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OEOLOOICAL BOaETT, Febrouy ith, 1880.
.'^^«P'
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Tm Coandl, with a riew to the oonrenienoe of the Fellows gene- nil j, and to the better care of Works that are easily injured, have deemed it e3q>edient to make the following regulations, in oonformitj with Section ZIZ. Art 1 of the Bye-Laws.
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3 0 Book lent to O* SoeUty i$ allowtd to oireulaU wUhout a writitm
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^^
I
THE JO:URNAL
OF THE
BOMBAY BRANCH
OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
VOLUME XXII.
(Edited by the Honorary Secretary.)
BOMBAY : SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL.
LONDON : KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co
DRYDEN HOUSE, 42, GERARD ST., S. W.
igo8.
IKTEI' AT
TiSI
-•VxA^
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXII.
ART. PAGE
I. — Arabic Poetry. By Prof, S. M. Isfahani .•. i
II. — On the Age of the Sanskrit Poet Kaviraja. By Prof. K. B.
X atnaKy d.a. ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• *•• ■•• ii
III.— A History of Bijapur by Raffiuddin Shiraji. By V. R.
NatU) B.A.) I^Lt. D* .•• .•• ■•• ••• >•• ly
IV. — ** Shivaji*s Swarajya." By Purushottam Vishram Mawji,
ISSQ. .•• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••« *•• ••• '20
v.— Lt.-Col. T. B. Jervis (1796—1857) and his MS. Studies on the state of the Maratha People and their History, recently presented to the Society by his son. By R. P. ivarKariay isscj. *•• *•• ••• ••• .•• .■• a^
VI.— A Brief Survey of the Upanishads. By M. R. Bodas,
iVl./\. , X^L^,Di .•• ••• ••• ••• ••• •»• •«« 07
VII. — Nripatunga and the Authorship of the Kavirljamarga.
(A reply to Dr. Fleet.) By Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A. ... 81
VII I. — An Epigraphical Note on Dharmapila, the second Prince of the P^la dynasty. By Prof. Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, M.A ,. 116
IX. — A comparison of the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and other later Doctrines. By R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL.B. ... 122
X. — Ma^oudi on Volcanoes. By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 135
XI. — The Date of the Death of Nizami. By Jivanji Jamshedji
iVlOCllj tj.A, .•• ... ••• ..• ..• ... ,,, 14^
XII. — An fiklihgji stone inscription and the origin and history of
the Lakulis^ Sect. By D. R. Bhandankar, M.A. ... 151
XIII. — Maratha Historical Literature. By D. B. Parasnis, Esq. 168
XIV.— The Death of Akbar : A Tercentenary Study. By
R. P. Karkaria, Esq. lyg
XV. — The first Englishman in India and his Works, especially
his Christian Puran. By J. A. Saldanha, B.A., LL.B. 209
Vt CONTENTS.
Altr. PAGE
XVI.— ThoNnsik (Jo|(haltembhi) Hoard:of Nahapana^s Coins.
By Rev, H. R. Scott, M.A 223
XVI L— The Coins of Surat. By Rev. Geo. P.Taylor, M.A.,D.D. 245
XVin.^Hombtiy a« seen by Dr. Edward Ives in the year
1754 A. IX By JivanjI Jamshedji Modi, B.A 273
XIXi*— A few Notes on Broach Anom an Antiquarian point of
vlow. By JIvanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.... ... ... 298
\\« -Th« rarlUAriyA Dharuia ^istra. By the late Mr. Sham.
rA\> Vithi^U (Oouiinunicated by the President) • 324
IV^vvdlnj^'* Artvl 14 LUt of lV\>*ent< to the Library, from March
igv^ tv> IVv^mber igo; - >^ ... i-xcii
INDEX.
Abhinava-Pampa, 8i, 84, 103. Ad, an Arabic Poet, 3. Adipurana, 102. Adityaniga, 152. Ahichchhatra, 16. Ajjaj, an Arab Poet, 7. Ajatasatru, 70. Akalankad^va, 10 1. Ak^avarsha, 113.
Akbar, account of the death of, as given by Manucci and Catrou, 196, 197.
Akbar, reference to the death of,
in Ferista* 190. Akbar, death of, 179 — 208.
Akbar, account of the death of, as given in the Rajaput Chroni- cles translated by Tod, 199.
Akbar, account of the death of, by Sir Thomas Herbert, 198.
Akbar, account of the death of, by his son Emperor Jehangir, 182—186.
Akbar, account of the death of, in Van den Broecke's Mogol History, 194, 195.
Akbar, account of the death of, by Asad, in his '* Wakiat Asad Beg," 187—189.
Akbar, account of the death of, in the **Tukhmila-i-Akbar- nama " by Inayatulla, 189, 190.
Akbar's death, on the exact date of, 200.
Akbar's tomb at Secundra, de- scription of, 200 — 208.
Akole Subha, Konkan Prant, 37. Al-Bourkftn, 138, 140. AIhars» an Arab Poet, 9. Amoghavarsha I, 81, 82, 96, 104, 105, 106.
Amr-ibne-KuIsum, an Arab Poet, 8.
A
Amra, 152.
Amra-ul-Kais, an Arab Poet, 8. Amir Khusro, 143. Angria, Col. T. B. Jervis's ac- count of the Family of, 64.
Antare bin Shaddad, an Arab Poet, 8.
Arabic Language, the spread of, and formation of various dia- lects derived from it, 2.
Arabic Literature, three periods
of, 2, 3. Arabic Poetry, i, 2. Arabic Poetry, history of, 3 — 10. Arabic Poetry, the origin of, and
the first writers of, 3, 4.
Arabic writing, on the origin of,
T.
Aranyakas of the Vedas, 67, 71.
Arezura, 140.
Arrajlin, 141.
Aruni, 70.
Arzur, 140.
Asfar, 139.
Ashvagr&ma. 152.
Assheher, 139.
Aswapati Kaikeya, 69.
At&bak Kazal Arslan, 144.
Atisdyadhavala, 82, ico, loC.
11
INDEX.
Avestic Doctrines of the Frava- shees, comparison with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and other later Doctrines, 122 — 134.
Ayyub, an Arabic Poet, 3, Bajirao I, 65. Bajirao II, 45. Baku, 138.
Balaji Janardhan (Nana Farna- vis), 65, 66.
Balaji Viswanath, 62, 64, 65.
Banavasi, a town in North Canara, 14.
Bappaka, 152. Barhout, 139.
Bedar, capture by Ismail A dilshah, 27, 28.
Behram Gur, 305.
Belgaum Subha, VVarghat, 38.
Betgiri Subha, Warghat, 38.
Bhandarkar (D. R.); An Eklingji Inscription and the Origin and History of the Lakulisa Sect. 15^—167.
Bhandarkar (S. R.) ; An Epi- graphical Note on Dharma- pala, 116 — 121.
Bhartrihari, 86. Bhashyapradipa, 113. Bhatt&kalanka, no, 114. Bhavabhuti, 120, 121.
Bhimgad Subha, Konkan Prant,
37- Bhiwandi, Subha, Konkan, 36. Bhoja I, 120, 121
Bhonsle, Col. T. B. Jervis's ac- count of the house of the, 62, 63.
Bhrigu, 152, 155.
Bhrigu Kaccha (Broach), 152.
Bijapur, History of, by Raffiud- din Shiraji ; a short account of the author, Shiraji, and a sum- marised translation of his his- tory, 18 — 29.
Bodas(M. R.); A Brief Survey of the Upanishads, 67 — 80.
Bombay as seen by Dr. E. Ives, in 1754 A.D. 273 — 297 ; A short sketch of his life and a descrip- tion of his book 273, 274 ; Account of his voyages, 275 — 277 ; Account of Bombay and of its people, 277, .'278 ; The Parsees of Bombay 278 — 280 ; Observations on his description of the Towers of Silence, 281 — 290 ; Forts and batteries of Bombay, 290, 291 ; Tank House, 291 ; Interview with a Jogee 291, 292 ; A Govern- ment Hospital in Bombay, 292, 293 ; Tables of the daily rainfall in Bombay in 1756, 293 ; Bombay Curios- ities ; the species of Bombay Snakes, 293 ; Exchange value of the English money, 294 ; Lord Clive in Bombay, 295 ; Preparation for attacking the Fort of Gheria (Vijayadurg), 295—297.
Broach, a few notes from an anti- quarian point of view,298^ 323 ; Sites of the first English and Dutch Factories, 298 — 300; The Dutch Cemetery, 301 ; Inscriptions on the Dutch Tombs, 301, 302 ; Errors in Inscriptions on English Tombs, 302, 303 ; Notes^on the past History of Broach, from a Parsee point of view, — 303
INDEX.
iil
317 ; Nabobs of Broach, Abdulla Beg, the founder of the line of Nabobs, 300 ; Hos- tilities between the Nabob and the English at Broach, 311— 314; Visit of the Nabob of Broach to Bombay in 1772, 314 — 316 ; His reception at Bombay, 316 — 317, ; Descrip- tion of the Kabir Vad (the Kabir Banyan Tree) on the bank of the Nerbudda near Broach, 317-^321 ; Traditions relating to it, the Shrine of Kabirjee,and the other Tirthds or Shrines on the bank of the Nerbudda. 317 — 321 ; Copies of inscriptions on Ducth Tombs at Broach and their translation 322, 323.
Campbell Memorial Medal. Scheme for the Management of. LXI— LXV.
Caucasus^ 138.
Chakr&yudha, 116 — 121.
Chhandombudhi, 114.
Chandragupta, 118.
Chaul, Subha, Konkan Prant,36.
Chilluka, 159, 161, 164.
Chimnaji Appa, 65.
Christian Puran, written by Thomas Stephens, in the Marathi-Konkani Language corresponding to the Old and the New Testaments, 211 ; Contents of the Puran and quotations from it, 214 — 221.
Qive (Lord), Dr. Ive's reference
to, in his work on Bombay,
205 — 207. Coins, Nahapan's, Hoard found
at Nasik (Joghaltembhi), 222 —
244.
Coins of Surat, 245—272. Dabhol Subha, Konkan Prant,37.
Dadachanji (R, K.) —A compari« son of the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and other later Doctrines, 122—134.
Dajal, 136, 137.
Damajee Gaekwar, 63,
Dandi, 81, 107.
Demavend, 139.
Devanandi, 102.
Dhananjaya, 11, 12.
Dharma ^astra. Para ^ariya, 324
-378-
Dharmapala, the second prince of the Pala Dynasty, Epigra- phical note on, 116— 121.
Durgasimha, 11, 12, 88.
Dutch Cemetery at Broach, ac- count of the, 300 — 302 ; Copies of inscriptions on Dutch tombs and their translation, 322, 323.
Dutch Factoi*y at Broach ; identi- fication of the site, with a short account of the building and of an inscription on one of the walls, 299, 300, 303.
Dvaip^yana-Vyasa, 151, 154.
Education in Western India, Col. T. B. Jervis's observation on the, 59 — 61.
Ekalinga, 152, 164.
Ekiingji Stone Inscription and the Origin and History of the Lakultsa Sect, 151— 1 67.
El-Borkftn, 142.
Elburz, 139.
Esk, 141, 142.
Epigraphical Note on Dharma- pala, the second prince of the Pala Dynasty, 116— 121.
IV
indsx.
Etn&, 138 —141.
Eusaf Adilshah of Bijapur, early aiocount of, 25 — 27
Ferishta» 18.
Ferozshah bin Ahmadkhan Bahamani, character and end of, 23, 24.
Forts, included in Shivaji's terri- tory, 40—42.
Fravashees, Comparison of the Avestic Doctrines of, with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and other later Doctrines 122—134.
Frohars or Fravashees, doctrine of Frawajrdeen Yesht, regard- ing, 125, 126.
Gadag Subha, Warghat, 38.
Gadhirupa, 305,
Gaekwar, Col. T. B. Jervis's
account of the family of the,63. Gandharva, 305. Gango Pandit, 22. GArgya, 153. Gdthds, 124. Gaudavaho, 84. Ghat (Western), Subhas of the,
forming part of Shivaji's
Kingdom, 37—39. Gheria Fort, on the Konkan
Coast, 295. Godrez, a Parthian King, 304. Govind Rao Gaekwar, 63. Govind III, 117 — 121. Gunabhadra, 85, loi, 102, 113. GunAdhya's Brihat Katha, 12.
Haft Paikar, 143.
Halyal Subha, Warghat, 38.
Hammade Raviyat, Arab Poet, 8.
Hangal, 14, 16.
Haradatta, 113.
Harshadeva, 116, 117.
Hedramaut, 139.
Herambapila, 116. Himyar, Arabic Poet, 3. Hussen Gango Bahamani, Ac- count of, 22, 23. Hussein Ally Khan, 31, 32.
Imra-ul-Kais bin Hujr, Arabic Poet, 8.
Indra, 120.
Indra III, ii6 — 118.
Indrar&ja, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121.
Indr&yudha, 119— 121.
Isfahani (Prof. S. M.), Arabic Poetry, i.
Ismail Adilshah, 27, 28.
Ismail, the son of Abraham, be- lieved to be the first inventor of Arabic Characters, i.
Ives (Dr. Edward) — Account of his book of Travels, 273, 274 ; Description of his voyage from Plymouth, 275, 277 ; His des- cription of Bombay and its People, 277, 278.
Izz-uddin Masud, 149.
Jabal-al-Barkan, 139.
Jabl-al-nar, 142.
Jagad^kamalla, 11, 12.
Janaka, 69, 70.
Janmejaya, 69.
Jawali Subha, Konkan Prant, 37.
Jayantipura, 14, 15.
Jervis (Lt.-Col. T. B. ), 1796-1857, and his Manuscript Studies on the State of the Maratha People and their History, 43—66 ; A Sketch of his Life and his Work in Western India, 44 — 50 ; Extracts from his Manuscripts relating to the Mahars, 56, 57 ; The Condition of the People, 57— 59 ; Education, 59—61 ; The Bhonsle, 62—63; The Gaekwar 63 ; The Angria, 64 ;
INDBX.
The Peshwa, 64, 65 ; Nana
Furnavis, 65, 66. Jinas^na, 85, 96, 105. Jinendra Vy&karana, loi. Jowsham, 4. Junnar, Subha, Warghat, 39.
Kabirvad (the Kabir Banyan Tree) on the bank of the Ner- budda, near Broach, Descrip- tion of the, 317 — 321. Kaitabh-^rlLti, 84. Kaiyata, 113.
Kalyan Subha, Konkan Prant, 36. KimadSva, a Kadamba King, 11,
12, 13, 14,16. Kanoji Angria, 64. Kannamayya, Kanarese Poet, 12. Karkaria(R. P.).— Lt.-Col T. B. Jervis (i 796-1857) and his Manuscript studies on the state of the'Maratha People and their History, 43 — 66. The Death of Akbar. A Ter- centenary Study, 179 — 208. K&rohana, 153. K&rv&n, 153. Raurusha, 153. Kavirija, the Sanskrit Poet, on
the Age of, 11 — 16. Kavirlijamftrga, on the Author- ship of, 81 — 103. K^vy&darsli, 81, 107. Klvyftprakasha, 85, 86, 95. K^hryivaldkana, 84, 87. Klylvatara, 155. R^havana, loi. K^sirlja, 89, 94, 95. Khatao Subha, Warghat, 38. Khnsru and Shirin, 143. Konkan, Mr. T. B. Jervis's ac- count of the, 52, 53 ; His obser- vations on the Condition of its People, 57—59-
Konkan Prant, Subhas in the, forming part of Shivaji's King- dom, 36—37.
Konkani Language, Remarks on, 212, 213, 214.
Kopal Subha, Warghat, 38.
Koran and the Arabic Literature, 10,
Krakatoa, 137.
Krishna, 84, 88, 155, 160.
Krishna II, 120.
Krishnaraja II, 85.
Kshitipala, 116, 117, 118.
Kudal Subha, Konkan Prant, 37.
Kumaid, Arab Poet, 7.
Kunfuz-el-Kalabi, 4.
Kurhad Subha, Warghat,* 38.
Kusika, 152, 153.
Krita Krityamalla, 82.
Labid, Arab Poet, 8. Laili and Majnun, 143. Lakshmi, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 100,
"3- Lakuli, 155, 160, 161.
Lakulisa, 158, 159, 160, 161, 164.
Lakulisa-Pa^upata Sect, 151,
152* i54« Lakulisa, Temple of, 152, 153,
162.
Lakulishvara, 164.
Laxmeshwar Subha, Warghat,
38-
MS.<^badan, 141.
Ma^oudi on Volcanoes, 135 — 142,
Mftdhavabhatta, Author of the
Brahminical Raghavapftnda-
vtya, 16. M&dhav&ch^rya ; Life and work
off 367-378. Madhavarao Peshwa, 65. Madhavarao (Sawai) Peshwa, 65. Madhuk^svara, 14, 15. Mahapurana, 103.
VI
INDEX.
Mahars in the Deccan and the Konkan, Col. T. B. Jervis's account of the, 56 — 57.
Mahavira-Vardhamana, 162.
MahSshvara, 155.
Mahtplla, 116.
Mahmudi Coins of Surat, 247 — 249.
Mahodaya (Kanauj), ii6, 118.
Maillrling at H&ngal, 14.
Maitreya, 153.
Makhdum Khajajahan, 24 — 25.
Makhzan-ul-AsrAr, 143.
Malkapur Subha, Warghat, 38.
MallishSna, 103.
Mammata, 86, 95.
Man Subha, Warghat, 38.
Manoji Angria, 64.
Manucci's Memoirs of the Mogals
of India, 195 — 196. Maratha Empire as established by
Shivaji, 30—31.
Maratha Historical Ballads, 175, 176.
Maratha Historical Literature,
168—178. Maratha Historical, Manuscripts
in the Mackenzie and the other
Collections! 177. Maratha History, Collection and
Preservation of Marathi and
Persian MSS relating to, 175. Maratha History, Documents in
the Peshwa Daftar and the
other Collections in the Deccan
bearing on, 176, 177. Maratha History, Original Works
and Translations of English
Works by Indian Writers on,
i74» 175. Maratha Power, Historical Works by European Writers, • and Historical Information in
Maratha Bakhars relating to, 169 — 174.
Maratha People and their His- tory, Lt-Col. T. B. Jervis's Studies on the state of the, 43 — 66.
Mawal Subha, Warghat, 38.
MayC^ravarma, 16.
Medal, Campbell Memorial. Sheme for the Management of. LXI-LXV.
Menander, 305.
M^kala, 152.
Mihirkula, 98.
Modi ( J. J. ) ; A few Notes on Broach from an Antiquarian point of view, 298, 323.
Modi (J. J.) ; Bombay as seen by Dr. Edward Ives in the year 1754 A. D., 273, 297.
Modi (J. J.) ; Magoudi on Volca- noes, 135—142.
Modi (J. J.) ; The date of the death of Nizami, 143 — 150
Mukkanna, 15.
Munja, king of Dhdri, 13.
Murabhid (Vishnu), 152.
Muramer, the son of Murrah believed to be the first to Intro- duce the Art of Writing into Arabia, i.
Murari, 88.
Musnad or Makeli writing, known to the tribe of Himyar, gradually passed on to Bagdad and moulded into a definite shape, and formed the present Arabic characters, i, 2.
Nabeghe-e-Zub3rani, Arab Poet, 8.
N&gabhatta, 118, 119, 120, 121. N^adaha, 164. N&gahrada, 164.
INDBX.
Vll
N^avarma, 114. N^gd&, 164. N^l^endra, 164. Nagojibhatta, 86.
Nahapan's Coins ; Hoard found at Nasik (Joghaltembhi), 223 — 244 ; The discovery of the hoard ; the total number of coins in it ; reference to the find of Kshatrapa coins at Juna- gadh, 223 — 225 ; Coins in the Junagad find, 225 ; The Greek Inscription on the obverse of the coins ; the Inscription, originally a correct translitera- tion of the Brahmi Inscription on the reverse, 226 — 231 ; The Kharostri Inscription, 231 — 234 ; The Brahmi Inscription, 234 ; Remarks on the Bust of Nahapana, 235—238 ; The Counter-struck Inscription of Satakarni I., 238 — 241 ; The Symbols on the Coins, 241 — 242.
Nakulisa-P^supata Sect, 151. Nana Farnavis, Col. T. B. Jer- vis's account of, 65, 66.
Nana Saheb Peshwa, 65. Nannisvara, 153. Narav&hana, 152. Narayanrao Peshwa, 65. Nasik (Joghaltembhi) Hoard of Nahapan's coins, 223 — 244.
Natu (V. R.); A History of Bija- pur by Raffiuddin Shiraji, 18 — 29.
Naum&n, 141.
Nawalghund Subha, Warghat,
38.
Nemichandra, loi. Neminatha, 10 1. Nitinirantara, 82.
Nizami, on the date of the death of, 143—150.
Nizami, the date of the birth of, atid his five Poems, 143.
Nriptunga and the Authorship of
Kavir&jamarga, 81 — 115. Nusratuddin Abu Bakr, 149.
Pampa, 102, 104, 106. Pamparamayana, 11. Panhala Subha, Warghat, 38. Parabala, 119. Parashara, 154.
Par^iariya Dharma ^astra 324 — 378. Dharma 324 ; ^rutis 325 ; Smritis 326 — 340 ; Puranas 340—342 ; Achara 343—351 ; Pardiara Dharma Samhita,
351—357; Caste 357—358; Po- sition of Woman 358 — 360 ; Penances 360 — 364 ; Age of Par^iara 364—366 ; Madhavl- charya 367 — 378.
Parasnis (D. B.); Maratha His- torical Literature, 168 — 178.
Paribh^shendushekara, S6.
Pars, 142.
Parsees of Bombay, Sir Streyn- sham Master's account of, 285 — 289.
P^shupata Sect, 162.
Pashupati, 159.
Pathak (K. B.); On the Age of the Sanskrit Poet Kavirdja, 10 — 16,
Peelaji, Gaekwar, 63. Peshwa Family, Col. T. B. Jervis's account of the, 64, 65. Phultan Mahal Subha, Warghat,
38. Phonde Subha, Konkan Prant,
37- Fippalada, 69.
]
• • •
Vlll
INDBX
Plato's Doctrine on Ideas, 1 27,
128. Poona Subha, Warghat, 37. Pravahana, 70. Pujyapada, loi. Purshotam Vishram Mawji ;
Shivaji's Swarajya, 30—42.
Raffiuddin Ibrahim bin Nurud- din Tawafic ; a short ac- count of the life of, 19 — 21.
R^ghavaplLndviya, n, 12. Raghoba Dada, 65. Rajaram, 62. Rajapur Subha, Konkan Prant,
37- Rajpuri Subha, Konkan Prant,
36. Ram Raja, 62. Ramnagar Subha, Konkan, 36.
Ramraja, king of Vijayanagar,
account of, 28, 29. Ranna, 87. St. Thomas, tne Apostle, the 1
tomb of, in India, 209. Saldanha(J.A.);ThefirstEngIish-
nian in India and his work
especially his Christian Puran,
209 — 221. Samanta bhadra, loi. Sambaji Angria, 64. Sambhaji, 62.
Sampgaon Subha, Warghat, 38. Samud, an Arabic Poet, 3. Sarasvati, 103. Sa^adhara, 11. Satara Subha, Warghat, 38. Sayajee Rao Gaekwar, 63.
Scott (Rev. H. R.); The Nasik (Joghaltembhi) Hoard of Naha- pan*s coins, 223 — 244.
Shahu, 62, 64.
Shahu, enthroned at Satara* 31.
Shamrao Vithal. The Par;3lsa- riya Dharma Sastra, 324 — 378.
Shankraji Mulhar, 31.
Sheikul Akhtaq Sheik Sheikh Mahamad Siraj, 22.
Shiraji, History of Bijapur by, 18 — 29.
Shiva, 152, 153, 155.
Shivaji, 62.
Shivaji's SwarajyA, 30 — 42.
Shravan Belgol Inscription, 11.
Shuka, 69,
Sighelmus, Bishop of Sherborne, his visit in the 9th Century A. D. to the tomb of St. Tho- mas in India, 209.
Sikandar-Nameh, 143.
Sikindar-Nameh, an old MS of, 145, 148.
Sinsdrchand, an Indian King,
304. Sirw&n, 141.
Sdma, a Kadamba King, 16.
Stephens (Thomas), a priest of the Society of Jesus, the first Englishman coming to India, account of his life, the works he wrote in Marathi, 209 — 211 ;
Surat, coins of, 245—272 ; Early history of Surat, 245 — 246; The period of local Mughal Currency, A. H., 985—1027, 247 — 248 ; The period of Impe- rial Mughal Currency A.H., 1030-12 1 5, 248 — 249 ; Legends on the different types of coins struck at the Surat Mint, 250— 268 ; The period of the East India Company's Currency; A. H., 1215—1251,268—270.
Surat, Tradition about the found- ing of the city of, 245. Suta, 69.
To"*!*' '", saenc" "* ^^^ * *^
Trim-"' 'Ka»oW *^ Tow"*' " ^^
^rxr«.---^.,. '.its'-—'
"^*i»
vin
INDBX
Plato's Doctrine on Ideas, 1 27,
128. Poona Subha, Warghat, 37. Pravahana, 70. Pujyapada, loi. Purshotam Vishram Mawji ;
Shivaji's Swarajya, 30 — 42.
Raffiuddin Ibrahim bin Nurud- din Tawafic ; a short ac- count of the life of, 19 — 21.
R^ghavaplLndviya, 11, 12. Raghoba Dada, 65. Rajaram, 62. Rajapur Subha, Konkan Prant,
37- Rajpuri Subha, Konkan Prant,
36.
Ram Raja, 62.
Ramnagar Subha, Konkan, 36.
Ramraja, king of Vijayanagar,
account of, 28, 29. Ranna, 87.
St. Thomas, tne Apostle, the tomb of, in India, 209.
Saldanha(J. A. ); The firstEnglish- nian in India and his work especially his Christian Puran, 209 — 221.
Samanta bhadra, loi.
Sambaji Angria, 64.
Sambhaji, 62.
Sampgaon Subha, Warghat, 38.
Samud, an Arabic Poet, 3.
Sarasvati, 103.
Sa^adhara, 11.
Satara Subha, Warghat, 38.
Sayajee Rao Gaekwar, 63.
Scott (Rev. H. R.); The Nasik (Joghaltembhi) Hoard of Naha- pan's coins, 223 — 244.
Shahu, 62, 64.
Shahu, enthroned at Satara* 31.
Shamrao Vithal. The Par^sa- riya Dharma Sastra, 324—378.
Shankraji Mulhar, 31.
Sheikul Akhtaq Sheik Sheikh Mahamad Siraj, 22.
Shiraji, History of Bijapur by, 18 — 29.
Shiva, 152, 153. 155.
Shivaji, 62,
Shivaji's Swarajyd, 30 — 42.
Shravan Belgol Inscription, 11.
Shuka, 69,
Sighelmus, Bishop of Sherborne, his visit in the 9th Century A. D. to the tomb of St. Tho- mas in India, 209.
Sikandar-Nameh, 143.
Sikmdar-Nameh, an old MS of,
145, 148. Sins4rchand, an Indian King,
304- Sirw&n, 141.
Soma, a Kadamba King, 16, Stephens (Thomas), a priest of the Society of Jesus, the first Englishman coming to India, account of his life, the works he wrote in Marathi, 209 — 21 1 ; Surat, coins of, 245—272 ; Early history of Surat, 245 — 246; The period of local Mughal Currency a A. H., 985 — 1027, 247 — 248 ; The period of Impe- rial Mughal Currency A.H., 1 030-1 2 15, 248 — 249 ; Legends on the different types of coins struck at the Surat Mint, 250 — 268 ; The period of the East India Company's Currency; A. H., 1 2 15 — 1251,268 — 270.
Surat, Tradition about the found- ing of the city of, 245. Suta, 69.
INDEX
IX
Swarajya, Maratha, established by Shivaji, statement of 36—42.
Tuilapa II, 87.
Tailapa, a Kadamba King, 16.
T^agund, 15.
Tara Bai, 62
Tarak^svara, 14.
Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi, 182,
Tarle Subha, Warghat, 38.
Taylor (Rev. G. P.), The Coins of Surat, 245—272.
Terammah, Arabic Poet, 7.
Torafa, Arabic Poet, 8.
Towers of Silence in Bombay, observations on Dr. Ives's de- scription of, 286—289.
Treaty between Shahu and Hus- sein Ally Khan, giving Swaraj- ya to the Marathas, 9th September 1718, 32, 33.
Tril6chana, 15.
Trinetra, 15.
Trinetra, a Kadamba King, 13,
Tukoji Angria, 64
Tulaji Angria, 64. Tuzakh-i-Jehangiri, 182. Ud^harana-Chandrika, 104. Uddalaka Aruni, 69, 70.
Uluka, 153.
Upanishad, meaning of the Word,
67 — 69. Upanishads, a brief Survey of,
67—80. Upanishads, a table giving a list, names of the Vedas to which they belong and the works which mention 75—80.
Upanishads, the number and the
age of, 71—74- Upendra, 116, 118. Ushasti Ch4kriyana, 69
Vaidyanath, 104.
V^kyapadiya, 86.
Van den Broecke, the first Presi- dent of the Dutch Factory at Surat, 192.
Vasubhaga Bhatta, 12.
Vasuddva, 155.
Vatsar^Lja, 120.
Vayu Purina, the date of, 155—
157- V^^nga Muni, 152.
Vesuvins, 137, 138, 141, 142.
Vikrama, 306.
Vinayakapala, 1x6.
Vira Baliaia II., Hoysal King,
16. ViranarSLyana, 82, 83, 87, 98, 100,
"3- Vishnu, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88,
89, 98, 100, 103, 113, 154. i55»
160. Vishnupurana, 86. Volcanoes of the World, Ma
coudi*s description of, 135—
142.
Wadi-Berhout, 141.
Wai, Subha, Warghat, 38.
Yajnyavalkya, 69, 70. Yasovarman, 120,121.
Zabej, 137.
Zuhair-bin Abusulma, Arabic Poet 8.
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Art. I — Arabic Poetry.
By Professor S. M. Isfahani.
Read before the Persian Section on lyth January 1905, in connection with the Centenary Celebration of the Society,
' In the absence of any authentic history or any other reliable sources of information, it is not possible to speak with certainty as to when the Arabic language was first put into writing. European scholars, with all their latest researches, have not come to any definite conclusion in this matter. Arab historians who flourished after the rise of Islam have given different views on the subject. Most of them believe that Ismail, the son of Abraham, first invented the Arabian characters and wrote the language, while others say that the Arabs knew the art of ivriting in the time of Job the Prophet, whose sermons, which were originally in Arabicfand are now lost, were translated into Hebrew by the Prophet Moses. This view has been supported by many orientalists.
A tradition ascribes the authorship not of the Arabic characters alone but of all other languages to the father of mankind. To teach his posterity their languages, 300 years before his death he wrote down the characters of the different tongues, which his children were to speak, on bricks which he had especially made for the purpose, and deposited them in a safe place. During the deluge the one on which the Arabic characters were inscribed was lost ; but after the building of the Kaba by Abraham, his son Ismail discovered the hidden treasure through a dream, and with the aid of the Angel Gabriel he read the characters, and taught them to his community. The majority of historians considering the story too fabulous give a more recent origin for the Arabic characters. Muramer, the son of Murrah, who belonged to the tribe of Tai and was a native of Anbar, was the first to introduce the art into Arabia, himself possibly learning it from the Phoenicians.
The tribe of Himyar had a kind of script in which the letters were written separately, called the Musnad or Makeli writing. It was jealously guarded against the touch of the vulgar, and the teaching of it required a license from the authorities. It gradually travelled to Hira, a town on the borders of the Persian Empire, where it was
2 ARABIC POETk%'.
zealously studied under the patronage of the Munzer family, the^ vassals of the Persian Kings. A short time before Islam it i;^as- introduced amongst the tribe of Koraish, to which the Prophet Moha- med belonged. It then passed through the hands of many reformers and travelled through many cities and towns till, about the end of the 3rd century, in Bagdad, the city of the Khalifs, it was moulded into- a definite shape, which it retains to the present time. In the 4th century it was reduced to a regular art, comprising several kinds of penmanship on which a large number of books are written. The history of these reformers and the famous caligraphists of the third and fourth centuries belong to the second period of Arabic literature, and will be given later on. However, the art of writing, before Islam, was known to a select few ; and therefore we see the prophet of Arabia, though he was illiterate and was never ** schooled," advancing his claim to prophetic rank by the production of his Koran. Thus the Arabic language spread not over the land of its birth but all over the world, and gave birth to a literature which has been the wonder of the civilized world. Arab conquests carried the language to the remotest corners of the East and West and made it the permanent tongue of the places conquered, and mixing with the local tongues it branched off into many dialects. With the exception possibly of Sanskrit, no other language in the world seems to have become the parent of so many daughters. Thus it was not by the children of the soil of Arabia that this vast literature was produced, but authors from the hearts of Africa and Europe, Egypt and Abyssinia,^ Constantinople and Cordova, Persia and even India, have contributed their quota to the general stock and helped in raising this huge monument of Arab intellect. It may be remembered that the contribu- ':ion of Persia to this fund was very large indeed. A reference to the writers and authors of the first five centuries of Islam will show that the Persians stood as the first masters in every department of learning then known. 1 am inclined to say that if we were to compare the parts played by the pure Arabs and the Persians in the production of this^ literature, and to strike the balance, it will go in favour of the latter, at least in point of quality and originality. Hence, in treating of Arabic literature one has to take into account the parts played by other nations ; for it did not come into existence by the fostering care of the pagan Arabs and the votaries of Islam alone, but Christians and Jews also lent a helping hand to its expansion. It is, therefore, a liter- ature produced not by the Arabs, but by the Arabic-speaking people.
Arabic literature has been divided into three periods : (1) the pre- Islamic period, which comprises about two centuries ; (2) the period
ARABIC POETRY. 3
after the rise of Islam down to the fall of Bagdad in A. D. 1258 or A..H. 656 comprising about six centuries ; (3) from the fall of Bagdad down to the present time ; which three periods, properly speaking, represent its birth, growth and decline.
It has been said that the literature of every nation commences with poetry. This is perfectly true of the Arabic literature. To the ancient Arabs poetry was everything : it was the record of their war and peace, the book of their philosophy and learning, —in fact, the sum total of their wisdom and intellect. The poet was not only revered but worshipped. His word was law. At his command they undertook war, and at his suggestion made peace.
It is» impossible, since poetry existed before writing, to trace the origin of Arabic poetry or to point out the person who first composed it. •* The long caravan marches across the monotonous deserts when the camel's steady swing bends the rider*s body almost double, turning the unaccustomed traveller sick and giddy, soon taught the Arab to sing rhymes. He even noted very soon that as he hurried the pace of his recitation, the long string of camels would raise their heads and step out with quickened pace. This creature, stupid and vindictive though it be, is sensitive to some extent to music, or, at all events, to rhythm. Its four heavy steps gave the metre, and the alternation of long and short syllables in the spoken language, the successive pulsation of the said metre. "
I have quoted the above passage for what it is worth, but I cannot believe that the ** long caravan marches " taught the Arab to sing rhymes, nor that the camels' **four heavy steps" gave the metre. In this connection we may just turn to the poetry of other nations in the East and West. Was it the ** long caravan marches " that taught the Chinese to sing rhymes, or ** the four heavy steps of the camel " that gave the Romans and the Grecians their metre ? The most barbarous people in the world, be they the Zulus in the veldts of Africa or the Red Indians in the prairies of America, in their rudest state of life have sung rhymes and given expression to their emotions and feelings in rhythmical language, not through the instrumentality of any outside influence as has been suggested above, but through the inspiration of nature and nature alone.
It is interesting to see the Arab authors vying with one another to fasten the fathership of Arabic poetry on different individuals. Ad, Samud, and Himyar have by turns been mentioned as the first poet, and some have even gone further and ascribed it to Ajyub the Prophet, who lived sixteen centuries before Christ and who is given the pa/m of superiority or at least priority to Homer, the best poet of ancient times.
ARABIC POETRV,
It is Stated that he composed some sermons in Arabic verse, now lost which were rendered into Hebrew by the Prophet Moses. \\e even find some Arab authors quoting fragments of poetry supposed to have been composed by both the male and female members of the tribe of Amalek, the fifth ancestor of Ayyub.
It may naturally be asked, how is it that poetry precedes prose ? The reason is not far to seek. Poetry is the expression of strong emotions and passions excited in the heart, clothed in everyday language ; but nrose is an art which requires training and study. The poet s Tanguaee is not fettered by the artificial rules which the prose writer is
bound to f»"o^ : '^^ '^^^ "'^">' """'" *■'"' ' "'"'^ T
is not blessed. In short, poetry is the language of the heart, and there- fore natural, while prose is the language of the educated man.
Durinc the Days of Ignorance, as the pre-Islamic era and the orimitive state of the Arabs is called, the whole .\rab learning amounted to a rude knowledge of the firmament and its luminaries, whose move- ments they had been witnessing for generations past, and to whose alencv they ascribed all their happiness and misery, and an empiric rcauaintance with medicine, founded either upon imperfect observa- tions and experiments, or learnt from the Persians and Indians. But on the other hand nature had compensated them by endowing them with quickness of comprehension, subtlety of thought, and a high de-ree of eloquence. Therefore most of them were able to compose noetrv It is said that every Arab is a poet by nature We give Cow a proverb the origin of which is traced to an Arab named Kunfuz-el-Kalabi, whose son Jowshan suddenly developed as a poet to the utter surprise of his father, who did not wish h.s son to meddle with poetrv and therefore prevented him from giving vent in verse to the emotions, that made his heart restless. But the storm that raced in his heart was too strong for him and he succumbed to it. The father becoming aware .it the last moment of the mischief that he had done, gave him permission to compose his verses : but it was too late, and the son before he died could only exclaim " Hal-ul- lariz-Dun-al-Kariz"— "Death intervenes between me and poetry now." Although this gift of nature was common to the whole Arab nation hich and low alike, still the Nobility were adverse to it and looked askance at those of their own class who were Jjossessed of it and desired to utilise it. We find proof of this in the case of Amra-ul-kais, the poet- king as he is called, who stands at the head of the ancient Arab poets. He was banished by his father for indulging in the composition ef
poetry. ,
Simple desert life with few wants to provide for and fewer civic duti. s to attend to, gave the primitive Arab ample time to improve Ws tongue.
ARABIC POETRY. 5
and bring it to a high degree of perfection* It was the labours of these silent workers of the desert that in later times bore fruit in the form of huge and numberless works on Lexicography and Philology compiled by Muhammadan travellers and scholars after the spread of Islam. Every part of the body of the camel, the most precious property of the Arab, was minutely observed, studied and a name given to it ; the creature itself bears a thousand different names, and its various gaits even have been noted and named. The lion, the greatest enemy of the dweller in the desert, has received five hundred names and titles ; wine, perhaps the only luxury the Arab could enjoy in his own tent, being provided mostly with it by the early Christian merchants, was called by a hundred names. Along with the above mentioned development of the language, poetical composition, which afterwards played such a prominent part in the Arabic literature, was being evolved. The specimens that have been handed down to us of those compositions, though very meagre and fragmentary, yet are sufficient for a compari- son with the forms that poetry took in later times.
The earliest remnants of Arabic poetry are some pieces relating to satire ; and it is therefore believed that poetry with the Arabs first as- sumed that form. The Arab, so jealous of his honor, would fall an easy prey to excitement at a word of ridicule. Satire, it seems, was a secondary kind of warfare, to which the Arabs resorted in early times. The honour of the whole tribe depended upon the magic word that issued from the mouth of the poet. The adversary whose honour was assailed could not rest till he had retaliated, and so the Hej& or satire passed from lip to lip and spread over the whole desert. But this was not the only use that the poet made of the inspiration with which he was supposed to have been gifted. Often did he record in verse the events of his times ; the exploits of heroes and warriors, the generosity of chiefs and lords were put into verse and sunj; by the members of his tribe. In fact, in the absence of any other means, this was the only way in which they could preserve the memory of those events. The description of the English ballad exactly repre- sents the state of the primitive Arabic poetry. *' Most of these ballads were never written down, never printed, but were carried about in tho memories of the Englishmen for hundreds of years. But though the ballads were altered to suit the circumstances, national feeling or personal preference, yet they have kept their purity except in a few cases when passing from the mouth of the reciter to the ear of the hearer. These ballads were recited, chanted or sung to the harp by the itinerant minstrels, strollers from the hall to the hamlet, from the town to the cottage, from the fair to the market, with songs old or new or newly revised.*' This is a true picture of the state of Arabic
6 ARAEtC FOETRY.
poetry in the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. It was to recite^ or* chant these poems that in those times poets were invited to the courts of Princes and great Amirs. These poets travelled to distant places and everywhere were received with great honour. They carried the fame and ill-fame of the tribes in their hands. .A slight indifference or discourtesy shown to them would jeopardise the re- putation of the whole tribe. It may be noted here that the satires composed during this period were far above the type to which they were reduced in later times. The words were poignant, sharp and biting, but within proper limits. But the successors of these satirists passed all bounds of modesty and decency, even degenerating into abuses and obscenities.
Towards the beginning of the sixth century we notice a change for th3 better which comes gradually over the Arabic language. Its vocabulary is enriched and the meanings of words became fixed. The poet feels conscious of his power and duty. The kasideh takes its definite form ; the tone of the language appears to be chaste and J^t times philosophic. The verses of the poet are interspersed with words of sound advice to the community, and the poet tries to quench the fire which his predecessors used to fan. It is also at this time that we find poets attached to the courts of Princes and Nobles, and, being called court poets in contradistinction to the desert poets, laying, so to speak, the foundation of the future post of Poet Laureate.
The gift of poetic inspiration was not monopolised by the males only: the fair sex had also a full share in it. At this period Arabia produced some poetesses who could well compete with the best of the poets. The custom of mourning and lamentation by women following a funeral procession is of ancient origin. Like Indian women, Arab women continued to mourn for many days, and at times other women were hired to mourn with them. They followed the bier bare- footed and bareheaded, sometimes even with shaven heads, moaning and uttering plaintive words with a cadence which gradually resulted in the composition of elegies, tor the production of which the fair sex is no less renowned than is the sterner one for the production of eulogy. An Indian writer has given a very fine picture of Arabic poetry of this time, which I quote here, though with some reservation: ** They (the Arabs) had at that time no rules of grammar or versification to guide them ; and yet their verses were scrupulously accurate, and hardly ever went wrong. They had neither any fixed criterion of rhetoric nor any canons of criticism ; yet their idioms, expressions, images, similes and metaphors were as accurate, as clear, as lucid, and as perspicuous as any of the subsequent established schools of the post-Islamic times. One of the distinctive features of the primitive
ARABIC POETRY. 7
literature of ihe Arabs was that it possessed the real and rare beauty of being a faithful representation of nature, inasmuch as their images were derived directly from nature, and their composition was merely a real expression cf their real feelings and a true reflexion of their mental workings. False fame, vain glory, flattery and empty praise were motives not known to those early Arabs who led a simple innocent life, in the lap of nature, invested with all its concomitant virtues — ibravery, courage, gallantry, truthfulness, innocent and sincere love, fidelity, generosity, liberality, charity, hospitality, and a hatred of cruelty and oppression. With the Arabs of those times poetry was a Ljift of nature, commonly bestowed on al! alike, whether old or young, ■man or woman, rich or poor, high or low, noble or m peasant, who used it as a tangible expression of the! ready vehicle of what they thought and felt, and a. lasting record of their views, made more impressive and more perspicuous by illustrative similes, apt images, and suitable metaphors, such as were readily supplied by natural objects and views of daily sight." 1 would certainly use my vocabulary of praise with some degree of parsi- mony, and would not exhaust it so lavishly on the beauties of early Arabic poetry and the excellences of Arab traits. But this is perfectly true, that the language of the early poets was absolutely pure and the similes and metaphors used by ihem were directly taken from nature. This characteristic was mucit more noticeable among the desert than amongst the town poets. Ajjaj, who was a well-known desert poet, was once asked his opinion about the difference in his poetry and that of Kumaid and Terammah, who were accustomed to have their difficul- ties solved by him. He said, as he derived bis similes and metaphors Arst hand from his own observation of nature, there was no possibility of his missing or misplacing them, but that as the latter two lived in the town and wrote about things which they did not see but of which they heard only fi^jm others, they often went wrong. Another peculiarity of primitive Arab poetry is the I. isplay of martial valour, and the warlike spirit and love of independence which prevail throughout the verses. It was on this account that when, in the second century of Islam, the portals of Greek learning were opened to Arab authors, no poetical work of the Grecians was rendered into Arabic, as ihey found Greek poetry wanting in that heroic and martial spirit which the Arab values above all. The same may be said for the absence of the translation of historic works.
After the rise of Islam, when poetry together with other subjects was treated scientifically and reduced to an art, the poets were divided into four divisions. First, Al-Jaheliyyun or those who lived before Islam and died pagan, or even those who lived down to that time bu " '
8 ARABIC POETRY.
Muslims. Second, AUMukhzaremun or those pagan poets who accept- ed Islani and died Muslims. Third, AI-Muwalledun or those who were born in the first two centuries of Islam. Fourth, AI-Muhaddesun, or the modern poets. The first three are considered to represent the ancient type of Arab poet ; for their composition was not affected bv' the artificiality of the schools which sprang up during the third century of Hejra. Seven collections, each consisting of seven poems belongings to different poets, have been made, and named after some peculiarity ii> the poems common to the seven grouped together. First is the famous- collection known as the Moallekator the seven suspended poems grouped together by Hammade Raviyah, to whom the preservation of a great part of the pre-Islamic poetry is due, and who himself was a poet with a wonderful and prodigious memory. Once, when the Khalif Walid, the Son of Yazid, asked him the reason of his surname— Raviyah (a quoter) — he boasted that he could recite, besides thousands of fragmentary pieces,, one hundred long Kasidehs, belonging to the pagan times, and an equal number from the post-Islamic times, rhyming on every letter of the al- phabet. To test the truth of this statement, Walid ordered him to recite- poems in his presence, and when he was tired, he appointed one of his- trustworthy servants to keep watch over him : and when the latter also- was tired, they had already counted two thousand. and nine hundred Kasi- dehs recited by the poet. This collection, which has served as an anvil for the genius of hundreds of Arabic scholars, contains seven master- pieces of pre-Islamic poetry composed by seven different poets. Their names were as follows : Imra-ul-kais bin Hujr of the tribe of Kinda, the errant poet-king who was driven from home by his father for the sin of composing poetry and indulging in amorous passions. He died at Ancyra through wearing a poisoned robe of honor, given to him by the Roman Emperor, which covered his body with ulcers ; whence he was called Zat- ul-Kuruh or the man of ulcers ; Torafa, whose name was Amr-ebn-el-abd and who attended the court of the king of Hyra Amr-ebne Hind, by whom he was sentenced to death for venturing to satirise his brother Kabus or the king himself; Zuhair-bin Abusulma, whose father Rabia, uncle Bashama, two sons Kaab and Bujair, and two sisters, Sulmah and KhansA, were celebrated poets, and who with Amra-ul-kais and Nabeghe-e-Zubyani constitutes the triumvirate of • the Arab poets ; Antare bin Shaddad the son of an Abyssinian slave who is also counted as a famous hero amongst the Arabs. He took part in the war known as the Dahes war between his tribe Abs and Fazarah. He was killed while fighting against the tribe of Tai ; Amr-ibne-kulsum, who is said to have lived for one hundred and fifty years and often satirized Noman, the son of Munzar ; Labid, the son of Rabia who belongs to the second division of poets and who was known for his piety. He, too, lived a long life of about 145
ARABIC POETRY. g
years and died in 14 A. H. ; and lastly Alhars, the son ot* Hillaz, of whose life nothing is known. It is said that the Arabs hung these poems in front of the Kaaba and prostrated themselves before them and worshipped them for nearly 150 years, till they had to be removed from their honored place in favour of the Holy Book, the first of its kind, the inspired word of God, the Koran. The sister of Amra-ul- Kats, it is said, was at Mekka on the day the poems were taken down, and she objected to the removal of her brother's poem. But when she saw the passage of the Koran — Sura II, verse 44 — she with her own hands took it down and burnt it.
These poems have for hundreds of years been allowed to remain in- undisturbed possession of their title to antiquity, but they are now assailed by some scholars, who in these days of close investigation and criticism throw their search light into every nook and corner and point out defects and flaws which have escaped detection by the purblind authors of bygone ages. Hammad*s honesty in respect of his collection has been doubted, and certain arguments have been advanced to disprove the antiquity of the Moallekat. But before these arguments can be accepted as sound, the}' must pass through the same ordeal of criticism and investigation as the poems themselves. There is, no doubt, much force in the arguments advanced, but they are not sufficient to dispel the fascinating belief which has swayed the hearts of scholars for the last thirteen centuries. Hammad's honesty is rightly impeached; for, when hard pressed by the Khalif, Al-Mehdy, he admitted the charge that had been brought against him by Mufazzal, of interpolating his own lines amongst those of the ancient poets. But to charge him with wholesale forgery on insufficient grounds is unjust and difficult to prove. The other six collections are :—
(i) Al-Mujamharat.
(2) Al-Muntakayat.
(3) AI-Muzahhabat.
(4) Al-Marasee.
(5) Al-Mashubat.
(6) Al-Mulhamat.
The list is arranged in order of merit and marks the different down- ward grades of Arabic poetry from its commencement to the end of the second century of the Hejra.
There are also about a dozen more books containing the poetry of pre-Islamic times which, together with those mentioned above, make up our knowledge of the poets and the poetry of the first centuries of Arabic literature. But for a student who wishes to study ancient
lO ARABIC POETRY.
Arab poetry in all its aspects and phases, and minutely observe the features of Arab life, the Hamasa of Abu Tammam would furnish the best and most instructive guide, as well as prove a most capacious and entertaining storehouse to draw upon, and would be found much more useful and interesting than Moallekhat.
With the Koran the first period of Arabic literature closes and the second period dawns. What would have been the course of Arabic literature if the Koran had not been produced, or if Mohammad as a Prophet had not been the author of it, is a matter of pure speculation, and I think cannot be entered upon here. As to how from the Koran radiated the study of the different kinds of sciences, as to how it created in certain cases the very existence of certain branches of knowledge, and as to how it accelerated the study of others, — in short, as to how it became the very source of all that knowledge which has rendered Islam and its followers famous, I will hereafter make an attempt to show.
^t^^^
Art. II.— Ow the Age of the Sanskrit Poet Kavirdja. By K. B. Pathak, B.A., Professor of Sanskrit, Deccan College,
POONA.
(Read before the Sanskrit Section on \%th January 1905 in connection with the Centenary Celebration of the Society, )
Many Sanskrit scholars have written on the age of Kavirdja, but they do not appear to be successful in their attempts to fix his date. Professor MacdonelP says that Kaviraja perhaps flourished about A.D. 800, while Dr. Bhandarkar maintains^ that Kavirdja and Dhanan- jayamust have lived between A.D. 996 and 1141, and that Dhanafijaya borrowed the idea of a Righavapindviya from the Brahmanic poem of that name by Kavirdja. The opinions of other eminent scholars need not be considered here as they wrote before the contents of old Kanarese inscriptions were made accessible to the student of Sanskrit by the writings of Messrs. Rice and Fleet.
With great deference to all scholars, who have written on this subject and to whom we owe so much, I beg to point out that this difference of opinion is due to the fact that the verses in which the poet gives an account of king KAmad^va do not appear to have received that amount of consideration, to which they are entitled at the hands of scholars. Kaviraja, unlike other Indian authors, gives ample informa- tion, which ought to enable us to identify his royal patron and to fix the date of the poet himself. There are only three introductory verses in which Kaviraja supplies historical information. The first of these verses is very easy, but the other two present exceptional difficulties. An edition of Kavir^ja's work with a commentary has lately appeared in the KAvyam^l^. The commentator calls himself Sasadhara or Moon and his commentary is entitled Prakglsa or Light. But unfortunately for Sanskrit Scholars this Moon throws no light on the difficult verses.
From the way in which the Jaina R8,ghavap4ndaviya is mentioned in the Pampar^mglyana' and in the Sravan Bejgoj inscription*, it may be easily inferred that there was only one Rjlghavapindaviya known to Pampa's contemporaries. This view is confirmed by the Brahmin author Durgasimha, who alludes to Dhanafijaya's R^ghavap^ndaviya only. Durgasimha says that he was a native of Kisuk^da and a minister for peace and war under theChalukya Emperor J agaddka mall a
\ History of Sanskrit Literature, p. J31. Report on Sanskrit Mhs. for 1884-^87. HamparAmAyana. p b. 2nd cd. Inscriptions at Sravana Bclgola.
12 ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA.
This king can be Identified with Jagadekamalla II, who reigned between Saka 1061 and 1072, as Durgasimba mentions the Kanarese poet, Kannaniayya, who refers to Abhinava-Pampa as **adyatara** or contem- porary*. In his interesting introduction to his Kanarese Panchatantra* Durgasimba tells us that he proposes to give to the world a Kanarese translation of the Sanskrit Panchatantra of VasubhAga Bhatta, wha extracted five stories resembling five jewels from Gunftdhya's Brihat- kathA, which was in PaisAchi, translated them into Sanskrit and called his work Panchatantra. Durgasimba mentions Gun^^hya, Vara- ruchi, KAlidAsa, B^na, Mayura, V^mana, Udbhatabhima, Bhava- bhuti, Bh^ravi, Bha|ii, MAgha, Rijasekhara, KAmandaka and Oandi^ As regards Dhananjaya Durgasimba says : — Anupama-kavi-vrajam Jt —
Yene Raghava-p^ndaviyamam peldu Yas6 — !
Vanit-^dbisvaran idam
Dhananjayam vAg-vadhu-priyai]i Kevalane I! ** Dhananjaya, the sole favourite of the goddess of speech, became the lord of fame resembling a lady, by composing the RdghavapAndaviya to the humiliation of matchless poets. "
We must remember that Durgasimba was an eminent Brahman, who held the high post of minister for peace and war in the days of Chaiukya supremacy. He was intimately acquainted with Brahmani- cal literature. All the Sanskrit poets, whom he praises, were Brah- mans with the single exception of Dhananjaya on whom he lavishes extravagant praises for his Ragbavap^ndaviya. If the Brahman- ical Rftghavap^ndaviya had been in existence before the time of Jagadekamalla II, Durgasimba would certainly have accepted Kavi- r^jVs estimate of his own genius : —
and would have excluded Dhananjaya from the list of Sanskrit authors, reserving all his praises for Kavirlja's R&ghavapandaviya. These considerations naturally lead us to the conclusion that Kavir&ja did not compose his work till after Saka 1072, the year in which the reign of Jagadekamalla II terminated. We shall appeal to Kaviraja himself on this point.
We are told that king KAmadeva belonged to the KAdamba family.
3?% «hKH^'tiM^'dM*H^l|?:: I
mT^: mh<h\H^d^^^'' ll-I. 13. By the use of the form Kildamba, Kaviraja evidently wishes us to under- stand that his royal patron belonged to one of the later KAdamba
' KarnAtaka-SabdAmi?vi«'ana. Intr. p. jj, Canare«<c Panchatantra published in the KarnAtaka KAvyamanjari, pp. 6 and 7. Canarcsc Panchatantra, p. I j.
ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 1
O
families. This is confirmed by the statement that Kdmadeva lived after Muftja, king of Dhar^, who died' about A.D. 996.
^KIMR ?:^^^ft^ dH4.<mfrr: ll_i. 18.
We know that there were two families of the later KAdambas. Here a question naturally arises, to which of these families did king K4madSva belongs ? This question is satisfactorily answered by Kavi- r^ja in the following two verses which are difficult to understand and as to the real purport of which, the commentator *' Moon ** with his ** light ** seems to be totally in the dark.
^c^l^i ^^^; W^ wS^- ^^^HT 2Rrh^; I
^^^^^ *P5tRt l»?TN^f ^^^: ^Wi^i II— . I 23.
Translation.
Victorious IS the line of the sun, the glory of which was increased by the birth of the lord of the Raghus. The line of the moon, which is illuminated by the fame of the Pflndavas, bears resemblance to it. To both is comparable to-day the line of the son of the god 6iva and the earth, of which K^madeva who gratifies the wishes of the learned, is an ornament.
The commentator Moon, who is unable to explain by his 'Might'* the expression ^H<«^<u^^H<4^, which is in the genitive case, deliberately changes the text into ^Hi^<>J<"ft^H?lf?. But a careful study of the verse will convince Sanskrit Scholars that the genitive is here purposely employed by Kavir^ja, who wishes to compare the founder of the KAdamba line, who was the son of the god Siva and the earth, to the Sun and the Moon, the supposed founders of the Solar and the Lunar dynasties. Who the founder of the KAdamba line was, we learn from Kavir&ja himself who says : —
3n%^ 'i>^^^ikM<=i^HRiMr ^tm ^i51"imi- i
^ H*^'5^'tft3P3^'^«flW#3f^: 1
Translation. That king was Trinfitra who imported from Central India Brahmins well versed in the Vedas and drinkers of Soma juice, who ascended to the assembly of Indra in human form, who was an ornament of a proud
* Gazetteer of the Bombay Prewienc: • \'oU I, Part II. p. 2T4.
14 ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA.
lady (his wife), the conqueror of the earth and a bee on the glorious feet of the god Siva of Jayantipura and who obtained, in later times by austerities, a very mountain (t.e., supporter) of his family (in king Kdmddva).
The commentator ** Moon " has failed to throw any light on this verse. He takes the expression ^^t^fryptft to mean that his (Trin^tra's) family resembled a principal mountain. According to this interpret- ation. King Trinetra obtained his own family by means of austerities. This is absurd, because Trint^tra was the supposed founder of the K3.damba line. Before his time his family must have been of course obscure. To be born in an obscure family is no reward for performance of austerities. Besides, each of the 23 verses from Nos. 13 to 33 in the first canto is devoted to praising Kamadeva. If one of these verses, namely, No. 25, were to mention Trinetra without reference to K^mad^va, it would be out of place. Therefore, the real meaning of this verse is that King Trinetra obtained in later times, as a reward for his austeri- ties, a kulagiri or supporter of his family in Kilmad^va. In the K^vyam^U edition of Kaviraja*s work we often read ?F5>n:^*?rT <hKH^^I which is a mistake for g?^urmf^f14>KH<J^I.^
From the two verses which I have explained above, we learn the following facts. King Kamaddva belonged to a later K^damba family.
The founder of this line was King Trindtra, who was the son of the god ^iva and the earth, who imported learned Brahmins from Central India and who was a worshipper of the god Siva of Jayantipura. The town of Banav^si in North Canara District is famous for its temple of Madhukesvara. In ancient times Banavasi was called Jayanti or Jayantipura. This is proved by the fact that the Brahmins of BanavAsi at the present day speak of their town as Jayanti-kshetra during the performance of religious rites. The chief god known even at the present day as Madhukesvara is referred to as snT^g^^^UT in a stone-tablet inscription in front of the god Mail^rling at H^ngal and as 3p??fftTO%*^ in another inscription in the temple of Tirakesvara at the same place. It is evident from these expressions that ^q^yfl or Sfq^tg^ is only another name of Banavasi. I may also mention that in the temple of Madhukes- vara at Banavasi itself there is a stone cot which bears the following inscription on it in comparatively modern Kanarese characters.
«ft^ f^ "V^ W^ 5frmT^2RT% fe^
1 Ep! Carnatica? Vol. VIII, Sorab Inscrip. Xo. X79, lines 17—20
ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA. 1 5
In a local purana called ^^j«Tf1*<|g|rJ-^j we are told—
'Tglj^iHmi g ^ r[^ ^ U— Chap. 27. In another local purana we read
^H^rnft %^ iritiTT.— Chap. 25.
iT^^?^ fl5^ infer 5TT% ^^5T?5R u
^R'^'^Tftm.— Chap. 26.
We have thus seen that Jayanti is another name of the town of Banav^si. The last three passages cited above also tell us that the god Madhukdsvara is a linga. Kaviralja's expression 5nprlf3^3?!'^*R is, therefore, equivalent to ^ppfftj^r^gl^^T. D^' Fleet's statement* **that the family god of the K^dambas of Banav^si was Vishnu under the
name of Madhuke^vara *' must be rejected as it is opposed to facts.
Kavir^ja*s account of the K^damba family of BanavAsi, to which his patron K^madSva belonged, agrees with the account of the family which is found in the Kanarese inscriptions. The founder of this line TrinStra is called Tril6chana in the Sidd^pur inscription* and is spoken of as M ukkanna in an inscription^ at T^Iagund, the word Mukkanna being a Kanarese rendering of the Sanskrit f^^or i^^fT^^f. This king Tril6chana or Mukkav^a is represented in the inscriptions^ as the son
* The temple of Madhuk£<ara stands on the river VaradA. ■ A Vcdic form for ^Iff^r^.
=• Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol I., p. 560. Ind. Ant, Vol. X., p. 250.
■• Ind. Ant., Vol. XI., p. 273.
' Epi. Camatka. Vol. Vll.. p. 208. Shikilrpur Inscription. No. 186, line $.
* Stre notes 8 and 11 above. Ind. Ant., Vol. X., p. 150. Mysore Inscriptions, Intr., p. 39.
l6 ON THE AGE OF THE SANSKRIT POET KAVIRAJA.
of the god Siva and the earth, who brought learned Brahmins from Ahichchhatra and established them in the Kanarese country. The Havik Brahmins in North Canara claim to be the descendants of the Brahmins brought from Northern India by a Klldamba King Maydra- A'arma who is sometimes confounded in the inscriptions with the fabled Trin^tra.
According to Dr. Fleet/ King Kamad^va was a MahSmandalesvara and ruled over the provinces of Hingal, BanavAsi and Puligere or Lakshmesvara. He was a feudatory of the Western Ch^lukya king Somesvara IV, and began to rule in Saka 1104. In Saka 11 19, the town of Hingal was besieged by the Hoysal King Vira Ballala II. He was defeated and repulsed for the time by KAmadeva*s forces under his general Sohoni, who, however, was killed in the battle. But the Hoysal king seems to have soon afterwards completely subjugated the Kadambas and annexed their territory. In Saka 11 26 KAmad^va was still fighting against the Hoysal forces ; but what became of him after xhat date, is not known. From these facts we can easily conclude that Kavirftja composed his RAghavap^rdaviya between Saka 1104 a"^ ;iiJ9.
A Kadamba copper- plate inscription has been lately published by Mr. Rice in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII, pp. 214—217. The grant purports to be issued by King S6ma, a grandson of K^mad^va. This KAmad^va must be identical with the K^mad^va, mentioned above, since the names* of his son, father and grandfather are the same. One of the grantees in this inscription is named Kaviraja M&d- havabhatta. This is the real name of the author of the Brahminical Ra,ghavaplndaviya, Kavir8,ja being his title only.
It may, however, be noticed here that this grant is not dated in the Saka era, but mentions only the cyclic year Vilambi and Monday, the new moon-day of Ashadha, on which an eclipse of the sun occurred. Mr. Rice assigns this grant toA.D. 11 18. This cannot be accepted, because, according to Dr. Fleet, who bases his opinion on stone- inscriptions in the neighbourhood of HAngal and Banav4si, the Bana- v^si province was governed between A.D. 1099 and 11 29 by the Kadamba king Tailapa II and not by king S<^ma. The date of the grant must, therefore, be considerably later than Saka 1104, the year in which K^madeva began to rule.
* Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. I., Part II., p. 563.
" Idem, p. 559. Epiqr. Carnatic* VoL HI., p. 27 (Tranelattons). In the copper-plate grant. KAmad^va's g^randfather's name is g^iven as V^ikrama-Taila. The Vikrama is a title, and 4:orre!«ponds to the expression Udyat-pratApam applied to him in the Kargudari Inscriptiont line 22i Ind. Ant. Vol X., p. 2Sa. It is thus clear that Kftmad^va's grnndlather s name is Tnila, his father's name is Tailama and his son's name is Malla.
' Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. I.. Part II, p. 562.
Art. III. — A History of Bijapurby Raffiuddin
Shiraju
By V. R. Natu, B.A., LL.B. (Read before the History Section on igth fanuary igoSy in connection with the Centenary of the Society,)
Our present knowledge of the history of the kingdom of Bijapur is mainly derived from the famous work of Ferishta, supplemented by the works of writers like Kaiikhan and others who chronicled the movements and conquests of the Moghul armies in the Deccan. Ferishta was really attached to the court of Ahmadnagar though he lived at Bijapur for a few years. We have no work yet published by a writer at the court of Bijapur. The author of this work, of which I intend to give a summary, was a Bijapur nobleman who spent many years in the service of Bijapur kings. His history covers the same period as that of Ferishta, who was his contemporary. Irr the preparation of his monumental history of the Marathas, Grant Duff secured some Persian historical accounts of Bijapur, but in the list given by him in a footnote in Chapter II of his work, we do net find the name of RaBiuddin Shiraji. Sir H. M. Elliot collected some MSS. containing the histories of the independent Musalman kingdoms of the Deccan, but unfortunately those MSS. have not been translated. We do not even possess a list of them. In a paper published in Vol. I of the B. Br. R A. Society's journal by Captain Bird, we find the name of a work called * Busate-Salatin,* but Shiraji*s work is not mentioned. As far as I am aware Shiraji's work has never been published ; and it is only noticed in a Marathi work on Bijapur History by Professor Modak of Kolhapur. The importance of securing for pub- lication the original works on the history of the Deccan Muhammadan kingdoms cannot be exaggerated. A good deal of attention has lately been paid by Maratha scholars to the task of bringing to light valuable materials for the history of the Marathas ; but the work of collecting old chronicles of that long period of time extending over nearly four centuries from the fall of Deogad to the overthrow of Bijapur, and Golkonda by Alamgir, yet remains neglected. In this respect the latest work of Gribble is also disappointing as it scarcely adds anything more to our knowledge than what is found in Brigg's edition of
1 8 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR.
* Ferishta.* The publication of old Persian MSS. on this subject would
be of much use in adding to our limited fund of knowledge of this
eventful period, and also would help us in gauging the account of
Ferishta which is often marred by exaggeration. Raffiuddin Shiraji's
work, though not as extensive nor as scholarly as that of * Ferishta,'
is, however, very interesting, as the author writes of events that were
enacted before his eyes. Besides, being himself an adventurer from
Persia, he is very fond of giving short biographical sketches of similar
other adventurers from foreign lands who came to India during this
period. His work is full of such sketches, among which may be
onentioned those of Hussen Gango, Khaja Gawan, Eusuf Adilshah,
Jengirkhan, Shah Tahir, Mustafakhan and others who are famous
in the history of the Musalman kingdoms of the Deccan.
Following the plan of Elliot and Dowson, I do not intend to give here a full translation of Shiraji's work, but only an account of the author as gathered from the work itself, its contents, and a few extracts taken from it. It is also thought desirable to state how I came by the MS., which, as the sequel will show, now exists only in a Marathi translation.
Fifteen years ago I formed the acquaintance of Mr. Sayad Soffi Bukhari of Lakshmeshvar, who is now serving as Chief Constable at Murgod in the Belgaum District. This gentleman traces his descent from a noble family at the court of Bijapur which still enjoys a Jagif originally granted to -it by the Kings of Bijapur. Mr. Soffi showed me a Persian MS., a carefully written and neatly bound volume, containing the History of the Kings of Bijapur. The work appeared to be a rare one, and so far as my inquiries went it was neither published nor translated. The work was written by ** Raffiud- din Ibrahim bin Nuruddin Tawafic of Shiraj, " who was in the service of the Bijapur Kings and a friend of Ankushkhan, the ancestor of Mr. Soffi.
As I took some interest in collecting materials for the history of Vijayanagar, I thought that this work would be of much use : but as I did not know the Persian language I requested my elder brother, the late Mr. R. R. Natu, B.A., to translate the work for me into Marathi. He had learnt Persian and he undertook the translation with the assistance of Mr. Sayyad Mohmad Munshi of Belgaum. The translation was begun in 1891 and finished in 1893. The translated MS. has lain with me since then, though it was my intention to publish it in book form. The original Persian MS. was returned to Mr. Soffi, and I now learn with regret from him that it has been destroyed by white ants. I enquired at Hyderabad and Bijapur whether this work could be obtained there, but I met with no success. Unfortunately the
A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 1 9
Persian title of the work has not been retained in the Marathi version made by my brother ; but Mr. Soffi says that it was, ** Taskerah-i- Ahivali-Salatin-i-Bijapur. " The author, however, gives much informa- tion about himself in the work, and it would be easy to identify it if some Persian scholar succeeds in securing the MS. The whole work is very interesting, and the author gives a detailed and graphic account of the reigns of Sultan AH Adilshah (1551 to 1580) and Ibrahim Adilshah II (1580 to 1626) under whom he served as a palace chamberlain. In several places he describes scenes of which he was an eye-witness. The work closes with a lengthy history of the Emperor Akbar and his invasion of the Deccan. This work was written in H. 1017 (1608 A. D.) when the author was about 90 years old. He says it was written 35 years after he entered the service of the Bijapur Kings, which was 50 days after the capture of Bankapur by Ali Adilshah on i6th of Ramjan 982.
An Account of the Author.
Tliroughout the work the writer refers to himself sometimes as ** the author of this work " in the third person and more often in the first person. At the beginning of Chapter II of the work the author says, '* The writer of this work, Raffiuddin Ibrahim bin Nuruddin Tawafic, a native of Shiraj, had gone to Sagar in 968 to make some purchases. Sagar is a well-known town in the Deccan ; within a few fursangs from it is the village of Gogi containing the tombs of Usaf Adilkhan and his descendants. It also possesses a great Langarkhan (a place where free food is distributed to the poor) maintained on the revenue of ten villages dedicated for the purpose. There are about 100 Hafizes who recite the Koran every morning and evening. Twice a day food is given to these men and their families. They also get some cash allowance every month. Amongst them there was one Hafiz Sham- suddin Khijri who was more than 90 years old. He was a man of great erudition, had seen many climes and countries, and in his old age had settled down in this Kingdom (Bijapur). He maintained himself with what little he got there and was always near the tomb of his master. He was a friend of the Mutwali of the place. This Mutwali was a Sayad, being a learned and pious man and much given to devotion. I became a friend of his and often sought his company. Before the company which gathered round this Mutwali, old Sham- suddin, — a much travelled man, — used to narrate stories either heard or seen by himself. Sometimes he told his own adventures before the company. "
From this point the author gives the history of Usaf-Adilshah as told apparently by Hafiz Shamsuddin. The name of this person is not
20 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR.
further introduced and the history proceeds to the latter part of the reign of All Adilshah, where the author again introduces himself. He says : — **The fort of Bankapur was taken on the i6th of Ramjan in 982; 50 days later the author entered the service of the Padshah. That very day he was appointed an officer of the palace with the title of Khan Saler. Within a few days he was made King's treasurer and Havildar of the Zenana. This history is written 35 years afterwards." In an earlier portion of this chapter the auihor says, ** even at present in 1017, the son of Ramraja is ruling at Anagondi.** This also shows that this history was written in 1017. While giving the history of King Ibrahim Kutubshah of Golkonda the author states that he had twice seen the King, once as a merchant and on another occasion as agent (vakil) of AH Adilshah. He also says that during the ministry of Afzulkhan, he held the same offices in the palace. When the King Adilshah was murdered the author was present outside the King's chamber and he took part in the events which followed. In giving the character of the King the author introduces several anecdotes from his personal observation.! During the reign of Ibrahim Adilshah, open fighting was going on for several years between rival courtiers for power, and when Afzulkhan was murdered in 988, the author was also imprisoned, but his life was saved through the intervention of the friends of Dasturkhan who was a co-prisoner with him. In A.D. 1594 when Ibrahim's brother Ismail had raised the standard of revolt^ the author held an office of great trust under the King. He was guardian of the King's son and custodian of his seal. He was also in charge of his foreign correspondence. On 26 Rabilawar, Friday 1003, the auihor was appointed Governor of the Province of Bijapun In 1005, he was deputed to Ahmadnagar on a political mission to bring about a settlement between Bahadur Nizamshah and his nobles. He says : —
*• At this time the author was in charge of foreign affairs, Peshwai, and guardianship of Prince Fattekhan. He was also the holder of the King's seal and was in charge ot a district paying a revenue of i lakh of hons for the maintenance of 200 elephants, 700 camels and 1,500 horses. All letters, petitions, and messengers first came to me and I then sent them to the Padshah. I handed over the charge of all these offices to my son and left for Ahmadnagar. The author joined Sohilkhan, com- mander of the Bijapur forces sent to Ahmadnagar, and entered the ter- ritories of Nizamshah." They found Nizamshah surrounded by the armies of his refractory nobles who were enemies of Chandbibi. Their object was to arrest the Sultan. The author was conducted into the fort to see the King by one Sayad Ali, described as a great Historian. He remained at Ahmadnagar for 3 or 4 months, and tried to reconcile the
A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 21
<x)ntending nobles but failed. Rumours reached him that the army of Prince Murad was advancing against Ah madn agar, and he therefore wrote to his master, who ordered him to return to Bijapur. Chandbibi was sorry to part with him, but he left the place and remained outside for 2 or 3 days where he was joined by a large number of people who wanted to avoid the coming war. **They followed me," says the author, ** for protection and when they were out of danger they went to their respective villages." The author then reached Bediapur. On his return to Bijapur he took over charge of his former office.
In the course of his narrative of Akbar, of whom he relates several interesting anecdotes, the author gives his own impressions of the great Emperor whom he had seen at Agra. He writes : ** The author had gone to Agra from Gujrath in 968 for trade. At that time Sayadbeg Masumbeg had gone there as the agent of Shah Tamasp of Persia. Akbar had lodged him in tents in a garden. Many nobles including Amir Vazir had also pitched their tents there. Large numbers of people went to see the place, among whom was the author. While I was standing there Akbar came. I saw him reclining on a young person. I was at a distance. The face of the Emperor at once reveal- ed his high intelligence and imperial fortune. I had never seen such a person in my life. When the Emperor came people did not stand up. I asked if there was no custom in that court of giving Tajim, I was informed that the rules about Tajim were very strict, but they were not observed when the Emperor visited a place privately without intimation. I again saw the Emperor in the treasury room on the upper story of the palace. The Emperor came there bare-headed. He had only a loose garment round his waist and was fanning himself with a paper fan. He was so simple in his habits."
The author finishes his narrative with the conquest of Ahmadnagar by the Moghals. The history of Ibrahim Adilshah is interspersed with personal references to the author. In one or two places in his narra- tive he refers to year 10 18 as the "present year" indicating that he was writing the book for 2 years.
From the foregoing account it will be quite clear that a great portion of the Bijapur History given in this work was actually enacted before the eyes of the author and therefore bears the impress of authenticity. Some of the incidents are detailed at great length and probably are not found in any other similar work of the time.
Plan and Contents of the Work.
Chap. I— The history of the Bahamini Kings, from Sultan Allaud- din to Sultan Mohmad. Chap. II — The history of Yusuf Adilshah. Chap. Ill — History of the reign of Ismail Adilkhan Savai. Chap. IV —
22 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR,
Reign of Ibrahim Adilkhan. Chap. V — History of the reign of AI» Adilshah up to his meeting with Ram Raja of Vijayanagar. Chap. VI — Historical :account of the Muhammadan Kings of Gujrath up to the invasion of Akbar; account of the Kings of Ahmadnagar; of the battle of Talikot and the conquest of Vijayanagar. An account of Subhan Kuli Kutubsbah and his successors. Chap. VII — Continuation of the history of AH Adilshah *s reign up to his murder. Chap. VIII — Detailed history of Ibrahim Adilshah, History of the Moghals from Babar to the fall of Ahmadnagar.
Each of these chapters consists of several subsections which are not given here for want of space.
Some Extracts from the Work.
!• —An account of Sultan Allauddin Hussen Gango Bahamini.
*' Gentle and wise reader, there are different accounts current regarding the foundation of the Bahamini kingdom. Some say that Bahaman ibu Isfadiar bin Gastabasta, Emperor of Persia, was the progenitor of this family. He sent his son Isfandiar to Hindustan, who spread there the religion of Zoroaster and established a kingdom. This Hussen was a man of means at first, but adverse fate made him poor, and he therefore came to this country. One day while asleep under the cool shade of a tree by the way side, a cobra was warding off flies from Hussen's face with a blade of grass in its mouth. This was observed by Gango Pandit, a Brahman, who was passing by that road. The Brahman predicted from this that one day Hussen would be a great man and he waited there till the latter awoke, when the cobra disappeared in a hole. The Brahman told Hussen all that he saw, and promised that he would serve him on condition that Hussen should affix the Brahman's name to his own name when Hussen would rise to a great fortune. Hussen consented and acted according to the promise. All the i8 Bahamani Kings used the same title after their own names.
Hussen was devoted to a saint named Sheikul Akhtaq Sheik Sheik- mahamad Siraj (God bless his memory). Hussen attended upon the saint at the time of his prayers. Once at Kudachi, near Murtizabad, now called Miraj, while the saint was going to wash before the prayers, he handed over his turban to Hussen who placed it on his own head. The Sheik remarked that Hussen desired a crown from him. On another occasion Hussen was complaining of his poverty to the saint, who said that every thing happened when the time was ripe for it. That country had no Musalmans in it, and the saint had built a musjid at Kudachi. The local Musalmans helped him. One day seeing Hussen lifting up a basket of earth for the work, he remarked that Hussen wanted to bear the burden of the world. One day Hussen kept off the sun from the face of the saint while the latter was asleep. On awaking the saint asked him if he coveted a royal umbrella. One day Hussen's mother went to the saint
A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 23
and told him her poor circumstances. The saint advised her to take to cultivation in a neighbouring village, where, while ploughing the land, Hussen's plough hit upon an underground stone-built cellar. When the Sheik was informed of this, he said, "Thank God and pray Him, because those who.thank Him become prosperous." One night when Hussen was attending upon the saint he addressed him as *' Sultan " and asked him to raise an army, carry on a religious crusade in the country of the non-believers and spread Islam. Hussen again pleaded poverty, when the Sheik took him to the above cellar and caused the hoarded wealth to be dug up. Hussen then began to raise an army in which work he was much assisted by Gango Pandit. One Friday the Sheik asked Hussen to collect his army which the saint blessed, and hung a sword round the waist of Hussen. Hussen then proceeded against Miraj, which was ruled by a Hindoo queen, Dashavati. The fort of Miraj was taken without much trouble and the queen was made a prisoner. When the saint was informed of this he sent word that Miraj should be called *' Mubark Abad " on account of this auspicious first victory gained by Hussen. This happened in H. 748 (1347 A.D.). Hussen then marched in the direction of Gulburga. He found the place very strongly fortified and well prepared for a fight. He wrote to the Sheik, who advised him to take advantage of the absence of Paran- rao, the Commander of the Fort, who went to a neighbouring temple each Wednesday. Hussen acted upon the advice and entered the fort, whose gates were opened by the guards who thought that it was their Com- mander who was coming. When Paranrao learnt this, he left the temple precipitately and a battle ensued. The Musalmans showered arrows, one of which struck the Commander dead, his people fied in confusion, and his head was buried near the gate. This place is still pointed out. Gulburga was thereafter called Hussanabad, where Hussen established the seat of his Government and took the title of '* Sultan Allauddin Baha- man Shah." He appointed Gango Pandit to a great office. It was settled that all the Sultans who succeeded him should style themselves **Bahamani." The i8th Sultan-Shah- Walli-AIla also called himself •* Bahamani." The battle of Gulburga was fought in H. 748, in which year Hussen proclaimed himself king. He died in H. 761 (1559 A.D.) after a prosperous reign of 13 years 10 months and 27 days."
11.— Character and end of Sultan Ferozshah bin Ahmadkhan
Bahamini.
** After he ascended the throne, he pleased his subjects by his justice and piety and by his munificent gifts. He maintained himself by copying the Koran, and his queen by selling needlework. He was thoroughly acquainted with the art of administering a newly conquered country. One of the memorials of his administration is a town that was built by him on the Krishna. He caused a large number of buildings to be erected, and built a stone fort which was a farsang square. He spent several years in enjoyment in that city. Once the town suffered terribly from inundations,
and the Sultan had to spend seven days on the upper floor of his palace.
24 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR.
That town and fort still remain, but not in a prosperous condition. The town is called Ferozabad. The king was very charitable to the Fakirs. He spent his time in copying the Koran and distributing its copies to the people His handwriting was excellent. He used to wear simple dress ; and he had appointed one Baba Kamal his religious lutor, and built for him a tomb near his own. Eight thousand infantry, four thousand horse, and five hundred elephants were always ready ne-ir his palace. Once upon a time the king decided that he was a humble man, and should not keep so large a guard about himself. He therefore reduced the whole numb»*r, and, banding over all the duties of administration to his nephew Ahmad, spent his time in devotion. Ahmad was a very clever administrator, and won over to his side all the nobles and the army, and began to form plans for deposing Ferozshah, Ferozshah was informed of this, but replied that fate must take its course, as in any case the nephew was to be Sultan after him. Once some army of the Sultan mutinied against him, and he therefore ordered 70 men of it to be executed. Their lives were saved by Ahmad's intervention and thej' were taken into service. These people had conspired to take the life of Ferozshah. Ahmad joined the conspiracy, and won over some of the Abyssinian servants who were in service in Ferozshah 's palace, one of them who played a prominent part, being in charge of the Jamdarkhana. One day the conspirators entered the palace of Ferozshah and a fight ensued with the guards. Both parties lost a number of men, when the Abyssinian in charge of the Jamdarkhana undertook to murder Ferozshah and entered the Sultan's chamber where he was reading the Koran. The murder was committed by the wicked man and the followers of Ferozshah ran in different directions. Some of the nobles raised the eldest son of Ferozshah to the throne. But Sultan Ahmad murdered the boy and proclaimed himself king Ferozshah reigned for a period of 25 years, 7 months and 12 days. Eight Bahamani Kings ruled at Hasanabad for a total period of 82 years, 5 months and 18 days."
III.— An account of Makhdum Khaja Jahan's entering thb
Service of the Sultan.
** It is well known that Makhdum Khaja Jahan was a man of great intellect, and had travelled in many countries. In the course of his travels he went to the Port of Dabhol, now called Mustafabad. While there he carefully observed the character and the strange customs and manners of the people of this country. Once he saw a great nobleman passing along the road in a palanquin and looking at a bulbul that was perched on his arm, Khaja con- cluded from this that the people of this country were given up to idle pleasures and were not intelligent ; he thought he could easily approach and mix with them. He thought that he could make great fortune in trade with them, or would rise to a high office. He tried to get an introduction to the Sultan. The officers of the port had, however, strict orders from the Sultan that all merchants or adventurers who came to the port should be dismissed from the place when their business was over, and they should not be sent on to the Court. Khaja therefore gave many presents to the officers
A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR. 2$
in chargfe of the place and requested an introduction to the Court. The officers, however, refused the request on the plea of the King's order. Khaja said that he had travelled much and seen Misar, Rumesham, Turkestan, Khorasan and other places and that he had got many choice articles which deserved to be seen by great princes. He requested the officers to write to the Ministers for an introduction to the Court. He had already sent letters with presents to the Ministers* The port officers granted his request, and finally the courtiers urged the Sultan to permit Khaja to visit the Court. The King at first refused saying that these foreigners were very clever men, and once they got a footing they gradually rose to power; but he was prevailed upon by the Ministers, and Khaja was allowed to see him. When Khaja reached Bedar he first met the several nobles and made them suitable presents. When the King held a Durbar to receive Khaja, the latter took with him as presents some beautiful horses, select brocades, some Turkish and Abys- sinian slaves, jewellery and artistically illumined copies of the Koran. When he entered the Durbar hall, he and his slaves carried copies of the Koran on their heads. Seeing this the King at once rose from his throne and came down to do honor to the ** Word of God," took the Koran from Khaja's head, kissed it, and placed it on the throne The Sultan did not understand- the trick played by Khaja to make him leave his throne at the first meeting. The King accepted the presents. Khaja was an eloquent m?n, and told the King stories of different Kings and Courts. The Sultan was so much impressed with Khaja's address, manners and conversation that he enlisted him as one of his personal attendants, and in the course of time he was entrusted with all the civil administration of the State. The King did nothing without consulting Khaja."
IV.— The early Account of Eusaf Apilshah of Bijapur,
** While I was in the service of Hussenbeg Aka Kolun, King of Bekar," continued Hafiz Shamsuddin, ** information was recived that the kingdom of Jebanshah was full of anarchy owing to the revolt of the nobles, and that the country was devastated and the people were in great distress. Thereupon the valiant Padshah Hussenbeg moved his army to conquer Ajarbizan, and when he reached Tebriz, Jah^hsha bin Kara Eusaf died and Hussenbeg conquered Ajarbizan, Khorasan, Kerman, Pars, and Arak, and appointed governors in the conquered country, one of whom was Ahmadbeg, Hussen's sister's son, who was chari^ed with the administration of Saba and the country around it. He ruled the country with justice and made his subjects contented. After his death, his son Mohmadbeg succeeded him as Governor of the province, which he ruled ably, like his father, for 20 years. By this time Hussen- beg of Bekar had died ; a bloody war of succession ensued between his sons Khalil and Yakub. Khalil was killed and Yakub ascended the throne. When Yakub died, his Ministers enthroned his son Bisantag, but soon afterwards a regular civil war ensued amongst these noblemen, in the course of which Mohmadbeg of Sava was killed and his family and chi|.
