting-place, of Jarasandlia, and the Asura prince is stated in popular tradition to have been accustomed to sit on this throne of brick while he bathed his feet in the Panchana torrent a thousand feet below. The length of the staircase connecting the two peaks is four hundred feet. The eastern peak is called by the country people Mamubhagna, or Phulwaria paha r — the western, Hawfdia-Pahar. This brick tower rests on a square platform, now a mass of ruins, and there appears to have been a vault or well in the centre. I have not the slightest doubt that the so-called tower is in reality the remains of a stupa, the outer portions of which have been ruined and removed by time. A deep inscision has been made in the base, but I believe nothing was found there except a packet of Buddhist seals in wax. To the south-west of the stupa are the remains of an artificial tank or reservoir, about one hundred feet square. This is popularly supposed to have been Jarasandha’s flower-garden. From the ruins which crown the summit of the hill, a stone staircase or road leads to the plains beneath. This first stretches down the south side of the hill to a distance of three hundred feet, when one suddenly comes on a small stone stupa ; it then turns to the east, and after traversing a distance of sixteen hundred feet, I arrived at a spot where there are the ruins of a stupa on either side of the path. Just 263 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. at this place there is a sort of plateau, which is crowned by the remains of a perfect cluster of topes. The path then continues to traverse the east side of the hill (passing two small modern temples containing footprints or charanas of Vishnu), and at a distance of eight hundred feet reaches the hanks of the Panchana. Dr. Buchanan visited Giryak nearly half a century ago, and a glance at his remarks will show the devastation which an Indian climate can bring about in a comparatively short time.* “ I now proceed to describe the ruins on Girebraja or Giriyak hill. The original ascent to this is from the north-east, and from the bottom to the summit may be traced the remains of a, road about twelve feet wide, which has been paved with large masses of stone cut from the hill, and winds in various directions to procure an ascent of moderate declivity. When entire a palanquin might have perhaps been taken up and down ; but the road would have been dangerous for horses and impracticable for carriages. In many places it has now been entirely swept away. I followed its windings along the north side of the hill, until I reached the ridge opposite to a small tank excavated on two sides from the rock and built on the other two with the fragments that have been cut. The ridge here is very narrow, extends east and west, and rises gently from the tank towards both ends, but most towards the west, and a paved causeway five hundred feet long and forty wide, extends its whole length. At the west end of this causeway is a very steep slope of brick, twenty feet high and one hundred and seven feet wide. I ascended this, by what appeared to have been a stair, as I thought that I could perceive a resemblance to the remains of two or three of the steps. Above this ascent is a large platform surrounded by a ledge, and this has pro- bably been an open area, one hundred and eighty-six feet from east to west by one hundred and fourteen feet from north to south, and surrounded by parapet wall. At its west end, I think, I can trace a temple in the usual form of a mandir.or shrine, and natmandir, or porch. The latter has been twenty-six feet deep by forty-eight wide. The foundation of the north-cast corner is still entire, and consists of bricks about eighteen inches long, nine wine, and two thick, and cut smooth by the chisel, so that the masonry has been neat. The bricks are laid in clay mortar. Eight of the pillars that supported the roof of this porch project from among the ruins. They are of granite which must have been brought from a distance. They are nearly of the same rude order with those in the temple of Buddha Sen at Kanyadol and nearly of the same size having been about ten feet long, but their shafts are in fact hexa- gons, the two angles only on one side ot the quadrangle having been trun- cated. The more ornamented side has probably been placed towards the centre of the building, while the plain side has faced the wall. The mandir * Montgomery Martin’s * Gya and Shahabad.’ 2(3i A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, has probably been solid like those of the Buddhists, no sort of cavity being perceptible, and it seems to have been a cone placed on a quadrangular base, forty-five feet square and as high as the natmandir. The cone is very much reduced, and even the base has been decayed into a mere heap of bricks. On its south side in the area by which it is surrounded, has been a small quadrangular building, the roof of which has been supported by pillars of granite, three of which remain. Beyond the mandir to the west is a semi- circular terrace which appears to have been artificially sloped away, very steep towards the sides and to have been about fifty-one feet in diameter. The cutting down the sides of this terrace seems to have left a small plain at its bottom, and an excavation has been made in this, in order probably to procure materials. “ Returning now to the small tank and proceeding east along the cause- way, it brings us to a semi-circular platform about thirty feet in radius, on which is another conical building quite ruined. East from thence and adja- cent is an area forty-five feet square, the centre of which is occupied by a low square pedestal twenty-five feet square divided on the sides by compart- ments like the pannelling on wainscot, and terminating in a neat cornice. On this pedestal, rises a solid column of brick sixty-eight feet in circumfer- ence. About thirty feet up, this column has been surrounded by various mouldings, not ungraceful, which have occupied about fifteen feet, beyond which what remains of the column, perhaps ten feet, is quite plain. A deep cavity has been made into the column probably in search of treasure, and this shows that the building is solid. It has been constructed of bricks cemented by clay, and the outside has been smoothed with a chisel and not plastered. Part of the original smooth surface remains entire, especially on the east side. The weather on the west side has produced much injury. To the east of the area in which this pillar stands, is a kind of small level, called the flower- garden of Jarasandha, an idea perfectly ridiculous, the extent being misera- ble, and the whole a barren arid rock.” This description of the ruins of the so-called tower, written when it was far less dilapidated than it is at present, confirms me in my opinion that the original building was a stupa. The ruins on the Giryak hill are undoubtedly identical with the reli- gious edifices visited and described by Hwen Thsang. The subject is at once so important, and so interesting, that I quote from him in full. “ Apres avoir fait encore trente li a Test, il arriva a la montagne appelee In-to’-lo-chi-lo-kiu-ho-chan (Indra-cila-gouha). “ Devant le couvent du pic oriental de la montagne, il y a un stoupa. Ce couvent s’appelle Seng-so-kia-lan (Hansa Sangliarama). Jadis les religieux de ce couvent suivaient la doctrine du petit Vehicule, appelee la doctrine graduello, et faisaient usage des trois aliments purs. Un jour, le Bhikchou, 265 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. qui etait 1’econome du convent n’ayant pu se procurer les provisions neces- saires, se trouva dans la plus grande perplexity. II vit en un moment une troupe d’oies qui volaient dans les airs. Les ayant regardees un instant, il s’ecria en riant : “ Aujourd’hui, la pitance des religieux manque completement ; mahd- sattvas (nobles etres), il faut que vous ayez egard aux circonstances.”* “ A peine avait-il acheve ces mots, que lo chef de la troupe tomba du haut des nuages, comme si on lui eut coupe les ailes, et vint rouler au pied du Bhikehou (de rdconome). Celui-ci rempli de confusion et de crainte, en in- forma ses confreres, qui ne purent lui repondro qu’en versant dos larmes et en poussant des sanglots : Get oiseau, dirent-ils entre eux, etait un Bodhi- sattva ! et nous, comment oserions-nous le manger? Quand Jou-lai (le Tathagata) a etahli ses preceptes, il a voulu par degres nous detourner du mal. Mais nous, nous nous sommes attaches a ses premieres paroles, qui n’avaient d’autre but que de nous attirer d’abord a lui, et nous les avons prises pour une doctrine definitive. Insenses que nous sommes ! nous n ’avons pas ose changer de conduite, et par 14, nous avons cause la mort de cet oiseau. Dorenavant, il faut suivre le grand Vehieule, et ne plus man- ger uniquement des trois aliments purs. “ Alors ils fireut construire une tour sacree, y deposerent le corps de l’oie (haiisa), et Fomerent d’une inscription, pour trausmettre a la posterity le souvenir de son pieux devouement. Telle fut l’origine de cette tour.” In the “ Memoires sur les Controes Oeeidentales,” the account varies but little from that which I have quoted from the older volume. The writer here tells us that the pilgrim went 30 lis from the stupa of Sariputra (i. e., from Chandimau), and arrived at the Indra-saila hill. The valleys and caves of the hill were gloomy, but its sides were covered with luxuriant vegetation. The summit of the mountain was crowned by two peaks, and in the western one was a great chamber hewn in the rock. This answers with tolerable ac- curacy to the position of the Gidda-dwar cave. He then proceeds to tell the same story of the miraculous forty-two questions which Fall Hiyan relates of the “ isolated rock” of Bihar. In my opinion General Cunningham’s supposition that both hills are the same, is based on insufficient data, especially as one is called in Chinese Siao-kou-shy-shan ( i . e., the Bihar rock) and the other Yn- tko-lo-shi-lo-kin-ho, (i. e., the Giryak liill),t which certainly seem to be far from one and the same thing. Putting aside all question as to position or language, I maintain that a glance at a description of the two hills will shew them to be entirely different. “ Siao-Tcaushy-shan ” is distinctly stated to be the little mountain of the solitary rock while Yn- * Vie do Hwcn Thsang, p. 161-3. f Laidley’s Fa Hiyan, p. 265. J do. do., p. 264. 34 266 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Bemains of Bihar. [No. 3, tho-lo-shi-lo-lcin-ho (otherwise rendered, In-t'o-lo-cM-lo-lnin-ho-chan) is spoken of as a lofty mountain with “ cavernes et vallees te'nehreuses.”* In the one there is no cave — in the other there is. I shall speak further on this subject, when I come to discuss the identi- fication of Bihar, and hope to adduce such arguments as will put the matter beyond the possibility of doubt. However this maybe, it is quite certain that the great vihara of the Wild Goose was one of the most sacred, andmost popular of the Buddhist mountain- monasteries. I find it distinctly mentioned in the inscription of the Ghosra- wan Vihara, which dates from about the 9th century of our era. From it we learn that the pious Yiradeva, after the completion of numerous acts of reli- gious merit, “ erected two crest-jewels in the shape of chaityas on the crown of Indra-saila peak, for the good of the world.” We must now wend our way towards the convents of the north-east of Bihar. VII. — The Monasteries of Ghosra'wan and Titra'wan. The village of Ghosrawan lies exactly six miles to the north-east of the Indra-saila peak at Giryak, eight miles to the cast of the great Nalanda monastery, seven miles south-east of the “ isolated rock” of Bihar, and ten miles north-east of the ruins of Baj agriha. Although the Buddhist remains found at this place are of great interest, and the inscription, which lay amongst the debris of its once magnificent vihara, is of more than ordinary importance, the name of Ghosrawan does not appear either in the pages of Buchanan or in those of the ‘ Ancient Geography of India.’ The modern village is inhabited almost entirely by men of the Bhaban caste, who dis- tinguished themselves by a small mutiny on their own account during the horrors of 1857, which ended in the total destruction of the village by fire, and the exile of a great portion of the insurgents. Although many years have since passed away, and the poppy and rice lands which surround it, arc as luxuriant and fertile as evor, Ghosrawan has never recovered its pros- perity, and roofless tenements and blackened ruins still tell the story of this “ seven-days war.” The Bhabans, which form such an important component of Bihar society, take their origin, according to tradition, from the days of Jarasandha’s rule in Rajagriha, and are, down to the present time, as turbu- lent and litigious as history represents them to have been in former years. The character of the caste has been severely handled by the national proverbs of the Bihiiris ;f and I cite two of them below, for they are interest- * Vie de Ilwen Tlisang, p. 161. 1" oli lyj'W Gf Bhabans, dogs, and elephants are always fighting amongst themselves. Even if a Bhaban swear in the midst of the Ganges stream on the sacred idol, his son’s head, and the Shdstras, he can in no way be trusted . 2G7 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. ing, as speaking of the men who now cultivate the fields, which once, I doubt not, yielded the necessaries of life to the recluses of the vihara of Vira- deva, described a thousand years ago, as being “ as lofty as the mind of its founder, and which the travellers in aerial cars mistake for the peak of Ivailasa or the Mandara hill.” Six hundred feet to the south-east of the village, there are the remains of four temples or topes, but time has reduced them to nearly a level with the surrounding plain. On a line with these tumuli is a mud fort with a tower at either corner, which measures seventy feet from east to west, and eighty from north to south. In the middle of the village, about two hundred feet to the north of the fort, is a row of very fine idols commonly designated as the Singha- bani Than. All the figures (with one exception) are purely Buddhistic. In the centre of thorn is an idol of Durga, carved in black basalt. It is four feet high and three wide, and is more modern than the Buddhist figures which surround it, and very inferior to them in design and execution. The goddess is represented as seated on an enormous lion, whose mane curiously reminds one of the wigs in use by our Judges at home, when they go in state to Westminster-hall on the first day of Term. The right foot is drawn up in front of the body, while the left rests on a lotus flower. The figure is eight-armed, and each arm grasps the usual emblems. To the left of this is a veiy beautiful statue of Buddha, four feet high. The figure is seated in the attitude of meditation on a cushion covered with elaborate ornamentation, which rests on a throne supported