26 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR.
dren sought shelter in different places. Eusafbeg was the eldest son of this Mohmadbeg, Wali ofSava. Eusafwent to Ispahan, while still a boy, but he left that place also for Shiraj through fear of his family enemies. 'He remained at Shiraj for five years and gained a good education there. But being in poor circumstances he conceived the idea of proceeding to foreign lands to make his fortune. With this object he went to Lar, and while sleeping one day in a musjid he had a vision. An old man in plain dress came to him and gave him warm cakes and told him to proceed to the Deccan where food for Eusaf was made ready. When he awoke he was delighted with this vision and went to port Jerun to embark for India. He was a stranger there ; but fortunately met Khaja Jaimal Abadia Samnani, a merchant who had gone to that port to make purchases for King Mohmadshah Bahamani. Having sold the goods he had brought with him, he was loading his ships with new purchases, including horses and Abyssinian and Turkish slaves. Some of the Turkish slaves took pity on Eusaf and requested their master to take him to India. Eusaf was well built, strong and handsome. The merchant saw Eusaf, and when he learned his history, he took him to India. When Khaja reached Bedar and presented horses and slaves to the Sultan, Eusaf was also presented to the King. The slaves were appointed to serve, some in the royal kitchen and some in the Jamdarkhana. Eusaf was installed head of slaves in the kitchen. He remained there for many days, but, being dissatisfied with his condition, he returned to Lar, and resided in the same musjid where formerly he had seen the vision. The vision appeared a second time, and he therefore returned to India and resumed his former duties. He was a born soldier and always practised fencing, archery, wrestling and the use of the lance. He got up a gymnasium and trained a large number of slaves in the art of wrestling They were dressed and trained in the fashion of Khorasan athletes. He obtained a large following among the people of the city." The author then proceeds to narrate in detail Eusaf's wrestling match with a famous wrestler from the north of India, whom he defeated. •* This brought him to the notice of the King, who gave him large presents, and made him his personal attendant. Soon after, being impressed by his character and commanding appearance, the Sultan made him the Kotwal of the cit}'. Eusaf worked hard, preserved good order in the < ity, and improved its streets and the general appearance of its bazaars. He became more and more a favourite of the Sultan and got round him a large proportion of the army. The nobles became very jealous and wanted to get rid of him by sending him to some distant place. An opportunity soon occurred. News came that while on its way from Masulipatam and Kampli, a large caravan of merchants, who had valuable goods and horses with them, was robbed near Kovil Kunda in the province of Telangana, and that some of the merchants were killed and many wounded. That country had no powerful central government and was rendered inaccessible by mountains and thick jungle. It possessed 80 forts. These forts were in possession of inde- pendent Hindu chiefs, who were not subject to any one, and who always
A HISTORY OF ByAPUR. 27
carried on war among' themselves and practised marauding'. In order to check these- predatory chiefs, the Ministers advised the Sultan to send Eusaf on that difficult mission. The Sultan consented, though unwillingly^ and Eusaf went out of the city and encamped there. He expected help from his noble friends but none came. He therefore raised an army of four or five thousand soldiers at his own cost and marched towards Telangana. He first sent some of his soldiers in the guise of merchants, and when they were being robbed by the Hindu chiefs, he attacked the latter, defeated them, and took their forts. In a short time he conquered a great portion of Telangana and increased his army. He sent the news of his fresh victories to his master, who became very proud of him. Eusaf converted many people and built musjids in every village. When hif influence and power greatly increased, the Ministers at the Court became afraid of him. Their object in sending him away from the Court was not secured, and they be^an to form plans for his ruin. They induced the Sultan to believe that the growing power of Eusaf Beg was a danger to the State, and that he should be recalled to the Court. With this object they selected Subhan Kuli and sent him to Eusaf with a large army. Another person, Moulana Ismail Munshi, was sent ahead with presents and a letter from the King inviting him to Court. Eusaf received the letter, but sent back the Munshi with his own trusted servant Hafiz Shamsuddin Khijari — who had served Eusaf in Persia — to the King giving- excuses for not returning to Court. Eusaf had no faith in the Ministers. Finally Subhan Kuli was deputed with a firman of the King and a large army to Kevil Konda where Eusaf was encamped. Subhan Kuli had instructions to induce Eusaf to return to Bedar, and if he refused, to fight with him."
The account of Eusaf's winning over Subhan Kuli and making further conquests in Telangana is very interesting, but want of space forbids further quotations.
v.— The Capture of Mohamadabad or Bedar by Ismail Adilshah.
'* Kasim Berid was a brave man, a wise ruler, and a skilled soldier. After the death of Shaha Walli Ulla he raised Shah Kalimulla to the throne and administered the State himself. The King was King in name only. Ismail Adilshah, with the assistance of Nizamshah Behari and Imadulmulk Durya, invaded the kingdom and laid siege to the City of Bedar. Kasim Berid defended the town for seven months, having sent Ainulmulk to harass the besiegers. Ainulmulk sought peace, but Kasim was not to be won over, Ainulmulk then return ;d to his country, when Kasim Berid thought it proper to go out of the city, and went to the fort of LMgirand made preparations to send succour for the relief of the city. Nizamshah and Imadulmulk both withdrew to their kingdoms, and the work of siege devolved upon Ismail Khan alone. He pressed the operations and reduced the garrison to great privations. At this time one Vankella, a native of Sagar, who belonged to the robber class, went to Ismail and offered his services to bring Kasim Berid bodily to Shaha'*s camp. Ismail
28 A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR.
promised a high reward for the enterprise, whereupon Vankella, assuming the garb of a fakir, went to Udgir, where Kasim was preparing to send troops to Bedar. When Vankella saw Kasim he gave him a lime and 4eft the place. As the fakir turned away Kasim Berid mounted his horse and followed him. His attendants could not understand Berid^s conduct, and some of them followed him. Vankella directed his steps towards the camp of Ismail, where Berid also followed him. Ismail being informed of Kasim Berid's arrival went out to meet him, and brought him into his own tent and made him occupy his own seat. While Kasim was thus seated his followers, who were outside, were put to death, and not even a page was left to give him water. The page who carried his shoes was alone left^ and he informed Kasim of what had happened, when he recovered from his apparent intoxication. Kasim became a close prisoner, and Ismail insisted upon the surrender of Bedar as the price of his life. Kasim Berid's mother, who was in the city, opened its gates to the enrmy who entered it triumphantly. Ismail Adilshah, however, treated Kasim Berid with kindness, and promised to return the place to him after he had captured the forts of Raichore and Mudgal with his assistance."
VI.— An Account of Ramraja and the Prosperity of his Empire.
*' Ramraja became King of Vijayanagar in H. 942 (A.D i533)« He used to hold his Court in the name of Krishnaraya's son, the real Emperor, and peoi>le used to make their obeisance to the boy. Ramraja conducted the administration for two years nominally for the son of Krishnaraya, during which period he removed all the old nobles and sta^e servants and appoint- ed his own relations to high offices. In matters of all civil administration he consulted his elder brother Trimalraya, and entrusted the army to his younger brother Venkatadri. Ramraja became supreme in the state. There was none to oppose his will ; and the son of Krishnaraya and his relations were practically confined in the fort. He thus ruled in great prosperity for 33 years. He completed the work of the canal begun by Krishnaraya. The kingdom became extraordinarily prosperous and happy. Some six Musalman nobles entered his service, and were given Jagirs by Ramraja, who treated them with respect and consideration. He kept a chair in the Durbar hall, on which a copy of the Koran was placed to which these Mahomedans might pay their respects. A portion of the city was specially kept apart for them, where they built houses and bazars. It was called Turkiwada, as most of these people were Turks. They were permitted to build a musjid, to repeat their nama;\ and follow their own customs and practices, including the slftughter of animals. Ramaraja's brother and other nobles objected to this slaughter, but Ramraja rebuked them, saying that the Turks bad come to serve, but not to give up their religion. Ramraja, his brother and other great nobles built large temples and other edifices in emulation of each other. The city was supplied with plenty of water from the
A HISTORY OF BIJAPUR.
29
river. There were 70 large canals running, through the city. Every officer had extensive gardens, which produced plenty of fruits of all kinds. Ramraja was a just ruler. Until all the Mahomedan kings com- bined and killed him, this prosperity continued. But after his Fall the country was reduced to a desert. Once I, — the author of this work, — went to that place, when I found the country all round the city devastated. A thick jungle had grown there and even wild animals could be seen roaming about. It was difficult to find one's way among the ruins."
Art. IV, — ^^ Shivajfs Swarajya^^
By Purshotam Vishram Mawji, Esq.
{Read iSth December 1903.)
Maratha History has been, for many past years, receiving consider- able attention, and has given rise to so many animated controversies that a paper connected with it will not, I hope, be found uninterest- ing. The present paper is intended to give an account of what is known as Swarajya, or the Marathas* own kingdom ; and is based on an original document which bears the heading of ^'Jabita Swarajya," i.e.^ a statement of Swarajya, which literally signifies ** one's own kingdom." It was the name given]to the territory directly governed by Shivaji, as distinguished from the Mogulai, which included territory governed by foreign kings outside the Swarajya, but over which Shivaji exercised the right to levy the diflFerent kinds of contributions known as Chouth, Surdeshmookhie, Peshkushee and the like. The Swarajya may thus be said to be the Maratha Empire Proper. I do not know whether any records of Shivaji's time have been discovered in which the Swarajya territory has been defined. The first Important reference to it, so far as I am aware, was made during the time of Shahu, when an important treaty was concluded between the Marathas and the Moguls, by the terms of which the Marathas acquired complete and independent sway over certain specified tracts of territory, besides difi'erent important rights. It will be remembered that Shambhaji, who succeeded to the throne of Raighad after Shivaji, proved himself incapable of maintaining the grand position which his illustrious predecessor had attained by years of hard struggle. Instead of following the principles of government which that great founder of the Maratha Empire had laid down, and which were the outcome of mature wisdom and vast experience, that unworthy successor to the Maratha throne strongly resented the efforts of his father's best officers to induce him to adopt any proper mode of government. As the Maratha Empire was at this time but a few years old, with its bitterest enemy still alive and as strong as at any previous time, its existence was seriously imperilled and the situation still demanded vigilant rule. While such was the state of the Empire, its ruler rather than assume the reins of government with vigour and watchfulness, yielding to
a
SHIVAJI'S SWARAJYA." 31
the seductive influence of his favourite Kalusha indulged in drinking and debauchery. The civil as well as military administration became disordered, the hill forts were neglected, and anarchy prevailed everywhere. Just when the Maharashtra was in this deplorable state, Aurangzeb marched into the Deccan with an overwhelming force, hoping to accomplish his long-cherished dream of subjugating that country. The condition of the country affbrded him favourable oppor- tunities for effecting his purpose • and such was his success, that within five years the whole country from the Narmada to the Tungbha- dra came into his hands ; and it seemed that the great empire which had cost such infinite toil to its founder to bring together was on the verge of extinction. Raighad was captured ; Shambhaji a prisoner. At this crisis a band of patriots, headed by Rajaram, the younger son of Shivaji, saved the situation. Acting as regent for Shahu, he became the chief authority, representing what was left of the M aratha power, and with the aid of a few trained and efficient officers, such as Pralhad Niraji, Raghunath Pant Hanumante, Nilo Moreshwar, Ramchandra Pant Amatya, Pharsuram Trimbak, Shankraji Mulhar and some others, he rescued the empire from the ruin which threatened it. The efforts of these patriots were so far successful, and the respective positions of the Marathas and the Moguls thereby so much altered, that, at the close of his memorable campaign against the Marathas, Aurangzeb found himself foiled in all his efforts, and his previous successes wholly useless. Among the Maratha patriots, who at this critical moment turned the tide of events in the Deccan, Shankraji Mulhar deserves special attention, because of his connection with the subject of this paper. Grant Duff tells us that Shankraji Mulhar was originally a karkoon under Shivaji and was appointed Sachiv by Rajaram at Ginjee. During the siege of the fortress he retired to Benares. But a life of that sort did not suit his active temperament, and he managed to get himself engaged in the Mogul service. After Aurangzeb*s death, Shahu was released under a promise, that in case he should succeed in establishing his authority and would continue steadfast in allegiance to the Mogul Emperor, he should receive certain territories. Soon after his release he succeeded in obtaining possession of Satara, and was formally enthroned there in 1708. After about ten years, during which the Marathas' cause was much advanced, circumstances arose which resulted in the treaty with the Moguls to which I have referred. It is then that we see Shankraji Mulhar rendering to the Marathas the signal service which secured to them again what was once their own. Ferokshere was Emperor of Delhi at that time. Being a weak monarch and extremely jealous of the famous Syed Brothers, he appointed Hussein Ally Khan, the younger Syed, to the
32 " SHIVAJl's SWARAJYA."
Viceroyalty of the Deccan, in the hope that he would thereby weaken the power of the brothers. Dawoodkhan, who was to be removed from the Deccan to make room for Hoossein Ally Khan, received secret instructions from the Emperor to oppose the new Viceroy, but this treacherous scheme proved unsuccessful, and Dawoodkhan was defeated by Hussein Ally Khan. The Emperor then secretly instigated the servants of his Government and the Marathas also to resist and annoy the new Viceroy of the Deccan. Hussein Ally Khan distracted by these intrigues thought of opening up negotiations with Shahu through bhankraji Mulhar, who was in his employment and had succeeded in gaining his confidence. He suggested to Hussein Ally Khan the plan of recognizing Maratha claims and thereby securing peace in the coun- try. This plan was approved of by Mohumad Khan, the governor of Burhanpur. Shankraji Mulhar was then sent to Satara for the purpose of effecting an alliance with Shahu. There a treaty was concluded by which, among other grants, Swarajya was to be given to the Marathas. Shankraji Mulhar furnished a statement of the districts, forts and other places wliich were to be under the rule of the Marathas. This important statement is the document which I place before you this evening. I shall omit further details about the treaty and its final completion, except mentioning that, though Ferokshere refused to ratify the treaty, after his death Balaji Vishwanath when at Delhi obtained a formal sanad, embodying the terms agreed to by Hussein Ally Khan. This brief sketch of events will explain the circumstances which preceded and to some extent led to the important treaty between Shahu and Hussein Ally Khan. I must mention that the restoration of the Swarajya was only a formal act, since a considerable portion of the territory had been already in the occupation of the Marathas. On referring to the body of the statement it will be seen that no less than 89 out of 145 forts were held by the Marathas at the date of that document. Similarly, other Subhas were also under the occupation of the Marathas. The statement itself begins with a list of thirteen Subhas (Collectorates) made up of 127 Talukas in the Konkan Prant, and of 16 Subhas made up of 101 Talukas in the Warghat Prant. The following notes appear at the foot of that list : —
"Agreed as above. The writs of permission from the Nawab wilT be granted after Balaji Pant's interview with him, and will be exe- cuted. Afterwards the Firmans (Imperial orders) will be sent from the Huzur ( Delhi) within nine months from the date of this document."
Dated 24th Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf. (9th September 1718).
*Mn the above mentioned list of Swarajya there are some Imperial ix)sts which are separately noted. They will be removed accordingly*
"SHIVAJI'S SWARAJYA." 33
You may take the other posts which are at present held by the Shamal and other Palegars. "
A list of forts follows this note. The names of the 145 forts which were at one time included in Shivaji's territory are given with their respective positions in two separate divisions, the first containing the names of 89 forts which were already in the possession of the Mara- thas, and which were to be formally restored to them, while the second division contains the names of the 56 forts of which possession was yet to be taken by the Marathas. A note similar to the above is made at the foot of this list also. Twenty-four Mogul posts are then men- tioned which were in the Swarajya, and which were by the agreement to be removed. This is all that is contained in the docume* t, which is partly in the Persian and partly in the Marathi language written in Modi character and written by Shankraji Mulhar himself. It bears the Persian seal of the writer, which contains the following inscription : 1 126, Mahamad Ferokshere Fidwi Padashaha Gazi, Shankrajirao Malhar. The date of the document is 24 Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf, which corresponds to 9th September 171 8.
It will be seen that the Konkan Prant comprised the district along the sea-coast from Gandevi near Surat to Akola in Kanara (excepting Bombay, Daman, Goa, and Janjira) and was bounded by the Arabian Sea on the West and the Western Ghats on the East, while the Warghat Prant included the tract of the country from Junnur in Poona District to Halyal in Kanara, and from the Western Ghats to Indapur.
I should like to tell you the circumstances which encouraged me to bring the present paper before you. The document, which has provided matter for it, is interesting in more respects than one. It is useful not only for giving a detailed list of the Subhas and Talukas, Maratha forts and Mogalai posts comprised within the Swarajya, but also as showing the territorial division of the Maratha Empire for administrative purposes. The location of the forts also deserves special study as dis- playing the military genius of Shivaji. The value of forts as excellent defence' works was very much appreciated in those days, and these forts were the great bulwarks of Maharashtra. Each Subha had a requisite number of fortresses to guard it ; and a careful study of the map will show how well arranged the whole country was with these defence works, which made it almost impossible to take it. It may be noted that other circumstances being equal, no invader of Maharashtra was successful against these fortresses. But this document has another and perhaps an equally important interest for our Society. Many of you perhaps may not be aware that some thirty- six years ago the subject of the collection and publication of original 3
34 "SHIVAjrS SWARAJYA.'*
documents relating to Maratha History was under discussion at a meeting of this Society held on the 14th March 1867, and the late Mr. Justice Newton, the then President of the Society, made the following important observations in the course of the discussion : —
** We had indeed," the President remarked, "in Grant DufPs invalu- able history a work which in some respects left scarcely anything to be desired, but while we could not hope to add much to the result of his patient investigations and conscientious discrimination, and had little need to seek for confirmation of a narrative which had been amply test- ed during a long series of years through the practical researches and discussions incident to the administration of the Maratha territory, and have now taken the place of settled history, it was still felt by many that the preservation of the interesting materials from which that admirable work had been produced was an object of very great importance. In no department of knowledge, perhaps, were we dependent so exclusively on a single authoritative work, and it might be feared that the recovery of the many records and the tracing again of the varied sources of information which have been so effectively used, is every day becoming a matter of more difficulty."
It appears at that meeting there had been some discussion on the subject, for Mr. James Taylor thus referred to that discussion in his ** Note on a letter from Mr. Grant Duff" which forms the subject of Art XI, page 120 of Volume X of the Society's Journal, where he says : * 'Remarks were made by one or two members of deserved influence to the effect that Mr. Grant Duff's history of the Marathas hardly deserved the authority conceded to it, because it did not always specify the authorities on which the statements it contained were based."
These extracts have been taken at some length, as they place before you the necessity which the Society at one time considered to exist for collecting and publishing original records in connection with Maratha History.
This subject was repeatedly discussed at the meetings of the Society, but nothing practical appears to have been done in connection with that object. Many scholars of Indian History thought that there were no original documents of Maratha History in existence which would prove of any great value ; and ittseems that it was this belief which hampered any serious attempt on the part of the Society in that direc- tion. In order to test the accuracy of the information given by Grant Duff it was necessary that the original records of the times of which he spoke should be examined. Without this any opinion pronounced about the worth of that history could carry no weight whatever. The question as to what had become of Grant Duffs manuscripts naturally occurred to every student of Maratha History.
"SHIVAJi'S SWARAJYA." 35
Several efforts were made to discover where these manuscripts were. Grant Duff himself tells us, in the foot notes to his history, that he had got copies made of some of these papers and writings and had deposit- ed them with the "Literary Society of Bombay. This Society has long ceased to exist, and our Society is its successor. The late Mr. Justice Telang caused search to be made in this library, but he could not find the manuscripts nor anything in the records of either Society which afforded any clue to their whereabouts. The fact that Grant DufTs manuscripts could not be found, gave rise to a curious impression to which the late Rao Bahadur Nilkant Janardan Kirtane, when a student at the Poona College, gave expression in his ''Criticism on Grant DufTs History of the Marathas *'. He tells us that the manuscripts used were burned with Grant DufTs own knowledge. The story was so improbable that Mr. Kirtane expressed his own disbelief in it, in the introduction to the **Life of Siwaji" written by Malnar Ramrao Chitnis. The document which I produce before you to-day is interesting in this connection. It was referred to by Grant Duff and seen by him. The production of this original document and several others which 1 hope to lay before you from time to time is ample contradiction of this improbable story, if the story indeed required any contradiction. But though this story was disbelieved, the question as to how Grant Duff had disposed of the materials of his work remained unsolved. Efforts were made to ascertain in England whether Grant Duff had taken the papers with him and deposited them there. Sir George Birdwood, Mr. Martin Wood, and other eminent scholars of Indian History enquired of Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone^ the son of the Maratha Historian, whether he could give any informa- tion regarding these papers. His reply to those enquiries was : " I do not possess any papers which could be of any use. I fancy my father gave away everything of that kind which he had, to some Institution in Bombay.*' This reply removed the hope that the papers might be found in England, and the search thus made by these scholars did not result in any substantial discovery. But this important enquiry was not destined to end here. For many years past Maratha history has been exciting much greater interest than when Grant DufTs work was first published ; and better literary taste and critical judgment have been formed among native scholars. The search for Grant DufTs materials, though its result was so far for a long time disappointing, was not given up. It was taken up and diligently prosecuted by Mr. t>. B. Parasnis, whose honest devotion to historical work and his disinterested love for it have won him the success which he so well deserves. It is through him that I have been able to secure the present statement and the other documents of which I have just spoken;
36 **SHJVAJI*S SWARAJYA.''
and I am glad to say we may hope to get, in the near future, a look into some of these much-sought records. It ought to give pleasure to any one who takes interest in this subject to be able to place, within the reach of our Society, some of ihe very documents for the recovery of which it showed at one time such great concern, and it is my proud privilege to-day to inform you that I hope to deposit with our Society, photographs and copies of the original papers and writings from which Grant DuflF constructed his work, and which may prove of use to modern students of Maratha History.
In conclusion, our best thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Parasnis, for the valuable assistance he has rendered to the Society and myself in these historical studies.
JABITA SWARAJYA. (Statement of SwarajyaS)
SUBHAS IN THE KONKAN PrANT.
1. Subha Ramnagar including Ghandevi.
2. Subha Jawhar Prant.
3. Subha Prant Bhiwadi —
12 Talukas — i Sonavale, 2 Wasudari, 3 Barhekas (Betildal), 4 Murbad, 5 Korkada, 6 Sere 7 Alani, 8 Aghai, 9 Rabe,
10 Kunde, 11 Khambale, 12 Durgad.
4. Subha Kalyan—
20 Talukas. — i Kasaba Kalyan, 2 Ambarnath, 3 Talonje, 4 Wanje, 5 Wankbaal, 6 Borete, 7 Chonkas Badalpur, 8 Waredi Mahammadpur, 9 Wakase, 10 Kothalkhalati,
11 Kohali, 12 Wather, 13 Aturvalit, 14 Tungartan, i5Badrapur, 16 Pen, 17 Wasi, 18 Chivanekhal, 19 Haweli, 20 Chhattesi.
5. Cheul Subha—
6 Talukas — i Mamale Chaul, 2 Nagothane, 3 Aser Adharan,
4 Antone, 5 Ashatami, 6 Pali.
6. Subha Rajpuri—
12 Talukas— I Goregaon, 2 Govele, 3 Tale, 4 Ghof^le,
5 Divi, 6 Sivardhan, 7 Mhasale, 8 Nijampoor, 9 Hirdadi, 10 Nadagaon, 11 Murud, 12 Madaltapa.
<<
SHIVAJI'S SWARAJYA." 37
7. Subha Javali —
18 Talukas (Mahals of the Konkati Talghat)— i Hiredadi, 2 Shivathar, 3 Nate, 4 Mahad, 5 Tudal, 6 Winhere, 7 Kondhavi, 8 Chidve, 9 Talavati, 10 (Mahals of the Warghat) i Ategaon, 2 Tambi, 3 Bamhanoli, 4 Helwak, 5 Medhe, 6 Jorekhore, 7 Sonalsoisc, 8 Barampure,
9 Kedambe.
8. Subha Dabhol—
II Talukas — i Chiplon, 2 Haveli, 3 Kelsi» 4 Weswi, 5 Panchanadi, 6 Natu, 7 Khed, 8 Gohaghar, 9 Savarde,
10 Welamb, 11 Jalgaon.
9. Subha Rajapoor —
18 Talukas — i Kharapaton, 2 Mithagawhan, 3 Sawandal^
4 Rajapoor, 5 Lanje, 6 Deorukh, 7 Hatkhambed, 8 Harchiri,
9 Phungudh, 10 Dhamnas, 11 Dewale, 12 Kelmajgaon,
13 Salsi, 14 Pawas, 15 Setawadi, 16 Nevare, 17 Sanga- mesh war, 18 Prabhawali.
10. Subha Kudal —
15 Talukas — i Haweli, 2 Masure, 3 Wengurle, 4 Ajagaon,
5 Satarde, 6 Talvade, 7 Mangaon, 8 Manohar, 9 Narur,
10 Pat, II Salandi, 12 Warad, 13 Patgaon Warghati,
14 Berdawe, 15 Kalsuli.
11. Subha Prant Bhimgad—
5 Talukas — i Bande, 2 Pedane, 3 Maneri, 4 Sakhali, 5 Dicholi.
12. Subha Prant Phonde—
5 Talukas — i Antaruj, 2 Hemadbarse, 3 Ashtagrahare,
4 Chandradad, 5 Bali.
Subha Prant Akole—
5 Talukas — i Akole, 2 Siveshwar, 3 Kadwad, 4 Kadare,
5 Adwat.
SUBHAS OF THE WaRGHAT.
(Subhas upper the Ghat),
1. Subha Poona —
6 Talukas — i Haweli, 2 Nirthadi, 3 Karhe Pathar, 4 Saswad,
5 Sandas, 6 Patas.
2. Supe Baramati. 7. Indapur.
38 •* SHIVAJi'S SWARAJYA."
4. Subha Prant Mawal —
13 Talukas — i Karyat Mawal, 2 Kanad Khore, 3 Khedebare,
4 Gunjan Mawal, 5 Nane Mawal, 6 Panmawal, 7 Paud- khore, 8 Muthekhore, 9 Mose Khore, 10 Yelawand Khore, II Hirwadas Mawal, 12 Rohid Khore, 13 Shirwal.
5^ Subha Prant Wai—
4 Talukas— I Haweli, 2 Nimb, 3 Wagholi, 4 Koregaon.
6. Subha Prant Satara —
6 Talukas — i Haweli Satara, 2 Parli, 3 Targaon, 4 Umbraj,
5 Kudal, 6 Wandan.
7. Subha Prant Kurhad —
9 Talukas — i Kurhad, 2 Wing, 3 Marul, 4 Barse,*5 Tarale,
6 Kole, 7 Naneghol, 8 Marli, 9 Patau.
8. Subha Prant Khatao excluding Kasha Khatao —
II Talukas — i Khatao, 2 Malwadi, 3 Wangi, 4 Nimbsod, 5 Mayani, 6 Lalgun, 7 Aundh, 8 Vita, 9 Khanapur, 10 Kaladhon, 11 Bhalwani.
9. Subha Prant Man —
4 Talukas— I Dhaigam, 2 Velapur, 3 Mhaswad, 4 Atpadi.
10. Subha Prant Phaltan Mahal.
11. Subha Prant Belgaum.
12. Subha Sampgaon.
13. Subha Gadag.
14. Subha Laxmeshwar.
15. .Subha Nawalghund.
16. .Subha Kopal.
17. Subha Halyal.
18. Subha Betgiri.
Subha Malkapur : —
4 Talukas — i Warun, 2 Malkapur 3 Kasegam, 4 Shirale.
Subha Prant Panhala. —
10 Talukas — i Kalambe, 2 Kodoli, 3 Satwe, 4 Bhane, 5 Borgaon, 6 Alte, 7 Kukdi, 8 Walwe, 9 Wadgam, 10 Ashte.
Subha Tarle —
5 Talukas— I Tarle, 2 Asdoli, 3 Arle, 4 Khanapur, 5 Ghol.
Subha Prant Ajera —
51 Parganas— Ajra (Talukas — i Haweli, 2 Katgam, 3 Kar- noli, 4 Am boll, 5 Mahagam, 6 Otur), 2 Kapsi, 3 Khana* pur Masti, 4 Nuli, 5 Nesari.
**SHIVAJI*S SWARAJYA."
39
Subha Prant Junnar —
24 Talukas — i Haveli, 2 Chakan, 3 Wade, 4 Khed, 5 Ale, 6 Pabal, 7 Belhe, 8 Narayangam, 9 Wawarda Jambli, 10 Nibhoj, II Mahalunge, 12 Ambegaon, 13 Awsari, 14 Andar, 15 Kukudner, 16 Madha, 17 Ghode, 18 Gaji, Bhobre, 19 Minnher, 20 Earner, 21 Karde, 22 Ranjan- gam, 23 Wotur, 24 Kotur.
Besides the following Thanas which are included in the Mahal : — i Khed, 2 Awsari, 3 Narayangam, 4 Pabul, 5 Nighoj, 6 Andar, 7 Madha, 8 Ambegaon, 9 Ghode, 10 Wade, II Minnher, 12 Otur, 13 Mahalunj^e.
Prant Kolhapore. —
9 Talukas — i Haveli Kolhapore, 2 Kagal, 3 Raybag, 4 Ek- sambe, 5 Sandigoli, 6 Sadalage, 7 Neje, 8 Savi, 9 JugaL Total :—
Prant Konkan.
1 Subha Ramnagar
2 Subha Jawhar ,
3 SubhaBhiwadi, Mahals
4 Subha Kalyan
5 Subha Chaul
6 Subha Rajpuri ,
7 Stibhajavli <
8 Subha Dahbol
9 Subha Rajapur
10 Subha Kudal
11 Subha Bhimgad
12 Subha Phonde
13 Subha Akole
Grand Total— 29 Subhas. Talukas. 16 Warghat. 13 Konkan.
29
|
Prant War^ |
ghat. |
|||
|
I Poona ... |
... |
6 |
||
|
• • • |
2 Supe Baramati |
... |
• • • |
|
|
• • • |
3 Subha Indapur |
■•• |
• •• |
|
|
12 |
4 Mawal ... |
... |
.. • |
13 |
|
20 |
5 Wai |
... |
.•• |
4 |
|
6 |
6 Satara ... |
■.. |
... |
6 |
|
\f |
7 Karhad ... |
... |
•• . |
9 |
|
12 |
8 Khatao ... |
• •• |
.•• |
II |
|
18 |
9 Man |
••• |
> . • |
4 |
|
II |
10 Phaltan ... |
... |
. a. |
I |
|
18 |
II Malkapur |
. • • |
... |
14 |
|
15 |
12 Panhala |
... |
• ■ . |
10 |
|
13 Tarle |
... |
... |
5 |
|
|
5 |
14 Ajre |
... |
... |
6 |
|
5 |
15 Junnar |
... |
• • • |
13 |
|
S |
16 Kolhaporer |
••. |
• |
9 |
127
101
228 Mokra Mahal. 127 Konkan. 10 1 Warghat. 228
Agreed as above the writs of permission from the Nawab will be granted after Balaji Pant's interview with him, and will be executed.
40 ** SHIVAJl'S SWARAJYA."
Afterwards the firmans or the Imperial orders will be sent from the Hazur (Delhi) within 9 months from the date of this document. Dated 24th Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf. In the above mentioned list of Swarajya there are some Imperial posts which are separately noted down. They will be removed accord- ingly. You may take the other posts which are held at present by the Shamal and other Palegars.
List of Forts.
Out of 145 forts which were formerly included in Shivaji's territor>- 89 are at present in the possession of the Marathas which are as follows :—
1 Subha Satara —
2 Forts — I Satara, 2 Sajjangad.
2 Subha Karad —
5 Forts— I Wasantgad, 2 Sadashivgad, 3 Machhendragad,
4 Gunawantgad, 5 Sundargad.
3 Subha Vai —
7 Forts — I Manmohangad, 2 Pandavgad, 3 Kamalgad,
4 Wairatgad, 5 Chandan, 6 Wandan, 7 Kalyangad.
4 Subha Javli —
6 Forts — I Pratapgad, 2 Makarangad, 3 Mangalgad, 4
Wyaghragad, 5 Mahimandangad, 6 Gahangad.
5 Subha Dabhol—
4 Forts I Sarangagad, 2 Jayagad, 3 Sumergad, 4 Mahipat- gad.
6 Prant Khatao —
4 Forts — I Wardhangad, 2 Bhushangad, 3 Santoshgad, 4 Waru- gad.
7 Subha Man — Mahimangad.
8 Subha Rajapur Prachitgad.
9 Subha Poona —
3 Forts — I Purundhar, 2 Wajragad, 3 Sinhagad.
10 Subha Mawal —
8 Forts — I Kajgad (Ghala Killa, Padmawati, Suwela, Sanji-
wani), 2 Prachandgad, 3 Wichitragad, 4 Lohagad,
5 Kathingad, 6 Witandgad, 7 Ghangad, 8 Kuwarigad.
11 Subha Chaul — i Killa Sudhagad. 13 Subha Junnar — Fort Narayangad.
Tot. 43
•*SIIIVAjfS SWARAJYA. 4I
14 Subha Panhala —
3 Forts— I Panhala, 2 Pawangad, 3 Bila^ad.
15 I Kot (Fort) Kolhapore.
16 Subha Rajapur —
4 Forts — I Vishalgad, 2 Gagangad, 3 Ratnagiri, 4 Mahi-
mantgad.
17 Subha Tarle— I Fort Bhudargad.
18 Prant Ajre —
5 Forts — I Samangad, 2 Kalanidhigad, 3 Pawitragad, 4 Walla-
bhagad, 5 G ndharwagad.
19 Subh^ Nawalghund —
3 Forts — I Mahamatgad, 2 Bhujabalgad alias Ramdurg,
3 Torgal.
20 Subha Kopal — i Fort Kopal, 2 Buhadar Banda.
21 Subha Bilgoli — i Fort Mahipatgad.
22 Prant Miraj — i Fort Bhupalgad.
23 Subha Bhimgad. 2 Forts — i Bhingad, 2 Pargad.
24 Subha Prant Kudal —
4 Forts — I Prasidhagad, 2 Manohargad, 3 Sindhudurga, 4 Fort
Kudal.
25 Subha Rajapur —
3 Forts — I Vijayadurg, 2 Dugera, 3 Jayagad.
26 Subha Dabhol' —
6 Forts — I Wasangad, 2 Phattegad, 3 Kanakdurg, 4 Goa,
5 Palgad, 6 Suwarnadurg.
27 Subha Prant Chaul —
4 Forts — I Khanderi, 2 Kulaba, 3 Sagargad, 4 Mrigagad.
28 Subha Kalyan —
6 Forts — I Manikgad, 2 Vikatgad, 3 Bahirawdurg alias Khapra,
4 Shriwardhan, 5 Manranjan, 6 Kothala.
Tot89
These 89 forts which belonged to you are restored to you.
The following 56 forts are to be taken into possession : — 22 Forts in the possession of the Shamal —
Subha Chaul —
1 Sarasgad alias Pali, 2 Rajkot (Chaul), 3 Surg ad.
Subha Dabhol — 3 Forts — I Anjanwel, 2 Rani*s Fort, 3 Mandangad.
Subha Javli —
2 Forts — I Raigad, 2 Lingana.
42 ** SHIVAJi'S SWARAJYA.*'
Subha Rajpuri — 14 Fofts—Wirgad, 2 Sewakgad, 3 Rajkot, 4 Mangad, 5 Vishramgad, 6 Padmadurg, 7 Matjjad, 8 Balraja, 9Ekdara, loSakra, 11 Hagra, 12 Nanowali, i3Tamhani, 14 Sariingagad. 34 Forts in the possession of the Palegars. Prant Akole. — 7 Forts. I Kot Akole, 2 Mahindragad. 3 Kadwad, 4 Madhurgad, 5 Shiveshwar, 6 Kot Kadara, 7 Kurmadarga.
I Kot Supa.
I Ratnakar Durga alias Bokda.
(In the possession of Bednurkar.)
1 Kot Halsa.
2 Phinrangan.
Forts - 1 Dronagiri, 2 Aseri. 8 In the possession of Kudalkar Sawant —
I Songad, 2 Vengurla, 3 Redi, 4 Hanmantgad, 5 Bhaskargad, 6 Narayangad, 7 Band , 8 Dibhawali.
II in the possession of the Kolis —
I Ganbhirgad, 2 Bhupatgad, 3 Pedur, 4 Khera, 5 Ulang, 6 Balwant, 7 Waghera, 8 Kupera, 9 Songiri, 10 Kohaj, II Kuiang.
3 Phonde —
I Phonde, 2 Mardangad, 3 Kholgad.
34
Total 56
You may take as presents these 56 forts which are given to you. The written permission of the Nawab for these 145 forts will be given after the interview of Balaji Pant with the Nawab. The firmans will be sent afterwards within 9 months.
The Mogul posts in ths Swarajya to be removed. 12. I Kalyan Bhiwadi, 2 Poona, 3 Indapur, 4 Baramati, 5 Supa,
6 Shirwal, 7 Wai, 8 Masur, 9 Sap, 10 Patas, 11 Samdoli,
12 Wangi. 12. I Karhad (to be removed within 6 months), 2 Islampur, 3 Kade-
gam, 4 Khanapur, 5 Yelapur, 6 Mhaswad, 7 Budh,
8 Malwadi, 9 Vitba, 10 Nim Sodamayani, 11 Atpadi,
12 Nataputa. These 24 posts to be removed and given into your possession. Dated 24th Sawal Suhur San Saman Ashar Maya Alaf.
Art. V. — Lieut.'CoL Thomas Best Jervis (1796-1857) and his Manuscript Studies on the State of the Maratha People and their History J recently presented to the Society by his Son, By R. P. Karkaria^ Esq.
(Read, 2jih September 1905.)
When I first looked into these MS. volumes, some two months ago when they were presented to our Society in this historical year of its Centenary, I saw that they possessed a ^reat value for students of the subjects they treat of ; and accordingly I willingly adopted the suggestion of our learned and energetic Honorary Secretary, the Rev.R. Scott,that I should write for the Society a paper on them. I took it up all the more readily and turned aside from my other work for a time, as I learned with regret that he was soon to leave us for a long holiday in his native country. The good wishes of our Society, which he has served so ably for nearly five years, will, I am sure, accompany him thither ; and I trust that on his return he will continue to give us the benefit of his literary ability and rare scholarship.
These MSS. have been appropriately presented to us by his son, who is settled in Italy as the Conservator of the Royal Industrial Museum at Turin, and is the author of a valuable work on the Economic Geology of that country, as their author was a former member of our Society and the brother of one, who was our Honorary Secretary, Capt. Geof ge Jervis, from 1827 to 1830, during the momentous years when under the guidance and advice of our distinguished member. Sir John Malcolm, our Society changed its name of the Literary Society of Bombay given in 1804 by its founder, Sir James Mackintosh, in favour of its present designation and consented to become the branch of a much younger Society, the illustrious newly founded Royal Asiatic Society of England. Thomas Best Jervis gave the best years of his life to this Presidency, which he served for nearly thirty years from 181 to 1841, in various capacities as an Engineer Officer of the Hon'ble East India Company. But he had more than a mere official connection with this country and its peoples. He may be described by applying to him that significant phrase, an old type of Anglo-Indian officer, who did not merely sojourn in this country, but took a real and hearty interest in its peoples and tried to ameliorate their intellectual and moral condition.
44 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
Perhaps the phrase may imply a slight to the present race ^f officers among whom, too, men like Jervis are not rare. But it must be said that in former days they were not so rare as now. It may be that official work has grown to such proportions as to leave little or no leisure or time for anything else. But where there is genuine sympathy for the people and a real interest in their pursuits and welfare, even hard-worked officers nowadays can, and some do, find time for doing good work unofficially.
But I think much of the explanation of the great interest taken by former officers of the East India Company is to be found in the fact that they had a family interest in this country and a hereditary connection with it. The present competitive system of choosing men to serve here has many advantages, but this decided disadvantage that it is not in the power of a father to prolong or even perpetuate his connection with this country by putting his sons and grandsons into the service. But in former times the sons and nephews were selected as if by right to succeed their fathers and uncles in the various services, civil and mili- tary, of this country. Hence, the ties which bound them to this land were closer and stronger. The family of Jervis was an instance of this. Benjamin Jervis, the grandfather of Thomas Best, entered the Bombay Civil Service so far back as 1747, and rose to be the Chief of Surat, when that city was of far greater importance than it now is, and died there in 1774. His son John Jervis, the father of Thomas, joined the Civil Service as if by right, and served in Ceylon as Assistant to the Resident there, when that island had just been acquired from the Dutch. He died there at the early age of 27 in 1797, leaving three sons who also all served in Western India. The eldest, George, retired in 1830 and was presented with an address and a piece of plate worth Rs. 3,000 by the leading Indians when he retired, to mark their sense of gratitude for his services, especially to Native education which was then in quite a nascent stage. Thomas Best was John's second son, born, only a year before his death, at Jaffnapatam in Ceylon on 2nd August 1796,
Thomas Jervis came of distinguished stock; and an elder branch of the family gave to England a famous admiral, Sir John Jervis (i 735-1823), who won the great victory of St. Vincent's over the Spanish Navy in 1797 and was raised to the peerage under that title. A cousin of Thomas, another Sir John Jervis (1802-1856), became a distinguished lawyer, and was Attorney-General under Lord John Russell from 1846 to 1850, and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. {Diet. National Biography^ Vol. XXIX p. 363). His mother was of Polish extraction, belonging to a family long in the service of the Princes of Hanover whom they accompanied 10 England on their accession to the British Throne. She was connected through
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her mother with the famous German man of letters, Grimm ; and some of the literary qualities of that great German were seen to be inherited by his kinsman. Thus cosmopolitanism was in his blood, and this goes some way to account for his sympathy with the Indians especially Marathas, which came naturally to him. Thomas chose the military service like his brother George, and passed several years at Addiscombe College preparing for his future career. Among these MS. volumes is one containing what are called ** Addis- combe Studies " which shows how thoroughly and diligently the young cadet prepared himself at that Military Academy for his future work. He took elaborate notes of lectures on fortification and raining, and translated extracts from such standard French works as those of Lacroix. Here we find the first traces of his taste for observation and practical geography which rendered him famous in after years as one of the most distinguished officers of the famous Indian Survey. To this volume is attached a short but valuable memorandum of instructions for boring into the bed of hard stone found in sinking wells for water on the Islands of Bombay and Salsette, written later for Framji Cowasji, a famous Parsi Agriculturist of Bombay, who had a large estate in Pawai, Salsette.
Jervis arrived in Bombay in the beginning of 1814. Things were in a ferment then in Western India. The great native power of the Peshwas was, under the feeble and intriguing rule of the second Baji Rao, tottering to its fall, which came a few years later at the Battle of Kirkee in 1817. Baji Rao surrendered himself to General Malcolm soon after, in consideration of an unprecedentedly large pension of eight lakhs a year — for promising which Malcolm was afterwards severely censured — and a life of ease which he loved more than duty or honour. He passed his remaining days till his death in 1851, in luxurious exile atBithoor near Cawnpore, leaving an adopted son, the notorious Nana Sahib, who did such incalculable mischief both to the Indians and the English in 1857. His extensive territories came into the hands of the English, and the great power of the Peshwas, which had flourished for just a century from 17 18 to 18 17, was extinguished. The territories con- quered from the Peishvva were annexed to the Bombay Presidency which thus received a very important accretion. This was a vast field for all officers, civil and military, young and old, in which many distinguished themselves. The work of settlement of the new Deccan and Konkan provinces, ably begun by Elphinstone as their first Commissioner, was carried out in the same spirit and under his guidance as Governor, by his successors, Chaplin and Robertson with the assistance of a larg^e body of younger officers, civil and military, in whom new zeal had been infused by the arduous work before them.
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Young Jervis was appointed to take his part in this work in October 181 9 as Executive Engineer of the Southern Konkan. The forts which stud the country and which are such a feature of it, were first dis- mantled and then allowed to fall to ruin as the best way to render them harmless. Jervis was in charge of these forts and in addition to his military duties he was required to superintend the new civil buildings that were required for the purposes of administration. He gives us a glimpse of the hard nature of the work to be done in this capacity : ** In a newly-conquered country, where there had not been a European establishment or station before, excepting at the commercial resi- dencies of Bankot and Malwan, all things had to be done anew. There were absolutely no workmen, nor materials, such as were expected or required in many instances for large public works and buildings ; all depended mainly on the temper, industry, energy and foresight of the Superintendent. . . . With regard to those people, more especially those who were about the public offices in the capacity of writers and accountants, to watch over these, and standing alone as I did, to maintain efficiency, despatch and rectitude^ demanded no ordinary vigilance ; but to bring about all these objects and obtain a permanent and public proof of their regard was a higher testimonial. . . . The sentiments of the Hon'ble Court of Directors and the Hon'ble Mountstuart Elphinstone have been placed on record in the Parliamentary papers published in 1832." (Memoir pp, 11— 12),
In 1820 happened an event which gave him splendid opportunities for employing his knowledge to one definite purpose, and gaining that experience which afterwards raised him to the highest post in the line he had chosen — a post which he unfortunately gave up before entering on its duties in order to retire finally from this country. He was ap- pointed in that year to make the Statistical Survey ol the Southern Kon- kan. Three years later in January 1 82 1 the greater task of the Trigono- metrical and Topographical Survey of the same vast tract of country was entrusted to him. Henceforward Survey work was his chief occupa- tion and even hobby. This work in the Southern Mahratta Country brought him into the closest contact with the people for whom he had a natural liking, and led him to make those enquiries into their condi- tion in his time and their past history whose results are preserved in these manuscript volumes. Of his happy relations with the people under his charge and of their confidence in him, we hear in a letter written to him by his Collector, Mr. J. H. Pelly, at the beginning of his period as a Survey Officer : ** During the whole of the time you have been in this *zillah,' during which period many thousands must have been in your employment, not a single complaint against you from a native has ever reached my ears, nor have you yourself had more than two or
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three complaints to prefer against them ; and when it is considered that, instead of collecting workmen, as has too frequently been the practice, at the point of the bayonet, attended with other acts of grosser personal violence, your labourers or bigaris, not only willingly uncom- pidsatively travel 100 miles for the privilege of being employed by you (though erven the bayonet cannot induce them to serve others )^ but no punishment appears more effective to them than aismissal from your employment. Now, 1 believe, the main secret of your management consists both in a humane and just demeanour to these poor creatures, whom to your lasting honour you appear to regard as fully entitled to every privilege common to human nature. In paying them a just price for their labour instead of forcing eight men to work for a Chin- churi rupee, you allow them in the proportion of a rupee to six men, which under a mild and equitable treatment it is demonstrated they will voluntarily work for^ although nothing but armed men can compel (hem to labour on lower terms, 1 earnestly hope the salutary example you have thus afforded will not be lost on some older and more ex- perienced heads, but lead them to regard the natives of India as some- thing more than mere machines, formed to administer to our pleasure and convenience. " {Memoir p. 13.)
It must be remembered that Jervis was a young Lieutenant of barely twenty-five years when he was addressed in these flattering terms by his senior officer in December 1820. What is said here about the wages of the Maratha labourers forms the subject of an elaborate discussion in these MSS., where Jervis shows that the economic condition of the people at the time of the dissolution of the Ma- ratha rule was very miserable. The chief value of these studies into the economic condition of the Maratha people, especially the agricultural part of them, made at a critical period of their existence, namely when they passed from the indigenous rule of the Peshwas to British rule, lies in their affording us accurate materials, gathered by a very competent and sympathetic enquirer, for comparing their condition then with their condition at later periods and at the present day. Such a comparison would be very instructive and edifying in these days when British rule is submitted to severe and not unfrequently to captious criticism. These MS. studies of Jervis of the condition of the Konkan, deserve to rank by the side of the more famous but hardly more valuable studies of other parts of the Maratha country embodied in the reports of Mountstuart Elphinstone and Chaplin on the Deccan and Malcolm's report on Central India. Jervis did not make his results as interesting as Malcolm, partly because he lacked the literary ability which was so conspicuous in the latter and also in Elphin- stone, and partly because Government did not encourage him as it
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did them to publish these to the world. Partly also he did not care much, as his heart was not so much in these economic and historical researches as in his great Trigonometric and Topographical Survey. These were merely ^ar^;^?** with him, and he did not care to publish them.
Indeed he published very little of his work to the world and was content with submitting official reports which lie forgotten among the records of Government. A portion of his statistical memoir of the Konkan, that relating to the revenue and land tenures, was communicated to the Bombay Geographical Society, which was then in a flourishing state but which is now amalgamated with our Society, and appeared in its Journal. He also published a report on the weights and measures of the Konkan (1829) which was expanded in 1836 into a somewhat larger work, called *' Meteorological and Monetary System throughout India," published in Bombay. In 1835 he published in Calcutta a somewhat remarkable Essay on a similar subject called ** Records of Ancient Science exemplified and authenticated in the pri- mitive Universal Standard of Weights and Measures." This Essay was transmitted to Captain Henry Kater, Vice-President of the Royal Society, who, however, died before it reached him. In this Jervis very ingeniously suggests his universal standard as ** regulated and defined by the mean length of the pendulum ; the weight of water at a maximum of density and the metre or forty-millionth of the earth's polar circumference." The thesis of this Essay is that all weights and measures were originally derived from the same standard which he con- sidered to have been the mean length of the pendulum vibrating seconds at 45" latitude, and which only differs by a very small fraction from the length of the metre (Memoir p. 45.) This Essay was widely distributed by Government to its officers .for their opinion, and by the author to distin- guished men of science in England and elsewhere for their remarks. The various suggestions that he received as well as other correspondence connected with it, are embodied in one of these MS. volumes which contains several additions and corrections for a new edition of the work which he seems to have meditated but never published.
At the end of this MS. volume is a document which should be of great interest on the personal side of the history of Science in Engand in the first half of the last century. It is a memorial addressed to the Chair- man, Deputy Chairman and the Directors of the East India Company, on behalf of Major Jervis, by the Presidents, Vice-Presidents and Fellows of the Royal Society, the Royal Geographical, the Geological and other leading scientific Societies, in which they endorse his views and scientific proposals and urge that the Company should promptly publish in the transactions of these societies or elsewhere the results of his labours on the Survey of India. This was a very
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influential move on behalf of Jervis and had its due weight with the Directors, who had already appointed him provisionally Surveyor- General in succession to CoK Everest who has given his name to the highest peak of the Himalayas. The interest of the memorial to us, however, lies in the fact that it is signed by all the leading men of Science of the day in England, and h^re we have collected in a single page the autographs of some forty of the greatest names in English Science. The list is headed by a Royal Duke, the Duke of Sussex, an uncle of Queen Victoria, who was then President of the Royal Society and whose signature with its curious strokes and flourishes is the most remarkable in this collection of autographs. Then follow such men as Sir David Brewster, President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Sir William Hamilton— not the distinguished Scotch metaphysician, (178S-1866), who, of course, had no business here among men of science and who cared little for Jervis*s peculiar pursuits, but the famous Irish mathematician and astronomer, (1805-1865), who was then President of the Royal Irish Academy— and Prof. Whewell, the President of the Geological Society. There is another William Ha- milton, (1805-1867), here, a geologist and geographer, who was Presi- dent of the Royal Geographical Society. There are, besides, Michael Faraday who true to his retiring nature comes among one of the last to sign. Sir Charles Lyall, the geologist. Sir John Lubbock, the father of the present Lord Avebury, a distinguished astronomer, Sir Roderick Murchison, the great geographer. Sir George Airy, the Astronomer Royal, Adam Sedgwick and many others. Altogether this page of autographs is curious and valuable and is an acquisition to be pre- served as a literary curiosity in our Museum. The facsimiles of these autographs were very skilfully done at Jervis' own lithographic press which he kept for some time at great cost and ultimately loss to him at his house in London on his retirement From this press he issued several maps, which are beautiful specimens of cartography, including an excellent one of Bombay based on the survey of Dickinson and Tait in 1812-16, which he published in 1843. This rare map with another of Bokhara is not in our collection and I have presented it to our Society to be kept by the side of these MS. volumes. The late Mr. James Douglas thus characterises this map of Bombay. ** Of maps, the best of the Island of Bombay, both for accuracy and execution, was printed in London in 1843, and represents the City and Island in 1812-16. This map of Thomas Dickinson's is a perfect chef cPoeuvre. Major Jervis' signature is at the foot. This is a perfect gem of the engraver's art and can never be excelled." {^Bombay and Western India, Vol. I., p. 145), There is a reproduction of it on a smaller scale in Douglas' book. (Ibid I., 174). 4
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This memorial so influentially signed on behalf of Jervis seems to have given great offence to Col. Everest, (1790- 1866), the Surveyor- General in India, whom Jervis had been provisionally appointed to succeed, because no mention was made therein of his valuable services and those of his staff. **This proceeding," says Sir Clement Mark- ham, the distinguished President of the Royal Geographical Society just retired, in his Memoir of the Indian Surveys, ** excited great in- dignation in those distinguished officers who had bor^e the heat and burden of the day, and gave rise to a series of letters addressed to the Duke of Sussex, as President of the Royal Society, from Col. Everest remonstrating against the conduct of that learned body." But Sir Clement is mistaken in his observation that ** these letters so com- pletely gained the writer's object that nothing more was heard of Major Jervis in connection with the Surveyor-Generalship" {Indian Surveys^ 1873, p. 77.) As his son shows in the Memoir which he has recently drawn up with pious care of his father's life and to which this paper is much indebted, the real reason why Jervis did not wait to take up his high appointment, was that Col. Everest did not retire as it had been anticipated by the East India Company he would, but continued for several years after in the office, and Jervis for purely private reasons, as he wanted to superintend personally the education of his children at home, retired earlier than Everest and thus did not remain in India long enough to be Surveyor-General. (Memoir^ p. 50.)
The information contained in these MSS about the condition of the Maratha people was gained at first hand in the course of his official duties. As he says himself, ** I had great and sing^ular opportunities of traversing the country in every possible direction, to acquire a far more intimate and exact knowledge of the topography, physical character and resources of the whole country than any other indi- vidual." He gives us some notion of the great care which he bestowed on all his work and especially this work of statistics and history in an official letter. ** I have the honour to acquaint you that I have de- spatched to you a large parcel containing in all about 1,496 papers on statistical and revenue subjects and a bundle of English papers. I have entrusted these papers to an intelligent Shastri, a native highly learned in the Hindu laws, customs, etc., and the Sanskrit language, who is in my private service. *A' is 5 general specimen of the popula- tion tables which will enable any person desirous of ascertaining the correctness of the same to do so with little trouble or inconvenience. These documents have been attested as coming nearly within the truth, as far as judgment could be passed on them, by the most respectable and oldest residents of the villages and towns. I beg most particularly to state that I have examined them with the greatest
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care and attention. I have left no means untried to ensure their accuracy, and have had recourse to every art which propriety and ingenuity could sufi^gest, to render them worthy of confidence., The statistical papers are on all subjects connected with the produce cir- cumstances, history and extent and other matters relating to the southern divisions of Malwan and Salshi. Specimens of these have now been translated and written out, to show their nature and value. The inquiries which I have instituted were made after a most careful and particular review of the manners, rights and institutions of the people. A slight view will show the immense trouble and attention which must have been bestowed on them, and I beg to state that there are many facts brought to light in them which will be well worth the consideration of the public authorities in this country, and conduce greatly to ameliorate the condition of a people once sadly oppressed. I do not wish to produce anything hastily, or to build any arguments on incomplete grounds. The daily intercourse which I have with the natives, the facilities which are constantly afforded me to see narrowly into their private character, customs and manners, will enable me to furnish in a short time such an account of them as will be most satisfactory to the Government and most essentially beneficial to the people themselves. "
It is to be regretted that the account of which he speaks here was never published, though it must have been submitted to Government and might be now rotting somewhere among its records. The present MS. studies are a contribution towards such a complete account of the state of the Maratha people of the Konkan. For instance — the MS. contains a valuable section on the education of the people from which I have given an extract bearing on the interesting subject of indigen- ous education. But he seems to have written and sent to Government a larger report on this subject which was not printed, but which would be highly interesting at the present day if it were forthcoming, as a means of comparing the moral progress achieved to-day with the moral state of the Maratha people at the beginning of British rule nearly ninety years ago. About this report he says in one of his letters : ** I likewise sent up to the Government a very full and exact report of* the state of education in the Konkan and on the system of education followed by the Mahomedans and Hindus, with a very complete series of tables, twenty in all, exhibiting the number, character, etc., of the schools of the several districts in 1820 and 1824, contrasting the state of education after the lapse of five years that the country had been under British management with its condition when it first came into our possession. With respect to the practical working of these princi- ples, which I had so fully discussed in my report on education, I sub-
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join an extract from the official minutes of Government on the Southern Konkan School Society founded by me with the co-operation of the natives. This novel principle of getting the natives, a conquered people, completely wedded to their own system of government and superstitions, to go hand-in-hand with the British nation in their philanthropic schemes for the further amelioration of India, will pro- bably be recognised at no distant period as the surest and best way of governing the people of that great Empire, and more especially in which demands of a pecuniary nature are to be made on them, or deep- rooted prejudices to be overcome.*' And he gives an instance of how the people of India may be brought to co-operate with their English rulers in improving the country and voluntarily participating in the pecuniary burdens of the State. **The native," says he, ** at my sugges- tion and by my exertion and advice, came forward first in regard to the Colaba Causeway to pay down 20,000 rupees towards the expense, and further to secure the Government against all possible charge by excess of estimate beyond the amount sanctioned by the Hon'ble Court, provided an experienced engineer officer were appoint- ed to the superintendence of that work, and the work itself were executed by contract " {^Memoir^ pp. 19-20.)
The Konkan when Jervis took it in hand for the purposes of obtain- ing knowledge about the condition of the people, was quite an unex- plored country about which the new rulers knew almost nothing with the exception of a very few places on the coast like Bankot. He thus describes his labours there : ** I had to travel continually from one end to the other of this long and mountainous strip of territory at all seasons and sometimes with great haste. I therefore very soon found, in addition to other impediments, that the public servants of Government knew nothing of the country or its resources ; that we were at first absolutely at the mercy of the native civil revenue and Magisterial officers subordinate to the Collector and Magistrate in everything. Our knowledge of the geography of the country was also limited to the verbal information of the guides and farmers and the sketch maps by the late General Reynolds and Col. Johnson. All the information that tlie Collector's and Judge's offices could afford me was always at my command, and indeed the same liberality was invari- ably extended to me by all the members of the Civil Service to whom I had ever had occasion to apply ; but the imperfection of our knowledge on all these matters was the frequent subject of regret to us, and first set me on the idea of communicating my thoughts to the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone on his first accession to the Bombay Government in 1819. They were most favourably received. Every fresh occasion for promp- titude in travelling and despatch in the completion of the public w*orks
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committed to me led me to dwell more especially on the lamentable deficiency of our geographical knowledge, and I was persuaded by the late Brigadier-General Kennedy, then commanding officer of the division, to address him an official letter on the subject. I knew no more profitable and creditable way of employing my time in these intervals than in acquiring a correct knowledge of the geography and resources of this unexplored territory. " {Memoir^ pp. 13-15.)
He set to work for nearly ten years and produced valuable reports on the Konkan, its history, peoples, customs, etc. , which lie mostly in MS. either in these volumes now presented to us or in the'archives of Govern- ment. It is a matter of great regret that he was not encouraged to digest all this scattered information into a comprehensive monograph on the Konkan, like Malcolm's excellent work on Central India. It is well known that this work of Malcolm grew out of a report which he was asked to furnish about Malwa {cj, Kaye's Malcolm^ Vol. II, p. 328). From Elphinstone's official report of his mission to Cabul grew his celebrated work on Afghanistan {cf, Colebrooke's Elphinstone^ Vol. I, p. 200). But Jervis was at that time not nearly so famous as these great Anglo-Indians; so nobody suggested the possibility of his expanding his reports on the Konkan. Moreover, it was not a country as attractive to the public as the Deccan or Central India, not the home of great battle fields on which empires are won and lost, though it has great interest for us as the home of the Mawalis and Hetkaiis; who crossed the Ghauts and fought so bravely on the table-land of the Deccan, the fights that have been celebrated in numerous songs and powadas. What is known as Jervis' Konkan in Anglo-Indian literature is only a fragment of his work in that country, namely that on the land tenures ; but the whole of his work on the Konkan would indeed be an acquisition, and it is not too much to hope that we may one day have it by bringing together and publishing in convenient form his studies here and the Government reports in MS. Such a work as that of Jervis, but not so comprehensive nor showing an equally deep knowledge of the language and habits of the Marathas, was undertaken fifty years later by a member of the Bombay Civil Service, Alexander Kidd Nairne, a man of kindred tastes to Jervis in this that he became on his retirement from the service a priest and worked for the sake of humanity among the poor. This is published in the Bombay Gazetteer,
This reminds us of another phase of Jervis' character, his missionary zeal and the intense religious spirit that infused all his work. He was a great friend of the first batch of professed missionaries who then worked in Bombay and Western India amid such difficulties, particularly of Dr. John Wilson, (1804-1807), a name honoured and endeared in many ways on this side of India, but specially honoured in these halls
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as that of the presiding genius of our Society for full forty years, and of Dr. James Murray Mitchell (1814-1904) who has just closed a life of varied benevolence and usefulness, prolonged beyond its natural limit, peacefully in his own country among his kindred. It is not generally known that Jervis designed and superintended the erection of the old Free Church Institution in Klietwady which housed for over a generation the Wilson College that has done so much with that other Christian Institution, St. Xavier's College, for the higher education of our people in Western India. But he did not identify himself with any section of the Christian Church, but sympathised and worked with them all in a truly Christian spirit. In this spirit he joined the Evangelical Alliance when it was first instituted. WMting on the subject his son remarks : '* He early joined the Evange- lical Alliance on its institution in 1846, the members of which strove to do away with the mutual antagonism too common between the various sections of the Church of Christ, and so baneful to the spread of vital Christianity in the face of dead formalism, and by which he merely manifested the course he had always previously pursued in India of having a brotherly affection for all those who followed the Saviour as their Head, not troubling himself with dogmatic or administrative differences, the importance given to which is generally exaggerated most unwisely." {Memoir, p. 60.) But though he was well known to everybody here, Europeans and natives alike, as an open upholder of Christian Missions and the staunch friend of the missionaries, yet as his son well says, ** proselytizing of whatever kind, in the absence of perfectly personal conviction, he repudiated and denounced " (p. 34). He was a great friend of the Indians as he proved throughout his career by his efforts, especially in behalf of Maratha education^ helping his brother to translate and publish several works in Marathi for the benefit of that people, as was acknowledged by them in several ways ; and the name of Jervis is familiar to them as that of one of their earliest friends and benefactors. His opinion of the Indian peoples and their character is valuable as that of a sympathetic yet discriminating and acute observer. **They are perhaps the most docile, tractable and sharp-sighted people in the world ; they are therefore peculiarly disposed to religion » open to any superstitious fraud, but slow to apprehend a deep and consequential truth. They are quick to acquire and discuss all know- ledge, but have little originality or depth of thought. They are brave and patient in the face of evils and trials, which the European nations succumb to ; but timid in lesser dangers which the latter smile at. They are faithful to a fault, accessible to counsel, order, and any degree of discipline, by proper management and consideration, but may be
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 55
roused to the most bitter and vindictive feelings, or turned aside by example and negligence and perverseness to the lowest state of degra- dation and wickedness. This great and very intelligent people is now under the sceptre of a gracious and powerful Queen, who loves all her subjects, and will find these amongst the most faithful and useful on any emergency, in the exercise of her sovereign wisdom ; though rash experiments on our part might alienate and sever that union for ever." (' India in relation to Great Britain.' Apud Memoir, p. 51.)
The other volumes of these MSS contain some of his professional work on the great Trigonometrical Survey of Western India on which he was employed so long and with which his name is so closely and honourably identified. The calculation of triangles and other technical details may be useful to students of geodesy. His survey work here was very useful, though as a pioneer he was not free from inaccuracies, some of which are so serious as to render them in the opinion of a com- petent authority, Sir Clements Markham (^Indian Surveys, p. 85), now obsolete. Another competent writer about the middle of the last century in Bombay knowing well the facts says : ** In this Engineer oflicer*s (Jervis) manuscript report of his land survey in the Konkan, an in- correct latitude is assigned to many places ; and we have been given to understand that not very lately an error was discovered in the triangulation, which renders it, as far as correct distances are concern- ed, nearly useless." (Bombay Quarterly Review, 1856, Vol. Ill, p. 133.) These triangulattons and latitudes are now in our possession in these MS. volumes, and any enthusiastic student of this subject may enter into these calculations and confirm or refute these remarks. Whilst engaged in this arduous work he received from his Indian, especially Maratha, assistants, trained by him to do the work, great help which was generously recognised by him in these terms after his retirement : *' On the Trigonometrical Survey I required signals to be placed by sun-rise on different far-distant summits, often difficult of access, and gave my orders to my several people. On the appointed day I directed my theodolite towards the required spots in absolute certainty that the flag would be hoisted at the appointed time and place. Such conscientious fidelity to orders puts to shame too many nominal Christians at home. Should I be able to count so implicitly on loving unquestioning obedience on their part ? The poor heathen gives us an eloquent example of duty accomplished." {^Memoir, p. 35.)
I think I have made it clear in this slight sketch of Jervis* career and character with the help of his correspondence, and his studies in these MS. volumes, that he was inspired by lofty ideals of doing good to the country and the people in whatever he did oflicially and unofficially,
S6 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
and Ihat by his pious God-fearing conduct towards all, especially the Indians, he realised in a large measure these ideals in active life, spreading sweetness and light wherever he went. Lives like his ought to serve as a stimulus and an inspiration to Englishmen in this country, whose peoples have profited much by the silent, almost forgotten, exer- tions of men of the type of Thomas Best Jervis.
Of Maratha history proper there is one manuscript, and it is very important. It gives an historical account of all the great Maratha families like the Bhonslds, the Peshwas, the Pratinidhis, the Gaek- wars and scores of others who have played a part in the eventful history of the Marathas. I have never elsewhere seen so much useful information gathered together about these families as is done here by Jervis. He treats of nearly one hundred families and also gives the genealogies of the chief. This is a very useful work of reference on the somewhat intricate history of Maratha Clans and well deserves to be published by itself. I append some interesting extracts, which will show the importance of these MSS.
ACCOUNT OF THE MAHARS.
A very important tenure in villages is that of the low-caste people, called M ihars by the Mahrattas and Dhers by the Moosalmans. They have enam lands in all villages divided into Hurkee and Arowlah ; the former is rent-free and generally bears but a small proportion to the latter. The Arowlah is held on a quit rent. In the neighbourhood of Joomar and at Kothool, Purgh. Kothool, Ahmednagar Collectorate, I met with a new species of Mahars' enam, called Seesollah ; this is also rent-free, and held in addition to the two former. These enams vary in extent in different villages. In only one instance in the large town of Tembournee has it came to my knowledge, that the Mahras have not enam lands, and in that place they have to perform all the customary duties for the Government and the town, as if they have enam lands. The Mahars conceive that they have the right to mortgage or dispose of the lands held for the performance of specific duties, and at this mo- ment the whole of the Mahars' Arowlah at the town of Mahe, Tur- Muhekohreh, Poona Collectorate, is mortgaged to the Patel. They were originally mortgaged to the Deshmook for a sum of money, who transferred them to the Patel. Independently of their Hurkee, Arow- lah and Seesollah, the Mahars have a share of the cultivated produce, whether garden or field ; this is called their Bullooteh. Every village in its original constitution is said to have had 12 craftsmen and pro- fessions, who in their several lines perform all that the cultivators required to be done for themselves individually and the village gener- ally— the smith, carpenter to mend their implements of husbandry.
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MABATHA PEOPLE. 57
the barber to shave them, the washerman to wash for them, the potmaker to make pots, &c., &c. These 12 persons were paid or sup- ported by an assessment in kind. They were divided into three classes and obtained their share of Bullooteh agreeably to the class they stood in. In the first class were the carpenter, shoemaker, ironsniith and Mahar. In the second class the washerman, potmaker, barber and Mang, and in the third the waterman, the astrologer, the gurow or cleaner of the temple, and the silversmith. Since the Musalman rule the Moolana or Musalman priest has been added, and in some villages the Kulkarnee claims to share in the 3rd class. I say nothing about Alooteh as part of the village community, for no two persons agree with respect to the constituents of this class, and it is scarcely reason- able to suppose that the cultivator could ever have supported, by fees in kind, 12 additional persons when he paid 50 percent, to Government And I am told the Bullooteh and Hakdar rights stood him in an average of 25 percent, leaving him only 25 per cent, for his own maintenance and agricultural charges.
The Mahar who shares in the first class in consequence of his numerous duties shares also again as a third class Bool loo tehdar. The fee in kind appears to be a percentage on the produce, but it is not uniform throughout the country, and very rarely indeed could I get either the cultivator or Boollootehdar to state specifically what the one gave, or the other looked upon himself entitled to receive annually. It depended very much, I was told, upon the crops and also upon the extent of services performed for each individual cultivator.
THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE.
The land tax being more than 82 per cent, of the whole revenue of the country, in speaking of the condition of the people I would wish my observations to be considered chiefly applicable to the class paying this proportion, namely the agriculturists. In the present report I have shown that since the date of my first report the principal articles of agricultural produce have fallen in value from 25 to 66 per cent, i.e.f rice 66, wheat 25, joaree 52, gram 32 and bajree 36. Imports have certainly also fallen in price, but not in a similar ratio. Wages remain the same. The trifling manufactures continue to decline, the value of money is enhanced, and the assessments are not yet lightened. If, therefore, my first report gave unfavourable picture of the condition of the people, it may be supposed, under the operation of the above causes, that I am still deprived of the gratification of painting it in more agreeable colors. My late researches have extended over 5,900 square miles, a superficial extent more than double that of the first report, and I am constrained to say, that the marked features
58 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
of poverty and debt, formerly spoken of, characterize the condition of the people throughout the new tracts, and that I see no reason what- ever to modify the opinion I formerly expressed with regard to the causes of such a state of things. There is no doubt, however, that the poverty complained of is not the poverty of want : every cultivator throughout the country has a superfluity of the mere requisites for the support of animal life. This poverty is pecuniary poverty, and it bears heavily upon him in the relation in which he stands to the Government and to his creditors. He cannot convert a sufficiency of his grain into money to pay his taxes to the former, nor fulfil even in part his engagements to the latter. His taxes were increased by the cupidity of the former Government, and his debts contracted by his improvidence or forced upon him by his increased assessments, but this was at a time when his agricultural produce was worth from loo to 300 per cent, more than its present worth. Supposing him therefore to have been taxed formerly to the extent of his means, in equity his taxes should have been lightened in the ratio of the fall in the value of his produce.
I stated in my first report there would shortly be calls upon Govern- ment to mitigate the assessment. The recent large remissions to the amount of 20 per cent, of the revenue of the Poona and Ahmednagar Collectorates proved the immediate pecuniary inability of the people, and the revenue survey as far as it has gone in its prospective assess- ments has justified the opinion I expressed, by lightening the burdens of the cultivators. Nevertheless the distress, the people complain of, is unquestionably not attributable to the revenue administration of the Company as originating with the Company. With trifling exceptions the assessments and extra cesses are the same, in name, number and specific amount as under former Governments.
The only great change appears to be in Government through the medium of its collectors professing to settle with each individual cultivator, instead leaving it to the authorities to do so as heretofore, and this agreement should seem advantageous to the cultivator insuring him (could he read or write or keep accounts) from the exactions of intermediate agents. The benevolence of the Government has sufficiently manifested in the facility with which remissions have been granted, and not one instance throughout the country has come to my knowledge of the assessment being realised by coercive measures, involving the seizure of stock, or punishment, further than temporary personal restraint, and in case the cultivators* prosperity could be estimated by the small proportion of his gross produce taken from him by the Bombay Government, it should be comparatively marked^ as I have shown under the section of assessments, tliat he contributes to the necessities of the State 7 per cent, less
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 59
than persons of his class did under Mullicomber and 23 per cent, less than in the ceded districts under Sir Thos. Munro, the propor- tions taken being respectively under the three Governments a tenth, a sixth and a third. The complaints of distress therefore seem scarcely compatible with these facts. In my numerous conversations with the cultivators and even with our own district officers, in various parts of the country, I have urged them to explain unreservedly the causes of the sufferings they complain of. Increase in cultivation, increase in cultivators, meagre crops, enhanced assessments, diminution in the size of farms and the withdrawal of part the money circulating me- dium, have been so repeatedly advanced in reply to my interrogatories as reasons for the present pecuniary inability of the people, that I was induced to look with attention into them, although involving in them- selves incompatibilities. For the purpose of determining the truth of the first four positions, I established a comparison) as rigid as circum- stances would admit of, between the state of certain towns and villages under the Peshwa*s Government and under ours. I chose places far distant from each other that I might, if possible, secure to my deductions the advantage of a general application. I will admit that I undertook the labour with impressions in unison with those of the cultivators and I was somewhat surprised, therefore, at the results falling infinitely short of my anticipations.
EDUCATION.
My continued inquiries into the state of education in the country have only been confirmatory, to the very letter even, of the observations I made in my first report on this important subject ; I will not repeat, therefore, what is already on record, but take leave to refer to it.
The literary ignorance of the bulk of the people is almost incredible, and could scarcely be deemed compatible with an organized or even in- cipient civilized state of society. In many neighbouring villages in which there is only one Kulkurnee or accountant, I have known it to be the case that not a single inhabitant has been able to read, write or calculate; and yet this ignorance does not originate in any physical causes. Native children of all the castes are distinguished for their aptitude, sprightliness and intelligence, and some conspicious in- stances of decided ability have appeared in the English schools for the instruction of natives in Calcutta and Bombay, in their poetic powers, in English composition, in a taste for drawing and in mathematical ac- quirements. Amongst my native acquaintances there is a Hindu who repairs astronomical, mathematical and meteorological instruments, and who has an eager desire to master the rationale of all philosophical
6o MANUSCRIPT STUDlBS OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
experiments which he witnesses. A common ironsmith in Poona has kept himself in constant poverty by vain searches after the philosopher's stone, but his labours have made him acquainted with many chemical facts. The facile adaptation of this man's ingenuity to the supply of European wants, in his particular line, is both gratifying and useful. A poor outcaste shoots specimens in the animal and feathered kingdoms and has taught himself to skin and stuff them, and he lately commenced drawing birds in outline with a singular correctness. One man repairs watches, and a Hindu, in Poona, I am told, constructed an orrery. The general ignorance, therefore, is to . be referred to the absence of instructors in the first instance and in the next to the poverty of the people disabling them from profiting by instruction unless afforded to them gratuitously. Wherever this is done, the schools are well attended and the progress of the scholars is commensurate with the ability and zeal of the instructors. Mr. Elphinstone's noble attempt to impart instruction by means of Government schools, if fully developed, will unquestionably be productive ultimately of incalculable benefit to the people themselves and to the State, particularly in case the better classes of the natives become acquainted with our knowledge, our arts and sciences, through the medium of our own language. If it be our object to break down the barriers wliich separate us at present from the natives, to undermine their superstition, and to weaken their prejudices, and give them a taste for elevated enjoyments, it will be most effectually done through this medium. Translations of European books into the native languages by Europeans, although highly useful, must have the drawbacks of being limited in number, defective in execution and destitute of the attractive grace of idiomatic expression, whereas a native, once taught the English language, has the whole field of knowledge laid open to him. We have before our eyes the effects of Mahomedanism, modifying the supposed immutable habits, opinions, superstitions and usages of the Hindus The language of the con- querors is almost universally understood, and most commonly spoken by all classes in India. The Mahrattas worship Mahomedan saints, keep their festivals, and at the great annual celebration of the martyrdom of the grandsons of Mahomed, Hussain and Hassan, numbers enrol themselves in the list of those who publicly deplore their deaths.
I have given instances of tombs being raised over Mahrattas in the Mahomedan style of architecture, and many parts of the present report testify to the adoption by a Mahratta or Brahman Government of Mussalman terms in politics, administration of justice, finance, agricul- ture, architecture and even in domestic economy. If such then have been the results from the simple juxtaposition of Hindus and Mussal- mans, what might not be expected from a systematic attempt to imbue
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 6i
the minds of the rising generation with rational and useful European knowledge by means of Government schools. Under present circum- stances, the expense of such a measure prevents its adoption on an extended scale, but as precipitancy would be injurious as any urgent manifestations of interest on the part of Government would excite suspicions, and as ultimate success is dependent on the slow but gradual and almost insensible operation of knowledge on the opinions and habits of those who may have voluntarily sought and gratuitously received instruction influencing the circle in which they move by their examples, rather than in prompt, simultaneous and extended measures for general instruction, the few schools existing at the presidency and an occasional one or two in cities or large towns, although insufficient, will yet forward the great object in view to a limited extent. A few natives will be sent out with a sufficiency of education to impress on their minds the advantages that would accrue to their children in case they surpassed themselves in acquirements, and such an impression will be efficacious.
I attended a public examination of the scholars of Government
schools in Poona and of the pupils of the Engineer Institution and
native schools in Bombay. I looked also into the school rooms at
Ahmednagar. In the Engineer Institution and native schools some.
of the boys (not particularly those of the highest or wealthiest classes)
showed an efficient knowledge of the English language, and the
progress of others in mathematics and drawing was remarkable.
The two Poona schools were examined before the Collector and some
European gentlemen on the i6th May 1827 by Sadashiva Bhau,
the head native instructor in the present schools in Bombay.
There were about 150 pupils, most of them the children of Brah-
mans, ten or a dozen of the first class boys were called up, none
of them had been twelve months in the schools. They were examined,
in the first instance, in reading a printed translation of i^sop's fables
into Marathi in the Balbodh character. They read fluently and seemed
to understand the compendium of the morale which is given of each
fable, instead of its full translation. They subsequently read parts of
Maratha histories in the Modi and Balbodh characters ; they wrote
down on slates sentences dictated to them, and spelt them. They wrote
also on paper, and gave very favourable specimens of distinct and bold
hands. Arithmetic they were taught on the European plan, and one or
two of the boys had got as far as the extraction of the cube root. The
boys all evinced considerable quickness, and the examinations were
creditable to themselves and to their teachers. Prizes of turbans, cloths
and books were distributed, the value of the present being in the
ratio of the talents and the progress evinced by the boy.
62 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
THE BHONSLE.
The origin of the rise of Shivaji is too well known to require any eluci- dation in these notes. He died in Raighur in the month of April A D. 1680 and was succeeded by his eldest son Sunibhaji, who wiih his son Sewaji was both taken prisoner in the year 1694 and carried to the Court of Aurungzeb, where the former suffered a cruel death, and the latter, being spared on account of his youth, grew up under the protec- tion of the accomplished Fululnissa Begum, Aurungzeb's daughter. At the request of the Princess, it is said, he changed the name of Sewaji to that of Sahooji, which he ever after retained. Raja Ram, the younger son of Shivaji, was raised to the throne in the Fort of Rangnain 1695, and died in June 1698, leaving two sons, Shambhuji and Sheewajee, by his two wives Rajeesbye and Tarabye. The latter succeeded his father on the throne, but evincing symptoms of insanity some years after, he was deposed and confined by his own mother in the year 1703, who raised his half brother, Sumbhajee, to the Musnud of Kolapoor, which he made his residence. In the year 1707 Aurungzeb died, Shahajee obtain- ing his liberty came to Sattara to claim his kingdom. He was for some time opposed by his aunt, Tarabye, a clever and ambitious woman, the widow of his uncle Raja Ram. Shahoo Raja at length consented to share the empire with his cousin, Sambhajee, who was permitted to retain Kolapoor and all the country south of the Warna and Krishna, while to Sahooji was left all to the north of those rivers. Tarabye retired to Kolapoor and lived to an extreme old age. Both she and her stepson, Sambhajee, dying in the same year A. D. 1760.
Sliahoo Raja, of indolent and luxurious habits, to manage his Govern- ment made it over to his minister the Peshwa, Balaji Viswanath, to whom succeeded Bajirao Ballal, and his son Balajee denominated Nana- saheb. Shahoo Raja died without issue, 27th December 1749, when the Peshwa having brought forward Ram Raja, the son of Shiwajee and nephew of the reigning Raja of Kolapoor, caused him to be adopted as the son Shahoojee. From that day the subversion of the power of the House of Satara was complete, and that of the Peshwas establish- ed. Ram Raja having no children, many years after adopted, at the instance of Nana Fadnavis, a youth of the family of the Deshmukhs of Wavel in 1777, and dying in following year, 1778, the Second Shahoo- jee succeeded to the Musnud of Satara. The semblance of respect was still maintained towards him. A guard of honour of 500 horse was appointed by the Peshwa to escort and to watch him, and his ex- penses were limited as well as the range of his excursions in the neigh- bourhood of his capital. All reports of war and peace and the result of campaigns, however, were regularly submitted for his information, and while the creation of new and the nomination to the succession of
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 63
hereditary offices and estates derived confirmation from him alone, the Peshwa nimself was not deemed exempt from accepting this token of homage. The revolution which succeeded on the death of Sawai Madhavrao at Poona in October 1795 afforded the Raja an opening to emancipation, of which he did not fail to avail himself, and seizing the person employed to control him, encouraged his full brother, Chutr- sing, to raise troops and seek for foreign aid. The effort, however, was too feeble, — Shahoo the Second became henceforward a closed prisoner in the Fort of Satara and died 4th May 1808, leaving three sons, of whom the eldest, Partapsing, was raised to the throne by the British Government in February 181 8, and still reigns.
THE GAEKWAR.
This family from an inconsiderable origin has risen to become one of the Princes of the Mahratta State.
It is said they are Patails of the village of Dhowry, Nimbgawn in the Poona Prant. Peelajee the First, who distinguished himself, was an officer with 15 retainers, in the service of Kuddum Bandy Brothers, whose flag the family still uses. After the first or second inroad into Gujarat, the Raja of Satara, not conceiving the Kuddum sing calculated to establish themselves permanently, deputed Peelajee with a large army, which assembled in the first instance at Moholy near Satara, and thence marched to the north. The success of Peelajee was complete. Peelajee commanded a division in the battle of Panipat, and died shortly after his return, at the village of Sowlee near Baroda, of a fever. He was succeeded by his son, Damajee, who had long before been distinguished, but some hesitation occurring in sending the Cloth of Investiture from Satara, Damajee repaired to court with an army estimated at 100,000 men. He was induced by the solemn oaths interchanged between the Raja and himself to disband his army, but having been plundered by the Peshwa at the instance of the Raja, on his return he swore he would ne^'er pay the compliment of salaming with that hand which had been pledged in that of his princes, in a false oath — since which period the Gykawars assume the peculiar privilege of saluting with the left hand.
Damajee died at Bhavee Pattan in Gujarat in the reign of the Great Madhavrao, leaving four sons, of whom Sayajee Rao, the eldest, was an idiot. The part which Govind Rao, the second son, took in favour of the exiled Raghoba Dada prevented his acceding to the Musnud till after the death of both his young brothers, Fatty Sing and Manajee, who had successively reigned. He sat on the Musnud only three or four years, when he died, leaving three legitimate children, who have each reigned in succession, the youngest, Sayajee, being now on the gadhi.
64 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
THE ANGRIA.
Kanoji, the son of Tukoji, a Maratha chief of the family of Angria, first attained eminence while in the service of the Raja of Satara by the capture of the fort of Raighur from the Hubshee chief of Kolaba in the year 1698 and subsequently distinguished himself in the war in the Koncan carried on by the Marathas against that portion of the Mohamedan dominions, on which occasion he acquired the title of Surkhyle. Taking advantage of his own power, and the dissensions which broke out in the Satara family after the return of Shahu Raja, he not only refused to render him submission, but made an effort to establish an independent sovereignty along the whole Koncan Coast, from Goa to Surat, including the hill-forts on the low range of Ghats with the country below them. Till at length having been worsted in many actions by the superior State of Satara, peace was concluded, and Kanoji consented to acknowledge the sovereignty of Shahu Raja. On which occasion the whole of the seaports from Vizia- durg as far as Kolaba remained in Angria's possession, and reverted first to his eldest son Tukoji and in two years after to his second son Sambaji, between whom and his son Manoji dissensions arising, the latter fled to the English at Bombay, but meeting with no aid in that quarter he proceeded to Poona and became reconciled to his father through the Peshwa, but on the death of Sambaji his brother Tulaji, disputing the right of his nephew, was eventually seized by the Peshwa and died after a confinement of 31 years in prison. The piratical practices of the Angrias on all nations approaching the western coast of India are matter of history, and do not admit of illustration in this place.
As the British power preponderated, they gradually subsided, and after the peace of Bassein they ceased altogether, while the once power- ful Angria encroached on by the Peshwas from time to time dwindled into insignificance leaving in possession of the family at the breaking out of the war a territory yielding two lakhs of rupees in the neighbour- hood of Kolaba and Andhery, of which about half has been alienated for religious purposes or for the reward of services performed by courtiers at Poona.
THE PESHWA.
The founder of this family, Balajee, the sonofWiswanath, aChiplony Brahman, was the hereditary desmook or zemindar of Shreewardhan on the sea coast of the Southern Koncan. He so recommended himself by his ability and energy at the Court of Satara that he was nominated to the office of Peshwa in 1717 and was succeeded at his death in 1720
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATJIA PEOPLE. 65
by his eldest son, Baji Rao. Under this chief the power of the Pesh- waship became supreme and the Raja of Satara was satisfied to con- tinue a mere pageant. Baji Rao was succeeded in the year 1740, at his death, by Balwant Row entitled Nanasaheb, during whose rule, Sahojee, the Raja of Satara, died without issue, and from that date the Peshwa was acknowledged as chief and exercised the power of Sovereign of the Maratha Empire.
His lieutenants carried their conquests over the whole of Hindoo- stan and Guzerat, levied heavy tribute from the Nizam, and wrested the Empire from the Mughul, and raised contributions in Bengal, and conquered Cuttack. Nanasahib died in 1761, and was succeeded by his second son, Madhaorao, called *' The Great." He died in 1772 at the age of 28, after giving great promise of his talents and vigour. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Narayan Rao, who was murdered in 1773 ^^ *^*s palace at Poona in the presence of his uncle, Raghoba Dada. Narayan Rao was succeeded by his posthumus child, S^way Madhavrao, during whose minority the State was ruled by his Minister, Nana Furnavis. On the death of SawayMadhaoRao in 1795 without children, he was succeeded by his relative, Baji Rao, the eldest son of Raghoba Dada, who, expelled from his dominions after a desper- ate effort to recover all the power of his ancestors which he had for- feited by his imbecility, abdicated his sovereignty on 3rd June 1818 in favour of the British Government on condition of receiving annually Rs. 8,00,000. His brother, Chimnajee Appa, receives a pension of Rs. 2,00,000, and Amritrao, the adopted son of Raghoba Dada, Rs. 7,00,000 which has lately descended to his son.
NANA FURNAVIS.
The ancestor of this great Minister was Madhojee Punt Banoo, a Chiplony Brahman, the Mahajim of the village of Velloss in the Taluka of Bankote. He first left his native village and came to Satara in consequence of an invitation from the first Peshawa Balajee Vishwanath, whose brother Tanoo Vishwanath had found protection in his house after his defeat by the Hubshees near Sreevurdhan. The three sons of Madhoji Punt obtained service at Court and the elder, Balajee, was raised to the office of Furnavis and died at Delhi, whither he had accompanied the Peshwa. His sons, Janardan Punt and Baboo Rao, succeeded to his ofTice, the former died before the latter, leaving an only son, Balajee, who. Hying from the battle of Panipat, escaped to Poona, and in conjunction with his uncle. Baboo Rao, and his son, Moroba, filled the office of Furnavis.
5
66 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
It is unnecessary here to enter into any particular history of Balajee Janardhan, better known by the appellation of Nana Furnavis. He succeeded to the supreme control of the affairs of the whole Maratha Empire in 1774 and exercised his power with a sagacity and conduct rarely met with. On the death of Saway Madhao Rao in 1795 and the subsequent contention for the throne he lost much of his power and expended the whole of a fortune amounting, it is said, to nearly five millions in his endeavour to regain it. He died of a fever in 1800, leaving a widow Jeoo Bai, who enjoys the following income : — •
Rs.
Pension from the British Government 12,000
Deshmuky of Verval (Ellora) ... .^. ,., ... 500
Enam Village of Menowly near Waee 1,000
Mahojunky and Koteky of the native village of the family Vellass in the Talooka of Bankote <«. 200
Income Rs. 13,700
Management of the revenues of the religious establishment of the Bele Bagh at Poona producing Rs. 5,000.
Art. VI— ^ Brief Survey of the Upanishads.
By M. R. Bodas, m.a., ll.b.
Read before the Sanskrit Section on i%th January 1905 in connection with the Centenary of the Society,
The word Upanishad in ancient writings has various shades of mean- ing, all bearing the general sense of secret knowledge or esoteric lore. It sometimes means simply secret explanation, as in ^f^^
Ht fft?3^ TT ^'Tf^ ^nrfr ^T^Tf^MflN^HtH (Kena32), or amTttH^^T ^TJTMt FT^TTST^^^ (Chh. Up. I. 13, 4) or some special rule, as in ^^^ fT^-ff'Tf^^^^RRQ (Kaush Up. II. 2), or sometimes the highest knowledge asinJr^nt^>^?3'Tft«(^(Taitt. III. 10,6), or in d&ifilMHN^i^i, (Shweta V. x6'3). By common usage, however, the word Upanishad has come to be used to denote a particular class of ancient works which are the repositories of such esoteric knowledge, and which are from time immemorial regarded as supplementary to the Brahmanas and i4fa«ya>&a^ of the four Vedas. The works known as Upanishads are mostly concluding portions of the Aranyakas^ which are themselves supplements to their respective Brahmanas. There are some excep- tions, no doubt, as Isa^ which forms part of the Vajasaneyi Sanhita or the Kenopanishad, which according to Dr. Burnel forms the loth anuvak of the fourth chapter of Talavakdra Brdhmana recently dis- covered by him at Tanjore.* Kaushitahi was at one time supposed to be a part of Kaushitah Brdhmana, but now it has been discovered in a MS. of an Arnnyaka of the S^nkhiyanya ^^khd which along with the Aitareyaranyaka probably once formed one work.t As a rule, however, the sequence of Vedic books is, first, the Sanhita contain- ing mostly the hymns and prayers addressed to deities, and then, tho Brahmanas containing detailed descriptions of the several sacrifices and other Vedic rites as well as stories, whether real or mythical, illus- trative of the hymns in the Sanhitas. The Aranyakas are continuations of the Brahmanas, but distinctive in character in so far as they treat of more esoteric rites. They were probably intended for persons who have left the state of the common householder and, having entered the third Ashrama of Vanaprastha, have gone to live in the forests. Even now there is a prohibition against reciting these Aranyakas in a family
* Sacred B. fi.» Vol. I., p xc.
t Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 50.
68 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
house, and orthodox Pandits often resort to a temple whenever they have to read them. The Upanishads are those portions of the ^ra»yfl>&ax which treat of the higher doctrines of the soul as distin- guished from rites and ceremonies. Upanishads may thus be said to form the kernel or rather the coping stone of the Vedic literature which begins with the simple invocation to a favourite deity, passes through the intermediate stage of elaborate rites, and ends in the deepest philo- sophy of the indissoluble unity of the individual and universal soul.
Most European scholars derive the word Upanishad from the root sctdy to sit down, preceded by two prepositions upa and «f , meaning sitting near ; and the Trikdnda ^esha Kosha explains it as ^JJJTT ^B^. sitting near the teacher. It has been suggested that the contents of the Upanishads were thought to be so esoteric that they could not be taught promiscuously or in public, but the pupil had to approach very near the teacher to.hear them. Max Miiller thinks it expresses this position of inferiority which a pupil occupiesC when listening to a iQds:\iQt {^Ancient Sansk, Lit^ p. 318). iankarAch&rya^ on the other hand, in his commentary on Brihaddranyaka derives it from the root sadt with upa and unmeaning *to destroy.' ** ^ I1II|R^MHN^^^<4I'^I
•^JImRmJ^^.I " Brahma Vidyd is called Upanishad b^cams^ it destroys completely all worldly ties and their causes : and so the treatises, which taught that knowledge, also came to be called by the same name, and Sdyana in another place * derives it as ^^qf^t^uoin^j q:^ ^t '* wherein the highest good is embedded." Max Miiller calls these ex- planations wilfully perverse, invented by half-educated native scholars to account for the most prevalent meaning of the word ; but he does not advance any strong grounds for making such a sweeping charge. The alternative etymology implying, 'sitting down near the teacher' is equally, if not more, imaginary. The derivation given by Indian scholars has at least the merit of explaining the various primary senses in which the word is found used in the Upanishads themselves. Wherever it occurs it connotes either ** secret knowledge" or ** rite " or ** the highest knowledge of Brahma. " Max Miiller himself realized the difficulty of deriving this meaning from ''sitting down near the teacher". The fact is, it is one of those yoga-rudha words to which long usage has attached a special meaning and thereby destroyed all trace of its origin. The very diversity of derivations shows that the true etymology is now probably lost, and we shall have to be satisfied with conjectures only. If I may be permitted to make a similar guess, the true explanation of the word, it seems to me, is quite different from those hitherto given either by European or Indian scholars .
• Tailhriya Up. II. 9.
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS, 6gf
Upaniskadt I think, did originally mean " sitting down near" as Max Miiller says, but it was sitting down near the sacrificial fire and not near a teacher. To make this clear we must look to the probable origin of the treatises or rather the discussions which are now embodied in the treatises known as Upanishads. The Shatapatha Bmkmana, the Brihadaranyaka and the Chhandogya furnish ample evidence that the various conversations reported therein took place in the midst of big sacrifices. Thus we read in Chhandogya how Uiasti Chdkrdyana went to a king's sacrifice and there having challenged all to explain the nature of the various deities described them himself, concluding with a praise of the Udgitha^ which forms the burden of the whole chapter. In the fifth chapter there is the typical story of five learned theologians headed by Udddlaka Aruni gdin^ to king Aswapati Kaikeya to learn Vaiswavanara self, and the king before answering them proposes to hold a sacrifice. They approach him with sacrificial fuel in their hands, which probably implies that all such knowledge could in those times be obtained in the presence of the sacrificial fire. The king thereupon instructs them in the mysteries of the Universal Soul by a reference to the five limbs of Vaiswanara fire. Similarly the Brihadaranyaka describes the victory of Yajnyavalkya over the Kuru Panchala Brah- mans at the great sacrifice performed by Janaica. Katha also has the story of NachiketaSf who on seeing his father giving out sacrificial offerings asked to whom he would give his son ; and the Prasna tells us how when five inquirers after Btahma approached Pippalada with a sacrificial fuel stick in hand, he asks them to perform austerities for a year. Almost all the topics, metaphors and illustrations in these Upa- nishads are connected with a sacrifice, and in many places their con- text clearly shows that a sacrifice was then being actually performed. The Udgithawdya^ the Samvargavidya, the five Ahutis or oblations, all these are described as if the actual rite was then proceeding. The coincidences are too numerous to be accidental and can only be explained on the supposition that the various discussions which now form part of the several Upanishads originally took place during the celebration of a great sacrifice. A sacrifice lasts several days, and when the days' ceremonies are over, the Yajamdna, the Ritvigs and visitors must have spent the evenings in various discourses suggested by the morning rites. As a matter of fact we do find entertainments and even music provided to fill up the intervals between two parts of the sacrifice. The big Satras or sacrificial sessions did provide for such interludes as reading Puranas, philosophical discourses, literary contests, and we do find Suka reciting the Bhagwat to Janamejaya and Suta reciting other Puranas to Rishis during such sessions. Is it inconceivable that the awakening intellect of the ancient Aryans tired with the routine performance of dry rites should have, while resting in
6o MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
experiments which he witnesses. A common ironsmith in Poona has kept himself in constant poverty by vain searches after the philosopher's stone, but his labours have made him acquainted with many chemical facts. The facile adaptation of this man*s ingenuity to the supply of European wants, in his particular line, is both gratifying and useful. A poor outcaste shoots specimens in the animal and feathered kingdoms and has taught himself to skin and stuff them, and he lately commenced drawing birds in outline with a singular correctness. One man repairs watches, and a Hindu, in Poona, I am told, constructed an orrery. The general ignorance, therefore, is to be referred to the absence of instructors in the first instance and in the next to the poverty of the people disabling them from profiting by instruction unless afforded to them gratuitously. Wherever this is done, the schools are well attended and the progress of the scholars is commensurate with the ability and zeal of the instructors. Mr. Elphinstone's noble attempt to impart instruction by means of Government schools, if fully developed, will unquestionably be productive ultimately of incalculable benefit to the people themselves and to the State, particularly in case the better classes of the natives become acquainted with our knowledge, our arts and sciences, through the medium of our own language. If it be our object to break down the barriers which separate us at present from the natives, to undermine their superstition, and to weaken their prejudices, and give them a taste for elevated enjoyments, it will be most effectually done through this medium. Translations of European books into the native languages by Europeans, although highly useful, must have the drawbacks of being limited in number, defective in execution and destitute of the attractive grace of idiomatic expression, whereas a native, once taught the English language, has the whole field of knowledge laid open to him. We have before our eyes the effects of Mahomedanism, modifying the supposed immutable habits, opinions, superstitions and usages of the Hindus. The language of the con- querors is almost universally understood, and most commonly spoken by all classes in India. The Mahrattas worship Mahomedan saints, keep their festivals, and at the great annual celebration of the martyrdom of the grandsons of Mahomed, Hussain and Hassan, numbers enrol themselves in the list of those who publicly deplore their deaths.
I have given instances of tombs being raised over Mahrattas in the Mahomedan style of architecture, and many parts of the present report testify to the adoption by a Mahratta or Brahman Government of Mussalman terms in politics, administration of justice, finance, agricul- ture, architecture and even in domestic economy. If such then have been the results from the simple juxtaposition of Hindus and Mussal- mans, what might not be expected from a systematic attempt to imbue
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 6 1
the minds of the rising generation with rational and useful European knowledge by means of Government schools. Under present circum- stances, the expense of such a measure prevents its adoption on an extended scale, but as precipitancy would be injurious as any urgent manifestations of interest on the part of Government would excite suspicions, and as ultimate success is dependent on the slow but gradual and almost insensible operation of knowledge on the opinions and habits of those who may have voluntarily sought and gfratuitously received instruction influencing the circle in which they move by their examples, rather than in prompt, simultaneous and extended measures for general instruction, the few schools existing at the presidency and an occasional one or two in cities or large towns, although insufficient, will yet forward the great object in view to a limited extent. A few natives will be sent out with a sufficiency of education to impress on their minds the advantages that would accrue to their children in case they surpassed themselves in acquirements, and such an impression will be efficacious.
I attended a public examination of the scholars of Government schools in Poona and of the pupils of the Engineer Institution and native schools in Bombay. I looked also into the school rooms at Ahmednagar. In the Engineer Institution and native schools some, of the boys (not particularly those of the highest or wealthiest classes) showed an efficient knowledge of the English language, and the progress of others in mathematics and drawing was remarkable. The two Poona schools were examined before the Collector and some European gentlemen on the i6th May 1827 by Sadashiva Bhau, the head native instructor in the present schools in Bombay. There were about 150 pupils, most of them the children of Brah- mans, ten or a dozen of the first class boys were called up, none of them had been twelve months in the schools. They were examined, in the first instance, in reading a printed translation of i^sop's fables into Marathi in the Balbodh character. They read fluently and seemed to understand the compendium of the morale which is given of each fable, instead of its full translation. They subsequently read parts of Maratha histories in the Modi and Balbodh characters ; they wrote down on slates sentences dictated to them, and spelt them. They wrote also on paper, and gave very favourable specimens of distinct and bold hands. Arithmetic they were taught on the European plan, and one or two of the boys had got as far as the extraction of the cube root. The boys all evinced considerable quickness, and the examinations were creditable to themselves and to their teachers. Prizes of turbans, cloths and books were distributed, the value of the present being in the ratio of the talents and the progress evinced by the boy.
62 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
THE BHONSLE.
The origin of the rise of Shivaji is too well known to require any eluci- dation in these notes. He died in Raighur in the month of April A D. i68o and was succeeded by his eldest son Sumbhaji, who wiih his son Sewaji was both taken prisoner in the year 1694 and carried to the Court of Aurungzeb, where the former suffered a cruel death, and the latter, being spared on account of his youth, grew up under the protec- tion of the accomplished Fululnissa Begum, Aurungzeb's daughter. At the request of the Princess, it is said, he changed the name of Sewaji to that of Sahooji, which he ever after retained. Raja Ram, the younger son of Shivaji, was raised to the throne in the Fort of Rangna in 1695, and died in June 1698, leaving two sons, Shambhuji and Sheewajee, by his two wives Rajeesbye and Tarabye. The latter succeeded his father on the throne, but evincing symptoms of insanity some years after, he was deposed and confined by his own mother in the year 1703, who raised his half brother, Sumbhajee, to the Musnud of Kolapoor, which he made his residence. In the year 1707 Aurungzeb died, Shahajee obtain- ing his liberty came to Sattara to claim his kingdom. He was for some time opposed by his aunt, Tarabye, a clever and ambitious woman, the widow of his uncle Raja Ram. Shahoo Raja at length consented to share the empire with his cousin, Sambhajee, who was permitted to retain Kolapoor and all the country south of the Warna and Krishna, while to Sahooji was left all to the north of those rivers. Tarabye retired to Kolapoor and lived to an extreme old age. Both she and her stepson, Sambhajee, dying in the same year A. D. 1760.
Shahoo Raja, of indolent and luxurious habits, to manage his Govern- ment made it over to his minister the Peshwa, Balaji Viswanath, to whom succeeded Bajirao Ballal, and his son Balajee denominated Nana- saheb. Shahoo Raja died without issue, 27th December 1749, when the Peshwa having brought forward Ram Raja, the son of Shtwajee and nephew of the reigning Raja of Kolapoor, caused him to be adopted as the son Shahoojee. From that day the subversion of the power of the House of Satara was complete, and that of the Peshwas establish- ed. Ram Raja having no children, many years after adopted, at the instance of Nana Fadnavis, a youth of the family of the Deshmukhs of Wavel in 1777, and dying in following year, 1778, the Second Shahoo- jee succeeded to the Musnud of Satara. The semblance of respect was still maintained towards him. A guard of honour of 500 horse was appointed by the Peshwa to escort and to watch him, and his ex- penses were limited as well as the range of his excursions in the neigh- bourhood of his capital. All reports of war and peace and the result of campaigns, however, were regularly submitted for his information, and while the creation of new and the nomination to the succession of
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE. 63
hereditary offices and estates derived confirmation from him alone, the Peshwa tiimself was not deemed exempt from accepting this token of homage. The revolution which succeeded on the death of Sawai Madhavrao at Poona in October 1795 afforded the Raja an opening to emancipation, of which he did not fail to avail himself, and seizing the person employed to control him, encouraged his full brother, Chutr- sing, to raise troops and seek for foreign aid. The effort, however, was too feeble, — Shahoo the Second became henceforward a closed prisoner in the Fort of Satara and died 4th May 1808, leaving three sons, of whom the eldest, Partapsing, was raised to the throne by the British Government in February 181 8, and still reigns.
THE GAEKWAR.
This family from an inconsiderable origin has risen to become one of the Princes of the Mahratta State.
Ii is said they are Patails of the village of Dhowry, Nimbgawn in the Poona Prant Peelajee the First, who distinguished himself, was an of!icer with 15 retainers, in the service of Kuddum Bandy Brothers, whose flag the family still uses. After the first or second inroad into Gujarat, the Raja of Satara, not conceiving the Kuddumsing calculated to establish themselves permanently, deputed Peelajee with a large army, which assembled in the first instance at Moholy near Satara, and thence marched to the north. The success of Peelajee was complete. Peelajee commanded a division in the battle of Panipat, and died shortly after his return, at the village of Sowlee near Baroda, of a fever. He was succeeded by his son, Damajee, who had long before been distinguished, but some hesitation occurring in sending the Cloth of Investiture from Satara, Damajee repaired to court with an army estimated at 100,000 men. He was induced by the solemn oaths interchanged between the Raja and himself to disband his army, but having been plundered by the Peshwa at the instance of the Raja, on his return he swore he would never pay the compliment of salaming with that hand which had been pledged in that of his princes, in a false oath— since which period the Gykawars assume the peculiar privilege of saluting with the left hand.
Damajee died at Bhavee Pattan in Gujarat in the reign of the Great Madhavrao, leaving four sons, of whom Sayajee Rao, the eldest, was an idiot. The part which Govind Rao, the second son, took in favour of the exiled Raghoba Dada prevented his acceding to the Musnud till after the death of both his young brothers, Fatty Sing and Manajee, who had successively reigned. He sat on the Musnud only three or four years, when he died, leaving three legitimate children, who have each reigned in succession, the youngest, Sayajee, being now on the gad hi.
64 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE.
THE ANGRIA.
Kanoji, the son of Tukoji, a Maratha chief of the family of Angria, first attained eminence while in the service of the Raja of Satara by the capture of the fort of Raighur from the Hubshee chief of Kolaba in the year 1698 and subsequently distinguished himself in the war in the Koncan carried on by the Marathas against that portion of the Mohamedan dominions, on which occasion he acquired the title of Surkhyle. Taking advantage of his own power, and the dissensions which broke out in the Satara family after the return of Shahu Raja, he not only refused to render him submission, but made an effort to establish an independent sovereignty along the whole Koncan Coast, from Goa to Surat, including the hill-forts on the low range of Ghats with the country below them. Till at length having been worsted in many actions by the superior State of Satara, peace was concluded, and Kanoji consented to acknowledge the sovereignty of Shahu Raja. On which occasion the whole of the seaports from Vizia- durg as far as Kolaba remained in Angria*s possession, and reverted first to his eldest son Tukoji and in two years after to his second son Sambaji, between whom and his son Manoji dissensions arising, the latter fled to the English at Bombay, but meeting with no aid in that quarter he proceeded to Poona and became reconciled to his father through the Peshwa, but on the death of Sambaji his brother Tulaji, disputing the right of his nephew, was eventually seized by the Peshwa and died after a confinement of 31 years in prison. The piratical practices of the Angrias on all nations approaching the western coast of India are matter of history, and do not admit of illustration in this place.
As the British power preponderated, they gradually subsided, and after the peace of Bassein they ceased altogether, while the once power- ful Angria encroached on by the Peshwas from time to time dwindled into insignificance leaving in possession of the family at the breaking out of the war a territory yielding two lakhs of rupees in the neighbour- hood of Kolaba and Andhery, of which about half has been alienated for religious purposes or for the reward of services performed by courtiers at Poona.
THE PESHWA.
The founder of this family, Balajee, the son ofWiswanath, aChiplony
Brahman, was the hereditary desmook or zemindar of Shreewardhan
on the sea coast of the Southern Koncan. He so recommended himself
by his ability and energy at the Court of Satara that he was nominated
'to the office of Peshwa in 1717 and was succeeded at his death in 1720
MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THE MARATilA PEOPLE. 65
by his eldest son, Baji Rao. Under this chief the power of the Pesh- waship became supreme and the Raja of Satara was satisfied to con- tinue a mere pageant. Baji Rao was succeeded in the year 1740, at his death, by Balwant Row entitled Nanasaheb, during whose rule, Sahojee, the Raja of Satara, died without issue, and from that date the Peshwa was acknowledged as chief and exercised the power of Sovereign of the Maratha Empire.
His lieutenants carried their conquests over the whole of Hindoo- stan and Guzerat, levied heavy tribute from the Nizam, and wrested the Empire from the Mughul, and raised contributions in Bengal, and conquered Cuttack. Nanasahib died in 1761, and was succeeded by his second son, Madhaorao, called ** The Great." He died in 1772 at the age of 28, after giving great promise of his talents and vigour. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Narayan Rao, who was murdered in 1773 in his palace at Poona in the presence of his uncle, Raghoba Dada. Narayan Rao was succeeded by his posthumus child, Saway Madhavrao, during whose minority the State was ruled by his Minister, Nana Furnavis. On the death of Saway MadhaoRao in 1795 without children, he was succeeded by his relative, Baji Rao, the eldest son of Raghoba Dada, who, expelled from his dominions after a desper- ate effort to recover all the power of his ancestors which he had for- feited by his imbecility, abdicated his sovereignty on 3rd June 1818 in favour of the British Government on condition of receiving annually Rs. 8,00,000. His brother, Chimnajee Appa, receives a pension of Rs. 2,00,000, and Amritrao, the adopted son of Raghoba Dada, Rs. 7,00,000 which has lately descended to his son.
NANA FURNAVIS.
The ancestor of this great Minister was Madhojee Punt Banoo, a Chiplony Brahman, the Mahajim of the village of Velloss in the Taluka of Bankote. He first left his native village and came to Satara in consequence of an invitation from the first Peshawa Balajee Vishwanath, whose brother Tanoo Vishwanath had found protection in his house after his defeat by the Hubshees near Sreevurdhan. The three sons of Madhoji Punt obtained service at Court and the elder, Balajee, was raised to the ofiBce of Furnavis and died at Delhi, whither he had accompanied the Peshwa. His sons, Janardan Punt and Baboo Rao, succeeded to his ofHce, the former died before the latter, leaving an only son, Balajee, who, flying from the battle of Panipat, escaped to Poona, and in conjunction with his uncle. Baboo Rao, and his son, Moroba, filled the office of Furnavis,
5
66 MANUSCRIPT STUDIES OF THB MARATHA PEOPLE.
It is unnecessary here to enter into any particular history of Balajee Janardhan, better known by the appellation of Nana Furnavis. He succeeded to the supreme control of the affairs of the whole Maratha Empire in 1774 and exercised his power with a sagacity and conduct rarely met with. On the death of Saway Madhao Rao in 1795 and the subsequent contention for the throne he lost much of his power and expended the whole of a fortune amounting, it is said, to nearly five millions in his endeavour to regain it. He died of a fever in 1800, leaving a widow Jeoo Bai, who enjoys the following income : — •
Rs.
Pension from the British Government 12,000
Deshmuky of Verval (Ellora) ., .., .,. 500
Enam Village of Menowly near Waee 1,000
Mahojunky and Koteky of the native village of the family Vellass in the Ta^ooka of Bankote 200
Income Rs. 13,700
Management of the revenues of the religious establishment of the Bele Bagh at Poona producing Rs. 5,000.
Art. VI — A Brief Smrs^ri' of tne Upjnish^s.
By M. R. Boi^AS, M_ii., ul.^
Read hefon the Smmsirii Sii^ti^m ^m ihti Jmrnrnjo^ 10^5 in C0mmecti0u 'SL'itk dke Cem^em^n t^ ti£ Stcicf^^
The word Upmmi^md in andent vritin^ has \:arious shades c^ mean- ing, all bearing the general sense of secret knoviedge or esoceric lore. It sometimes means simply secret expianadoo, as in 3^:^^
^lfl?3^»f ^'ift^WW ^I^^T^'JHH'lf^ (Kenaja), or JIUK^ »flf%^ ^^^ fllHI3MfiH<^ (Chh. Up. L 13, 4» or some special rule, as in ?^'^<1VJtMflMH^l9KK (Kansh Up, U. 2), or sometimes the highest knowledge as in H<l W^^^l^^^HM^ CTaitL IIL 10,6), or in difil'^HHtMiw (Shweta V. 16 '3). By common usage, however, the word Vpamsk^ has come to be used to denote a particular class of ancient works which are the repositories of such esoteric knowledge, and which are from time immemorial regarded as supplementary to the Brakmatuts Sind Aranyaiaf of the four Vedas, The works known as I'/Himiskotis are mostly concluding portions of the A ramraias, which are themselves supplements to their respective Brahmanas. There are some excep- tions, no doubt, as /xa, which forms part of the Vajasaneyi Sanhita or the KenopauisAad, which according to Dr. Burnel forms the loth anuvak of the fourth chapter of Talavaidra Brdhmana recently dis« covered by him at Tanjore.* Kaushitaki was at one time supposed to be a part of KaushitaM Brdhmana^ but now it has been discovered in a MS. of an Atnnyaka of the ^^nkhSyanya S&kh^ which along with the Aitareyaranyaka probably once formed one work.t As a rule, however, the sequence of Vedic books is, first, the Sanhita contain* tng mostly the hymns and prayers addressed to deities, and then, the Brahmanas containing detailed descriptions of the several sacrifices and other Vedic rites as well as stories, whether real or mythical, illus- trative of the hymns in the Sanhitas. The Aranyakas are continuations of the Brahmanas ^ but distinctive in character in so far as they treat of more esoteric rites. They were probably intended for persons who have left the state of the common householder and, having entered Iho third Ashrama of Vanaprastha, have gone to live in the forests. Kvon now there is a prohibition against reciting these Aranyakas in a family
* Sacred B. £., Vol. T., p xc.
t Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 50.
68 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
house, and orthodox Pandits often resort to a temple whenever they have to read them. The Upantshads are those portions of the Aranyakas vj\\\c\iXxe3.toithQ higher doctrines of the soul as distin- guished from rites and ceremonies. Upantshads may thus be said to form the kernel or rather the coping stone of the Vedic literature which begins with the simple invocation to a favourite deity, passes through the intermediate stage of elaborate rites, and ends in the deepest philo- sophy of the indissoluble unity of the individual and universal soul.
Most European scholars derive the word Upanishad from the root sad^ to sit down, preceded by two prepositions upa and «f, meaning sitting near ; and the Trikdnda ^esha Kosha explains it as ^Av\ ^?^, sitting near the teacher. It has been suggested that the contents of the Upanishads were thought to be so esoteric that they could not be taught promiscuously or in public, but the pupil had to approach very near the teacher to.hear them. Max Miiller thinks it expresses this position of inferiority which a pupil occupiesC when listening to a \A?s\\Qt {Ancient Sansk, Lit, p. 318). iankarAchdrya, on the other hand, in his commentary on Brihaddranyaka derives it from the root sad, with upa and ff< meaning *to destroy.' ** ^ l|^^<]lMfHM^^<tl^l
cjj^pfi^j-ai^.l " Brahma Vidyd is called Upanishad hacaiUSQ it destroys completely all worldly ties and their causes : and so the treatises, which taught that knowledge, also came to be called by the same name, and Sdyana in another place * derives it as ^^^^'"'RFrt ^ ^t '' wherein the highest good is embedded." Max Miiller calls these ex- planations wilfully perverse, invented by half-educated native scholars to account for the most prevalent meaning of the word; but he does not advance any strong grounds for making such a sweeping charge. The alternative etymology implying, 'sitting down near the teacher' is equally, if not more, imaginary. The derivation given by Indian scholars has at least the merit of explaining the various primary senses in which the word is found used in the Upanishads themselves. Wherever it occurs it connotes either ** secret knowledge" or ** rite " or ** the highest knowledge of Brahma. " Max Miiller himself realized the difficulty of deriving this meaning from *' sitting down near the teacher". The fact is, it is one oi XhosQ yoga-rudha words to which long usage has attached a special meaning and thereby destroyed all trace of its origin. The very diversity of derivations shows that the true etymology is now probably lost, and we shall have to be satisfied with conjectures only. If I may be permitted to make a similar guess, the true explanation of the word, it seems to me, is quite different from those hitherto given either by European or Indian scholars .
• Taithriya Up. II. 9.
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 69
Upanishady I think, did originally mean '' sitting down near" as Max Miiller says, but it was sitting down near the sacrificial fire and not near a teacher. To make this clear we must look to the probable origin of the treatises or rather the discussions which are now embodied in the treatises known as Upanishads. The Shatapatha Bmkmana, the Brikadamnyaka and the Chhandogya furnish ample evidence that the various conversations reported therein took place in the midst of big sacrifices. Thus we read in Chhandogya how Uiasti Chdkrdyana went to a king's sacrifice and there having challenged all to explain the nature of the various deities described them himself, concluding with a praise of the Udgitha^ which forms the burden of the whole chapter. In the fiftli chapter there is the typical story of five learned theologians headed by Udddlaka Aruni go\n^ to king Aswapati Kaikeya to learn Vaiswavanara self, and the king before answering them proposes to hold a sacrifice. They approach him with sacrificial fuel in their hands, which probably implies that all such knowledge could in those times be obtained in the presence of the sacrificial fire. The king thereupon instructs them in the mysteries of the Universal Soul by a reference to the five limbs of Vaiswanara fire. Similarly the Brihadaranyaka describes the victory of Yajnyavalkya over the Kuru Panchala Brah- mans at the great sacrifice performed by Janaica. Katha also has the story of Nachiketa^^ who on seeing his father giving out sacrificial offerings asked to whom he would give his son ; and the Prasna tells us how when five inquirers after Bfahma approached Pippalada with a sacrificial fuel stick in hand, he asks them to perform austerities for a year. Almost all the topics, metaphors and illustrations in these Upa- nishads are connected with a sacrifice, and in many places their con- text clearly shows that a sacrifice was then being actually performed. The Udgithavidyay the Samvargavidya, the five Ahutis or oblations, all these are described as if the actual rite was then proceeding. The coincidences are too numerous to be accidental and can only be explained on the supposition that the various discussions which now form part of the several Upanishads originally took place during the celebration of a great sacrifice. A sacrifice lasts several days, and when the days' ceremonies are over, the Yajamdna, the Rttvigs and visitors must have spent the evenings in various discourses suggested by the morning rites. As a matter of fact we do find entertainments and even music provided to fill up the intervals between two parts of the sacrifice. The big Sairas or sacrificial sessions did provide for such interludes as reading Puranas, philosophical discourses, literary contests, and we do find Suka reciting the Bhagwat to Janamejaya and Suta reciting other Puranas to Rishis during such sessions. Is it inconceivable that the awakening intellect of the ancient Aryans tired with the routine performance of dry rites should have, while resting in
70 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
the midst of sacrifices, risen higher and tried to grapple with the deeper problems of life ? A big sacrifice with its paraphernalia, the decorated pandal, the continuous chants of the hymns, the band of busy priests, and the crowd of spectators — a miniature picture, in fact, of the outer world — is just the occasion when solemn thoughts about the vanity of our aims would suggest themselves to earnest minds, who having gathered together as if in a Congress would exchange ideas and benefit by mutual instruction. A master mind among them like Uddalaka^ Aruni or Vajnyavalkya would invariably come forth on such occasions to guide others by disclosing the deeper truths implied in the sacrifi- cial rites which they were all engaged in celebrating. The sacrificial fire before them, Vaiswanara, would then be not a mere fiame, but the symbol of Universal Soul resting his feet on earth and raising his many variegated heads to the sky. The Udgitha would not be merely a string of words mechanically chanted, but the impas- sioned cry of prayer given out by Devas and A suras in their efforts to obtain the mastery of the world. The whole sacrifice is likened to a man's life wherein the first 24 years form the Pratas- savana or morning's prayer, the next forty-four form the Mandhyandina or noon prayer, and the next forty-eight years form the third or evening prayer. The frequency of such discourses must have led to their being collected and subsequently included in the respective Aranyakas, As the Yajamana also, who in a big sacrifice must have been a Kshatriya Prince, took part or rather commenced the discussion by propounding questions, we find learned Kshatriyas like Janaka, Ajata- satru, and Pravahana figuring prominently in these treatises. When in course of time these collections swelled and multiplied, they came to be regarded as a class of literature by themselves throwing the bald Samhitas or the ritualistic B rah manas into the shade and gradually bringing about a revolution of religious ideas. Once accustomed to such questionings on deeper problems, people could not be satisfied with mere ritual. Energetic minds casting aside the dead formula sought to reach the innermost truths. Kshatriyas as being com- paratively more practical and less untrammelled by the ritualistic conservatism appear to have been foremost in this movement towards a deeper religion, which commenced with the compilation or rather the collection of the Aranyakas and culminated in the secessions of Baudhas and Jainas. The development of thought, as Oldenburg truly says, which was progressing in this period, while resting ap- parently on the old faith in the gods, had really undermined that faith and created a new ground of religious thought, namely, the be- lief in the undisturbed, unchangeable Universal Unity. On this very foundation, centuries after the Brahminical thinkers had laid it, were
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS. 7 1
built that doctrine and church which subsequently came to be known by the name of Buddha.^
The name Aranyaka^ which probably originated in the same manner, is usually derived from Aranya (^TT"^ Ht produced in forest), and the Vartika qr?T ^^TTT -^N R«K TSFT Sl'^df^fS WTS^TT^on Paninis's sutra 3?^- "Hi'^a^Cl V-2-129) derives the adjective BTK«i|4j from ^TT^as applied to an 3TV?jpT or chapter, implying probably a chapter of a Brahmana. But the very exception to the usual derivative 3TR<'^ shows that it must have been an after-thought, suggested by the author of the Vartikas to explain an unknown word. Besides, even so it is only an adjective and does not denote an independent class of books. It is not impossible that the word was originally derived from 3?^, the wooden sticks, by rubbing which the sacrificial fire is produced, which may, therefore, be called ^^P^t and the discourses compiled in the presence of, or relating to the sacrificial fire may have come to be called 3TH"*I*. Of course this is a conjecture only, but it is a guess which if confirmed by further inquiry will support the above hypothesis.
It should not, of course, be supposed that all the works that pass under the name of Upanishads at^ of equal antiquity. Only a few of them that are well-known could be pre-Buddhistic, while a large number are of more or less recent origin. Many of the modern compositions are of such mixed character that they have hardly any similarity, except in name, with the genuine ones. A chronology of these writings would be very instructive, as it will throw much light on the gradual development of religious ideas in India ; but the task of compiling it is not easy. Sufficient data are not yet available to make any such attempt, and the text of all the extant works will have to be carefully examined and corrected before any reliable conclusions can be drawn therefrom . It is simply intended in this short paper to give a bibliography of the Upanishads that have hitherto been found, or the names of which have been ascertained from other source. When the basis has thus been • prepared, a critical study of the works together with their comparison with one another and other known writings will have to follow before their intrinsic worth and historical importance can be properly appraised. One fact, however, can now be safely asserted, that at least 8 or 10 of the most famous Upanishads are pre-Buddhistic, while many of the rest must have come into existence during the three or four centuries be- fore Christ when the Brahminical orthodoxy had to contend against the onslaughts of Jain and Boudha heretics. A large number again are so sectarian or devoted to particular deities or ceremonies, that they must have been composed when Hinduism was split up into sects and each
* Oldenburg:'s Buddha, his Life> his Doctrine, his Order|" p. t8.
74 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
the Sama and 31 to the Atharva Veda, Other authorities, as has been shown above, assign 52 Upanishads to the A tharva Veda, while the names given by Muktika differ considerably from those given by Drs. Bhandarkar and Rajendralal. Similar differences also exist as regards p2iTi\cu\2ir upanishads which are assigned to different Vedas by different writers. It should be noted, however, that such differences mostly pre- vail either between the Snma Veda and white Yajurveda, which them- selves appear to have been nearly contemporaneous works,or as regards the Atharva Veda which has in fact been made the repository of all the later writings. Several Upanishads again have different recensions^ the most glaring instance of which is Narayana, which has been ac- tually printed in two recensions, one as the loth prapdthaka of TaUtiriya A ranyaka, and the other as Parisishta, and which even in the time of Say ana had four recensions, prevailing respectively in Dravida, Andhm, Kamataka and other provinces. These four go under the name of Ydjnikiy while the Parisishta^ which is a different thing altogether, is now recited by Vaidik Brahmins as the Narayanopanishad proper.
Time will not allow me to digress further into this very interesting' field of investigation. A closer study of each treatise will, un- doubtedly, disclose many peculiarities showing its real character and merits.
I may be permitted in conclusion to remark that no class of ancient Sanskrit works has exercised greater influence on the religious thought and life of the Hindus than the Upanishads. They have practically thrown the Sanhitas and the Brahmanas into the back- ground. They have made elaborate sacrifices and rituals obsolete. They gave birth to Buddhism and Jainism and many other move- ments and yet ultimately supplanted them by means of the orthodox Vedanta philosophy. It is the Upanishads that taught the austere doctrine of Para-Brahma and also the benign faith of the BhakH^ shastra. Founders of all orthodox sects in later times resorted to them as fountain heads of religious wisdom ; and no wonder that they have come to be looked upon as Shrutiy par excellence, Madhusudana Saraswati classes them apart from the other divisions of Veda, vis,, Sanhita, Brahmana, Aranyakas, Upa-Veda and Vedanga, Even now the upanishads are a living force as we see from the lives of Schaupen- haur in Europe and Ram Mohan Roy in India, both of whom derived their religious impulse from this perennial source. It behoves us all to study these works closely and respectfully.
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE L7AX1SHJUH.
75
APPEXDHL
NoU,^^ The letters in the third coYumm 4eaot« Ibe ftonrLe ^ ^.rij^ tL^ name, ^.^.—
A.-yuktikopmmisiutd. B.-ESot's iac C^-Colefaroofce • btf. D^A IH ftr-.n'* Ut. E.-Weber'8 list. F.— Ur. Rajeodrala]** Ebc Gu—Dr. Bkfcaaatfcjtf^ • hat, H --Oppcr; * W. J.— Bulher's Catalosrue of MSS. ia GiQarat.
t The following abbreTiatiocis is the second co'uct: denc-t* 'i-c IV^ *x^ which the Upanishad is assig'oed : —
"Kx^.—Rigvedam B. Yaj.— Black Ymjrn*. W. Ya>— ITLr-e YmjmrttdM. Sa*r — 5a»vt>r<^0.
|
No. |
Name of Upanishad. |
Veda to which it belong^.'' |
Work* Mh'i'A* tx*fr^ lion it,* |
|
|
1 2 |
ST. |
called ftWI ft^alsof^<^ t 1 |
Rig- B. Ya> Ath, W. Yaj. • • • • « J ••• •• 1 Ath. 9 V • • 9 ' B. Yaj. ' B. Yaj. W. Yaj. Sam. |
|
|
.A, B. A, B, H. H. |
||||
|
3 |
^!S^I*<lMHM^ |
F, H. |
||
|
4 |
^^l^wflMMNcl, |
A. B. C. D, G, H,J. |
||
|
5 6 7 |
A, B, C, D, F, G, H, ]. B, H. 'Probably 3rd \,G,HJ.^ Chap. ^ of \, B, H. |
|||
|
8 9 |
<«5ldlMftN< or ^W |
|||
|
10 II |
^- 1 Probably the A,B,H. J same. B, D, F, H. B, C, D, F, G, H, J. |
|||
|
12 13 '4 |
^^^Pl4 or ^5<R4 |
|||
|
'5 |
^^dWiWjMpN^l |
H. |
||
|
1 16 • 1 |
^^MH^^ |
J. A R H |
||
|
ii<i 12a 130 |
A, B, M |
76
A BRIEF SURVEY OP THE UPANISHADS.
No.
Name of Upanishad.
M
IS i6
17 18
19
20
21 22 23 24
•
25 26
27 28
29
30
:u 3^
Veda to
which it
belongs .t
Works which men- tion it.*
or ^THF^
i[ftfr#?f^
im^m
^^<^\hA\m
f.
^.
^.
Ath. Rig.
Sam.
A, C, D, G, H, J. A, B, D, H, J.
J.
A, B, C, D, F, G, J.
B, C, G, H, J.
W. Yaj.
I
^J3^ or ^55[^R3
?^.
Yaj.
Rig.
B. Yaj.
A, B, C, D, F, H, J. H. Probably same as
B. Yaju.
A, B, H.
A, B, C, D, F, H, J.
H.
A, B, C, D, F, G. H. J.
I A.
B, C, G, J.
A, B, H. H.
A BKIKF SURVEY OF THE UPANISUADS.
77
|
No. |
Veda to which it belongs, t |
Works which men. lion it,* |
|
|
33 34 |
t |
B. Yaj. |
|
|
A. B. C, G. H, J. |
|||
|
««I^HWRS^ |
A, F. H, J. |
||
|
35 ,*^^ |
^^ |
||
|
36 il"«* or *l*^*l — .% rs rs. n. |
Sara. Ath. |
A, B, H. |
|
|
37 |
»^MMia. or *»"WimHI |
A, B. |
|
|
38 |
%^ |
5>am. |
A, B, C. D, F, H, J. |
|
39 |
^<W |
B. Yaj. |
A, B, C, F, G. H. J. |
|
40 |
A Sl—ts. |
||
|
*I^IHMiq, |
B. C, E, F, H. |
||
|
41 |
\_A /> ^ fX |
Rig. |
|
|
A, B. C, D, F, H, J. |
|||
|
ir. |
|||
|
42 |
B. Yaj. |
A, B, C, D, G. H, J. |
|
|
43 |
Ath. |
A, B, H, J. [Perhaps the same as last. |
|
|
44 |
|||
|
45 |
I^^Mpm^ |
||
|
46 |
'TW |
Ath. |
A, B,C, G, H,J. |
|
47 |
1* |
B. Yaj. |
A,B,C,D, F, G, H.J, |
|
48 |
^ii"m^mPm<i^ |
H. Perhaps the same as'mMt^, B. A, B, C, E, F, H, J. |
|
|
49 |
^iW'3m^»<^ |
||
|
50 |
^ilMi^\i<^5ft |
i Ath. |
|
|
51 |
|||
|
52 |
•■• *•• |
B, C, E, F, H, J. |
|
|
53 |
N^MWI^ |
J. |
|
|
54 |
|||
|
55 |
•^^IMMM^ or -^I |
A, B, C, D, G, H, J. |
|
|
56 |
Sam. |
A, B, C. D. H. J. |
78
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
No.
57
58
59
60 61 62
63
'65 ^6
67 68 69
70
71 72
73
74
75 76
77
78 79
Name of Upanishad.
?T.
«ft sn^T^^ or «r^^
^i«ii^ or ^ SfHT^
f f^yi^nfWt or
i f%3U^I%^ or
Veda to
which it
belongs, t
Works which men- tion it.*
Sam. W. Yaj. Sam.
Yaj.
B. Yaj. Ath.
Rig. Ath.
)
W.Yaj.
A, B, C, E, F, G, H. A, B, C, D, F, H. J.
A, B.
B. D, H. A, B, rl.
J.
A, B| ri*
H.
A, B, C, D, G, H.
A, B, E, H, J. H.
A, B, H, J.
A, B, C, E, H. The same.
H.
A, B, H. Probably the same.
B. Yaj. Ath.
^o js^qhi^^
Ath.
A, B, H.
A, B, H, J.
Same as 3|(i||c4 ^^.
A, B, H.
H.
H.
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
79
No.
Name of Upanishad.
8i
82
83
«4
85
86
87 S8
89 -90
91
92
95 96 97
98
99 too
^pjlhH-ll^
^r^WB
J[f3f^
101 ' ^^w^ Rf+W
Veda to
which it
belongs.t
Works which men- tion it.*
Sam.
Rig. ' Ath.
A. B, C. D, G, H, J.
A, B, C, G, H, J.
B, H.
Perhaps the same as 2 ' ^fSCdlM-ft or nilMRr^cT
H. B.
B. Yaj.
; W. Yaj. [a, B, C, D, G, H. J. A, B, E, H, J.
Rig.
••• •••
5-Ath.
\V. Yaj. Ath.
A, B, n.
B, C, G, H, J.
iB, C, D, G, H, J.
Perhaps the same a? the above.
A, B, F, G, J. A, B, C, D.
Ath.
J.
H. Perhaps same as ^.
\ B, H.
So
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS.
|
No. |
Name of Upanishad* |
Veda to which it belongs, t |
Works which men- tion it.* |
|
A T T r^ 1 1 < |
|||
|
io6 |
W*<N«WMMMa, |
A, H. Probably same as |
|
|
. |
TT^m^TSRT (see Ell.) |
||
|
107 108 109 |
Ath. |
H. The same as aruTTrVf. A, B, H. Perhaps same as the last. B, C, G, H, J. |
|
|
no |
^^M^I<OMPiM^ |
J. |
|
|
III |
^j^SmPiN^ |
W, Yaj. |
A, B, H. |
|
112 |
M-^iH^ ^^^i ^'^f{\m^ |
Yaju. |
A, B. |
|
"3 |
M-M^lldlMMMO. |
||
|
114 |
il^K^HMMMM^ |
||
|
"5 |
M"RlMpi*<^ |
||
|
116 |
ii"h^i5;i^mPiMdL |
||
|
117 |
5r« |
Ath. |
A, B, C, D, F, G, H, J. |
|
ii8 |
i<l"llwtlw |
Yaju. |
A, B, C, D, H, J. |
|
119 |
W. Yaj. Ath. |
H. |
|
|
120 |
t^iM^M^ |
A, B, C, D, F, H, J. |
|
|
121 |
4^>»<HHI^ or '^^i^.Hl^ |
A, B, H, J. |
|
|
122 |
t*^l^l4il^0. |
Rig. |
A, B, H. |
|
123 |
f^<?^mj^N^ |
J. |
|
|
124 125 |
TO 1 • |
B. Yaj. ft |
F. A, B, C, H, J. |
|
126 |
• |
A, B, C, D, G, H, J. |
|
|
127 |
*<tThHHnMPm^ |
||
|
128 |
^T5[T |
Ath. |
|
|
129 |
*it*<v>1WI<* |
A, B, H. |
|
|
130 |
^^Hl , |
>» |
A, B, H, J. |
Index to the Transactions of the Literary Society, Bombay— Rs, a. p.
Vols. I. — III., and to the Journals of the B. B. R. A. Society,
Vols. I. — XVII., with a Historical Sketch of the Society.
By Ganpatrao K. Tiwarekar, librarian ..< 400
Catalogue of the library of the B. B. R. A. Society up to
1873. (Not in stock.) ... • 500
Supplementary Catalogues from 1874 to 1904}
.w^« . ^ . - ^, . V r ••• ••• each 040
(With Catalogues of Novels.) J ^
Catalogue of Novels up to 1872 •.. ,, 080
Journal of the Bombay Geographical Society,
Proceedings, Bombay Geographical Society, 1837 080
-^ • 1838 100
'^39 ••• ...080
— — 1840 ... •••100
Transactions, Vol. VI., 1841-1844 180
VII., 1844-1846 .200
VIII., 1847-1849 «•• ••• 180
IX., 1849-1850 a o o
X., 1850-1852 ••• 200
XI., 1852-1853 ...200
— XII., 1854-1856 200
XIII., 1856-1857 200
— XIV., 1857-1858 200
— XV., 1858-1860 200
XVI., 1860-1862 200
XVII., 1863-1864 200
••• ••• •••
200
XVIII. , 1865-1867 ... XIX., 1868-1873 200
Index to the Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, Vols. I. to XVII., with Catalogue of the Library. By D. J. Kennelly, Honorary Secretary
...
••• ••• ••"
72 A BRIBP SURVEY OP THE UPANISHADS.
votary tried to support his cause by some pseudo-ancient book. Isa^ Ken^ Katha, Chhandogya and Brihadaranyaka are samples of the first; J4b&la, ^wet^shwatara, Mundaka and the Upanishads of the Athar- vaveda are of the second class ; while treatises like Rama^ Sita, Datt^- traya, Krishna, Gopichandana, Rudr^ksha and many others obviously belong to the third class. The age of the most ancient of these, namely Brihadaranyaka, Chhandogya and (sa had for some time been assumed by European scholars to be contemporaneous with Vajasaoeyi Sanhita and the iatapatha Brahmana^ that is, between the 9th and 7th centuries before Christian era. Mr. V. B. Ketkar, however, in a paper read before this Society^ relying on a passage in the Satapatha Brahmana showing that the vernal equinox was then actually in the Krittikas^ calculates the time to be B. C. 3068 and if the Upanishads were contemporaneous, as most prob- ably they were, we shall have to push their origin much further back than the time hitherto assumed. The Upanishads abound in historical and topographical references, which are after more careful study likely to yield good results ; but until some positive data are obtained, random speculations would only mislead.
Several attempts have been made by Western scholars in the past to collect a bibliography, as it were, of the Upanishads. The earliest known was that by Anquetil Du Perron who was followed by Colebrooke, Weber and Roer in Bibliotheca Indica, Vol. VII, No. 34. Mr. Walter Elliot in a list published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Vol. XX, p. 609) combined and corrected all the previous lists, enlarging the number of 6^<i»tr^<i</r from 95 given by Roer to 120 by additional names collected from Telegu MSS. Mr. Elliot also pub- lished the list of 108 Upanishads given in Muktikopanishad. Roer on comparing Elliot's list with the previous ones found that the total num- ber thus known was 138 or, with portions of some counted as different works, i54.t Dr.Rajendra Lai Mitra in his Introduction to Gopatha-Brah- mana (Bibliotheca Indica) gives a list of 52 Upanishads of the Atharva- Veda fWhich with slight variations and a different order agrees with the one prepared by Dr. Bhandarkar from MSS. found in Gujarat^ Biihlerin his Catalogue of MSS. in Gujarat gives a list of different Upanishads containing several names not known to Elliot, while Oppert in his lists of Sanskrit MSS. in Southern India adds many more names which are not found elsewhere. In addition to all these I was fortunate in obtaining from my friend, Mr. Venkatachala Shastri of Mysore, MSS. and names of some Upanishads not found in any of the above lists. Having com- pared and collected these materials, I have prepared an alphabetical list
• Journal. B. B. R. A., Vol. XXI, p. 39.
t Journal, Royal As. Soc.. Beng., p. 619.
X Search for Sanskrit MSS. in Bombay Presidency for i883<84, p. 24,
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE UPANISHADS, 73
of 220 Upanishads which is appended to this paper. All names that could be ascertained to belong to the same work have been grouped into one, ^ .^. , Afahd^NArdyayana and Brihan-Ndrdyana^ DaHana and J&bdla-Darsana, Brahmabindu and Amritabindu, All names on the other hand which could be ascertained to apply to parts of a larger work have been omitted. The most notable instance of this is the Mdndukya, which is sometimes counted as one and sometimes split up into four by counting the second, third and fourth chapters of Cauda- padas, Afondukya-KarikaSi as different Upanishads, Another instance would be Nrisinhatapini which along with Mahopanishad may be taken as one or counted as six as Dr. Bhandarkar has done. A similar doubt exists as regards other Tapanis. There are seven such pairs of Tapanis, Purvaand Uttara, vis,, Nrisinha. Gopal, Rama, Narayana, Tripura, Suryaand Sundari, besides single works such as Krishnatapini,Ganesha- tapini and Mahatripura Sundari and Viratapini. These pairs are treated sometimes as one and sometimes as different works. A considerable number of the names included in my list again must be treated as provisional only until the MSS. have been actually examined and found to constitute independent works. This is chiefly the case with the additional names taken from Buhler*s and Oppert's lists. If deduction is allowed for possible correction in this manner, we may fairly assume that we do at present know about 200 independent Upanishads com- posed at different times and possessing greater or less intrinsic value.
Coming to Indian writers we find various enumerations of the Upanishads, probably representing their numbers known at different times ; the most famous of these enumerations being that of Dai- opanishad, /ra, Kena, Katha, Prasna, Mundaka, Mandukya, Taittiriya, Aitereya, Chhandogya and Brihadaranyka, These ten along with Swetaswatara have attained special repute by reason of the great scholiast Sankaracharya having selected them for his immortal commentaries. They are also probably the most ancient. Brahnt" opanishad mentions another class of thirteen Upanishads , viz,, Bnthma, Kaivdlya, Jdbala, Swetaswatara, Aruni, Garbha Narayana, Hansa, Bindu, Nada, Shifas, and Shikha which all belong to the Atharva Veda and probably represent a supplementary class. We have collections of 18 and also of 32 Upanishads, which latter are said by the Muktikopanishad to possess an educative value higher than the pri- mary ten. Lastly we have the 108 Upanishads enumerated and classi- fied in the Muktikopanishad as representing a list of those to be accepted as genuine. These 108 Upanishads are apportioned to the four or rather five Vedas in the following manner, vis,, 10 to the Rigveda, 19 to the white Yajurveda, 32 to the black Yajurveda, 16 to
/
/
V,
CONTENTS OF NUMBER LX.
«< .4 •
*• * •
. 1
ART. PAG8
I. — Arabic Poetry. By Professor S. M. Ispahan! • i .
II. — On the Age of the Sanskrit PoettKavjraj^- By* Professor
l^* D« It AxHAK^ D»Am ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• II
III.^A History of Bijapur. By Rafiud DIN Shiraji 17
By V. R. Natu, B.A., LL.B.
IV.—** Shivajt's Swarajya." By Purshotam Yishram Mawji, Esq. 30
v.— Lt.-Co1. T. B. Jervis (1796-1857) and his MS. Studies on the
State of the Maratha People and^ theif :HistQry« . recently ..
presented to the Society by his Son. By R. P. K arkaria, Esg. 43
VI.— A Brief Survey of the Upanlshads. By M. R. Bodas, M.A.,
JL^L^. l5* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ^fe ••• ••• DT
Proceedings of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904-05 :i
List of Presents to the Library, 1904-05 x^
List of Contributions to the Centenary Celebration Fund ... xzz^
• •*
No. LXI.]
[ Vol. XXII.
THE JOURNAL
OF THE
BOMBAY BRANCH
OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
r.
1906
Edited by the Honorary Secretary.
BOMBAY 2 SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL.
LONDON :
Agents for Europe: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co.,
DRYDEN HOUSE, 42, GERRARD ST.^ S.W.
1906.
■M
THS TIMBS PRB8S, BOMBAY— l845'o6
/ .
I-.
\ ■
Art. VII. Nripatuhga and the authorship of the Kavirdjamarga.
(^ reply to Dr. Fleet.)
By K. B. Pathak, Professor of Sanskrit, Deccan College, Poona.
( commukicatbd.)
Dr. Fleet has lately contributed a very lengthy article entitleJ Kavisvara's Kavirajamarga to the Indian Antiquary for October and November 1904, pp. 258-280. This is a review of my edition of Xripatunga's Kavir&jamaU'ga published in 1898 as a volume of the Bihluh- tkeca camaiica. This work is full of interest for Sanskrit scholars as I have pointed out in my Introduction that it contains direct translations or adaptations of many verses in Dandi*s K&vyldarsa. The approxi- mate date of the work is also known. The first two verses are very interesting and important. They contain an invocation addressed by the author to the god on whose breast the goddess Lakshmi reclines, whom she never abandons, and round whom the lustre springing from the kaustubha-jewel forms a curtain. It may be remarked that the first verse does not mention the name of the god ; yet a Hindu scholar can easily recognize, from the description given, the god Vishnu who wears the kaustubha-jewel on his breast. But one of the words used in the first verse is nripatunga ; and this was a title of the R&sh^rakOta king Amdghavarsha I. A question will naturally arise is this king spoken of in the opening verse ? This question must be answered in the negative because we know that Am^ha- varsha I. did not possess this fabled jew^el. And the difficulty is easily got over by taldng the expression niipatuhga in its primary sense.' It means nripa-sr^htha, f.^., the best of kings ; and in this sense it is employed by Abhinavapampa, ' when he says, referring to Janaka, that the best of kings mounted the lofty steed. A similar expression yati-tunga in the sense of yati-sreshtha« 1.^., the best of ascetics, occurs in the R&jas^khara-vil&sa, Chap. I, 14. It must be also admitted here that there is an indirect reference to the secondary sense of the expression niipa-tunga as the dtle of Amdghavarsha I. ; in
^ In Dr. Kitld's KanQa(;^-£nfirlisfa Dictionary the word is explained to nusao ** the moKt pcmmneot one or dnef of king's."
* Panpa-R^fli&ya^a IV, iso, Mr. Rice's e£t>oa, p. 94 , Sridan uttunf^'tttrangamu- mssp nrip»«4ungai|u 6
82 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
Other words, the expression is used in a double sense. These remarks apply with equal force to some expressions in the second verse, since the two verses form one sentence, as will be shown further on. A correct interpretation of these verses is most essential as they con- clusively prove that Am6ghavarsha I, who had the title of Nripatuhga, was the author of the work.
Let us now turn to Dr. Fleet's review. He says, ** The real nature of the first and second verses is quite unmistakable. In the first of them the author of the work prays that good fortune may never desert a person, Nripatuhga, whom the expressions employed by him mark as a person of exalted rank. In the second, he asks Atisaya- dhava|a, — whom, in this stage of the inquiry, we might, or might not, be inclined to identify with the Nripatuhga who is mentioned in the preceding verse, — to inspire him with a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him, v.-hich he himself, unaided, could not hope to display. And there is not the slightest shadow of a basis in fact for the editor's assertion, or suggestion, that, in the first two verses of the Kavirljamlrga, Nripatuhga-Amdghavarsha I., as the (alleged) author of the work, praised a god mentioned, after himself, by the names of Nripatuhga, Nitinirantara, Kritakrityamalla, Vira- niriyana, (and Atisayadhavala). Those two verses embody requests made by the author of the work. The first of them prays for the welfare of a person, mentioned as Nripatuhga and Nitinirantara, whom he has marked as a person of high rank and has most distinctly indicated as his patron. In the second of them he has asked a person, whom he has mentioned as Ati^ayadhavaja, Viran&r&yana, and Kritakrityamalla, to inspire him with ability to perform the task lying before him. And, even apart from the colophons, the first of these two verses is sufiiicient to prove that the author of the work was not Nripatuhga.*"
I give below the text of the two verses as transliterated by Dr. Fleet together with his translation^ and propose to deal in order with each of the points that are misunderstood.
Sri talt=uradol kaustubha-
j&ta-dyuti balasi k&ndapatad = ant-ire sarii — I.
pritiyin = &vanan = agalal
Nitinirantaran = ud&ran=& Nripatuhgarii II i.
Kritakrityamallan = aprati-
hata-vikraman = osedu Viran&r^yaijan = a— I.
pp = Atisayadhavalam namag = ig =
atarkkitdpasthita-prat&p-6dayamam II i, 2,
* Ind. Antiquary, Oct. 1904, pp. 2ii, 264, ^ Idem, p. a6i»
nripatuS:ga and the authorship of the kavirajamarga. 83
Translation* : — (Verse i) ** Let Fortune, — clinging to (Mis) breast, with the lustre, bom from the kaustubha-jewel, lying round (her) like a screen surrounding a tent, — not abandon with (her) affection him (literally, whom ?) ; (namely) the noble Nitinirantara (* he who never ceases to display statesmanship'), that (famous or 7veii'known) Nripatuhga ! " — (Verse 2) ** Let Atisayadhavaja, — who is Kiitakritya- malla * the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who have done their duty,* and who, possessing prowess which has not been checked (^just as the god Vishnu-X&rayana had three strides which were not obstructed), has pleasingly become Viraniriyana, — give to us a develop- ment of power that comes quite unexpectedly !'*
(i) The most important word in the first verse is kaustubha, which Dr. Fleet has entirely ignored in his explanatory com- ments from a misapprehension that no god is praised in the two verses. Dr. Kittel in his Kannada-English Dictionary sajs that kaustubha is the jewel suspended on the breast of Vishnu and that Kaustubhibharana is a name of Vishnu. We find a similar statement in the St. Petersburgh Dictionary and in the dictionaries of Benfey and Monier Williams. Tirin^tha in his
Vlchaspatya mentions %R5^i^T>^ and ^JHt^^SP'T as the names of the ^od Vishnu and explains ^t^gpr^^ as iR^fg^Y ^fir ^IFT and says it is an epithet of Vishnu. Amarasimha says :—
Amara-K6sha, Canto I, 28. In the Mahibhirata we read —
^KHn1<acM^I UdlcM[»j<<4lfe^ I
g^iMt ^T3cqw 3^: Mi"i<w«n ii \\ ii
Mah&bhirata I, 18.
3# J«^^ 1<^ W^^ 5R1^: I <ft^44^Pl^iax^< ft^IT 'K'RT ^^^ II \^ II 5^: W^* fi^ il^lft^llRl^l^: I
Mah&bh&rata I, 13.
84 NRIPATUK'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA^
Kalidisa says : —
Raghu. VI, 49-
••• ••• ••• •••
^^^K«^*<m' 'Bit fiWT ttdK^I II
Raghu. X, lo.
53^ ^ ^i*M H^^PRR 'npr I
Raghu. XVII, 29.
B^na, K&dambari,* p. 66. In the ancient Pr&krita poem Gaudavaho'' the 22nd verse alludes to the rays of the kaustubha-jewel shining on the breast of Krishna. M&gha says : —
Sisup&la-vadha XX, 37.
In old Kannada Literature we meet with frequent allusions to the kaustubha-jewel of the god Vishnu. The first Pampa, a distinguish* ed author of the R&sh^rakO^a period, compares^ Hastin^pura to the kaustubha adorning the large breast of Kaitabh-&r^ti, i.e., Vishnu. Abhinava- Pampa'* also speaks of Hari's kaustubha. In the K&vy&va- Idkana,^ Verse No. 911, contains a conventional description of Krishna, bearing on his breast the kaustubha-jewel and the goddess Lakshmi ; and Verse No. 810 in the same work represents Krishna smiling at the feeling of jealousy betrayed by Lakshmi on seeing her own image reflected in the kaustubha-jewel and mistaking it for a rival wife. We have thus seen that references to this jewel are found in Sanskrit, Pr&krita and Kannada Literatures. And it is also worth noting that some of the authorities cited are distinguished Jaina writers. The
'■ Nir^ayas&gara Press edition.
* Bombay Sanskrit Series, S. P. Pandit's edition.
^ Pampa*BhArata, edited by Mr, Rice, p. 9, prose passage.
* Pampa-KAm^yapa, edited by Mr. Rice, p. 21, ch I. 119.
^ Edited by Mr. R. Narasimhachar, M.A , in the Bibliotheca Carnatica series.
NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUIHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 85
jiewel is also referred to in Ancient Inscriptions. I quote the follow- ing verse from the Gupta Inscriptions/ p. 83.
^aiin=Sva nabhd vimalam kaus[t]ubha niai;iin=^va ^ftrngi^d
vakshah I bhavana-var^^a tath =^daih puram=akhilam =alamkritam = ud&raih II In the Index to the Gupta Inscriptions, p. 321, Dr. Fleet says: — "*' Kaustubha, a jewel worn on the breast by Vishnu." Bd^a says' : —
g^nfW lift ^^R«?>it T^^m 4>^«it^i4R^iR«iiJidH, i
Here the great jewel, though not mentioned by name, is the famous kaustubha. The commentator explains im\ [fft:] R^S^iUn^ f^ yy:^^^[?fffH^A ^^ H«KH ^t^ ^vni% ; and this explanation is confirmed by another passage cited above from the K&dambari. It is interesting to note the fact that in the time of Nripatunga him- self, the people in the Canarese country knew that their king did not possess the kaustubha jewel and believed that it was worn on the breast by the god Vishiiu. The illustrious Jaina author Guiiabhadra, who was preceptor to Krishoar&ja II while the latter was yuvar&ja, ■and who wrote the concluding five chapters of the Adipur&na,^ says, after a touching reference to his great teacher Jinas^na, who had just fiassed away :—
*i^*ii^f^ w^ ^>^ j1<j41t!*<; II ^K II
Adipur&i]ia, Chapter 43. Translation. — Let the best of persons cherish in his heart the great jewel in the form of religion, sprung from the ocean-like Scrip- ture, regarding it superior to kaustubha, which Vishi?u (Purushdttama) wears on his breast, and which is the great jewel sprung from the ocean.
In the following verse from the K&vyaprak&sa^ we are advised to meditate on the two feet of Him who wears the kaustubha jewel.
M^\^ ^ ^<ui3^l^ ^^^(T^: I
^<^Wtmi ^ f5R:2fWi%p^ jnnri^ ii
^ Corpus Intcriptiooum Indicarum, Vol. III. by Dr. Fleet.
* KAdambart, Introductory versest NirnayanAs^r Press edition with commentary.
' Jinae^nArhArya's AdipurA^a, composed in the time of Kingf Nripatuftgra-Amdghavarsha, Deocan College MS. No. 505 of 1884.86.
* VimanichArya's edition of KAvyapralcA^ X, Sal. p> 857*
86 NRIPATUlv'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
Here no god is named. But Na,g6jibhatta, the celebrated author of the Paribh^shendusekhara in his commentary on this verse, re- marks' ft^ff: qr^gJT •n'^^K^^ that we are to meditate on the two feet of the god Vishnu who alone wears the kaustubha. Finally Professor Macdonell tells^ us that the post-Vedic kaustubha or breast-jewel of Vishnu has been explained as the sun by Kuhri. The conclusion to be drawn from all this evidence is that Vishnu is invoked in the first two verses of the KavirS-jamirga.
(2) The next important word in the first verse which is misunder- stood is Sri which is translated in the above extracts ** fortune " **good fortune *' and ** welfare." Dr. Fleet speaks of ''Fortune clinging tCK the breast of king Nripatunga.'* This is not an Indian idea arid is very absurd. The word Sri bears several meanings; which of these is to be accepted here ? Mammata in his Kivyaprakisa^ says that in such a case we should be guided by the principles of interpretation which are enumerated by Bhartrihari in his Vikyapadiya, thus :—
^|gTf4 or constant accompaniment is the principle that determines
the meaning to be assigned to the word Sri here. It means the goddess Lakshmi, who constantly accompanies Vishnu, reclines on his breast and never abandons him. We read in the Vishnu- purlna.-*
3T^rnt ^fi^im ^4T «fl<dc^^iRr?ft 11 ? ?s 11 2ica =^ ^Tpfr#r ^w^^r^nj^:^! fe^^ n ?\f ^ 11 3T^ =^R^ Rw'TRm ^TfTfipft II t^i II T>nt^fi3^^ % ^»d^i^TcJR^^T3< II ?>fH II
Book I, Chap. IX.
* Prof. Chanddrkar's edition of KiLvyaprakAsa of Mammata, UllAsa, X, p. in. " V^dic Mythology, p. J9.
^ VftmanAchArya's edition of KAvyaprakAsa, pp. 72. 73*
* H. H. Wilson's translation of the Vish^upurAva. pp. 78, 80, S9. <J^
NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 87
Book I, Chap. VIII. The expression lJ^g«^<g';^6R'^fTI9, applied to Lakshini means ** re- clining on the breast of Vishnu." This notion is frequently met with in Indian Literature and Inscriptions. We read in the Kidambari'
Mlgha says : —
^Tc^ng^ H<«h^ ^f^r 3^l%n: ^'^•uwh^iRtj: II
Sisup&lavadha XII 3.
Here fj|^ ft7T«r9J^ ^mi?^^ means Vishnu on whose breast Lakshmi has taken up her abode The Kannada poet Ranna who enjoyed the patronage of the Ch&lukya king Tailapa II, makes the goddess Lakshmi say"" ** I am sprung from the ocean. I am the noble lady who reclines on the breast of Vishnu." King Bhdja^ thus prays for the immortality of his work : — ^
2?ks:5Jl% *l^*l<^«lft?t ^^Ji<Jl^: I
In the KivyivaI6kana/ verse No. 303 runs. &vom kivom 16kama—
n Avonin amararkkaj amarar enisidar olavini— | d &von uras-thaladol La — kshmi-vadhu nelas irppal t Mura-dvishan itam |{
Translation ; — This is that foe of Mura [t.e, Vishnu] who protects the world, through whom the gods called themselves immortals and on whose breast the goddess Lakshmi has lovingly taken up her abode.
We read in the Gupta Inscriptions^
Yivach=chandra-kal& Harasya Sirasi 6rih ^4rngin6 (n6) vakshasi.
In the Index Dr. Fleet explains Srih as ** the goddess Lakshmi."
*■ K^dambari. Nirgayasigar Press edition, p. I18. ' Gad^yuddha, Kar^Ataka KAvyamanjari series No. l?> p. I4I. ^ Sarasvatikan(h&bhara9ai the concluding^ verse. ^ Mr Narasimbachar's edition. ^ Corpus Inscriptionum Indicorum, Vol. III| p. 204.
88 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMArGA.
This idea is also contained in the following illustration of the figure of sense called vyija-stuti given by Nripatuiiga himself : —
jala-ri^i-prabhaveyan a-vi-
kala*Krishna-guo-&nurakteyam mige Lakshmi-
lalaneyan Intum vaksha —
sthaladoj p^ 1 ent ud^ra-charitane appai |I
Kavir&jam^rga, Chapter III, Verse i6i.
Translation. — Say how thou canst be of noble character, though bearing on thy breast the fair Lakshmi sprung from a multitude of dull persons (sprung from the ocean) and fond of all black qualities (fond of all the qualities of Krishna.)
In this verse Vishnu, who bears the goddess Lakshmi on his breast, is apparently dispraised but really praised. From all these passages it is evident that the phrase ^ri tajt uradoj does not mean Fortune clinging to the breast of Am6ghavarsha. It should be translated ** Lakshmi clinging to the breast of Vishnu," as is seen in the cele- brated temple of Viran&rglyana at Gadag in Dharwar District where Lakshmt is represented as clinging to Viran^rAyapa's breast.
(3.) The next important word that is misunderstood is the verb agalaj. This is the only verb in the first verse and means '* she does not abandon or never abandons*' ; and ** Sri agalal" means ** Laksmi never abandons." In the passage from the Vishou-purina cited above we are told that Lakshmi is the constant companion of Vishnu and that she never abandons him. The same idea is expressed by Mur^ri who savs : —
Anarghya-R4ghava\
The Sanskrit words t^'ftt iTfTfif can be rendered into. Old Kannada thus, Sri agalaj or Sri-vadhu agalade irpaj (lit. lives without abandon- ing). The former mode of expression is adopted by Nripatuiiga in the first verse of the Kavir&jamirga which is the subject of the pre- sent discussion ; and the latter mode is found in the opening verse of the Kannada Panchatantra' where Durgasiipha says :—
Srt-vadhu r&gadiipd agalad ivana vakshadol irpa] &vag(n)aip ddva-nik&yam dlagipud &vana nibhi— sardjadol vacha — Sri-varan utsavam berasu pu^tidan Itan a^sha-daitya-vi- dr&vanan ige Durga-vibhug Achyutan achyuta-saukhya- kdtiyaip II
^ Published in the KAvyamAlA serie)«, p. ^16. * Published in the Kar9A(aka IC4vyainafijari.
NRIPATUN'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 89
Translation : — May He, Vishnu, on whose breast the goddess Lakshmi lovingly remains without abandoning (him), whom a multi- tude of gods, serve, from the lotus in whose navel the husband of Saras- vati [Brahmad^va] has taken his birth wiih joy, and who dispels all demons, — give to the lord Durga untold and uninterrupted blessings.
Dr. Fleet translates agalal ** Let her not abandon '* and says it ex- presses a prayer. This is opposed to the rules of Kannada grammar. This form of the verb is called pralish^dha-r(ipa or the negative mood. It is composed of the root agal, to abandon, a, the particle of negation, and al, the singular feminine verbal suffix of the third per- sonal pronoun. If. does not express the sense of the imperative and therefore cannot denote a prayer. K^sirija says* that the negative mood is used in all the three tenses and that md^am expresses the negation of what is denoted by the affirmative indicative forms, m^- didaip, m&didapam and mfi-duvam. So the form mAdaip means he did not, he does not and he will not do. In the Karn&taka-Subdd.nu- s^ana we are assured that the negative mood never expresses the sense of the imperative. Bhat|fi,kalanka says' ; —
Sfltrain 524. Asir-Adau b^dam-bSdau paratah. Vrittih-Tihah paratah b§dam, b^da ity ^tau sabdau prayujy^t^ isir-idy-arth^ prati- sh^ha-vishay^ II
Praydgah — Mldal bSdam, midal b^da ; nddal b^dam, n6dal b^da II lsir-&d&v iti kim I mildam m&dar II
In this passage the words ** ftsir-^d^v iti kim, midam, midar " mean Why is the expression tstc-tdnu inserted in the SCitra ? because when prayer, &c. (isir-idi) the meanings of the imperative mood given in SdtrsL 465 are not denoted, then we have such forms as m&dam (he does not, did not or will not, do), midar (they do not, did not, or will not, do).
Dr. Caldwell has made very interesting remarks on the negative mood in his comparative grammar of the Dravidian languages. He says^: ** In general, the Dravidian negative verb has but one tense, which is an aorist or is indeterminate in point of time, <r.^^., p6gen, Tamil (p6vanu, Telagu, pdgenu, Ca.\ I go not, means either I did not, I do not, or I will not go. The time is generally determined by the context. After noticing the peculiarities of Ku, Gond, and Tulu he proceeds ** in the other dialects (including Kannada) there is only one mood of the negative in ordinary use, viz., the indicative. Dr. Cald-
^ Dr. Kittd'fi 1st. edition of Sabdama^idarpa^at Sutra 222, pp. 260, 26t.
' Mr. Rice'a edition of Karpitaka-^bdAnu^sana, p. 265.
^ Dr. Caldwell's comparative g^rammar of the Dravidian langfuagres) 2nd Ed., p. 360.
90 NRlPATUlsGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
well has given the following comparative paradigm of the negative form of the verb gey, to do* : —
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XRiPATUSGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 91
From this comparative view it is clear that like geyyal the form agalal means either she does not, did not or will not abandon. It does not mean ** Let her not abandon." It is also equally evident that in none of the four Dravidian languages compared above do such forms as geyyal and agalal convey the sense of the imperative.
Dr. Kittel has discussed the negative verb in a most exhaustive manner in his grammar of the Kannada language. He says' that the conjugated negative of the verb is formed by suffixing the personal terminations to the infinitive ending in a, and is used for the present, past and future tense, according to circumstances. It was absolutely necessary both for Dr. Caldwell and Dr. Kittel to notice fully all the possible meanings of the negative verb in order to arrive at a correct explanation of the origin of this interesting form which is conspicuous by its absence in the Aryan languages. Dr. Kittel holds that a, the particle of negation, is the same as the infinitive ending in a. **That infinitive originally was a verbal noun and only in course of time came to get its specific meanings (§188). Thus, ^..^.,n6daat first meant * seeing ', * a see- ing,* and thereupon * to see,* 'about to see,* * yet to see.* N6dem (ndda and em) therefore signifies, ' a yet to see — I, /.£'.* my seeing (is or was) yet to be or (will be) yet to be, or my seeing (is) not actual- ly existing, (was) not so, or (will) not be so, whence we arrive at the meaning * I do not see,* ' I did not see,* * (I have not seen),' ' I shall notsee^'" Dr. Kittel very carefully notices all the meanings which the negative form nddaj or n6dalu bears in the ancient, the mediaeval and the modern dialect of the Kannada language and tells us that the negative verb is seldom used in the modern dialect except in proverbs and that such expressions as koduvad ill (I, etc., do not give, I, etc., shall not give), kodal ilia (I, etc., did not give) are now used in place of the conjugated negatived The negative verb therefore does not express the sense of the imperative.
The unanimous opinion on this point of the four distinguished gram- marians, K^sirija, Bhatt&kalanka, Dr. Caldwell and Dr. Kittel is supported by the usage of ancient Kannada authors. 1 shall quote four illustrations. Dandi says : —
3^ w^'^ ^^^(\i^A^^ ^^q^ ii
K^vy&darsa, Chapter II, 83, 84.
^ Dr. Kittel's Grammar of the Kanna4J[a Lan^agre, p. 157. Idem, p. l6t. ^ Idem, pp. IS9. 332.
92 NRIPATUK'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIrAjAMARGA.
Nripatunga renders this thus —
kamal-ftkaradol sankd —
chaman alalam chakrav&kadol m&daduni-
• • •
nna mukh-^ndu-bimbam induge I saman embudu mige viruddha-rOpakam akkuip II
Kavir&jam&rga III 19.
Here sf iftc^qf^ is translated into sank6chamam m&dadu ; therefore the negative verb does not mean ** Let it not cause, &c.** Da^^di says
K&vy&daria, Chapter II, 19.
Nripatunga translates : —
sarasijadol ninna mukham I.
taruni sadrisam samantu pdladu peratam II
nirutam id embudu niyam-&n I
taritam niyam-dpam&-vikalpita-bh&vaip II
Kavir&jam&rga, Chap. Ill, 64.
Here the meaning is : thy face does not resemble any other thing. The negative verb pdladu does not mean ** Let it not resemble." Vrishabhan&tha says to Bharatar&ja *'your having seen the sun darkened by the clouds indicates that there shall be no rise of divine knowledge in the fifth age."
^i<*i*fe^: mi ^ h^Amh g>r ii v!><: ii
Jinas^na's Adipur^na', Chap. 40*
Pampa renders this thus :— musurida mugilgaliipd ai?a —
m eseyade nimd arka-bimbamam kandudarim —
d eseyadu dushshama-k&lado —
{ asadri^a-kaivalya-b6dha-dinakara-bimbaip II
Pampa*s Adipur&iia% Chap. XV, 30.
* Jinas^na's AdipurApa. Deccan C3Uege« MS. No. S05 ^f X884-86. ' Mysore Government Oriental Library tenet No *•
NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KA VI RAJ AM ARC A. 93
Here the meaning is The sun of divine knowledge shall not shine. The negative verb eseyadu does not mean ' ' Let it not shine. " Ch&- mu^darftja expresses the same idea thus : —
Mugilu musurida n^saraip kaodudarim k^vala-jfi&nigal igaru
•• •• ••
Ch&mundar&ja-pur&na% Chap. I.
This means that there shall be no more persons gifted with divine knowledge. The negative verb Igaru does not mean * * Let them not be." Dr. Fleet has been led into his mistake by not recognizing the difference between the negative mood agalal " she does not abandon *' and the negative imperative '*agalad irke " **let her, &c., not abandon." Nripatunga uses idad irkke (idade and irkke) *Met them notemploy" in verses, Chapter II, 21 and 25, as idar or idaru ddes not convey this sense.
4. The next important word in the first verse which is misunder- stood is ivanaip. Dr. Fleet translates '' Let fortune not abandon bim (literally whom)." If &vanam literally means whom, how can it be rendered by the demonstrative pronoun him ? Dr. Fleet has failed to understand the peculiar use of the interrogative pronoun in the Kannada language. Dr. Caldwell mentions^ the remarkable fact that " the Dravidian languages have no relative pronoun, a partici- pial form of the verb being used instead." ** In the absence of a real relative pronoun, the interrogative is used as a relative in many of the Scythian languages." Referring to this use of the interrogative,
' Palm-leaf MS. of the Jatna Mafha at Kolhipuri dated S'aka 1427. Mr. Narasimhachar in 1^ Introduction to KAvy&valdkana. p. 7, says." Ch^mun^arftja acquired the title Chaladanka- ^^ for having: killed his own brother N&g^avarma." Ag^ainst this undeserved charge of Matricide unknown to Jaina chroniclers and Jaina tradition I have simply to refer to a ^temporary Sravap Be]g^ol Inscription No. 1091 in which Chaladafika-Ganga-nripnti i^kpc^Ben of as desiring to take the Ganga Kingdom ; his desire was frustrated and he was ^3ed by Cbimun^ardja. The verse runs thus : —
Here ipf refers to ChAmu^^arAja. The passage in the ChAmur^cjiar^ia-pur&^a runs thus :—
^^oaa tammanaxp NAgavammanaip konda pagege Chaladanka-GaAganurp GaAgara ^taaum enisida MadurAchayanuip dAI ittu konda chalamani nerapidudariip Samara- ^^rasarimanum. ChAmun^ardja took the title of " a Parasurima in war " owing to ^^ying firmness in having suddenly attacked and killed Madurichaya, who called himselt ^^'^lad.anka-Gangr^ and Gangara ba^ta, to avenge the death of his brother NAgavarmma.
' Dr. Caldwell's comparative grammar of the Dravidian languages, snd Ed., pp. 337
94 nripatl-S:ga and the authorship of the kavirajamarga.
Kdsirija says* that the pronouns S,vam, &val and ivudu are paratan- tramgal or dependent, as their sense is not completed unless they are followed by demonstrative pronouns. One of the instances cited by Dr. Kittel runs : —
Dhanam ullan S,van avane indrani,
which he 'translates thus : —
Who is a rich man, he indeed is a prince.
In English the two clauses stand thus : — He indeed is a prince, who is a rich man.
Dr. Kittel remarks" ** such sentences appear to have originally been forn\ed in imitation of Sanskrit ones with the relatives if^ ^ TT^, 'T^ ^^d their correlatives rf^, ffT^ and fT^J, The truth of this remark is beauti- fully illustrated by the following two passages, the first from Jinasdna and the second from Pampa, the latter being a translation of the former : —
Tr» Tf T» ^«
^^^^fitrn^ m ^^ ^iitoqf^<*i ^* ii r^'.r ii ^^ife^c«i{i ^»t^i%f|qR^N$ II R^^ II
Jin.^^sdna, Adipurina, Chap. XXX.
Dev-&nganeyar plduva —
r 3,vana jasamani ku!-icha!-&va!iyoI sau —
ry-&vash|ambhadin ildava —
n Ivam shat-khanda-mandita-kshiti-talamam II 76 II
itam Bharat-^s varan in —
t i teradim negalda tanna kirtiyan 1 vi —
khy&ta-Vrishabh-ftdriyoI sura—
gila-ya^am nirisidam nelam nilv inegam II 77.
Pampa, Adipurina, Chap. XIII.
The construction employed by JinasSna is : (a) z^ i^: g\^]ftcT?., {b)
^' Wt( ^TTftfT W, (c) 3T#r 4?lfriHMI^MI^<H^. Here the two subordinate
clauses, (a) and (^), are attributive adjuncts to a^^ ( ^^: ) in the
principal clause {c) ; and the pronouns zf^ if: and ^T^ ^^^ used as
* S'abdamapidarpa^a, Dr. Kittel's ist Etl.* p. 174, Sfitra 14^. ^ Dr. Kittel's Grammar of the Kanna(ja langfuage, pp. 3$!* .15:.
NRIPATUli'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 95
correlatives according to the principle ^ t| ^| ffl c^m I H^'?-^: . Pampa renders the relative pronouns 7^q and q: by the interrogative pronouns &vana andivam thus, (a) D^v-inganeyar pAduvar ivana jasamani,(^) &ldavan ivarn kshititalamam, {c) itani Bharatesvaran 1 vrishabh-ftdriyoj tanna kirtiyaip nirisidam. It is therefore evident that Pampa*s verse 76 contains two subordinate clauses which are attributive adjuncts to itam Bharat^svaram in verse 77 which contains the principal clause ; and the two verses form one complex sentence. This construction is also employed in the first two verses of the Kavirljamlrga which form one sentence*. Sri &vanan agalal ^^ 7{ ^i\\f\ is a subordinate clause, which is an attributive adjunct to Nripatuiiga which is in the nomina- tive case, being the subject of the verb ige in the second verse. The principal clause is : & Nripatungam namage ige pratipddayamam ^ fT^fr ^ ^^ ^TfTriK^^. We should therefore translate ivanaip by the relative pronoun whom ; and Dr. Fleet's rendering *him (literally, whom ?)' must be rejected.
5. The next word that is misunderstood is i in & Nripatungam which Dr. Fleet translates * that (famous or well-known) Nripatuiiga. We have already seen that ivanam and & are used as correlatives. In such a construction the relative, or, what is its equivalent in Kan- nada, the interrogative, being expressed, the demonstrative does not mean famous or well-known. Mamma|a, the author of the K^vya-pra- Usa, says' : —
and cites as an illustration the following verse : —
CT TiT ^n# ^^R5fmm H^TFRRm^RT *MlRi»|; i
Kilidisa, Kum&rasambhava V.