at either comer by a lion-couchant. Prom the centre of the throne depends a cloth, the folds of which are in- scribed with the Buddhist creed, and covered by the representation of a female goddess in the act of trampling upon an adversary, under the shade of an umbrella, held by an attendant from behind. On either sido of the cloth, a figure (one male and the other female) is seen in the act of making an offering. The main figure is covered by a long cloak, and the hair is knotted. A halo surrounds the head. There is a cushion at the back of the throne. Above the head is a “ chaitya” surmounted by a pipal tree. Around the main figure are eight smaller ones, seated in different positions on small thrones, six of these holding lotus flowers of different design ; in one case a bud, in another a cluster, in a third a full blown flower, and so forth. The seventh grasps a sword, and the eighth a sword in one hand and an unfurled banner in the other. At the bottom of the figure, that is under the lions which support the throne, is a double row of lotus leaves, this being the very converse of the ordinary arrangement. The details of this figure are very curious, and I have never seen them in any other. At the side of it is a standing one of Buddha about four feet high. The body is covered by a long cloak and the hair is knotted, to the right an attendant holds an umbrella over the head, and to the left is a three-headed figure holding a bell in one hand and a torch in the other. 2G8 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, To the right of the Hindu idol is a figure of Buddha under a pillared canopy. The next to the right is a figure of Buddha, four and a half feet high, which resembles in almost every particular a still finer idol which I excavated from the ruins of the Vihira. This latter being now in my own collection, I refrain from any detailed description in the present case, but I may mention that the main figure is surrounded by five smaller ones, the first being seated in the hair and the others to the right and left of head and hands respect- ively. Five hundred feet west of the Singhabani, one arrives at the ruins of the viliara and temple. The former now consists of a mound, having a circum- ference of some 200 feet, and the latter of an oblong mass of bricks and rub- bish, measuring 120 feet by 70 and about 15 or 20 feet above the level of the surrounding country. The mound is strewn with broken Buddhistic idols, and to the east of it was found a fine piece of black basalt one foot nine inches long, by one foot three inches broad, and covered by a very perfect inscription ol nineteen lines. I have had the good fortune to secure a reading and translation of this, both by Babu RajondralSla Mitra and Pro- fessor Rtunkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, M. A., which I now give in original, and for which I beg to express my thanks. I. — The Ghosrawan Inscription. Transcript by Ba'bu' Ba'jendbaia'la Mitba. ii wwif:^ vgrixm towh" ttsp fsr^^q7TRi smr¥?T- T I 9TST SJ guswagrui (jjjf) 5tUTfSm'bWSTJIR[ c ii f^T^wqTTwjft'srqwfV- 2G9 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. nqqrc£iq %qrq qtWfrqg’qqqT Jzqtrn il qqwq; \a q aT: fafqqqqqT q-r«qyqq qi^m-q^- aqa aV’Cq;q^i ?3^r 11 » + + + (i>) f^gYfwnfTwif^ir (v*>) (\c) ww f*rarfaHTfg? *ro farrurt^r (U) — Hf arf^^Trarsfr (y o) qw ^T^tr I have removed the pillar from tlie place in which it lay, half buried in the ground, and set it up on a brick pedestal opposite the Bihir court house. It is much to ho regretted that so much of the inscription has disappeared, as to make its further translation impossible, but it is curious on account of its undoubted great antiquity, and as evidence of the Gupta rule in Bihar. From the enormous number of Buddistic remains found on the elevated pla- teau, which forms the site of the Bihdr fort, there can be no doubt that a large vihara and other Buddhist buildings of more than ordinary importance once existed on the spot, but, more than this, the colossal fortifications which surrounded it make it more than probable that it also formed the seat of the government of the surrounding country and the residence of its rulers. Not only have we the Gupta pillar, but numbers of the inscribed figures found there, bear the names of the Pala rajas of Bengal, of Madna-pala, of Mahi-pala, of ltama-pala and of Yighara-pala. Montgomery Martin* speaks of it as the residence of the Magha nlja, but this is exceedingly vague, as everything not constructed within the memory of man, is univer- sally stated in Bihar to be “ Magha.” We know that at one time Kdjagriha was undoubtedly the capital of Magadha, and there can bo little doubt that the metropolis was subsequently removed to Patali, but of this Bihar tradition and history are silent. Such evidence as we have got, inclines me to the conclusion that Bihar was, for centuries preceding the Muhammadan conquest, both at any rate the residence of the subordinate Hindu, Buddhist, or Jaina governors of the country, if not of the kings themselves. It seems probable that even its occupation by the governors of the surrounding district had ceased beforo the capture of the ancient fort at the end of the twelfth century. The popular tradition of Bihar makes the seat of government at this time to have been at Ilohtas, and we know that when Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji marched into the fort, he found nothing there but a vihara. Minliaj i Siraj gives the following account of the fall of the ancient scat of Buddhistic and Hindu learning in his Tabaqat-i- Nafiri.f “ It is said by credible persons that ho went to the gate of the * ‘ Gya and Shahabad,’ p. 92. t “ The History of India as told by its own Historians,” by Sir H. M. Elliot, Lon- don, 1809, Yol. II, p. 30G. 294 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. [No. 3, fort of BihSr with only two hundred horse, and began the war by taking the enemies unaware.... When Bakhtyar reached the gate of the fort, and when the fighting began, these two wise brothers [i. e., Nizamud-dfn and Samsam- ud-din] were active in that army of heroes. Muhammad Bakhtyar with great vigour and audacity rushed in at the gate of the fort, and gained possession of the place. Great plunder fell into the hands of the victors. Most of the inhabitants of the place wore Brahmans with shaven heads. They were put to death. Large numbers of books were found there, and when the Muham- madans saw them, they called for some persons to explain their contents, but all the men had been killed. It was discovered that the whole fort and city was a place of study [madrasah]. For in the Hindi language the word Bihar (vihdra) means a college.” I feel by no means sure that the vihara thus destroyed was not a Buddhistic institution, and that the “ Brahmans with shaven heads” were not Buddhist monks. Strange to say, hardly a Hindu idol has has ever been found in the ruins, and some of the Buddhist figures bear inscriptions, certainly not more ancient than the tenth century , possibly the eleventh. The most modem of these Buddhist figures are those showing the Sage in the attitude of repose — the body leaning to one side, and the base and background decorated with the most profuse and exquisite ornaments, a very good example of which will be described when I come to speak of the ruins of llohoi. In consequence of the extreme delicacy of tho workman- ship, these exquisite specimens of later Buddhistic art are scarcely ever to be found perfect, but I came