Mallin&tha in his commentary on this verse says 3^ %f^ ^\h^\^r^\^ ^^^s^^ because the word m here means well-known, therefore the relative m is not expressed. This view is endorsed by K^sirija who says3 fi, denotes what is previously mentioned and what is well-known. Gaja-haya-rOdhiyol Bhagadattanin & Nalanim migil&dam. In mounting elephants and horses he was superior to Bhagadatta and that (well-known or famous) Nala. In this example & is used by itself.
^ This is called ^Hf. Cf verses 27 and 28 in Chap. VIII in Pampa's Adipur&na. p. 199, Mfiore Or. Lib. Series No. I. See also a imporUnt verses in the Baroda copperplate inscrip- ^> which were misunderstood by Dr. Fleet, but were correctly explained by Dr. Bhandarkar, liui. Ant. XII, pp. ni, 229.
• Kivyaprakiua, Chap. VII.1 VimanAchArya's Ed., p. J7»«
* ^bdamnvidarpa^a. Dr. Kittels 1st Edo Sutra 169. pp. 202, 203.
96 NRIPATUXGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAV'RAJAMARGA.
But in the first verse of the Kavir&jam&rga it is correlative to ivanam and therefore does not mean famous or well-known.
6. The next point that is misunderstood is the position of the noun Nripatunga. Dr. Fleet believes that it is in apposition with &vanam and translates *Let Fortune not abandon him, (namely) that Nripatunga. This is impossible because ivanam is the object of agalal and in the accusative case, while Nripatunga is in the nominative case, being the subject of the verb ige, as has been fully explained above. A solemn disregard for the principle' i<Ti<^i>fci<mHtf5|«-v|; is very frequent in
Dr. Fleet's translations. The following three passages may be taken as fair specimens' : —
Dr. Fleet translates : — ** When the fresh lustre of the jewels in his diadem was made of a reddish colour by the pollen of the water-lilies which were (his) feet, appearing between the streams that flowed forth from the rays of the high nails of his (feet), the glorious King Am6ghavarsha, — whose holy feet were worthy to be worshipped by JinasSna, (and who was) the (embodiment of the) prosperity of the world, — thought of himself, * I am purified to-day ; it is enough.' '*
{a) That Jinas^na considered the feet of his own pupil holy, {b) that the illustrious Ach3,rya worshipped the feet of his pupil Amdghavarsha, and ic) that the pupil Am6ghavarsha was jagan-mangalam (the blessing of the world) are not Indian notions and are equalled in their absurdity by the idea of the lustre of the kaustubha-jewel going round Fortune clinging to the breast of Amdghavarsha. The next two examples are from the Gupta Inscriptions^ :—
*^i"i ff^ >iihmPi(^ i^t wsi^ ^ ^r^: II ^^ n
Dr. Fleet translates : — ** He who, in this age which is the ravisher, of good behaviour, through the action simply of (his good) intentions shone gloriously, not associating with other kings who adopted a re-
^ KAvyapradip^i p. aa9» KAvyamAU series.
^ Ind. Ant. Vol. XII| p. 217. A correct translation of thi« verse is given by Dr. Bhan- darkar, Early History of the Dekkan, 2nd Ed., p. 6^\
^ Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, pp«l46, .'471 148.
NfllPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAM ARGA. 97
prehensible course of conduct, — just as an offering of flowers (is beautiful when it is not laid down) in the dust,— he in whom, possessed of a wealth of virtue, (and so) falling but little short of Manu and Bharata and Alarka and M&ndh&tii, the title of "universal sovereign" shines more (than in any other), like a resplendent jewel (set) in good gold."
Here (a) the verb ani^Tll^, being in the past tense, does not refer to the living and reigning king ; {b) the correlatives ^ and ^ refer to ^Ts^: ; (0 ^(S^ ' means "applied " and not " associating with other kings," (d) sf should be construed with afrVHI^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^S^, ^°^ (^) 4>«M^IHI^f'<^r means " by dint of mere imagination," and not " through the action simply of (his good) intentions."
The construction b : —
[That king] in whom, the abode of virtue [and] but little inferior to Manu, Bharata, Alarka and Mllndh&tri, there shines forth exceedingly like a resplendent jewel set in good gold, that title of universal sovereign, which, [when] applied, in this age the ravisher of modesty, to other kings of reprehensible conduct, by dint of mere imagination, did not shine, just as an offering of flowers [does not shine when laid down] in the dust. Another verse in the same inscription runs : —
Dr. Fleet's translation : — " He by whom (his) head has never been brought into the humility of obeisance to any other save (the god) Sth&9u ; — he, through the embraces of whose arms (Him&laya) the mountain of snow carries no longer the pride of the title of being a place that is difficult of access ; — he to whose feet respect was paid, with complimentary presents of the flowers from the lock of hair on
fi<KV{4<6|M|^M4[l^ ^d€ Anandiirmina Ed. Part II. p. i|4>
•CC fiM Wjr ^ ft«lfWV «fW5»f^ ^Of^RFT: I ?1^ *t^*IIHrt*l ICiV^akjeiWMhjKl with Gau^apAda's KArikis, p,M, Anaadlinuna
98 NRIPATUl^GA AND THB AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA^
the top of (his) head, by even that (famous) King Mihirakula, whose- forehead was pained through being bent low down by the strength of (his) arm in (the act of compelling) obeisance."
Here the reading ^TTRrTf is a mistake for hiIM^T and the expression **no longer" is a gratuitous insertion. The purport of the verse is mis- understood by Dr. Fleet. The relative pronouns in the first two lines ^ and q^ are correlatives to ^ ftl?<Jrt^^)or ; therefore the clauses containing these relatives are adjectival adjuncts to'cpf i*fftijrt^^"i; the principal clause is IpT ftftit^f^"' ^^^ MKa^H 3Tft<T?. The rela- tive ^^ occurring in the third line above refers to Yal6dharman. The real purport of the verse is ** He to whom obeisance was made even by that King Mihirakula who did not bow before anybody save the god ^iva and embraced by whose arms the mountain Himalaya bears the pride of the title ** inaccessible." It is not Ya^6dharman but Mihirakula who is spoken of as a worshipper of ^iva. This inter- -oretation is according to the principle mentioned by Dandi.
«l>l4l4^dl<lP« <l"lPlcc|r RMi<ft I
Kivyftdar^a, Chapter I, 22.
The pronoun %5T in rT^f Hfti^rt^'l'^ and in "Jr^f 'sftq^fft^^'^ in the next verse cannot mean ** famous "for one and the same reason. We are now in a position to offer the following literal translation of the first verse of the Kavirijamirga.
That most eminent king (Nripa-tuiiga) whom the goddess Lakshmi, clinging to his breast, never abandons through affection, the lustre springing from the Kaustubha-jewel spreading around and forming a screen, who is noble, who is well-versed in politics (Niti-nirantara).
It is evident that ihe first verse does not give a complete sense, as it contains only the subject of the principal clause and some of its attri- butive enlargements, while the predicate occurs in the second verse. At this stage of the inquiry, it is not possible to know whether the epithets applied to the god Vishnu refer, in their secondary sense as titles, to one or more persons. Let us now proceed to examine Dr. Fleet*s translation ot the second verse.
7. After explaining the expression apratihata-vikraman he adds the parenthetical clause (just as the god Vishru-N§lr§lyana had three strides which were not obstructed). This must be rejected, as the god Vira-NAriyana, himself the owner of the kau5tubha-jewel, is praised in the two verses.
NklPATUI^fGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMArGA. 99
8. ** Appa'* does not mean** who has become." It is a present relative participle of igu, * becoming', * being* and should be translat- ed * that is', *who is' according to Dr. Kittel's Grammar^ p. 243.
9. This will also show that * osedu' cannot be construed with * appa', as Dr. Fleet has done. It naturally goes with ige.
Cf.
taruniyan osed ittaip.
^abdamanidarpana', sOtra 61. Osed ittu kfit-irtthanen appem.
Pampa^ Rimiyaoa, VI, iix ishtan orvvan adhid^vateg end osed ittudam
Inscription of ^aka 820, No. 60, Nagar^ Taluq osadu koftor = 1 dvija-mukhyar
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 223.
In the last quotation osadu should be osedu ; and Dr. Fleet trans- lates the words ** these best of the twice-born .... gave with plea- sure." Dr. Kittel in his grammar, p. 419, translates ** osedu koj^am " into ** he was delighted (and) gave."
xo. The most important word in the second verse is prat&pa which is misunderstood and mistranslated. According to Dr. Ffeet, prat&pa means ** a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him (the author), which he himself unaided, could not hope to display." This absurd explanation of the well-known Sanskrit word pratipa is repeat- ed at page 264, where we are told it means ** ability to perform the task lying before him." By this periphrasis Dn Fleet obviously means poetical talent or power, though he does not say so in plain language. Of course Dr. Fleet is unable to cite any authority. His assertion that king Nripatunga is invoked to grant poetical power is too absurd to deceive anybody. A king can give patronage but not poetical powe^s<
Sur^svara says :
>2n?n^ ^T5TO m\^ iMHftf^l^^d I
Part III, p. 1354, Anand&sram edition.
Besides, invocations are never addressed to kings in Indian poems ; they are always addressed to gods, preceptors or other holy person- ages.
* Kittel's 1st £<!., p. 74.
' Mr. Rice's Ed., p. 145.
^ Epigrraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII, Inscriptions in the Shimogfa District, Patt II, p/ 380I '
7
lOO NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
The fact is, Dr. Fleetthas been obliged, in order to uphold a wrong interpretation of the -second verse, to mistranslate the well-known Sanskrit word which is explained by Amarasiipha 11^ 20. —
The commentator' says ^Rt^ y^ ^n^-. %^ ?n«Tf 3IT?T^, Thus s^m^ means that glory which arises from treasures and troops. Only a Idng can possess this quality. T&r&nitha in his Vftchaspatya calls it ^rtl ^"^JIMH. ^r^' ^ king's glory arising from money and armies. Bhavabhditi calls it l^^nf^*/ a quality of the warrior caste
Uttara-R^macharita V.
The word prat&pa, therefore, means military prowess and occurs frequently in Sanskrit and Kannada literatures and in old Sanskrit and Kannada inscriptions. The expression in our text is prat&p-6dayaip, which is also employed in describing the high pitch of military prowess displayed by King Nara8i^lha^
We have thus far critically examined the translation of the 6rst two verses of the Kavir&jam&rga so kindly presented by Dr. Fleet to Safiskrit scholars and have fully set forth the reasons for rejecting it altogether. I shall now give a correct and literal translation of the two verses.
May that best of kings (Nripatunga), whom the goddess Lakshmi clinging to his breast never abandons through affection, — the lustre springing from the Kaustubha jewel spreading around and serving like a screen, — who is well-versed in politics (Nitinirantara,) who is noble, who is a wrestler that has performed his duty (Kritakrityamalla), whose valour is uninterrupted, who is exceedingly pure (Atilaya- dhavala), who is Vtra-NArAyaoa, give to us a high pitch of military prowess that is attained unexpectedly.
From this literal and correct rendering of the 6rst two verses of the Kavir&jam&rga it is clear that the god Vfra-N&r&yai[m or Vishou, the owner of the kaustubha jewel, on whose breast the goddess Lakshmt reclines and whom she never abandons, is praised here. The god is invoked to grant prowess. The author who prays for prowess must have been a king. And from the epithets Nripatunga, Ati^ayadhavaja, &C. , applied to the god, we are forced to conclude that the royal author wishes to make a punning reference to his
^ Amarak6la with the commentary VAkyasudhJlf Nirpaya S. Prest, p^jis. ' Bpiyraphta Citmatica , VoU IV., InacriptionA in the Mysore District Part II, Inscrip- tioo No* 38, line tj.
NRIPATUAGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. 1 01
own titles. This method of indirectly suggesting one's own name or title is adopted by Samantabhadra, AkalankadSva, NSmichandra POjyap&da and Gupabhadra. Addressing the last Tfrthankara Vardham&na, Samantabhadra says' : —
H^4<TW^d'^4><!> ?f^ ^ JT^ ^HRTOf ^*^H. n ? 11
^i^rf^tmftgT^: ^*<!1m41mi^ ^ fe^ f^^ qi^ (%%: ii ^ ti
AkalankadSva addresses Mah&vira as Akalanka
Laghtyastraya^
NSmichandra addresses the Ttrthankar N6min&tha as N^michandra ftro>f lo>f wm^ 9\T^\^^^U\M<M^^4k
Gomata-s&ra3 which KSlavai^^a renders into Sanskrit thus —
m<^^H^^^<A ^ft^rw Jiwr ^ripnft
In N6michandra*s TriI6kasira* we read —
In this verse also the author N^michandra calls the Tfrthankara N^min&tha after himself and thus makes an indirect reference to his own name. It may be also noted here that PC^jyapftda, the celebrated author of the Jain^ndra Vy&karana, whose other
' SvayambhAstotra, MS. of the Jaina Ma^ha at Kolhapur, versen 2 aod 3 are not found in some MSS ; verse t occurs also in the A8h(a^tS«
* Pafan4eaf MS. of the Jaina Ma(ha at Kolhapur* p. 2% (3). ' Terdal MS. of the Gomatasftraf the opening verse.
* Deccan College MS. No. 599 of 1875.96, leaf 2 (&).
102 NRIPATUK'GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
name was DSvanandi, makes the latter name part of the adjective qualifying the god whom he invokes.
^^^fi%^t^ ^^^^ ^^^ ' II HH II Gunabhadra calls Jina guna-bhadra after himself.
ITO iMiiHl^f^M* ^r^^gferog^ wii ii ^^vs ii
^Mc^cit^ R^^j^ui*T5[ ^11 ^K ^ II
Adipurina, Chapter 44.
Tlie distinguished RftshtrakOta author Pampa who finished his Adipurina' in ^aka 863, mentions, as his titles, Sukavi-jana-mftnas- ottamsahaipsa, Gun&rnava) Sams&ra-s&rddaya and Sarasvatimani-hira. He then transfers these titles to Adin&tha, who is invoked in the beginning, to BharatSsvara, D^v^ndra and other divine persons very frequently in his Adipur^lna. The two concluding verses of each chapter and the opening verses of the second and all the succeeding chapters contain illustrations of this remark. The ninth chapter opens thus: —
Sri-pati Puru-param ^svara —
n ftpCirna-man6ratham naman-nripa makut-i-
t6pam trailoky- inta —
vyipita-mahimam Sarasavti-mani-hftram ||
Here Adin&tha is described as the lord of prosperity, whose desires are fulfilled, who is adorned by the splendour of the crowns of kings making a bow, whose glory has hlled the three worlds, and who is a string of jewels to the goddess Sarasvati (Sarasvati-manihJlram). In the concluding verse of the eighth chapter we read :
Sik^ta-simhftsan-isinam pilisidam mahi-valayamam Samsftra- sftr-6dayam ||
Adin&tha, seated on the throne of Ay6dhyS,, the promoter of the essence of life [ue, religion], protected the circle of the earth. In these passages Pampa has transferred his own titles to the first TirthaAkara Vrishabhanfttha. Pampa*s object evidently is that they should be understood in their primary sense as referring to the god
* Ja!n£ndra-v>'4karana. Deccan CoUe^ MS. No $91 of x'J75-76.
* Mysore edition referred to in note 2, p. IS.
NRIPATUI^IGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. IO3
^nd in their secondary sense as giving his own titles as the author of the Adipur&na. Abhinava-Pampa has only followed the , example of his distinguished predecessor and namesake in this matter.
As I have already remarked, the first two verses of the Kavir&jam&rga contain a prayer addressed to the god Vishnu lo grant military prow- ess. This indicates that the author was a king. And the intentional use of the expressions Nripatunga, Atisaya-dhavaja, &c., as epithets to the god, leads us to infer that they must have been the titles of this royal author. But as prowess will not help him in dealing with the subject lying before him, the royal author proceeds in the third verse to invoke the goddess Sarasvatt to give him poetical po^ver.
dfivi Sarasvati hamsa-vi |
bh&vade nele-golge kC^rttu man-m&nasadol ||
Let the goddess Sarasvati take up her abode with love in my mind {minasa) just as the flamingo takes up his abode in the lake Md.nasa. In the fourth verse the royal author calls upon former great poets to aid him in his literary work.
To borrow the language of Mammata the first two verses have two meanings, the ^pEq (obvious) and the sq^Rq- (implied). The «q^qr^
(the implied meaning) that the author was a king, and that atisaya- dhavala was one of his titles is confirmed by the following passage: —
Atisayadhava!-6rvvip-6dit-ftlankritil, 147, which means ** the figures of speech composed by King Atiiayadhavala.'* Dr. Fleet has failed to understand the meaning of the word udita. It does -not mean heffe ** sprung from." It is the past passive participle of ^ to speak, and is often used in the sense of composed (^<mh). Mallishena who finished his Mah&purd.na' in Saka 969, says : -
%5T JTfT5?Tngf^ 3^5T^qqT%^{r^RT I
^ MS. of die Jaina Mafha at Kolhapura.
I04 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
In the first verse cited above the words iTfTSn^f^ mean TfT3n4 ft^f^. VaidyanAtha, the author of the UdAharaT»a-chan- drik&, ' says : —
In the colophon we read ^qJTT^ <P<dNl ^«IH*IMlAI«<"lW?Hia<K«^- ^^8[^P?t ^^W ^WWrs ^: The RishtrakAja author Pampa makes
Bharata praise the Jinas thus : Saifis^a-s&r-dday-6- 1 dita-m&9ikya-Jina-stav-&va)i jayaip bhadraip ^ubhaip mangalaip II
Pampa's Adipur&va XVI, lo May the verses in praise of tlie M&!7ikya-Jinas uttered by Bharata (composed by Pampa) the propagator of the essence of life (t. e,^ re- ligion) confer blessings. It is obvious from the context that the expression Saipsiras&r-ddaya is used in a double sense ; and ** udita " means ' uttered ' and ' composed.'
The next passage that is misunderstood and mistranslated by Dr. Fleet is the opening verse of the third chapter which runs thus :
^rt-vidit-&rth-&lahka-
r-&vajiyaip vividha-bh^da-vibhav-^spadamaip I bh&visi besasidan akhija-dha-
r&-vallabhan int Amdghavarsha-nripdndraqn II
Kavir^jam&rga III,'
Dr. Fleet translates this thus :^
*' Having thought over the well-known series of embellishments of sense, which is a receptacle of the display of various kinds of dis- tinctions, the great King Am6ghavarsha, the favourite of the whole world, commanded (the treatment of it) thus (as follows).*' At page 268 Dr. Fleet explains the meaning of the verse more fully and says ''the great King Am6ghavarsha thought over the famous and well-known series of embellishments of sense, and commanded (the treatment of it) in the manner which the author then followed."
The obvious objections against this translation and explanation are that the original text contains nothing answering to the words "(treatment of it)" and the words " which the author then followed,'* that the transitive verb besasidaqn having for its object arth&IaAk&r-
^ KAvyaprmkfts'a, VAmanichArya's Ed.f Intr. p. 4a
NRIPATUl^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THfi KAVlkJ^t^ARGA. I05
Ivaliyaip (the series of embellishments of sense) cannot mean "com- manded*' and that it is absurd to suggest that Amdghavarsha thought over the embellishments while he commanded ' ' the treatment of it (them ?)" by another person, because thinking over the subject is the most essential part of the author's work. The verb besasidaip means declared, made known, communicated, or described. This can be easily proved by the following passages from two eminent authors of the R&sh(rakOta period. Jinas^na says :^
3WFTO Tfl^tt ^ SHI ^^^ I
^i)M^^>^<I ^m\ ^ # ^ ^^ II ?oo II
^roi^ ^ ^^1553^ MA-^HINpl:^: II * o ? ||
• • • • •
m ^ ^mm m 'WIT* ^^A^m. u fe*^-^<^<^ ^^^<4>^i^cq*ii'<^ II K^\ II
jmas^na's Adipur&oa XV. Pampa' translates the last verse thus : —
Yaiasvati tanna ka!?da kanasugalan anukramaip dappad aripuvuduip anitumaip Puru param^ivaran avadh&risi, tat- svapna-phalangalan int endu besasidaip.
Translation. When the Queen Yaiasvati communicated in order the dreams she had seen, Puru-paramSivara listened to all that and described in the following manner the fruits of her dreams. Jinas^na makes Bharata say : —
Mi41ftR*<*iSi^ ^^[ ^«iii5i»l^^i: ii ^v ii
«WI4K4JM^^ ^lft*<l'M<ii^ I
'WI^ c1^^MtM^M^fifi<<^ ^ II 3K II
# • • • * •
^B^yft3Ti%qRf 5r ^m ?wnf^ ii v? ii
Jinas^na's Adipur&pa, Chap. 41,
Panpa 9 Aiispurft^a, VHI, pp. 198, 199.
98 NRIPATUi;fGA AND THB AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA^
the top of (his) head, by even that (famous) King Mihirakula, whose forehead was pained through being bent low down by the strength of (his) arm in (the act of compelling) obeisance."
Here the reading snfi'rff is a mistake for hiiM^T and the expression * *no longer" is a gratuitous insertion. The purport of the verse is mis- understood by Dr. Fleet. The relative pronouns in the first two lines ^ and ^^ are correlatives to J^ {^(ii^A^^ ; therefore the clauses containing these relatives are adjectival adjuncts to>pf ftffTJpS^^; the principal clause is %5T ft?gT%rtj^"l ^^ MKa^H 3Tft<T?. The rela- tive ^^ occurring in the third line above refers to Yal6dharman. The real purport of the verse is ** He to whom obeisance was made even by that King Mihirakula who did not bow before anybody save the god ^iva and embraced by whose arms the mountain Himalaya bears the pride of the title ** inaccessible." It is not Ya^6dharmai> but Mihirakula who is spoken of as a worshipper of Siva. This inter- •oretation is according to the principle mentioned by Dandi.
K&vy&darsa, Chapter I, 22.
The pronoun %5T in^ Piftiirt^*}"! and in "^ Ml^^il^'f'TT in the next verse cannot mean ** famous "for one and the same reason. We are now in a position to offer the following literal translation of the first verse of the Kavir&jamirga.
That most eminent king (Nripa-tunga) whom the goddess Lakshmi, clinging to his breast, never abandons through affection, the lustre «'pringing from the Kaustubha-jewel spreading around and forming a screen, who is noble, who is well-versed in politics (Niti-nirantara).
It is evident that the first verse does not .give a complete sense, as it contains only the subject of the principal clause and some of its attri- butive enlargements, while the predicate occurs in the second verse. At this stage of the inquiry, it is not possible to know whether the epithets applied to the god Vish?u refer, in their secondar>' sense as titles, to one or more persons. Let us now proceed to examine Dr. Fleet's translation of the second verse.
7. After explaining the expression apratihata-vikraman he adds the parenthetical clause (just as the god Vishru-NSlr&yaija had three strides which were not obstructed). This must be rejected, as the god Vira-NAriyana, himself the owner of the kaustubha-jewei, is praised in the two verses.
NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIrAjAMArGA. 99
8. '*Appa*' does not mean** who has become." It is a present relative participle of 4gu, * becoming*, * being' and should be translat- ed ' that is', 'who is' according to Dr. Kittcl's Grammar^ p. 243.
9. This will also show that ' osedu' cannot be construed with ' appa', as Dr. Fleet has done. It naturally goes with ige.
Cf.
tarui^iyan osed ittaip.
Sabdama^idarpai^a^ sOtra 61. Osed ittu krit-irtthanen appem.
Pampa* R&m&yana, VI, iii
ishtan orvvan adhidSvateg end osed ittudam
Inscription of ^aka 820, No. 60, Nagar^ Taluq osadu kottor = i dvija-mukhyar
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 223.
In the last quotation osadu should be osedu ; and Dr. Fleet trans- lates the words ** these best of the twice-born .... gave with plea- sure." Dr. Kittel in his grammar, p. 419, translates ** osedu ko^tam " into ** he was delighted (and) gave."
ID. The most important word in the second verse is pratipa which is misunderstood and mistranslated. According to Dr. Fleet, prat&pa means "a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him (the author), which he himself unaided, could not hope to display." This absurd explanation of the well-known Sanskrit word pratipa is repeat- ed at page 264, where we are told it means "ability to perform the task lying before him." By this periphrasis Dn Fleet obviously means poetical talent or power, though he does not say so in plain language. Of course Dr. Fleet is unable to cite any authority. His assertion that king Nripatuiiga is invoked to grant poetical power is too absurd to deceive anybody. A king can give patronage but not poetical powers^
Suresvara says :
^^^ ^T5TO 2Tit% ?J3iHft{^fg^ I
Part III, p. 1354, Anand&sram edition.
Besides, invocations are never addressed to kings in Indian poems ; they are always addressed to gods, preceptors or other holy person- ages.
' Kittel's 1st Ed., p. 74.
"Mr. Rice's Ed.f p. 145.
^ Epigrraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII, Inscriptions in the Shimosfa District, Part II, p.* x8oI
112 NRIPATUl^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIKAJAMARGA.
vati who is as distinguished a grammarian as Bhatf^kalanka him- self, and whose work is read at the present day in all parts of India.
In his gloss on PA^ini's sAtra ft>|rq!Rw^^i<>8^a<4:MI*t V, 2, 56 we read f*^P«nft«T ffit ^T?^^ ' ^ '— f?^ ^ f^qjl^ ft^l^K* 5fr%,
[fir 'ToPr >^iwiH^ d<^dRf^^: fT^nfi «rerq^ ffit
tattvab6dhinI.
Translation. The expression la^i^MK^: should be understood in the sense of the numerals beginning with twenty as enumerated in P&pini.V, 1, 59 owing to proximity and not in the sense of ordinary numerals begin- ning with twenty in the popular sense owing to the latter being remote. This is the opinion of Patanjali. The author of the Kli^ik4- vritti' on the other hand holds that ordinary numerals beginning with twenty are intended and not those enumerated in Pacini V, i, 59 ; as according to the latter interpretation, such a form as q*(5^ldaH: could not be formed according to the maxim' that when a specific form of a noun is mentioned in Pacini, a termination should not be affixed to a word ending in such a form. On this supposition the exclusion of numerals beginning with sixty which are preceded by numerals in P&pini V, 2, 58 becomes perfectly consistent. Though, according to Pataftjali's interpretation, the affixing of terminations to words ending in specific forms mentioned in PApini, might appear to be disallowed, still the exclusion of sixty preceded by numerals in P^nini V, 2, 58, indicates that such a thing is allowed in this part of Pacini's grammar. According to this view the ordinal q^jmft^I^r?nr: can be correctly formed, while according to the opinion of the author ofthe KMikftvritti, it is ungrammatical, as the numeral * nineteen' precedes * twenty * in popular enumeration. And this is made clear in the works of Kaiya^a and Haradatta.*
^ MahibhAshya, Dr. Kielhorn's Ed.. VoU IIi Part II t p. 3*5* KftiikAvptti, Benares Ed* pp. 5a» 5i» P*^ II.
• Paribhftshftndui^khara. Dr. Kielhorn's Ed., pp. 191 30.
» SiddhAnU-Kaumudi with Tattvabddhint, Nir^yaaAgar Pro»» tnd Edn.| pp. a«6 and 107.
7
NRIPATUI^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. II3
This subject is discussed by Kaiya^a in his Bhashyapradipa' and by Haradatta in his Padamafijari.' The expression Kaiyata- Haradatta-granthay6h means in the works composed by Kaiya^a and Haradatta. In the same way the genitive compound Nripatunga- granthd means in the work composed by Nripatunga, namely, the Kavir^jamlrga which deals with the different usages of the Southern and Northern schools of poets in verses II, ioo-io8. This is the most interesting external evidence in support of Nripatuhga's authorship of this oldest Kannada work, of which manuscripts have been found. The internal evidence contained in the passages that have been examined above, is, as I have proved already, equally conclusive on this point. Nor does the identification of King Nripatunga present the slightest difficulty. He was a king, a paramount sovereign ; his titles were Amdgha- varsha and Atisayadhavala. He was a devout worshipper of Jina or Tirthaiikara. King Nripatunga, therefore, was Jinas^nich^rya's pupil, Amdghavarsha, who had the title of Nripatunga as we learn from the opening prasasti of MahAvir^chirya's Ganitas^ra,^ and must have composed the KavirlLjamArga between ^aka 737 and 799. The contrivance by which Nripatunga has interwoven his own titles into the first two verses of his work is so ingenious as to render impossible any subsequent attempt to tamper with the text. Still Dr. Fleet has ven- tured to make such an attempt, but with the result that his so- called translation of the two verses, besides containing ten mistakes, asserts that Nripatunga possessed the kaustubha jewel, an assertion contradicted by a distinguished contemporary author,Gui:tabhadra, who as preceptor to Ak^lavarsha while the latter was yuvardja, had fre- quent opportunities of coming into personal contact with King Nripa- tunga and who tells us that in his time there prevailed in the Cana- rese country the belief that the great jewel, kaustubha, sprung from
^ MahAbh&ahya with BhAshyapradipat Benares Ed.} p. 85 ( Sf. \ ^, \ STT* \. ) ^ Padamanjari, Benares Ed., p. Sogi Part II.
Cf. Anu-^bda-pray6gdd dva krita-mangraldyam Silstrakriditi S0tralqid-4chAri. nu\'artti VftttikArA'pi tayaiva di^ svayam api sva-grranthAntd maAgralam Acharitam sAcha- yati. KamA(aka-SabdAnui4iana, p. 290. Here " sva-^rantha »* means the work composed by himself. In this passagre SiLstrakfit, sAtrakfit and Vritttkftra refer to one and the same person. In the same way verse S2i Chap. II of the Kavir^amArg^a must be interpreted in accordance with the specific information contained in the first a verses of the first chapter and the openingr verse of the third chapter. Cf.
RAjataraAgipi I, 14.
-* Kavir^amirsra, Intro., p. 7. In this prasasti the words nripa*tufigr& and trndgha- varsha, which arc employed as epithets to Jina, contain a punning: reference to the titles of the reigning sovereign.
8
102 NRIPATUlsiGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
name was D^vanandi, makes the latter name part of the adjective qualifying the god whom he invokes.
^^^if^^^t^ ^^^^ ^^^ ' M HH II Gunabhadra calls Jina guna-bhadra after himself.
Adipurina, Chapter 44.
The distinguished RJlshtrakO|a author Pampa who finished his Adipuri-na' in ^aka 863, mentions, as his titles, Sukavi-jana-minas- ottamsahaipsa, Gun&rnava, SanisAra-s&r6daya and Sarasvatimani-h&ra. He then transfers these titles to Adin&tha, who is invoked in the beginning, to Bharat^svara, D^v^ndra and other divine persons very frequently in his Adipurftna. The two concluding verses of each chapter and the opening verses of the second and all the succeeding chapters contain illustrations of this remark. The ninth chapter opens thus: —
Sri-pati Puru-param esvara —
n &p0rna-man6ratham naman-niipa makut-&-
t6pam trailoky- inta —
vy&pita-mahimam Sarasavti-mani-hirain ||
Here Adin&tha is described as the lord of prosperity, whose desires are fulfilled, who is adorned by the splendour of the crowns of kings making a bow, whose glory has klled the three worlds, and who is a string of jewels to the goddess Sarasvati (Sarasvati-manihftram). In the concluding verse of the eighth chapter we read:
Sftk^ta-simhftsan-S,sinam pilisidam mahi-valayamam Sams&ra- s&r-6dayam ||
Adin&tha, seated on the throne of Ayodhyi, the promoter of the essence of life [i.e. religion], protected the circle of the earth. In these passages Pampa has transferred his own titles to the first Tirthartkara Vrishabhanfttha. Pampa's object evidently is that they should be understood in their primary sense as referring to the god
* Ja!n£ndra-vy&karana. Deccan CoUegre MS. No 591 of 1B75-76.
* Mysore edition referred to in note 2, p. I a.
Art, VIII.
An Epigraphtcal Note on Dhartnapala^ the second prince
of the Pala dynasty.
By Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhanoarkar, m.a.
(Communicated. )
There has been going on for some time a controversy as to the date of Dharmap^a, the second prince of the Pila dynasty. Cunningham in his Archaeological Survey Report, Vol. XV., page 151, approximately fixed his accession in 831 A.D. But the date is inconsistent with the conclusion, drawn by my brother, Devadatta R. Bhandarkar, in his remarks on the Cambay plates of Govinda IV., that '' Dharmap&la was a contemporary of the RUshtrakAfa prince Indra III., for whom the RAsh^rakAta records furnish the dates 915 and 917 A.D.'
The following are the grounds on which Devadatta bases his con- clusion. The Cambay plates speak of Indra III. having devastated Mahodaya (Kanauj). The date of Kshitip^la or Mahipllla of Kanauj is 917 A.D. and he was thus a contemporary of Indra III. According to a Khajur&ho inscription, ''a king named Kshitip&la was placed on his throne by the Chandella prince Harshadeva.*' ** This Harshadeva flourished at the beginning of the tenth century." The Kshitipila, therefore, whom he reinstated, must have been this Kshitip^a and the throne that of Kanauj. Devadatta further proceeds to identify this KshitipAla, Mahip^la, Herambapila, or Vin&yakaplLla with Chakr&yu- dha of the Bh^galpur plate and Upendra of the Nausari plates of Indra III., in which Indra III. is represented as having conquered an Upendra. In the Bh^galpur plate it is stated that Dharmapila acquired the sovereignty of Mahodaya by conquering Indrar^ja and other enemies, and bestowed it upon Chakr^yudha. In the Kh&limpur charter, where the same incident is referred to, Indrar^ja is not men- tioned, nor is ChakrHyudha, but the person on whom the sovereignty was conferred by Dharmap^a is mentioned as a prince of K&nyakubja. Therefore ChakrHyudha was of Kinyakubja and Indrar^ja who had to be defeated must have wrested the sovereignty from him. The question now is whether the Indrarsija of unnamed dynasty of the ! BhUgalpur plate is identical with, or different from, the R&sh(rakO|a Indra III. of the Cambay plates. Devadatta inclines to the former view,
* Ep. Ind., VII, pp. a6-Ji.
AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 117
because the account pieced together from the Bhllgalpur and- Kh&Iim- pur plates on the one hand, and the account as pieced together from the Cambay plates and the Khajur^ho inscription, referred to, on the other hand, agree in the two particulars that an Indrar&ja ousted a king of Kanauj from his throne and that the latter was again re- established. But there are two particulars in which the two accounts differ. The name of the king of Kanauj according to the latter account was KshitipSla and according to the former Chakrayudha, and the king who set him up was the Chandella prince Harshadeva and Dharmap&Ia respectively. Devadatta explains the latter by saying that in all likelihood both helped to set the king up again and credit was claimed on behalf of each. The former he explains by identifying^ Chakr&yudha with Kshitip&la and thinks the identification to be con- firmed by the fact that the name Chakrayudha signifies the same thing as Upendra, the name of the prince subjugated, according to the Nausari plates, by Indra III.
This explanation and this identification, however, can be conceded only if the identification of the two Indrar^jas be well-established. But just on account of the difference as regards the two particulars it would be equally open to another to hold that the two Indrardjas were different* And in the history of India it is nothing strange if different kings at different times ruling over the same province are defeated and ousted from their thrones and again set up.' A somewhat unusual coin- cidence in the case of Kanauj may be that on two of the occasions on which its prince was deprived of his throne the names of the two victors were identical. And I have come across what I look upon as definite evidence that Dharmap&Ia was not a contemporary of Indra III., but of Govinda III.; and it is at the suggestion of Devadatta himself that I here publish it apart from, and before, the paper of which it should naturally form a part.
For a considerable time I have had in my hands a Rllshtrakuta copperplate grant of Amoghavarsha I. The charter is rather a big one, having an introduction of fifty-two stanzas. Except for one drawback it would have been published long ago. It is very incor- rectly engraved and it alludes vaguely to not a few names and things of which very little or nothing was known when it came into my hands, and on only a few of which some glimmering of light has been thrown since. This fact renders it very difficult to make out to one's satisfac- tion the sense of many passages.
^ Supposing, as Devadatta doesi that the Indrardja defeated by Dharmap&la did not belong to the same line as Chakrdyudha and that Chakr&yudha had been displaced by him. The point will be considered later on.
|06 NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
. Pampa translates this passage thus : —
ad alladeyum indina dinam belagappa j&vadoj padin^ru kana- sugalam kaiiden t kanasugal anishta-phala-sOchakanga| cmbudam s&m&nyadin upalakshisiden avara phalamuman enag ariye besasim end avadhijn&nadim t&n & kanasugalan arivan igi)rui|i sabh&-janakkam aripal endu besa-golvudum praln-&nukramadini tri-ldka-guruv int endu besasidaip.
Pampa*s Adipurina, XV, p. 398 ff.
In these passages I have made Jinas^nich8,rya translate Pampa's words int endu besasidam into f|d4H|^<l and f?4 ^^TR^ ^ ''described or declared in the following manner." Dr. Fleet refers to the words ** pel endu besase " in stitra* 3 of the Sabdamanidarpana, which he translates * on ordering me to relate.' But the same form of the word besase is used in the sense of * declaring * by Pampa.
^ ^ ^5^K*llH<lrf)^ 3»*^ ^=^: I
Jmasena, Adipur&na, Chap. 28. Pampa^ translates this thus : —
Bharata-kshetradol 1 yugadol Tirthakararum chakravartigalum appar endu sarvajfiar besase palavu sQI km ellatp kdid aridevu.
** We know having frequently heard omniscient persons de- clare that there shall arise Jinas and universal emperors in the Bharata-ksh^tra in this age."
A correct translation of the opening verse of the third chapter of the Kavirijam&rga is as follows : —
The eminent King Am6ghavarsha, the lord of the whole world, thought over and declared in the following manner the series of excellent and w^ell-known figures of sense which are the abode of abundance of various distinctions. The meaning of this verse is that the great King Amftghavarsha, who was a paramount sovereign, composed the figures of sense. This is in perfect accord with the meaning of the other passages explained above, that the author was a king, that his titles were Nfipatunga, Atisayadhavala and that King Atisayadhavala composed these figures of speech.
It is perfectly clear then that the author of the Kavir^jam&rga is not different from Nripatunga-Am6ghavarsha. Nor does he ** repre- sent himself as putting forward view^s concurred in by Nripatunga*'^
^ Here the sense of the word is determined by the preceding expression p£l endu : see the next quotation.
" Pampa's AdipurApa, XII, p. 33$* ^ Ind. Ant, XXXIII. p. 260.
NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. I07
as such a supposition is directly contradicted by the fifth verse of the third chapter in which the author tells us that he is guided by "ancient authorities ;" and Nripatunga certainly was not an ** ancient authority." This verse runs thus :-- Vidit-&rtth&lank&r-&-
spada-bhSdahgal pur&na-s&str-dktaiigal I tad-anumata-Iakshya-lakshana — nidarisanaiigajan anukram-6ktiye p^lvein Kavir&jam&rga, Chap. Ill, 5.
Translation.
The distinctions which have for their abode the well-known figures of sense have been described by ancient authorities ; I will relate in order these figures, their definitions and illustrations sanctioned by them (t.e,, by the ancient authorities).
One of these ancient authorities' is Dandi as I have satisfactorily proved. The word ** anumata " in this verse indicates Dandi's author- ship of the definitions and illustrations which Nripatunga has borrowed from the K&vy&darsa. The colophon of the third chapter also contains unmistakable evidence of Niipatunga*s authorship in the expression^ Parama— Sarasvati-tirth^vat&ra-Niipatunga-d^va, which means King Nripatunga who is a holy incarnation of the great Sarasvati or a Bight of steps leading to the sacred vvaters of the great Sarasvati.
This view is further confirmed by verse Til, 230, in which we are told that **a high^souled person who has obtained the ship in the form of the specific knowledge contained in Niipatuhga-deva-m&rga, can reach the great further shore of the ocean of poetry filled with the high- est excellences. " This statement is intelligible only on the supposition that Nripatunga was the author of this work and excludes the possi- bility of any other person being the author of it. Here the specific knowledge contained in Nripatunga-deva-m&rga means, of course, the
* In verse I, 47t Nripatunga says *' Having considered the faults mentioned in the works of the multitude of ancient poets and to the best of my own knowledge} I will declare some to wise men." In verse II» 44, he says : '* Having studied the method of ancient authorities. I will relate this much in Kanna^a*" In verse II, 49. he says : *' Having considered the dis- tinction known to ancient poets I will declare it according to the method of my knowledge." These verses contradict Dr. Fleet's assertion that the work does not contain ** any allusion of any kind to view's of predecessors."
2
Dr. Fleet has ignored this expression because it militates against his erroneous assumption that Nripatunga was not the author of the work. Dr. Fleet's statement that ^ verse IIIi I25t compares some person, who the editor says is Nripatunga, to a flight of steps leading to the sacred waters of Sarasvati/' is inaccurate. It is not the editor but the colophon of the Jrd chapter that speaks of Nfipatunga as Saras\'ati-ttrthilvat&ra.
I08 NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OP THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
knowledge contained in the Kavir&jam&rga' and the poetry alluded to is the Kannada poetry with its characteristic prftsa which the work professes to teach. On this Dr. Fleet remarks, ** We need not lay any stress upon the fact that the original of this passage does not contain anything answering to the ** Kavir&jam&rga" and " Kan- nada," which are gratuitous insertions by the editor." Of course Dr. Fleet is unable to suggest any other possible explanation of the passage.' But his objection to ** gratuitous insertions" has my entire approval. On this ground we have already rejected such translations as ** commanded the treatment of it" and ** to inspire him with a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him, which he himself unaided could not hope to display." On this very ground we must reject the following translation of verse I, 149 : —
...Kavi|
prakaraqfi ^rivijaya-prabh(!itaman idaip kai-ko!vud i milkeyiip ||
" The multitude of poets will accept this product of Srtvijaya in this (new) guise." It will be easily noticed (a) that the original does not contain any word for (new), (b) the word malke does not mean
** guise," (c) and the phrase i mlilkeydl which means " in this manner**
should be construed with the verb kal-kojvudu. The original text literally means " the multitude of poets should accept this production of ^rfvijaya in this manner," from this it is clear that ^rtvijaya is one of the titles of the author himself. The last verse of Chapter II runs ; —
Bh&visi iabda-tattva-sthitiyaip kurit ond a^sh&-bh&- I
sh^-vishay-dktiyaip bagedu nddi pur&pa-kavi-prabhu-prayd- || g-&vilasad-gun6dayaman &yd-avariip samed ondu k&vyadiip I
^rivijaya-prabhOta-mudamaip tanag agisidoip kaviivaraip ||
Dr. Fleet translates : — Having thought over the established con- dition of the conventional settlement of the essential nature of sounds, (and) having given attention to (that) one (thing) expression which is the object of all language, (and) having considered and seen
^ The work is so called because it contains the tiArga or the method indicated (p^lda) by
Nfipatuftga. Abhinavapampa's use of the word p61du (having composed) to indicate
S'rutakfrti's authorship of the Jaina R4ghavap&94av!ya is exactly similar to Durgrasi- ipha's use of the same word to indicate the authorship of the same work by Dhanaftjaya. Dr. Fleet's sugrgestion that Abhinava-pampa uses the word in the sense of *" having recited (Ind. Ant., XXXIII, pi 779) is as absurd as his assertion that Nppatuftga possessed thekaus tubha jewel. Brahmin lads of 10 or i S years old can recite backwards and forwards greater poems than the Jaina RAghava-Pip^aviya ; and yet nobody thinks of commemorating them in inscriptions or praising them in literary works."
* It is absurd to suggest that any other than Kannatja-poetry is taught in a Kannada work professing to teach Kannada poetry.
APALA, 1 2 1
eated Chakr&yudha,
III. It would thus
ince, the family had
'ha mentioned in the
"^. was probably a
vanquished by
>■ one referred to
'Jiarmapaladidnot
V- sovereignty of it
[y connected with
.'ill the names may be
1 ilic rightful predeces-
;irier his defeat and
.0 been raised to the throne
!:iiHnt So that some time
■n of BhavabhQti, which must
oi the eighth century, one
.vii^ ruling in 783 A.D. He was
,'.rhaps by somebody else, until
.\ 11 by Bhojadeva of the GQrjara
i[i(h century, and thereafter Kanauj
-.1 J nasty.
llO NRIl^ATUhfGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMAKGA.
nobly born one " employed by K^^ava in the fourth verse of the conclud- ing prasasti of the ^abdamanidarpana. And the translation *'which was born from the source that was the supreme ^rivijaya " is also incorrect, because Srivijaya-prabhOti is a bahuvrihi compound which can be dissolved ^rivijayit prabhtitir yasya that which took its origin from Srivijaya, namely, this work called Kavir&jam&rga. The real meaning of the last verse of rhe Kavir&jam&rga is: ** Let the fame of one whose lineage is unblameable, which arises from the
work having for its author the great Srivijaya, endure as
fong as the moon and the stars last. ** This is in accordance with the custom, prevalent among Hindu authors, of expressing a prayer in the concluding verses that their works may endure as long as the sun, moon, &c. , last. We need only refer to the concluding verses of Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana, the Sarasvati-kanth&bharana of Bh6ja and the ^abdamanidarpana as illustrations. On the other hand no example can be quoted of a single Indian author Who has expressed in the colophon of his work a hope that the fkme or the works of a dead author may endure till the end of time. For these reasons and from the correct translations of the three verses given above it is plain that Srivijaya is one of the titles of the author of the Kavirajam^rga, and cannot refer to the older Srivijaya mentioned by the author in his introductory verse 33, Chap. I. The conclusion which Dr. Fleet has attempted to deduce from the misinterpre^^a- tions of the last three verges does not demand serioUs notice here.
The most interesting external evidence in support of Nripatuiiga's authorship of the Kavir&jam&rga is found in Bhatt&kalanka's Kar- n&taka Sabdanu^&sana in which our attention is invited to a descrip- tion of the skill displayed in the different usages of the Northern and Southern schools in Niipatunga-grantha or the work composed by Nripatuiiga. Owing to a hopeless misunderstanding of the two opening verses of the Kavir&jamd,rga Dr. Fleet is led to believe that BhattsLkalanka uses the expression Nripatunga-grantha to denote that Nripatiinga was not the author but the inspirer of the work. This attempt to pervert the natural meaning of the expression will not be countenanced by Sanskiit scholars ; for Bhatt&kalanka is a pro- found grammarian and writes in Sanskrit. He says that such forms as namage and nammol, though not noticed by previous grammarians, are nevertheless correct and quotes in support of his view three invo- catory verses, one of which is the opening verse of the Pampa- r&m&yai}a. He says : — ' .
Atra kechit kavya-mukham asirupam parartham api bhavatiti nanam anaiigikurv^na ninam eva pathanti nimage nimmol iti !| tad anye nilbhimanyante nirvighna-parisamapti-kAmati
NRIPATU>IGA AND THE AUtHORSHIP OF THE KAVII^AjAMARGA. 1 1 1*
priripsita-pratibandhaka-duritSpanddan^tham Paramatma. gun^nukirtana-rOpam maiigajam ^charantas svSrtham apah&ya par&rtham 6va prayatanta ity ayuktam 6va I apr^ksh^vattva-prasarig&t || anyatr&pi tathll prachOra-pra- ydga-darsan^ch cha | atd tr^smad-artha-vachak6 nan-sabda ev^bhimantavya iti || tath^pi sa kais chid Sv^ngikriyat6 { uttara-mHrg&nug^mibhih kavisvarair na sarvaih I dakshtna- in&rg&nuylyibhis tair anaiigikSr^t | en-pakshapdtind hi d^LksIiin^ty^h ka\i-jan& iti || dakshin6ttara-mdrg^-bh^da* bhinna-pray6ga-ch&turi-prapanch6 Nripatunga-granth6 drash- tavya iti ||
Karnitaka-^abd^nus^sana, Mn Rice's edition, p. i6i.
TRANSLATIOy.
Here [in the three invocatory verses] some who do not recognize such forms as namage, nammol read instead nimage, nimmol on the ground that the opening verse of a poem which forms an invocation,* contributes a'so to the benefit of others. This view is not accepted by other scholars, since it is quite inconsistent that authors who desire that their literary undertaking should be finished without any obstacle and Who address invocation by way of celebrating the praises of the Highest Being in order to drive away the sin which might inter-* fere with the completion of their literary work, should strive orily for the good of others, laying aside their primary object, since such a' course would argue a lack of prudence, and also because many such forms are found elsewhere [in passages containing no invocations], • However, this view is accepted by some, namely, by lords of poet* belonging to the Northern school and not by all ; while the followers of the Southern school reject it, for the poets of the Southern schoot ' are in favour of such forms as emage, emmol. A detailed descriptiori of the skill displayed in the different usages of the Southern and Northern schools is to be seen in Niipatuiiga's work.
HereNripatunga-grantha means the workcompose^ by Nripjatuhga namely, the Kavir^jam^rga which gives illustrations of the different usages of the Southern and Northern schools in verses II, 100-108. With the expression Nripatunga-grantha we may compare the genitive compounds %VJ{>iVi^ and fT^rppf^ employed by J iiAn^ndra-Saras-
^ Here BhattAkalanka says that the opening: verse of th^ Pamfto-Rdm&ya^a contains ' an invocation. Mr. Ricct in his Analysis prefixed to his 2nd edition of the poemi says: *'(i) The author invokes Muni-suvrata (the 20th Ttrthankara), (a) the Siddhas. (3) the AchAryas, &c." On the other band Dr. Fleet says : The author of the Pampa-Rdmdyapd has not invoked any god at all in the introductory stanzas of his work, namely) verses i to X4 of the first Asvdsa or canto. (!!!) Ind. Ant. XXXIIIt p. 262. t is needless to say that Dr. Fleet's statemeht is opposed to fact.
112 NRIPATUKGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIKAJAMARGA.
vatt who is as distinguished a grammarian as Bhatt^Walanka him- self, and whose work is read at the present day in all parts of India.
In his gloss on PApini's s(itra R^|r^|ft^HM^^ai^l*i V, 2, 56 we
read frlPTT^ ffit ^(^mm * q% '— f?^ ^ f^^TTl^m ft^Pqi^ ^JfP^,
sf Bt^mS^t frTf^^fTl^f^ HMMd*l fl%fm 3f ft^pqr^ tft^^ !?^ TO^TO*^
tattvab6dhin!.
Translation. The expression |q^[rqiA^t should be understood in the sense of the numerals beginning with twenty as enumerated in P^oini.V, i, 59 owing to proximity and not in the sense of ordinary numerals begin- ning with twenty in the popular sense owing to the latter being remote. This is the opinion of Patanjali. The author of the Kkiikk" vritli* on the other hand holds that ordinary numerals beginning with twenty are intended and not those enumerated in PA^ini V, i, 59 ; as according to the latter interpretation, such a form as q*(^yi?i«^M: could not be formed according to the maxim' that when a specific form of a noun is mentioned in Pacini, a termination should not be affixed to a word ending in such a form. On this supposition the exclusion of numerals beginning with sixty which are preceded by numerals in PMni V, 2, 58 becomes perfectly consistent. Though, according to Patafljali's interpretation, the affixing of terminations to words ending in specific forms mentioned in PApini, might appear to be disallowed, still the exclusion of sixty preceded by numerals in P&nini V, 2, 58, indicates that such a thing is allowed in this part of Pacini's grammar. According to this view the ordinal q^il^fl^lfda^: can be correctly formed, while according to the opinion of the author ofthe K4lik4vritti, it is ungrammatical, as the numeral * nineteen' precedes * twenty ' in popular enumeration. And this is made clear in the works of Kaiya^a and Haradatta.'
^ MahftbhAshya. Dr. Kielhorn't Ed.. Vol. Hi Part II 9 p. 3*5* KAitkATptU, Benares Ed., pp. 5>* 5i» P^^ ^I*
• Paribhftshftndui^khara. Dr. Kielhorn't Ed., pp. S91 3o*
» SWdhlnto-KiomudJ with Tattvabddhint, Nir^ya«Agar Pre** tad Edn.| pp. aS^ ana t07-
NRIPATUl^GA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA. II3
This subject is discussed by Kaiyata in his Bh­apradipa' and by Haradatta in his Padamanjari." The expression Kaiyata- Haradatta-granthaydh means in the works composed by Kaiyata and Haradatta. In the same way the genitive compound Nripatuiiga- granth^ means in the work composed by Nripatunga, namely, the Kavirlljam^ga which deals with the different usages of the Southern and Northern schools of poets in verses II, ioo-io8. This is the most interesting external evidence in support of Nripatuhga's authorship of this oldest Kannada work, of which manuscripts have been found. The internal evidence contained in the passages that have been examined above, is, as I have proved already, equally conclusive on this point. Nor does the identification of King Nripatunga present the slightest difficulty. He was a king, a paramount sovereign ; his titles were Am6gha- varsha and Atisayadhavala. He was a devout worshipper of Jina or Ttrthaiikara. King Nripatunga, therefore, was JinasSnllch4r}'a*s pupil, Amdghavarsha, who had the title of Nripatunga as we learn from the opening prasasti of Mah&vir^ch&rya's Ganitas^ra,^ and must have composed the Kavir^jam^rga between ^aka 737 and 799. The contrivance by which Nripatunga has interwoven his own titles into the first two verses of his work is so ingenious as to render impossible any subsequent attempt to tamper with the text. Still Dr. Fleet has ven- tured to make such an attempt, but with the result that his so- called translation of the two verses, besides containing ten mistakes, asserts that Nripatunga possessed the kaustubha jewel, an assertion contradicted by a distinguished contemporary author,Gunabhadra, who as preceptor to Ak^lavarsha while the latter was yuvar^ja, had fre- quent opportunities of coming into personal contact with King Nripa- tunga and who tells us that in his time there prevailed in the Cana- rese country the belief that the great jewel, kaustubha, sprung from
^ Mahibh­a with Bh­apradipa) Benares Ed.f p. 85 ( 3^, \^ q]", "^ ^, ^ ) ^ Padamanjari, Benares Ed., p. jogt Part II.
Cf. Anu.^bda-pray6g4d fiva knU-mangraldyam S^strakriditi SAtrakrid-&chArA- nuvartti VpttikAr6'pi tayaiva di^ svayam api sva-grranthintd mafigalam Acharitam sAcha- yati. KamA(aka-SabdAnuJ&^na, p. 290. Here " sva-grrantha *' means the work composed by himsdf. In this passag^e SAttrakrit, sAtrakrit and VrittikAra refer to one and the same person. In the same way verse 5 Ji Chap. II of the Kavir^amArga must be interpreted in accordance with the specific information contained in the first a verses of the first chapter and the openings verse of the third chapter. Cf.
R&jataraAgi^i I. 14.
^ Kavirijaro&rflra, Intro., p. 7. In this prasasti the words nripa-tufiga and tmdgha- var^ba, which are employed as epithets to Jina, contain a punning reference to the titles of the reigning sovereign.
8
114 NRIPATUNGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE KAVIRAJAMARGA.
the ocean was worn on the breast by the god Vishpu. If Dr. Fleet learns this single conception of Hindu Mythology, the meaning of the negative verb and the peculiar use of the interrogative pronoun as explained by Dr. Kittel and Dr. Caldwell, and the fact, of Lakshmi clinging to the breast of Viran&rllyana in the temple at Gadag, he will have made satisfactory progress in his study of the two opening verses of Nripatunga's Kavir&jam^ga.
A careful perusal of the arguments set forth above cannot fail to convince Sanskrit scholars that Dr. Fleet's assertion that Mr. Rice wrongly attributed the composition of the Kavir^jamirga to Nripatunga is itself wrong. The authorship of this interesting- Kannada work was ascribed to Nripatunga in ^aka 1526 by no less an authority than the celebrated grammarian Bhati&kalanka, whose opinion on this point is invaluable, as it rests upon the most import- ant verses in the work itself which were misunderstood by Dr. Fleet but which have now been satisfactorily explained. Dr. Fleet's paper contains many other gratuitous assertions. But an examin- ation of them may well be postponed till he has satisfied Sanskrit scholars that there is no invocation of any kind to any god in the opening verses of Nripatunga's Kavir^jam^rga and of Abhinava- Pampa*s R^m^yaija. One assertion, however, need be noticed here. Dr. Fleet says on pp. 272, 273 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII) that 2- verses "stand in precisely the same form" in the Kavir^jamllrga (II, 32, 35) and the Chhand6mbudhi (53, 55) and admits that the former work is older than the latter ; and yet he tells us that this **does not prove that it was from the Kavir^jam^rga that the verses were taken into the Chhanddmbudhi.'' This conclusion is most absurd, as he has not actually discovered these verses in an older author from whom the two works could have borrowed independently. Then Dr. Fleet finds 2 verses with different read- ings given in the two works, and as he cannot suggest **any acceptable" reason why Ndgavarma should vary the text, we are asked to believe that N^gavarma actually borrowed these verses, not from the KavirAjam^rga but from an older work which Dr. Fleet has yet to discover. But until the promised discovery is made by Dr. Fleet and because we can give very ** acceptable" reasons for the variation of the text by Ndgavarma, the world may safely believe that these verses were taken into the Chhanddmbudhi from the KavirajamSlrga. It was absolutely necessary for N^ga- varma to alter the readings kritakrityamalla-Vallabha-matadiude and Nripatungad^va-vidita-kramadiip, as otherwise his claims to the authorship of the Chhanddmbudhi would have been disputed by some critic who cannot understand invocatory verses in Indian poems and
NRIPATUI^IGA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THB KAVIRAJAMARGA. II5
who, if the readings had been preserved, would have been disposed to represent NiipatungadSva as the author of the Cbhanddmbudhi. As to the reading ^tamakha-sadiiia, &c., N^avarma must have borrowed the verse containing this reading from a manuscript of the Kavir^jam^rga which was accessible to him and which might be re- garded as a predecessor of the present manuscript of that work which, as Dr. Fleet admits, does give that reading. It is obvious, therefore, that those four verses were really borrowed from Nripatunga-grantha (Nripatuiiga's work) by N^gavarma and not from an older work which exists only in Dr. Fleet's imagination. In conclusion I may be permitted to reply to the charge of '* a most indecorous attempt by the editor to abuse the confidence of his readers" in the following words of Gunabhadra : —
R^'i^MRfWHIH-^wr fJl^ ft«W: II ^V5 ii
Adipur^na, Chapter 43.
Art. VIII.
An Epigraphtcal Note on Dharmapala^ the second prince
of the Pala dynasty.
By Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, m.a.
(Communicated. )
There has been going on for some time a controversy as to the date of DharmapUla, the second prince of the Pila dynasty. Cunningham in his Archaeological Survey Report, Vol. XV., page 151, approximately fixed his accession in 831 A.D. But the date is inconsistent with the conclusion, drawn by my brother, Devadatta R. Bhandarkar, in his remarks on the Cambay plates of Govinda IV., that " Dharmap&Ia was a contemporary of the RUshjrakiija prince Indra III., for whom the RAshtrakiita records furnish the dates 915 and 917 A.D.*
The following are the grounds on which Devadatta bases his con- clusion. The Cambay plates speak of Indra III. having devastated Mahodaya (Kanauj). The date of Kshitip^la or Mahip^la of Kanauj is 917 A.D. and he was thus a contemporary of Indra III. According to a Khajur&ho inscription, "a king named Kshitip&la was placed on his throne by the Chandella prince Harshadeva." ** This Harshadeva flourished at the beginning of the tenth century.*' The Kshitip^la, therefore, whom he reinstated, must have been this Kshitip^aand the throne that of Kanauj. Devadatta further proceeds to identify this KshitipAla, Mahipllla, Herambapila, or Vin&yakap^la with Chakr&yu- dha of the Bh^galpur plate and Upendra of the Nausari plates of Indra III., in which Indra III. is represented as having conquered an Upendra. In the Bhilgalpur plate it is stated that Dharmap&la acquired the sovereignty of Mahodaya by conquering Indrar&ja and other enemies, and bestowed it upon Chakrd.yudha. In the KhMimpur charter, where the same incident is referred to, Indrar^ja is not men- tioned, nor is Chakr^yudha, but the person on whom the sovereignty was conferred by Dharmap^a is mentioned as a prince of K^nyakubja. Therefore Chakr^yudha was of K&nyakubja and IndrarlLja who had to be defeated must have wrested the sovereignty from him. The question now is whether the Indrar^ja of unnamed dynasty of the ! Bh^galpur plate is identical with, or different from, the R&shtrakOta Indra III. of the Cambay plates. Devadatta inclines to the former view,
* Ep. Ind., VII, pp. 26 -ij.
AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. II7
because the account pieced together from the Bh&galpur and- Kh&Hm- pur plates on the one hand, and the account as pieced together from the * Cambay plates and the Khajur^ho inscription, referred to, on the other hand, agree in the two particulars that an Indrar&ja ousted a king of Kanauj from his throne and that the latter was again re- established. But there are two particulars in which the two accounts differ. The name of the king of Kanauj according to the latter account was Kshitipfila and according to the former Chakrayudha, and the king who set him up was the Chandella prince Harshadeva and Dharmap&la respectively. Devadatta explains the latter by saying that in all likelihood both helped to set the king up again and credit was claimed on behalf of each. The former he explains by identifying^ Chakr&yudha with Kshitip&la and thinks the identification to be con- firmed by the fact that the name Chakrayudha signifies the same thing , as Upendra, the name of the prince subjugated, according to the Nausari plates, by Indra III.
This explanation and this identification, however, can be conceded only if the identification of the two Indrar^jas be well-established. But just on account of the difference as regards the two particulars it would be equally open to another to hold that the two Indrardjas were different • And in the history of India it is nothing strange if different kings at different times ruling over the same province are defeated and ousted from their thrones and again set up.' A somewhat unus\ial coin- cidence in the case of Kanauj may be that on two of the occasions on which its prince was deprived of his throne the names of the two victors were identical. And I have come across what I look upon as definite evidence that Dharmap&la was not a contemporary of Indra III., but of Govinda III.; and it is at the suggestion of Devadatta himself that I here publish it apart from, and before, the paper of which it should naturally form a part.
For a considerable time I have had in my hands a Rllshtrakuta copperplate grant of Amoghavarsha I. The charter is rather a big one, having an introduction of fifty-two stanzas. Except for one drawback it would have been published long ago. It is very incor- rectly engraved and it alludes vaguely to not a few names and things of which very little or nothing was known when it came into my hands, and on only a few of which some glimmering of light has been thrown since. This fact renders it very difficult to make out to one's satisfac- tion the sense of many passages.
^ Supposing, as Devadatta doesi that the Indrar^ja defeated by Dharmap^a did not belong to the same Hne as Chakrikyudha and that Chakr&yudha had been displaced by iiim. The point will be considered later on.
U8 AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA.
The evidence I have alluded to above is the following stanza relating to Nirupamatanaya PrabhOtavarsha Jagattui^ga, i. ^., Govinda III.:—
The mention together here of Dharma and Chakr^yudha in a Dvandva compound, though unfortunately there are no further parti- culars given of them, makes it plain, I think, that they are the same as the Dharmap^a and Chakr&yudha of the Bh&galpur plate.
There is a Chakriyudha in the Gwalior inscription of Mihira Bhoja noticed in Dr. Kielhorn's Epigraphic Note No. 17. ' He is referred to therein as one " whose low state was manifested by his dependence on another (or others)*' and as conquered by NAgabhata ; and Dr. Kielhom identifies him with the Chakr&yudha of the Bh^galpur plate. This Nligabhata also seems to be referred to in the following verses, which immediately precede the verses quoted above : —
^ HI<N<l'«4'j^yH'iM4l^4h(#?)f ?i^
^^l<iHMtl4 '^(^)R*^M«>l'4l<*^a (^'Ip^ or ^ifN^?) [']
<ljfM'HM<l ^^^^ ^Ili^^^lPl^ 1^
The Chandragupta mentioned here may be the one whose name occurs in No. 617 in Dr. Kielhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. The inscription is from Sirpur and is of " about the beginning of the ninth century A. D."
Dh&rmap&la must thus have been a contemporary of Govinda III., whose dates are Saka 716, 726, 730 (A.D. 794, 804,808), and flourished about the beginning of the ninth century A.D.
Darmap&la and Chakr&yudha being thus referred to a period earlier than that of Indra III., the identification with Kshitip41a of the Upendra whom Indra III. defeated and of the fact of the devastation of Mahodaya by that prince with the defeat or dethronement of Upendra, which, De\*adatta thought, was probable, must now be given up.
But who is the Indrarija who was defeated by Dharmap^a before ChakrAyudha was set up on his throne ? May he not now be the
« OflMt
KUSM. I Omil.
AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 1 19
brother of Govinda III., as conjectured by Mr. Batavyal'? If he be, the unusual coincidence I have mentioned above of two different victors of Kanauj having the same name, Indrar^ja, is not as unusual as it would otherwise be, since they both belong to a dynast}' having three Indras in the direct line and one in a collateral line. Indra may have accompanied Govinda III., in the latter's victorious march, which was as far as the Himalayas, and might have been left by him in pos- session of the kingdom of Kanauj. And may not N&gabha^a, whose glory is represented in the second of the above quotations as having been wrested from him by Govinda III., be the GOrjara prince on whom Govinda's brother Indra is represented as having inflicted a defeat'? If Indra, the brother of Govinda III., was in the latter*s company during his victorious march, there is nothing unusual if the credit of the victory over N^gabhata should be claimed for him also.
It may then be, that Dharmapila and Chakrdyudha yielded them- selves up to Govinda III., that Indra, the brother of the last, was left in charge of Kanauj at least, that defeating Indra, DharmapSla set Chakr^yudha on the throne, and that, when Dharmap&la and Chakr^- yudha yielded themselves up, Nftgabhata too, at whose hands Chakr&- yudha suffered defeat, either before or after this event, had to do the same.
Dr. Kielhorn' is of opinion that it is the Indr^yudha, who is referred to at the end of the Jaina Harivam^apurina as reigning in the north in ^aka 705 (A.D. 783), and that he was of the same family as Chakr&yu- dha and was his predecessor on the throne of Kanauj. But his identi- fication of the R^sh^rakiita Parabala, who erected the Pathari Pillar bearing his inscription, with the R&shtrakO(a Parabala, who was the father-in-law of Dharmap^la,* would seem to militate against such a supposition. The great victorious march of Govinda III. occurred not later than A.D. 804.5 Chakr&yudha must, on Dr. Kielhorn*s sup^posi- tion, have been set on the throne by Dharmap^la before this event. And further, if N&gabhata defeated Chakr^yudha before the victorious march, it would have to be held as not unlikely, that Chakrd.yudha was set on his throne several years before A.D. 804. But under any circumstances, as the coronation of Chakr^yudha cannot be later than 804 A.D., Dharmapdla who set him up must then have been of an age not only to govern but also to conquer and set others on the throne, say about thirty. His father-in-law, who might naturally be expected to be older, must at that time have been about forty and would have to
^ Journ, Benga As. Soc LXIII, p. 6a.
* Baroda grsMt of Karica of the Gujarat Branch, Ind. Ant, XII. p. 166, U ^3-5,
* Epigraphic Note, No. 15. ** Epigraj^ic Note, No* 6,
° Dr. Bhandarkar's Early Htntory of the Dekkan (and edn.)t P* ^«
I20 AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA.
be considered as being about ninety-seven at the date of the Path^ri Pillar inscription of A.D. 86i. But if it be assumed that Dharmap&la set up ChakrILyudha some time after the victorious march of Govinda III. on defeating the last one's brother Indra, he might be assumed to have been younger in 804 A. D. and consequently Parabala less than ninety-seven in A.D. 861.
There is one other point to notice. Dr. Hoernle has drawn the con- clusion that in 840 A.D. the GOrjara empire did not include the northern kingdom of Kanauj and the conquest of the kingdom happened only under Bhoja I.* Thus there is still left unfilled the gap among the rulers of Kanauj, **of not less than loc years between this king (Bhoja^ and Yasovarman, patron of Bhavabhdti," noticed by Devadatta in his paper on the GOrjaras."* But Chakr^yudha has been made out by him to be a ruler of Kanauj. So there is now one at least to fill up the gap and another also, if the Indr&yudhaofthejaina Harivamsa should have likewise been a ruler of Kanauj as Dr. Kielhorn maintains.
That ChakrAyudha, who was a contemporary of the GQrjara prince Nd^gabha^a, was a ruler of Kanauj is an additional confirmation of the correctness of Dr. Hoernle's view.
Moreover one reason adduced by Devadatta, in the paper just men- tioned, for assuming that the GOrjara Vatsar^ja's power was not restricted to Rajputana alone, but extended over the country ruled by Bhoja, is that the Gauda country was so far away from Rajputana that it is difficult to understand how otherwise Vatsarilja couki subjugate it as he did. But the difficulty of the task may be regarded as not quite so insuperable or the inexplicability may be considered to have been removed by the fact to which attention has been drawn by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson that the Gauda country was no other than Thanesar.^
Finally, in addition to the fact noticed by Mr. Jackson, this fact also, that Dharmapala was a contemporary of Govinda 111. (794 .A. D.), completely does away with the preceptorship on the part of Krishna: II (877 A. D. ) with regard to Dharmapdla's children, which Dr.
Hoemie refers to,* even if the words 'TORt RH^iltll^"HI^: had been capable of that meaning.
The scraps of information gathered may then be put together as follows : —
Chakr^yudha was raised to the throne of Kanauj by Dharmapala after conquering IndrarAja and others according to the Bhagalpur
* J, R» A* S, tQiH, pfk *<*-T*
• J. Ik R« A« &« t^>*
' J. R. A, S, idv>j, riv tajM
AN EPIGRAPHICAL NOTE ON DHARMAPALA. 121
grant. Nftgabha^a of the G^rjara dynasty defeated ChakrHyudha, and N^gabhata himself was defeated by Govinda III. It would thus appear, that when Nagabhata was the GOrjara prince, the family had not established itself at Kanauj. The Indr&yudha mentioned in the Harivamia as ruling over the north in 783 A. D. was probably a ruler of Kanauj ; and he may have been one of those vanquished by Dharmap&la about the end of the eighth century and the one referred to by the name of Indrarija in the Bh^galpur plates. Dharmap^la did not annex the country to his territory but bestowed the sovereignty of it on Chakr^yudha. Chakr^yudha was probably connected with Indr&yudha, as the ending word &yudha of both the names may be taken to indicate. Indr^lyudha may have been the rightful predeces- sor of ChakrHyudha or a usurper and, after his defeat and probable death also, Chakr^yudha may have been raised to the throne by Dharmap^la as the next or rightful claimant. So that some time after the death of Yalovarman, the patron of BhavabhOti, which must have taken place about the middle of the eighth century, one Indr&yudha got possession of it and was ruling in 783 A.D. He was succeeded by Chakr^yudha and he perhaps by somebody else, until this petty dynasty was overthrown by Bhojadeva of the GOrjara dynasty about the middle of the ninth century, and thereafter Kanauj became the capital of the latter dynasty.
Art. IX.
A comparison of the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees
with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and
other later Doctrines.
Bv R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL.B. {^Read2']thjuly, 1905.)
The history of all human thought establishes the correctness of the following three principles : First, all civilization and progress are the results of the evolution of thought from its simplest to its most com- plex forms, step by step, among the different races of mankind from the dawn of human history. Secondly, all ideas relating to objects and forms of worship were in reality in primitive times intended to be explanations of the mysterious phenomena of nature and «vents of human life on the supposition that such phenomena were the results of the operations of spirits, and were, so to speak, the effects of what may be called ** spiritual causes ** as distinguished from what we understand as ** physical causes." These ideas represented, as it were, the sciences of primitive times and led to the birth and growth of the sciences properly so-called of modem times. Thirdly, with the advance of knowledge and culture, '* spiritual causes ** are supplant- ed gradually by physical causes, as explaining natural phenomena and the events of human life. The first of these three principles establishes what may be called the principle of the suggestiveness of ideas, vis,, that old existing ideas have the power of suggesting new ideas ; that conversely, new ideas never arise except through the suggestion of, or as being derived from, old existing ideas, and bear, therefore, a neces- sary connection with the latter and ^*ould nex'er come into existence but for the prior existence of the latter. This principle is akin to, but distinct from, the principle of association of ideas. The j^econd of the said three principles is a corollary of the first and may be described as representing the principle of the unity and conttnuit>* of human thought throughout all ag^s in the history of the civilized nations of the world. The remaining third principle sheu*s, that the greater the advance made by the human mind in knowledge and culture, ti>., in the actual production of, and in the power of producing, new ideas out of old ideas, the less are natural phenomena and eN'^nts of human life ex- plained with reference to '* sf^ritual causes/" and the more are they ex-
THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 1 23
plained with reference to physical causes. These principles, therefore, suggest tests for ascertaining the stage, at which any particular idea must have been developed, and its relations in point of growth to other Ideas, similar in substance but different in forms. We shall see, that the Fravashees, a certain class of spirits representing also human beings, dead, living and to be born, were regarded in the Avestic times as explaining most of the mysterious phenomena of nature and human life. But when we come to the times of Plato, which were far later than those in which the Avestic ideas of Frohars or Fravashees came into existence, we observe, that physical causes e.g,^ fire, air, water, are accepted as explaining the phenomena of existence in the world by some Greek thinkers, who denied that such pheno- mena were due to the working of spirits. In those times, we observe that Plato makes only a limited use of the idea of spirits. While in the Avestic times the Fravashees were regarded as explaining all phenomena, all the mysteries of nature and human life in this world, Plato looked upon the idea of fhe existence of spirits as only explain- ing metaphysical questions concerning life before birth and life after death. In later times than those of Plato, Christianity taught through Catholicism the activity in this world, for thegood of devout Christians, of the spirits of those few elect dead personages only who were cano- nized. Thus though Catholicism denied the activity of the spirits of all dead Christians who had met with Christian burial, and for whose spiritual benefit certain religious ceremonies had been per- formed, it admitted the beneficent activity of the spirits of those few who were revered as saints. But this limitation of the idea of the activity of the spirits of the human dead was abolished centuries later by Protestantism, which refused to accept the idea of the beneficent activity of the spirits of those whom Catholicism venerated as saints, though it retained the idea of the existence of the spirits of the dead, and their future salvation. And in the middle of the 19th century, when fcience had explained through physical causes and laws all phenomena of nature and human existence, physically observable, rejecting all explanations based on the agency of spirits, we find that Auguste Comte (who founded the Religion of Humanity in the hope of its supplanting all existing "supernatural religions," as A. Balfour has called them, meaning those which teach the existence of
spiritual life after death) utilized for the purposes of his new religion an idea similar to the idea of the Frohars or Fravashees of the dead, not in its entirety, but with its connection with spirits eliminated. And coming to our own days, we obser\'e that with all orthodox Parsees the idea of Fravashees, as representing the dead, are living, moving ideas ; but that these ideas are, and have been, restricted to
124 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE PRAVASHBES.
the beneficent acivity of the Fravashees invoked with proper ceremonies and observances. Thus Parseeism believes in the beneficent activity in this world of the Fravashees or spirits, representing the dead, including the Fravashees representing those living and to be born, though Catholicism, which arose much later than the ideas of the Fravashees, confines such activity to the spirits of those whom it has recognized as saints. This paper will, therefore, after setting out the Avestic doctrines as to the Fravashees, state and discuss the doctrines of Plato regarding what he has called the Ideas, and compare and contrast them with the former. It will, also, refer to Comte*s Religion of Humanity, as far as it bears on the subject herein dealt with. This paper will, further^ demonstrate, how the unity and continuity of thought are preserved by great religions, after their establish- ment, by the adaptation and absorption of ideas, which in their existing forms they desired to displace, but which they could not wholly extinguish. It is, generally, supposed, that a new religion has always absolutely broken up the old order of ideas and replaced it by an entirely new one. But attentive observation shews, that it is impossible to remove completely an existing intellectual and moral out- fit from the human mind, and equip it with an entirely new one.
This paper will, also, attempt to settle the relation of the teachings of what are known as the later Avesta writings to those of the Gathas, to solve the questions firstly, whether the former are simple pre-Zoroastrian or post-Zoroastrian ideas, or are really Zoroastrian adaptations of pre- Zoroastrtan ideas ; secondly, what their age is with reference to the propagation of Zoroastrianism and the early Aryan emigration to India.
2. The ** Gathas" are universally acknowledged as embodying the teachings of the great Zoroaster. With reference to the date of this grand work, the dates of composition of different parts of the remaining extant Zoroastrian scriptures have first to be fixed. And the opinion prevails, that the Yeshtas are writings, which belong to a later period th.an that of the Gathas and are, therefore, known as forming a part of what are called the later Avesta writings. As Dr. Haug observes in his learned ** Essays on the Parsis", — '^The name Fravashee is never to be met with in the Gathas." But as is well known the ** nusks," which formed the body of the Zoroastrian scriptures, have been lost, and as it can never be assumed that the Gathas were the only original work, representing the teachings of the great Iranian prophet, it cannot be inferred from the silence of the Gathas as to the Fravashees, that the great prophet disbelieved the existence of the Fravashees, or preached their non-existence. If this had been the case, the later Avesta would not have assigned one whole Yashta
THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 1 25
specially to the Fravashees, vis., the Frawardeen Yesht, and would not have made constant references to them in its other parts, nor would the recital of the Frawardeen Yesht have constituted, as it has con- stituted from time immemorial till the present day, the most important part of the Zoroastrian ritual of the dead. And, moreover, it is im- possible to assume either that the great prophet inculcated no ritual in honour of the dead who are always the first care of every great religion ; and that if he did, as he could not but have done, there was any other ritual prescribed than, inter alia, the recital of the Frawardeen Yesht. Assuming, therefore, that no significance can be attached to the fact of the Gathas not referring to the Fravashecs, we shall set out the main doctrines of the Fravardeen Yashta and afterwards discuss them in relation to the Platonic doctrines as to the Ideas ; because nothing brings out the salient points of any doctrines so much as their com- parison and contrast with other similar doctrines. It is when placed against the background of the latter, that the former appear in all their striking colours, disclosing the strong and weak points of both.
3. The doctrines of the Frawardeen Yesht regarding the Fravashees are as follows on the following points : —
I. What the Fravashees or Frohars are and their powers, **The Frohars or Fravashees are invisible, incapable of being imagined, are far-seeing, strong, powerful, successful in war, health-giving, grant- ors of gift and happiness.''
II. The place of abode of the Fravashees or Frohars : — ** The Fra- vashees or Frohars move about at their will in the upper region of air (or ether)."
III. What beings and bodies are represented by the Fravashees or Frohars : — '* Ahuramazda, the yezds, the angels, the heavens, water, earth, trees (vegetation), goats and kine, and men, living, dead, and to be born, pious creations, and even the Mathravani have all their respective Fravashees or Frohars. But the Frohars of the pious living human beings are more powerful than those of departed ones."
IV. Explanations of phenomena based on the agency of the Fra- vashees or Frohars : —
** (a) The sun, moon, planets, and innumerable stars were sta- tionary at first for a long time, but the Frohars opened and pointed out the true paths for them .... Water was likewise sta- tionary at first for a long time, but the Frohars shewed to it good ways into streams .... Trees were also stationary, inactive at first, did not develop or yield fruits ; but the Frohars gave to them
126 THB AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES.
the power of developing and 3rielding fruits, according to ordained ways and at ordained times."
**{b) It is through the aid of the Frohars that Ahura Mazda sustains the earth and the heavens, preserves the unborn in the wombs of their mothers. If there had been no Frohars, no creatures of Ahura Mazda, rational and irrational, would have been in exist- ence, but Angremenyush, and the '* Deruj's, and the (evil) Meenoes (spirits) would have overpowered everything, and exercised their sway unchecked."
V. The time, mode and results of the adoration of the Frohars : — •* The Frohars descend from their higher region to the earth on the occasion of the Hamaespathan ghambar [a certain part of the Parsi year], and move about the streets for ten nights, desirous of their names being remembered, their praises and glory being proclaimed, their worship being effected with pious prayers, and their being welcomed with hands bearing food and raiment [not, it is to be noted, being fed with food, or clothed with
raiment] The blessings, which the Frohars that
have had their aforementioned desires satisfied, possess the power of granting, and do grant on invocation, are as follows : — (a) " In- crease of cattle and human beings," {b) ** fleet horses and strong vehicles," (O ** power, with leadership of the Anjuman (public body)," {d) ** help in enterprises and in distress," (e) ** health and recovery from illness," (/) * victory in battles."
Inferentially it may be stated, that Angremenyush, the Derooj's, and the evil Meenoes are not represented by Frohars, and that the Frohars are the beings forming the connecting link between the spiritual and the physical world — between mind and matter, and a«e the beings who connect Ahura-Mazda with his good creations.
4. Dr. Haug says in his ** Essays on the Parsees" : ** Every being of the good creation, whether living or deceased, or still unborn, has its own Fravashee or guardian, who has existed from the beginning. Hence they are a kind of prototype, and may best be compared to the Ideas of Plato, who supposed everything really existing to have a double existence, first in idea, secondly in reality. Such celestial or invisible prototypes are also mentioned in the Bible. . . See Heb., IX, 23. Exod. XXV, 9, 24." We shall now state the doctrines of Plato as to the Ideas, and then note the points of similarity and c^s- similarity between them and the doctrines of th^ Avesta, regarding the Fravashees or Frohars.
5. The doctrines of Plato on the Ideas, which were intended by him to prove the immortality of the soul, are put by him into the mouth of
THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 1 27
Socrates in the dialogue entitled Phsedo. Socrates expresses them just before drinking the cup of hemlock, and bravely submitting to the execution of the sentence of death passed upon him. He holds his last discourse with his devoted grief-stricken disciples, appropriately on deatli and the immortality of the soul. He seeks to inspire his disciples with courage and fortitude to bear his approaching death, by trying to prove in his usual way that death to a true pure-minded philosopher, which Socrates had undoubtedly proved himself to be, was but the opening of the door of the prison of the body in which his immortal soul had been imprisoned, and afforded a passage ta that higher and sublimer unchanging life in the glorious upper regions of the gods, which was the reward of the true pure-hearted philoso- pher. The excellence of the analyses of the Platonic Dialogues given by Grote in his great work, entitled ** Plato and the other companions of Socrates," is testified to by Jowett, and is proved by a study of the latter's own fascinating translations of the dialogues. The following doctrines, therefore, of Plate on the Ideas are stated mostly in the words of Grote, which, besides being accurate, can hardly be im- proved upon : —
I. What the Ideas are, and what functions they discharge, [not being, it is to be noted, invested with, and not exercising, any powers themselves]: **The Ideas are invisible, eternal unchang- ing intelligible essences, or realities, are substantial, universal, abso* lute universal, causative, entities, are extra phenomenal transcen- dental causes. Each idea imports or communicates its own nature to the particulars, which bear the same name with it and exist in this world of sense,' transient phenomena, uncertainty and mere opinion, e.g,^ Self-Beautiful and Self-Good are the eternal Ideas, and if any thing else be beautiful or good, it can only be, and is beautiful or good, because it inheres or partakes in or has in it the presence of, the Self-Beautiful or Self-Good.
II. The place of abode of the Ideas : In the invisible upper regions of the earth, which are glowingly described in detail by So- crates, as if under inspiration, at the end of his discourse and where everything is fairer than here and where the gods also reside, there dwell the Ideas.
III. Metaphysical explanations, not based on the assumed agency of the Ideas, but upon logical inferences drawn or deductions made^ from the theory of their existence : (1) Immortality of the soul, ** Tliat which being in the body gives it life is the soul, which exists both as a particular thing in the world and as an universal Idea in the transcendental world. But contrary ideas can and will never
128 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES.
coexist in an3rthing, but will exclude one another. Therefore the soul, which always brings with it life, can never receive, or admit, or co-exist with, death, which always brings with it the contrary of life. The soul therefore is not liable to death, but is immortal." (ii) Life after death and the transmigration of souls : ** After the death of each individual, his soul is conducted by his attendant genius to whom he belonged in life to the proper place, and there receives its reward or sentence of condemnation to suffering greater or less, according to his conduct in life, to be carried out in certain ways. The reward or condemnation of the soul is determined by the following considera- tion : — {a) If the soul has undergone during the life in this world of the body, left behind by it, the purifying influence of philosophy, having detached itself as much as possible from all connection with the body, with passions, appetites, and impulses, from all pleasures and pursuits connected with the body, in order to pursue true wisdom and knowledge, then, it is relieved from the obligation of entering into any other body, and is allowed to live by itself ever afterwards, disembodied in the pure region of the Ideas, in companionship with the gods, (b) If the soul has undergone no such purification, it first takes the form of a ghost, and becomes visible and then after under- going some purification enters fresh bodies of different species of men or animals, according to the particular temperament it carries away with it, and the wrongs committed by it during its embodied life, ^.^., the soul of a despot, a violent or rapacious man, passes into the body of a wolf or kite ; of a glutton or drunkard into that of an ass ; but the soul of a man, just and temperate by habit and disposi- tion, and not through the exercise of the pure intellect passes into the body of a gentle and social animal, such as the ant, bee, wasp. Sec, or may return into the human form of a moderate man. {iii) Life before birth: "The soul during its pre-existence, while completely apart from the body, acquires through intellectual contemplation and commerce with the eternal Ideas, wisdom or know- ledge of the other eternal Ideas, to which its own nature is cognate. But such wisdom or knowledge is lost by the soul on birth, owing to its conjunction with the body, and during its existence in this world ; and if it acquires any part of that knowledge afterwards during itj> life in the world, such knowledge is mere reminiscence, a renewal of the Ideas, with which the soul was already familiar during its anterior life, while separate from the body." (iv) Conflict between the soul and the senses : ** Out of the body, there grow passions, appetites and impulses, feelings of pleasure and pain, which corrupt the souPs perception of truth, and misguide it in its search for wisdom and knowledge, which can only be acquired though pure mental contem-
THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FKAVASHEES. 1 29
plation of the eternal Ideas, and thu<: the perceptions of the senses lead to no truth, but only to confusion and deceit. The soul, therefore, existing in an embodied state must sever its connection with the senses, with all passions, appetites, and impulses, and must engage itself in true intellectual contemplation."