on several mutilated figures of the kind in the ruins within the Bihar fort, and their base is generally covered with inscrip- tions, which serve to show that Buddhism flourished till a very late period in the heart of the country from which it sprung. The Buddhistic remains of Bihar are not confined to the mounds at the fort. The dargah or shrine of Qadir Qumesh which occupies its centre, is composed almost entirely of the materials of the vihara, and its pavement is studded with enormous chaityas and pillars. The faqirs of the shrine guard them with religious care, and eke a livelihood by permitting persons afflicted with toothache and neuralgia, to cure (?) their ailments by touching the afflicted parts with the very stone which their forefathers delighted to break, in order to gain the envied title of “ the iconoclast [y^ce], A mile away from the fort, towards the banks of the Panchaua are the remains of several Buddhist buildings, the site of which is marked only by heaps of bricks ; for the stones and pillars have been removed to adorn the masjid of Hahi Khan Sur and the great dargah of Makhdum Shah Sharafud-din. A careful examination of the places shew them to have been built almost en- tirely of Buddhist materials. The position of these stones prevent any exa- mination of them, but I feel sure many figures and inscriptions would come to light, if such could be made. The beautiful masjid of Hahi Khan is now 205 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. completely deserted, and I have found several carvings in the floor. In the enclosure which faces it, I noticed a magnificent slab of basalt more than six feet long, and a foot thick, lying imbedded in the earth. I got it turned over, and found in the reverse a most curious (perhaps unique) series of twen- ty figures under pillared canopies ; — one, the god Ganesa ; two to eleven, Incarnations of Vishnu [Hindu] ; twelve to twenty, the nine planets [Bud- dhistic]. Again to the north of the fort, in a plain called Logan i, there are traces of a large vilidra and many granite columns. In the same direction I have found several beautiful basalt pillars which have been photographed. In the dargah of Makkdum Shah Ahmad Charmposh, situated a little to the east of Logani, I fouud a splendid monolith covered with the most delicate carving, and the doorway of the shrine itself is a grand specimen of Buddhistic art, and, according to tradition, once served as the great entrance to the vihara in the old fort. A figure of Buddha once occupied the centre, and the plinth is composed of three rows of the most exquisitely sculptured foliage, &c., and two other mouldings which once, doubtless, contained figures, are now covered with several yards of finely carved Persian verse. The doorway is eleven feet high and seven broad. We may now leave Bihar and travel northwards along the course of the Panchana. At Soh Serai, some two miles north of Bihar, are the remains of a Buddhist temple. The ground is strewn with greystone columns of consider- able size, most of them broken in several pieces. The base and capitals are square, and the shaft varies in shape — being first octagonal, then sixteen-sided, and lastly circular. As I have said in the preceding chapter, I identify these remains with the Kapotilca Sungharama of Hwen Tlisang, situated two or three lis to the north of the isolated rock. The following extract is Julien’s terse translation of his description of the locality. ‘ A deux ou trois li au sud de ce couvent, il y a une montagne isolee qui est taillee en terrasse, et dont le sommet liardi et imposant est embelli par une riche vegetation, des b assies d’eau pure, et des flours parfumees. Comme il est un lieu remarquable par la beaute do ses sites, on y a bati un grand nombre de temples sacres, ou l’on voit souvent des miracles et des prodiges aussi rares qu’ extraordinaires. ‘ Dans un vihara qui oecupe le centre du plateau, s’eleve une statue, en bois de sandal, de Ttanar-tsen-ts' ai-pon-sa (d' Avaldbrilee.vara bodhisaltva ) * * * * On voit plusieurs dizaines d’hommes qui se privent de manger et de hone pen- dant sept oumeme quatorze jours, pour lui adresser des veeux. Ceux qui sont animes d’une foi ardente voient immediatement l’image entire du Bodhisatt- va. Alors du milieu de la statue il sort environne d’un eclat imposant, lour parle avee bienveillance et leur aecorde l’objet de leurs veeux. 11 y a aussi 290 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, un nombre considerable d’hommcs a qni il est donne de le voir dans toute sa majesty. Aussi la multitude de ses adorateurs s’accroit-elle de jour en jour. Les personnes qui lui rendent des hommages assidus, craignant que la foule des visiteurs ne salit cette venerable statue, ont fait 61cver autour, a une dis- tance do sept pas, une balustrade en bois herissee de pointes de fer. Ceux qui vienncnt saluer et adorer la statue, sont obliges de se tenir en dehors de la balustrade. Ne pouvant l’approcher, ils jettent de loin les fleurs qu’ils viennent lui offrir. Ceux qui reussissent a fixer leurs guirlandes de fleurs sur les mains et sur les bras du Bodhisattoa , regardent cela commo un heu- reux presage, et se persuadent qu’ils verront l’aceomplissement de leurs VOJUX.’ Three miles to the north of Soh, on the east bank of the river, which was once of considerable width, there are distinct traces of a stupa and monastery, and the huge piles of brick on every side induce nic to think that a nourishing town once surrounded the religious edifices. The whole of the ruins are encircled with luxuriant groves of pipal trees, and the villagers had collected all the fragments of ehaityas, mouldings, &o., around their roots. A portion of a figure of Padmapani was so firmly imbedded in the wood, that a piece nearly a foot square had to be removed before it could be ex- tracted. The figures found at liohoi are perfect and umnutilatod, a very unusual circumstance in Bihar, the record on the tomb of whose saints generally winds up by telling us that the deceased “ was a breaker of images, and God has therefore given him a place in Paradise.” The whole of the idols appear to have been removed (doubtless at the approach of the Mu- hammadans) and buried some distance from the ruins the open plain. They were discovered there by the zamindar of ltohoi — a Bundela Rajput by caste— twenty years ago, and taken away by him to his garden, where 1 found them. They had been arranged merely for ornament, and he at once offered them to me. The principal idols arc figures of Buddha in differ- ent positions resembling those already described. The finest is an idol, three feet two inches high, quite perfect, and resembling in many respects the one found at Tillarah. The crown worn is five-sided and very tall, and the body is not covered by a jacket. The female archers are seeD at the feet of the attendants and not above them. Parallel to the head are figures holding scrolls. On the shoulders of the charioteer beneath the feet is seated a small female figure. The wheel of the chariot is in the centre, and a horse is seen within it with its head to the left. Of the remain- ing horses three gallop to the right and three to the left. A small figure of Padmapani exquisitely carved. There is a Buddha seated in the hair, and a ehaitya on either side of the head. Three alto-relievo figures of Buddha in the attitude of repose, in very fine black basalt, three feet nine inches. Around the body the stone has been completely removed. The body is inclined to the 297 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. right and is seated on a lotus throne supported by the richest scroll work. The right hand rests on the right knee, and the right foot depends from the throne, and is supported by a cluster of lotus blossoms. Its sole is turn- ed outwards and bears the royal mark. The left loot is coiled up on the throne and shows the same mark as the hand. The richest possible carving is displayed on the ornaments. The dhuti is bound up at the waist by an elaborate girdle, and a scarf passes across the body from left to right. The hair is dressed in a conical chignon, five inches high, composed of innumera- ble twists. In the centre of it a Buddha is seated. There are ornaments be- hind the ears, from which ribbons or tassels depend. The throne (which is nearly concealed by ornaments) is a square of scroll work, at each corner ol which a large bird is seated. At each side of the figure is an elaborately dressed attendant. Between these and the main figure are lotus blossoms, springing from a delicately carved stem. The halo which surrounds the head is oval in shape and most elaborately carved, and in the centre is a diamond-shaped jewel on a line with the face. Right and left of the figure are groups of grotesque attendants, from whose hands springs a flowing scroll of rich geometrical pattern, which forms the background of the figure, and in the midst of which live Buddhas are seated, in different attitudes and on sepa- rate thrones. It bears the following inscription, thus rendered by Professor R. G. Bhandarkar : — [figure indistinct 8 or «,] TfPJl0 “ Year of the reign of Srimad Vigrahapala four [2] Maggasirslia, 19th day. This is a religious gift of the son of Deliabu, a goldsmith.” There are two Vigrahapalas in the Dxnajpur copper plate. The date of the latter is given as 1027, A. D. (See Prinsep’s works, Mr. Thomas’s Edition, vol. II. p. 271). I also give a reading by Babu Rajendralala Mitra — TTStJ *?*nr W * * * Jtf ^ # “ On the 15th of the month of Marga (November-December), in the Samvat year 12 of the reign of S 'rimat Vigrahapala Deva, (the rest illegible).” Figure of Kabir, seated on a chair, with one foot resting on a stool. The figure is three feet high. The hair is dressed in a profusion of ringlets, and the body is very corpulent. One haftd rests on the knee grasping a well filled money bag, and the other holds apparently a pouch or gourd. (5) Small figure of Mayadevi quite perfect — standing on a lotus-leaf pedestal, and holding a lotus-liower in either hand. A Buddha is seated on either side of the head. 38 c c 298 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, To the north of Rohoi I have not succeeded in finding any Buddhist remains, and those to the east are of very little importance. At a village called Kalta, seven miles east of Bihar, there are the remains of a large stupa, and at another village which adjoins it to the south, called Jeya (Jiar), there is one of those beautiful tanks of clear water, surrounded by luxuriant groves of mangoe and pipal trees, which generally bordered the site of a Buddhist monastery. As might be expected there is a pile of ruins to the south of the pond, and a large heap of broken images, chaityas, and pillars. IX.— Ra'jagriha in the Maha'wanso. The pages of Mr. Turnour’s elaborate work contain frequent allusions to Bihar or, more correctly speaking, to Magadha. In the second chapter, referring to the events which occurred some time about the year B. C. 543, we learn that Bimbisaro was the “ attached friend” of Siddhatto (S&khya Muni), that he had been placed on the throne of Rajagriha, (which the translator mistakes for Rajmahall) by his father Bhatiyo in the fifteenth year of his ago, that it was sixteen years subsequent to this event that the divine teacher propounded his doctrines to him, and that he continued to reign thirty-seven years after his conversion to the Buddhist faith. He was slain by his son Ajatasatru (the founder of new Rajagrilia), the eighth year of whose reign saw the death of the sage, and who continued to rule in Magadha after this event for the space of twenty-four years. This inform- ation is very important in fixing the date of the removal of the capital to new Rajagriha. The death of S&khya Muni was succeeded by a period of fasting and lamentation, during which the sacred edifices of the town were repaired. After this, the the'ros, with Maha Kasyapa at their head, ap- proached the monarch, and asked him to build for them “ a session hall.” He granted their request, and erected a splendid chamber in the place named by them, viz., hi/ the side of the Wehhdra [Baibhar] mountain, at the entrance of the Sattapanni cave. This confirms in every respect tho identification of the cave made in Chapter IV. He then records the reigns of the four succeeding kings of Rajagriha, who all appear to have gained the throne by the murders of their fathers and immediate predecessors, and that finally some ninety years after the death of Buddha, the last scion of the paricidal race was deposed, and one Susanfigo elected in his stead. A few years later, Rajagriha became the head quarters of one of tho schisms in the Buddhistic Church, which had now begun to spring up on all sides. The founder of the new dynasty had a son called Kalasoko, who was suc- ceeded by his ten sons reigning conjointly for some forty-four years. The last surviving brother was slain in Rajagriha by a Brahman, named Chanaka, who placed a member of the old Moriyan dynasty, (one Chandagatto) on the throne, who reigned for thirty-four years. His son Bindusaro ruled 299 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bilidr. over all India for twenty-eight years, and was succeeded by “ the pious and supernaturally wise Asoka,” who caused his own inauguration to he solemnized in the city of1 Bdtaliputto.' Rajagriha, then, appears, to have continued to flourish for at least two hundred and eighteen years after the death of Bud- dha. It was then that the old seat of government was given up to the Brahmans as stated by Hwen Thsang, but Buddhism must have continued to flourish there ; for we read almost in the next page of one Sonsiko of Bana- ras coming to the “ mountain-girt city [Rajagriha] on trade, together with his parents, attended by a retinue of fifty-five brahmanical devotees , who had accompanied him thither.”* He repaired at once to the great Kalanda-Ve- nouvana monastery, and soon appears to have attained to sublime honour of the priesthood under the auspices of the thoro Dasako, and became the means of converting to the faith of Buddha, Tisso, younger brother of Asoka and ‘ sub-king of Magadha.’ The great Dharmasoka himself soon after became “ a relation of the religion of Buddha.” In speaking of the number of Buddhist priests attracted to Ceylon during the reign of Duttagamani, the fourteenth in succession after the death of Buddha (B. C. 161 — 137), we find that one Indagutto, a sojourner in the vicinity of Rajagriha, came there, accompanied by 8000 theros. A still greater number came from Wesali, Banaras, Kausambi, and other places. We are thus in possession of the fact that Rajagriha continued to be one of the chief seats of Buddhism in India up to a comparatively short time before the birth of Christ. Nalanda is not even mentioned as one of the viharas contributing members to the Ceylon assembly, and this lends aid to my own belief of the comparatively recent date of its erection and prosperity. X.