6. Before instituting any comparison between the Platonic doctrines regarding the Ideas, and the Avestic doctrines regarding the Frohars, it will be interesting to note the ccmments of Jowett on the former. That great scholar remarks : ** At the conclusion of the dialogue [Phajdo] Socrates replaces the veil of mythology and describes the soul and her attendant genius in the language of the mysteries,
or a disciple of Zoroaster When we consider how
much the doctrine of Ideas was also one of words, we cannot wonder, that Plato should have fallen into verbal fallacies ; early logic is always mistaking the truth of the form for the truth of the matter .... The conception of an abstract soul is the impersonation of the ideas « . . and . . . is in Plato himself but half expressed . . . Plato had the wonders of psychology just opening to him, and he had not the explanations of them, which are supplied by the analysis of language, and the history of human thought .... Nor is it difficult to see that his crowning argument is purely verbal, and is but the expression of an instinctive confidence put into a logical form:— 'The soul is immortal because it contains the principle of imperishablcness.' Nor does he seem to be at all aware, that nothing is added to human knowledge by his 'safe and simple answer,* that 'beauty is the cause of the beautiful.' " It is clear, that Plato's proofs of his doctrines rest upon what appear to us like verbal juggleries. But this paper is con- cerned with his doctrines, and not with their proofs, however unsatis- factory they may appear to our modern minds. However it is to be noted, that as regards these proofs themselves, the great philosopher was not free from doubt and uncertainty* He puts the following ob- servation into the mouth of one of the characters, who takes part in the discourse :— " 1 dare say, that you Socrates feel as I do, how very hard, or almost impossible is the attainment of any certainty about questions such as these in the present life." And the same character
is at the end of the discourse again made to observe as follows :
" 1 can see no reason for doubt after what has been said. But I shall feel and cannot help feeling uncertain in my own mind, when I think of the greatness of the subject, and the feebleness of man." 9
130 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASIIEES.
7. The following points strike us, when comparing Plato's doctrines of Ideas, with the Avestic doctrines of the Fravashees : —
I. As Jowett observes, it is not impossible, that Plato borrowed his idea of the attendant genius of each individual to whom he belongs in life from the Avesta either directly, or indirectly through the mys- teries, and that this attendant genius corresponds to the Fravashee of the living. But the Avesta recognizes the Fravashee of the living, as distinct from the Fravashee of the dead; while Plato does not. Accord- ing to him, the attendant genius of each individual attends on him when living, as well as after his death.
II. The Platonic Ideas are not powers, or natural agents, produc- ing any natural phenomena, except so far as they are essences of animate and inanimate objects, and their qualities. They are not active spiritual beings, except those that represent souls. They do not represent the gods, and do not require adoration through offerings, but claim only contemplation. They possess no power for good, nor are they bene6cent in themselves. It is through their pure intellectual contemplation, that good comes, w>., release from future embodiment. In all these particulars the Ideas differ from the Fra- vashees.
III. The Avestic doctrines of the Fravashees do not inculcate the transmigration of souls ; but on the contrary teach that every indivi- dual has three separate Fravashees representing him at three distinct stages of his existence, 2ns,, before birth, after drath and after birth. The Avesta does not mention any process of purification to be follow- ed in this world by the Fravashee of any departed individual. On the contrary the Fravashees of the dead descend in their spiritual disembodied condition on certain days during the year to bless the living, and not to re-enter the bodies of men or animals. Their be- neficent power arises from the fact of the individuals whom some of them represent being pious during their lives. But once these indivi- duals die« they resume no earthly forms again.
IV. The Avestic Fravashees cannot be identified with the Platonic souls, or what are ordinarily known as souls ; living individuals themselves arc represented by Fravashees residing apart from them and by themselves in a disembodied, spiritual condition ; conse- quently these Fravashees, which remain outside the human bodies of living individuals, cannot be identical with what are called the souls of the living, which are necessarily within and are in possession of the bodies of the living. And it is possible, though it is not quite clear, that the Fravashees of the dead may not be their souls, which ani- mated them during life. This view finds support from the prevailing^
THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 13I
Parsi belief which makes a diflference between the soul of a dead indmdual and his Fravashee. Tlie inference, therefore, is that after the birth of a man, a Fravashee comes into existence ; so also after his death.
8. With reference to the biblical allusions to ideas of prototypes mentioned by Dr. Haug, it is to be noted that such allusions are to be met with in Sanskrit literature also. Kulidas's Sakuntala or the Lost Ring refers to such an idea in the following passage, as translated by Sir Monier Williams, describing the peerless beauty of the heroine:— ** Such the divine, the wondrous prototype, whence her fair shape was moulded into being.''
9. The ideas about Fravashees as taught by the Avesta, especially the duty of propitiating them in the way enjoined by the Avesta about the very time fixed by the holy texts, are in fnrce and acted upon, even now, amongst orthodox Parsis. The days sacred to the Fravashees are popularly called the Muktad days and are 18 in num- ber, beginning with the 25th day of the last month of the Parsi calendar year and ending with the 7th day of the following new year, including the 5 intercalary days, called the Gatha-ghambhar days, added by the Parsi calendar at the termination of the last month of every year. Strictly considered, the Muktad days should be 10 only, beginning with the 26th day of the last month of the year, and ending with the 5th intercalary day, the first day of the new year marking the close of the holidays. But for some reason or another the Muktad days became nominally extended to the 7th day of the first month of the new year, though even in popular belief and imagination, the last 10 days of the old year have been held far more sacred than the first 6 days of the following new year. The last 5 intercalary days are popu- larly regarded as days for repenting of the sins of the closing year and for forming pious determinations for the new year ; while the first 6 days of the new year are assigned to rejoicings, which are never adopted till the advent of the new year or the last day of the old depart- ing year. During the Muktad days in every orthodox Parsi household, ceremonies are performed and prayers are recited by priests day and night in honor of the Fravashees, especially the Fravashees of the dead, and offerings of food, &c., are specially prepared for them. A room in the house is specially cleaned and prepared for the occasion for the visit of the Fravashees and is adorned daily with fresh flowers and rendered fragrant with the burning of incense. In this room some prayers are recited while offerings are offered, in honor of the Fravashees, other prayers being recited elsewhere. At the end of the holidays, a hearty send-off is given by the popular imagination to the
I-ja THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES,
J
visiting Fravashees. When for any reason a Parsi household is not in a position to perform the Muktad days' ceremonies in honor of the Fravashees, the task is entrusted to managers of **Agiaries," where they are performed in a separate room for as many households as may direct their performance there.
lo. Dr. Haug says : ** Originally the Fravashees represented only the departed souls of ancestors, comparable to the * Pitras' of the Brahmans, and the * Manes' of the Romans." If he meant, as he most liUely did mean, that the Fravashees were Zoroastrian adapta- tions of pre-Zoroastrian ideas of the v\orship of ancestors, his opinion is well-founded. But Herbert Spencer viewed the doctrines of the Fravashees as proving only ancestor- worship. We shall, therefore, state his views and discuss them, especially as by so doing, we shall be able to bring out some more peculiarities of those doctrines and the religious usages still prevailing amongst the Parsis in connection with them. Herbert Spencer says : *' Concerning the ancient Aryans of Persia, we have, on the highest authority, statements distinctly proving a dominant ancestor- worship. While one of the several souls possessed by each individual (and we have seen, that various savages believe in two, three, and even four souls, shadow, reflection, health, heart), the Fravashee is the predominant and the propiti.ited soul. It is supposed to need food, like the other-self of the dead savage. Not ordinary men only, but dt- ities up to the Supreme One, have each his ghost, implying that he was originally a man ; there is god and •spirit of god,' as among the Hebrews. We see, too, that these which are ancestral ghosts become the agents, to whom the powers of surrounding objects are ascribed— fetish ghosts. We see. that worship of them, beginning with worship of those of the family and the clan, originates in lime the worship of more conspicuous tradi- tional persons, as heroes and gods just as among the Figians and others at this day." But as we have shewn, the Fravashee is not a soul ** possessed by each individual " embodied in him, as Spencer imagines it to be, and does not even reside on the earth in an embodied or disembodied form and is not, therefore, a ghost, as Spencer imagines it to be, and does not need food, but needs only reverence, as evidenced by the mere offering of food, not intended to be appro- priated by it. As, therefore, the Fravashee does not represent a soul, or constitute a ghost, its adoration in no wise proves ancestor-worship, much less dominant ancestor-worship ; because as already repeatedly observed there are Fravashis not only for the dead, but also for the living and those to be born. It is true, that at the recital of the Fravardeen Yesht, as a part of a ceremony in memory of a dead indi- vidual, it is still customary among the Parsis to invoke by their
THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES. 133
respective names the Fravashees of the deceased^s ancestors, goin^ as far at times as the ancestor, who had, as a fugitive from Persia, landed in India, and founded here the family of the deceased. And there is the further practice, still prevailing, of nominating what is called the adoptive son of a deceased Parsi, though unmarried or childless at the time of death, and of invoking blessings of the Frava- shees on such son. The original object of this practice was undoubt- edly to provide a deceased male with an adoptive son, who should look after the welfare of the ghost or the spirit of the deceased. But the above Parsi practices would not prove ancestor-worship, even if we disregarded the facts already pointed out ; because there is the further practice prevalent from times immemorial, almost certainly from Zoro- astrian times, of invoking the Fravashees of deceased females, and especially of those females, who have in any way attained to pre-emi- nence, by being the mothers of national great men, or otherwise. Thus the Fravashees of the mother and the daughters of the great prophet, and the wives and mothers of great national heroes like Zal and Rustom are also still ordinarily invoked. This conclusively proves, that the Zoroastrian invocation of the Fravashees of the dead is by no means of the nature of ancestor-worship. It resembles, if it did not actually supply a model for, the commemoration ceremony pre- scribed by Auguste Comte for his Religion of Humanity.
11. We now see most clearly, after a thorough examination of the ideas of the Fravashees, that they are as intellectual and spiritual as the Platonic abstract essential causative ideas, but are purer than the latter, as they never enter the bodies of men or animals as the latter do, but represent the higher order of beings, and are invest- ed with far greater powers than the Ideas, which are practically powerless.
12. Turning, now, to Comte's Religion of Humanity, the metaphy- sical theory upon which he bases his doctrine of the non-spiritual worship of the dead is evidently inspired by Platonism, and is partially an adaptation to the requirements of the 19th century thinker of a por- tion of the Platonic theory ol the Ideas, thus being an illustration of the principles of the suggestiveness of ideas and continuity of thought. Comte's metaphysical theory is as follows ; — "The supreme power is the continuous result of all the forces capable of voluntarily taking part in the amelioration of the race, even witht^ut excepting our worthy helpmates amongst the animals. Each individual member cf this great whole has two successive existences, the one objective, and always transitory, in which he serves directly the great being by using tne entire series of the previous labors of our race, the other subjective
134 THE AVESTIC DOCTRINES OF THE FRAVASHEES.
and perpetual, in which the service is indirectly prolonged by the results which he leaves his successors. . . . The first life forms nothing^ but the trial of a man*s worthiness for the final incorporation. . . • Once incorporated with the supreme being, he becomes truly insepa- rable from it. Thus man serves Humanity as a being during his life, strictly so called, and as an organ after his death, which finally trans- forms his life into a subjective life. . . . The living are, therefore, always and even more and more governed by the dead." And upon this theory the great thinker bases the following system of the worship of the dead : — ** As the static festivals represent morality, so dynamic festivals will represent history. In these the Worship of Humanity acquires a more concrete and animated form, as it will consist princi- pally in rendering honor to the noblest types of each phase of human development." And Comte framed a complete system of commemora- tion applicable to Western Europe under the title of ** Positivist Calen- dar." It may be noted, that the Parsis do possess such a calendar and that every addition to the calendar is made by the unanimous decision of the community in a general meeting assembled on the third day, Uthamna, ceremony, in honor of the death of a distinguished popu- lar Parsi, on the proposition of the Dastur (High Priest), and that thenceforth, his Fravashee is invoked generally amongst the commu- nity, when any prayers are recited in honor of the Fravashee of any deceased Parsi. It is interesting to note the grounds upon which Comte justifies his commemoration service in honor of the dead, those being the grounds, upon a part of which additions are made to the Parsi calendar, as above stated. He says : ** While striving to surpass our ancestors, we shall yet render due honor to all their services, and look with respect on their systems of life. By comme- moration of past services, we shall strengthen the desire inherent in all of us to prolong our existence. . . The praise given to our ancestors will stimulate a noble rivalry, inspiring us with the desire to become incorporate into the Mighty Being, whose life endures through all time, and who is formed of the dead far more than the living."
{To be concluded.)
Art. X,
Ma<^oudi on Volcanoes,
By JivANji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. {Read 26/A April 1906.)
While studying for my lecture on ** Mount Vesuvius and my visit to that mountain in 1889 " delivered before the Dnydn Pras^rak Society on Tuesday, the 17th instant, I looked into some of the Eastern authors, to see if they gave any description of volcanoes. In Firdousi we find no regular description of volcanoes.
It is in Ma^oudi that we find a description of some of the volcanoes of the world. Modern European scientific writers on the subject of volcanoes have given references to the writings of the classical authors who have alluded to the subject ; but, Jis far as I know, they have not referred to Ma<^oudi. The object of this short paper is to collect Macjoudi's references to some of the volcanoes of the world, as it may be of some interest and importance to vulcanologi its to know what an Arab writer of the loth century said of this grand phenomenon of nature.
Abou *1 Hasan AH, surnamed Ma^oudi from one of his ancestors, flourished in the first half of the loth century after Christ. He was born in Bagdad and travelled through Persia and India and went even to the Malay Peninsula and to the Chinese seas. He travelled also in Egypt. So, what he says of the volcanoes, especially of the Asiatic volcanoes, seems to be the result of his own observations. The book, in which he has embodied his observations and the result of his studies, is known as Maruj ul Zahab va Ma'din ul J6har
( w^^^p* I ^ d Liuo J t--^ jJ I ^j yfc J />., the Meadows of Gold and
the Mines of Jewels.
Ma^oudi has written in Arabic and I give his description of the volcanoes from the translation of the work in French by C. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille.
I. The first reference to volcanoes by Ma^oudi is in the i6th chapter which treats of seas and their peculiarities.^ He gives the following description of a mountain in the most distant parts of the islands situated in the sea of China : —
'* From these mountains emanates a continuous fire, of which the Hames, which are red during the day and blackish at night, rise
' Vol. I., p. 34«.
136 MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES.
SO high that they reach the clouds. These eruptions are accom- panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder. Often there emanates from it a strange and frightful voice announcing the death of a king or simply of a chief according as it is more or less resonant. There are those who can distinguish this perfectly, being instructed in this matter by a long experience which never makes mistakes. These mountains form part of the large volcanoes of the earth. Not far from these is an island, in which one hears con- tinuously the echo of the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices, and also of harmonious steps and clapping of hands. On lending an attentive ear, one distinguishes clearly all the sounds without confounding them. The mariners who have voyaged on these sea-coasts say that
it is there that the Da'yM *((J^'«>}j ^•^•, the Antichrist, has fixed his abode."
Now, which are the volcanoes that Mac^oudi here refers to as being situated in the sea of China ? It appears that they form the volcanoes of Java and Sumatra. Of the great volcanic lines described by Prof. Anstead in his Physical Geography, ** the most active is,'* as he says, ** that of Java and Sumatra, separating the China Sea from the Indian Ocean." * He adds further on, that ** the islands near the Malay Peninsula, commencing with the Andaman group and the Nicobar Islands, and extending through Sumatra into Java, are all volcanic, and the volcanic force attains there the condition of ntense energy. Along the whole length of Java, the volcanic mountains are so close that it is difficult to distinguish between the various groups. This is the case for at least 700 miles. In this Island the volcanoes range from 5,000 to 13,000 feet in height above the sea."'
So, when Maqoudi speaks of the mountains in plural ((J^^) and of their flames as ** a continuous fire, rising so high that they reach the clouds," it seems clear that he refers to this volcanic belt of great activity in Java. He refers to this belt of volcanoes once more, as we shall see later in the 17th chapter,^ where he speaks of the volcanic belts of the Caucasus and of the Mediterranean. There he remarks that ** of all the volcanoes of the world, the most remarkable for its terrible sounds, for its whirlwinds of black smoke and for its frequent eruptions is that which lies in the kingdom of the Mah&r&ji." This is a reference to the group of volcanoes at Java and Sumatra which were then ruled over by a Mah&r&jH.
' Physical Geography by Prof. David T. Ansted (Fifth Edition 1871), p. 326.
" Ibid, pp. 3'«-33'
^ Ma<;oudi, Vol. II., p. 26.
MA^OIIDI ON VOLCANOES. 137^
There is one other casual reference to this group in Ma^oudi which shows that it is the volcanoes of Java to which he refers. In the sstb* chapter of his book* while speaking of the Franks (i.e,, the Firangis or the Europeans) he refers to the Island of Sicily and to its volcanoes, and* then says that he has elsewhere referred to the volcano of ZsLbej in
the China Sea ( ^^ij^ ^ f^ uf* '^W^ ^ ^ /^ I ^•^- » ^^® volcano of the city of Zfibcj in the sea of Sin, i.e., Chin or China). Barbier de Meynard takes this Zabej to be the same as modern Java.
There are several other points in Ma<;oudi's description which require observation.
1. Ma^oudi speaks of the eruption of these mountains as '* accom- panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder." The last eruption of one of these mountains, the most terrible eruption that we have ever had in our times, was that of Krakatoa in 1883, which caused the death of about 36,000 people. The sound of that eruption was heard at a distance of about 3,000 miles.
2. Ma<;oudi then refers to ** a strange and frightful voice announcing the death of a king or simply of a chief, according as it is more or less resonant." Superstitious effects of this kind on minds terrified to the extreme are not rare even in our times, whether in the East or in the West.
3. Ma^oudi refers to ** the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices and also of har- monious steps and clapping of hands." Now, all this is due to what are called ** rhythmical puffs and bursts" which occur at regular in- tervals of a few seconds, and which are observed even in the case of the eruptions of Vesuvius as referred to by Dr. Philipps in his work on Vesuvius.'' Dion Cassius, who wrote about 230 A.D., while describing" the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., notes the tradition that he was^ acquainted with, and says *' a blast, as if of trumpets, was heard."^
4. The last observation of Ma^oudi, in his description of this extreme-east volcano which requires observation is the statement of
the mariners that **it is there that the Dajdl ((J'^*^) has fixed his abode." Now, who is this DajM ? Dajal generally means ** an imj)ostor, a liar." Barbier De Meynard translates the word as '* Anti- christ." So, if we assume that the mariners referred to a particular class of fiajdl 5 or liars, vin,, those who did not acknowledge Christ as Messiah, it follows that the mariners referred to were Christian sea- men, who took these volcanoes to be the seat of Hell itself and thus the seat of those who did not believe in the mission of Christ.
* Ma(;oudi par B. de Meynard, &c.. Vol. Ill) p. 68.
' Vesuvius, by John Phillips, p. 145. •' /bid, p. ay.
138 MA^OUDI ON VOLCANOES.
This allusion then indirectly shows that in the 10th century trade flourished between the Christian countries of £urope and the sea-^oast towns of China.
Now, the allusion to these volcanoes as the seat of Hell, or as the seat of the punishment of the sinful, is natural. The first impression upon my mind, when I stood at the edge of the crater of the Vesuvius on 28th July 1889, and when I heard the terrible and frightful sounds from within, with the occasional showers of stone that rose from it, was that of Hell. I have noted the first impression in my note-book there and then, thus " an? ! aMiqlSri, ii^rM**! !" i.e.y ** Oh ! the sounds !They are of Hell. "
It is possible, that many a religious writer has conceived a part of his picture of Hell from what he himself saw and heard at a volcano or from what he heard cf it from others.
Mount Vesuvius, the recent eruption of which has suggested to me the subject of this paper, is even now spoken of by some as a Hell. The city of Naples, the natural beauty of which has given rise to the saying ^ ^ Vedi Napoli e poi mori,^^ «.<?., "See Naples and then die," is said to be ** a paradise as seen from hell," because we see Najjles at its best from the top of Vesuvius, which in ilself is, as it were, a hell.
That part of Sicily in which Mount Etna is situated is called Valle Demone, because popular tradition believed that the inside of the volcano was a region of demons.
Ma^oudi says that these islands were ruled over by a Mah^r&ji. This points to the fact of the spread of Hinduism from India into the •East, and of the influence of India.
II. The second important reference by Ma^oudi to a set of volcanoes is in his 17th Chapter.' Here, he at first refers to the mountains of the Caucasus. Then he refers to Baku as the principal place of naphtha, especially of black naphtha, which, he says, is only found there. He then proceeds to say : ** In the land occupied by the sources of the naphtha there is a volcano or a source of fire, the eruptions of which never cease and which emits at all times jets of flames high into air. In front of this portion of the coast are situated several islands. One of them, about 3 days' voyage from the mainland, contains a great volcano. At certain times of the year its sides roar and emit flames which rise in the air to the height of steep mountains and throw in the sea a vivid light which is seen from the mainland, from a distance of about 100 farsangs. This volcano can be compared to that of Jebel
al-Bourkin (j^ IT yJ I JLkSk) situated in Sicily which forms a part of
^ Macoudi par B. dc Meynard, &c.. II., pp. 25—27.
MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. 1 39
ithe country of the Franks and is situated near Africa in the west. Of all the volcanoes of the world, the most remarkable for its terrible sounds, for its whirlwinds of black smoke and for its frequent eruptions is that which lies in the kingdom of the MahArftjA. It is necessary to place in the second rank the volcano of the valley of Barhout ( cy^^ y ) which rises not far from the country of Asf^r (^ \sum | )
and of Hadramautfi-j^^^a^) in the territory of Assheher ( -sA^I) between Yemen and Oman. One hears it grumbling like thunder at the distance of several miles. It ejects embers as large as mountains and pieces of black rock, which, after being thrown into the air where they are seen from a great distance, fall back immediately into the crater or round about it. The embers which the volcano throws out are only the stones which have been melted into lava under the pungent action of heat."
In this long passage he refers to two belts of volcanic activity.
1. The Caucasus group. While referring to this belt, he casually refers (a) to the Java group already referred to, and to the volcano of Sicily, which he calls Jabal al Barkan.
2. The Arabian group, which is spoken of as the volcanoes of the Valley of Barhout near Hadramaut (Hazramaut), a province in .Arabia referred to in the Genesis (Chap. X, 26).
Now, of the first group in this passage, z'^j., the Caucasus group. Professor Ansted says : ** Many of the high peaks in the Taurus chain and Mount Elburz itself, the giant of the Caucasus, are volcanic in »their origin ; but they certainly cannot fairly be ranked as among exist- ing volcanoes, active in the modern period."'
Of Mount Demavendt a lofty peak of the Elbourz, Dr. Edward HulF ■says : ** Mount Demavend, in Persia, which rises to an elevation of 18,464 feet near the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, a volcanic inountain of the first magnitude, is now extinct or dormant."^
We said above, that it is from the volcanoes that many religious writers seem to have got their conceptions of Hell. It seems that later Zoroastrian writers seem to have taken their concep- tion of Hell from a volcano of this Caucasus group. In the Bundehesh* we read **Albourz kuf Arzur grivak chekdti pavan babSl-i- duzakhu munash hamvAr sha^da^n dv&rashniya temman v&dunend,"
^ Ansted's Physical Geography, p. 330.
^ Volcanoes Pant aad Present, by Edward Hull, (i8(;:), p. 24.
^ " This mountain was ascended in 18J7 by Mr. Taylor Thomson, who found the sum- mit covered with sulphur, and from a cone fumes at a high temperature issued torth, but there was no eruption." Journal, Royal Geographical Society, Vol- VIII, p. 109. ^Volcanoes Past and Present, by E. Hall, p. 241 n. i.)
* Ft'dr S. B. E., Vol. V., Chap. XII 8. I'uie my Bundehesh. p. 38.
\4AvvH.Ui V?N VOLCANOES.
1*. .k. .ov^ Mjtnaut vH" ArzuT of the Elbourz Mountain is a
.... '*. .^.ivc oi tlcil >*hcr« the demons always meet."
\. . '»A \^>cvit;c >iww>s U>at Arzura (Arezura), one of the Elbourz
. .^ ^ ^^ .i.vi^civU la btf the gate of Hell, the seat of the demons,.
^ ,u^*i. It .ii>p^cns> then, that one of the volcanic mountains
^ V t. V * ^^x ^loap ^ugi^csted to the Zoroastrian writer his concep-
■t >^ \v. v^.uuwl,' thcr*? ts a ques&u^ .^t*'-U**» •€^ij'S>-*»« .-»»)
'»^ V ;^ " •'^v; V *. '. » Which is the first place on this earth which
'N V V ^. ^.iC'k*.^/ The reply is
.1 > av' ^u^llnut of Arezura. The demons and the devil run out
\.'A, »vMi whai wt^ know of volcanoes, we can clearly understand
w \ \u .. I \jc^ura isi considered to be the worst place on the surface
xi u'. c.ah. i[\0 sutTocating slink and smoke render it so^
V. i, 1. 10 allusion to its being the seat of demons and of the
.v\ii IS t.ioar. Wo shall see later on that Italian tradition, as
'.' .J u L^ion Cussius» has pointed out Vesuvius also as a mountain
.s >i svli.^h ruhh torth giants and extraordinary forms.
V^ .11. in another part of the Vendidad* the demons are spoken of .. iv un- out oi the Arezur with shouts. They think of carrying ,\\ o ''vuoasLcr to that place. The reference to the shouts indicates t .. viiv niountuin is a volcano.
i lu .. *. vHiU ^roup in the above passage of Macjoudi, vts,, the Arabian . - .\ IS ;lso ictvrrvd to by Prof. Anstedas a volcanic group. He says:
'v > i, i\w U*.»l> Land, and Arabia, all exhibit volcanic phenomena . I » V\ » \ Jiu a nature,**^
HI Uk Uu»0 long reference to volcanoes by Ma^oudi is in the 35th \ ^ , s' vnuiUJ ** The Franks and the Galiciens." The passage
I »u I »aulv, po>»^ossed also the countries of Africa and Sicily. We
• .\« \\v tt\ «|v kvM) of these islands and in particular of the island
w t s M S ^s'wa vmkUm the name of Al Borkan. It is a source of fire from
v\ ..N V, > vu vhh vullrtmeU figures resembling bodies of men, but without
V . v\'<\U suv» hl^h in the air during the night to fall back after-
\ *«4x.ys U^v^St^Aphy. p. 330.
\ •> t . ^ yH \U'\«««r»l, III, pp. 67 — 69.
MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES. I4I
wards into the sea. These are stones with which they lustre and polish the paper of account books. They are light, white and assume the form of a honey-comb or the models of dinars of small diameter. This
volcano is known under the name of the Volcano of Sicily
We have spoken also of all the volcanoes of the earth such as the volcano of Wadi-Berhout in Hadramaut and the country of Al Sheher; the
Volcano of Zabedj of^(^lj) ('•^•t Java) in the Chinese Sea; the Volcano of Esk (Eskibun) between Pars and Ahwaz in the dependen-
cy of the city of Arrajan (^^^^A.J]) which forms a part of Pars. The 6 res of this last volcano are seen at night from a distance of about 20 farsangs and they are well-known in all the Mu^alman countries. The word atimah (/X4J9I) means properly a source of fire which
burst out of the earth. We will not speak in this volume of hot springs of sulphur and vitriol nor of the springs of hot water from which burst out flames arising from atimah (volcano) in the country of Mil^abadan (^|iXu«#L« ; in the dependency of Arrajan and
Sirwlln and known under the name of Naum^n. It is an extraordinary volcano which water cannot extinguish nor fight against in any man- ner. So powerful is its incandescence and such vivacity have its flames that it passes for one of the wonders of the world."
In this long passage Ma^oudi refers to the following volcanoes: —
1. Etna the volcano of Sicily.
2. The volcano of Wadi Berhout in Hadramaut and the country of
.^Ishahar, i e, , the volcanoes of the Arabian group.
3. The volcano of Java.
4. The volcano of Esk (Eskibun) between Pars and Ahwaz in the
country of Pars.
We have already referred to the second and the third in the list.
The first volcanic mountain referred to here is the well known mountain of Etna in Sicily.
The following statement in the description of this volcano attracts one's special attention. Mac^oudi says : ** It is a source of fire from
which come out enflamed bodies (j^'^/^ f l-^r^l ) resembling bodies of men but without head which rise high in the air during the night to fall back afterwards to the sea." Ma^oudi also refers to this casually in Chapter XII * where he says that this volcano throws out
•* fires accompanied by bodies" (^f*^\^^x^j ^^^ I )• Compare with •this the following version of the Vesuvius eruption of A.D. 79 by Dion Cassius, who wrote in about 230 A.D. He says : "Many
* Vol. I. T>. J59.
142 MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES.
huge men, surpassing human stature, such as the giants are de^ scribed to have been, appeared wandering in the air and upon the e-irth^ at one time frequenting the mountain, at another the fields and cities-
in its neighbourhood Some thought the giants were
rising again, (for many phantoms of them were seen in the smoke, and a blast as if of trumpets, was heard)." '
Thus it appears both from an Arab author and a Roman author that people thought that they saw figures of men rising from the vol- canoes high into the air. Don Cassius says that they appeared to hover over cities and fields. Of course, this was due to all the fantas- tic shapes which the vapours emanating from the craters assumed. But these statements suggest the idea that perhaps it is from the appearance of such phantoms or fantastical shapes of vapours, added to ihe terrible sound from within, that the ancients thought that the volcanoes were the localities of Hells where the bodies of ihe sinful were burnt in suffocating flames and smoke.
Other Arab writers speak of Etna as Jabl-al-nar (^Lill J^),. i,e,, ** the mountain of fire." Modern Sicilians call it *Mongibello,' a word said to have been made up o( mon (^Italian monte^ i.e., mountain) and gibello {Arabic jebal ( jj^) i.<'.» ^ mountain). Thus this word,, both parts of which mean a mountain, is made up partly of an Italian and partly of an Arabic word.
1 do not understand why Ma^oudi calls the island of Sicily and
the volcano El-BorkAn ( e;'^ 7^ I )' *^^ ^^^^ sight we may think that it means the mountain of *bark,' i.e,, lightning (jfj^)- But then the word is spelt with kaf-i-ka/itnan and not quarashat.
The next volcano referred to in the above passage is that of Esk (Eskibun). We do not find any special reference to this volcano ia any of our books on physical geography or vulcanology. But we know that there is a band of mountains in Persia which may be called, both for its volcanic and seismic energy, an energetic band. This is a volcano of that band between Pars and Ahwaz at Ask, which is a place near Arrajdn.
Lastly, Ma9oudi refers to the hot springs of sulphur, vitriol and hot water in the province of Arrajan and Sirwan. Professor Ansted thus refers to this region of seismic activity. "From the Gulf of Scan- deroon, by Aleppo and Mosul, to Lake Van, and the south of Ararat to Shirvan and Baku, on the Caspian, there is another wide and ener- getic band, probably joining the Caucasus, and connected with the occasionally disturbed districts of the Oural.*' ""
* Ve»uviuS| by Du John Phillips, (1869?} pp. }6-l7.
* Physical Geography, p. J50.
Art. XI.
The Date of the Death of Ntzamt.
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
{Read idth April 1906.)
According to M. Mohl, Nizami was the first of the Persian poets, who, after the decadence of the Epic literature, inaugurated by FirUousi,. (A.D. 941-1020), brought the historical romance into fashion.* One of his Persian biographers, Doulat Shah, as pointed out by Ousley, says of him, in his ** Memoirs of the Poets," that ** it is impossible for either tongue or pen 10 describe his sanctity, his excellence, or his science." *
Nizami is best known for his * * Five Poems " known as the Khamseh (^oua^ ), t,e.y * the five ' and also as the PanJGanj, 7.^., *the five treasuries.' These five poems are —
1. Makhzan-uM-Asrdr (^lv*»'l cJle^T*^)^ ^-^-i ^^^ Treasury of
Secrets.
2. Khusru and Shirin.
3. Laili and Majnun.
4. Haft Paikar ( *^ O^ ), '.^., the Seven Portraits.
5. The Sikandar-Nameh, ue,^ the Book of Alexander.
Of these five, three, the second, fourth and fifth poems, treat of historical romances, in which kings Khusru (Chosroes II) and Behram Gour (Behram V) of the Sassanian dynasty and Sikandar (Alexander the Great) who overthrew the Achemenian dynasty are the principal heroes.
Just as Firdousi had a host of imitators, who tried to imitate his ShlLhn^Uneli and wrote poems like Burzo-n&meh, Framroz-n^meh, Kers4sp-n^meh, B^nu-Goshasp-n&meh, S&m-n^meh, Jeh^ngier- n^meh, and Bahman-n^meh, so, Nizami had several imitators of his Khamseh. The most well-known of these imitators was Amir' Khusro.
* " Le premier qui mit k la mode le roman historique fut Nizami (n^ I'an 5x3 et mort I'an* S76 de I'b^re)." Le Livrc des Rois« small edition. Preface, p. LXXXII.
* Biosn'aphi*^! Notices of Persian poeU by Sir Core Ousley (1846), p. 4^*
148 THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF NIZAMl.
Now Bacher, whom we have fotlowed in the words of his translator > Robinson, has, as shown above, determined the date of the death of Nizami, not on the authority of the author himself, but on the authonjty of a later glossarist, who gives the age of the author when he completed the Slkandar-n&meh. Bacher seems to believe that the author himsett has not given the date of the composition of the Sikandar-n&meh. He says, *' It remains still to settle with regard to the Alexander- Book (Sikandar-n&meh), the time of its composit'on, which Nizami does not directly give. " *
I now produce, for the inspection of members, an old manu- script,* about 300 years old, of a poem of Nizami known as the Sikandar-n Ameh or the book of Alexander. At the end (last page) of thii Sikandar-n^meh, as given in this old manuscript, Nizami himself gives the date of the composition of this poem. As far as I know, no author who has treated the subject of the date of Nizami*s death has referred to these lines. Nizami says :
•»
Translation — May the king of the world be always blessed in his assembly like an young cypress. In order that the reader may not be tired, on the date of the year 597, in the beginning of the year, on the 4th (day) of (the month of) Moharam ^ when the 4th hour had passed.
These couplets then clearly point out that Nizami was alive in the year 597 Hijri. and so all the dates previous to this, generally given as the date of his death, cannot be correct. Then, as Nizami according to the above glossarist, died shortly after finishing his Sikandar-n&meh, the date of his death comes to about 597 Hijri.
Now, when we speak of Nizami, as finishing his Sikandar-nAmeh in 5Q7, we must understand by that, the completion of the second recension
' /bi4i, p. Hi-
* The manuscript belongs to Mr. Manockjec Runtomjec Unwalla of Bombay. o( whom I have often itpokcn in this room as a fortunate pos8esM>r of many old Oriental nianuscriptH. Comparinff this old manuscript with a lithoicraphed copy of NizamPs Khamsah. I find that about t^o couplets are lost in the befnnning.
'The firs* part of the tnd couplet occurs in verses ** quoted in the Haft-Asmflm but which the author thinks to He of doubtful authenticity " Dr. C Ricu's catalogrue of ttic Persian m:*nu»cript* in the British Museumi Vol. II, p. $68^.
^ Moharam is the ist month of the year.
THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF NIZAMI. 1 45
It is no wonder, that the date of the death of such a person, who had ended his life in retirement, and around whose old age a halo of a miraculous sanctity had spread, has not been certain and is variously stated. Many known authors differ on this point TTie object of this short paper is to determine the date of his death on the authority of an old manuscript of the poet's Sikandar-n^meh cr the book of the life of Alexander. This manuscript was one of the old manuscripts that I exhibited at the Exhibition held in our City in December 1904 in connection with the Indian National Congress.
Dr. Wilhelm Bacher, in his history of Persian literature published in 1871, says: **The statements which are contained in Oriental sources as to the year of Nizami*s death diverge, in their extreme limits, more than twenty years, and unhappily European authors have inclined to that side which, according to what follows, is submit- ted as the incorrect account. Daulet Shah, in his biography, which gives only very scanty and quite insufficient notices with regard to our poet, says, that Nizamidied in some month of the year 576 of the Hejra. This date has been adopted by Haji Khalifa also, in one place ; whilst in other places of his Dictionary he has named quite different dates, vis,^ twice A.H. 596, once 597, and finally 599. Now the first named date, A H. 576, is the one which has been adopted by the most eminent writers. So Von Hammer, in his history of Persian polite literature, and Von Erdman, who yet expressly adds, that Haji Khalfa incorrect- ly says that Nizamidied A.H. 597. Flugel, in his account of Persian literature, names likewise the year 576." »
M. Mohl. also, as quoted above, gives 576, as the date of Nizami's death.
Dr. Bacher himself gives the date as 599 Hijri.* Dr. Hermann Eth6 » also gives the date as 599 Hijri (1203 A.D."). Ousley * gives the year as 597 Hijri (1200 A.D.).
Dr. Charles Rieu, in his Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, (1881, Vol. II., p. 564^) says : ** Most conflicting statements have been made regarding the date of Nizami*s death. Daulat Shah gives A.H. 576, the Atashkadah A.H. 586, the Jahdn4r& A.H. 597, Haj. Khal, A.H. 596, the Subh-i-SAdik A.H. 602, and Takt Kft.sh! A.H. 606.'* Dr. Rieu himself determines the date to be A.H.598or599 {^Ibid. p. 565a).
' ** Persian Poetry for Enfrlish Readers ** by Robinson (188 j), pp. to9-iir« ° nid, p. lU.
* Article on Nixami in the Bncyclopsedia Brittanica« 9th editioni Vol. i7t p* S«* col. S*
* Biographical Notices of Persian PoeU (i84^> p. 48. 10
136 MACOUDI ON VOLCANOES.
SO high that they reach the clouds. These eruptions are accom- panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder. Often there emanates from it a strange and frightful voice announcing the death of a king or simply of a chief according as it is more or less resonant. There are those who can distinguish this perfectly, being instructed in this matter by a long experience which never makes mistakes. These mountains form part of the large volcanoes of the earth. Not far from these is an island, in which one hears con- tinuously the echo of the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices, and also of harmonious steps and clapping of hands. On lending an attentive ear, one distinguishes clearly all the sounds without confounding them. The mariners who have voyaged on these sea-coasts say that
it is there that the Daj^I '(4j'^«>}) '-^m the Antichrist, has fixed his abode.'*
Now, which are the volcanoes that Ma<joudi here refers to as being situated in the sea of China ? It appears that they form the volcanoes of Java and Sumatra. Of the great volcanic lines described by Prof. Anstead in his Physical Geography, ** the most active is,'* as he says, ** that of Java and Sumatra, separating the China Sea from the Indian Ocean." * He adds further on, that ** the islands near the Malay Peninsula, commencing with the Andaman group and the Nicobar Islands, and extending through Sumatra into Java, are all volcanic, and the volcanic force attains there the condition of ntense energy. Along the whole length of Java, the volcanic mountains are so close that it is difficult to distinguish between the various groups. This is the case for at least 700 miles. In this Island the volcanoes range from 5,000 to 13,000 feet in height above the sea.**'
So, when Ma^oudi speaks of the mountains in plural ((J^^) and of their flames as ** a continuous fire, rising so high that they reach the clouds,*' it seems clear that he refers to this volcanic belt of great activity in Java. He refers to this belt of volcanoes once more, as we shall see later in the 17th chapter,^ where he speaks of the volcanic belts of the Caucasus and of the Mediterranean. There he remarks that ** of all the volcanoes of the world, the most remarkable for its terrible sounds, for its whirlwinds of black smoke and for its frequent eruptions is that which ties in the kingdom of the Mah&r&ji.*' This is a reference to the group of volcanoes at Java and Sumatra which were then ruled over by a
• Physical Geography by Prof. David T. Ansted (Fifth Edition 1871), p. 316,
" /bid, pp. S^a-Sa*
•* Ma<^)udi, Vol. II.. p. 26.
MA^OUDI ON VOLCANOES. 137^
There is one other casual reference to this group in Ma^oudi which shows that it is the volcanoes of Java to which he refers. In the 3Sthp chapter of his book' while speaking of the Franks {i.e., the Firangis or the Europeans) he refers to the Island of Sicily and to its volcanoes, and' then says that he has elsewhere referred to the volcano of Z^bej in'
the China Sea (^^r^ ] ys^ ^ ^ M I ^ JU ^^ | i.e., the volcano of
the city of ZAbej in the sea of Sin, i.e., Chin or China). Barbier de Meynard takes this Zabej to be the same as modern Java.
There are several other points in Ma<;oudi's description which require observation.
1. Ma^oudi speaks of the eruption of these mountains as " accom- panied with sounds of the most terrible thunder." The last eruption of one of these mountains, the most terrible eruption that we have ever had in our times, was that of Krakatoa in 1883, which caused the death of about 36,000 people. The sound of that eruption was heard at a distance of about 3,000 miles.
2. Ma^oudi then refers to ** a strange and frightful voice announcing the death of a king or simply of a chief, according as it is more or less resonant." Superstitious effects of this kind on minds terrified to the extreme are not rare even in our times, whether in the East or in the West.
3. Mac^oudi refers to ** the sound of drums, flutes, lutes and of every kind of instrument, of sweet and agreeable voices and also of har- monious steps and clapping of hands." Now, all this is due to what are called "rhythmical puffs and bursts" which occur at regular in- tervals of a few seconds, and which are observed even in the case of the eruptions of Vesuvius as referred to by Dr. Philipps in his work on Vesuvius.^ Dion Cassius, w^ho wrote about 230 A.D., while describing" the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., notes the tradition that he was^ acquainted with, and says *' a blast, as if of trumpets, was heard. "^
4. The last observation of Ma^oudi, in his description of this extreme-east volcano which requires observation is the statement of
the mariners that ** it is there that the Daj^l ((J'^*^) has lixed his abode." Now, who is this Daj4l ? DajAl generally means *' an impostor, a liar." Barbier De Meynard translates the word as ** Anti- christ." So, if we assume that the mariners referred to a particular class of fiajdh or Viars, vie, those who did not acknowledge Christ as Messiah, it follows that the mariners referred to were Christian sea- men, who took these volcanoes to be the seat of Hell itself and thus the seat of those who did not believe in the mission of Christ.
^ Maqoudi par B. de Meynard, &c.. Vol. Ill) p. 68.
'^ Vesuvius, by John Phillip?, p. 145. •• /h'd, p. 27.
152 AN ftKUNGjf STONB INSCRIPTION.
of 2'^" broad by i'^^" high. The Hrst line of the inscription is well-nigh destroyed, and nearly half of it on the proper left side has peeled off.
The inscription opens with obeisance to (the god) Lakult^. The first verse is irrevocably lost, and the second appears to have been devoted to the praise of the goddess Sarasvatt. The next two verses contain the mention and description of a city of the name of Nligahrada. Verse 5 tells us that in this city there flourished a king named Sri-Bappaka, the moon amongst the princes of the Guhila dynasty. The verse following probably mentioned the name of the king AUafa, father of Narav&hana to whose reign the record refers itself and whose glory is described in verses 7 and 8. The next three verses, though not complete and entire, are sufliciently pre- served to supply us with information highly important for the history of the Lakuli^ sect. In the country of Bhngukachch ha, i,e. Broach^ through which the Narmad4, daughter of M^kala, flows, the sage Bhrigu, being cursed by Murabhid (Vishou), propitiated the god ^iva, who in the presence of that very sage, incarnated himself as characterised with a club (lakula) in his hand. As ^iva thus descended to earth in body, the place where this occurred was called KAya- vardha^a. A short description of the place then follows, and we arc told that by remaining in K^yAvardhapa ^iva did not at all remem- ber his Kail^a. What the purport of verse 12 is, it is not easy to say, but the verse following asserts that there lived ancient sages, such as Ku^ika and others, who were conversant with the PAiupata Ydj^, and who resorted to the use of ashes, barks, and matted hair. From verses 14 and 15 we glean that certain ascetics whose fame had spread from the Him^ayas to R&ma's bridge always worshipped the god ^kalinga,* and, by them, as verse 16 has it, was caused to be made this temple of Lakuli^a on the mountain Aiv^jgr&ma. From the next two verses we learn that there was a celebrated dilectician called ^rt-V6d&Aga muni who silenced the disputants of the Syftd- viJa (Jaina), Saugata (Buddhist), and other sects, and his pupil was the poet Amra, son of Adityan&ga who composed the praJasti, From ver^ 19 we obtain as the date of the inscription 1028 (of the era) of the king Vikram&ditya, which is, therefore, equivalent to the Eng- lish year 971. The next, which is the last, verse is not complete, but expresses a wish for the permanence oi either the temple or the praJasH. Then follow the names of KArdpakdk^ those who caused
> There can Im nO doubt that they were coonerted with the temple of fikKAgjL That the priesto of this temple were PA^paUs may h^ seen from an inncripUoo published in f^r. Beng. Am. S9C.. Vol LV. pt. 1. p. 48. in which HAr!urA£ is called ^r(-&kmiigif
AN fiKUNGj! STONE INSCRIPTION. 1 63
ment of the P^upata vows that the ascetic-disciples of Lakuli^ became incarnate. Our inscription also, while describing^ the avatdra of Lakuli^, speaks of P^supata ySj^a, Again, the ascetics who built the temple of Lakulisa, as our inscription has it, were connected with the temple of £klingji, and one of the high priests concerned with this temple has been described in an inscription as SH-^kalingu-ffar- drddhanO'PdJupat'dcAdfya.^ The inscriptions thus show that in North India P^upatas were the adherents of the Lakuliia system. In the south also the doctrines of Lakulisa must have been followed by the P^supatas, as the expression Na{La)kul£sa-PdJupata'darJana used by S&yana clearly indicates ; but, in Southern India, in addition to the P^supatas, Kdldmukhas seem to have espoused the system of Lakulisa. It is not necessary, here to reiterate the instances given above in which certain ascetics who are called K^lSmukhas are also represented as upholders of the Ldkula'siddhdnta, That the Kft.l§jnukhas were de- votees of Lakuli^ is also implied by what R&m&nuja says about them. Just at the place where he specifies the four sects, R^m^nuja speaks of laguda-dh&rana as one of the characteristic practices of the Kidamukhas. Laguda-dhdrana, by its very mention, associates itself in our mind with Lakuli, who, as we have seen, was so called because he held a lakuJa, i,e,, lakuta^ a club, in his hand, and it is but natural that his followers should consider it as a badge of their sect. But the other two sects, especially the sect known as ^aiva, were probably not the adherents of the L&kula system. S^ya^a, in the Sarva^
darsana-samgraha, contrasts the ^aiva, with the Na(La)kuli^a- P&supata darsana. This is an unmistakable indication, in my opinion, of the followers of the ^aiva sect not being the supporters of the doctrines of Lakulila. Again, in the Karh^d copper-plate 'Charter of the Rd.sh(rakOfa king Krishoa III.,'' the grantee Gaga- na^iva is represented as having mastered sakala-Siva-siddhdnta, This probably shows that Gagana^iva was of the ^aiva sect and the adherents of this sect had a siddhdnta of their own called Sivasiddhdnta corresponding to the Ldkula-siddhdnta upheld by the K§i^mukhas.
In South India the followers of Lakulisa appear to have been split up into two classes, (i) old and (2) new. An inscription found at Go^pakere in the Tiptur tdluk, Mysore and dated in A. D. 1285 speaks of the donors as supporters of the new La(L^)kuIa samaya,^ This cannot mean, as Mr. Rice has correctly pointed out,^ that the L^ula sys- tem was then new, for, as we have seen, the incarnation of ^iva as Laku|i dates as far back as the first century A. D., but that probably
* See aote 2 above. ' Ep, Ind^ Vol IV., p. 386* ' Ep. Cam. 9 VoU XII., p. 4$ (traoslatioo).
* Hid,, Introduction^ p. 10.
154 AN ^KLlSGjf STONE INSCRIPTION.
of the Lakulisa-P&iupata sect ; and I have remarked at the outset that no scholar has yet been able to adduce any information from the Sanskrit literature about the antiquity and history of the sect. There is, however, a certain passage in the V&yu and Linga PurAnas which throws a flood of light on this matter, and it is very strange that no scholar ever noticed it. The passage is composed of verses 217 — 225, Chapter XXllI. entitled Mdhesvar-dvatdra-yd^a of the V4yu, and verses 124 — 133, Chapter XXIV. of the Linga, PurAna. The text of the published editions oftheV^yu Purina' is somewhat corrupt, but that > of the Linga Purina is remarkably free from this defect. I, there- fore, cite the verses in question from the Linga Pur&na, which are as follows :
^ ^%5T ^^ Wn: S^TOtTT: i
^#[^1^^ wi#tr ^R^(^ II i\\ II ^i*ftt*<^Hi«frT ^^^^; II ?^vs II ^T^mi^ fen^sftq xrf^ qt^mFRT ii K\c w
fes^Tf ^¥\%.\ 3^ c^2T[ mk ^ R^^HI I
^fRT^^?: ( *WI<1<1"I Vayu ) J^ ^i^^ ^ % ^ I
4<R^(d ifir^^ ^M:ift^^^ n ?^c II
ff^^ 1^^ ft^: #1?^ '^ ^ II ?^? II
4)^iic*<ih1 44^ic44ih^ m^mr ^<m<^ii: i jn^ in^^ %n f^JT^ 8i>:^i^: II ??R II
^?[^ ^lf^«^Pd 5^KI#T#^I
The substance of the verses is briefly this : in the twenty-eighth ydga when Vishnu, son of Parisara, will incarnate himself as Dvaipiyana-
* I am aware of only two editions of the VAyu Purdpa. one published in the Bibliothoca Indicai and the other in the Anandd.4rama Sanskrit Scries.
* Although in the text of the VAyu PurApa of the AnandAsrama Series the reading Nakmli is adoptedi the footnote . shows that iMkiUi is the reading of three MSS.
AN itKLINGj! STONE INSCRIPTION. 1 55
Vy^lsa, Krishna will become incarnate as V^sud^va. At that time I (ie. Siva) shall as brahmachdrt enter a dead body thrown in a cemetery without anybody to guard it, by means o{ ydga powers, and shall bear the name Lakuli. At that time, Kaydrdhana (according to the V§yu), or K^y^vat^ra (according to the Liiiga Purina), will be- come famous as a sacred place and remain so till the earth endures. •And there will be born the ascetic-pupils Ku^ika, Garga, Mitra, and Kaurushya, and these P&supatas will repair to the Rudra Uka from where they will not return.
It is thus evident that Lakuli, according to the FursLnas, was the twenty-eighth, ue, the last, incarnation of Mah^svara (6iva). It is also clear that this account completely agrees with that of the inscrip- tions excepting in one minor point. This point of difference arises only with regard to the cause and manner in which ^iva became incarnate as Lakuli. But here not only do the Pur^nas differ from our inscription and the Cintra prasasti, but the latter also diifer from each other. The PurAnas say that 6iva entered the dead body of a brahmachdrt lying in a cemetery without anybody to protect it and thus became incarnate as Lakuli. Our inscription, on the other hand, informs us that Bhrigu, to undo the effects of a curse pronounced on him by Vishnu (Murabhid) under which he was smarting, propitiated ^iva who assumed a bodily form in the presence of that sage. But from the Cintra prasasti, we simply learn that ^iva became incarnate in the form of Lakulisa in order to favour the offspring of UlOka who were without sons in consequence of his curse. The three accounts are thus different from one another, only so far as the origin of the Lakulisa incarnation of Siva goes. But they all perfectly agree as regards the principal points, vis. that (i) Lakuli was an incarnation of M ahSsvara, that (2) this incarnation took place at K^y^vardhana, and that (3) there were four ascetic-pupils of Lakuli, whose names mentioned in the Pur^nas, are identical with those given in the Cintra pra^astu
The verses quoted above are from the Liiiga Purina, but I have stated before that they occur also in the Vayu Purana When the . same verses are contained in two or more Pur^nas, they are supposed to have been copied from the earliest of these or from an old original PurAna whose existence is attested by the numerous allusions to it in the ancient Sanskrit literature. But, taking the most unfavouf- able view into consideration and consequently waiving the last sup- position, we shall say that the verses occurring in both the Pur^nas were borrowed by one from the other. There is a consensus of opinion that VaLyu is the earliest of the PurAnas. The V^lyu is, therefore, earlier than the Liiiga PurAna. Now, there cannot be the slightest
156 AN fiKLII^Gj! STONE INSCRIPTION.
doubt that the V^yu Pur&9a is anterior to the time when the poet B&iria flourished, as the latter refers to it twice in his works. Thus in the Harshacharita we have the following passage : (^•Od^r^ ^ W ^m5«: j4^^qN<h! a^fgimnlH I Hlft^lfllrl-^l ^W^l HNW^ , • • • • ^W^^a^<ll'S«M-mli^ Nt|^ Jft?^ M<<HHHt^ STM ^TO5 I ' Here then we
have an allusion to the recitation of a Purd.na, which is PavamAna- prdkta^ i.e, uttered by Pavam^na. This is the reading of the Bombay and Kd.shmfr editions ; in the Jeypore edition we have pavana-ptdiia Instead of pavamdna-prdkta,^ Both mean the same thing, as Pavana and Pavam^na are both names of V^yu. The commentator also takes Pdifamdna-prSkta in the sense of Vdyu-prdkta. No reasonable doubt can thus be entertained as to the VAyu PurAna being referred to in the passage from the Harshacharita quoted above. Again, while describing in the Kddambari the hermitage to which the parrot Vaisamp&yana, thrown down from the nest of his parent bird, was carried by a sage, B^na uses the following words : ^^ ^ TVPTRW ^TSf^W- 5n^ ^ijfHHfQ^ • • • * I 3 Here also there cannot be even the shadow of a doubt as to the V&yu Purina being alluded to in the words
Purdni Vdyu'pralapUamy according to one of the two senses obviously intended. The Viyu Purina was, therefore, composed before the first half of the seventh century when Bina lived, and as it was the cus- tom in his time to recite this Purina, as appears from the passage from the Harshacharita cited above, the Viyu Purina must have been compiled at least two centuries prior to his time. Again, in the Viyu Purioa itself occurs, in the account of the royal dynasties which enjoyed the sovereignty of the earth, the following verse :
In this verse the Guptas are spoken of as the princes who^ accord- ing to the usual prophetic tone of the Puricas, will hold Prayiga, Sik^ta, and the Magadha country along the Ganges. This is doubt- less a description of the Guptas before they became paramount sovereigns. From the Allihibid and £ran inscriptions, we conclude that the dominions of Samudragupta had spread as far as the United and the Central Provinces in the west and the south respectively. The dehcription in the Viyu Purina can thus hardly refer to this wide extent of hid dominions. We must, therefore, suppose that the Viyu Puriva was put together shortly before the time of Samudragupta*
* Vide the NirpayasAg^ara edition, pp. S5.4.
* KAdambari by Peteniun ( Ho, Sk, Series)* Intra p. s4i footnote %, ^ /bid. text p* 41.
* Attand Sk. Settes, Cap. 99$ vs. J82-;.
* I'his line of argument was first pointed out by Dr. R. G. Bbandarkar (see abovis; Vol.XX.tpp.4o|4V.
AN fiKLIi;?Gji STONE INSCRIPTION. l^J)
A reference to the Viyu Purina is, no doubt, also to be found in Verse 16, chapter 191, Vanaparvan, Mah^bh4rata, but as the episode, wherein the reference is contained, is supposed to be an interpola- tion,' we can at the most say that there was a Pur&na of that name not before the beginning, but before the end, of the Mahabh^rata. The reference is, therefore, of no use to us in fixing the dale of the V^yu Purina, and the commencement of the fourth century, therefore, remains the earliest period, to which we can assign the compilation of that Purina. Now, to revert to the main point, if the V^yu Purana was put together in the beginning of the fourth century, the incar- nation of ^iva as Lakult, to become a general belief and come to be spoken about in this Pur^ria, must be placed as e^rly as the 6rst century A. D. at the latest. Here then we find that the Pur^nas not only confirm in every important respect the account of the epi- graphic records regarding Lakultsa, but also lead us to infer that the belief in the Lakulisa incarnation is of great antiquity.
The Vayu and Liiiga, however, are not the only Pur^nas in which the incarnations of ^iva are mentioned. Chapter LI II. of the KQrma-pur^na also gives the avatdras of Mah&d^va, their names, and those of their pupils. The last of these incarnations has been there- in named Na(La)kulisvara, and the names of his pupils are cited in the line : ffBi^J^ irf^ ft^ ^^ (v./. ^^ q^T ) ^ I There can hardly be a doubt that this verse is corrupt and requires to be cor- rected into ^ftl^ ipN m: ^t^^ ^^\ As the KOrma Purina is a later work and does nothing more than give a mere list of the avatdras, it does not add to our knowledge.
The information we so long had about Lakulisa was derived from epigraphic sources only, and it was supposed that no confirmation of it was forthcoming from the Sanskrit literature ; but now we see that the account of the inscriptions is, in all important respects, corroborated by the Pur^nas and that for Lakultsa is to be assigned a much earlier date than we had obtained from inscriptions. Nay, even a minor point connected with our inscription is elucidated by the vayu Purina. The inscription, as I have said above, speaks of the ancient ascetics Kusika and others (the pupils of Lakuli) as con- versant with the P^^upata y^j^a, and the inscription to my mind leads us^ to surmise that there was such a thing as Pasupaia ydj^a which was an important feature of ^aivism. As no description of it is given in the inscription, it remains only a surmise. Bui this sur- mise becomes an indubitable fact when we find that the V^yu Purana
» TVir Great Epic of India by Hopkins, p. 4S ff. My attention to this was first drawn by Mr. Hari Narayan Apte.
158 AN ftKLINGjt STONE INSCRIPTION.
mentions the P^supata ydga by this very name and devotes no less- than three chapters to the elucidation of it.
The next point that we have to consider is the signification of the name Lakuli. With respect to it our inscription tells us that when ^iva made himself incarnate, he was lakul-dpalakshita-kara^ ie» with his hand characterised by a lakula^ i.e. apparently lakuta^ a club. And here Hindu iconography comes to our help. During my archaeo- logical tour in R^jput^n^ last year, I discovered many old temples, above the doorways of whose shrines or halls was carved a singular figure of ^iva. It is a figure with two hands with curly hair, long ear-lobes, a peculiar dsana or sitting posture, and in one instance, even a gem on his breast, thus closely resembling a Buddha or a Jaina tirthamkara. But one of his hands invariably holds a club, and the other often a cocoa-nut.' This distinguishes it from the images of Buddhas and ttrthamkaras. Further, it is to be noted that this figure is to be seen in temples, about whose dedication to Siva there is not the slightest doubt. In some instances it occupies the dedicatory block and in others the centre of the frieze above the lintel Banked ,^ on one side, by BrahmH, and, on the other, by Vishnu. And it is a fundamental principle of monumental iconography to carve, on the dedicatory block or or. the centre of the frieze above, either the divinity to whom the temple is dedicated as is frequently the case, or some sectarial emblem, such as Lakshmi in Vaishnava temples. No doubt can possibly be entertained as to the figure being of Siva under the Lakuli^a form. The figure above the door of the sabhA' mandapa of the temple of Nitha where our inscription was found is unfortunately a little defaced, but, on closely inspecting it, I found it similar to those I have described. The same figure is found above the shrine door of the celebrated temple of Sital^svara-Mah^- d6va at Jh^lr^patan.^ That Lakulisa was known and worshipped at this place is clear from the following inscription incised on the pedestal of an image of Var^ha in a chhatrt not far from the temple :
-^f^r ^gpcO^ ^^m^ I ^T^ ^J^d ^J^; ^^-
md^ ^[f]2: I ^ - - - ?T^ (?) ^ - - - 5f5iftrflq% II
Here the mason who sculptured the image of Var^ha is called a servant of Is^lnajamu — , who is praised for his piety and is compared to Lakulisa. I have little doubt that he was a devotee of Lakulisa
* Prog. Rep, ArcheeoU Surv. Ind. for the year ending 30th June 1905* p. 48. para. 17 ; p. 51, para. I5 ; p ^, para. 44 : p. SS. paras. 50 and 52 ; pp. 5^-57. paras. 58 and 60; and *o forth.
^ Ibid , p. jJ» para. 90.
AN £KLlK'Gjf STONE INSCRIPTION. 159
and the head ptijdri of the temple of Sital^svara-Mah^d^va, the shrine door of which, as just mentioned, has a figure of LakuU on the dedicatory block. The temple has been assijg^ned to the seventh century by Fergusson,' and so here we have the earliest instance of a temple dedicated to Lakulfsa, the twenty-eighth avatdra of Pasupati.
In North India outside RsLjput^n^ I know of only one instance of a temple in which the image of Lakulfsa is sculptured. At M&ndhilta a sacred place in the Narmad^, Lakulisa figures on the projecting block on the lintel of the shrine doorframe of the temple of Siduhe^vara on the top of the hill. But I am aware of no certain instance of the image of Lakulisa occurring anywhere in the South, though I can point to two or three instances of figures which are, in a!l likelihood, of Lakulisa. In the work entitled ** Cave-Temples of India," Dr. Bur- gess, while describing the Dum^r lena, says : ** In the north verandah is ^iva as Mahfty6gi, seated on a lotus, with a club in his left hand."' Of the same figure he elsewhere says : ** In the east end of it is ^iva as a yogi or ascetic, with a club in his left hand, and seated on a lotus upheld by N^ga figures, with two females worshipping behind each — an evident copy from the figures of Buddha. "3 This descrip- tion makes it all but certain that the image is of Siva as Lakulisa. Again, the same learned antiquarian, in describing certain figures in the celebrated KailAsa temple at Elur^. speaks of a certain image as one of 6iva as ** Mahayogi, the great ascetic " and as closely resembling a Buddha.* But unfortunately we are not informed whether the image had a club in one of its hands, so that we cannot say with any high degree of probability that it was a figure of Lakulisa. Mr. Rice, the late Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, has informed me that at BalaglLmi there was a curious figure with two hands, one wielding a club. As BajagUmi was a great centre of Lakulisa worship, as we shall see further on, it is not unsafe to conclude that this was an image of Lakulisa. But though no certain instances of Lakulisa sculptures are forthcoming, there cannot be the slightest doubt that the worship of Lakulisa was vigorously prevalent in the South. I have already referred to the HemUvati inscription in which it is said that Lakulisa for fear that his name and doctrines might be forgotten incarnated himself as the munindtha Chilluka. This indicates not only that Lakulisa was known in the South, bu( also that Chilluka was a worshipper of Lakulisa and a ^aiva teacher of importance belonging to that sect. An inscription found at HalkOr in the Arsikere tdluky Mysore,
^ His* Ind. East, Architect p. 449*
* P. 448. ' Arch, Sttrv. IVest Ind, Vol. V'., P. 4?.
•* Cave -Tern pies of India, p. 45^
l6o AN 6KLIi;fGj! STONE INSCRIPTION.
and dated in A.D. ii 77, mentions a number of munis, adherents of the K4j4makhas, as upholders of the Ldkul^j^ma-^amaya.^ But the worship of Lakulisa appears in Mysore to have been strong- est at Balag&mi which is called in inscriptions Ballig&ve and Balipura. Here was the temple of Dakshina-K^^r^^vara, to which was attached the K6diya matha. At the head of this was a very learned and distinguished line of guriis, a branch of the Kaiamukhas, forming the ^aktiparishe of the Muvara-kd^^ya santati of the Parvvatavali. The first one named is Ked^ra- ^akti, his disciple was ^rikantha, his disciple was S6m^svara, his disciple was Gautama, his disciple was V^ma^akti, and his disciple was J ftlLna^akti. Many inscriptions have been discovered at BalagSmi which describe the erudition and austerities of many of these high priests. Thus one inscription represents Som^svara as having caused i}ci^ L&kula'Siddhd,ntaX,o\Aoom.'^ In another inscription, Somesvara and his predecessors are called K^l&mukhas, and the same inscription, it is worthy of note, begins with an invocation to Lakulisa.' About VAma^akti two inscriptions say that in grammar he was P^nini, in polity ^ri-BhushanAcharya, in drama and the science of music Bhara- tamuni, in poetry Subandhu, and in siddhdnta Lakuli^vara.^ The same V^masakti is called ** ornament of the L&kujAgama " in another inscription.5 It will thus be seen that all these high priests were worshippers of Lakulila and that the temple of south Ked&rdsvara of which they were the dchdryas, was, in all probability, dedicated to Lakulfsa.*
We thus see that, according to the Pur^nas, Lakuli was the last incarnation of 6iva and synchronous with Krishna- V&sud^va. This has the value of a tradition, though the contemporaneity of the two m'ght well be questioned as an historical fact ; and from the tradi- tion it is not unreasonable to argue that just as Krishna-V^sudSva was regarded as an avatdra of Vishnu and was the reputed originator
* Ep. Cartu, Vol. V , pt, I , p. ? J$ (translation). » Ep, Carn.i Vol, VII., pt I., p. 64 (translation). » /*«</. pp. 6$ and 67.
* Ihid, p. ^ and p. 63 ; at the latter place, the name Naku|i&vara instead of Lakufilvatfa is g^ven*
^ Ihid. p. 95*
^ It is worthy of note that, in these Bnlag^Ami inscriptions, the terms putra and Utikya are used synonymously. Thus while two inscriptions (Shikarpur Nos. 94 and 98) repre- sent ^r!ka9(ha and Sdmdivara as iishvas of K£d4rasakti and ^rikaptha respectively, there is at least one inscription Shikarpur No. 99) in which they are called puiras of the latter. Similarly, in ShikArpur inscription Na 9a VAma^akti is spoken of as the disciple of Gautamaddva. whereas in No. 9^ he is mentioned as the dear son of this last. In the VAyu PurA^a also, the putrAk mentioned of each avatdra of Siva must be interpreted to meaa Hnky&k. and, as a matter of fact* we find the term Hahya employed in lieu of puirm in Che description of the sixth incarnation.
AN feKLINGj! STONE INSCRIPTION, l6l
of certain doctrines, so Lakulisa was regarded as an incarnation of 6iva and was also the author of certain tenets. The Pur^nas, I befieve, clearly imply that Lakuli was originally a htahmachdti. The very fact that he is sculptured as an ascetic like Buddhas or Tirtham- karas who renounced the world confirms this implication. Further it deserves to be noticed that Lakuli is always figured, so far as my knowledge goes, with two hands, although other divinities in the same temples bear at least four hands. Nay, ^iva himself is sculp- tured under all other forms, with never less than four hands both in these and other temples near the bottom of the sides of the doorframe or in the principal niches on the outside walls of the temples. And, when Lakult is carved with only two hands, it means that his human origin was prominent before the mind of his followers and that conse- quently he was an historical personality like Buddha or Mah^vira. Next, there can hardly be a doubt that he was the originator of certain tenets. While setting forth the Na(Ld)kuUsa'Pdsupata darsana^ Sayaiia at least once uses the following words : tad-uktam bhag^avatd Na{La)kulisena. The H^mavati inscription says, as stated before, that Lakulisa became incarnate in the form of Chilluka in order that his name and doctrines might not be forgotten. This also shows that there were certain doctrines of which Lakulisa was the acknow- ledged teacher. But this point is placed beyond all doubt by the fact that Ldkula-siddhdnta and Ldkul-dgama are frequently referred to in inscriptions found in Mysore. I have just now made mention of the HalkOr inscription of A.D. 1177 which speaks of certain munis as upholders of Ldhul-dgama^samaya, S6mesvara, one of the pontiffs of the temple of Dakshina-K^dslr^svara is repre- sented in a Bajag^mi inscription, as we have just seen, as having caused Ldkula'siddhanta to bloom. Many such inscriptions might be quoted in which Ldkul'dgama and Ldkula-siddhdnta Sive mentioned.^ There can, therefore, be no question that Lakuli was the founder of a certain system. There is still one inscription found at Balag^mi which deserves to be noted in this connection. Therein has been given at length a description of the Kodiya matha attached to the temple of Dakshina-K^d^r^svara. And in this description it is stated that the monastery was '* a place for commentaries on the Ldkuta- siddkdnta^ fhe Pdianjala, and other Yoga-sdstras.'''' As Ldku/a-sid' dhdnta is here associated with Ydg-a^sdstras ^ there can be little doubt that it was connected with the Y6ga system. Thus we see that not. only was Lakuli the promulgator of certain doctrines, but also that these doctrines had a close affinity with Y6ga.
* Ep^ Cam, Vol. V. Arsikere Taluq Nos. 46> 89 and 103 ; Vol. VII. Shikarpar Talu No. 107. » Ibid. Vol. V II., p. 73 ( translation). _
II
l62 AN fiKLINGjt STONB INSCRIPTION.
In the ^ftntiparvan of the Mah&bhftrata, five systems of philosophy are mentioned, viz. (i) S&ihkhya, (2) Y6ga, (3) P&Achar4tra, (4) V^das («. e, Ara![iyaka8), and (5) P&^upata.' We are further in- formed that the P^^upata system was proclaimed by the god ^rikaptha- ^iva, husband of Um& and lord of the BhOtas. In the same chapter, the P^Acharitra system also is spoken of as having originated from Bhagavat or N&rd.ya9a, but in another chapter of the ^ntiparvan, V&sudSva, the name of the probable historical founder of P&tlcharMra, is given. And it seems tempting to assert that the P&^upata system here attributed to Siva had also, like the P&Achar4tra, an historical founder, and that the latter was, in all likelihood, no other than Lakuli^ We know that Mah&vira-Varddham&na was the last of the ttrthamkaras and was the founder of Jainism, and so Lakuli^a, being the last incarnation of Siva, may have, been the founder of the P4iupata system. But no certitude on this point can be reached, and perhaps the PA- ^upata religion was in existence at the time of Lakullsa, who may have given only a fresh impetus to it, especially as his name is conspi- cuous by its absence in the Mah^bh^rata.
Now, in early times there appears to have been only one sect called P&supata amongst the worshippers of Siva. PA^upata, as we have seen, is mentioned in the Mahabh^rata, and the name of no other Saiva sect is to be therein met with. The Pur&nas also, as mentioned above, refer to the yS^a practised by the devotees of Siva as PAhi^ pata ySga and call the disciples of Lakuli^ P&supatas. The Chinese traveller, Yuan-chwang, also speaks of the followers of Mah^ara either as cinder-sprinkled or Po-shu-po-to (PAiupata).' In later times, however, we hear of more than one sect Thus R&m^nuja in his work called Sri-Bh^shya, while commenting on BfakmasiUru II. 2.36 distinguishes the worshippers ofPa^upati into the four classes : (1) KAp^a, (2) KaiAmukha, (3) P&^upata, and (4) Saiva. In their commentaries on Sankar^chftrya's bhAshya on Brahma- sAtra II. 2. 37, Gdvind&nanda and V&chaspati mention the four sects to be (i) Saiva, (2) PA^upata, (3) K&ru^ikasiddh&ntin, and (4) K^pAlika. Anandagiri also gives the same names, but for K^runikasiddhllntin, he has KSrukasiddh&ntin. Of these Pft^u- f>atas seem to be the old sect of that name and are con- sequently the earliest. The members of that sect, so far as our knowledge goes, were the followers of Lakuli^a both in the north and the south. The Qntra praiasti tells us that it was tor the rigid fulfil-
1 Cap. 349f ▼•• 64 and 67 (Bombay edition) ; in Cap. to), v. 9S ^va •peaks of faunvelf aa having promulgated the P^upata vrata,
* Buddkitl JUcoriU of ike Ifesterm l^ortd by BeaU Vol. II., p. 3S3 Me re&reocei under the word *Pliupata.'
AN fiKUfiiOjt STONE INSCRIPTION. 1 63
ment of the Plliupata vows that the ascetic-disciples of Lakuli^ became incarnate. Our inscription also, while describing the avatdra of Lakuliia, speaks of P^supata y6j^a. Again, the ascetics who built the temple of Lakulisa, as our inscription has it, were connected with the temple of ^klingji, and one of the high priests concerned with this temple has been described in an inscription as Sii^^kalinga-Har- AfAdhana^pAsupaU&ch&rya.^ The inscriptions thus show that in North India P^upatas were the adherents of the Lakuli^a system. In the south also the doctrines of Lakuli^a must have been followed by the Pd^upatas, as the expression Na(Ld)kulUa'Pd^upata'darJana used by S&yana clearly indicates ; but, in Southern India, in addition to the P^supatas, Kdldmukhas seem to have espoused the system of Lakuliia. It is not necessary, here to reiterate the instances given above in which certain ascetics who are called K^I^mukhas are also represented as upholders of the Ldkula^siddhdnta, That the K&l^Lmukhas were de- votees of Lakuli^ is also implied by what R&m^nuja says about them. Just at the place where he specifies the four sects, R^m&nuja speaks of laguda-dhdrana as one of the characteristic practices of the K^amukhas. Lagu(ia-dhdrana^ by its very mention, associates itself in our mind with Lakuli, who, as we have seen, was so called because he held a lakula, i,e.f lakuUi, a club, in his hand, and it is but natural that his followers should consider it as a badge of their sect. But the other two sects, especially the sect known as ^aiva, were probably not the adherents of the Ulkula system. S^yana, in the Sarva-
dariana'Samgraha^ contrasts the Saiva, with the Na(La)kulisa- PH^upata darsana. This is an unmistakable indication, in my opinion, of the followers of the ^aiva sect not being the supporters of the doctrines of Lakuliia. Again, in the Karh^d copper-plate charter of the RftshtrakOfa king Krishna III.,' the grantee Gaga- naiiva is represented as having mastered sakala'Siva-siddhdnta, This probably shows that Gagana^iva was of the ^aiva sect and the adherents of this sect had a siddhdnta of their own called Siva-siddhdnta iX)rresponding to the Ldkula-siddhdnta upheld by the K^&mukhas.
In South India the followers of Lakuli^a appear to have been split up into two classes, (i) old and (2) new. An inscription found at Gotpakere in the Tiptur tdluky Mysore and dated in A. D. 1 285 speaks of the donors as supporters of the new La(L^)ku|a samaya,^ This cannot mean, as Mr. Rice has correctly pointed out,^ that the L^ula sys- tem was then new, for, as we have seen, the incarnation of ^iva as Lakuli dates as far back as the first century A. D., but that probably
^ See note 2 above. » Ep. ImtU, VoU IV., p. 286.
3 Ep. Cam,f VoU XII., p. 45 (translation). ^ Ibidt, Introductionf p. xo.
164 AN £KLli;!Gjf STONE INSCRIPTION.
some change had been made introducing new features into it. The H^mivati inscription mentions, as stated over and over again, that Lakuli^a, being afraid that his name and doctrines might be lost in oblivion, was born on earth again as Chilluka. This shows, as remarked above, that Chilluka was a ^aiva teacher of very great importance, and that he, in all likelihood, recast the doctrines of Lakulisa into a new system. May he, therefore, not have promulgated the new L&kula^samaya just referred to ?
I have thus brought to a focus all the rays of information that could be gleaned from inscriptions and Sanskrit literature regarding the antiquity, origin, and dissemination of the Lakulisa sect. As the inscriptions of Mysore which throw light on the origin and history of the sect were not published six years ago, any theory based on the materials then available must necessarily be imperfect. It is, therefore, not necessary to discuss the theory of Dr. Fleet, who considered a certain ^aiva teacher named Lakuja, Lakulisa, or Lakuliivara who flourished in the first half of the eleventh century as the originator of the sect. ' And I am certainly mistaken if the learned doctor has not already given it up, for no scholar who has read the contents of the Hdm^vati inscription of A.D. 941 above referred to can regard LakuUsvara pandita as the founder of the sect. And, now that, as 1 have shown, Lakulisa is to be placed as early as the first century A.D., no antiquarian will lend countenance to the view that the ^aiva teacher Lakulisvara, who lived in the first half of the eleventh century, was the originator of the sect.
It has been stated above that mention is made of a place named N^ahrada in verse 3 of our inscription and that the verse after the next represents the king Bappaka, the founder of the Guhila dynasty, as having reigned in this city. Again, in verse 15 the god Ekalihga is referred to, and we are told that the ascetics who built the temple of Lakulisa were the worshippers of that divinity. N^ahrada is doubtless to be identified with NslgdA, fourteen miles to the north of Udaipur, whose ruins stretch to the extent of a mile and a half at the foot of the hill on which the temple of fiklingji is situated. The pre- sent Sanskrit name of the place is no doubt N^gCndra, but in a Jaina temple called Padm^vati amongst the ruins of N&gd& I found two inscriptions, in one of which the place is called N^gahrada and in the other N^gadaha." No reasonable doubt need, therefore, be enter- tained regarding the identification. N^gda or N&gahrada thus appears to have been the old capital of the Guhila dynasty, and as the
* Ind* An^.t VoU XXX., pp. i-a.
" Proff» Rep* Arcfueol, Surv, West. Ind, (or the year ending Jl&t March I906, p, 65, No 2S43»
AN feKLI!;iGj! STONE INSCRIPTION,
»65
A
temple of Ekalinga mentioned in the inscription is unquestionably the celebrated temple of fikliiigjt close beside N^gdd and was in existence before A. D. 971. the date of our inscription, it shows that the old traditions about Nftg^ndra and Bappa R^waPs infancy given by Tod had some historical foundation, and it is intelligible how the R^n^s of Udaipur should come to have such intimate connection with the temple as that of high priests in which capacity they still officiate.
%■• s^ %^
1 66 AN ^KLmGj! STQNE INSCRIPTION.
Text'
I. ^^^^^JJT^t^OT ll5I«nT[5fiT]
^u[?]fib ?!m^ (?) '^ (0 ^ (0 ^ (0
[l] ^ ^!Ht: xrf^^Rl^
3- .••^.•.^f^^2 II [r] HT...^!^., ....^ .•s»...
^
4* ^mg^ ffir II [R] *t 5r(?) - ^ ^^i^ji%^ *ppT9m!^TORft(?) ^-
5. -^ ii««M^ld: II [v] gTft>r5ni^f^[^Tr]^H< 'iKM: ^ft^^^q^Ri^iN^T: ^ [%]-
6. ^ (?) 'tPt: [g]ftfe^ ^FU ^ - - ^ - ^-^ gf^RR#SR-^
TfnrC^Jsq^ftm - - - — >«- - [11] [^] -
7. - >^ - ^RNilN'i* ^ - - ^li|Si^lld^fe^DM*l*4"^^W: I ^Hft^RRTf^
^'T#q^TRlft^N^ H<^lfHHW^: II [^9] q^ R ->^ws^-s^^ Jt(?)^-
8. ^l^ilfefei - ^ ^aW>: I 3i5RTT%f%3^ ^f^4l*<^'(^
•^^Mv»li^4>f^l<l*<f^l44"^<!^lPl II [c] ^ETH: JPI g^f^ ^ch^D^
9. ft?TR ^ - ^ [1] ^ ^: ^CT- -^ -- Wf^ ^Hi-^^ fiRadh
'T^'TJT^^R: II L^] ^^^K<^*Jt|HidHd<liTi^|l-Tl<^fiTl<l «ift»r%^- «bw^*l* v^^^ w N^ — [1]
10. — $mR5i4^ i%Jnt totiN g%: xr^ ^*^M^/^d*<: ^ipn^^
II V^RRnrf^ ^ ^T^ ^^roft: II [M] ^fi'h^fe***-
5r^i^^k>?R
* From the original stone. * Read 'fj'HT.I^.
• Expressed by a symbol. » Read ^^g^^^lrt^^rtl^. -RcadO^cq^. « Read '^^.
AN £klikgj! stone inscription* 167
12 [ii][?R] -- - [^]gq^i'iM[^ 2WT*jRf^3a?r-
S^FIT: II [?R]^^
13 gt[^]|^TOg5^TRimfH: ^-^ ^t^: I ?3NT3-
^ [^]
14. ^fl^i^^I^i-aiM^Jl: I ^qi^FfJRfPi^n^ ^^^ wm: 11 [ ?H ]
WOT^D] ^ s/ _ w -
15. ^<>»i«!wj^w*<i«i a5<;^^d0^rfi^ftA*i R*<«<^4^w ^irf^ii [ ?\] ^-
W<^Hti^i^tHKRRlP«<^td^dft«h^°t^l ^Hkl^l<^4«5^fJl<^W^Mm^ ^: I
16 ^m^: ^Mif^af^: ^lhAH(iH\ ^^mii «r^u
'^^[TOW
17 .ft**iiRc^i;;»i^: I 3i8R^iRl^a«Kl ^ ^:^ ^11
«5^ I 3lft ?35y^
18 Wl^ 5?%ftij; II [ Ro ] «n^P»<f<lf^ ^iKTRi JFl-
^ Read °3(^\|t^.
» Read Qfvi^^ltfflM.^
- Read °J:f3C°.
- Read ^^PrtW^.
' Read °?5S^.
Art. XIII. — Maratha Historical Literature.
By D. B. Parasnis, Esq.
{Read before the History Section on igth January igos *n connection
with the Centenary of the Society,)
It is eminently fitting that in the celebration of the Centenary of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, a place should be found for taking stock of the work done during the century, so as to note the landmarks in the progress of Maratha Historical Literature. Research in history has been, from the outset, one of the chief aims of such Societies. When the Royal Asiatic Society of England was established, the great Oriental Scholar, Mr. H. T. Colebrooke, in his inaugural address, dwelt at great length upon the importance of research in Asiatic History, and observed : ** Tlie inquiry extends over regions, the most anciently and the most numerously peopled on the globe. The range of research is as wide, as those regions are vast ; and as various, as the people who inhabit them are diversified. It embraces their ancient and modern history, their civil polity, their long-enduring institutions, their manners, and their customs ; their languages and their literature ; their sciences, speculative and practical ; in short, the progress of knowledge among them ; the pitch which it has attained ; and last, but most important, the means of its extension.** A similar scope of work was sketched for itself by our local Society, and several of its leading members, especially in the early thirties, put forth great efforts in the cause of elucidating ancient history. Their environments in Western India impressed them with the backwardness and obscurity of Maratha Historical Litera- ture, and stimulated their exertions in bringing to light such materials as were available. Many of the great lights of Maratha History, such as Grant Duff, Malcolm, Briggs, and Coats, were members of this Society, and their labours shed no little reflected glory on the early history of this institution. It is well known that the Society's Library was the repository of the celebrated Grant Duff collection of Maratha MSS, which, it is to be regretted, are not now forthcoming from the shelves of the Library ; but the incident serves to show the interest the Society took in the work of historical research. This interest has been kept up to this day. Archaeology, the elder sister of history, has figured somewhat more prominently in the labours of
MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATUR5, / 169
the Society ; but history — especially Maratha History — has occupied no little attention. The transactions of th6 Society are replete with papers on different topics of Maratha History, and they will, I venture to think, be of invaluable help to the future historijan.
The subject I have prescribed for myself is a review of the progress of Maratha Historical Literature during the century commencing with the foundation of this Society. As you are all aware, this Society was first founded in A.D. 1804 under the title of ** The Literary Society of Bombay," which was afterwards changed into ** The Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society." It is a noteworthy fact that the year 1804 marks an epoch in Maratha History. It was about this year that the Maratha power first began to show signs of weak- ness and decline. It was in A.D. 1804. that the victories of General Wellesley, afterwards Duke of Wellington, caused the first beginning in the break-up of the Maratha confederacy, and laid the foundation of the British Empire in the Deccan. The century may be divided, for the purpose of noting the progress of Maratha Historical Literature, into three parts — 1804 to 1830, 1830 to i860, and i860 to 1904. It may be mentioned here that, prior to 1804, there had been no little literary activity in regard to historical research. Numerous works of great value were written by travellers such as Tavernier, Berniert Carr^, Dellon, De Graaf, Fryer, De La Haye, Pere D'Orleans and Manouchi. These travellers visited India between 1640 to 1690, and their works supply valuable contemporary records of the rise of Maratha power. The translations of Eraser, Dow, Karr, Jonathan Scott, and others, from Persian historical works, also shed considerable light on the same period. In 1782 the first systematic effort of writing a connect- ed historical narrative was made by Orme. His first work is the ** History of Military Transactions of the British Nation in Industan," and the second is ** The Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire." Scot Waring in his ** History of the Marathas " refers to Orme in these terms : ** Mr. Orme, our first Indian Historian, was the first also to manifest any interest in the history of the Marathas. He col- lected a considerable degree of information which he published under the humble title of Fragments, and though his work be not free from errors, they result from the scantiness of his materi- als, and not from a want of the most patient inquiry. He con- centrated, in a small compass, a most valuable mass of informa- tion ; nor is it to be omitted that he has pointed out almost every Euro- pean author who has written on the subject. " Contemporary with Orme, Nana Phadnavis, it is interesting to note, made an effort in the Poona Durbar in 1783, to have a chronicle written dealing with the
170 MARATHA HISTORICAL UTBRATURB.
whole Maratha period. Dalfjrmple's account of Marathas in the '* Oriental Repertory," Tones' •* Institutions of the Marathas," Moore's '* Narrative of the Operations of Captsun Little's Detachment and of the Maratha Army under Parashram Bhow Patwardhan against Uppoo Sultan," as well as stray fragments published in the Asiatic Annual Register and the Asiatic Researches, are some of the notable contributions made in this behalf during the early period. Tippoo Sultan's letters by Kirkpatrick and other works relating to Mysore war by Beatson, Dirom and others, form another channel of information bearing on Maratha History. These works are valuable as forming the ground- work of the still more active and brilliant work achieved in the period which marked the commencement of the century.
As I have noted above, the first period between 1804 and 1830 was marked by remarkable activity in the collection and publication of historical materials. While General Wellesley's victories made the year 1804 a conspicuous landmark in history, his brother, the Marquis of Wellesley, made it remarkable from the point of view of historical literature by his publication of ** The History of Maratha War.'* About the same time attempts were made by Col. Mackenzie to collect the materials of the early history of Maratha Power in Southern India. Col. Mackenzie's labours in the field of historical research are made memorable by his magnificent collection of vernacular manuscripts in Southern India — a collection which numbers about 8,000 works. This collection was later on purchased by the Marquis of Hastings on behalf of the East India Company for ;£'io,ooo. In 1 8 10 appeared Scot Waring's remarkable work. History of the Mara- thas. This work is based on several Maratha bakhars or chronicles as well as Persian kaifiyats and tawarikhs and the writings of English authors. He mentions as his authorities 4 bakhars of Shewajee, 2 of Shahu Maharaj, 2 of the Battle of Panipat, 2 of Madhowrao, 2 of Narayan Rao Peishwa, and i containing the accounts of the Rajas of Berar, and the Gaikwar, Sindia and Holkar families. The author bears the following testimony to the value of the Maratha bakhars :— "Their historians write in a plain, simple, and unaffected style, content to relate passing events in appo- site terms without seeking turgid imagery or inflated phraseology. Victory and defeat are briefly related. If they pass over the latter too hastily, they do not dwell upon the former with unnecessary minute- ness. They do not endeavour to bias or mislead the judgment, but are certainly greatly deficient in chronology and in historical reflec- tions." Scot Waring treats his materials with great discrimination and imparUality, and his work stands pre-eminent as the first attempt
MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 171
to deal with Maratha History in a spirit of justice and fairness. Almost contemporaneous with Scot Waring's work were, it may be noted, several Maratha bakhars containing the lives of the Satara Rajas by Malhar Ramarao Chitnis, the hereditary Chitnis of the Maratha Kings of Satara. Then followed Wilke's History of Mysore, Malcolm's Central India, Blacker*s Maratha War, Jenkins' Nagpore, Prinsep's Transactions of Political Events in India, Tod's Rajasthan and other works. The most notable book of this period is, however, Grant DuiTs History of the Marathas. In spite of later researches Grant Duff is still the paramount authority on the subject of Maratha History. His work fully deserves all the eulogies passed upon it by successive writers. For patient research and judicious statement it stands pre-eminent among works on Maratha History. Whatever additions and improvements may be made by later writers. Grant Duff's work stands on its own pedestal, and can hardly be surpassed. It cannot be denied that want of familiarity with the Maratha language and such other causes have led to some errors and defects which later investigation may be able to correct, and such correction has been in part supplied by the work of Mr. Justice Ranade, which I shall notice later on. In connection with Grant Duff's work, it may be interesting to note, that Maharaja Pratapsing, the Raja of Satara, evinced an enlightened sense of the value of history by giving sub- stantial help to Grant Duff in the shape of original historical records and papers which, Mr. Grant Duff acknowledges, were not confided even to the Peishwas. Maharaja Pratapsing took such keen interest in this work that he had various bakhars and narratives specially written for Grant Duff's assistance, and after the publication of the History of the Marathas by Grant Duff, he got it translated into Marathi. This translation has not yet found its way into print, but I have obtained a copy of it which I intend to present to this Society. General Briggs, who succeeded Grant Duff as Resident at Satara, in a letter dated 20th August 1827, exhorted the Raja to make the translation mentioned above. He writes : *• I trust your High- ness has received his (Grant Duff's) History of the Maratha Empire, which your Highness should procure to be translated by degrees into the Marathi language, after which it might be struck off on litho- graphy (chhapp) at Bombay, which would obtain as great a name for your Highness in the East as your friend Captain Grant Duff has established for himself in Europe by compiling his excellent history. "^ For his enlightened interest in literature the Raja was made an Honorary Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of England, an honour then highly prized and rarely bestowed on Indians. It is also interest- ing to note here that another Maratha Prince of the same period,.
172 MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE.
Raja Sarfoji of Tanjore in Southern India, was the happy recipient of the honourable distinction of M. R.A.S. He, too, under the guidance of the Rev. Dr. Schwartze, a famous Danish missionary worker in Southern India, had cultivated literary tastes and attained consider- able eminence as a lover of books. The large collection of manuscripts made by him at Tanjore is a standing monument of his culture ; this has served as a favourite resort to learned men, like Dr. Burnell, for carrying on their researches. With reference to our present subject, his most notable act was an inscription, in the Marathi language, of the History of the Tanjore House on the walls of the famous Brihadeshwar Temple which occupies about 90 courts. It has been made accessible to scholars by the labours of Mr. Sambha Murti Rao of Tanjore.
General Briggs was another worker of the same period, quite as remarkable as Grant Duff. He translated, from the Persian, Ferishta*s ** Rise of the Mahommedan Power " and ** Seirul Mutakharin." In the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of England, he published, in 1827, ** An Autobiographical Memoir of Nana Pharnavis," and ** Secret Correspondence of the Court of the Peishwa Madhoo Rao; from the year 1761 to 1772." He collected about 9,000 original papers relating to the life of Nana Pharnavis, and having translated several of them, he lodged them all with the Royal Asiatic Society in London. He intended to write a regular treatise on the life of this great states- man, but appeared to have been prevented from doing so by the apparent want of interest shown in Indian subjects by the British public of those days. Referring to the publication of this work. Grant Duff wrote to Briggs in 1854 : ** Pray, how do you mean to publish and how do you mean to make your book go down with the public ? The only advice I can offer must be in the style of that given me by the late John Murray, when I called upon him about my history of the Marathas. Can't you put something of the present days into it? Try to connect the life of Nana Pharnavis with Golden Horn at Sophia and the Sultan, mix up the Peishwas* Durbar with a particular account of the receptions of Messrs. Pease and Sturge by the Emperor of All the Russias. As an amusement to yourself, and a pleasure to those old friends who care about the most uninteresting history in the world, it is all very well ; but I would not venture on publishing unless some booksellers would take the whole risk."
Grant Duff himself suffered terribly in the monetary way on account of the publication of his History of the Marathas. His letter to Goldsmid which has been published in the Journal of this Society, Vol. XXVIII, gives expression to his bitter disappointment. It is important here to observe that most of these writers on Maratha
MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 173
History were raUitary men in the service of the East India Company, who in the course of their oflicial duties came in contact with men and institutions representing the last days of the Maratha power, and who, being struck by the contrast in civilization and character, were inspired with the laudable ambition of preserving their history. They were as great in letters as in arms. They were conspicuous for their sympathies with the princes and people of the day. They were also men of industry, ability, and self-sacrifice, by virtue of which they have laid us all under great obligations, though in their own country they were ill-requited for their labours, — a circumstance which might perhaps partially account for the apathy shown by English officers and writers towards Maratha History in later periods.
The next period of 1830 to i860 is comparatively barren of actual results. The most noteworthy productions of this period are Elphin- stone's History of India, Forbes Oriental Memoirs and Ras Mala, Clune's Maratha States, MacDonald's Life of Nana Pharnavis, Thornton's History of India, Sleeman's Rambles and Recollections, and a few others. Several distinguished missionary workers, such as the Rev. Dr. Wilson, the Rev. Dr. Murray Mitchell and the Rev. Dr, Stevenson, studied Maratha literature, and read valuable papers before this Society, They were struck by the richness of that litera- ture and exhorted their contemporaries to cultivate it. In the course of their observations they referred to Marathi Historical Memoirs and advocated their publication, — a recommendation which soon bore good fruit. In spite of these contributions this period does not, as I have already remarked, compare favourably in point of actual work with its predecessor, but it is remarkable as preparing the way for yet more brilliant results in the period succeeding it. It was then that with the advocacy of Lord Macaulay, the despatch of Sir Charles Wood, and later on the establishment of Universities that English education began to be diffused among the Indian people. The rich treasures of English literature then became accessible to Indian readers. The Press, too, became an active instrument in the dissemin- ation of knowledge. All these agencies of enlightenment brought about an awakening of Indian intellect, and raised in the succeeding period new recruits in the rank of workers in all fields of literature.
The third period, commencing from 1860 to the preser witnessed the spectacle of Indian workers labouring in the historical literature side by side with European workers superior facilities as regards information and materials, and w training in the modern prindples of historical criticism, thf
174 MARATHA HISTORICAL UTERATURE.
workers became valuable help-mates in the field of historical research, and though there were then some notable English writers like Wheeler, Taylor, Kaye, Malleson, Hunter, and Keene, the most noteworthy feature of this period was the work done by Indian scholars. English works of note were translated into the vernaculars, chief of these being Rao Saheb Mandlik's Marathi translation of Elphinstone's History of India, Vinayak Janardan Kirtane's Marathi translation of Malcolm's Central India and Rao Bahadur G. H. Deshmukh's Marathi transla- tion of Tod*s Rajasthan. There was a translation of Duff's History of the Marathas by another writer, and Rao Bahadur Nilkanth Janardan Kirtane published his *' Criticism of Grant DuflPs History." The last book pointed out the defects of Grant Duffs work, and led to the publi- cation of some original bakhars and other papers relating to Maratha History. Magazines like the ** Vividhadnyan Vistar " and ** Dambha- harak ** (i^f^v^KIHf^HK and ^fK4i) opened their columns to the publi- cation of original papers as well as to critical contributions on historical subjects. A magazine called " Lokahitawadi " (^l^ifjd^i^) was started by the lateR.B.Gopalrao Hari Deshmukh for the publication of historical incidents and anecdotes. Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar's Nibandh-Mala contained some stirring critical essays on the subject of the study of history in general and of Maratha history in particular. These writings aroused active interest in historical literature, and helped in rescuing many old historical records from destruction. A magazine
called the ** Kavyetihasa-Sangraha " (*l»^«If<-^ftnr) by Mr. Sane and the late Mr. Janardan Balaji Modak was started with the special object of publishing bakhars and all available historical papers. A considerable body of old historical material W!is brought to light by this magazine. It inspired in the Maratha public a taste for reading original historical papers, which gradually led to the writing of original works of history and biography. There has thus been a large accession to Marathi litera- ture—the lives of Nana Pharnavis, Mahadji Sindia, Malhar Rao Holkar, Shaliu Maharaj, Bapu Gokhale, Rani of Jhansi, Bramhendra Swami, Parsharam Bhow Patvardhan Balaji Vishwanath and so forth. The fami- ly histories of the houses of Sindia, Holkar, Dabhade,Vinchurkar, Bhon- sles and the lives of Prabhoo soldiers (^i^Hirti) are books of more or less value. They are, moreover, very interesting as the first fruit of the leaven spread by the publication of old records and documents.
The «?)i««J/rlci^-^W continued for twelve years, and it was succeeded by
other magazines such as ^FUJ^ ^"^ ffiffTOT^ m^, *^mT, ^?fihnf%^
"tW-^W, HRff^. These latter magazines have brought to light a rich treasure of historical materials. The most notable acquisition to Maratha historical literature of the present day was the *' Rise of the
MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE. 175
Maratha Power " by the late Mr. Justice Ranade. It is a work of uncommon value. It throws on Maratha history quite a new light. It is not a mere narrative of events. It puts life and soul into the dry bones of history and makes the past tell its own tale with thrilling interest. The late Mr. Ranade had planned his work and intended to publish it in several volumes. The work we have got is only the first volume of the series, and its very excellence enhances our regret that its author has not lived to finish his work.
While thus the native public evinced so much active interest in their past history, European scholars were no less active in the same cause. Sir Bartle Frere by his own example and precept gave an impetus to the study of Maratha history and the collection of historical materials. He himself collected a large number of Marathi and Persian manuscripts, relating chiefly to the Kingdom of Bija- pore, and had several of the Persian manuscripts translated into Marathi. These translations are preserved in three large vo- lumes at the India Office Library in London, and are a standing memorial of Sir Bartle Frere's interest in the cause of Indian history. A large collection of manuscripts was unhappily lost in his voyage from Calcutta to Bombay. He encouraged some of the native Chiefs and Jahagirdars of this presidency to get historical accounts of their respective houses written. He made a grant of Rs. 4,000 per year to this Society which it was at one time proposed to apply to the furtherance of Maratha history. Mr. Justice Newton and Dr. Wilson, both Presidents of this Society, made considerable efforts in the collection and publication of authentic ancient documents, elucidatory of Maratha history. There were debates and discussions in the Society in 1867, under the presidency of Mr. Justice Newton, on the possibility and importance of collecting and publishing original manuscripts which may be in the possession of old historical houses in the Deccan. Mr, Justice Newton himself made a tour in the Deccan, visiting several Sirdars and Jahagirdars and exhorting them to preserve their ancient documents and make them available to scholars. He himself was able to collect a few manuscripts which he presented to this Society.
Another conspicuous worker, though of more recent date, was Mr. Acworth,' who struck a new line in the collection of historical materials. In collaboration with Mr. Shaligram he collected and published a large number of powadas or historical ballads which are sung by the gondhalis or minstrels of Maharashtra. It is worthy of jioie that in 1843 the Rev. Dr. Murray Mitchell, in a paper on Tukaram
1^6 MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE.
read before this Society, had expressed surprise that martial songSj chronicling the gallant exploits of Maratha warriors, were not published. This want was supplied by Mr. Acworth*s book. Re- ferring to these ballads Mr. Acworth writes : ** With the Marathas, as with every warlike race, the feelings of the commons have taken shape in ballads, which, however rude and inartificial in their lan- guage, their structure and rhythm, are genuine embodiment of national enthusiasm, and are dear, and deserve to be dear, to those who repeat and those who listen to them." Mr. Acworth*s collection shows the necessity of further work in the same direction.
The movement for publishing old papers spread to the Government and they published many valuable historical works in the form of selections from the original records. The Government of India published the collection of treaties, engagements and sanads prepared by Mr. Aitchison. The Government of Bombay appointed a special officer, Mr. Forrest, to make selections from their own records. These selections from State papers are a valuable addition to Maratha his- torical literature. Mr. Douglas* Book on Bombay and Western India as well as the different gazetteers published under the auspices of Government also contain much valuable historical matter and deserve mention in this connection.
Among the books published in this period by European scholars I may specially note Colebrooke's Life of Mountstuart Elphinstone, Kaye's Life of Malcolm, Evans Bell's Memoirs of General Briggs, General Wellesley*s Despatches, Mackey's Central India, Hope's House of Sindia, Gribbles* History of the Deccan, and many others.
Great as has been the work done in the past, the future is full of immense potentialities. The Peishwa Daftar, the Menavli collec- tion in Nana Pharnavis's Wada and the daftars of numerous ancient houses of the Deccan will yield a rich treasure, if skilful hands attempt the work of examination, of sifting, sortings selecting and of seeing it through the press. The movement to tap the Peishwa Daftar was first started by this Society as early as 1867. Mr. Justice Newton and Rao Saheb Mandlik were very hopeful of making the daftar available for inspection, but Col. Ethridge's some- what pessimistic view put an extinguisher on the movement. The subject was again taken up by the late Mr. Justice Telang and the late Mr. Justice Ranade under Lord Re ay's administration. Some others also made efforts in the san>e direction. Eventually in 1895 the requisite permission was granted and the Peishwa Daftar was
MARATHA HISTORICAL UTERATURE. 177
thrown open to the work of selection under the auspices of the D. V. Society of Poona. Mr. Telang wrote a paper on Gleanings from Maratha Chronicles. Mr. Ranade wrote another paper on the Peishwas' Diaries. These show what rich possibilities there are in the Daftar of unearthing buried treasures. The work of inspecting and classifying papers is proceeding apace, and by the kindness of Government there is every prospect of a vast number of papers becoming available to the student of Maratha history. Private workers like Messrs. Khare and Rajwade have likewise given to the public a considerable body of historical material. They have, more- over, in their possession, unpublished, materials which will occupy their energies for many more years. It is hoped that the public will give every encouragement to their laudable efforts, and that they will not be hampered by want of funds, which is often a stumbling block in the way of good work of this class.
The Mackenzie collection at Madras and London, the collection of General Briggs and Sir Charles Malet in the R. A. Society of London, the Jenkins' collection at the India Office, and the Tanjore Palace Library contain many Maratha manuscripts lying absolutely unused at the places where they are now kept. They are likely to prove very useful if they could be kept in Bombay, where they would be within the reach of Maratha scholars. H. E. Lord Curzon has already expressed his desire to obtain from England some historical manuscripts and documents and place them in the Victoria Memorial Hall at Calcutta. If among such manuscripts and documents there are any papers in Maratha character, they might more fitly be placed in Bombay than Calcutta. H. E. Lord Lamington has suggested the happy idea of establishing a museum in Bombay. That museum may appropriately possess a court for history, where ancient manuscripts and documents, arms and accoutrements, dresses and pictures, seals and coins, and other objects of historical interest might be collected. It will serve as a convenient resort to students of history desiring to make researches in that line. The project of a museum may, however, take a long time to accomplish. In the absence of such an institution, the rooms of this Society may well serve as a resting place for historical objects. On the heels of the collection of materials must follow the work of digesting and assimilating them. A race of scholars must rise, trained in the art of deciphering manu- scripts, of weighing evidence and drawing inferences with discrimina- tion. The ground is already prepared and there is every prospect of capable workers rising to the occasion. Mr. Karkaria, Mr. Purshotam Vishram Mawjee, Mr. Rajwade, Mr. Natu, Mr. Khare and others 12
^ )L_
178 MARATHA HISTORICAL LITERATURE.
may be trusted to use their opportunities to advantage. Biographies of eminent personages, monographs on subjects like the Maratha army, the qavy, the revenue system, arms, dresses, and a variety of similar topics, as well as a methodical and well-ordered history of the Maratha Empire, have yet to be written. Speaking of the scope of history, Mr. Colebrooke observed : ** In speaking of history, I do not refer merely to the succession of political struggles, national conflicts, and warlike achievements, but rather to less conspicuous yet more import- ant occurrences, which directly concern the structure of society ; the civil institutions of nations ; their internal, more than their external, relations ; and the yet less prominent but more momentous events, which affect society universally, and advance it in the scale of civilized life. It is the history of the human mind, which is most diligently to be investigated ; the discoveries of the wise ; the inventions of the ingenious, and the contrivances of the skilful." These words aptly describe the nature of the work that lies before us. Such a work as this wants the genius of a Ranade or a Telang. Tlie fragments they have left only serve to remind us of the immensity of our loss. But we must have trust in the future. There must be co-operation between Indian and European workers. By the light and guidance and the example of European workers, Indian aspirants may strive to perform their task and fulfil the duty they owe to the nation. We can never forget that the work of recasting and digesting the materials done so far is very little compared to what yet remains to be done ; and our efforts must be commensurate with the magnitude of the task. This Society showed itself alive in the sixties to its responsibility as regards historical research. Let me now appeal to it to take up the work once more, of fostering research and guiding the footsteps of such new workers as may need guidance When in the light of the new materials discovered, history is rewritten, it may be hoped that many erroneous notions will be corrected as regards the Maratha character, the methods of their warfare as well as their civil administration, the deeds of their heroes, the degree of their refinement and their achievements in the fields of literature and art. In the words of Johnson, ** there is no part of history so generally useful as that which relates to the progress of the human mind— the gradual improvement of reason, the successive advances of science, the vicissitudes of learning and ignorance, which are the light and darkness of thinking beings, the extinction and resuscitation of arts, and the revolution of the intellectual world." When Maratha history is written in the light of these principles, it will fulfil its proper function. It will give them a correct representation of the past and show wholesome lessons for the guidance of the future.
Art. XIV. — The Death of Akbar: A Tercentenary Study.
By R. p. Karkaria, Esq. (^Read 2gtk January jgo6.)
After completing a reign unexampled in the annals of India for prosperity and splendour, Akbar died in October 1605. Consequently in last October fell the Tercentenary of his death, a solemn historical occasion worthy of due celebration. But modern India was, it seems, indifferent to that great name on this occasion, and the date was allowed to pass by without even a thought being given to that great Emperor. In these days when there is so much talk amongst Indians of a united India and of national movements, it is very significant that Indians themselves should have made no movement to celebrate on such an occasion the memory of the illustrious monarch who did so much in his time to unite all Indians and ruled beneficently over all his subjects, — Hindus, Mahomedans, Sikhs, Parsis, Buddhists -and tried to bring them together. Shivaji, it would seem, appealed to some better than Akbar, and there have been celebrations in his honour, not only among the Mahrathas but also among the Bengalis. But with all due deference to the memory of Shivaji, for whom 1 have the great- est respect which I have shown on many occasions, I would say that after all he was but the hero of only a section of the Indians ; while Akbar ought to appeal to all Indians alike, as he worked more than other rulers for the union of all the peoples under his sway.
It would have been in the fitness of things if the present rulers of Inuia, who have succeeded in the course of events by a wise Providence to the heritage of that illustrious mediaeval ruler, had celebrated the memory of their most illustrious predecessor. Surely the man was here who would have plunged with his whole heart into the work, who has given unmistakeabie proofs that he possesses the historic imagina- tion, to whom the works ot Akbar and his descendants, the magnifi- cent Mughals, have throughout his career in India appealed as they had appealed to no other English ruler, who in short was best fitted to do justice to the occasion. But somehow or other Lord Curzon missed the occasion and the Tercentenary of Akbar has been allowed to pass by unremembered, unsung, even unrecorded. People were too busy with the present to bestow thought on the past, even on such a splen- did past as the times uf Akbar. But that present was indeed worthy
l8o THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
to eclipse even so glorious a past. All India, and particularly all Bombay, was busy preparing to receive the Prince of Wales who is to be the future Akbar of this land. All thoughts and hopes were centered on this heir of the ages, and Akbar may find some consolation that he was forgotten in favour of one who may prove greater than even him- self, ruling over a vaster, happier, and more powerful empire. Some- thing also is due to the unsettled state in which Lord Curzon found himself at the end of his rule, and to the circumstances which rendered all his movements, even his departure, uncertain.
But if the State was too much preoccupied with other matters which rightly dennanded its attention, at least our learned Asiatic Societies, within whose province this subject specially lies, should have, I venture to think, moved in the matter. I had looked forward to our elder sister of Bengal, the mother of Asiatic Societies in the world, taking the lead in this Tercentenary celebrations. It has indeed done as much as, and probably much more than, any learned body to pre- serve and illustrate Akbar*s name and work in literature. By its scholarly edition in the original Persian of the Ahbar-Nama^ that great monument which Abul Fazl, his fidus Achates^ has raised to his great patron's name and fame, more lasting than those marble mausolea and palaces by which Akbar expressly desired tocomemorate his reign to posterity, and still more by its worthy translations of that great work into the language most widely spoken on this earth, it may be said to have done enough to celebrate the memory of that great monarch. The labours, still unfinished, of that ripe scholar Mr. Beveridge, a past President of that Society, on the purely historical part, and of Colonel Jarrett, and that late prince of Persian scholars, the erudite Henri Blochmann, on the what we may, for want of a better term, call the constitutional part of the singular work of Abul Fazl, have made him speak and write English much better than he writes Persian,* and rendered his work an English classic for all those who care for his great theme, and for many more who do not, but read him for diversion and even amusement. But for some unexplained reason this Society, having its head-quarters in the capital city of India, Calcutta, has missed the occasion. Nor has our Society done any- thing. At one time I had hoped that we might hold a symposium in honour of the Tercentenary of Akbar, where our members could make their literary offerings in the shape of contributions, illustrative of cer- tain aspects of his life, character, and times. But the change in our Honorary Secretaryship last October and still more the Royal visit,
•• Abul FazPs style seems, at least to Western eyes, to be quite detestable, bein^ full of circumlocutionst and both turgid and obscure. He is often prolix, and often unduly concise and darkly allusive,*'— Beveridgre, preface to Akbar'Namaht tr. Vol. I 190a.
THE DEATH OF AKBArI i8i
forbade the fulfilment of this hope. Still it is not too late ; and we might hold one or more meetings for this object, and even devote a special number of our Journal to papers relating to Akbar.
Meanwhile I offer this paper as a slight contribution to the discus- sion of a subject intimately connected with Akbar, namely, his death, on which sufficient light has not yet been thrown and which remains as yet obscure and unelucidated. This would appear somewhat strange to anyone who remembers that of Akbar's reign we have more and fuller historical accounts, and those too by contemporaries, than of any other reign in Indian History. There is the great work of Abul Fazl, which, with its lavish details, lays bare before us nearly all aspects of the court and camp of Akbar, and even enlightens us with minute accuracy about his kitchen and stables. There are the elaborate histories of Nizam-ud-din and Abdul Kader Badaoni, which are so important for the different standpoints of their authors to that of Abul Fazl. Then there is the curious composite history of the millennium, the Tarikh-UAlfi, in which both these authors collaborated with others to produce a record of the thousand years of the Hegira which came to a conclusion in Akbar's reign. But all these famous contemporary chronicles were written before the close of Akbar*s life and reign, and therefore do not record the very close. Their authors predeceased Akbar by several years, Abul Fazl was murdered in i6o2. Badaoni died in 1596 and Nizam>ud-din a year or two earlier still, circa 1594. (Blochmann in Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society^ 1869, Pt. I., p. 143). In these famous writers, therefore, there is necessarily no account of his death.
Failing, therefore, the guidance of such authors, especially the conscientious and sober Nizam-ud-din, we have to fall back upon other contemporaries of inferior worth and reliability among Akbar's countrymen and co-religionists. But we find in these a different account of his death from that given by Europeans, one of whom at least was a contemporary and in India ; and it is hard to reconcile these Persian and European accounts of his death.
I shall bring together first the accounts to be found in Persian works. At the head of these stands the elaborate story of Akbar*s last days and moments which his son, the Emperor Jehangir, gives in his autobiographical memoirs which go under various names and forms such as ** Wakiaat-i-Jehangiri ", ** Tuzakh-i-Jehangiri " and the like. The Imperial author did not necessarily write these memoirs with his own hand ; and it "seems very probable that the Emperor kept two or more memoir-writers to whom he gave directions as to the events they were to record and a general expression of his opinion
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THE DEATH OF AKBAR* 1 83
idolent dysentery was the result. Hakim Muzafar, another of the physicians, now pronounced that his brother-physician had gross- ly erred in his prescriptions, particularly in allowing melon to his patient at the commencement of the attack. From a just repugnance to take away from any man his reputation, and perhaps from a disposition to forgive, I determined that Hakim Ally should not be trodden under foot, at a mere malicious suggestion or an accusation on the part of Muzafar actuated by mere jealousy.
*' * If,* thought I, * God's destiny and the blunders of the medical class did not sometimes concur, we should never die.* This much on a feeling of discretion and kindness, I confessed to Hakim Ally ; but in the bottom of my heart all confidence in his skill was extinguished.
" During the last ten days of his illness, I attended my father as usual for two or three quarters of time in the latter part of the day ; and this I continued to do until Tuesday, the 14th of the latter Jemady, when he became so greatly reduced that I remained with him from the time at which his medicine was administered in the morning for the remaining part of the day. While he was yet in a state to discriminate, he advised me on one occasion to keep away from the palace ; at all events never to enter un- attended by my own guards and retainers : and it now occurred to me that it would be prudent not to neglect such advice ; that at such a crisis it behoved me in my intercourse with the palace to employ the most guarded circumspection. One day I entered the citadel accord- ingly attended by my own retinue. The very next day, without consulting their sovereign, they dared to close the gates of the citadel against me, and actually brought forward the ordnance on the towers. On Thursday, the i6th, perceiving the pretence of alarm under which these men were screening themselves, I discontinued my visit to the palace altogether ; and I then received by Mokurret Khan a note from Man Singh expressing on his part the expectation that I would concur in their views. How deeply my feelings were agonised at the thought of being excluded from the sight of my father ; during the period in which I thus abstained from entering the castle of Agra, I for some time withheld myself from communicating to any man, resigning myself entirely to the will of God. Having with the advice of my truest friends discontinued my visits to the castle, I sent my son, Parviz, with an apology to my father, stating that I was prevented from attending that day by a severe pain in my head. My father, lifting up his hands in prayer for my health, sent Khwaja Weissy to entreat that if possible I would come to his presence, for that he had no longer any hope of life, particularly under the violent paroxysms of his complaint. ' Alas I'
184 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
said he, * what a time is this that thou hast chosen to be absent from my person, when thou knowest that, on my demise, the succession to the crown is without dispute !' "
Jehangir then describes the intrigues that were going on round the death-bed of Akbar for bringing about the succession of his grandson, his own son, Prince Khosro, to the exclusion of himself. Raja Man Singh, the brother-in-law of Jehangir and maternal uncle of Khosro, and Mirza Azaz Khoka, were the principal persons in these intrigues. The latter asked the sick monarch his wishes about Khosro. To this he replied : ** The decree is God's decree and of him alone is the sovereignty. For my part with one mind I retain a thousand hopes. Surely, in giving a loose to such language in my presence you have abandoned me to the jaws ot death. Nevertheless it may happen that I have still some portion left in this life. If however the awful crisis be at hand— if the hour of departure be arrived — can I have forgotten the military promptitude, political sagacity and other qualities indispensable to the successful exercise of sovereign power, which at Allahabad I witnessed in Selim Shah ? Neither do I find that the love and affection which I have ever borne him has for a moment been diminished. What if, through the misguidings of the Evil One, he should, for an instant, have been led astray from his filial duty, is he not my eldest born, and as such the heir to my throne : to that throne which by the institutes of my race belongs to the eldest son and never descends to him who is in years younger ? But the six months, wide territory of Bengal I bestow upon Khosro. Having received these assurances from my father's lip," continnes the Royal author, ** the specious hypocrites repaired in numerous groups to my presence, in such throngs indeed that people had scarcely room to breathe. The chief intriguers seemed penitent of the part they had taken, and acknowledging their folly cordially resolved on yielding to me, without further opposition, every proof of submission and allegiance. . . My father sent me one of his dresses, with the turban taken from his own brows, and a message, importing that if I were reconciled to live without beholding the countenance of my father, that father, when I was absent,, enjoyed neither peace nor repose. The moment I received the message,. I clothed myself in the dress and in humble duty proceeded into the castle. On Tuesday, the 8th of the month, my father drew his breath with great dif!iculty, and his dissolution being evidently at hand he desired that I would despatch someone to summon every ameeer, without exception, to his presence * for I cannot endure,' said he, 'that any misunderstanding should subsist between you and those who, for so many years, have shared in my toil and been the associates of my glory.
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 85
Anxious to comply with his desire, I directed Khwaja Weissy to bring the whole of them to the dying monarch's sick chamber. My father, after wistfully regarding them all around, entreated that they would bury in oblivion all the errors of which he could be justly accused, and proceeded to address them in the following terms, arranged in couplets : —
' Remember the repose and safety which blessed my reign, The splendour and order which adorned my court, O remember. Remember the crisis of my repentance, of my oft revolving beads. The canopy which I prepared for the sanctuary of the Kaabah Let the tear of affection shed rubies over my dust, In your morning orisons turn your thoughts to my soul ; Let your evening invocations irraditate the gloom of night, Do not forget the anguish of the tear-flowing eye, When the chill winds shall visit your courts like the autumnal blast. Think on that cold hand which has so often scattered gold among you.*
" He added the following stanza of four lines : ' Did thou see how the sky shed around its flower-like fascinations ? My soul is on the wing to escape this rage of darkness. That bosom, which the world was too narrow to contain, Has scarcely space enough to inspire but half a breath.'
*' Here I perceived that it might indeed be this mighty monarch's latest breath and that the moment was arrived for discharging the last mournful duties of a son. In tears of anguish I approached his couch, and sobbing aloud I placed my head at my father's feet. After I had then passed in solemn sorrow thrice round him, the dy- ing monarch, as a sign auspicious to my fortune, beckoned to me to take his favourite scimitar, Futteh-ul-Mulk (the conquest of empires), and in his presence to gird it round my waist. Having so done and again prostrated myself at his feet, I renewed my pro- testations of duty. So nearly was I indeed exhausted in these paroxysms of sorrow, that I found at last the utmost difficulty in drawing breath. On the evening of Wednesday, when one watch and four sections of the night were expired, my father's soul took flight to the realms above. He had however previously desired mc to send for Miran Sadrjehan, in order to repeat with him the Kalma Shahdat (the Mahomedan formula of faith : there is no God but God, etc.) which he said was his wish to the last moment, still cherishing the hope that the Almighty disposer of life might yet bestow some prolongation. On his arrival I placed Sadrjehan on both knees by my father's side, and he commenced reciting the creed of the faithful. At this crisis my father desiring
1 86 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
me to draw near threw his arms about my neck and addressed me in the following terms : —
" * My dear boy (baba) take this my last farewell, for here we never meet again. Beware that thou dost not withdraw thy protecting regards from the secluded in my harem — that thou continue the same allowance for subsistence as was allotted by myself. Although my departure must cast a heavy burden upon thy mind, let not the words that are past be at once forgotten. Many a vow and many a covenant have been exchanged between us — break not the pledge which thou hast given me — forget it not. Beware ! Many are the claims which have upon the soul. Be they great or be they small, do not forget them. Call to thy remembrance my deeds of martial glory. Forget not the exertions of that bounty which distributed so many a jewel. My servants and dependants, when I am gone, do not thou forget, nor the afflicted in the hour of need. Ponder word for word on all that I have said — do thou bear all, in mind, and again forget me not! '
** After expressing himself as above he directed Sadrjehan once more to repeat the Kalma, and he recited the solemn text himself with a voice equally loud and distinct. He then desired the Sadr to continue repeating by his pillow the Surah Neish and another chapter of the Koran, together with the Adilah prayer, in order that he might be enabled to render up his soul with as little struggle as possible. Accordingly Sadrjehan had finished the Surah Neish, and had the last words of the prayer on his lips, when with no other symptom than a tear drop in the comer of his eye, my noble father resigned his soul into the hands of his Creator. The venerated remains of my father were now laid on those boards equally allotted to the prince and the pauper ; whence after being bathed in every description of perfume, camphor, musk, and roses, a shroud for his vestment, a coffin for his chamber, they were conveyed to their last repose. One foot of the bier was supported on my own shoulder, the three others by my three sons, until we passed the gate of the castle. Hence my sons and the principal officers of my household, alternately bearing the coffin on their shoulders, proceeded all the way to Secundra where all that was mortal of the renowned Akbar was consigned to the care of heaven's treasury. Thus it was, and thus it will be, while this lower world continues to exist."
(Autobiographical Memoirs of the Emperor Jehangir^ Tr. D. Price, 4 to I pp. 70-78, London, Oriental Translation. Fund, 1829).
There is another contemporary account of the death of Akbar, which is also pretty minute and confirms the account given by Jehangir. This was written by one who was * in the service of Abul Fazl and
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 87
later an official of Akbar's Court, a sort of Lord Almoner, Asad Beg, and occurs in his history of the times, " Wakiat Asad Beg." He was dismissed from his service at Court by Jehangir on his accession, but was afterwards favoured by him and honoured with the title of Peshran Khan. He died in 1861. (Elliot and Dowson, Historians of India, Vol. VI, p. 150.) Asad was not present during the last illness of Akbar.
" As I, Asad, wandering in the wood of evil destiny had started for the second time as envoy to the four southern provinces, Bijapur, Golconda, Bidar, and the Carnatic, I was not present when that peerless sovereign departed this life. When the question of my embassy was in agitation, the Emperor was also projecting a combat between the elephants Chanchal and Giranbar. His Majesty now at rest ordered me not to depart till I had seen the elephant fight; but Fate had ordained otherwise and I was not sorry for it, for as I shall relate. His Majesty had cause for severe anger at that elephant fight which came off after my departure. A few days after I had left Agra, His Majesty had been taken somewhat ill, and in a short time was very much broken down. While he was in this condition the combat of the elephant Chanchal with the elephant Giranbar, belonging to the Royal Prince, came off. While the fight was going on, an angry dispute arose between the servants of Prince Selim and Sultan Khusru and both overstepped the bounds of courtesy. When His Majesty heard of it, he became exceedingly angry, vexed, and enraged, and this so much increased his illness, that the chief physician, one of the most skilful of his time in the healing art, could do nothing more. During the Emperor's illness the weight of affairs fell upon the Khan-i-Azam, and when it became evident that the life of that illustrious sovereign was drawing to a close, he consulted with Raja Man Singh, one of the principle nobles, and they agreed to make Sultan Khusru Emperor.
"They were both versed in business and possessed of great power, and determined to seize the Prince (Selim) when he came, according to his daily custom, to pay his respects at Court, thus displaying the nature of their mind, little considering that the sun cannot be smeared with mud, nor the marks of the pen of destiny be erased by the penknife of treachery. He whom the hand of the power of Allah upholds, though he be helpless in himself, is safe from all evil. The next day that chosen one of Allah, not dreaming of the treachery of his foes, went, as was his wont, to pay his respects at Court, and entered a boat with several of his attendants. They had reached the foot of the tower and were about to disembark, when Mir Zian-ul-
l88 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
Mulk of Kazwin arrived in great agitation and jumped into the boat. He brought word of the hopeless state of the Emperor, and of the treachery and perfidy of those evil men. The boat returned, and His Royal. Highness with weeping eyes and a sore heart, re-entered his private palace, so that through the endeavours of that faithful friend and sincere well-wisher the arrow of those perfidious enemies missed its mark. When the«raw attempt of those wretches had thus been brought to light, and the lofty-flying Phoenix had escaped their treacherous snare, and the curtain which concealed their intentions had been torn, they were obliged to throw off all dissi- mulation.
** At this time the breath was still in the Emperor's body, and all his servants and oflicers were assembled in the audience-room in great distress and agitation. The Khan-i-Azam and Raja Man Singh sat down, and calling all the nobles together, began to consult with them and went so far as to say, ' The character of the mighty Prince Sultan Salim is well known, and the Emperor's feelings towards him are notorious, for he by no means wishes him to be his successor. We must all agree to place Sultan Khusru upon the throne. ' When this was said, Sayyad Khan, who was one of the great nobles and connected with the Royal house, and descended from an ancient and illustrious Mughal family, cried out, ' Of what do you speak, that in the existence of a Prince like Salim Shah, we should place his son upon the throne ! This is contrary to the laws and customs of the Chagatai Tatars and shall never be.' He and Malik Khan, who was also a great chief and well-skilled in business with others of their opinion, rose and left the assembly."
After describing how these machinations were foiled and the ac- cession of Prince Salim was settled, Asad proceeds: **As soon as the Prince was relieved from all anxiety as to the course affairs were taking, he went with the great nobles and Mir Murtaza Khan at their head, without fear, to the fort, and approached the dying Emperor. He was still breathing, as if he had only waited to see that illustrious one. As soon as that most fortunate Prince entered, he bowed himself at the feet of His Majesty. He saw that he was in his last agonies. The Emperor once more opend his eyes and signed to them to invest him with the turban and robes which had been prepared for him, and ta gird him with his own dagger. The attendants prostrated themselve:* and did homage; at the same moment that sovereign, whose sins are forgiven, bowed himself also, and closed his life. A loud lamentation arose on all sides, and groans and cries ascended from the world and race of men, and the voices of the angelic cherubims were heard
.THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 89
saying, ' God created him and to God he has returned.' When the Emperor Akbar died, groans arose from earth to heaven.
"After that sad occurrence the gracious Emperor Jehangir had all iiis confidential servants and faithful friends perform the obsequies of the deceased sovereign, with all the ceremonies due to his rank. When they had gone through the funeral rites prescribed by religion jELnd tradition, and had arrange J the royal corpse in all state, the Emperor, in great pomp with weeping eyes and a sad heart, took the foot of the bier of the deceased king upon his shoulder, and carried it as far as the door of the public reception room ; from thence the great nobles, each anxious for the honour, relieving one another in quick succession, carried His Majesty as far as the gate of the fort. Thence tlie nobles and ministers, and courtiers, and imams jand all his servants and troops, followed the bier with heads and feet uncovered. "
From this account it seems that Asad Beg must have seen Jehangir's narrative which it follows closely. Jehangir circulated his memoirs ^mong his friends and courtiers, and it is likely that Asad Beg also was among these. He was at first in disgrace with the new monarch, but in the end succeeded in pleasing him so far that a title was con- ferred on him. In his chronicle he shows that he was anxious to please Jehangir, and it may very likely have been one of the means by which he regained favour. We might, therefore, safely dismiss this account as being merely an echo of the ** Wakiat-i-Jehangiri."
There is a third and a short account of Akbar's death in the "Takhmila-i-Akbarnama." This work is, as its name implies, a <:ontinuation of the great work of Abul Fazl, who had recorded the history of forty-six years of Akbar's reign when he was murdered. Inayutulla, at the Emperor's command, wrote the account of the last four years, and this is usually found bound up with manuscripts of the Akbarnama of Abu) Fazl. (Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI., p. 103.) In this work Inayatulla says : ** On Monday, the 12th Aban, corre- sponding with the 20th Jumada awwal 10 14 Hijra (September 1605), an illness insinuated itself into the frame of the Emperor and he became indisposed. Hakim Ali, who was the most skilful of physi- cians, was summoned to attend. After considering the symptoms, he refrained for eight days from administering medicine, in the hope that His Majesty's vigour of constitution would overcome the disease. On the ninth day, the debility and symptoms appeared to be aggravat- ed, so the physician resorted to the remedies of his art ; but they produced no good effect for ten days. The complaint in the bowels increased^ and the limbs lost their power. It then became evident
IQO THE DEATH OP AKBAR.
that recovery was hopeless, and that the collar of the world was in the clutches of the Fates. On the 9th Azur, when the age of His Majesty had reached the period of 65 lunar years, he hade adieu to life in the capital of Agra, and took his departure to the paradise of love. On the following day his sacred remains were home by men of all ranks in stately and becoming pomp to the grave and were entered in the garden of Bihishtabad. " {Takhmilai-Akbamama, afud Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI., p. 115.)
The great and famous historical work of Ferishta, who was also a contemporary of Akbar, beyond whose reign it docs not go very far, as it stops at 161 2, touches slightly on this subject and says that the death of Akbar was due to his grief at the death of his favourite son, Prince Daniel. **On the ist of Zehuj (8th April) Prince Daniel died in the city of Burhampore owing to excess of drinking. His death, and the circumstances connected with it, so much affected the King, who was in a declining state of healthy that he every day became worse, till on the 13th of Jemadi Sani, in the year 1014, he died after a reign ot 51 years and some months." (fr. Briggs, Vol. H., p. 280.)
These are all the contemporary Mahomedan accounts of Akbar's death that are to be found now. In fact they reduce themselves to one account, namely, chat of Jehangir. Now Jehangir in spite of his prolixity of detail and of circumstance, does not mention exactly what disease it was precisely that attacked Akbar. He says that indigestion was the complaint, but that could not nave lasted so long, and besides it ought to have been amenable to the skill of the court physicians. And here is another difficulty. Hakim Ali, the physi- cian, seems to have grossly blundered, or worse. And stranger still, Jehangir says he took no notice of it. Here is a royal physician who, when his imperial master is seriously ill, refrains for full eight days from giving htm any medicine I And the Emperor's son takes no notice of his incompetence or criminal folly. And the reason Jehangir gives shows that he carried his good nature to excess. *' If thought I," says he, ''God's destiny and the blunders of the medical clas;$ did not sometimes concur we should never die." He actually said so to the physician and pardoned him ! There are here many grounds for suspicion. Jehangir evidently was very complacent to the man who nearly killed his father ! Mr. Talboys Wheeler indeed suggests that Jehangir actually employed Hakim Ali, the court physician, to poison Akbar, and says that he was capable of such a crime. (History of India, Vol. IV., Pt. I., p. 188 n.). This is too much. Jehangir was an indolent voluptuary, but he was not a determined murderer. He needlessly opposed his father, but it was not in him to go to the length
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. I9I
of murder. Had he the strength of character and determined will of his grandson, Aurangzib, he would have been a parricide like him. But his weak good nature is clearly portrayed in all his actions, and was such as to keep him from so foul a crime.
Moreover, there was no motive for such an unnatural crime on the part of the pleasure-seeking Prince. During his father's last illness there was a formidable intrigue going on for passing him over in the line of succession and putting his son, Khosro, on the throne after Akbar's expected death. Akbar was old, nearing seventy, and in un- certain health after the death of Prince Daniel, Jehangir's brother and rival. Jehangir, if he would have his way to the throne made smooth and clear, would have removed not the dying monarch, whose end was but the question of months, but his own son whom Akbar was known to prefer to him as his successor. At least he would have been more likely to benefit by the death of his son than of his father. But such determined villainy, we think, lay not in him. What he says about his own disposition to forgive his son Khosro seems quite true, and is in conformity with his general character. This son's conduct at a later time during his own reign reminds him of his conduct during his father^s illness, and he says: " He refrained through folly and a false sense of shame from recurring to the only remedy by which he could have been saved from ruin. For, as I stand in the presence of God, had the unhappy Khosro at this moment of returning shame and remorse presented himself before me, not only would his offence have been overlooked, but his place in my esteem would have been higher than anything he had previously enjoyed. Of this he had already experienced the strongest proof, when after his implied conduct during the illness of my father, which I must have suspected to have risen trom hostile views and motives of the most dangerous nature, yet on his bare expression of repentance and a returning sense of duty I freely banished from my mind every unfavourable impression.' {Wakiat, p. 70.) This is true; he forgave the intrigue in favour of Khosro's accession, and not only Khosro but the other intriguers also. Such a man could not have been an accessory to his own father's murder.
What then was Akbar*s illness, the course of which his son describes minutely without alluding to the cause ? The Mahomedan accounts we have seen throw no light on it. But there are two European accounts which clear up the mystery. Unfortunately of Akbar's court and times we have no contemporary account by any European travellers who have left a f j11 narrative behind them. The full and interesting European accounts of the Mughal Court begin some years
192 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
after Akbar's death, with Sir Thomas Roe's narrative of his Embassy to Jehangir's Court. Had we possesed a narrative like Bernier's and Tavernier's, or even like Mandelslo's or Thevenot's for Akbar's reign, we would have a good criterion for judging the Persian historians of that reign, as we possess in these travellers' accounts a criterion for the reigns of the son, grandson and great-grandson of Akbar,— Jehangir, Shah Jehan and Aurangzib. The Catholic priests who were invited by Akbar to his court from time to time had nearly all left before his death, and can therefore tell us nothing about it.
But there is an European account of Akbar's death which was- written only a few years after and published in 1631, and which may be said to be almost a contemporary narrative. It was written by Peter van den Broecke, the first President of the Dutch Factory at Surat who came to India ten years after Akbar's death. He became Director of the Dutch trade in the East in 1620 and was an important personage (cf. Foster, Embassy of Roe , Vol. II., p. 408). He very likely visited the Mughal court to obtain privileges for his nation when Sir Thomas Roe was there. (Anderson ** English in Western India," 1854, p. 19.) He wrote, with the other Dutch factors at Surat, an account of Mughal history from Humayun down to 1628. For the later years this account has the value of a contemporary authority, as the authors were at the time in India. Probably some of the information was supplied by the Mughal's Viceroy at Surat and other high officials with whom the Dutch came into contact. This chronicle was published by the famous Dutch author Johannes De Laet in his Latin work on India called *' De Imperio Magni Mogolis Sive India Vera ; com- mentarius e varius auctoribus congestus :" published at Leyden in 1631 by the famous printers, the Elzevirs. This dainty volume is excess- ively rare and therefore not much consulted by modern writers who have, however, much to glean from it. Sir Roper Lethbridge wrote several years ago about a copy which he had used in these terms : ** The fact that it does not appear to have been consulted by any of the modern writers on Indian subjects is to be explained by the difficulty of procuring a copy of the book. The most careful enquiry in England and India has failed to discover a second copy, either in the market or in a library, and consequently I am justified in assuming that the copy used by me is at present practically unique. "
I was long hunting for this work of De Laet, and but lately suc- ceeded in procuring a copy of this very scarce book. Probably only a very few copies were printed by the Elzevirs, and this accounts for the great difficulty in procuring one. The copy in my possession is one of the two copies that are said to exist in ;India. On communication
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. I93
with Sir Roper Lethbridge, he Jias kindly requested me to collaborate with him in publishing a translation for the Hakluyt Society. This work deserves to be known for the excellent topographical account that it contains of the Moghal Empire when it was at its zenith. On account ol the great rarity of the work, and also on account of the fact that^it is in Latin, it is almost unknown.
The fragment of Mughal History occupies the tenth and last section of the book and forms a large part of the . whole. De Laet thus speaks of its authorship : " nostratum observationes, et imprimis insiene illud Historiae Indicae fragmentum humaniter nobis communicavit insignis vir Petrus van den Broecke, qui aliquot annis Surattae haesit et negotia Societatis Indicae Orien talis cum fide adminstravit." ** The observations of my countrymen and especially the fragment of the history of India, have been communicated to us by the well-known Peter van den Broecke, who was for several years a resident at Surat, and conducted the affairs of our East India Company." This he says in his preface to the very kind reader — praefatio ad humanissimum lectorem. The fragment was originally written in Dutch from which de Laet translated it into Latin. As he says in the separate preface to this section : '* Fragmentum nos e Bel- gico, quod h genuino illis Regni Chronico expressum credimus libere vertisse servata ubique Historiae fide." *' We have translated freely — though everywhere we have preserved faithfulness to historical truth — from the Dutch this fragment which we believe is based on a genuine chronicle of that kingdom." From this we think it very probable ihat Van den Broecke had access to the original chronicle in Chagatai and Persian which was kept by the Great Mughals of their doings. Manucci, the court physician of Aurangzib, as we shall see presently, had also access to it and embodies information obtained .from it in his memoirs in Portuguese. The Persian courtly chroniclers, from whom chiefly our account of Akbar times and those of his immediate successors are derived, suppressed whatever they liked, especially whatever they thought was not flattering to the sovereign. The ** Akbar Nama " of Abul Fazl is an illustration of this, who suppresses unscrupulously and without hesitation every- thing that does not tend to the credit of his patron, and consequently his work is a picture in which there is all light and no shade, and therefore not a trustworthy history. His work, however valuable from other ]ioints of view, has not much value for a just estimate of Akbar's reign and character. His object was to present to posterity the most favourable portrait of his imperial patron to whom he owed
everything. I"*
194 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
But European observers had and could have no motive in sup- pressing^ all adverse information. Hence we find them copying from the genuine chronicle everything they found important without regard to its bearing on :the King's character* Hence we find in van den Broecke the following account of his death, which is very likely taken from the court chronicle — e genuino illud Regni Chronico^ as de La6t calls it : —
" Tandem Rez (Akbar) Myrzae Ghazse Zianii filio qui Sindae et Tattse imperaverat, ob arrogans verbum quod ipse, forte exciderat, iratus, cum veneno e medio tollere decrevit : et in eum finem medico suo man- davit, ut binas ejusdem formas et molis pillulas pararet et earum alteram veneno infceret : hane Gaziae dare proposuerat, medicam ipse sumere ; sed insigni errore res in contrarium vertit, nam Rex quum pillulas manu aliquamdiu versasset, Ghaziae quidem innoxiam pillulam deJit, venenatam vero ipsemet sumsit : Seriusque errore animad- vcrso, quum iam veneni vis venas pervassiset, antidota frustra adhi- biia fucrunt ; itaque Rex salute nondum desperata, Xa-Selim, invi- senti tulbantum quidem suum imposuit, cinxitque ilium gladio patris sui Humayonis, sed extra palatium operiri iussit, neque ad se ingredi antequam convaluisset. Obiit autem Rex duodecimo post die anno Mahometano 1014 postquam annos 60 felicissime imperasset." " At length, the king being angry with Mirza Ghazi, the son of Zianl (Jani) who had been Governor of Sind and Tatta, on account of some overbearing words he had accidentally let fall, determined to get him out of the way by poison : and he ordered his physician with this object to have ready two pills of the same shade and size, into one of which poison should be put. He had intended to give this to Ghazi, and to take the harmless pill himself ; but by an extraordinary error things turned out quite in the contrary way, for the King mixed up the two after he had kept them for a time in his hands, gave the harmless pill to the Ghazi, and himself took the poisoned one. Afterwards when ths error was found out v/hen already the poison had begun to act on his blood, antidotes were administered but to no purpose. Tlie King, therefore, before all hopes of his recovery were given up, put his own tulbanc (turban) on the head of Sha Selim and girded ham with tlie sword of his father Humayun, but he ordered him to be shut out of the palace and not to come near him till he should recover. The King, however, died on the twelfth day after this in the Alahomcdan year 10 14 (A. H.), having ruled most pros- perously for 60 years."
There is evidsnlly a misprint here in de Laut*s excellently printed volume : 60 should be 50. Akbar's reign fell short by a few montlis
THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
195
of a half century ; though according to the Mahomedan reckoning, which is lunar, a reign for nearly 52 years. Akbar himself had adopted the solar reckoning with the ancient Parsi Calendar in his reign. ^
This account of van den Broecke as given by de Lagt is not generally known, and it is certainly startling. It upsets the common notion that Akbar was a good ruler scorning everything base. That he was such for the greater part of his rule no one who knows his history will question. But those who have fully studied history know, what is not generally known, that in the latter part of his reign Akbar degener- ated, and during his last years he was hardly the good and great monarch of his best days. But this is a subject on which we should not like to dwell, especially on the occasion of his Tercentenary. His degeneration is very pathetic and shows that however great as he was, he did not escape for very long the defects of his age and environ- ment. That may be treated on another occasion. As for historical truth it is very necessary that we should know Akbar as he really was at all times and periods, in his zenith as well as nadir. Let it suflice here to say that van den Broecke's account appears to me to be prob- able, and it is only of probabilities that v/e can speak ; certainty is out of the question. The Dutch writer was mostly copying from the coiut chronicle, and he had no reason to invent the story if he did not find it there. He had nothing to do with the politics of the Mughal court and had no side to take, either Jchangir*s, or Khosro's; or any- body else*s. Moreover, he did not write for the Indian or indeed any public at all. His historical fragment was written for the private in- formadon of his employers at home in Holland, and when he came to know that de Laet was writing a description of real India as he called it — ** Descriptio Indian Vcrae " he called his work — he communi- cated it to him for publication. If he was misled in his account, he was misled in good faith. If the account is invented, it is certainly not by him. How could he have invented such a circumstantial story as this? He must have feu nd it in India. Now there is no Persian source from which he could have taken it, except the court chronicle which he professes to have ussd, for no Persian history that is known to us contains such an account. The account bears primd Jade signs of baxng true.
Thattha Mughal court chronicle is the source of Broecke's informa- tion, receives conarmation from the fact that Manucci, who had un- doubted access t3 it, has the same story to account for the death of Akbar. Manucci was for fcrty-eight years at the Mughal court of Shah Jehau and Aurangzib, under the latter of whom he was court
•S^cny artidc in the Calcttiia Reviuw, January 1897: " Akbar and the Parsis'* pp ic3«— SCO.
196 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
physician. He wrote his memoirs in Portuguese, and on these manu- script memoirs Catrou has based his history of the Mughals so import- ant for a right understanding of that period as the only trustworthy European account For the reign of Akbar it is particularly valuable, as Catrou uses also the accounts written by the Jesuit priests at Akbar's court. Manucci's memoirs are hitherto known only through Catrou's work. But recently Mr. Irvine, late of the Indian Civil Service, has discovered the greater part of these memoirs in the original in two or three libraries in Venice and Paris : and is at present, I learn, engaged in editing them in four volumes for the Indian Govern- ment (Buckland, Diet,, Indian Biography, ). He has given a brief account of his interesting discovery before the Royal Asiatic Society in 1903.
Catrou thus gives Manucci's account : ** One day when the Mughal was hunting in the environs of Agra, he lost sight of his attendants, and being much fatigued sat himself down at the foot of a tree which afforded a welcome shade. Whilst he was trying to compose himself to sleep, he saw approaching him one of those long caterpillars, of a flame colour, which are to be found only in the Indies. He pierced it through with an arrow, which he drew from his quiver. A little time afterwards, an antelope made its appearance, within bow shot The Emperor took aim at it, with the same arrow witli which he had pierced the caterpillar. Notwithstanding the antelope received the shaft in a part of its body, which was not susceptible of a mortal wound, the animal instantaneously expired. The hunters of the prince, who opened the beast, found the flesh black and corrupted, and all the dogs who ate of it died immediately. The Emperor knew from this circumstance, the extreme venom of the poison of the caterpillar. He commanded one of the oflicers of his suite to get it conveyed to his palace. It was on this occasion, that the Emperor created the oflice of poisoner, an oflice till then unknown to the Mughal Government By the instrumentality of this new oflicer, Akbar quietly disposed of the nobles and the Rajas whom he believed to be concerned in the conspiracy of Mustapha. Poisoned pills were compounded for him, which he obliged them to take in his presence. The p>oison was slow in its operation, but no remedies could obviate its mortal eflects. This peroicious invention proved fatal to its author. Akbar carried always about him a gold box, which was divided into three compartments. In one was his betel, in another the cordial pills, which he used after a repasty and in the thtrd were the poisoned pills. One day it happened that he took inadvertently one ot the poisoned pills and became him- self a victim to its fatal power. He immediately felt liimself struck
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 1 97
with death. He, in vain, made trial of all the remedies prescribed for him by the Portuguese physicians. His illness was a lingering one, and he died in the year 1605." (History of Mughal Dynasty^ pp. 133-4, ed. 1826.)
It is evident that Catrou, who wrote his history in 1715, did not copy from de Laet this account ; but that bofh took from a common source, the one which they avow, the Mughal court chronicle. Their accounts of Akbar's death supplement each other. Catrou knew of de Last's work, which he thus mentions in connection with the very source we are discussing : '* I had no reason to doubt the existence in the archives of the Mughal Empire, of an exact chronicle, in which the principal events were narrated at length. It is from memoirs drawn from the chronicle, that Jean Laet has composed his notice of the Mughal States. He speaks of it in the following terms : Nos frag- mentum e Belgico quod genuino illius Regni Chronico expressum credimus libere vertimus. I had, moreover, the most convincing evidence attainable in such matters, of the veracity of the Mughal chronicle, of which I possessed a translation in the Portuguese tongue. M. Manucci assures us that he has caused it to be translated with great care from the original lodged in the palace written in the Persian language. The Venetian does not appear to have been sparing of expense that he might be enabled to transmit to Europe exact docu- ments of the Empire in which he resided. He has procured portraits to be painted at a great charge, by the artists of the harem, of the Emperors and the eminent men of the Mughal Empire." It is interesting to note that these paintings have been discovered in the Library of St. Mark, at Venice, by Mr. Irvine.
So much, therefore, about the authenticity of the accounts of de Laet and of Manucci as given by Catrou. No reasonable doubt can be thrown on it and on the fact that they are based in the chronicle of the Mughals themselves. The Persian writers have suppressed its narrative of Akbar's death, as they justly thought it to be very damaging to the memory of that great monarch. But historical truth demands that we should know it, however much we may regret the necessity of bringing it into notice. All the accounts of Akbar's death, as Sir R. Lethbridge says, have been derived either from the narra- tive of Jehangir himself, or from other sources almost equally interested in maintaining the good reputation of the Imperial family. {Calcutta Review^ Vol. LVII, p. 200.) Nearly all modern accounts, (Elphinstone's, p. 531), Mr. Keene's (History of Hindustan^ p. 59, 1885), Malleson's (Akhary pp. 41-4, 1890), Count de Noer's (Vcl. II, p. 425), follow Jehangir's or Asad Beg's story we have given at the
198 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
beginning. Only Mr. Talboys Wheeler rejects it and follows Catrou. But
not having seen de Last's account he makes the mistake of supposing
that Jehangir caused him to be poisoned. Count de Noer says in a note
(Vol. II, p. 425) that Mr. Wheeler should not have given credence to
the poison story. But beyond saying that it is ** palpably correct,"
which it certainly is not, he advances no ground for disbelieving it.
He, indeed, says ** it deserves no refutation." It stands, indeed, in
great need of refutation if it can be refuted. But de Noer was a very
enthusiastic admirer of Akbar, and he naturally refuses to believe
anything derogatory to the consistently high character which he has
imagined for his hero Moreover, the second volume of his work
was published posthumously from his papers by his Secretary,
Dr. Gustav ven Buchwald, and we must make allowance for this, while
finding fault with his beautiful panegyric rather than history. An
instance of the want of care in this part of the work is afforded by
the fact that Mr. Wheeler's authority for his statement is not Tod, as
is said in de Noer's work, but Catrou. Mr. Wheeler refers to Catrou
in the passage referred to in the second volume of de Noer.
A third European account of Akbar's death is that by the celebrated English traveller. Sir Thomas Herbert, who came to India and was at Agra in 1628-29. ^^ wrote at almost the same time as van den Broecke, with whose account his very closely agrees.
•* Ecbar taking distaste," says Herbert, ** against Mirza Ghashaw(the Viceroy of Tutta's son, and formerly high in his favour) for speaking one word which Ecbar ill interpreted, no submission will serve his turn, no less than his life must pay for it. To which end the King's physician was directed to prepare two pills of like shape, but contrary operation ,* G bashaw must be trusted with them, and bring them to Ecbar ; who (imagining by a private mark he knew the right) bids Ghashaw swal- low the other. Ghashaw ignorant of the deceit, by chance light upon the best, so as Ecbar by mistake was poysoned. Too soon the miser- able Mogol perceives his errour, and too late repents his choler ; but (for shame concealing the cause) after fourteen days' torment and successless trial to expel the poyson yields up the ghost, in the 73rd year of his age, and 52 of his reign ; and with all possible solemnity in Tzekander (three course from Agray) in a monument which he had prepared, that great Monarch was buried." (Hebert, Travels into Africa and Asia the Great, p. 75, ed. 1665.)
The Mughal court chronicle's account of Akbar*s death, as given by de LaSt, Mannuci, Catrou and Herbert receives confirmation from an- other and an independent source. In the chronicles of Rajputs it is stated that Akbar died of poison. Akbar came into great and constant con-
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. I99
tact with the Rajputs with whose great ruling families he allied himself by marriage. They certainly ought to know the truth about his death. Tod thus relates the story in his chronicles of the Rajputs of Mewar : '* If the annalist of the Boondi State can be relied upon, the very act which caused Akbar's death will make us pause ere we subscribe to these testimonies of the worth of departed greatness ; and disregarding the adage of only speaking good of the dead, compel us to institutCi in imitation of the ancient Egyptians, a posthumous inquest on the character of the monarch of the Mughals. The Boondi records are well worthy of belief, as diaries of events were kept by her princes, who were of the first importance in this and the succeeding reigns ; and they may be more likely to throw a light upon points of character of a tendency to disgrace the Mughal king than the histo- rians of his court, who had every reason to withhold such. A desire to be rid of the great Raja Man of Amber, to whom he was so much in- debted, made the Emperor descend to act the part of the assassin. He prepared a majoont, or confection, a part of which contained poison ; but caught in his own snare, he presented the innoxious portion to the Rajput and ate that drugged with death himself. We have a sufficient clue to the motives which influenced Akbar to a deed so unworthy of him, and which was more fully developed in the reign of his successor ; namely, a design on the part of Raja Man to alter the succession, and that Khosro, his nephew, should succeed instead of Selim. With such a motive, the aged Emperor might have admitted with less scruple the advice which prompted an act he dared not openly undertake, without exposing the throne in his latter days to the dangers of civil conten- tion, as Raja Man was too powerful to be openly assaulted." {Rajasthatiy Vol. I, p. 351 — 2 ed. 1829.)
This account agrees in the main point with the other accounts ; but differs in the details as to the person who was to be poisoned and why. These were not matters of fact but of opinion, and opinions may vary. But whether Akbar intended to poison Raja Man Singh, his Rajput wife's brother, or any other noble, it is pretty clear that he unwittingly poisoned himself. This, let it be repeated once again, is a very melan- choly conclusion to which to come to, and I wish I could avoid coming to it. But I think it cannot be helped. It is melancholy to reflect that Akbar after all did not escape the dangers of his high and irresponsible position as an unconstitutional autocrat.
About the exact date of Akbar's death there is not much doubt All who chronicle it have given dates which, /n^r^^, agree except Jehan- gir, who puts it ten days later ; but he is evidently mistaken, and his dates throughout are somewhat confused. Inayutulla, in the work
20O THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
above quoted, '* Takmila-i-Akbar Nama,'* gives the date as 12th of Jemada-i-Akhir or the latter Jemada of 1014 of the Hijra era. Ferishta • has the 13th of the same month. This difference of a day does not* matter much. Muhamad Amin in his " Anfan-1-Akbar " gives the 12th • (Elliot, VI, 248) and agrees with these. Abdul Baki says that Akbar died on 23rd Jemada-i-Auwal or the first Jemada. Here ** Auwal " is • evidently a mistake for ** Akhir." The year 10 14 commenced on 9th May 1605 (Sewell and Dikhshit, Indian Calendar, p. CXXXIV, Table XVI), from which the 12th Jemada-i-Akhir would be 12th and 13th October 1605, as the Musalmanday commenced at sunset.
The duration of Akbar's reign was from Rabi-ul- Akhir, 963, to. Jemad-i-Akhir 1014, that is, 51 years and 2 months. These are lunar years, which are equal to 49 solar years and 7 months. According to English reckoning he reigned from March 1556 to October 1605. (Cf. Table of Akbar's regnal years in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. V, p. 246 ; Sewell and Dikhshit, op. cit. p. CXXXIII.) Akbar, therefore, missed his Jubilee of half a century by only 5 months. But he might have*, celebrated his Jubilee according to the original Jewish or Biblical reckoning, and I believe French reckoning too — at the commencement of his fiftieth year, /.^., when he had completed his seven weeks of years, 7x7=49. (Leviticus, XXV. 8.)
Akbar is buried at Secundra, a village five miles from Agra the capita] that he had built and so lavishly decorated, in one of the most splendid buildings in which such a soul could love to linger amid the stately piles that he had erected. This mausoleum, this '* sculptured sorrow " as Ruskin well called such structures, was designed and partly • built by Akbar himself. But it was left incomplete at his death and never finished according to his design. Beautiful as it is, it strikes the practised eye as imperfect and incomplete. And we may fancy, it is better so. It symbolises in a striking manner the incompleteness of his work for India. He was a man of vast designs and noble visions. Many of these he lived to see realised. But many, too, remained mere designs. They were never carried out by him in his later years, and in his successors' times his noble visions were chased away. Well has the great poet of England represented this monarch as dreaming and having a presentiment that his noble work was in- complete and would be rendered still more so by his sons and successors :
** I dream'd That stone by stone I rear'd a sacred fane, A temple, neither Pagod, Mosque, nor Church, But loftier, simpler, always open door'd
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 20I
To every breath from heaven, and Truth and Peace, And Love and Justice came and dwelt therein ; But while we stood rejoicing:, I and thou, I heard a mocking- laugh, ' the new Koran ! ' And on the sudden, and with a cry * Saleem ' Thou, thou, I sav7 thee falling before me, and then Me too the black-winged Azrael overcame. But Death had ears and eyes ; I watch'd my son, And those that follow' d, loosen stone from stone. All my fair work.**
His son tampered with the design of this inausoleuin as he tampered with so many of his father's designs. In another way the last resting place of this great monarch is symbolical of him and his work. Its de- sign is Hindu, rather Buddistic, and not Mahomedan. He seems to have purposely done this to mark his predilection for by far the larger proportion of his subjects. Everything Hindu had a great attraction for him ; he allied himself with Hindu princely families by marrying Rajput wives and encouraged his nobles to do likewise ; he adopted many of the Hindu customs, and almost totally abstained from the flesh of the cow and other such animals ; he borrowed also much from their religion in his new ** Ileshi Faith." In fact, he was more a Hindu than a Mahomedan. The Hindus believe Akbar to have been in a former birth a Brahman saint ( Vide Sir M. Monier Williams' Brahmanism and Hinduism^ p. 318, ed. 1891.) It was therefore in the fitness of things that his mortal remains should rest (on this earth) in a building designed after the old Hindu model, more like one of those Buddist viharas than any Mahomedan mausoleum. Then also in death, as in life, he showed his disregard for the precepts of the faith of his fathers, and ordered his body to be buried with his face turned towards the rising sun, which he adored in life, following the Hindus and Parsis in this respect, and turned away from Mecca, — a position contrary to that of all Mahomedans.
The historian of Indian architecture, Fergusson, has well described this noble building in a way to give us an idea of its excellence as well as defects : —
<<
Perhaps the most characteristic of Akbar's buildings is the tomb he commenced to erect for himself at Secundra, near Agra, which is quite unlike any other tomb built in India either before or since, and of a design borrowed, as I believe, from a Hindu or, more correctly, Buddist model. It stands in an extensive garden, still kept up, approached by one noble gateway. In the centre of this garden, on a raised platform, stands the tomb itself, of a pyramidal form. The lower storey measures 320 ft. each way, exclusive of the angle towers.
202 THE DEATH OF AKBAR
It IS 30 ft. in height, and pierced by ten great arches on each face, and with a larger entrance adorned with a mosaic of marble in the centre.
" On this terrace stands another far more ornate, measuring 186 ft. on each side, and 14 ft. 9 in. in height. A third and a fourth of a similar design, and respectively 15 ft. 2 in. and 14 ft. 6 in. high, stand on this, all these being of red sandstone. Within and above the last is a white marble enclosure 157 ft. each way, or externally just half the length of the lowest terrace, its outer wall entirely composed of marble trellis-work of the most beautiful pattern. Inside it is sur- rounded by a colonnade or cloister of the same material, in the centre of which, on a raised platform, is the tombstone of the founder, a splendid piece of the most beautiful arabesque tracery. This, how- ever, is not the true burial-place ; but the mortal remains of this great king repose under a far plainer tombstone in a vaulted chamber in the basement 35 ft. square, exactly under the simulated tomb that adorns the summit of the mausoleum.
** At first sight it might appear that the design of this curious and exceptional tomb was either a caprice of the monarch who built it, or an importation from abroad. My impression, on the contrary, is that it is a direct imitation of some such building as the old Buddist viharas which may have existed, applied to other purposes in Akbar's time. Turning to the representations of the great rath at Mahavellipore, it will be seen that the number and proportion of the storeys is the same. The pavilions that adorn the upper storeys of Akbar's tomb appear distinct reminiscences of the cells that stand on the edge of each of the rock-cut example. If the tomb had been crowned by a domical cham- ber over the tombstone, the likeness would have been so great that no one could mistake it, and my conviction is, that such a chamber was part of the original design. No such royal tomb remains open exposed to the air in any Indian mausoleum ; and the raised plat- form in the centre of the upper cloister, 38 ft. square, looks so like its foundation that I cannot help believing it was intended for that purpose. As the monument now stands, the pyramid has a truncated and unmeaning aspect. The total height of the building now is a little more than 100 ft. to the top of the angle pavilions ; and a central dome 30 or 40 ft. higher, which is the proportion that the base gives, seems just what is wanted to make this tomb as beautiful in outline and in proportion as it is in detail. Had it been so completed, it cer- tainly would have ranked next the Taj among Indian mausolea.)*'
(Fergusson. Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 583 — ^51 ed. 1816.)
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 20^
To support his theory that this noble structure is unfinished and that it lacks the central dome, which must have been a feature of the original design, Fergusson quotes from. the English traveller Finch, whose journal, as given by Purchas in his famous collection, he says he saw after he had formed his theory. Finch resided for several years in Agra at the beginning of Jehangir*s reign and saw the mausoleum while it was building, about 1609. "At my last sight thereof there was only overhead a rich tent with a semiane over the tomb. But it is to be inarched over with the most curious white and speckled marble and to be seeled all within with pure sheet gold richly inwrought." (Purchas, his Pilgrims, Vol. I, p. 400, ed. 1626.) There is another account contemporary with the above, and written also by an English traveller who saw this mausoleum in course of erection, which Fergus- son might have quoted, as it is also given in Purchas* collection.
Fergusson might have quoted the testimony of another traveller who was in India at the end of Jehangir*s and the beginning of Shah Jehan's reign, 1627—28, Sir Thomas Herbert, who, too, says that the mausoleum was not completed even more than twenty years after Akbar's death. '* At Secundra, three course (or five miles) from Agra, as we go to Labor, is the mausoleum or burial place of the Great Moguls, the foundation of which was begun by Ecbar, the super- structure continued by Jangheer, his son, and is yet scarce finished, albeit they have already consumed 14 millions of roopees in that Wonder of India."— Travels into Africa and Asia the Great, p. 67, ed. 1665).
Herbert continues his account ax follows : — " It well merits a little more in that descr ption. It is called Scander, }>., Alexander, a place where the greatest of Grecian Kings made his He plus when he made his utmost progress or march into India ; ivhich place Ecbar, the most magnifique Prince of Tamerlane's race, selected as the noblest place of burial. 'Tis a mausoleum of four large squares, each side has about three hundred paces ; the material is free-stone well polished ; at each angle is raised a small tower of party-coloured or chequered marble: ten foot higher than that is another tower, on every side beautified with three towers ; the third gallery has two on each side ; the fourth} one ; the fifth, half; and a small square gallery or tarrass about mounting in the whole to a royal Pyree, resembling not a little that famous ScHizonium Se^yeri Imfer in ancient Rome which you have represented in sculpture by Laurus, or (but in far less proportion) that famous tower which Semiramis built in Babylon) and dedicated to the memory of Jupiter Belus, her husband's great Ancestor. In this at the very top within is the mummy of Ecbar, bedded in a coffin of gold. The whole structure is built in the midst of a spacious garden, which is surrounded with a wall of red* coloured stone, and in that is a rail mounted by six stairs, which discovers a little garden, but exquisitely beautiful and delightful ; so that ot this noble fabric I may say,
^^des es*, qualis ioto Sol aureus OrbeiVix videt —
Such a monument) The Sun through all the world sees none more gent/*
(Herbert) Travels, p. 67, ed. 1665.) The name Secundra is derived not, as here fancifully suggested) from Secunder or Alexander the Great) but from Secunder Lodi, the great Afghan ruler of India from 1489 — 1517.
204 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
Captain William Hawkins also saw the tomb of Akbar before com- pletion, while he was at Agra in 1611. His journey thither and resi- dence at the court of Jehangir may be looked upon, says Sir Clement Markham, as the opening scene in the history of the English in India. (Hawkins' Voyages, p. xlv, Hakluyt Soc. Edition). Hawkins, it may be added, was induced by Jehangir to marry the daughter of Mabarik Khan, an Armenian who went to England and died on his voyage home at the Cape in 16 13. His description, given by Purchas in 1626 in his ** Pilgrims," is as follows: — ** After I had written this, there came into my memory another Feast» solemnized at his Father's Funerall, which is kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himselfe with all his posterity, meane to be buried. Upon this day there is great store of victualls dressed, and much money given to the poore. This Sepulchre may be counted one of the rarest Monuments of the world. It hath beene this fourteene yeares a building, and it is thought it will not be finished these seven yeares more, in ending gates and walls, and other needfull things for the beautifying and setting of it forth. The least that worke there daily, are three thousand people ; but thus much I will say, that one of our workmen will dispatch more than three of them. The Sepulchre is some J of a mile about, made square ; it hath seven heights built, every height narrower than the other, till you come to the top where his Herse is. At the outermost gate before you come to the Sepulchre, there is a most stately Palace building : the compasse of the wall to this gate of the Sepulchre and
garding, being within, may be at least three miles. This Sepulchre is some foure miles distant from the citee of Agra." {Apiid Hawkins' Voyages (Hakluyt Society's ed., 1878, p. 442.)
In this extract from William Hawkins s^iven by Purch.is there is also just a reference to Akbar's death without any details. "ThisSelim Padasha being in rebellion, his father dis- possessed him, and proclaimed haireapparenbhis eldest Sonne Cossero (Khosru), being eldest Sonne to Sehinshai for his owne Sonnes, younger Brothers to Selim, we^^e all dead in Decan and Guzerat ; yet shortly after his Father dyed, who in his death-bed had mercy on Selim* possessing him againe*" (^Ibid, p. 418.) Another European traveller who was in India within three years after Akbar's death, in lbo8, at the same time as William Hawkins, to whom he refers, Pyrard de Leval, also slightly alludes to the death in the following passage in his book of travels : " When this prince Achebar died all India was in disquietude and alarm, for the war that was feared would ensue in those parts ; for that king was greatly dreaded and feared of all the other Indian kings. And it can be said with assurance that he is lord of the fairest and best countries and of the most valiant people in the world as the Tartars are« Many of his people, too, are exceedingly rich and cultivated. None speak of the Turk in all the Indies, but only of the great Achebar ; and when his subject-kings themselves speak of him, they bow their heads in token of respect." (Voyage of Pyrard de Leval, Vol. II., pt. I., pp. tst-h Hakluyt Soc, ed.)
Shortly after William Hawkins and Finch had written their accounts^ Edward Terry, who came as a chaplain in Sir Thomas Roe's train to
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 205
the Moghul Court, thus described the tomb. Though published in 1655, his account was written somewhat earlier :
** Amongst many very fair piles there dedicated to the remembrance of their dead, the most famous one is at Secundra, a village three miles from Agra ; it was begun by Achabar-sha, the late Mogul's father (who there lies buried), and finished by his son, who since was , laid up beside him. The materials of that most stately sepulchre are marble of divers colours, the stones so closely cemented together that it appears to be but one continued stone, built high like a pyramid, with many curiosities about it, and a fair mosque by it ; the garden wherein it stands is very large (as before) and compassed about with a wall of marble. This most sumptuous pile of all the structures that vast monarchy affords, is most admired by strangers. Tom Coryct had a most exact view thereof, and so have many Englishmen ; other Englishmen had ; all which have spoken very great things of it.'* (^A Voyage to the East Indies t p. 291-2, ed. 1777.)
The following passage in Jehangir's Autobiographical Memoirs alludes to the fact that the builders had altered the original design. Writing about the events of the third year of his reign (1608) he says : ** When I had obtained the good fortune of visiting the tomb, and had examined the building which was erected over it, I did not 5nd it to my liking. My intention was that it should be so exquisite that the travellers of the world could not say they had seen one like it in any part of the inhabited earth. While the work was in progress, in consequence of the rebellious conduct of the unfortunate Khosru, I was obliged to march towards Lahore. The builders had built it according to their own taste, and had altered the original design at their discretion. The whole money had been thus expended, and the work had occupied three or four years. I ordered that clever architects, acting in concert with some intelligent persons, should pull down the objectionable parts which I pointed out. By degrees a very large and magnificent building was raised, with a nice garden round it, entered by a lofty gate, consisting of minarets made of white stone. The total expense of this large building was reported to amount to 50,000 tomans of Irak and forty-five lacs cf khanis of Turan. " ( Wakiyat-i-Jehangirif apud Elliot and Douson, VoL VI., pp. 319-20.)
Later in these Memoirs he again mentions the comb in the following words : — '* I considered it a sacred duty to visit the tomb of my father at Secundra, ov^r which the buildings I had long since ordered had been now completed, and, in truth, it exhibited to the view in all its parts an object of infinite gratification and delight. In the first place, it
2o6 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
was surrounded by an enclosure or colonnade, which afforded stand- ing for 8,000 elephants and a proportion of horses, the whole being built on arches, and divided into chambers. The principal gate by which you enter is thirty cubits wide, by as many in height, with a tower erected on four lofty arches, terminating in a circular dome ; the whole one hundred and twenty cubits high, divided into six storeys, and decorated and inlaid with gold and lapis lazuli from roof to base- ment. This superb portico, as it may be called, has also on each of its four sides (angles, properly) a minaret of hewn stone three storeys or stages in height. From the entrance to the building in which re- poses all that is earthly of my royal father, is a distance of nearly a quarter of a parsany, the approach being under a colonnade floored with red stone finely polished, five cubits wide. On each side of the colonnade in a garden planted with cypresses, are wild pine, plane and supary trees (the betel-nut tree or arek) in great number ; and in the gardens on each side, and at the distance of a bow shot from each other, are reservoirs of water, from each of which issues a fountain or jet d*eau, rising to the height of ten cubits, so that from the grand entrance to within a short distance of the shrine we pass between twenty of these fountains. Above the tomb itself is erected a pavilion of seven storeys, gradually lessening to the top, and the seventh terminating in a dome or cupola, which, together with the other buildings connected with it in ever}' part oi the enclosure, is all of poiisheu marbte throughout ; and all completed, from 6rst to last, at the expense of 180 lakhs of rupees. In addition to this I nave provided tliat a supply of two hundred measures or services of food and two hundred of confectionery should be daily distributed to the poor from the sacred edifice, and that no strangers should ever be required to dress their own meals, though their number should amount to a thousand horse. When I entered on this occasion the fa' 1 ic which enclosed my father's remains, such were my impressions th t I could have ;=. iVmed the departed monarch was still alive, and seated on his throne, and that I was come to ofiTer my usual salutation of homage and filial duty. I prostrated myself, however, at the foot of the tomb, and bathed it with the tears of regret and sincerity. On leaving the venerated spot, and in propitiation of the pure spirit which reposed there, I distributed the sum of 50,000 rupees among tlie resident poor." {Wakiyat*%'Jchangir%^ pp. 119-20,)
The final passage militates against Mr. Wheeler's theory that Jchangir had his father poisoned by Uie ph3'sician Haktn All. For if he had really been instrumental in bringing about his fath3r'5 dcatli, he would assuredly not have written tlius. Elsewhere, too, he writ3s with profound reverence for his deceased father. At the commence-
THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 207
ment of the account of the third year of his reign he says : ** As the magnificent sepulchre of my father was on the road, I thoug^ht that if I now went to see it, ignorant people would consider that I went to visit it only because it was on my road. I, therefore, deter- mined that I should proceed direct to the city (Agra), and then as my father, in accordance with his vow respecting my birth, had gone on foot from Agra to Ajmir, in the same manner I would also walk from the city to his splendid sepulchre, a distance of two and-a-half kos. Would that I could have gone this distance upon my head ! . . . On Thursday, the 17th, I went on foot to see the resplendent sepulchre of my father. If I could I would travel this distance upon my eyelashes or my head. My father, when he made a vow respect- ing my birth, had gone on foot from Fathpur to Ajmir on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the great Khwaja Murim Din Chisti, a space of 120 JeoSf and it would, therefore, be nothing very great if I were to go this short distance upon my head or eyes" (apud Elliot and Douson, Vol. VI., pp.316 — 319). Jehangir, if he were really a parricide, must have been dowered with incredible hypocrisy to write in this Pecksniflian vein. Many faults and even crimes must, doubt- less, be laid to his charge ; but we cannot add this the most repulsive of offences to the catalogue.
Bishop Heber's description of this mausoleum, based upon a visit which he paid to it during his tour in ** Upper India " as he calls it, in 1826, is often quoted, and is given here in a note. But, in truth, to describe this as well as other monuments of the magnificent Moghuls at Delhi and Agra, Fathcpur, Sikhri and Secundra, worthily, would tax the genius of a master of language as well as of archi- tecture, of a prose poet like Ruskin. I often wonder, indeed, that that great man never came to India considering that his earliest inspira- tion was drawn from this country and the ancient monuments which are in our close vicinity, as witnessed by his youtiiful poem on the Ele- phanta Caves. Had he come here, he would have found in these Moghul buildings materials for a work on, say, the ** Stones of Agra," in every way as interesting and abounding in word-pictures as his ** Stones of Venice."
Hcber writes under date January £i, 183$: ** This morning we arrived at Secundra} a ruinous rillage without a bazaar, but remarkatic for the magnificent tomb of Akbar, the most Rplcndid building in its way which 1 had yet seen in India. It stacd;? in a square area of about forty English acres, enclosed by an embattled wall, with octagonal tov^ers at the angles sur- mounted by open pavilions and tour very noble gatewajs of red granite, the principal of which is inlaid with white marble, and has four high marble minarctj. The space within is planted with trees and divided into green allcyM, leading to the central building, which is a •Oft of solid pyramid surrounded externally with cloisters, gallerie««, and denies, diminishing gradually on ascending it, till it ends in a square platform •f while marble, sturroundttd h\
2o8 THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
most elaborate lattice-work of the same material, in the centre of which is a small altar tomb, also ot white marble, carved with a delicacy and beauty which do full justice to the material aiid to the (graceful forms of Arabic characters which form its chief ornament. At the bottom of the building, in a small but very lofty vault, is the real tomb of this great monarch, plain and unadorned, but also of white marble. There are many other ruins in the vicinity, some of them apparently handsome, but Akbar's tomb leaves a stranger little time or indina- tion to look at anything else. Government have granted money for the repair of the tomb, and an officer of engineers is employed on it. A serjeant of artillery is kept in the place, who lives in one of the gateways ; his business is to superintend a plantation of sissoo trees made by Dr. Wallich." — Heber, Narrativei Vol. I., pp. 585-6, 4th ed., i8a8.
Elphinstone has noted that this splendid pile served as quarters for an European regiment of dragoons for a year or two after the first conquest of that territory by the British (History of India, p. 531, &c.) in 1803. It lay neglected for a long time, the only attention it received being the white-washing of its marble walls ! (Howell, Agra and the Taj, 1904, p. 96.) But Lord Curzon's recent orders are applicable to this in common with other Moghul buildings, and sincerely do we hope that better care will be taken in future of this the last rest- ing place of the Greatest Moghul.
"I ;
Art. XV. The first Englishman tn India and his WorkSy especially his Christian Puran.
By J. A. Saldanha, B.A., LL.B* ReiMd ist October igo6.
The earliest record we have of an Englishman having visited India is contained in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a), and the next in William of Malmeshury's Latin Works De Gestis Refrum Anglo- rum (3) and De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum (3), according to which it appears that Sighelmus, Bishop of Sherborne, being sent by King Alfred in 883 A. D. with presents to the Pope, proceeded thence to the East Indies to visit with alms the tomb of St. Thomas, the Apostle. Although after reading the recent erudite work (c) of Bishop Medlycott on the question of location of the tomb of St. Thomas, one could see litde ground for doubting the ancient tradition locating it at Meliapur near Madras, we cannot, in the face of some strong arguments adduced to prove the contrary by a few distinguished writers (d), go so far as to maintain as a fact beyond doubt that the tomb of St. Thomas was as early as 883 A.D. known in Europe to be located within what is known at present as India, and that therefore Sighel- mus, King Alfred's messenger, ever visited India.