— Na'landa' [Barga'on], The village of Bargaon lies exactly six miles south-west of Bihar and seven miles north-east of Rajagriha. From the row of conical mounds to the south of the modern village, the “ solitary rock” of the former place, and the rugged mountains which once surrounded the ancient capital of Magadha, are distinctly visible, both objects presenting a break in the broad expanse of poppy-fields and rice-lands which meet the eye in all directions, and which gently slope from the foot of the Rajgir hills to the banks of the Ganges itself. By its position, by the comparison of distances, and by the aid of in- scriptions, Bargaon has been identified, beyond the possibility of a doubt, with that Viliara-gram on the outskirts of which, more than a thousand years ago, flourished the great Nalanda monastery, the most magnificent and most celebrated seat of Buddhist learning in the world. When the * Maliawanso, p. 29. 300 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Bemains of Bihar. [No. 3, caves and temples of Rajagriha were abandoned to the ravages of decay, and when the followers of Tathagata forsook the mountain dwellings of their great teacher, the monastery of Nalandd arose in all its splendour on the banks of the lakes of Bargaon. Successive monarehs vied in its embel- lishment ; lofty pagodas wore raised in all directions ; halls of disputation and schools of instruction were built between them ; shrines, temples, and topes were constructed on the side of every tank and encircled the base of every tower ; and around the whole mass of religious edifices were grouped the “ four-storied” dwellings of the preachers and teachers of Buddhism. Fah-IIiyan visited the spot in 415, A. D., and tells us that Saripiitra was born at Nalanda, and that he subsequently returned to it to enter nirvana. Ho also infonns us that this memorable event in Buddhistic ecclesiastical history had been commemorated by the erection of a lofty town which he saw, but he says nothing of the existence of any vihara or sangharama. Hwen Thsang, according to the chronology of his travels, so ably and elabo- rately established by Major-General Cunningham, arrived at the gates of the great Nalanda vihara somewhere about the 1st March 637, A. D., and spent within its precincts, and in visiting tho holy places in its immediate neighbourhood, no less a period than twenty-two months. His description of the antiquities of the place, of the manners, customs, and language of its inmates, of the pious gifts of its long line of royal benefactors, and of the architecture and decorations of its countless temples, pagodas, and shrines, is singularly minute and vivid, and fills a large space in the first volume of M. J ulien’s translation of the ‘ Memoires.’ Before proceeding to describe, and subsequently to attempt an identification, of its ruins, I feel bound to quote somewhat at length from the records of the pilgrim. He writes as follows : “ Le dixieme jour, les religieux du couvent de Na-lan-to (Nalanda vihara) envoyerent au-devant de lui quatre hommes d’une virtu eminente [i. e., to Bodh-Gaya]. II partit avec eux et apres avoir fait sept yodjanas, il arriva au village ou est situe le couvent. Ce fut dans ce village (appelle Nalmdagra/md) quo naquit l’honorablo Meo-lien ( Mdudgalya ydna). Au moment de son arrivee, il vit en outre deux eonts religieux et un millier de fideles qui accouraient au-devant de lui avec des etendards, des parasols, des parfums, et des fleurs. Ils toumerent autour lui en celebrant ses louanges et entrerent dans le couvent de Nfllanda. Une fois arrives, ils se joignirent a la multitude des premiers religieux. Quand le Maitre de la loi eut fini de les saluer, ils placerent sur l’estrade du president un fauteuil particulier et le prierent do s’y asseoir. La multitude des religieux et des fideles s’assit pareillement. Apres quoi on chargea le wei-max (le Karmaddna, le sous-diree- teur) de frapper la plaque sonore Kien-tehi (Gnanti) et d’inviter a haute voix le Maitre de la loi a demeurer dans le couvent, et a faire usage en com- ntun de tous les ustonsiles et effets des religieux qu’ils etaient rassembles.” 301 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic (Remains of Bihar. Here follows a long account of the interview of the traveller with the abbot Sitabhadra. After describing with considerable minuteness the rations dealt out to him by the ecclesiastics of the vihara with an unsparing hand, he sets about the more difficult task of sketching its history, and writes, — “ Be mot (Ndlemda) veut dire en chinois 1 celui qui donne sans se lassser,’ voici ce qne les vieillards racontent a ce sujet. Au sud du couvent situe au milieu d’un jardin d’arbres An-mo-lo ( Amras ), il y avait un etang qui etait habito par un dragon, nomme Na-lan-to ( Ndlanda ). A cote, on construmt un couvent qu’on appela, pour cette raison, le couvent de Na-lan- to (Nalanda vihara). “ On rapports encore que jadis Tathagata, ii l’epoque ou il menait la vie d’un Pan-sa (Bddhisattva), devint roi d’un grand royaume, et fixa sa residence en cet endroit. Touche de compassion pour les orphelins et les indigents, il repaudit constamment des bienfaits et des aumdnes. Les habitants, pendtres de reconnaissance, sumommerent cet endroit 1 Le pays de celui qui domic sans se lasscr .’ Bans l’origine, ee lieu etait un jardin d’Amras, appartenant h un riche maitre de maison ( Grihapati ). Cinq cents marchands 1 aoheterent au prix d’un million de pieces d'or et le donnerent au Bouddha. “ Bans cet endroit, le Bouddha expliqua la loi pendant trois mois, et par- mi ces marchands, il y en eut beaucoup qui obtinrent le fruit (de V Intelli- gence, Bodlii) . “ Apres le Nirvfma du Bouddha, un ancien roi de ce royaume, nomme Gh o-hia-lo-o' -V ie-to (pakradetya), rempli de respoct et d’amour pour le Boud- dha, construisit il ses frais ee hia-lun (Sangharama). “ Ce roi etant mort, eut pom’ successeur son fils Fo-to-k' io-to (Bouddha goupta ), qui, apres avoir pris les rencs de ce grand royaume, construisit plus loin au sud un autre lcia-lun ( Sangharama ). “ Un peu plus loin a l’est, son fils, le roi Ta-ta-hie-to ( Tathagata ) batit un autre couvent. “ Plus loin au nord-est, son fils Po-lo-o' - tie-to ( Baladitya ) batit un autre couvent. “ Bans la suite, voyant qu’un saint religieux venait de Chine, et se diri- goait vers lui pour rocevoir de ses mains les provisions necessaires, il fut trans- porte de joie, quitta son trone et embrassa la vie religieuse. “ Il eut pour successeur son fils Fa-che-lo (Vadjrd), qui plus loin au nord construisit un autre couvent. Quelque temps apres, un roi de l’lnde Centrale batit a c6te un autre couvent. “ Be cette maniere, six rois, qui monterent successivement sur le trone se livrerent chacun a, de pieuses constmctions. Le dernier de ces rois entoura tous ces couvents d’une enceinte de murs en briques et les reunit en un seul 302 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, Une porte qu il etablit y donnait acoes. II construisit des salles separees (pour les conferences), et partagca en huit cours l’espace qui so trouyait au centre des Sangharamas. Des tours precieuses etaient rangees dans un ordre regulier ; des pavilions ornes s’elevaient comme des pics (■lances ; des domes hardis se dressaient au milieu des nues, et les faites des temples sem- blaient voler au dessus des vapeurs du ciel. De leurs fenetres, on voyait naitre les vents et les nuages, ct au dessus de leurs toits audacieux le soleil et la lune entraient on conjunction. Tout autour serpentait une eau