The first Englishman then that we can with certainty assert to have come to India was Thomas Stephens, a priest of the Society of Jesus. He was discovered in Goa in 1583 by the first batch of English com- mercial adventurers that travelled to India — John Newbery, Ralph Fitch, William Bets and James Story, who were thrown into prison by the Portuguese in that year and were released after a few days, a favour which Newbery and Fitch in the accounts {e) of their adven- tures attribute in grateful terms to the intervention of two good
(o) TTie Anglo-Saxon Chronicle according to several Original Auikorities, edited with a translation by Benjamin Thorpe. (See Vol. II., p. 56). (6) Hakluyt's Collection of Early Voyages^ &»c„ (i8Xo), Vol. II., p. ?8. (0 Itulia and the Afo&tle Thomas by A. E. Medlycott. (<0 The Syrian Church in India by George Milne Rae (iHpa).
(r) Hakluyt's Collection of Early Voyages^ &»c. (iSxo), Vol. II., pp. 176, 380. ^i, 384. M
aiO THE FIRST ENOUSHMAN IN INDIA.
fathers, Thomas Stephens, whom they describe to be an Englishman and a Jesuit bom in Wiltshire, and a Fleming priest called Mark.
Of the several letters written by Stephens from Goa only two are preserved and give us some glimpse into his life after he had left Europe : one written to his father on loth November 1579 after his arrival in Goa, the original of which is preserved in the National Library at Brussels and is printed in the Hakluyt's Collection of the Early Voyages , &'c,f (/) and the second one dated at Goa 24th Octo- ber 1583 addressed to his brother in Paris, a translation of which is printed in the Afangalore Maj^azine (jg). The letters which Stephens wrote to his father, apparently then a leading merchant in London, are s^d to have roused considerable enthusiasm (A) in England about the prospects of trade with the East Indies, and thus was laid the founda- tion of those ambitious projects of trade with India which bore their fruit in the formation of the East India Company. Stephens may therefore be said to be not only the first Englishman that came to India, but the pioneer of the British Indian Empire; though it must be noted that the 'links of connection between England and India forged by this first Englishman that set his foot in this country were not commercial, or material, but were of a spiritual and literary nature.
The life story (t) of Thomas Stephens is briefly told : so little is known of it, a privilege which he shares with his great contemporary Shakespeare. Bom in Wiltshire about the year 1549 and educated at New College, Oxford, he narrowly escaped being sent to a life-long prison or put to death, as were many of his companions during the religious persecution of the Catholics. He soon found his way to Rome, where he entered the Society of Jesus. His zeal for the conversion of India was rewarded by his selection as a missionary to proceed to Goa. He left Lisbon in April 1579 and arrired at Goa in October of the same year. He laboured for 40 long years in the penin- sula of Salsette and consolidated Christianity among its new converts from the Brahman and other castes. He made himself quite at home amidst the charming cocoanut gloves and among the intelligent and zealous converts, obtained a complete mastery over their classical langu-
(/) md. p. sgt.
({) Mmmgmiotng Mmgmaime, VoL I., p. 225.
(A) R'fmrt 9m ffa- OU Records of ike fndim Office, by Sir George Birdwood (1S91X p. 19^. See also Bmythprnim Brmmmiem (9th editi.Mi). VoL XII* p. '98.
(0 Hakluyt's CWZcvTim of ^oymga, ^Fc^ < Sto). Vol. lU p. 380 (margiiuU noteX Dodds* CAnrdb Bisitfry, VoL II.. p. 133. Sir Mooer VorrfwWilKain's article ** Pacts ol la^an Progrreas'* in Cmittimpnrmwy Reviem (VoL \ Mrnn^^twr it^BWiK, VoL 1.. pp. 70. i<6k 191 and ta4-
THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 211
i 1 i
age Sanskrit and their vernaculars, and composed several works in the vernaculars and in Portuguese for the benefit of the Indian Christians and missionaries. He died at a ripe old age at Rachol in Goa honoured by all as a saint, a poet and a great pandit. No monument marks his grave. The careful researches and enquiries made by my- self and my friends have not succeeded in tracing even the place of his burial. But the enduring monuments of his literary genius he has left are destined to make his name famous over the British Empire.
Of his compositions there remain to us only his Christian Doctrine^ a catechism in Konkani (or Bramana-Canarin as he calls it) \ Arte tie Lingua Canatin (/) (Grammar of the Konkani Language) in Portu- guese, the first grammar of the kind of any vernacular in India ; and the Puran.
The last one is a remarkable poem in what may be called the old Marathi-Konkani poetical language and in Ovi metre. It consists of ir,ot8 sloUas or strophes divided into two parts, the ist part called the Paillea Puranna^ coi responding to the Old Testament of the Bible, and the 2nd part, Dussrea Puranna^ corresponding to the New Testament, and contains a narration, written in lofty style and charm- ing language, of all the various and complex events as detailed in the Holy Scriptures, or handed down by tradition, that led to the birth of the Christian religion ; in other words, an account of the Paradise^ Lost and Regained based on a historical sequence of events from the time of the creation of Heaven and Earth to the closing scenes of the Gospel narratives, focussing round the death and resurrection of Jesus, the hero of the poem, with a lucid and exhaustive exposition of His sublime doctrines. In brief, it may be described as an impressive, vivid, and attractive metrical narrative of the birth of Christianity.
The language of the book takes after that of his great predeces- sors Dnyaneshwar and Namdeo, with a fair sprinkling of the local Konkani or the Bramana-Kanarin language : hence I have spoken of thi.« language as partaking of the old Marathi-Konkani poetry, a view which is supported by the acknowledgments of the poet himself of his indebtedness to both.
The poet sings (k) —
Parama xastra zagui praghattaueya Bnhuta zanSL phnlla sidhy houaueya Bhassa bandoni Maratthiya Catha niropily
(j) Republbhed in Nova Goa in 1857 as " Grammatica da Lingua Concani*" (Jb'i Part I, Canto I« Stanzas x2o— 'I23.
212 THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA.
2^issy horalla inazi ratnuquilla Qui ratnS. mazi hira nil la Taissy bhassS. mazi choqhalla Bhassa Maratthy
Zoissy pusp^ mazi puspa mogary Qui parimalla mazi casturi Taissy bhassa mazi saziry Maratthiya
Poqhi^ madhS maioru Vruqhi^ madM calpataru Bhassa modhS manu thoru Maratthiyessi
In his Introduction (/) to the poem, Stephens writes : —
" H6 soma Maratthiye bhassena lihil& ahe. Hea dessincheS bhassi bhitura hy bhassa Paramesuarachea vastu niropunssi yogue aissy dissali mhan-naunu panna sudha Maratthy madhtma locassi nacalle deqhunu, hea purannacha phallu bahutS. zananssi suphallu hounssi, cae quels, maguileS. cauesuaranchi bahutequS auaghaddS utarS sand- dunu sampuchey^ cauesuaranchiye ritu pramannS anniyequS sompi Bramhannanche bhassechi utarS tthai tthai mtssorita carunu cauitua sompS quels ; ya pary Paramesuarache crupestSua udandda locachS arata purna hoila, anny ze cauanna yecade vell& puruileU cauituancha srungaru va barauy bhassa adeap! atthauatati te hS cauitua vachunu santossu manity anny pbaue to phailu bhoguity : cS maguile^ cauituanchea sthani anniyeca .cauitua dent5 tey§ hounu phallasta suphalla.'
i>
The Brahmana Bhassa is evidently the Brahmana Kanarin, of which he wrote his grammar. It is what is called Konkani now-a- days. By the designation Konkani is not meant, as Dr. Wilson (m) writes, ** the very slight dialectic difference which exists between the Marathi of the British Dekkhan and the corresponding country- running between the slopes of the Ghauts and the Indian Ocedn, forming the British Konkan, but the language of the country com- mencing with the Groa territory and extending considerably to the south of Karwar and even Honawar. It is manifestly in the main
(/) Printed in Mangdlort Maganne^ Vol. III.* p. 277.
(m) See his Chapter on '* Tribes and Lancruafires " in the General Report on tkeAdmim's* hmHon of the Bombay Pretidtncy, 1872-73.
THE FIRST BNGLISHMAN IN INDIA.
213
formed on the basis of Sanskrit" Konkani discloses peculiarities that are very striking, as will appear from the following compara- tive table (i») : —
|
1 Konkani. |
Sanskrit. |
Marathi. |
GUJBRATI. |
|
avun |
aham |
mi |
huti |
|
asan |
asen (Prak) |
aston |
chufi |
|
maka |
mahyam |
mala |
mane |
|
udak |
udaka |
pani |
pani |
|
khsLih |
kva |
khute |
khyafk |
|
(h) anga |
iha |
yetheh |
hyaft |
|
d6v6r |
dhor |
tev |
darav |
|
apai |
avha |
bulav |
bolav |
|
luvii |
lu |
kap |
lafi |
|
v6mp |
vapd |
per |
vav |
|
lagiii |
samipa |
zaval |
najik |
|
bhitor |
abhyantar |
ant |
andarnu |
|
chedo |
batu |
p6r |
chokro |
We also notice a very curious permutation of vowels under certain combinations which are peculiar to Konkani ; we find, for instance (p), that (i) words beginning with kd in Konkani change into ka (d pronounced as in the English word but) in Marathi ; (ii)the syllable vo in Konkani changes into o or ho in Marathi, and (iii) nouns ending in o in Konkani end in d in Marathi. There are of course exceptions. The following are a few interesting examples : —
|
Konkani. |
Marathi. |
Konkani. |
Marathi. |
|
kdntalo. |
kantala |
vdnto |
vantd |
|
(disgust) |
(share) |
||
|
kdpur |
kapur |
dago |
dag^ |
|
(camphor) |
(deceit) |
||
|
kdmp |
kamp |
ddryo |
daryd |
|
(tremor) |
(sea) |
||
|
vojen |
ozen |
godo |
godd |
|
(burden) |
(horse) |
||
|
v6nk |
6nk |
ukod |
ukal |
|
(vomit) |
(boil) |
||
|
v6]6k |
616k |
lailduoi |
lilau.^ |
|
(recognition) |
(auction) |
||
|
v6i |
hoi |
lip |
lap |
|
(yes) |
(hide) |
||
|
vont |
h6nt |
fol |
fal |
|
(lip) |
(fruit) |
(m) See my brochure on Konkani or Goan Caate9, p. ifi) Ibid^ p. a6.
3«.
214 '^^^ FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA.
Iriiese striking features Konkani borrows from Sanskrit or Prakrit or from sources other than any known variety of Marathi. The only inference that can be drawn from these fncts is that Konkani is not a dialect derived from what is commonly known as Marathi, but that both Konkani and Marathi are sister languages that have grown out side by side from the same stem.
What is to be noted in connection with the point raised as to the exact dialect in which the Puran is written, is that the striking pecu- liarities of the Konkani at present spoken are noted by Thomas Stephens in his Grammar of the Konkani or Brahmane-Kanarin as he calls it, while these peculiarities are missing in the language of the Puran and make place for the Marathi peculiarities. At the same time it must be admitted that there is in the language of the book a fair sprinkling of the popular Konkani used in Goa, a fact which the author himself admits.
The author also borrows largely, like Dnyaneshwar, from the inex- haustible sources of Sanskrit, which lends itself readily to give cor- rect shape and form to all possible and subtle ideas and shades of ideas 'of the profound Christian theology and mysticism and the lofty Christian ethics. The language simple, majestic and homely and frequently embellished with Indian imagery and metaphor, always throbbing with life and energy and refreshing, is calculated to appeal to the Indian mind and heart with a force which few Marathi poems can. Each sloka consists of four lines, the first three of which usually of four feet rhyme with one another, and the last one from two to three feet does not rhyme with the other three lines. This metre with the rhythm and euphony of the supremely happy com- bination of sounds employed by the poet has a magical effect upon the ear, which combined uith the charms of language, clothing in an Indian garb the lofty Christian spiritualism and ethics, makes the verses a continuous feast of which one never tires.
Thomas Stephens employed Roman characters for writing his Indian poem, fixing their pronunciation according to the Continental way of pronouncing Latin, except using the italic " a" for the sound '^ as in " but", the single d, t, 1 and n for the dentals, and double dd, tt, 11, and nn for their linguals, and the accented vowels for their nasals. The Roman system of transliterating the vernacular sounds instead of the Devanagari had to be used probably because the cultivation of the o!d Hindu literature was discouraged by the Portuguese polity and thus the use of the Devanagari had been given up in Goa at the time of Stephen& Bearing, however, in mind the
THE FIRST ENGUSHMAN IN INDIA* 21$
^mple method adopted by Stephens in his system of transliteration, the reading of the verses becomes after a slight exertion an easy matter.
The Puran was first printed (J) at Rachol in 1616 after receiving the imprimatur of the Inquisition, the Archbishop of Goa and the Provincial of the Society of Jesus, a second time in 1649, and the third time in 1654. Yet no printed copy has been traced anywhere, and the only ones available are a few carefully written manuscript copies.
The poem begins with an address to the Almighty God in which the theology of the Nicene Creed about the God -head and the Trinity is explained with the precision and fullness of a theologian and wealth of language which only Sanskrit or Sanskritized Marathi could lend {q\ We shall quote here the first few strophes : —
Vo namo visuabharita Deua Bapa sarua samaratha Paramesu/zra sateuanta.
Suarga prathuuichea rachannara
Tu ridhy sidhicha dataru Crupanidhy corunnacaru Tu sarua suqhacha sagharu Adi antu natodde
Tu poramanandu sarua suarf#pu \^suaueapacu gneana dipu Tu sarua gunn! nirlepu
Nirmallu niruicaru suamiya
Tu adrusttu tu auectu Sama dayallu sarua praptu Sarua gnoanu sarua nitiuantu Yecuchi Deuo tu
Tu saqheata Paramesuaru Anadassidhu aparamparu Adi anadi auinassu amani TuzS stauona triloqui
Suargu srustti tuu^ hella matrS Quela chandru suryu naqhetrS Tuzeni yeque sabdd pauitrS Quely sarua rachana
(^) BWioikeca Luniana. Eus»to Hisiorico da Lmgua Concani by J. H. Da Cunha RivMra iq} Pmrt /, CmtUo I, Sianaas I'I4,
21 6 TiTB FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA.
Tu anny tuza yecuchi sutu ' Anny Spiritu Sanctu Tegai zanna yecuchi sateuantu Deuo zannaua
Teya tuzeya dayalla cumara Crupanidhy amruta saghara Suarga srusttichea suastocara Namana mazS
Namo visuachiye dipty Hamo vaincunttha sabheche canty Deua Bapacha daqhinna hasti Sihassanna tuz5
Zari tu am^ moni righaua carissy Tari ogneana pattalla pheddissy Amruta sariqhy ghoddiua dauissy Premabharita caroni
Tu yecuchi sutu Paramesuaracha Tu sabdu ga Bapacha Bapa Spirita sauh saruacha Rachannaru tu
Namo Spirita pamtra pauana Trindadichea tissarea zanna Tu apuleya seuacachea mana Pracasau cari
Tu ziuana zharich^ panni Tu agni moho anny ZiuichS prema antacarann! Addaleya sarathy
Tu sapta.diuedanacha dataru Tu Deuachy angustty sacharu Duqhiyancha buzauannaru Anathanathu
The underl3ring idea of the poem is the same as that of Milton's Paradise Lost combined with the Paradise Regained ; but unlike Milton, who takes up only the episodes of the first man's fall and Christ's victory over Satan's temptations in the Paradise Lost and Regained, Stephens weaves together all the principal characters and episodes of the Old with those of the New Testament as conttdned in thejBible or handed down by history round the hero of the poem, Jesus Christ, in one harmonious whole. All principal and complex events of the Old Testament as narrated in the Holy Scriptures or
THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 217
handed down by tradition, in connection with the creation of the angels, — the rebellion of their prince Satan and his party, their ex- pulsion from Heaven, the creation of the first man and woman, their fall, the career of mankind until the Deluge, the survival of Noe and his family, the election of Abraham and his progeny, the Israelites, to preserve the primitive revelation and worship of the one Almighty Creator and Preserver of the Universe and their successful struggle for centuries to justify their election amidst the deluge of pan- theism, polytheism and idolatry which was spread among the nations around them — are all carefully linked together with the events of the New Testament, the birth of the blessed Virgin Mary and St. John Baptist, the Incarnation of the Second Person of the Holy Trinity, the birth, life, the sacred ministry, death and resurrection of Jesus, into one grand sublime action under one single idea— namely, the redemption of mankind from the thraldom of Satan and the estab- lishment of the kingdom of heaven by the atonement offered by the; " Word made Flesh." Milton utilizes the episode of the victory of Christ over Satan's wiles as the event which led to the re-establish- ment of the kingdom of Heaven. Stephens takes up the crowning event of Jesus' earthly life and His passion and death followed by His resurrection as marking His final and most decisive victory. For then Satan gathered all the forces at his disposal — the hatred of the Jewish nation, the infidelity of King Herod, the craven coward- liness of the Roman Governor and the weakness of the Apostles— to crush our Lord. In this final campaign Satan apparently wins. But it was this very passion and death of Jesus, ** the precious blood of Christ as of a Lamb unspotted and undefiled " shed for man crowned by this glorious resurrection, that saves mankind from the thraldom of Satan and wins them back the supernatural privileges lost by the disobedience of the first man.
The highest efforts of the poet's genius are concentrated in his most touching description of the passion and death of Jesus Christ and in bringing home to his readers the sublime lessons of self-sacrifice, love and forgiveness taught us by Christ at and after His Last Supper and on the Cross (r) ; and when after the death of Jesus His body is lowered from the Cross, His blessed mother — ^her heart pierced with a sword as prophesied before — gives vent to her grief in a lamentation which is most heart-rending and must touch the hardest heart :—-
Cotta catta mazea cumara
Mea tuza sarupa didhala nara Tehi maza auasara
Paratila corupu.
(r) Part lit Cantos 45— 51.
2l8 THE FIRST BNGUSHMAN IN INDIA*
Mea zivtfntu didhala teassi Yen mnitiu vopila mazassL
Mea didhala teya bhuzaueyassi. Niuaranu vigne.
Panna tehi maza quela ghatu Maze vari rochila acantu.
Tuza maruni caddila samastu. Anandu maza.
(<
We shall forbear quoting more of this lamentation and leave it to be read in order to realize how the depth of the grief of the wounded heart of the mother proves the unfathomable love which led her belov- ed Son (s) to sacrifice Himself for His flock."
This is the plot of the birth of Christianity laid out in the Puran with a dramatic fullness, vividness and artistic skill which no poet or historian has ever succeeded in doing. The characters are delineated in all the realities of flesh and blood and soul. The sublimity of Christ's divinity and the reality of His humanity, His joys and sorrows, His likes and dislikes, His gentleness and tenderness of heart, His self- sacrificing love for man. His purity of life and the universality of His personality are brought out with a power and force which no painter^ sculptor or poet has ever surpassed. The narrative of events and des- cription of characters are insterspersed at appropriate occasions with clear and well-reasoned disquisitions on Christian mysteries, truths and ethics. Further, the poet's simple and natural description of nature and surroundings provide a background to the characters and events which help to make the drama charmingly attractive and forcibly real.
In illustration of my remarks let me quote the stanzas (t) about the Supper at Bethany rendered into English verse, in which the charac- ter of Mary Magdalen is so forcibly brought out : —
(From Father Stephens^ Purunna, Part /I, Canto 2, Stansas 79 — loS.)
1. Wherefore to Simon's house I'll fleet And lay my head at Jesus' feet : But^ will the guests met there at meat
Deride me in their scorn ?
2. Yet I, alas 1 all shame put by.
Not fearing, and in Heaven's own eye. And in the sight of Saints on high,
Sinned greatly night and mom.
(«) VuU my essay printed as appendix II to my Goam or Komkmni OuiesJ* it ) Part II, Canto 19. Stansas 79—108, translated by Mr. loseph SaManha. who is : the fNiran, and published in the Jtf««v«iprvJtf«f«smr,VoL 11^ p. 191.
THE FIRST BNGUSHMAN IN INDIA. ^Mq
3. Why should, then, shame's false blush be mine« When 'tis but men will see me pine For nns, so I obtain a sign,
That Jesus hath forgiv'n ?
4* Alack I a very flood, as 'twere, Of evil done ne'er brought despair To me : why, then, will I not bear
Shame's drizzle, to be shriv'n ?
5. Jesus have I contemplated ;
To this resolve my heart is wed : If He to spurn my prayer be led,
In death I'll still my grief.
6. With mind bent firm on this intent. At Jesus' feet will I repent ;
Tho' loathed, I'll cling till He relent And grant my soul relief.
7. Ill urge His own disciples do
The pleading, ay, and Simon, too, — The Pharisee — till what I woo Is won for sinful me.
S. Then come what may ; my heart is sore l^th longing, Jesus to implore ; If once He pardon, never more
Shall sin my pleasure be.
9. Thus thinking, and in tears that rained Their flood on face and bosom stained. Rose Mary, as she slowly gained
Fresh courage in her plight.
10. Then, furnished with an offering meet Of ointment precious deemed and sweet, She, with a heart that eager beat.
To Simon's house went right.
11. As flies a stricken deer to find What salve she can to heal or bind, E'en so, to rid her pained mind
Of sin's shaft, Mary hied.
12. The mansion gained, in entered she ; Then fixed her gaze on Jesus ; He Beheld her while the company
His glance intently eyed.
aaiC^ THB FIRST BNGUSHIIAN {V INDIA.
13. But 9T% griefs Storm scarce seemed to rise, There burst a tear flood from her eyes, While at his feet in revVent wise
She fell with streaming hair.
14. Then, moving backward fropi the place, She locked them in a fast embrace. The waters from her eyes apace
Washing those feet so fair.
15. Next with her hair she wiped them dry, Then kissed them ere she did apply The spikenard to them tenderly,
As best became a maid.
i6. The hall and mansion soon were filled With fragrance of that balm distilled From rarest herb ; the sweetness thrilled The sense nor seemed to fade.
17. But Simon seeing all, began
To argue with himself : '* This man No prophet is ; else He could scan
This woman's sinful heart ;
18. ''And, tiierefore, would He bid her quit His feet, and in an instant flit
From off" His presence bearing it —
The balm— nor play this part"
19. Thus wrongly thought the Pharisee, Unweeting all her misery —
" Sinner she was, and sinner she
Must be, and nothing more.*'
ao. Of her repentance still no sign
Was clear to him : how she did pine Within her heart, and thus incline To good undreamt before.
31. But He, the all- wise Son, begot
Of God, through whom is wisdom sought. Knew, in His heart, the secret thought That sprung in Simon's mind.
And calling to the Pharisee,
He saith, " Til tell a thing to thee.
Which hearken, thou, attentively.
And judge as thou mayst find.
THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN IN INDIA. 221
23. ** Two men unto a lord became Debtors : from one the lord could claim Fifty and 'gainst the other name
Five hundred pence as due.
24. " But neither could his sum afford : So for remission both implored.
And straight, to mercy moved, the lord Gave what they came to sue.
25. " Now speak thou, Simon, tell me, pray, Of those whose debt was scored away, Which one would grateful love more sway
To him such love did show."
26. Quoth Simon, " Sire, meseems it fair. He whom the lord was kind to spare For larger dues, a larger share
Of love and thanks should owe.'*
27. Then Jesus : " Ay, thou speakest true." And glancing from the maiden who Stood there to Simon, ** Note thou, do,
This woman's deeds so fair :
28. ** As guest I c?me with thee to eat ; Thou gav'st no water for my feet.
Yet she with tears hath washed complete. And wiped them with her hair ;
29. " No oil thou broughtest for my head. But she with costly balm that spread All round its odour, hath, instead.
Anointed, here, my feet.
30. ** Therefore I say this unto thee, That she hath shown such love to Me, Her many sins to her must be
Forgiv'n in measure meet."
The whole poem if rendered in English verse will by itself be an unique treasure in English literature. To every one acquainted with Marathi or Konkani the Puran is certain to be a work of profound interest ; to Britishers all the world over, the noblest poem written by an Englishman in an Asiatic language will appeal with special force ; while to Christians in India the publication of what may be called the national Christian Puran will be a fruitful source of edification and piety, {v)
(«) Thomas Stephois' Puran in already printed in the Jesuit Preu (Cadialbail Press), Manflalore, South Kanara, and will be brought out shortly with suitable introduction and glossary.
(
Art. XVI.—The Nasik {Joghaltembht) Hoard of
Nahapana^s Coins.
By Rev. H. R. Scott, M.A.
iCammunicatedm )
The announcement in the Times of India of the 31st May last of the discovery in the Nasik District of an immense hoard of Naha- pana's coins came as a very welcome piece of news to all who are interested in the ancient coinage of India. The hoard was at first reported to contain about 10,000 coins, and the great significance of this fact will appear when it is remembered that there were proba- bly not a dozen specimens of Nahapana's coins known to numisma- tists before this hoard came to light, and those few known specimens were in one very important respect all very imperfect.
I cannot better introduce what I have to say about the coins than by quoting a part of the account of the discovery of the hoard written by the Secretary of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and published in the Times of India of May 31st.
" The village of Jogaltembhi lies close to the junction of the rivers Godavary and Darna, which uniting into a single stream of narrow compass in the fair season form the boundary between the Niphad and Sinnar talukas; and just outside the village site stands a small hill, more aptly described perhaps as a grassy barrow, around which the children of the village are wont to play. Here indeed they were engaged some few weeks ago in playing an indigenous game, known as Godhe-Kathi, which consists in an attempt to transfix one's adversary's stick, as it lies on the ground, with one's own weapon, each stick being sharpened to a fine point. At the moment when the coins were first discovered, one boy's stick lay just at the foot of the grassy hillock, and his playmate hurled his weapon at it with all the force of his small arm. The stick missed its goal, but impinging squarely on the soil uprooted a small handful of earth and grass, and disclosed something which glittered in the morning sun. Money ! For- gotten are the sticks, forgotten the game, when the great fact dawned upon their childish minds. Mother Earth is a hard task mistress to the Deccan ryot ; but she has her moments of com- passion, and surely this was one.
" The report of her bounty spread through the village ; the elders came to the spot, and decided to dig deeper ......
Further excavation disclosed an earthen pot, firmly embedded in
17
224 I'HB nASIK OoGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS.
the hill side, and filled to overflowing with silver coins, much of which the villagers proceeded in the true commercial spirit to melt down. But the story of the find spread further than the limits of Jogaltembhi, and within a short time the balance of the treasure, about 10,000 coins, found a resting, place in the local treasury under the Treasure Trove Act
"The fact that several of the coins are bored near the edges and that their resting place is near the confluence of two rivers, seems to justify the supposition that they once formed part of the treasure buried beneath a Hindu temple. The temple has vanished, nor does local legend preserve the smallest memory of it, but its treasure, veiled for nearly 1,800 years, has at last become articulate and bears its message across the gulf of dead centuries to those who rule the Deccan to-day, and who are themselves foreigners like Nahapana the K^aharata.**
The total number of coins sent to me amounted to about 13,250 and as it is said that a good many were melted down by the villagers who discovered the hoard, it is quite possible that there may have been 14,000 or even 15,000 altogether.
The coins are in an excellent state of preservation, hardly more than a dozen of them being illegible through a deposit of verdigris. Considering the fact that the hoard must have lain very near the surface of the ground for almost 1,800 years, the bright fresh appear- ance of the coins is very remarkable.
Of the coins that came into my hands about 9,270 are coins of Nahapana the K^aharata, counter-marked by his conqueror Gotami- putra ^ri Satakaroi. The remainder, nearly 4,000 coins, are coins of Nahapana which have not been so counter-stamped. Over 2,000 of the coins are roughly perforated, about two-thirds of the perforated coins being Satakarni's. The perforation was probably mtde in order to attach the coins to a belt or to the clothes of the owner, or perhaps to make coin necklaces. These coins would not be likely to go into circulation again, and their presence in the hoard lends support to the theory that we have here probably the treasure of a temple, the pierced coins having been torn off the belts and offered on the occasion of the dedication of the temple.
Seven or eight years ago the writer of this paper had the honour of bringing to the notice of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society an extremely interesting find of about 1,200 (twelve hundred)
THB NASIK (jOGHALTBBtBHl) HOARD OP NAHAPANA*S COINS. 225
K^trapa coins which were discovered in the floor of a cave near the Uparkot of Junagadh. Up to that time no such extensive find of coins of that series had been made, and it was a delightful task to go through the hoard and to discover how rich it was in excellent speci- mens of the coins of no less than thirteen of the K^atrapa rulers, many of them clearly dated, the dates being in several instances new to us. But there was one disappointment in connection with the Uparkot hoard. Although it contained specimens of so many difi^erent kings, there was not a single coin there belonging to any king earlier than Rudrasena I, the eighth of the line, whose reign extended from 200 to 220 A. D. This was all the more disappointing from the fact that so few specimens were known of the coins of the K^atrapas and Mahaksatrapas who preceded Rudrasena. The succession as generally received runs thus : —
(i) Nahapana the K^aharata, 120 A.D.
(2) Ca^tana, son of Ghsamotika.
(3) Jayadaman, son of Ca^tana.
(4) Rudradaman, son of Jayadaman.
(5) Damajada, son of Rudradaman.
(6) Rudrasiqnha, ,, ,,
(7) Jivadaman, son of Damajada.
(8) Rudrasena, son of Rudrasiipha, etc.
Whilst a fair number of coins of the last five have been discovered, very few were known of any of the first three, until the finding of the present hoard. From coins and inscriptions it has been inferred that Nahapana was the first of the line of Ksatrapa and Mahak^trapa rulers, but no positive evidence has yet appeared to connect him with Ca^tana. All we know is that he ruled over territory which afterwards formed part of the Ksatrapa kingdom, that he was a foreigner who won a kingdom for himself at the expense of the Andhras, that '* he is styled Ksatrapa in an inscription
dated 42 (s.^., A.D. 120), and appears as Mahak^a-
trapa Svami in an inscription of his minister Ayama, dated in the year 46." On the other side it is to be remembered that his conqueror the king Satakarni declares in the Nasik Cave inscription that he had " rooted out the dynasty of Khakharata," and now we have the pictorial evidence of these coins to show how Satakarni did his best to obliterate the features of Nahapana from his coins. And we learn from these coins that while Nahapana's coins bore the symbols of the thunderbolt and arrow, the king Satakarni used as his symbols tht well known " Ujjain mark " and the chaitya. And it is to be remem* bered that the chaitya is the symbol of the K§atrapas
226 THE NASIK (|0GHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS.
These facts should lead us to suspend our judgment until further light is obtained, and such a discovery as that of the present immense hoard encourages us to hope that there are yet great discoveries to be made in this field. Whether we suppose that this hoard was the trea- sure of a temple buried at the time of dedication, or a private hoard put away in some time of panic and distress, there is every reason to believe that similar treasure must be waiting in many other places to be unearthed.
l^th regard to the coins contained in this hoard I shall arrange my observations under the following six heads : —
(i) The Greek inscription on the obverse.
(2) The Kharo^^hi inscription on the reverse.
(3) The Brahmi inscription on the reverse.
(4) The head of the king as represented on the coins.
(5) The counter-struck inscription of Satakarni.
(6) The symbols used by the two kings.
I. — The Greek Inscrietion on the Obverse.
It is interesting to remember that the signification of the Greek letters found on these coins has furnished a problem with which In- dian numismatists have wrestled for more than half a century. The first coin of Nahapana's to be discovered in our time was obtained more than 50 years ago from Kathiawar by Mr. Justice Newton, and its Greek inscription is thus described by him : — ** Sufficient remains to show that the letters were purely Greek, although in consequence of original indistinctness, wear or corrosion, not more than a single character here and there can be made out, and these hardly justify ine in hazarding a conjecture as to the filling in. " ' ....
In July, 1890, the J.R.A.S. contained an article on the Western Ksatrapas by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, containing his latest views •' after a careful and continuous study, extending over 26 years, of the K^atrapa coins and inscriptions." In that article all that the learned pandit could say with regard to the Greek inscription on these coins was that *' the Greek letters on the obverse can never be read with certainty."
In a note to the Pandit's essay Professor Rapson dissents from the Pa^^lt's opinion that there are traces to be found of the name Liaka Kasula, and gives his own opinion that **the arrangement of the Greek letters seems to be quite fantastic" . . . He says "the
letters A fi^Q 0 seen on some specimens cannot represent the name Liaka unless we suppose these legends to consist partly of Greek
THB NASIK (jOOHALTBMBHl) HOARD OP NAHAPANA'S COINS. 237
andpardyof Roman characters." Now it is a very curious fact, which we owe to the discovery of the present hoard that while Profes- sor Rapson was perfectly right in maintaining that the name Liaka is not represented on the coins, the reason which he advances in support of that opinion is incorrect, for as a matter of fact we find on these coins beyond all possibility of doubt that very mixture of the Greek
and Roman characters which he thought impossible
In the same paper Professor Rapson says that '' Roman denarii rather than Greek hemidrachms seem to have served as the models from which the K§atrapa coinage was copied," a remark which may go some length towards explaining the use of the Roman characters alongside the Greek.
In his later paper on '* The coinage ot the Mahak^atrapas and K^atrapas of Sura^^ra and Malava (Western K^atrapas) published in the J. R. A. S. April, 1899, Professor Rapson has a very full dis- cussion of the Greek inscriptions found on these coins. He there points out that the letters are clearest during the period when the workmanship was at its best, i.e,, approximately from the reign of Damajada^ri, son of Rudradaman, to that of Vijayasena, son of Damasena, and that in consequence, the coins of that period received most attention. He comes to the conclusion, however, that '* at this time (roughly about 90 to 170 of the Ksatrapa era, ue.^ A.D. 168 to 248) this Greek inscription had lost all meaning, and continued to be reproduced mechanically and unintelligently as a sort of ornamental border." He adds that " the best hope of recovering the lost meaning lay evidently in a study of the earliest coins of the class, those of Nahapana and Ca^^ana, which belonged to a period when these Greek inscriptions possibly still had some significance, but unfortunate- ly all the known specimens of Nahapana and Ca^^ana were lamen- tably deficient and fragmentary in this respect."
Professor Rapson goes on to tell how the discovery of a coin of Ca$tana at last supplied the long missing clue. Its Greek inscrip- tion was indeed very incomplete, but what was left contained the
word ''^•f^CXI^HC^ ^"^ it was concluded that the Greek letters must be *' either translations or transliterations of the Indian inscrip- tions on the reverse." As there were no traces found of the word ft^lLlfV&Cl^ there seemed good reason to conclude that they were transliterations, and this conclusion was confirmed by the discovery of a coin of Nahapana on which it seemed possible to make out the word I^^^Nl U3 , One further step was taken, with some hesita- tion, for the evidence was by no means clear. There were, however,
228 THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPAnA*S COINS.
very probable indications that the third word of the Greek inscription must be a transliteration of the word Nahapanasa. The word appeared
tobeAl^p^^..^..N^CC .
This then was all that could be deduced trom the data available. An attempt was made to read the second word of the inscription, but the conclusion reached was that ** after all allowance for blundering has been made, the letters X NTN^^CC can scarcely be intended for a transliteration of Ksaharatasa or Chaharatasa.'* Professor Rapson was inclineJ to think that the word might be intended for
X^Tf\Tt^CC * k§atrapasa.
This was the state of the problem when the present hoard of Nahapana's coins came to light. At one stroke the whole difficulty was removed, and the puzzle of fifty years solved.
In this hoard we have many hundreds of good specimens of the original Greek inscription, from which it can be readily seen that the transliteration was wonderfully accurate, and that not only is the
first word P^NNICO and the third word «VKH PvW ^wN ^wC ^ but the second word, which had not been made out before, is what might have been expected, X ^ H (\ P ^T PvC The full Greek in- scription on the best specimens isP P^ N N lU) X KH ^ P ^TN C
But this hoard not only supplies us with hundreds of specimens of the correct Greek transliteration, but, what is of scarcely less interest, it furnishes thousands of examples of the gradual corruption of the inscription, till apparently in Nahapana*s own time and on his own coins the inscription has changed so much as to be almost unintelligi- ble. Little wonder therefore that the efforts of numismatists to make sense of the inscriptions on the coins of the later reigns proved so entirely fruitless.
A table of actual readings from various specimens arranged in order of faithfulness to the original Greek transliteration will make the matter clear :
THB NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 229
.. AwT^CNlKHTlANC •
PA nv\\u3 1& A V\ R ^ K —
P^v^v^vui EAv\ B ....
- - -.. cox^B ^^^ccc^v• ^ pm a.— -
330 THB nAsik (jogualtbmbhi) hoakd of nauapAna's coins.
An examination of these various readings of the Greek l^end yields the following results : —
(i) The Greek inscription was originally a correct transliteration of the Brahmi inscription on the reverse.*
(2) In the best examples the inscription runs thus :
A^.^.— There is no instance of A being found after the C in the two genitive forms as one might naturally expect.
(3) The use of the Roman letter N twice in the inscription is re- markable, and as far as I know, these coins supply the only instance of such a combination of the Greek and Roman characters.
(4) The other letters of the inscription in the best examples are correctly shaped Greek (uncial) letters, generally very well formed,
the letter -y being represented by I.
(5) Changes gradually take place in the inscription which can only be accounted for on the supposition that the later dies were prepared by persons ignorant of the Greek alphabet. In those degenerate in- stances the letter N is almost invariably written as ^ ; the letter I
has various shapes :X»^3^^^^ ^# ^^ t ^^ letter i
seems to have been early changed to B j and perhaps the most
curious change of all is the change of TX into P. This seems to
indicate a knowledge of the Roman alphabet, and ignorance of the Greek, but on the other hand there is the fact that the Roman R is never found in the place of the Greek P in the first word of the in- scription.
* On other grounds it has been conjectured that Ca^tana and NahapStna were contemporaries. The evidence of the Greek inscription on the coins points to the same conclusion. Although we have not yet discovered a coin of Ca^tana^s with the Greek inscription perfect, enough is known to show that it was probably an accurate transliteration, in which case it is reasonable to infer that it was contemporaneous with Nahapina's early coins, before the degeneration had set in. On no coin later than Ca^tana's can any sense be made of the Greek inscription*
THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 23I
A Tery large proportion of the coins in the hoard have the inscrip- tion in the following form : —
A very curious thing about these latter coins is that though the Greek is so corrupt the Kharof^hi inscription on these specimens is perfect, whereas the coins which have the purest form of the Greek transliteration have as a rule the worst executed Kharo^thi inscrip- tions.
II. — The Kharosthi Inscription.
Next in interest to the Greek inscription on these coins are the inscriptions on the reverse in the two oldest known alphabets of India, the Kharosthi and the Brahmi. Let us consider the Kharo^t^i first.
It is hardly necessary for me to explain that the Kharosthi alphabet is written from right to left ; that it is believed to have reached India via Afghanistan some three or four centuries before the beginning of the Christian era ; that it is clearly derived from the Aramaic alphabet, having been taken over by the Persian kings along with the office establishments of their predecessors, and then carried by them to the confines of their world empire, till the character which was used by the Samaritans in their letter to Artaxerxes as described in the book of Ezra (4 ; 7) came to be used in the cutcherries of India ; that there are rock inscriptions in this character in various parts of India and in Eastern Afghanistan and Central Asia, and also on the coins of the Greek and Scythic invaders of India ; and lastly, that the recent explorations in Central Asia have brought to light many records written in this character on strips and wedges of wood.
The Kharosthi inscription on these coins runs thus : —
>H*1l I'Vl'ZY^^- Rana Chaharatasa Nahapanasa, i.e.,
of (belonging to) the king Nahapana the Chaharata.
Apart from certain variations in the shapes of the letters, which I shall discuss presently, it may be said that almost all the coins, the latest as well as the earliest, contain this inscription in the above form. There are however some of the coins in which the Kharosthi inscription is found in a degenerate form, somewhat analogous to the degeneration which we have noticed in the Greek inscription, so that
.» -
H*^ nAsik (joghaltembhi) hoard of nahapaka's coins.
ihc vvnclusion is forced on us that the Kharosthi characters were luH H!« well known as the Brahmi to those who made those dies. AuJ I have already referred to the curious and decidedly puzzling fttct that the worst specimens of the Kharosthi are found on the CiAn9 that have the most perfect Greek, and vice versa.
When comparing the letters found on these coins with the Table of the Kharosthi alphabet given in Biihler's Indische Palaeographie, I was at once struck by the superior finish, if I may so express it, of the letters on the coins. There is a shakiness and irregularity in the letters of the Table which we do not find here. This may be due to the fact that Biihler got most of his types from rock inscriptions or much worn coins. On the rock inscriptions the letters would be large and uneven to begin with, and would be worn and rendered more or less indistinct by long exposure to the weather Whether this con- jecture be well founded or not. the letters on these coins are certainly neater looking than the same letters in the Table, and beautifully
clear specimens are abundant. Take for instance the letters "7 and Y which always appear on the coins with sharp angles and simple
firm lines, and observe the contrast in the Table.
Biihler gives two forms (right-handed and left-handed) of the letter Ha in his Table, VS and i4, and we find many examples
of both on the coins. But in the case of several other letters, of which Bjhler gives only single forms, right-handed or left-handed as the case may be, we find two forms on the coins. Thus Buhler gives only one form, right-handed, of the letter pa whereas we
find two forms \f^ , fj ) on the coins of this hoard. The latter
form is ' ound for the most part on coins which have the purest Greek inscription, and is also generally associated with the Icft- ha nded form of tia.
The Kharosthi legend is frequently abbreviated on the coins for want of space in the circle, and I have noted the following :—
Rano Chaharatasa Nahapana. Rano Chaharatasa Nahapa. Rano Chaharatasa Naha. Rano Chaharatasa Na. Rano Chaharatasa.
THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHi) HOARD OP NAHAPAna'S COINS. 233
These abbreviations are found only on coins that preserve the most correct form of the Greek legend. The Brahmi inscription, as far as I have seen, is never abbreviated.
I give below a table showing the varieties in the shape of the Kha- ro$|hi letters which are found on the coins, along with the same letters as figured in Biihler's Table :— -
Kharosihi
letters from
Biihler's
Tables.
chas has
u
na
Y
X
- '7^
P* —
t
The same letters as found on the coins of this
hoard.
Y. V.Y. y, 1* .t ^ ,v,v,t/
t, '^-, \,i a n.. 'a. , s , s ,
y , ^ b , (no instance of left-handed ta)
7 , ^ . \ I f' . r , ^"^ instance of left-handed ta)
(1) A somewhat worn specimen has :— i^f/^lfp^T^YKl —
apparently a serious attempt to represent the vowel signs.
(u) Another, with King's bust very small, and otherwise peculiar, has • f II 7 >"\ O YH*) *" ^**° Chaharatasa Nahana.
(mO do a ainfU •pactman I find a letter or symbol of some 'sort following Ibt Kkarostlii tagcod, $,€., between it and the Brlhmi, thus : i( > f r^ 2 ^ ..-> This tiga nay simply mark off the Briluiu Jrom the Kharostbi
The results of my examination of the Kharo§(hi inscription may be summarised as follows : —
(1) The letters are in very many cases beautifully formed, and give the impression of being better executed than the letters of Biihler's Table.
234 THB NASIK 0<H»HALTBMBHl) HOARD OP KAHAPANA'S COINS
(2) The coins supply a number of varieties in the shapes of the letters which are not found in Biihler's Table.
(3) There are also various attempts to express the vowels which appear to be new ; at least I do not tind them in Buhler.
(4) The coins with the most correct form of the Greek inscription have frequently the Kharo^^hi legend imperfectly and very badly executed, whilst the best form of the Kharo$(hi is found along with a very degenerate form of the Greek.
III. — The Brahmi Inscription.
With reference to the Brahmi character it may suffice to say that it is the oldest known Indian alphabet, and the parent of not only the modern Sanscrit character, but of most of the alphabets now in use in India. It is the character used by Asoka in the famous rock« inscriptions which he caused to be engraved over the length and breadth of India more than 250 years before the birth of Christ : it is the character used in the inscriptions found on the caves of Nasik some centuries later, and it is the same character which is found on the K^atrapa coins during the three centuries that that dynasty lasted.
Biihler's Tables give specimens of Brahmi ranging from 350 B.C. to 350 A. D. The characters on our coins belong to near the middle of that period.
The Brahmi inscription runs from left to right, and is as follows : — \^\^Xf^l^ -^^ ^ ^V ^ Rajno K§aharatasa Naha- panasa, i,e. , of (belonging to) the king Nahapana the K^aharSta.
The coins, though not all equally well executed, furnish no notable variety in the shapes of the Brahmi letters, nor do we ever find the Brahmi inscription in either an incorrect or an abbreviated form, from which we may conclude that the characters were well known to the many various workmen who prepared the dies, and made such numerous variations in both the Greek transliteration and the Kha- ro^thi inscription.
The letters on these coins are distinctly of an earlier and purer form than those found on the K^atrap -coins of two hundred years later, and it is interesting to compare a good spectmeo of Nahapana's inscription with one of Viradaman.
THS NASIK OoGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OP NAHAPANA'S COINS. 235
IV. — ^Thb Bust of NahapAna.
I have new reached what I cannot help regarding as the most perplexing and difficult part of my task, the representation of the king's head on the coins.
When Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji wrote his final paper on the K$atrapa coins he had only four specimens of Nahapana's coins in his collection — now in the British Museum, — and I do not think he had ever seen any other specimens than those four. From these coins he was able, as we have seen, to read the Kharo$(hi and Brahmi inscriptions, but quite unable to do more than make a mis- taken guess as to the Greek inscription. With regard to the bust of the king he wrote, " The face on the obverse of all my coins was so well executed as to fairly indicate the age of the king at the time of striking. The face on one coin seemed to be that of a man about thirty years old. Another specimen . . . has a somewhat older head, perhaps about 45. A third coin . . . has a wrinkled face, with a long wrinkled neck, indicating an age of about 60 ; while the last specimen . . . bears a still older type of face with wrinkled cheeks and toothless mouthi and represents the king at about the age of seventy." Ever since I first read the Pandit's paper I have been filled with admiration at the marvellous skill possessed by the mint masters of those early days, — a skill which, as far as I am aware, is never emulated in any country, civilised or otherwise, in oor time, — and with wonder at the remarkable fact that while only four coins of Naha- p3jia were preserved over the lapse of nearly 1800 years, those four should be found to be so well distributed over the whole length of his long reign. It will be readily understood how eager an interest I took in comparing the busts of the king given on the 13,000 coins of this hoard.
The first impression that one receives from the coins is that the head of the king is very well executed, the face is possessed of distinction and character and has no appearance of being conventional. The workmanship is far from being equally good on all the coins, but this matter of character and type is evident in all the coins. They give one the impression of being good likenesses. They also undoubtedly represent the king as of various ages, some of the faces being young enough to be twenty years of age, and others old enough looking to be that of a man of seventy.
Was the Pandit then right in his theory? In other words, do the coinsreally represent the king at all ages from twenty or thirty seventy, and was the likeness varied from year to year ?
236 THE NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OF NAHAPANA*S COINS.
With this question in my mind I have made a careful study of the coins, and have turned them all over again and agdin, but whilst I feel the utmost reluctance in disagreeing with so high an authoiity, and whilst I admit that there is much 10 be said in support of his view, yet on the whole I do not think that it is possible to establish the Pandit's con- clusion. I should say that a certain proportion of the coins, perhaps one-third, might be regarded as witnesses in favour of the Pap^it's theory. If these coins were set apart, and if we had no other speci- mens of Nahapana's coins, we should have no hesitation in believing that the king was really represented on the coins in all the various stages of his long life* But against this theory we must set the evidence of two-thirds of the coins of the hoard, on which we have indeed faces varying greatly in age, and not in age only, but in every feature. This is the surprise and the mystery of the hoard. If we grant that the die casters of those days were sufficiently skilled in their work to produce portraits of the king at various ages, and I am quite prepared to grant that, then I think we are forced to the conclu- sion that it is not one face that is represented on these coins but many. I hope that the coins shown on the Plates will make this clear.
We are thus face to face with a very curious problem. The in- scriptions are all the inscriptions of Nahapana, whose are the faces? If they were really intended to represent one person, then we must not only accept the Pandit's theory as to the different ages, but we must conclude that the striking differences shown on the coins are due to the great variety of artists employed, and to their very varied powers of portraiture. If on the other hand we feel constrained to conclude that all these various types, — short-necked and long- necked, straight-nosed and hook-nosed, low forehead and high fore- head, stern visaged and peasant faced, lean face and fat face, — cannot possibly represent the same person, then whom do they represent ? Before giving my own opinion on this matter I wish to draw attention to some points which I have noticed in examining the coins. In the Brst place I have noticed that only a comparatively small proportion of the coins of this hoard have the Greek letters in their most correct form and the transliteration in its incorrupt reading. One would naturally expect to find on these coins a youth- ful representation of the king. But this is not the case. I might almost say that the very opposite is the case, but as a matter of fact there are a very few coins with perfect Greek which show a youth' ful face. The great majority, however, of the coins with the best Greek have a very old type of face. Again, it seems to me that even among the coins with the Greek legend pure there are sufficiently dis-
THE NASIK (jOQHALTBMBHI) HOAI^D OF NAHAPANA'S COINS. 237
tinct types of face to render it extremely doubtful that they could stand for one and the same person. Further, a very large number of coins in the hoard which have the Greek legend in a corrupt form, have quite a youthful representation of the king. And lastly, it seems to me that the differences are so pronounced that we are forced to seek some other explanation than that of Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, and to consider the possibility at least of there being here the faces of different persons.
But for one signiGcant fact, I should have been inclined to suggest that we may have here the coins not of a single king, but of a series of kings, sons and grandsons perhaps of Nahapana, who retained on their coins the name of their great ancestor as a title ot honour, and for some strange reason caused their features t<> be portrayed on tneir coins, whilst refusing to record their personal names. I should also have been inclined to believe that the coins in this hoard might well cover a period of a century or two. But right in the way of any such tlieory lies the stubborn fact that almost if not quite all of the various types of Nahapana's coins are found among the coins which were coun- ter stamped by Nahapana*s conqueror, Satakarni. One of the types 1 have not been able to trace, a youthful face with the Greek legend in correct form, and another type of youthful face with a very corrupt form of the legend in very small letters is extremely rare. But I have not been able to make an exhaustive search for these types, and the fact is unquestionable that among the coins stamped by Satakari^i are specimens of practically all the various types found among the coins that are not counter stamped.
It seems to me that a possible solution of the problem may be found in the expression used by Satakarrii in his Nasik cave inscription, where he claims to have '' rooted out the dynasty of the Khakharata." This may be taken to mean either a line of K^aharatas or a number of members of the K^aharata family, ruling over various parts of the country at the same time. If we suppose that such was the case, then it may be possible that various members of the family caused their own likenesses to be engraved on the coins, whilst keeping the inscription of Nahapana unchanged as he was the founder of the dynasty. The explanation is, I admit, a somewhat far fetched one, but I give it for what it is worth, and it may be aUowed to stand till some further evidence is available.
Before leaving this part of the subject I want to point out that the shape of the hat worn by the king, and the style in which the hair is represented are both characteristic, and appear the same on all the
238 THB NASIK (JOGHALTBMBHI) HOARD OP NAHAPANA'S COINS.
different types of coins. This is the more important as the busts of
the K^atrapas all differ from Nahapaaa*8 in these particulars.
• Nahapana*s head dress is a kind of square flat cap, without a brim,
intersected by a number of upright strokes giving the appearance of a
crown in some ca^es, and having a sort of little knot projecting behind.
The K^atrapa's head dress on the other hand is round and smooth as
if it were of metal, always shows a distinct brim, has no lines or marks
of any kind, or any knot behind.
The style in which the hair is dressed is equally characteristic. Nahapana*s hair is gathered up in a kind of bobwig style close under the hat, and extending only to the ear ; whilst all the K^trapas wore the hair long, extending down far behind the ear, and showing voluminous curls on the neck.
Another point on which all Nahapana's coins agree is in showing the king without a moustache, whereas the Ksatrapa kings invariably have moustaches.
v.— The Counter-struck Inscription of Satakarni I.
As I have stated in the early part of my paper more than two-thirds of the coins of this hoard have been counter-struck by Nahapana's conqueror, the king Gotamiputra ^ri Satakarni.
In very many cases the counterstamp is such as to completely obliterate the inscriptions and symbols of Nahapana. In other cases not much damage has been done and there is no difficulty in reading the original legends. My Brst idea was that the die used for the pur- pose of counter stamping the coins was brought to a white heat and then used until too cool to make an impression. The first coins stamped would therefore have their original inscriptions completely effaced, and the later ones would be scarcely affected. It has, however, been explained to me by my friend H. Cousens, Esq., of the Archaeological Survey that such a thing as using a hot die is unknown, and that the true explanation of the varying effect of the blow given to the counterstamped coin lies in the workman and not in the tool. A strong sledge hammer blow would efface the original stamp, but as the workman grew tired and struck less vigorously the effect would be less.
In Bhandarkar's History of the Deccan (p, 167) there is a reference to a counterstamped coin. *'One of the Kolhapur coins figured by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji bears the names of both Gotami- putra and Madhariputra, showing that the piece originally bearing
THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COIN'S. 239
the name of one of them was restamped with the name of the other. Mr. Thomas thinks it was originally Madhariputra's coin. I think it was Gotamiputra*s ; for if we see the other figured coins we shall find that they are so stamped as to leave some space between the rim and the legend. This in the present case is utilized, and the name of Madhariputra stamped close to the rim, which shows that the thing was done later. Madhariputra Sakasena, therefore, must have been a successor of Gotamiputra Yajna 6ri Satakarni."
It is noteworthy that there is not a single coin in the whole collection which was iiot originally Nahapana^s. This raises the question whether Satakarni I. ever issued coins of his own, and the testimony of the coins of this hoard points to the conclusion that he probably did not.
As far as I know the coins of this hoard are the first of Satakarni's coins to be brought to light, and so they are of very special interest.
Much has been learnt about this king Satakarni I. from the cave inscriptions at Nasik. The most important of the many inscriptions found in the caves is that of Queen Gautami BalasVi, in which the merits of her son, the illustrious Satakaroi Gautamiputra, are very fully described. If this account is to be relied on he must have been a very mighty king indeed. He is called '' King of kings ", and the list is given of the countries over which he ruled, showing that his kingdom stretched from Malwa in the north to Malabar in the south, and apparently embraced all Rajputana, Gujarat, Kathiawar, and the Deccan. He '* humbled the conceit and vanity of the K^atriyas ;" "destroyed the ^akas, Yavanas and Palhavas,** f.^., the Scythians, Greeks and Persians, — all northern invaders ; — ** fostered the Brah- mans ;" "established the glory of the Satavahana family ;" "stopped the admixture of the four castes ;" was a great warrior, ever victorious, a descendant of illustrious kings ; and, what is of chief interest to us just now, *' rooted out the dynasty of the Khakharata." The name of Nahapana does not occur in the inscription, but there seems no doubt that the description of Satakarni as the conqueror of Nahapana is correct.
It is curious and interesting to find that the famous Mahak^atrapa Rudradaman in his inscription at Girnar claims to be just such an- other king as Satakarni is here described, and to have ruled over practically the same immense district. Rudradaman also claims to have twice conquered Satakarni, the lord of the Deccan, and to have refrained from '.destroying him only on account of his being a near
18
242 THE NASIK (jOGHALTBMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA*S COINS.
and arrow, their symbols being the chaitya with sun and moon, and on their copper coinage an elephant or an Indian bull.
That all the symbols used had a religious signification is, I think, very probable, but there was so much eclecticism at that period of Indian history that it is impossible to draw hard and fast lines. I would merely suggest that the thunderbolt and arrow may be emblems of Vishnu, the wielder of lightning and thunder, and therefore, these symbols may be connected with Hinduism proper, whilst the chaitya and the ** Ujjain symbol " may be connected with Buddhism.
(b) Satakarni's symbols are, as we have seen, the chaitya and the ** Ujjain mark." They were not new to Indian coinage as they are both found on some of the very earliest of the Indian coins, e.g-.^ the chaitya on the Taxila coins of about 200 B.C. , and the ** Ujjain mark" on coins of a similar early date.
The Ksatrapa king Ca§jana was probably a contemporary of Nahapuna, and he used the chaitya with sun and moon, as his symbol and that became the recognised symbol of the whole Ksatrapa line during the three or four centuries that they continued :to rule. None of the Ksatrapas, however, appeafs to have ever used the "Ujjain symbol." Both the chaitya and the ** Ujjain mark " are found, not on different sides of the coin, but close together, on the reverse of a coin of Satakaroi II. We should probably not be wrong in regarding these two as combining to form the Andhra symbol. Then we find that the Ksatrapas used the chaitya without the ** Ujjain mark," and it is interesting to remember that the Mahakfatrapa Rudradaman claimed kinship with Satakarpi, and gave that as a reason for sparing him. The common use of the chaitya as a symbol may well be con- nected with that fact of relationship, a sort of heraldic quartering of their royal coats of arms.
I have only in conclusion to refer my readers to the excellent series of plates which have been very kindly prepared by Henry Cousens, Esq. , from which the many points of interest to which I have drawn atten- tion in my paper will be easily understood, and in the case of the diverse representations of the personal appearance of king Nahapana, will be better realised than from any verbal description.
THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPA>JA's COINS. 243
Nahapana's Coins.
Obverse : Head of king facing to right : inscription in Greek and Roman characters: FA^f^fltO. XA/t^fiATAC >rA^Air^/V^C . No date.
Reverse : Thunderbolt and arrow : Rajno Ksaharatasa Naha- panasa in Brahmi characters ; Ratio Chaharatasa Nahapanasa in Kharoshthi characters.
-^. Weight 29 to 32 grains.
Satakarni's Coins.
Obverse : Raho Gotamiputasa Siri Satakanisa in Brahmi characters : chaitya : no date.
Reverse. — Ujjain symbol. Counterstruck on Nahapana's coins.
I T
244 THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS
EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES.
Plate /.—First Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in its correct form.
Second Row : Coins showing Brahmi inscription.
Third Row : Coins showing Kharo^^hi inscription.
Fourth Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in
degenerate forms. Fifty Row : Coins showing Kharo^thi inscription in
degenerate forms.
Sixty Row : Coins of Satakarni I, with his inscription complete.
Plate IL — Greek legend in pure form, varieties of bust
Plate III, — Greek legend in degenerate form, varieties of bust.
Plate IV. — Specimens of counterstruck coins.
vjcV
242 THE NASIK (jOGHALTBMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA'S COINS.
and arrow, their symbols being the chatty a with sun and moon, and on their copper coinage an elephant or an Indian bull.
That all the symbols used had a religious signification is, I think, very probable, but there was so much eclecticism at that period of Indian history that it is impossible to draw hard and fast lines. I would merely suggest that the thunderbolt and arrow may be emblems of Vishnu, the wielder of lightning and thunder, and therefore, these symbols may be connected with Hinduism proper, whilst the chaitya and the '' Ujjain symbol *' may be connected with Buddhism.
(b) Satakarni's symbols are, as we have seen, the chaitya and the ** Ujjain mark." They were not new to Indian coinage as they are both found on some of the very earliest of the Indian coins, tf.^., the chaitya on theTaxila coins of about 200 B.C., and the ** Ujjain mark" on coins of a similar early date.
The K§atrapa king Ca§|ana was probably a contemporary of Nahapana, and he used the chaitya with sun and moon, as his symbol and that became the recognised symbol of the whole K^atrapa line during the three or four centuries that they continued :to rule. None of the Ksatrapas, however, appeafs to have ever used the "Ujjain symbol." Both the chaitya and the ** Ujjain mark " are found, not on different sides of the coin, but close together, on the reverse of a coin of Satakarni II. We should probably not be wrong in regarding these two as combining to form the Andhra symbol. Then we find that the Ksatrapas used the chaitya without the ** Ujjain mark," and it is interesting to remember that the Mahak^atrapa Rudradaman claimed kinship with Satakarni, and gave that as a reason for sparing him. The common use of the chaitya as a symbol may well be con- nected with that fact of relationship, a sort of heraldic quartering of their royal coats of arms.
I have only in conclusion to refer my readers to the excellent series of plates which have been very kindly prepared by Henry Cousens, Esq., from which the many points of interest to which I have drawn atten- tion in my paper will be easily understood, and in the case of the diverse representations of the personal appearance of king Nahapana, will be better realised than from any verbal description.
THE NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPA.VA's COINS. 243
Nahapana's Coins.
Obverse : Head of king facing to right : inscription in Greek and Roman characters: FA^f^fltO. XA/t^fiAf^C
ATAH^ir^lVAC . No date.
/Reverse : Thunderbolt and arrow : Rajno Ksakaratasa Naha- panasa in Brahmi characters ; Rano Chaharatasa Nahapanasa in Kharoshthi characters.
^, Weight 29 to 32 grains.
Satakarni's Coins.
Obverse: Ratio Gotamiputasa Siri Satakanisa in Brahmi characters : chatty a : no date. Reverse. — Ujjain symbol. Counterstruck on Nahapana's coins.
. . '
244 '^HB NASIK (jOGHALTEMBHl) HOARD OF NAHAPANA*S COINS
EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES.
Plate /.—First Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in its correct form.
Second Row : Coins showing Brahmi inscription.
Third Row : Coins showing Kharo^^hi inscription.
Fourth Row : Coins showing Greek transliteration in
degenerate forms. Fifty Row : Coins showing Kharosthi inscription in
degenerate forms.
Sixty Row : Coins of Satakarni I, with his inscription complete.
Plate II, — Greek legend in pure form, varieties of bust.
Plate III, — Greek legend in degenerate form, varieties of bust.
Plate IV, — Specimens of counterstruck coins.
VII.— 77ie Coins 0/ Surat. . P. Taylor, M.A., D.D., Ahmadabad. (Communicaleii)
has gathered round the story of the founding Tradition links its prosperity as a modern dty a rich Hindu trader, who settled on its present h century. One of the city-wards is still called I a large reservoir, long since waterless, is : Talav. For a while the town, or perhaps we jburb, so quickly rising under his fostering ' the " new place "; but ere long certain astro- ivened by Gopi, suggested it might well be lur, ' the City of the Sun.' Forthwith petition MuzafTar Karim, as overlord of the district, night be given for the adoption of this name, staunchly orthodox adherent of the Muslim ave been quite to his liking that a new town Id thus be accorded a purely Hindu name ; yet isposition inclined him to accede, as far as 3 request. So, changing just the final letter of screed that the city should be called Surat abic ijjmj, a term surely free from all :a1 with ihe word Employed to designate each .sQ6r'5n."
nt of Surat, Narmadaiankar gives the date of y as A.D. 1530. But in this detail he has evi- e : for six years before 1520 the Portuguese ia visited " a c!ly called Surat at the mouth of early it was " a. city of very great trade in all " Barbosa further relates that "Many ships of r partJ sail thither continually, and discharge ause this is a very important seaport, and there tities of merchandise. Moors, Gentiles, and in this city. Its custom-house, which y large revenue for the King of G^
246 THE COINS OF SCRAT.
until now Malaguioy, a Gentile, commands it, and governs it, as lord of it."'
This so circumstantial reference to the prosperity of the city in the year 1514 renders inevitable the conclusion that Surat dates back considerably before the days of the merchant-prince Gopi. We may with probability infer that on the site of an ancient Hindu town called Suryapur the present city was built, and that simultaneously with a phenomenal development of its trade in the first quarter of the sixteenth century the city's name was changed from Suryapur to Surat. ^
Owing both to its wealth and to its importance as a naval station, Surat early became an object of desire to the Portuguese, who on three several occasions assaulted and sacked the city — once in 1512, again in 1530, and yet again in 1531. Of the 1530 expedition Danvers concisely records that ** Antonio da Silveira proceeded up the Tapti river, and burnt the city of Surat and the ships in the arsenal there, killing everything that had life within it, and taking away every- thing of value."' The fort that had been built after the first invasion proving insufficient, the Sultan Mahmud (III) bin Latif gave orders for the erection of the much stronger castle that still dominates the river.
In the latter part of the year 1572 (A. H. 980) the Emperor Akbar, gladly responding to an invitation from the disaffected noble fi'^timad ^an, swooped down with his army upon the province of Gujarat, and in six short months had annexed it to his dominions. The recalci- trant Mirzas, who had found an asylum with Changiz Khan of Broach, and whose presence in Gujarat had supplied Akbar a specious pretext for invasion, early in 1573 gained possession of Surat, and entrenched themselves within the Castle. Akbar, however, followed close on the rebels, and after a seven-weeks' siege took the city (24 Shawwal 980 ; 27 Feb. 1573). Henceforward Surat, in common with the rest of the province, became an integral part of the Mughal Empire, and for the next two centuries shared in its vicissitudes.
* Stanley*s Edition of Barbosa's •* Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Mala- bar," printed for the Hakluyt Sodcty, x866, pa^es 67, 68.
" NotwithsUndingr the contrary opinion maintained by EHiot and Dowson, it is well definitely to dissociate the name of the dty Surat ( Guj. ^^<1 ) from that of the pro- vince Sorath(Guj. ^Ri ). This latter name is the Prakritizcd form of the Sanskrit Saura^ra ( W^I^ ), which originally denoted the whole of the KathIawa<J Peninsula. It is, however, in its present application, limited to the front, or district, in that Peninsula which borders the sea on the South and Soutb*West. With an area of Saao square miles, it includes the Native States of Junagarh, Jafarabad, Porbandar. Bantva, and Jetpur.
=» F. C. Danvers : " The Portuguese in India," Vol. I, pag^ ?99.
THE COINS OF SURAT. , , 247
I. The period of Local Mughal Currency : A, H. 985—1027 ; A. D. 1577 — 1618. It was within the first decade subsequentto its subju- gation by Akbar that Surat for the first time issued coins from a mint of its own. Prior to this period its currency had consisted of the gold and silver and copper coins struck by the Gujarat Sultans for the most part at their capital city of Ahmadabad. This Ahmadabad mint, which in the early months of H. 980 had been producing coins for the ill-fated Sultan Muzaffar III, was ere the close of that year im- pressed into service for the issue of imperial rupees, bearing the more illustrious name of Jalal-al-din Akbar Padshah. But Surat in the year of its conquest possessed no mint that could be requisitioned for {
imperial coinage. So far as we can learn, it was in the year H. 985 *
(A. D. 1577-78) that Surat made its first contribution to the currency, and the coins then issued were of a type distinctly inferior both in !
workmanship and in weight to the rupees struck at Ahmadabad and other of the Imperial Mints. Here, for instance, is Mandelslo's ac- count of the coins that were current at his time (A. D. 1638) in the province of Gujarat : —
** They have also two sorts of money, to wit, the Mamoudies ** and the Ropias. The Mamoudis are made at Surat, of silver ** of a very base alley, and are worth about twelve pence sterling, ** and they go only at Surat, Brodra, Broitchia, Cambaya, and " those parts. Over all the Kingdom besides, as at Amadabath ** and elsewhere, they have Ropias Chagam, which are very good •' silver, and worth half a Crown French money. "^
These ** Surat Mahmudis," we may confidently affirm, are identical with the silver coins which Stanley Lane-Poole has designated in the British Museum Catalogue ** Coins of Gujarat Fabric.'* They are known only in silver, and are of two denominations corresponding in weight to the half and the quarter rupee. They are round coins, the larger ones having a diameter of six-tenths of an inch and the smaller of half an inch. The dates on the specimens known to me range from H. 985' to H. 1027. Then comes a blank for nearly two centuries, after which precisely the same type of coin reappears, but now with the dates H. I2i5dnd i2i7(A. D. 1800 and 1802).
The legend, which on all these Mahmudis is the same, reads as follows : — {see Fig. i).
'-J. Albert de Mandelslo : " Voyages and Travels:'* rendered into English by John 17a vies, Edition of i66t, p. 85.
* I had here and in the preceding paragraph originally written H. 989, but my friend, ]Kr. Framji J.Thanawala, after reading this article, sent him in MS. form, most kindly resented me two beautiful Mahmudis— one dated H. 985 and the other H. 988*
i^^ TBE ocas or
fjirztne. In a square area bocnded bf doolde fines vrhh dots
%Jii'^
y^ f^'
Margins HlegibJe. Rricne, — in siniilararea :
>Iargins ille^ble.
T:.e ^giires denoting the Hiiri 3nears arc entered near the rigbt-hand la» er c:?rncr of the square area of the OftrvrBf — over tbe^flt of Ql^ In the coin dated H. 985 the figures are upright, but 00 all specknens known to me of a later date they appear as though King on their faces, having suffered rotation from the upright position through one quad- rant to the left. It is worthy of special note that, though Akbar died in H. 1 01 4, his name is retained unchanged on the coins struck subsequent to that date, whether in Jahangir's reign or even two hundred years later. ^
II. The Period of Imperial Mughal Currency : A. H. 1030 — 1215 ; A*D. 1620 — 1800.
In order to meet the demand for a purely local currency, the Sural Mint continued to issue its comparatively insignificant Mahmudi silverlings for a period of more than forty years, say, H. 985 — 1027, with a slight added margin for either limit. But at the close of that period this Mint seems to have been promoted to the grade of an Imperial Mint, and its thenceforward increased actirity was evidenced by the production, and in considerable numbers, of all the different standard coins of the realm, the gold muhr, the silver rupee, and the copper fulus. The following table shows for each of the Mughal Emperors (or Qaimants to the throne) the metab in which coins from the Surat Mint are known to us to-day. It will be seen that, with the exception of five claimants (Dawar Bakfash,Shuja\ Kam Bakhsh, Niku-siyar and
^ In tlic account here f^rcn of the SOrat Mahmudis, now more oomoMmly called the coins of GujaW&t Fabric 1 hare aTailed my«clf of the condusioos established m two artkks puMtshcd \r% the Nuinistnatic Sapplemeat II from the Journal. Anatic Society of Bcoffal. VoL LXXIII, Part I. No. s, 1904, and the Numismatic Supplement W from the Journal an^ Proceeding:*, Astatic Society of Bengal (New Series). VoL I, No. 10, 190$.
'•►•»* ^. *
-rTliA'JB«*iB:«i***»r ^m^^^
d 4* \' tvi
:jia
.• . i V ^•
a«-
SXV
248 THE COINS OF SURAT.
Obverse.^lti a square area bounded by double lines with dots between :
^jliyf)
Margins illegible. Reverse, — In similar area :
Margins illegible.
The figures denoting the Hijri years are entered near the right-hand lower corner of the square area of the Obverse— o\Qt the jim of J Ja In the coin dated H. 985 the figures are upright, but on all specimens known to me of a later date they appear as though lying on their faces, having suffered rotation from the upright position through one quad- rant to the left. It is worthy of special note that, though Akbar died in H. 1014, his name is retained unchanged on the coins struck subsequent to that date, whether in Jahangir's reign or even two hundred years later.*
II. The Period of Imperial Mughal Currency : A. H. 1030— 1215 ; A.D. 1620 — 1800.
In order to meet the demand for a purely local currency, the Surat Mint continued to issue its comparatively insignificant Mahmudi silverlings for a period of more than forty years, say, H. 985 — 1027, with a slight added margin for either limit. But at the close of that period this Mint seems to have been promoted to the grade of an Imperial Mint, and its thenceforward increased activity was evidenced by the production, and in considerable numbers, of all the different standard coins of the realm, the gold muhr, the silver rupee, and the copper fulus. The following table shows for each of the Mughal Emperors (or Claimants to the throne) the metals in which coins from the Surat Mint are known to us to-day. It will be seen that, with the exception of five claimants (Dawar Bakh§h,Shuja*, Kam Bakhsh, Niku-siyar and
'^ In the account here g^iven of the Surat Mahmudis, now more commonly called the coin» of Gujarat Fabric, I have availed myself of the conclusions established in two articles published in the Numismatic Supplement II from the Journal. Asiatic Society of Bengal. Vol. LXXIII, Part I. No. 1, Z904, and the Numismatic Supplement VI from the Journal an^ Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. I, No. 10, ipc^.
THE COINS OF SURAT.
249
Ibrahim) every ruler from Jahangir to Shah *Alam II is represented by at least his silver pieces : —
|
SOrat Mint. |
1 SOrat Mint. |
||||||||
|
Emperor or Claimant. |
Metal |
• |
• 0 2: |
Emperor or Claimant. |
MeUl |
• |
|||
|
« 0 2: |
G. |
S. |
1 a |
G. |
S. |
c. |
|||
|
I |
Jahangir Jahangir and Nur Jahan |
••• G |
S S |
c ... |
11 Farrukh-siyar ..» 12 Rafral darajat ••• |
S s |
c c |
||
|
2 |
Dawar Bakh^ ... |
••» |
••• |
• •• |
13 |
Shah Jahan II. ... |
G |
S |
k*. |
|
3 |
Shah Jahan I. ... |
G |
s |
c |
14 |
Niku-siyar |
.•• |
... |
... |
|
4 |
Shuja' |
... |
• a. |
• •• |
15 |
Ibrahim |
••• |
... |
••• |
|
5 |
Murad Bakhsh ... |
•*• |
s |
c |
16 |
Muhammad ... |
G |
s |
c |
|
6 |
Aurangzeb |
G |
s |
c |
17 |
Ahmad Shah |
*•• |
s |
.•• |
|
7 |
A'zam Shah |
.•• |
s |
... |
18 |
'Alamgir II. |
••• |
S |
... |
|
8 |
Kam Bakhsh ... |
... |
... |
•*• |
19 |
Shah Jahan III.... |
*•• |
S |
... |
|
9 |
Shah *Alam I. ... |
G |
s |
c |
20 |
Shah 'Alam II. ... |
G |
S |
••• |
|
10 |
Jahandar |
G |
s 1 |
c |
We have already seen that the latest known Surat Mahmudi is dated H. 1027. The earliest known Surat rupee — a rupee in the possession of my friend Mr. Framji Jamaspji Thanawala — is of the first month of the Hijriyear 1030^, and from that date right on till H. 1215, or even a few years later, the Surat mint was more or less active. As the year H. 1 215, however, witnessed both the resumption of the coinage of silver Mahmudis and also the production of Surat muhrs and rupees by the Bombay mint of the East India Company, the issue of exclu- ^vely Imperial Mughal coins may be assigned to the 185 (lunar) years from A. H. 1030 till A. H. 12 15. Accordingly we now proceed to register in their chronological order the legends on the different types of coins struck at the Surat mint during this period.
^ Entry is made in the Lahor Mus. Catal. (p. 70, No. IJ7) of an Akbar! rupee struck at SGrat ( ^^)yO ) in the month Jfin. ((O^w) of the Ilah! year 38. This strange
rupee, however, did not, we may confidently affirm, issue from the SGratf C:» 1 mm j Mint.
250 THE COINS OF SORAT.
JAHANGlR : A. H. 1014— 1037 ; A. D. 1605— 1627.
A. From A. H. 1030 — x (regnal year) till A. H. 1033 — 18. Rupee (see Fig. 2) and half-rupee.
obv. ^'^I;y
On two rupees of this type in the Lahor Museum (Catalogue Nos. 143 and 179) the tail of the_y^ in the word J | is retracted across the
•9
face of the coin, and in one the word ^Xau is wanting. Thus on these rupees the Reverse legends read as follow : —
We/V^^ and ^li:;^!^'^
B. From A. H. 1033-19 till A. H. 1037-22.
One muhr (Br. Mus. Catal. No. 513), several rupees {see Fig. 3), and a few half-rupees of this period are known, bearing on the Obverse the name of Jahangir and on the Reverse that of his Queen-consort Nur Jahan.
THE COINS OF sORAT. 2-1
Thus the legend, covering both the Obverse and the Reverse, runs
By order of Shah Jahangir money gained a hundred beauties Through the name of Nur Jahan Padshah Begam.
SHAH JAHAN J. : A. H. 1037-1069 ; A. D. 1628-1659.
A. A. H. 1037-1 Rupee.
I. Obv» -'t.^l/ or the variant (j^^ Fig. 4) c>^L^»(j>
Rev. 4/IJ'UIJ'
2. (See Fig. 5) Ohv, 4^ jli
^U ^^I^^U
252 THE COINS OP SORAT.
Rev. Ji/IJ'l^lJ'
B. From Hijri 1037 — j^^) till /fyVf 1042-x. Rupee {jsee Fig. 6) and half-rupee.
Both on Obverse and on Reverse the legend is bounded by two con centric linear circles between which comes a circle of dots.
^^^^^
Rev. JblJ'UIJf
It was in this year 1037 that the term Hijri ^^^Jb\ was for
the first time entered on the coins of Surat.
From some specimens of rupees of this period in the cabinet of the Bombay Asiatic Society it would seem that the entry of the regnal year was occasionally omitted altogether.
C. From A. H. x— Ilahl 4 (i) till A. H. x— Ilahi 5 (12). 1
Only two coins of this type have been published, and botli are muhrs : one is in the British Museum and the other at Labor. Ohv, Same as B.
^ The bracketed figure indicates the month : thus Ilah! 4 (t) means the first month— Farwardtn — of the Ilah! year 4 ; and similarly Ilahi 5 (is) the twelfth month — Isfand&nnuz •of the Ilah! year 5.
THE COINS OF sOrAT. 253
Rev. Mi\Mi
JUA
D. From A. H. x— 6 till A. H. 1046—9. Rupee (see Fig. 7).
Ohv, In square area with knotted corners.
Margin : uppei : ^ jj |uj t^ : right: ,^„^L© *U»^ : lower : ^^ ^^f
: left : cy^^^ «-> ^ Rev, In square area with knotted corners.
Margin : lower : t^ c* I cJ "^""^ ileft: ^ l^j^^l Jac^
• upper: c^l^ rjj^
: right : ^ U^
It will be observed that on the rupees of this type both the Hijri and the regnal year are entered on the Reverse, the former in the left margin and the latter in the left lower corner of the area. The two dates are thus brought fairly close together.
A gold coin of the year H. 1047, "^w in the Bombay Asiatic Society's cabinet, bears the regnal year both on the Reverse as in type O and also on the Obverse as in type E. This interesting muhr thus serves as a link connecting both those types.
254 THE COINS OF SCRAT.
E. From A. H. 1048—12 till A. H. 1051— 14. Rupee.
„ \ Same as m D, Rev. )
but the regnal year is now removed from the Reverse area, and is entered instead in the right-hand margin of the Obverse. Thus
^{^ J {See Fig. 8) or, more commonly, w-^'u^,*^
F. From A. H. 1052—16 till A. H. 1067—30 (but note G below).
Rupee.
Ohv. ^ ^ . T-.
„ vSame as m D,
but the regnal year is now entered not on the Reverse, but in the right- hand lower corner of the Obverse area {see Fig. 9). The Shah Jahani Surat rupees most in evidence are of this type. One specimen in my possession is square {see Fig. 10), measuring 7 inch, and weighing 178 grains. 1 Its Hijri year is indistinct, but seems to be either 1055 or 1059, and its regnal year is wanting.
G. A. H. 1057— 20 and A. H. 1057—21. Rupee {see Fig. 11) and half-rupee.
Obv, In area enclosed by a wavy diamond border.
n
Margin : left upper : : right upper : : right lower :
: left lower : i:yj^*u uj -^
^The late Pandtt Bh.igvanlal Indraji, in his article on " Antiquarian Remains at Sopari and Padana," contributed to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Amattc Society, Vol. XV, No. XL, tells of his obtaining at Sopara about ten coins of white metal, all of them square, and all bearing the legend of S^&h Jah&n. He adds (p. 279), " I bdieve these coins were perhaps struck at SdpSra to replace the Portuguese white metal coins, which were current in this part of the country, I may mention thatt except heret I haTe never found a white metal Moghal coin.*' Now Sopara is otherwise unknown as a mint town, and it is extremely improbable that at this long since decayed emporium of trade a mint should have been opened hf the Mughals solely for the production of white metal coins. Through the generosity of my kind friend Mr. FrS.nxii J&maspji Th&niwaUl four of these tutenag coin^ are now in my possession, and though on none of them can the place of mintage be decipheredi still the coins themselves resemble so closely the square rupee mentioned as type F that I incline to assign both to one and the same mint. But the rupee distinctly bears the name of its mint-town Surat, and hence we may with probability infer that it was from Surat these rare tufenag coins issued.
THE COINS OP SORAT* 355
Rev, In similar area :
Margin : right lower : y^ i_<f I O *^ : left lower : ^ | ♦^V A^ s : left upper : i:)^^ r)) ^'
: right upper : Jj^ J^j
H. A. H. 1067—31 and A. H. 1068—31. Rupee (see Fig. 12). O^. In circular area :
The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads consecutively : —
Rev. In similar area :
The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads consecutively.
In one of my specimens the year | «.*f V is by a freak written | •»(' V
In the rupee of the year A. H. 1068 — 31 the marginal legend on the Reverse begins not at the left upper but at the right lower portion. J. A. H. 1068 — 31.
The Indian (Calcutta) Museum Catalogue registers a rupee (No. 13149 On page 35) as follows : — Obv. In square.
f\ (31st year) under ^{J;,
Margins as in Obverse of D. Rev, Kalima in a circle ; margins as usual ; and date | ♦^ A
19
248 THE COINS OF SURAT.
Obverse.-^ln a square area bounded by double lines with dots between :
^j\iy/)
Margins illegible. Reverse, — In similar area :
Margins illegible.
The figures denoting the Hijri years are entered near the right-hand lower corner of the square area of the Obverse- ov^r the jim of J JU^ In the coin dated H. 985 the figures are upright, but on all specimens known to me of a later date they appear as though lying on their faces, having suffered rotation from the upright position through one quad- rant to the left. It is worthy of special note that, though Akbar died in H. 1014, his name is retained unchanged on the coins struck subsequent to that date, whether in Jahangir's reign or even two hundred years later. ^
II. The Period of Imperial Mughal Currency : A. H. 1030—1215 ; A.D. 1620 — 1800.
In order to meet the demand for a purely local currency, the Sural Mint continued to issue its comparatively insignificant Mahmudi silverlings for a period of more than forty years, say, H. 985 — 1027, with a slight added margin for either limit. But at the close of that period this Mint seems to have been promoted to the grade of an Imperial Mint, and its thenceforward increased activity was evidenced by the production, and in considerable numbers, of all the different standard coins of the realm, the gold muhr, the silver rupee, and the copper fulus. The following table shows for each of the Mu^al Emperors (or Claimants to the throne) the metals in which coins from the Surat Mint are known to us to-day. It will be seen that, with the exception of five claimants (Dawar Bakhsh,ShujaS Kam Bakhsh, Niku-siyar and
^ In the account here given of the SOrat Mahmudis, now more commonly called the coins of Gujarat Fabric, 1 have availed myself of the conclusions established in two articles published in the Numismatic Supplement II from the Journal. Asiatic Society of Bengral, Vol. LXXIII, Part I, No. s, 1904. and the Numismatic Supplement VI from the Journal and Proceeding*}. Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. I. No. 10, ISK>S*
THE COINS OF SORAT.
249
Ibrahim) every ruler from Jahangir to Shah 'Alam II is represented by at least his silver pieces : —
|
SOrat Mint. |
1 SOrat Mint. |
||||||||
|
Emperor or Claimant. |
MetaL |
MeUl |
• |
||||||
|
• c as |
G. |
s. |
c. |
• 0 2: |
Emperor or Claimant. |
G. |
S. |
C. |
|
|
I |
Jahangir Jahangir and Nur Jahan |
• •• G |
S S |
c ... |
11 Farrukh-siyar ... 12 Rafral darajat ••• |
... ... |
S S |
c c |
|
|
2 |
Dawar Bakh^ ... |
••» |
••• |
• •• |
13 |
Shah Jahan II. ... |
G |
S |
%•• |
|
3 |
Shah Jahan I. ... |
G |
S |
c |
14 |
Niku-siyar |
.*• |
... |
... |
|
4 |
Shuja' |
... |
• •• |
.•• |
15 |
Ibrahim |
••• |
... |
• •• |
|
5 |
Murad Bakhsh ... |
».• |
s |
c |
16 |
Muhammad |
G |
S |
c |
|
6 |
Aurangzeb |
G |
s |
c |
17 |
Ahmad Shah |
.•• |
S |
.*• |
|
7 |
A'zam Shah |
••• |
s |
... |
18 |
'Alamgir II. |
••• |
S |
... |
|
8 |
Kam Bakhsh ... |
... |
... |
«•• |
19 |
Shah Jahan III.... |
... |
S |
... |
|
9 |
Shah 'Alam I. ... |
G |
s |
c |
20 |
Shah 'Alam II. ... |
G |
S |
••• |
|
10 |
Jahandar |
G |
s • |
c |
^ |
We have already seen that the latest known Surat Mahmudi is dated H. 1027. The earliest known Surat rupee — a rupee in the possession of my friend Mr. Framji Jamaspji Thanawala — is of the first month of the Hijriyear 1030^, and from that date right on till H. 1215, or even a few years later, the Surat mint was more or less active. As the year H. 1 215, however, witnessed both the resumption of the coinage of silver Mahmudis and also the production of Surat muhrs and rupees by the Bombay mint of the East India Company, the issue of exclu- sively Imperial Mu^al coins may be assigned to the 185 (lunar) years from A. H. 1030 till A. H. 12 15. Accordingly we now proceed to register in their chronological order the legends on the different types of coins struck at the Surat mint during this period.