azuree que des lotus bleus embcllissaient de leurs , calices dpanouis, et de beaux hie-nie ( Iianabras ), “ Butca frondosa laissaient pendre leurs fleurs d’un rouge cblouissant, et des Amras les protegeaient au dehors de leur ombrage epais. “ Dans les diverges cours, les maisons des religieux avaient chacune quatre etages. Ses pavilions avaient des piliers omes de dragons et des colonnes ornees de jade, peintes en rouge et richement ciselees, et des balustrades. Les linteaux des portes etaient faits avec Elegance, les toits etaient couvorts de tuiles brillantes dout 1’ eclat se multipliait en se refletant, et variait a cbaque instant de mille manieres. “ l108 Sangharamas de l’lnde se comptent aujourd’hui par milliers ; mais il n’en est point qui ogalent ccux-ci par leur majesty, leur ricbesse et la hau- teur de leur construction. On y compte, en tout temps, dix mille religieux tant du dedans que du dehors, qui tous suivent la doctrine du grand Vehi- cule. Les sectateurs des dix-huit ecoles s’y trouvent reunis, et Ton y etudie toutes sortes d’ouvrages depuis les livres vulgaires, les weito ( Vedas) et au- tres ecrits du meme genre jusqu’aux traites In-ming (Hetonvidyce), Cning- ming ( Cahdavidya. ), la medecine (Tehikitsdvidyd), les sciences occultes (Kryd) et l’arithmetique (Samlchydnd). On y compte mille religieux qui peuvent expliquer vingt ouvrages sur les Castras, cinq cents qui en comprennent trente, et dix seulement, y cornpris lo Maitre de la loi, qui en possedent cinquante. Mais le maitre Biai-him ( Oilabhadra ) les avait tous lus et sa virtu eminente et son age venerable lui avaient donne le premier rang parmi les religieux. Dans 1’interieur du couvent, une centaine de chaires etaient occupees cbaque jour, et les disciples suivaient avec zele les legons de lours maitres, sans perdre un seul instant.” This, then, was Nalandd, as Hwen Thsang saw it, twelve centuries ago, let me now attempt to describe its ruins as they exist in our own times. Approaching them from Bihar, we first arrive at an enormous tank, running duo east and west for nearly a mile and about a quarter of a mile broad. It is now called the “ Diggi Pokhar,” and is surrounded on all sides by fine groves of mango trees. At the west end of the lake is situated the modern village of Begumpur. About three hundred feet to the south of the village is a largo square mound, once apparently Hanked with small 303 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Eemains of Bihar. towers and having no connection with the Buddhist remains, being evidently the ruins of a Muhammadan fort. Immediately to the south of this are two small Buddhist topes, some fifty feet in circumference and not more than six or eight feet high. I found in these several fine Buddhist and Hindu idols, notably a crowned figure of Vishnu, seated on his sacred bird ; and several iigures which I recovered from the village itself, evidently came from the same place. One thousand eight hundred and twenty-five feet south- west of these topes is a very beautiful square tank, known as the “ Suraj Pokhar, which measures as near as possible four hundred feet on each side. This pond was once flanked with a row of small pagodas on the north side covered with massive brick cupolas, and their ruins still exist in tolerable entirety. T clearly marked out six of these temples. On each side of the pond were three brick ghats, and the ruins of these may still be traced. The banks of the tank served also as the repository for chaityas. Several of these were taken out of the tank by me, and I saw many others beneath the clear water. About twenty feet to the oast of the tank is a mound, evidently formed of the remains of some large brick building, surmounted by a luxuriant bar tree. Duo south of this, and at a distance of one thousand two hundred feet, is another enormous mound six hundred feet in circumference, and nearly fifty feet in height. Between this and the next tumulus, which is seven hundred and fifty feet distant in the same direction, is a brick enclosure containing seven Buddhist figures, now regular- ly worshipped as Hindu deities. The largest, yclept the Telia Bhanddr, (see note m the concluding chapter), is of colossal proportions, and resembles very much, though it is of inferior workmanship, the groat Sri Bullum Buddha of the Titrawan monastery. The following are the measurements of the Telia Bhandar — Crown of head to chin, Crown of head to seat of throne, . Length of head, Length of foot, Circumference of head at forehead, Shoulder to elbow, Elbow to hand, Hip to knee Knee to ankle, Bound the wrist, Bound the breast, Bound the waist, Bound the thigh, Bound the neck, Feet Inches. 2 6 5 G 1 4 1 3 4 4 2 7 1 8 3 2 2 9 5 0 5 7 1 9 2 8 3 1 30i A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Biluir. [No. 3, Three hundred feet to the south of the last-mentioned tumulus is a third great tope, sixty high and more than one thousand feet in circumfer- ence, the largest and most important of the mounds, surrounded by a series of smaller topes, and forming the centre of the ruins of Bargaon. I found this on the 15th October, 1871, literally a small hill, the surface of which was broken only by a depression on the top, and the remains of a former excavation on the eastern slope ; the sides covered with a tangled mass of thicket and brushwood, and studded here and there by a solitary mango or date tree. The results of my excavations have been already given in the third chapter. Three hundred feet to the south of this is a fifth mound, of about six hundred feet in circumference, but of greater elevation than any of the rest. Seven hundred and ninety feet south of this is a sixth tumulus of incon- siderable size and height. Seven hundred and thirty feet south of the sixth mound is a large lake, called the “ Indra Pokhar,” which faces the whole of the southern side of the ruins of the monasteries. The three central mounds aie bounded on the west by three lakes, known respectively by the name of DehS, 1 Bullen, and “ Kundui and some distance west of the fifth tumulus is a pond, called Suraha, on the east bank of which are unmis- takable traces of Buddhist ruins. South of this is another pond called “ Dudhdeha,” and a third known as “ Satyauti,” which also is faced on its east side by the rums of a temple or tope. Seven hundred and twenty feet due east of the great central tumulus is another enormous mound, which I shall designate as the seventh mound. It is nearly as large as the central mound itself, but of much less elevation. In the level plain between these two heaps is a mass of overgrown walls and jungle-covered hillocks, broken here and there by a square patch of scanty cultivation. Some distance south-east of this seventh tope is the village of Kaptes- wari, and the remains of an eighth temple or vihfira, nearly reduced to the level of the surrounding plain by the toil of an industrious cultivator, who yearly ploughs across its surface, and whose grandfather discovered some fine idols and pillars, which are now in my collection. The east of the ruins is faced by a tank called the “ Pansokar.” The modern village of Bargaon lies to the north of the ruins, and is in a line between the Pansokar and Suraj Pokhar tanks. The wall which surrounded the whole mass of conventual buildings is gone, and has left no trace ; nor could the most diligent search light on the whereabouts of the great gate. Bargaon has been the brick quarry of Bihar lor centuries ; hence it is that the walls, gates, and houses have disap- peared, while the massive tumuli formed by the debris of the temples are as yet untouched. 18/2.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. 305 Before leaving Bargdon, I made a careful survey of the ruins between the mounds, and succeeded in distinctly tracing eight halls or yards. This mass of ruins lies parallel to the great moimds numbered by me III, IV, and V, and between them and No. VII. No. I (to the extreme south) is 114 feet east and west, and 84 feet north and south ; No. II, 72 feet east and west by 40 feet north and south ; No. Ill, 00 feet east and west by 50 feet north and south ; No. IV, 40 feet east and west and 70 feet north and south; No. V, 195 feet east and west by 75 feet north and south ; No. VI, 100 feet east and west by 70 feet north and south ; No. VII, 100 feet east and west by 70 feet north and south ; No. VIII, 100 feet east and west by 60 feet noith and south. I discovered in these ruins several gateways and pillars, but no idols. These are evidently the remains of the eight “ halls of dispu- tation,” described by Hwen Thsang as being built on the land between the monasteries and the dwelling of the teachers of the “ right law.” It is a remarkable fact that the line of mounds still bears the name of “ dagop" by the country people. Is not this the ddgoba of the Pali annals ? They are also called tild and dedra. Subsequent to the excavations of October 1872, I employed with per- mission, for some three or four weeks, the labour of about twenty prisoners, and succeeded in making a deep cutting on the northern face of mound VII. The result has been the partial uncovering of the northern fa9ade of a square building flanked by four circular towers, about twenty-five feet in cir- cumference. The whole of the wall is decorated with the most beautiful brick mouldings divided by lines of niches, containing Buddhist figures at regular intervals. The cornices which surround the towers are quite perfect, and the whole exterior appears to have been traversed by small staircases leading to the roof. The thorough exploration of these magnificent ruins would lead to results as important to the historian as to the archsoologist, and I still hope the task may be undertaken at no distant day by the Government. Iliere are no difficulties to contend with ; the ground which is covered by these mounds, is a barren waste, and the proprietor, Chaudhari Wahid ’Ali, is quite willing to permit their excavation, and to facilitate matters as much as he can. Of the nature of these remains there can bo little doubt. Various writers have made Bargaon the capital of a great kingdom, the seat of the rale of some mysterious prince of Magadha ; but this theory seems to me distinctly negatived by the appearance of the rains. At Bargaon one sees no lofty wall ; no rugged battlements ; no rained towers and bastions, — the characteristic features of Kusfigarapura, the royal city of Bimbisara, or of Kajagriha, the capital of his son. The exploration of its ruins already made, and every fresh excavation that may hereafter be accom- plished, will, I think, lead to the conclusion that “ Vihara-gram” was merely i> D 306 A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. [No. 3, a great “ vihara” or college — perhaps rather a cluster of viharas — a uni- versity, in fact, of Buddhist learning, Buddhist philosophy, and Buddhist divi- nity— defended alone by its sanctity, patronised by a long succession of princes, and regarded by Buddhists generally as the chief seat of their faith from Tibbat to Ceylon. XI.— Conclusion. With the mound of rubbish and broken idols, which marks the site of the once doubtless important vihara on the northern shore of the Jir lake, ends my attempt to sketch the existing antiquities of Bihar. Written, as it has been, at a distance from books and from those so able and so willing to give me assistance, I feel sure that it must be replete with errors and omissions ; but I shall feel my labours amply repaid, if I have demonstrated to those who truly admire and understand the archaeology of India, the vast importance of the subject. There is scarce a mile in the whole tract of country which does not present to the traveller some object of deep interest, and the curiosity thus awakened and intensified at almost every step, is speedily concentrated as it were, on the ruinB of the hill-girt capital of Magadha, or the mounds and figures which mark the site of the greatest of great Buddhistic viharas. The associations of the former bring us back to that far distant Brahmanical period, the obscurity of which is dispersed only at intervals by the occasional gleam of some recovered treasure from the poetical storehouse of the Mahabharata or the Ra may ana ; and then passing swiftly over the space of an unknown and indefinite number of centuries recal to our recollection the birth and growth and glory of the Buddhistic faith. Rajagriha belongs to one age of the religion of Sakhya Muni, and Nalandd to another : the former to the early days of the new faith ; to the time of true Buddhistic austerity ; of rude buildings ; of mountain solitude ; of the constant contemplation which was alone consummated in “ nirvaga the second to the age of artistic cultivation and skill ; of a gorgeous and luxuriant style of architecture ; of deep philo- sophical knowledge ; of profound and learned discussions ; and of rapid progress in the path of civilization. In Rajgir, the archaeologist lights uniformly on rude battlements of giant proportions ; on temples of the crudest design ; and on cave dwellings of the greatest possible simplicity of construction. The thousand years which elapsed brought about a vast and remarkable change : the grottoes of the “ arhata” gave place to the four- storied and highly ornamented pagodas of the ecclesiastics of Bargaon ; the four laws of Sakhya Muni were overladen with the interpretations and commentaries of a countless multitude of sages and philosophers ; the simple topes of Rajagriha were exchanged for a style of architecture more gaudy and 307 1872.] A. M. Broadley — The Buddhistic Remains of Bihdr. elaborate perhaps, than any in the world ; and intricate and profound dis- cussions took the place of bodily austerity and mental abstraction. The monastery, or, more . strictly speaking, the university of Nalanda, was as it were a circle from which Buddhist philosophy and teaching diffused itself over Southern Asia. It was here that Aryadeva of Ceylon attached himself to the person of the great teacher Nagurjuna and adopted his religious opinions, and it was here that Hwen Thsang spent a great portion of his pilgrimage in search of religious instruction. But even in the far off times when Buddhism was as yet unknown, the remote period of Krishna and Bhima and Jarasandha, we find the natural features of liajagriha almost the same as when Sakhya Muni trod its mountain sides, five centuries before the birth of Christ, as when Hwen Thsang again described them after the lapse of eleven hundred years, or as they are seen year after year during our own time by the English traveller or the Jaina pilgrim. Let me quote a few lines from the great Sanskrit Epic, the deep interest of the subject being my excuse. Mahabhdrata, Sabhdparva, 795 — 801, and 807 — 811. wr i srnaf i Jiff strir? qqqt •, iircri fjrfxT?m=5j ur i qq UIV? ST^T^T WrfrT qqj*TTftl?q»r*Wq i fjTKBHli imrsi: Tl«: | q^TTT PwiTi qwqpqr i srqr q?fqfjifwtr flight MATTO qrujqq^ | qq UIUJ qq qjjj ^TT^q' I qtqtfqfeqgqqqi qjqre^Tsfwrjqw i qqwreT^r