^ Entry is made in the LShor Mus. Catal. (p. 70, No. IJ7) of an Akbari rupee struck at SQrat ( \::^\yO ) in the month Jan. (;oU^) of the Ilahl year 38. This strangre
rupee, however, did not, we may confidently affirm, issue from the Surat f Cly 1^^ j Mint.
250 THE COINS OF SORAT.
JAHANGlR : A. H. 1014— 1037 *• A. D. 1605— 1627. A. From A. H. 1030— x (regnal year) till A. H. 1033 — 18. Rupee {see Fig. 2) and half-rupee.
Rev. ^\ ^s^)i/ ^^
IV ,ju
On two rupees of this type in the Lahor Museum (Catalogue Nos. 143 and 179) the tail of the ^^ in the word A ] is retracted across the
face of the coin, and in one the word ^Xm* >s wanting. Thus on these rupees the Reverse legends read as follow : —
We/V^^ and ^le^^l^^ A*-
B. From A. H. 1033-19 till A. H. 1037-22.
One muhr (Br. Mus. Catal. No. 513), several rupees (see Fig. 3), and a few half-rupees of this period are known, bearing on the Obverse the name of Jahangir and on the Reverse that of his Queen-consort Nur Jahan.
Obv. ^[^^
THE COINS OF sOraT. 2-i
Jiev> KLi
y
Thus the legend, covering both the Obverse and the Reverse, runs
By order of Shah Jahangir money gained a hundred beauties Through the name of Nur Jahan Padshah Begam.
SHAH JAHAN I. : A. H. 1037-1069 ; A. D. 1628-1659.
A. A. H. 1 037- 1 Rupee.
I. Obv, -'^^t/ or the variant (^^^ Fig. 4) \jl^»L>
Rev. Mm Mi
i.rv
2. {See Fig. 5) 0*r. <i- J^^
f.V 4 1*^
252 THE COINS OP SORAT.
B. From Hijri 1037 — j^^) till /TyVf 1042-x. Rupee (see Fig. 6) and half-rupee.
Both on Obverse and on Reverse the legend is bounded by two con centric linear circles between which comes a circle of dots.
Ohv. ^jl^KLijO
i^'^ivi*^
Rev. JUUUIJ'
It was in this year 1037 that the term Hijri (\^y^\ was for
the first time entered on the coins of Surat.
From some specimens of rupees of this period in the cabinet of the Bombay Asiatic Society it would seem that the entry of the regnal year was occasionally omitted altogether.
C. From A. H. x — Ilahi 4 (i) till A, H. x — Ilahi 5 (i2).i
Only two coins of this type have been published, and both are muhrs : one is in the British Museum and the other at Labor. Ohv^ Same as B.
^ The bracketed figure indicates the month : thus Ilahi 4(1) means the first month— Farwardin — of the llahT year 4 ; and similarly Ilah! 5 (is) the twelfth month— Isfandarmuz —of the Ilahi year 5.
THE COINS OF sOrAT. 253
Rev. MhA\i
JUiA
D. From A. H. x— 6 till A. H. 1046—9. Rupee {see Fig. 7).
Ohv, In square area with knotted corners.
Margin : upper : ^ jj |uj l^ : right: ,^„cwL© *U»^ : lower: ^1^1:^1^
: left : cy^^^ v-j -^ Rev, In square area with knotted corners.
Margin : lower : A ^^J (J '^ : left : ^ | .|e<1 J J*_, : upper . ^^Uic i.jjb
: right
It will be observed that on the rupees of this type both the Hijri and the regnal year are entered on the Reverse, the former in the left margin and the latter in the left lower corner of the area. The two dates are thus brought fairly close together.
A gold coin of the year H. 1047, now in the Bombay Asiatic Society's cabinet, bears the regnal year both on the Reverse as in type D and also on the Obverse as in type E. This interesting muhr thus serves as a link connecting both those types.
'
254 THE COINS OF SCRAT.
E. From A. H. 1048—12 till A. H. 1051— 14. Rupee. Obv. Rev,
but the regnal year is now removed from the Reverse area, and is entered instead in the right-hand margin of the Obverse. Thus
[Same as in D,
{See Fig. 8) or, more commonly, w-^'u^,*^
F. From A. H. 1052 — 16 till A. H. 1067 — 30 (but note G below). Rupee.
Obv, •\ ^ . -^
„ j-Same as m U,
but the regnal year is now entered not on the Reverse, but in the right- hand lower corner of the Obverse area {see Fig. 9). The Shah Jahani Surat rupees most in evidence are of this type. One specimen in my possession is square {see Fig. 10), measuring 7 inch, and weighing 178 grains. 1 Its Hijri year is indistinct, but seems to be either 1055 or 1059, and its regnal year is wanting.
G. A. H. 1057—20 and A. H. 1057—21. Rupee {see Fig. 11) and half-rupee.
Obv, In area enclosed by a wavy diamond border.
n
Margin : left upper : : right upper :
: right lower: ^^ U^f
: left lower : cu j^*u «-> -^
^The late Pandit Bhasr^anUl Indraji. in his article on " Antiquarian Remains at Soparil and Padana," contributed to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal AwUitic Society, Vol. XV, No. XL, tells of his obtainingr at Sopira about ten coins of white metal, all of them square, and all bearing: the legrend of ^&h Jah&n. He adds (p. 279), " I believe these coins were perhaps struck at Sdpar& to replace the Portugruese white metal coins, which were current in this part of the country. I may mention thatt except beret I have never found a white metal Moghal coin.** Now Sopara is otherwise unknown as a mint town, and it is extremely improbable that at this long: since decayed emporium of trade a mint should have been opened by the Mug:hals solely for the production of white metal coins. Throug:h the g:enerosity of my kind friend Mr. Fr4n\jl Jamaspji Th&n&w&Ul four of these tutenag: coin^ are now in my possession, and though on none of them can the place oi mintag:e be deciphered, still the coins themselves resemble so closely the square rupee mentioned as type F that I incline to assig:n both to one and the same mint. But the rupee distinctly bears the name of its mint-town Surat. and hence we may with probability infer that it was from Surat these rare tufenag coins issued.
THE COINS OF SORAT* 255
Rev, In similar area :
Margin : right lower : t^ i<^ I O *^ : left lower : ^ | ♦^V A^ \ : left upper : ^^ US^ p; j Ij.
: right upper : Jj^ Jp^
H. A. H. 1067—31 and A. H. 1068—31. '
Rupee (see Fig. 12). Ohv. In circular area :
The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads consecutively : —
Rev. In similar area :
The marginal legend, starting from the left upper portion, reads consecutively.
In one of my specimens the year | «.^ V is by a freak written | ♦f V
In the rupee of the year A. H. 1068 — 31 the marginal legend on the Reverse begins not at the left upper but at the right lower portion. J. A. H. 1068 — 31.
The Indian (Calcutta) Museum Catalogue registers a rupee (No. 1 3149 On page 35) as follows : — Obv. In square.
f\ (31st year) under ^H,
Margins as in Obverse of D. Rev, Kalima in a circle ; margins as usual ; and date | ♦^ A
19
I
I
I
256 THE COINS OF SOrAT.
K. A. H. 1069 — 32*
2^! }SafneasinD,
but with the regnal year entered not on the Reverse, but over the word yUt in the lower line of the square area on the Obverse. The
legend in this area thus reads : —
* •
My cabinet contains two CiT^^r coins of Shah Jahan from the Surat Mint. These are dated A. H. x— 29 and A. H. 1077 (? 1067) — 30. Their legends are alike, and read as follows : —
Obv.
Rev,
MURAD BAKHSH : A. H. 1068 ; A. D. 1657-58. A. A. H. 1068. Rupee (see Fig. 13) and half-rupee.
Muhammad Murad, the victorious King, the Second Alexander, Took the heritage from (Shah) Jahan, the " Lord of the Conjunction."
l*1A
THE COINS OF SOrAT,
257
B. A. H. 1068. Rupee {see Fig. 14) and half-rupee. Obv. In square area with knotted corners.
Margin : right : oU^t \y |
: lower : . jj 1^^ >• " Wedded to the Faith. " : left : xs»)y», s^ ^ rupper: j^ | ^ ^lb Rev. In similar area :
Margin : right : y^^ | J J^ : lower: J^Jj^^
: upper : ^ ^^
A Fulus of Murad Bakhsh is described, and figured, in the Numis- matic Supplement I of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Vol. LXXIII, Part I, No. i, 1904). Its legends are very simple :—
Rev. _
AURANGZEB : A. H. 1069— 1118; A.D. 1659—1707. A. A. H. 1070 — j^^l Rupee (5^^ Fig. 15) and half-rupee.
2s8 THB COINS OF SCRAT.
Rev,
This interesting rupee supplies us the only ' ' honorific epithet" assigned on the Mu^al Coins to the city of Surat, which is here styled "Bandar mubarak," the blessed Port. The origin of this title is doubtless to be found in the fact that Surat was the chief port of embarkation for Indian Muslims on pilgrimage to Makka. For this same reason the city is also sometimes designated (though not on coins) the Bab al Hajj, or Gate of Pilgrimage. Terry in his ** Voyage to East India " refers ^ in the following terms to the pilgrim-traffic from Surat in the second decade of the seventeenth century : —
** The ship, or junk, for so it is called, that usually goes from ** Surat to Moha, is of an exceeding great burden, some of them, " I believe, fourteen or fifteen hundred tons, or more, but these '* huge vessels are very ill built, like an over-grown lighter, broad "and short, but made exceeding big, on purpose to waft passengers " forward and backward ; which are Mahometans, who go on "purpose to visit Mahomet*s sepulchre at Medina, near Mecca, " but many miles beyond Moha. The passengers, and others, " in that most capacious vessel that went and returned that year I "left India, (as we were credibly told) amounted to the number " of seventeen hundred. Those Mahometans that have visited ** Mahomet's sepulchre are after called Hoggees', or holy men." Another, but distinctly less probable, explanation of the origin of the epithet Bandar mubarak is given in the Bombay Gazetteer from a local history written by Bakhshi Mia walad Shah Ahmad. It is there recorded that, when orders were issued (cir. A. D. 1540) by the Sultan Matimud (III) bin Latif for the erection of the Castle at Surat, the Turk §afi A^a, to whom the work had been entrusted, submit- ted three plans. " The King chose the one that placed the Castle on the bank of the river, and under this plan wrote the word mubarak^ or 'the prosperous.' Henoe the city up to this day is called Surat bandar mubarak,*^*
* Edward Terry : »' A Voyagre to East India" : reprinted ( in 1777 ) from the edition of l^Stpaffes 130. 131-
la^ H&ji (for HAjjI). ' one who has performed the pilgrrimagre to Mecca.'
^ Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. II (Surat and Broach), pag:e7t, note i.
TUE COINS OF SORAT. 259
B. A. H. 1071 — 3 a«<i A* H, 1078 — lotill 1080—12. Rup^e {see Fig. 16) and half-rupee,
Obv, 7^ (^^
Rev.
C. From A. H. 1075 — x till A. H. 1089 — 22 (but sec B).
Muhr (B. M. Catal. No. 707), rupee (see Fig. 17) and half-rupee.
Obv. Same as in B.
•
Of rupees dated 1079 — 11 and 1080 — 12 the Reverse in some speci- mens follows type B, and in others type C.
D. A. H. 1089 — 22. Rupee (see Fig. j8) and half-rupee.
Obv. y^l^
Jfev, Same as in C.
36o THE corns OF sCrat.
E. From A. H. 1090— 22 tin A. H. II i8 — 51. Muhr (probably of this type in Indian Museum A. H. x— 29 ; A. H. X — 30 ; A. H. x— 42) ; rupee (see Fig. 19) and half>rupee.
This b quite the most common of all the types of coins struck at Surat in the reign of Aurangzeb.
The Brit Mus. rupees, Nos. 796, 796a, dated A. H. 1 105 — ^37, have the Reverse '* counterstruck with galloping horseman.'*
The arrangement here shown of the words of the Reverse legend is worthy of special note, since adopted on all the gold and silver coins struck at Surat in or after the reign of Jahandar (A. H. 11 24).
Of the Cc/^r coins of Aurangzeb from the Surat mint two distinct tjrpes are known.
A. From A. H. x— 4 till A. H. x — 1 1,
.THB COINS OF SORAT. '261
B. From A. H. 1080—13 till A. H. 1119— x {see Fig. 20).
'^
Rev. (♦Al
The exaggerated elongation of the upper stroke of the letters alif, kaf, and lam on the Obverse is also found on Aurangzeb's copper coins struck at Lahor and Akbarabad. See Labor Museum Catalogue, page 195, Nos. 18 and 20.
Fulus of this curious type are not infrequently to be found in the A^adabad bazar, but a specimen in good condition is rare indeed.
A'ZAM SHAH : A. H. 11 18— 19 ; A. D. 1707. A. A. H. 1119— «w| Rupee (f^^ Fig. 21).
Obv. }j^/^*i[f^^^
f L fU/ ^J-^
Rev, yu, I i>*»_^*flfc
This is an exceedingly rare coin.
SHAH *ALAM I : a. H. 1119— 1124; A.D. 1707— 1712. A. From A. H. x— j^) till A. H. 1123— 6.
262 THE COINS OF SORAT.
Muhr (Ind. Mus. Catal., p. 50, No. 10909), rupee {see Fig. 22) and half-rupee.
Obv.
Rev,
JAHANDAR : A. H. 1124 ; A.D. 1712— 13. A. A. H. 1 124 — jk^ I
Rupee {see Fig. 23) and half-rupee.
t;' — t^
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb*
B. A. H. 1 124 — ^^\
Rupee {see Fig. 24). Ohv, Same as in A, but with ^ substituted for j J in the
lowest line, which thus reads : — Rev. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
THB COINS OF SCRAT. 263
C. A. H. 1124 — d^^)
Muhr (B. M. Catal., No. 879) and rupee (^see Fig. 25).
xl *
A MH
^«v. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
A Copper coin of Jahandar struck at Surat, and now in my posses- sion, reads as follows : — Ac. Date wanting.
Obv.
Rev,
)r'
The Reverse legend seems from the above fragment to have been identical with that of the E type of Aurangzeb.
FARRU^-SIYAR : A. H. 1124— 1131 ; A.D. 1713— 1719. A. From A. H. x— 2 till A. H. [ii]3i— 8. Rupee {see Fig. 26) and half-rupee.
Ohv.
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
Mr. Fr&fflji Jamaspji Th&nawala possesses an undated Copper coin struck at Surat in the reign of Farrukh-siyar. From drawings that
264 THB COINS OP SORAT.
he has been so kind as to send me it is evident that this Fulus bears portions of the following legends :«-
Obv. ^ ^y
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
Compare also the copper coin of Farrukh-siyar, No. 36, in King and Vost*s "Some Novelties in Moghal Coins" (Num. Chron., Vol, XVI, Third Series).
RAFI'AL DARAJAT: A. H. 1131 ; A.D. 1719. A. A. H. 1 13 1 — j,a^ I Rupee {see Fig. 27).
Obv, ^)<^\^) I in
y;^ AifLilTj^
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
A C(0//^r coin in my collection bears only the following fragment- ary inscription : —
Rev.
SHAH JAHAN II : A. H. 1131 ; A. D. 1719.
A. A. H. 1 131— d^ I Muhr and Rupee (see Fig. 28) and half-rupee
Obv, ^l^ xL4
iiri ;l^A
Rev. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
THE COINS OF SGrAT, 265
MUHAMMAD SHAH : A. H. 1131— 1161 ; A. D. 1719— 1748. A. A. H. 1 131 — j^|-and — 1132 Jah.|
Muhr (B. M, Catal, No. 953) and Rupee (see Fig* 29).
^ Lo J )( uu •> Li
Rev. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
The few coins known of this type were till recently attributed to Niku-siyar, that unfortunate prince — a grandson of Aurangzeb — who, having suffered imprisonment for forty years, was suddenly raised to the Imperial throne, and after but 105 days of regal splendour was again consigned to the dungeon in the fort at Agra. However we can now with confidence affirm that no coins issued in Niku-siyar's name from the Surat mint. In the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for April, 1899 (pages i^s, 56), Mr. Irvine supplied the trans- lation of an interesting passage from the Mir'at-i- Ahmad i, in which it is distinctly recorded that, on receipt at Surat of the tidings of Muham- mad Shah's elevation to the throne, an official assembly was convened, at which the accession was proclaimed by beat of drum, and the royal prayer (khutba) was recited. Forthwith coins were struck at Surat, bearing, according to the express statement of the Mir*at-i-Ahmadi, the very legend that distinguishes the type now under discussion.
Muhammad Shah began to reign only some six weeks before the close of the year 1131 Hijri, and coins of this rare ** Padshah Zaman " type are known dated that year and the following. Before the close, however, of the first year of Muhammad Shah's reign the new-fangled legend, which had nowhere indeed won acceptance save at the Surat mint, was abandoned, and thereupon Surat, falling into line with the other imperial mints, began to issue coins bearing that * ' Padiahah GhazT' inscription which remained till the close of Mu^iammad's reign, some thirty years later, the norm for the imperial currency. Thus the
266 THE COINS OF SCRAT.
coins — muhrs and rupees — struck at Surat during Muhammad Shah*s first regnal year fall into three classes : —
(a) Those dated 1131 H., and bearing the '' Pad^ah Zaman'* legend ;
(b) those dated 11 32 H., and bearing the same rare legend ;
(c) those dated J132 H., and bearing the normal *' Pad^ah Ghazi'' legend.
B. From A. H. 1131— tVai^j— till A. H. 1155—25.
Muhr (Br. Mus. Catal., No. 967a) and rupee (see Fig. 30) .
«
jit TiUdij
J^ev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
Two types are known of Muhammad Shah's Copper coins of Surat. Ac. Obv, ^ Li
y *
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb. Be. Ohv. jli xLi d4jr^
•• L^-T*
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
AHMAD SHAH : A. H. 1161-1167 ; A. D. 1748-1754. A. A. H. X— j»a^ I and A. H. x — 2. Rupee {see Fig. 31).
Rev^ Same as the £ type of Aurangzeb.
THE COINS OP SORAT. 267
*ALAMGIR II. : A. H. 1167— 1173; A. D. 1754— -1759. A. From A. H. 11 x x— 2 till A. H. x — 5.
Double rupee ^ (see Fig. 32) and rupee. Olrv. /Jlcll...
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
SHAH JAHAN III. : A. H. 1 173— 1 174 ; A. D. 1759— 1760. A. A. H. 117X— j^l ; [ii]75— tVa^l ;"78— da^l ; nSx-j^t Rupee {see Fig. 33) and half-rupee. Obv. I IV...
Rev, Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
As Shah Jahan was deposed on the 29th of Safar, A. H. 1174", it is difficult to account satisfactorily for the dates [ii]75, 1178, and 118 x, all coupled with the regnal year t5.^_ | . That other claimants bear- ing the name of Shah Jahan arose in these years to contest the crown with Shah 'Alam is not, so far as I can discover, recorded in any his- tory of India. May we venture to assume that the workmen at the Surat mint had grown careless, and that these years find a place on the coins through mistake ?
^ For a description and illustration of this Double Rupee tee Mr. Nelson Wrig'ht's articles in Numismatic Supplement V, Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. I., No. lo, 1905.
=' 5^^ Dowsonand EUiot's: "History of India," Vol. VIII., p. 378.
268 THB COINS OF SORAT.
SHAH 'ALAM n. : A.H. 1173— 1221 ; A.D. 1759 -1806.
A. H. X— 4 ; A. H. x — 5 ; A. H. x— 6 ; also from A. H. 1197 — 24 till A.H. X— 49.
Double rupee ^, rupee (jsee Fig. 34), half-rupee, and 2-anna piece. Obv. IHV
^
^^v. Same as the E type of Aurangzeb.
In A. H* 1 215 (A. D. 1800), if not indeed earlier, the East India Company's mint at Bombay struck " Surat " muhrs and rupees : but the evidence from coins still occasionally to be obtained io the bazars precludes the inference that in that year the Mughal coinage ceased to issue from the Surat mint. It would seem to have lingered on for a few more years, though, doubtless, the output was small. My cabinet contains a rupee of the regnal year 46 of make quite different from the familiar "46 san rupee '* issued by the H. E. I. Company; also another rupee of distinctly native workmanship yet bearing as its date so late a regnal year as 49, the very last year of Shah *Alam's reign.
III. The period of the East India Company's Currency : A. H. 121C— 1251 ; A.D. 1800 — 1835".
The year H. 121 5 witnessed a revival of the old Surat Mahmudi coinage, bearing the name of the Emperor Akbar, deceased nearly two centuries, a revival that continued seemingly for just two ye^rs. What circumstances led up to the issue of so old a type of coin, and, further, what occasioned its 6nal withdrawal, are questions that still await a satisfactory answer. Can these coins have been struck by
^ On this double rupee, dated A. H x— 4}in the possession of Mr. R. F. Malabar- wala of Bombay, see the article by Mr. Nelson Wright in the Numismatic Supplement \*. Compare also Note 13.
' In the Indian Museum Catalogue, page 99/, all the Surat coins of the East India Company are entered as dated either H. 1135 or H. tzio. If these readings be correct, the figures are probably in both dises due to faulty workmanship in the engraving of the dies,
thus I l'**^ for \f\C^znA | H ^ also for | I' | A.
THB COINS OF SCRAT. 269
way of protest against the imperious action of the H. E. I. Company in issuing its ** Surat " rupees in that same year H. 1215 ? And was the so early disappearance of these Mahmudis in H. 12 17 an indirect consequence of that year's treaty at Bassein, whereby sole and undisputed control over the district became vested in the English ? These problems we must, I fancy, be content to leave for the present unsolved.
If the East India Company struck any ** Surat '* coins, whether in that city or in Bombay, prior to H. 1215, they are undistinguishable from the Mughal coins. The Company's muhrs and rupees, which, according to Prinsep, the Bombay Mint ^ recommenced issuing in A.D. 1800 (A.H. 1214-15), were all struck in the name of the Emperor Shah' Alam, and on all were inscribed the same Obv. and Rev. legends as had for forty years obtained on his coins. Thus : Obv, J[c »Li
;U^ /^
Rev, — Same as in the E type of Aurangzeb.
As to their fabric, however, the Company's coins struck at Surat readily fall into two classes —those of native fabric or hand-made, and those of English fabric or machine-made.
A. The H. E. I. Company's "Surat" Coins of Native Fabric were issued in both gold and silver. Of these four sub-classes may be distinguished : —
(a) On the Obverse over the Li of x Li ^ Li comes an oval label,
bearing the figures of the Christian year 1802. Also on the Reverse the - of ^ytS^ is superscribed by a crowned
head. See Brit. Mus. Catal., page 281, No. 81. (l>) On the Obverse for the uppermost of the dots over Li of X Li J Li a small crown is substituted. On the Reverse the regnal year is 46. See Brit. Mus. Catal., page 281, No. 82.
* One coin -a quarter-rupee— is enlered in the British Museum Catalogue (p. 280, No. 80) as having been struck at the mint " Mumbai-Surat." This is, however, a curious error, for the coin really issued from the mint at Mahisur (Myst»re). See Numismatic Supplement V. Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. 1. Na 4. iQOf.
270
(f) The coins of this sub-dass are identical with those of
y
save that the dtstinctire crown is absent. These coins are thus in appearance Tirtually the same as the JVin^Ac/ coins struck in the regnal year 46. See Brit. Mas. CataL, page 282, No. 87.
(</) The Obverse and the Reverse are the same as in
^'
but the stiver coins of this sub-dass bear the 6gures 1825 incused on a raised label on the Reverse over the ^ of
(^^Ub. (-^^^ P«g- 35)- ^^ Brit Mus, CataL, page 282,
No. 85.
B. The H. E. I. Company's Surat cmns, in gold and silver, of English Fabric. Of these are the following three sub-classes : —
(a) Edge milled with straight milling =, and both on Obverse and on Reverse linear circle round rim (see Fig. 36).
{p) Plain edge, and both on Obverse and on Reverse serrated rim (see Fig. 37).
{c) Plain edge, and both on Obverse and on Reverse raised plain rim {see Fig. 38).
All the *' Surat *' coins of English Fabric bear, as their date, above the top line of the Obverse the Hijri year \f\C^ and (with, perhaps,
the sole exception of the 1802 muhrs) all the Company's " Surat '^ coins, whether of Native or of English Fabric, have, as a fised date, the regnal year 46.
The machine-made coins of the H. E. I. Company continued in circulation till A. D. 1835 (A. H. 1250-51), and, finally, that year wit- nessed the introduction of the uniform Imperial Coinage which still constitutes the standard currency for all British India.
AhmadAbAd,
12th May, 1906,
The chief interest of this article certainly attaches to the three Plates that illustrate it. These have been prepared from beautiful photographs of the original coins taken by my kind friend, Mr. Henry Cousens, M.R.A.S., the accomplished Superintendent of the
THB COINS OF SORAT.
271
Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, who, as on previous occasions, so now again, has thus placed the readers of this Journal under a debt of obligation*
G. P. T.
PLATE I.
|
Emperor. |
Ybar. |
Metal. |
Weight in Grains. |
Typical of Hijri |
|||
|
No. |
Hijri. |
Regnal. |
Period. ^ . • |
||||
|
I |
Akbar |
••• |
994 |
• • • |
Silver. |
86 |
Cir. 985—1027 and 1215 — 1217 H. |
|
2 |
Jahangfr |
••• |
1031 |
17 |
s |
17s |
1030— 1033 H. |
|
3 |
JahangTr a n |
d |
|||||
|
Nur Jahan |
••• |
1033 |
'9 |
S |
176 |
1033— 1037 H. |
|
|
4 |
Shah Jahan I. |
••■ |
1037 |
I |
S |
175 |
1037 H. |
|
5 |
••• |
1037 |
I |
S |
175 |
1037 H. |
|
|
6 |
• |
••• |
1037 |
I |
S |
174 |
loyf Hijri (written). |
|
7 |
••• |
1046 |
9 |
S |
171 |
1043— 1046 H. |
|
|
<»8 |
••• |
• •• |
12 |
S |
176 |
1048 — 1051 H. |
|
|
^9 |
••• |
• • • |
29 |
S |
174 |
1052— 1067 H. |
|
|
10 |
••• |
? |
9 • |
S |
177 |
?— square. |
|
|
II |
• • • |
1057 |
21 |
S |
176 |
1057 H. |
PLATE IL
No.
Emperor.
Year.
Hijri.
RegnaL
Weight Metal. in
'Grains.
|
12 |
Shah Jahan L ... |
1067 |
31 |
|
13 |
Murad Bakhi^ ... |
1068 |
I |
|
14 |
,, |
1068 |
I |
|
*i5 |
Aurangzeb |
1070 |
1 |
|
16 |
9 9 •• • |
1071 |
3 |
|
ti7 |
9 • ••• |
... |
8 |
|
;i8 |
• • • • • |
1089 |
••• |
|
19 |
9 9 • • « |
1 104 |
36 |
|
20 |
9 9 *** |
1089 |
22 |
|
21 |
A'^am Shah |
1119 |
I |
|
22 |
Shah 'Alam L ... |
1122 |
4 |
Silver.
S
S
S
S
S
S
S Copper.
S
S
176 176 176
174 176
176
175 212
170 177
Typical of Hijri Period.
067-1068 H. 068 H. 068 H. 070 H.
071—1078 H. 075--1089 H. 089 H.
090—1118 H. 089—1119 H. 118—1119 H. 119— 1 123 H.
* On this rupee Surat hears the epithet Bandar mubdra t Reverse only is shown on the Plate. X Obverse only is shown on the Plate. 20
272
THE COINS OF SORAT.
PLATE III.
No.
Metal.
Weight
in Grains.
Typical of Hyri Period.
♦23
♦24
♦25 «26 **27 *2S ♦29 ♦30
+32
**33
*34
35
36
♦37 t38
Jahandar
ft
>>
Farrukh-siyar RafT 'al darajat ... Shah Jahan II ... Muhammad Shah.
i»
A^mad Shah 'Alamgir II Shah Jahan III Shah *Alam II Shah *Alam II
•■•
»)
|
1 1 24 |
••• |
Silver. |
176 |
|
|
1 1 24 |
••• |
S |
176 |
|
|
1 1 24 |
.. ■ |
S |
177 |
|
|
II28 |
••• |
S |
^77 |
|
|
I13I |
.•• |
S |
177 |
|
|
I13I |
••• |
S |
177 |
|
|
II3I |
m^» |
S |
177 |
|
|
"33 |
*•• |
S |
177 |
|
|
• .. |
• •• |
S |
174 |
I |
|
.• • |
5 |
S |
357 |
' |
|
117 X |
.•• |
S |
176 |
|
|
1 197 |
• • . |
S |
165 |
J |
|
1825A.D. |
*•• |
S |
180 |
] |
|
1215 H. |
••• |
S |
177 |
. |
|
1215 H. |
••• |
S |
179 |
|
|
••• |
46 |
s 1 ( |
83 |
J |
24 H. 24 H. 24 H.
25—1131 H, 31 H. 31 H.
31-1132 H. [31— 115s H. [61 — 1 162 H. 71 H.
7 X— iiSz H. .77—1221 H.
Struck by the H. E. I* Com- pany.
* Obverse only is shown on the Plate.
t This is a Double Rupee.
X The Reverse only of this Half Rupee is shown on the Plate.
f^
>
i
V
X
N.
Art. XVI I L — Bombay ^ as seen by Dr. Edward Ives in the
year 775^ A . D.
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
{Read 12th October 1906.)
Dr. Edward Ives was a Surgeon in His Majesty's Navy and served in the Mediterranean from 1744 to 1746. Then he served for some years in England. From 1753 to 1757 he was Surgeon of the " Kent," bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral Charles Watson, Commander-in- Chief in the East Indies. On the Admiral's death in 1757, ^^ retired from service in India and returned home via Persian Gulf. He reached England in 1759. He continued on half pay till 1777. He was then superannuated in 1777. He died in 1786. Itwasini773 that hfe published his book of Travels.* The title of the book is rather a very long one. It runs thus :
•* A Voyage from England to India In the year MDCCLIV. And an Historical Narative of The Operations of the Squadron and Army in India, under the Com- mand of Vice-Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive, in the years 1755, 1756, 1757 ; including a Correspondence between the Admiral and the Nabob Serajah Dowlah.
Interspersed with Some interesting passages relating to the mannotd, customs, &c., of
several nations in Indostan
Also, a
Journey from Persia to England
By an unusual route
With
An Appendix
Containing an account of the diseases prevalent in Admiral
Watson's squadron ; a description of most of the trees, shrubs, and
f Vide Dictionary of National Biofifraphy, edited by Sidney Lee, Vol. XXIX (1892), p. 79,
274 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR I754 A.D.
plants of India, with their real, or supposed, medicinal virtues : Also a copy of a letter written by a late ingenious physician, on the disorders incidental to Europeans at Gombroon in the Gulf of Persia,
Illustrated with a Chart, Maps and other Copper-plates
By Edward Ives, Esq.,
Formerly Surgeon of Admiral Watson's ship and
of His Majesty's Hospital in the East Indies.
London. Printed for Edward and Charles Dilly.
MDCCLXXIII."
I find this book mentioned in the Catalogue of the books of the library of our Society printed in 1875, as ** Ives (Edward). — ^Voyage from England to India, also a Journey from Persia to England, 4to. Lond., I773-" It is marked as AA-a-17. But its name bears an asterisk in the printed catalogue, which means that in 1775 the book was either "damaged or missing." I find on inquiry from our librarian that it is missing.
The late Dr. Gerson DaGunha has given us an excellent paper entitled "The Origin of Bombay." It is published in 1900 as an extra number of the Journal of our Society. Therein, Dr. I ves^s book is not referred to. The Bombay Gazetteer^ refers to this book especially in its account of the AngriAs.' Therein, Dr, Ives's account of the taking of Gheria by Admiral Watson is interpolated in the larger account * from Robert Orme. * I am not sure if the writer of the Gazetteer has quoted directly from Dr. Ives's book, as I find some discrepancies in the references given." Again Dr. Ives's book is referred to in the Bombay Quarterly Review of 1857.® But, I find that, as far as I know. Dr. Ives's short account of Bombay is not referred to at any length by any writer, at feast on this side of the country. So, the object of this paper is to give a short account of Bombay as seen by Dr. Ives in 1754.
* Vol. If Part II., pp. 88, 93, 94* Vol. X, pp. 381, |82. Vol XIII, p. 499* » Vol. I, Part II, pp. 87—96.
* A History of the Military Trannactions of the British Nation in Indostan from the year i74Si Vol. I, (Fourth Edition of 1799), pp. 407— 4i7«
* For the life of this author, vidg " Hintorical Fragments of the Mogul Empiref of the Marattoes, and of the English concerns in Indostan, from the year 1659," by Robert Ormc (i8o5,)pp. V— LXVII.
^ For example (a) the Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 93, n.a. There, the p. 8s referred to in the note does not refer to the matter spcAen of. (3) The page referred to as p. 8 1 of Ive;* on p. 94 of the Gazetteer roust be p. 8s.
* The Bombay Quarterly Reviewi Vol. V, January and April, 1857, p. 162. Article entitled " An Age of Progress in Bombay.'
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 275
From his title page, we learn that, though the year of our author's principal visit of Bombay was 1754, the book was published in 1773, *>., about 19 years afterwards. It was dedicated to Sir Charles Watson, Bart., the son of the Admiral in whose fleet Dr. Ives had served and visited India. The dedication is interesting, as it aims thereby to set before a son, for his improvement, the example of a worthy father. It says : ** If what I have written of your excellent Father .... shall contribute to your improvement, and set you forward in the paths of virtue, I then shall be beyond measure happy."
CXir author thus describes the occasion of his voyage.
" Immediately after the peace of Aix la Chapelle, or as soon as our sea and land forces under the command of Admiral Boscawen had left the Indies and were on their return to England, Mons. Dupleix, Governor of Pondicherry, began by his intrigues to sow the seeds of dissention among the country princes; and when he had so far succeeded as to set them at variance with one another, he sent a body of Euro- pean troops into the field, as auxiliaries to those Nabobs who espoused the French interest, and who, by dint of this supply, gained several successive advantages over the other princes who were friends to our East India Company. Mustapha-Jing, a powerful prince, and Chunda- Saeb, an enterprising general, were those with whom he was princi- pally connected, and whom he made use of as instruments for bringing out his ambitious designs — Designs no less extensive, than of acquir- ing for his nation an absolute ascendancy over the whole Carnatic and Deccan, and for himself, immortal honour and immense riches. The English presidency were possessed of such convincing proofs of his insatiable avarice, and thirst for power, that they prudently and resolutely determined to exert their utmost abilities in putting a stop to his violent, and hitherto rapid proceedings ; for that purpose, they, und^r the character of allies, joined their forces with the armies of a prince called Nazir-Jing, and of the Nabob of Arcot named Mahomed -Aly, against whom their enemies were now taking the field*."
Admiral Watson's flag ship ** Kent, " of which our author was the medical ofHcer, left Spithead for Plymouth, the rendez- vous of the fleet, on 22nd February 1754. They left Portsmouth on 9th March and sailed for Cork in Ireland, to take on board from there, the king's troops under command of Col. Adlercron, While sailing to that port they were overtaken by a storm and so
* " Ives's Voyage,*' pp. 1—2.
276 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D.
had to anchor at Kingsale on 12th March. From there he wrote
to Col. Adlercron to march to that town with his troops. On the
19th the raging storm disabled two ships of his small fleet f of 6
ships, the whole strength of which was altogether 226 Runs. The
Admiral sailed from Kingsale on the 24th March with only four
ships and taking as many troops as he could accommodate. The two
disabled ships were ordered to proceed to Plymouth with some
more troops who were to proceed to India in some other ships
that the Admiralty may prepare to replace the disabled ships.
On 6th April, they anchored at Fonchial road off the island of
Madeira, *' a place," according to our author, ** famous for supplying
not only Europe, but all our settlements in both the Indies, with
a most excellent wine." We know that the town has not as yet lost
the fame, and the ** Madeira wine " is still well-known. The price of
the wine, at thafr time, says our author, was from £ 20 to 22 for a
pipe(».^., a cask containing two hogsheads or 126 gallons).
The following opinion of our author, regarding the zeal of the Portuguese to observe their holidays, is worth noting, to enable those who are interested in these people to judge if matters have changed. Our author says : —
** Whilst we continued at Madeira, we met with many disagreeable delays in supplying our squadron with wine and other refreshments, on account of the Passion-week, and the carnival that followed it, at which season all business there is at a stand and strangers are sure to be entertained with much gaudy, superstitious mummery. The custom indeed of celebrating this festival with a great deal of religious pageantry, is observed in all Popish countries, but probably nowhere carried to so j^reat an height as among the Portuguese, who are the mo it bigotted to the fopperies of their religion of any nation under the Sun."^
The fleet left Madeira on 19th April at 10 a.m., saw the island of Palma, one of the Canaries, on the 23rd, ** got into the trade winds" on the 25th, **were in sight of the Bonavista, oneofthcCapedeVerd Islands," on the 26th or 27th. In the middle of May, the '* ship being too much crowded with stores and men and consequently very hot between decks, the crew became so sickly " that in 6 days they buried 7 men and 160 were on the sick list suff'ering from ** putrid fevers." This fever was the result of eating the stock-fish, a part of their tinned provision getting putrid.
1 ••
Ive»'s Voyage," p. 4.
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 277
In their voyage they shot off the Cape of Good Hope an *'alba- trose," a sea fowl ** which measured lyyi feet from wing to wing." A shark also was caught ** which had the horns, skin, and many bones of a bullock in the belly. After it was dead and dried, a very large man passed through its jaws."*
They arrived at Madagascar on 17th July. Madagascar was then governed by 4 or 5 kings who were frequently at war with each other. The beef of Madagascar was then well known. The bullocks of the Island weighed from 600 to 700 pounds. The chiefs of the King's court ** prided themselves in being called by English names. And the King's own family likewise, in imitation of the court of England, is not without a Prince of Wales, a Duke of Cumberland, a Prince Augustus, and Princesses, distinguished by English names. All the great men abovementioned, came on board naked, except a covering over their hips, and another over their shoulders."
The fleet touched the shore of India at the Fort of St. David near Madras on the loth of September 1754.
Dr. Ives left Fort St. David on nth October and his ship, Salisbury,' anchored in what he called ** Bombay Road" on the 13th of November 1754. He gives the following description of Bombay' : —
** Bombay is a small island, but for its size, perhaps the most flourishing of any this day in the universe. Though the soil is so bar- ren as not to produce anyone thing worth mentioning, yet the conveni- ence of its situation will always more than make up for that defect It may justly be styled * th^ grand storehouse of all the Arabian and Persian commerce.' When this island was first surrendered to us by the Portuguese, we hardly thought it worth notice ; but, in a very few years afterwards, we experimentally found the value of it, and it is now become our chief settlement of the Malabar Coast. "
• Speaking of the natives of this island, he says that, though shorter, they are stronger than the people of the Coromandel Coast. He got this idea of their strength from the number of men that carried
^ " lves'« Voyage,* 'p. 5.
' It was in this ship that the late Mr. Nowrojee Rustomji Seth, the first Parsee to visit England) had sailed from here in 1723. ( Parsee PrakAsh, Vol.1. , p. 24 ).
* Ives's Voyage, p. 31. His description of Bombay, is referred to in the ** Bombay Quarterly Review,'* Vol, V, January and April 1857 , pp. x6t-i6?, in the article entitled ** An Age of Progress in Bombayi 1740-1762."
278 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D.
the palanquin, which was one of the principal kinds of conveyances here up to about 50 or 60 years ago. He says ^ur coolies carried a palanquin here, while six were required at Madras. " The people of this island were/' he says, ** made up of every nation in Asia."
I will quote here at full length what he says of my own co-religio- nists, the Parsees. He says :^
"We met witb several Persees, who, like their forefathers, the ancient Persians, are followers of Zoroaster, who is said to have modelled and reduced into order the religion of the ancient Magi, the fundamental maxim of which was the worshipping only one God under the symbol of light They adore the sun, and particularly the rising sun, with the profoundest reverence and veneration ; and by a natural consequence of the worship they pay the sun, they likewise pay a particular veneration to fire*
** I met with a very remarkable instance of this while I was at Bombay ; one day passing 'through the street, I heard a very un- common noise, and seeing at the same time a large fire in one of the houses, curiosity led me a little closer to it : in the middle of the house was set a large brass pan with a fire in it : before this fire, or rather on each side of it, two men were kneeling at their devotions, which they hurried over with great rapidity. I looked on for a considerable time with great attention, and afterwards learned from a servant of the admirals, who was of this cast, that one of them was a priesti then on a visit to another priest in a fit of sickness. This servant likewise told me, that the Persees have such a venera- tion for fire, that they never put it out, or so much as breathe upon it ; and I took particular notice, that while these priests were at prayers over the pan of coals, they had a kind of little white bib over their mouth, as I imagined, to prevent their breathing on their favourite element. The prayers appeared to me> to be only a repetition of the same set of words, from the similarity of their sounds. The visiting priest used many gestures with his hands over the fire, and afterwards stroked down the face of the sick priest, which I looked upon as the final benediction, for presently afterward the ceremony ended. This instance strongly corroborates Prideaux's observation * concerning their usage at public worship. 'The priests themselves 'never approach this fire in their temples but with a cloth over their mouths, that they might not breathe thereon : and this they did not only when
^ The reference is to Dr. Humphrey Prideaux's " The Old and New Testaments con> oected in the History' of the Jews and neighbourinflr nations.** Part I. Bk. IV (17th Edition of itiS)i Vol. I, p. 169'
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. 279
they tended the fire to lay on more wood, or do any other service about it, but also when they approached to read the daily offices of their liturgy before it So that they mumUed over their prayers, rather than spoke them, in the same manner as the Romish priests do their masses, without letting the people present articulately hear one word of what they said.' *' *
I will make a few observations on some of the statements of Dr. Ives in the above passage.
The prayer referred to above as being recited by the visiting priest over the sick priest seems to be the Ardibehesht Yasht (Yasht 3). There are two points in our author's statements which point to that identification.
1. The first is that the visiting priest used many gestures with his
hands over the fire and afterwards stroked down the face of the sick priest.
2. The second is that the prayer seemed to him "to be only a
repetition of the same set of words from the similarity of their sounds."
Ardibehesht is the third of the seven AmeshHspends or archangels of the Parsees. His Avesta name is Asha Vahishta, i.c^ the best purity. In the word 'Asha ' or purity, both physical and mental purities are included. So, this archangel is believed to preside over the best purity. Health both physical and mental or spiritual, gives purity. So, Asha Vahishta prssides over health also. He is therefore invoked in case of illness. The HQspftram nask^ as described in the Dtnkard, says :
** Where it is the healing of the sick, the spiritual debt is unto the archangel Asha Vahisht, and that which is worldly unto the physi- cian's anteroom (drugs)." ^ What is meant is this: When a man recovers from illness, we are indebted to two sources for his recovery — one, the Divine power, as represented by the Amesh&spend, Asha Vahishta, and the other, the human power as representedby the medical man who treats the sick man. As Prof. Darmesteter points out, this reminds us of the words of the eminent French physician Ambroise Par^,who is known in France as the Father of Surgery. He used to say: ** Je panse et Dieu gu^rit," «>., **I dress (the wounds) and God cures." He meant to say that the medical men only dress the wounds, to cure a patient, but
* I ves's Voyages, pp. 31-^2.
• S. B. B. XXXVII, p. iiS, Uinkard, Bk. VIII, Chap. XXXVII, 14. Vide Le Zend Ave»ta, par Darmesteter, Vol. II, p. lis.
28o BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YEAR 1 754 A.D.
it is God who really cures him. In the Ardibehesht Yasht itself, of all the remedies for a sick man's illness, the best is considered to be that of the Holy Word, i.e,, that which strengthens and influences his mind. This being the case, the recital of the Ardibehesht Yasht, before sick persons, was often resorted to even up to the last century, and it is not unknown even now.
** The stroking down the face '* of the sick patient while reciting the Ardibehesht Yasht consists nov/-a-days in making a few passes over the body with a handkerchief, or with the hand, and then clapping the fingers of the hand. This process is now known as ** Ardibehesht Yasht ni pichi."
Fire, as the refulgent symbol of the Glory of God and the visible form of heat that pervades and purifies the whole earth is a symbol of purity. So, Asha Vahishta or Ardibehesht presides over fire also. Hence it is that, as Dr. Ives describes, the fire was placed before the sick patient while the Yasht was recited. But one can recite that Yasht even without the fire.
Now Dr. Ives says that the prayer seemed to him **to be the repetition of the same set of words from the similarity of their sounds." That statement also proves the fact that the prayer recited by the priest and heard by him was the Ardibehesht Yasht, because of all the Avesta writings, the Ardibehesht Yasht is one where there is a good deal of repetition with a slight change of words.
The ** little white bib " which, according to Dr. Ives, was put on by the priest while reciting the prayer before fire was the padan or paitiddna, put on, even now, by Parsee priests.
Dr. Ives thinks that what he saw, vis.^ the priests reciting their prayers with a piece of cloth over their mouths, corroborated Prideaux^s observation that the Parsee priests mumbled over their prayers like Romish priests. That is not always the case. The present prayer book of the Parsees contains writings both in the ancient Avesta language and the later Pazend. So, whenever they have to recite the Pazend portion in the midst of the Avesta scriptures, they do so with a suppressed tone, which is technically known among them as reciting in ^^7 and which Firdousi refers to, as reciting in samsame ^ yej
Then Dr. Ives thus refers to the Parsee custom of the disposal of their dead and of their places of disposal now known as the Towers- of-Silence.
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 281
K
As the Gentoos burn their dead, one would think that the Parsees, who are so fond of worshipping their deity under the representation of fire, should be desirous of having their dead bodies committed to that element, wherein they suppose their creator principally to reside. But contt'ary to this, and to the custom of all other nations in the world, the> neither burn nor bury their dead, but cast them out in the open air, to be exposed to the several elements, where they are soon devoured by eagles, vultures, and other birds of prey. The principle they go upon is, that a living man being compounded of all the elements, it is but reasonable, after he is dead, that every particular element should receive its own again. On the top of Malabar-hill, in this island of Bombay, are two round buildings, on purpose for receiving the dead bodies of the Persees, which are placed and remain there till the bones are clean picked by the birds. A guard constantly stands within a small distance of the place, who is very much dis- pleased if you oflfer to approach the buildings ; and for this reason, lest by your going too near, you disturb the vultures in their preying upon the dead bodies. One afternoon, however, I resolved to satisfy my curiosity so far as to peep into one of these edifices. I perceived several dead bodies, but there was little flesh left upon the bones ; and that little was so parched up by the excessive heat of the sun, that it did not emit those stinking effluvia which there was reason to expect. It was owing probably to the same cause, that the bones were rendered quite black.'' ^
The pictures of the towers that he gives seems to be imaginary, because the two towers that he refers to, still exist, and coie can see at once, that his sketches differ. First of all, he has shown them to be of the same size, which, as a matter of fact, they are not. Again the outward appearances also differ.
We note that our author does not speak of the places serving as receptacles of the bodies, as towers, but only as ** round buildings."
The word Towers has latterly come into use. There was some dis- cussion, about a year ago', as to who first brought the words *' Tower-of-Silence " into use. Sir George Bird wood said that it was the late Mr. Robert Zavier Murphy who first used the term. I supported his statement, and said that it was in 1832, that the term was first used in a card printed in the Bombay Gazette by the late Mr. Framji Cowasji when he built the ** Tower-of-Silence " which is
* Ives' Voyage, pp. 32 and ^j.
* Vide Sir Geot^e Birdwood's letter to the London Times of 8th August 1905, Vide that letter quoted in the Times of India of 7gth August 1905. T/V/^ my letter to the 7Tim« 0/ Itidia of 3rd October 190S.
282 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D.
known by his name. The late Mr. Murphy, who was latterly the Editor of the Bombay Gasfette, had, at the time of the publication of that card in the Bombay Gazette of 28th March 1832, some connec- tion with the paper. So, it appears that, when Mr Framjee Cowasji asked the Bombay Gazette to print his card or general invitation to Europeans and other non-Zorastrians to come and see the round building he had built for the disposal of the dead of his community, Mr. Murphy, who must have been connected with the Gazette in some capacity before he became its editor, coined this new phrase ** To wer-of-Silence " for the first time.
Sir George Birdwood in his letter to the London Times above referred to, calls the phrase •* Tower-of-Silence " ** a fine figure of speech.'' I will take this opportunity to say, what must have suggest- ed this fine figure of speech to Mr. Murphy. He was an Oriental Scholar and was at one time Oriental Translator to Government As such, he was versed in Oriental literature and among that, in Persian and Hindustani literature. Now in Persian the word for '' Silence" or for ** the Silent" is khdmush ^^U^. This word khdmusk is also figuratively used for the ** dead." Dr. Steingass gives both these mean- ings for this word khdmush.i Then, as to the word * Tower *, it is natural that the structure being round, the word Tower at once struck Mr. Murphy as an appropriate word.
So it seems that the Persian word khdmush ^ meaning * Silence* or * Silent * as well as * dead *, suggested to Mr. Murphy the phrase **Tower-of-Silence."
ft
A few Hindustani quotations, wherein the word khdmush is used for the dead, have been kindly supplied to me by my friend Munshi Khan Saheb Farrudin. I am indebted to him for this suggestion as to the possible way which may have suggested to Mr. Murphy this figure of speech.
J(*- ^ ^1^ ^ ^^i^ \y^ J\^ Jiff.
Translation — (The complaint of a departed soul)—
'' The solitary enjoyment has become impossible owing to the infinite number of the dead. Oh God! where am I to go leaving the City of Silence, /.^., the cemetery.''
Vide his Persian •Eng^lUh Dictionar>', p. 443, the word Khamuth \y^ y^ ^-^^
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 283
Translation — (A living man draws a picture of the unstability of the worldly greatness.)
" I happened to go once in the City of Silence (i.e., to the cemetery), where a wonderful sight of the state of the kings of the world, came to my vision. On one side was lying the knee of Alexander and on the other the skull of Jam (shed)."
"We were so much affected that we remained motionless (literally smitten with apoplexy) on seeing her (beloved's) mirror-like face. We felt like entering alive the City of Silence. "
J^ yt u ' — ^^ jt — ^ ^ "^ ^ 1^ ^ ^ — ^
*'-The spot which had lofty palaces and beautiful sights is now full of graves.
The cities which were once populous have now become cities of silence, f.^., grave-yards."
I have come across an old document in the records of the Parsee Panchayet, which shows that the Portugese used the word 'well' for the Tower. In a document dated ist May 1796 we find the following words : *' Poi^o d6s Parcois aon do passrad sens defuntos",
284 BOMBAY AS SEBN IN THB YEAR I754 A.D.
i,e,f the Parsees' well, through which their dead bodies pass^ The document is a deed of sale of a hill, named Ragi, by one Krishnoba to Mr. Dady Nusserwanjee, Some Portuguese documents of the years 1710 to 1739 speak of the Towers as cemeteries or sepulchres. ( VieU the Zartoshti of month Farvardin 1276 Yazdezardi, Vol. IV., No, i.)
There is one statement in the above description of Dr. Ives which appears to me to be useful in determining the date of the construction of one of the old Parsi Towers-of-Silence in Bombay. He speaks of having seen '* two round buildings " or towers. Unfortunately, these two towers, the two oldest of the five public towers standing in the Parsee ground, known as Doongarwadi among the Parsees, have no tablets to give the dates of their construction. But, fortunately, it is three old European travellers that have come to our help, in determin- ing, at least approximately, the dates of these two old towers.
The first or the oldest of the two towers referred to by Dr. Ives is that known as Modi's tower. As said above, there is no tablet over it. Again there are no family records to determine the date of its foundation. But, as pointed out by Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patel^, Dr. John Fryer'* refers to this oldest tower in his book of travels entitled " A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight Letters, being nine years travels, begun 1672 and finished 1681." Therein be says : " On the other side of the great Inlet, to the Sea, is a great point abutting against Old Woman's Island ' and is called Malabar-hill, a rocky woody mountain, yet sends forth long grass. A-top of all is a Parsy Tomb lately reared.*"
Fryer's book was published in 1698. He left England for India on 9th December 1672. * He arrived in Bombay on 9th Decem- ber 1673. * His letter, wherein he refers to the tower (Modi's Tower), is dated Surat, 15th January 1675 (o^^l system 1674),' So, it is clear, that the first Parsi Tower-of-Silence was built some time before the year 1675 when he wrote the letter containing the above passage. He says it was "lately reared." The words "lately reared" are rather indefinite. It may be two or three years before the year when he wrote the above.
» Parsi Prakask, I, p. 17.
^ Dr. Fryer left England on 9th December 1672. He landed in Bombay 00 9di Decem- ber 1673. His letter from Surat wherein he refers to the first tower is dated i$th January 1675.
^ Colaba was then knotvn by this name. *■ Vr, Fryer's Travds, p. 67.
* Vide his New Account of East India and Persia in eight letters from 1673*1^1, p. i. " /bid, p. 59. ' nid, p. 89;
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D. • 285
Now, there is another traveller whose book helps us in determining the value or the meaning of Dr. Fryer's words ** lately reared." This traveller was Mr. (afterwards Sir) Streynsham Master who was in India from 1656 to 1682. In an interval during the period he had gone once to England. '
As he has not been referred to in the Gazetteer and in the Parsi Prakash, his notes having come to light lately, I will here make use of his reference and try to determine the date of the first tower.
It is in a letter dated ** Bombay, January 18, 1671, (j.^., New System, 1672) that he refers to the tower. The letter is headed ** a letter from Suratt in India giving an acco" : of y *: Manners of y* : English factories, &3a., their way of Civill Converse and Pious Comport- ment and Behaviour in these Partes.* It is an unusually long document to be called a letter. Therein, while giving a short descrip- tion of Bombay, and speaking of its different " nations or sects of people " he thus speaks of the Parsees :
^ The following particulars about this traveller are collected from Col. Henry Yule's Account of his life. Vide the Diary of William Hedges, Esq.} by Col. Henry Yule, printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1888, Vol. H. p. CCXXIII.
Sir Streynsham Master was b(«rn on sSth October 1640* He left London on 4 th April 1656 to go to India with his uncle and god-father George Oxenden. They arrived at Surat in Novemb^ l6$6. Mr. Oxenden returned to Europe but Master remained at Surat in charge of George Oxenden's brother Cristopher Oxenden who was " then second in council of the Company's factory at Surat.'* Mr. Master then went out as Cape-Merchant and super- cargo on a vessel bound for Persian Gulf. He returned to Surat in December 1659. He was taken into the Company's service in January 1659-60. Till i686f he was employed at Surat and Ahmedabad. During the interval, ue^ in x662, his uncle had returned to Surat as Sir Gcoi^e Oxenden and as President of Surat. In x668 he was one of the Council at Surat.
In the month of September of that year ** he was associated with Mr. Goodyer (Governor- designate,) Captain Young* and Mr. Cotes, to go to Bombay and receive over chaise of the Island from the King's officers." * When Surat was attacked by the Mahrattas in 1664 he took part in the defence of the factor>' and Company's property. When the Mahrattas pil- laged Surat for the second time under Sivaji in October 1670, the Council was temporarily located at Swally (known among the people there as Soomari ^^Ki). Soj Mr Master was asked to come down from that place to Surat to hold the factory against die invaders. This he did "with much gallantry and tact." The Court of Directors in London voted him on 20th July 1671 •< a gold medal in recognition of his services. It was presented to him in 1672 when fut went home. Gerald Aungier was the Governor at the time of Sivaji's above invasion. He was at Swally. Master returned to England in June 1672 and married in 1674. In September X675 he was Dominated ihe Governor of Fort St. George. He arrived at Fort St George on 7th July 1676. He then went to Bengal on inspection duty and took cbargfl of his appointment as Governor of Madras in 1677, when Sir William Langhorne went home. He fell in the disfavour of the Court of Directors ; he was recalled by a letter, dated 5th January 16S0-81. He gave over charge of his office to Mr. W. Gyfford on Jrd July i68f and then went to England.
« The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., by Col. Henry Yule, Vol. II, Printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1888. p. CCXXV. = Ibid, p. CCCV.
286 , BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D.
'' The Parseesare the antient inhabitants of Persia, from whence those that now inhabit hereabouts fled, at such time as the Maho- metan Religion was by Violence planted in that Country, which was about 900 years since. Then severall of those Parsees resolving to so suffer and undergoe any hardship rather than submitt to Mahomett and his followers imbarged themselves and their familys in a few slight built vessels of that Country and Committed them- selves to the Mercy of the Wind and the Seas, not knowing whether they would [fare] (a most desperate undertaking), and at length it pleased God they were cast upon the Coast of India between Surratt and Daman about 12 or 13 miles from Surratt, near the same place where the first English Ship that arrived in India was allsoe cast away, where escapeing to the Shoare with life, the Indians not used to such guests, yet being as obliging People to strangers as any nation under heaven (as the English found them when the Sun, the first Ship we had in these parts was cast away at or near the same place) tooke yet this advantage upon them (if it may be soe tearmed) that they should live and inhabit with them if they would swear to them that they would not kill Cows or any of that Sort of Cattell, and observe their Ceremonies of Marryage, that is to Marry their chil- dren young at 6 or 7 years old or thereabouts, to which the Poore Parsees soone agreed, and there seated themselves, the Towne being called Nausarree, or by the English Nunsaree, where since they have spread themselves about these parts of the Country, about 30 or 40 miles about Surratt, but there are very few farther in the Coun- try, yet some, for they say a Parsee was raised to great honour in the Court by Jangier this Mogull's grandfather. At the said place of Nausaree thear chief priests reside, where tis said they have their Holy fire which they brought [withj them from their owne Coun- try, and is never to goe out. They keepe it soe constantly supplyed ; they had a Church in Surratt ; but the Tumultuous Rabble of the Zelott Moors destroyed and tooke it from them when they were furious on the Hindooes. They have severall buryall Places hereabouts, which are built of Stone in the wide fields, wherein they lay the dead Bodys exposed to the open air soe that the Ravenous fogies may and doe feed upon them.
" These People are of a different Shape and Complection from all other People that ever I sawe in the World ; they are of all Profes- sions, except Seamen, for they have hitherto held it unlawfull for them to goe to Sea, because they must then Pollute the Element of Water which they esteem holy, as they doe fire. But of late some few of them had adventured to transgress that ceremony. They have a great Reverence for fire, and many of them will not put it out, but let
BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YEAR 1754 JLD, 387
it extinguish for want of matter ; they worship and acknowledge one God Allmighty and noe Images or Representations. But only the Sun they doe adore, and they give this reason for it ; that God AU- mighty told them by their first Prophet that they should worship only one thing beside Himselfe and that thing should be that which was most like unto Him. Now they say there is noe one thing in the world soe much like unto God 'as the Sun, for it hath its light and heat in itselfe, which it disperseth and infuseth into all parts and Creatures . in the World, soe that it gives them life and light ; therefore they say they worship it.
" President Aungier, one of the most ingenious men of our Nation that ever was in these parts, hath been somewhat Curious in his En- quiry into the Religion of these People, and according to the account they have of the history of the World, he is of opinion they had it from the Hebrews, it differing not much from Moses. They say according to these prophesys the World will not last many hundreds of years longer, but that their Kingdom and Country will be restored to them, and all Nations shall be of their Religion ere the World be ended."
Then, while speaking of the island of Bombay^ Master says of the Parsees of this city : —
" Here is allsoe some Parsees, but they are lately come since the English had the Island, and are most of them weavers, and have not yet any place to doe their devotion in or to bury their dead*" ^
This last statement of Sir Streynsham Master, made on i8th January 1672, shows, that on that day, the Parsees had no Tower-of-Silence. So, the statement of Dr. Fryer on the one hand, and that of Sir S. Master on the other, gives two dates between which the first Parsee Tower-of-Silence was built in Bombay. They decide that it was built at some time during the three years between the i8th of January 1672, the date given by Master, and 15th of January 1675, ^^^ ^^te given by Fryer. This period of three years can still be reduced to a narrower period, because though Fryer wrote his letter from Surat on 15th January 1675, he narrates therein what he saw at Bombay during the preceding year. At the end of the monsoons of 1674 ^^ ^^ ^^ Bombay for Surat.* His observations about Bombay itself must have been for the months of January or February 1674, because we learn from his book that before the end of the hot season he had left Bom* bay for Bassein. Before this, he had been visiting some of the coast towns near Bombay. So, his account of Bombay refers to the early
> The Diaiy of WilUam Hed^^es, Esq., by Col. Heniy Yule, Vol. II» printed for the Hak- luyt Society in 1S88, p. CCCXVI. • Fryer's Travels, p. 8J.
21
j88 BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR 1 754 A.D.
part of the year 1674. So, we can safely say, that the tower referred to by Fryer as "lately raised/' was built some time after i8th Janu- ary 1672 and before January or February 1674. It was built in the latter end of 1672 or at some time in 1673.
Now, just as the writings of the abovementioned two travellers have helped us in determining approximately the date of the construction of the first tower, the book of Dr. Ives helps us in determining the date of the second old tower— which is now known as the Manockji Seth's Tower.
The Parsee population at the time of our author's visit must be much below 10,000. Sir James Campbell's Gazetteer has given "the chief available details of the strength of the Parsees at different times since the beginning of the (19th) century." But the Journal of our own Society seems to have escaped his notice. In the very first volume of the Journal of our Society, then known as the Literary Society, we have a note latterly attached to the " Preliminary Discourse " delivered by Sir James Mackintosh, the founder of the Society. In that note we find the following figures of Parsee population in 181 1 : —
|
Men from 20 to 80 years of age |
... 3,644 |
|
Women ,, ,, ,, ••• |
— 3»333 |
|
Boys from 20 down to infant children |
... 1 ,799 |
|
Girls ,, ,, ,) ... |
... 1,266 |
|
Total |
... 10,042 |
This was in 181 1. So in the middle of the i8th century it may be about S,ooo. Whatever it may be, it was thought some time before 1748, that there was a demand for a second and a larger tower. The fact is inferred from the Will of the first Mr. Manockji Nowroji Seth, who died in 1748, and from whose father's name our Nowroji Hill derives its name. This Manockji Seth was the grandson of Rustom Manock, from whose name Rustompora in Surat derives its name, and who was the broker of the English Factory at Surat in the middle of the 17th century, and had gone in 1660 to the G>urt of the Mog^l Em- peror at Delhi to bring about a settlement of some points of dispute that had arisen between the abob of Surat and the English Factory at Surat. His father Nowroji Seth was the *first Parsee to go to England in 1724. He went there to lay his grievances personally before the Court of Directors in the matter of some money dispute that had arisen between him and the English Factors at Surat.
BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR 1 754 A.D. 289
Now, it appears from the last A^ll ' of the above Manockji Seth that, some time before 1748, the date of the death of the Testator, the Parsee community had raised a fund to build a second and a larger tower. Mr. Manockji Seth's subscription was Rs. j,ooo, but it was not collected, perhaps, because the money subscribed by the community was not found sufficient. So, he mentions the subscription in his Will and directs that instead of Rs. 2,000, a sum of Rs. 2,500 may be given to the fund. The whole amount of the subscriptions not being found sufficient, the heirs of the late Mr. Manockji offered to make up all the deficiency, and the tower was built and named after the principa donor, as Manockji Seth's Tower.
Now the question is : When was that tower built ? This tower also bears no date. Mr. Manockji had built a tower in his lifetime, a year before his death {i.e., in 1747), at Naosari. That tower bears a date in Persian.' But the tower built in Bombay several ryears later does not bear any date.
Mr. Ruttonji Framji VsLchha, in his Afumbai-no-Bdhdr, %,e,, "the Spring or the Rise of Bombay" published in 1874, says that the tower of Manockji Seth was built in 1128, Yazdazardi, i.e., in 1759 A.D. Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patel gives the date as 1756.^ He says that he was given that date by the late Mr. Heerjeebhoy Hormusji Sethna, a member of Seth Kh&nd&n family. There seems to be no documentary evidence about it.* I wrote to three members of the Seth Kh&nd&n family, to inquire, if they -had any documents or written notes in the family, to show that the tower was built in 1756. They have replied that they have none.
Now the work of -our author, Dr. Ives, shows us, that the second tower, namely, the Manockji Seth's Tower was built some years before 1756, the date given by Khan Bahadur Patel, Dr. Ives says that in 1754 he saw two towers. So, it appears, that the Manockji Seth's Tower was built not in 1756 but some time before 1754. Manockji Seth having died in 1748 and provided for that tower in 1748, it must have been built at some time between 1748 and 1754. This period of interval can still be reduced, because the Bombay Parsees wrote a letter in February 1750 to the Naosari An uman asking them'to send two priests to perform the ceremony of laying the foundation. The letter was signed, among others, by the two wives of Manockjee Seth.' So.
^ This Willy and what we may now call its codioilst have been published in the ^^ Ml^tilH ii'^^ «l'<U«iefl dm i*i S)^c|ie, f>.. the Genealogy and a short Account «»f the Seth family, published in 1900 by Mr. Jalbhoy Ardeshir Seth (pp. 77*S4). It is also partly published in the Parsee Prakash. - Parsee Prakash. I, p. 36.
3 ^'0{4^{ OUi^U, p. 445. « Parsee Prakash, I. p. 41. ^ ^'d, , p. |l.
290 BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THE YBAR 1 754 A.D.
the tower must have been built sometime between 1750 and 1754, probably not long after the above letter, ue,^ in or about 1751.
We will now proceed to consider a few other points about Bombay referred to by our author.
It appears that a term " toddy-headed " was used at that time for the weak-headed from the fact that toddy intoxicated men. We do not find the term used now.
The rind of the cocoanut fruit was at that time used for a kind of cloth for the poorer class of people. I think that that has altogether gone out of use now.
The Abkari tax for tapping each cocoanut tree was then 20 shillings.
The meaning of the word Bombay is often discussed. Our author understands its name to convey "an idea of a safe retreat in foul weather" (Bon or good bay). Bombay is said to have had "a very good dock " at the time for small ships. It was ** the most convenient place among all our settlements in the East Indies for careening and heaving down large ships*' (p. 33),
Among the little forts and batteries of this little island, Dr. Ives names, "Dungaree. Massegon, Mahee, Mendham*s Point and Sion- hill. " Of these Dungaree and Sion-hill are familiar names to us even now. Massegon is our modern Mazagon. Dr. Jerson daCunha ' suggests four meanings of the name.
1 'T^ IT^'CmachchgAv), i.e., fishing village.
2 ^^ ^Va^ (mahishg^v), i.tf., a buffalo village.
3 IHRt^ (m&zag&v), i.e., central village.
Of these three, bethinks the first to be "most acceptable.'* The form Massegon given by our author seems to support this meaning.
Mahee seems to be Mahim where we have still an old fort. Mend- ham's Point is a name unknown to us now. Colaba, which was formerly considered to be an island separate from Bombay, was then known as the Old Woman's Island. Before it was connected with Bombay itself in 1838, the southern extremity of Bombay, where the Scddiers' Home stands at present, was known as Mendham's Point. It is said that the first English cemetery was there and the first person buried there was one Mendham. Hence the Point was named after him.*
^ The Oriirin of Bombay, p. 59. The Extra Number of the Journal of the B. B. R. Asiatic Society} 190a
* Dr. Jenoa da Cunba's Origin of Bombay, p. 339.
BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR I754 A.D. 29I
All these forts were defended by guns at the time of our author's visit The principal fort had more than loo guns.
The renovation of the Cathedral has been much discussed lately. Of this cathedral our author says : "The Church also is not less sub- stantial than the fort ; it is a very handsome, large edifice, and in com- parison of those which are to be met with in the other settlements, it looks like one of our cathedrals." It was built by voluntary subscrip- tions. Rev. Mr. Cobbe, father of Mr. Richard Cobbe, Admiral Watson's chaplain, was the chief promoter of the work of building the church. Rev. Cobbe was at one time a chaplain of the Bombay factory.
Tank-house was the family residence of the Admiral. Our author does not say where it was, but I think it is the house at Gowalia Tank, now known as Tanka-ville. It was so called from the large tank near it. The Admiral was allowed five pagodas ^ a day for "a part of the expenses of his table." The Company allowed him and his principal attendants the use of palanquins. The horses being of little value and being also very scarce, they generally used oxen. These oxen travelled fast at the rate of 7 or 8 miles an hour. The Admiral had a chaise and a pair of oxen allowed him by the Company. It was in this chaise that the Admiral went " for an afternoon's airing " to Malabar Hill, Old Woman's Island (Colaba) and to Marmulla. By Marmulla, our author perhaps means Breach Candy.
The Hindu burning ground was at that time " near the water's edge under Malabar hill . "
The following account of our author's interview with a /og-ee is interesting : —
** During my stay at this place, I hired by the month, a chaise drawn by a pair of bullocks. In the several excursions I made in this carriage, I had frequently passed by one of those religious persons, or anchorets, who in India are called foogees ; and who, in conse- quence of a vow made by their parents, and during their mother's preg- nancy with them, are devoted to the service of heaven. One even- ing, I and a companion had an inclination to pay a short visit to this Joogee, who always sat in one posture on the ground in a shady cocoanut plantation, with his body covered over with ashes, and his long black hair clotted, and in the greatest disorder. As we ap- proached him, we made our salutation, which he respectfully returned ; and then. With the assistance of our Indian driver, who could speak English, we began a conversation with him, that principally turned on the wonderful efficacy of his prayers, and which he pretended had
According to W«batef | ite value varied at different places^ It was about 7«. ^d
igz BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D.
given health to the sick, strength to the lame, sight to the blind, and fecundity to women who for their whole lives had been deemed bar- ren. When we were about to take our leave of him, I offered him a present of two rupees, which he bade me to throw on the ground, and then directed his servant, who was standing by, to take them up, which he did with a pair of iron-pincers, throwing the rupees at the same time into a pot of vinegar. After they had lain there a little while, the same servant took them out, wiped them carefully, and at last delivered them to his master, who soon afterwards, by way of return, presented us with a few cakes of his insipid pastry. I then requested of him, that in his next prayers he would petition for an increase of my happiness, to which with great complacency in his countenance, he replied : ' I hardly know what to ask for you ; I ' have seen you often and you have always appeared to me to enjoy ' perfect health ; you ride in your chaise at your ease ; are often ac- ' companied with a very pretty lady ; you are ever well clothed, and
* are likewise fat ; so that you seem to me to be in possession of every
* thing that can be any way necessary to happiness. I believe there- ' fore, when I pray for you, it must be in this strain, that God would
* give you grace to deserve, and to be thankful for those many ' blessings which he has already bestowed upon you.* I told him that I was thoroughly satisfied with the mode of his intended suppli- cation for me ; and with a mutual exchange of smiles and compliments we parted."*
It is only last month, that our Governor Lord Lamington laid the foundation of a building, which was understood to be the first building in a scheme of thoroughly re-building the whole of the Sir Jamsetjee Hospital. The foundation of this hospital was laid in ^843 and it was opened in 1845. But it seems that a Government Hospital existed in Bombay as early as 1773. ^^ ^^^ intended only " for the sick and hurt of the squadron of His Majesty.** Our author says of this hospital : —
" Our hospital at Bombay was without the town-wall ; and in order to make my attendance on it the more convenient, Mr. D^ldguarde (a factor in the Company's service) was so obliging as to give me the use of a very commodious house, which lay near the hospital, and belonged to him as superintendent of the powder- works.**
From the reference to the powder-works, and from the statement that the hospital was out of the Fort, we are led to think that it was somewhere at Mazagon, where a place is still known as Daru- khdneh. It appears that the hospital was attended to by any medical
> From Ives's Voyages, p. 35. * Ibid, p. St.
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 293
officer that happened to be in Bombay. During his first visit, our author was in Bombay only for about one month from 13th Novem- ber to 15th December 1754.^.
"While on the subject of the hospital I would draw the attention of medical men to the drugs used at the time. Our author ' gives a list of the drugs as given to him by a Portuguese Physician of Bombay named Diego.
The next interesting thing in our author's book are the tables of the daily rainfall of Bombay for the monsoon of the year 1756. He gives the daily rainfall as measured by his friend Dr. Thomas who supplied it to him afterwards. The total rainfall of that year from May to October was no inches and 3 tenths. He also describes the rain-gauge then used.
Among the Bombay curiosities of the time our author mentions the following* : —
1. A terapin (a large beetle) kept at the Governor's ^ house ; its
age was said to be " upward of 200 years."
2. Large frogs, some measuring about 32 inches from the
extremities of the fore and hind feet when extended and weighing about 4 or lbs.
3. Beautiful shells on the sea shore much estimated by
the ladies of that time and known as Ven tie traps or Wendletraps. One of such shells was sold for several pounds. He names the following species of Bombay snakes known at the time : —
1. The Covra (Cobra) Capella, from 4 to 8 or 9 feet long.
2. The Covra Manilla, of the size of a man's little finger and
about a foot long.
3. The Palmira, about 4 feet long, " not much larger than a
swan's quill."
4. The Green Snake.
5. The Sand Snake.
6. The Covra d6 Aurellia, which is like an earth-worm about 6
inches long. It ** kills by getting into the ear and causing madness." This seems to be what is now known here as the IrlH^^l (a centepede).
7. The Manilla Bombo.
» Ibid, p. 36. • Ibid, p. 44- ' IW<>» P- ♦*•
* Richard Bourchier was Governor of Bombay from 17th November 17 so to itth February
^4 BOMBAY AS SBBN IN THB YBAR 1754 A.D.
During his short stay of one month, our author saw two fleets of country vessels in the harbour. " One of them belonged to the Nanna or Prince of the Maharattas, the other to Monajee Angria, the brother of Angria the pirate." These vessels carried two guns in their bow. The music of these fleets " was a plain brass tube, shaped like a trumpet at both ends and about 10 feet in length, and a kind of drum called a tomtom. Each fleet consisted of about 30 sails. "^
The following table gives the exchange as then prevalent : — '' A 36-shilling piece exchanges for 16} rupees. A guinea „ „ 9 „
An English crown „ 2 rupees and 6 double pke.
A Spanish dollar „ 2 ,, ,,3 ,, ,1 "
Eighty pice made a rupee.
The description of the Elephanta Caves given by our author on the authority of his friend Dr. Thomas will interest archaeologists to enable them to know what parts have been latterly further destroyed. He gives a plan of the caves.
This finishes our author's account of Bombay during his first vbit . (13th November to 15th December 1754). He then went with his Admiral to Madras and the adjoining towns and returned to Bombay ngain on nth November 1755.
On his second visit to Bombay, we find that the fleet, to which our author was attached, was engaged in a naval fight 'with the Angria. The family of Angria were more or less pirates on our Western shores. The Angria at this time (1755) was Tulaji. '
* Ives* Voyage p. 41.
' For an account of the Ansfrias and of this naval battle, vide the Bombay GaaeUeer, Vol. I., Part II, pp. 86-96. Vide also History of the MiliUry Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan from the year 1745, (by Orme), PP* 407-17.
' The following tree shows his descent : —
IK"
Tu
kajee.
Kanhoji (who had distinguished him- self in Shivaji's fleet, and who "in the unsettled da^s of Shivaji's success- ors, Sambhaji and ShAhu," became independent in 171^, Died in 172$).
Sakhoji Sambhaji Manaji. Yesigi. Tulaii
(dtedeariy). (Died about 174$). He was (halMmsthef of
succeeded bv his half- Sambb^ji)
brother TuUgi.
BOMBAY AS SBEN IN THB YEAR 1754 ^.D. 295
Lieut. -Col. Robert Clive, afterwards Lord Qive, was at that time in Bombay. He had already, by this time, made his name as a good soldier. He "had lately landed on the island with three com- panies of the King's Artillery from England. He was sent out with a design of acting in conjunction with the Maharattas against the French in the Carnatic and Deccan ; but finding that a truce had been agreed upon with that nation, and perhaps partly excited by Mr. James's late success, it was judged proper by Admiral Watson, Mr. Bourchier Governor of Bombay, Colonel Clive, &c., that the sea and land forces united with the Maharattas should attempt the destroying Angria's piratical state, which was becoming exceedingly formidable, troublesome, and dangerous, not only to the Maharattas, who were his neighbours, but also to our East India Company, and the whole Malabar Coast." ^
Gheria was the stronghold of Angria at that time, and so, it was this fort that was intended to be taken after a naval fight. It was situated in the Province of Beejapur and was " called Gheria by Mussulmans, but Viziadroog by Hindoos." *
In our author's description of the preliminary arrangements before the naval battle, we find an interesting account about the question of the division of booty, or prize-money as they called it, acquired in war, a question, which, it seems, they settled beforehand to avoid disputes later on.
Our author says —
** All things being at last in readiness for putting to sea, a council was heldj at Mr. Watson's particular desire, between the sea and land officers, both of His Majesty's forces, and those of the East India Company, with a view of obviating any difficulties that might arise in regard to the proper distribution of prize-money, should the intend- ed expedition be crowned with success. It was settled at this council, that Admiral Watson, as Commander-in-Chief of the King's Squadron, should have two-thirds of one-eighth of the whole ; and Rear-admiral Pocock, one-third of one-eighth. Lieutenant-Colonel Clive and Major Chambers were to share equally with the captains of the King's ships. The captains of the Company's ships, and armed vessels, and cap- tains of the army, were to have an equal share with the lieutenants of the men-of-war. The subaltern officers of the army, and Lieute- nants of the company's armed ships and vessels, were to have the same distribution as the warrant-officers of the navy, &c.
^ Ives* Travels, p. 79.
" The Bombay Quarterly Review, Vol, III, p. 56.
296 BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1754 A.D.
" These articles, however, had scarcely been agreed upon in council, before Colonel Give, who Commanded-in-Chief on shore, paid a visit to Mr. Watson, and acquainted him, that the Army was not satisfied with the terms on which he, as their Commander-in-Chief, was to share ; and that to make those gentlemen easy, who were to serve under him, he found himself under the disagreeable necessity of remonstrating and requiring that, as Commander of the Army he might be entitled to a more honorable division. The argument the Gentlemen of the Army went upon, was, that Mr. Clive, by virtue of the Commission he bore in common of Lieutenant-Colonel, could claim but an equal share with a Captain in the Navy ; yet on this occasion, being Commander-in-Chief of the Army, he ought certainly to be particularly distinguished, and be admitted, at least, to share with Mr. Pocock, the Second Sea-Officer, who was a Rear- Admiral. Mr. Watson replied, that it was impossible for him to make any alterations in the articles agreed upon in council ; neither indeed would his doing it be at all consistent either with custom or the different ranks which Admiral Pocock and Colonel Clive bore in the respective services. He told the Colonel, however, that to satisfy the wishes of the Army, which in the present situation of affairs, he deemed to be a point of the utmost consequence, he would give security under his own hand, to make good the deficiency, out of any monies he himself might be entitled to, so as to make the share of the Commander-in-Chief of the army and that of Mr. Pocock exactly alike. The Colonel, sensibly struck with Mr. Wat- son's disinterestedness, answered, that provided his officers were satisfi- ed with the proposal, he for his own part should come into it with great cheerfulness. He accordingly took the first opportunity of making those gentlemen acquainted with the AdmiraKs declaration, who were so much pleased therewith that from that moment all discontent ceased, and the expedition went on with the greatest unanimity.'* ^
Our author adds a footnote about the result of the above stipulation, showing a great self-denial on the part of Clive.
Dr. George Smith, in his Memoirs of the life of Lord Clive, in the Encyclopaedia Brittanica, ' calls this "no little self-denial " on the part of Clive. It seems really to be so, and draws our admiration, especially when we know that, according to his biographers, the pecuniary affairs of Clive were not satisfactory at that time. As Lord Macaulay points out in his Essay of Lord Clive, » based on *• Sir John Malcolm*s Life of Lord Robert Clive," Clive had spent away, while in England,
^ Ives' Voyagesf PP* Sx «nd 81.
■Vol. VI, p. 9.
* Macaulay, Critical and Historical Essays, Part II.
BOMBAY AS SEEN IN THE YEAR 1 754 A.D. 297
the whole of his moderate fortune that he had carried from the Madras side. He had extricated '* his father from pecuniary difficulties " and "redeemed the family estate. The remainder he appears to have dissipated in the course of about two years. He lived splendidly, dressed gaily even for those times, kept a carriage and saddle horses, and, not content with these ways of getting rid of his money, resorted to the most speedy and effectual of all modes of evacuation, a contested election followed by a petition."*
Looking to this condition of Clive's pecuniary state of affairs, it was really "no little self-denial" on his part to have refused politely a sum of ;£J' i,ooo offered by Admiral Watson.
Dr. Ives gives two fine sketches — one of the views of the Gheria fort itself and the other of a view of the river from it His account of the interview of Admiral Watson with the weeping family of Angria is really very touching. The interview brought about tears in the eyes of the Admiral. When the mother of the Angria bemoaned the flight of her son and said, " that the people had no king, she no son, her daughters no husband, the children no father," the Admiral consoled her by saying " that from henceforward they must look upon him as their father and friend." On hearing this, a boy, of about six years, sobbing said, "then you shall be my father." This reminds us of what we often hear of old topeewallas being considered the real mAbdps of the people.
At the close of the battle the fleet returned to Bombay on the 17th March and then left il on the 27th of April 1756. Our author then went with the Admiral to Calcutta, where the affairs of the Black Hole had attracted all available military and naval force. On his return homeward via Persian Gulf in 1758, on the death of Admiral Watson, his ship touched Bombay on 24th January 1758. He finally em- barked from here on 8th February. 1758.
^ Lord Macaulay's Essay on Clive. " Critical and Historical Essays contributed to the EDINBURGH REVIEW" in 3 Volumes (184I), Vol. III.,p.il8.
Art, XIX — A few Notes on Broach from an Anitguarian point of view.
By
JiVANji Jamshbdji Modi, b.a.
•
{Read March i^th, 1907.)
In December last, Khan Bahadur Adurjee Muncherjee Dalai con- veyed to me an invitation from himself and his colleagues, the Trustees of the Parsee Punchayet of Broach, to pay a visit to their city for the purpose of delivering there one or two lectures and a reading from the Shah-ndmeh of Firdousi. In response to this kind invitation, I paid a short visit to Broach from 31st December to 3rd January. While there, I made some inquiries on a subject suggested to me by our learned Secretary, Mr. Edwardes, some time ago, and on two or three other subjects suggested by the visit to the city. The object of this paper is to present few notes on those subjects.
The following are the principal three heads under which I beg to submit my notes :—
I. — The sites of the Dutch and English Factories.
II.— The past history of Broach from a Parsi point of view and the part said to have been played in that history by the Kabisah {i,e,, the intercalary month) question of the Parsis.
III.— The Kabir Vad and the tiraths or shrines on the Nerbudda near Broach.
I.
The first subject on which I beg to present a few notes is that of the sites of the first English and Dutch factories. Our Secretary had written to me, in June 1905, to make some inquiries from friends at Broach, about the site of the first English factory. On 28th June 1905, 1 had written to my friend, Mr. Ruttonjee Muncherjee Dalai, requesting him to make such inquiries. On 21st August 1905, he wrote to me in reply giving the results of his inquiries. During my short visit I took up the question myself and made some inquiries personally.
NOTBS ON BROACH. 299
The Broach GazetUet says : ".'In the year 1613, Broach was visited by Aldworth and Withingtoh, English merchants, and in the next year (1614), on Withington's return from Sind, a house in Broach was hired for a factory. In 161 6 Sir Thomas Roe obtained from the Emperor JehlLngier permission for the English to establish a trading-house at Broach on very favourable terms. They were to be allowed to live near the Governor, and the decree commanded no man to molest them by
sea or land or take any customs of them^ The Dutch
were not long of following the example of the English. In 1617 they also settled at Broach and established a factory.' But the Broach factory doos not seem to have risen to much consequence. In the eighteenth century there was but one junior* merchant and one book- keeper, with a few native servants under them.*" (Bombay Gazetteer, VoL II, p. 468).
It appears from this account that the English (A.D. 16 14 preceded the Dutch (1617) in founding their factory by about 3 years.
The site of the Dutch factory at Broach is well-known. There is no doubt about it. The large house'* in which it was situated, is still known as the q€l'«*(l iul {Valanddni Kotht), i.e., the factory of the Hollanders. In spite of the various changes which it seems to have
^ Robert Orme grives the following: version of Sir Thomas Roe in the matter of these concessions :—
** The two and twentieth (of July i6i6) I received letters from Brampore. in answer ot those to Mahobet Chan, who at first (request) grranted my desire^ making his firman to Baroodi most effectual to receive our nation, and to g^ive them a house near the Governor ; strictly commanding no man to molest them by sea or land, or to take any cusiome of them, or any way trouble them under colour thereof. .... The firman I caused to be sent to Surat (in order to be forwarded by the agency there to Broach) : so that Borooch is provided for a good retreat from the Prince's injuries* and the custom given, wherd>y fifteen hundred pounds per annum will be saved besides all manner of searches and extortion."— (Historical Fragments of the Mogrul Empire of the Morattoes, and of the English concerns in Indostan firom the year i6s9t by Robert Orme (1805), pp. ^71-72).
* Mr. Bendien. the Bombay Consul for Holland, has, after the above paper was read, kindly sent me copies of his articles on the Dutch in Broach. He gives Pieter Gillesen as the name of this first factor. iVide his articles on the Dutch factories in the Neerlandia of January and February 1907. Vide the February issue p. 26 for this reference).
» Jan Willem Six " Secundo " in the inscription in his tomb. Vide infra, p. J23.
* '* The factory at Baroche was established in the year 161 7* and is still continued, yet with very little circumstance, for there is but one junior merchant, and one book-keeper, who reside there as factors, and who have a few native servants under them.**-(«*Voyages to the Bast Indies by the Ute John Splinter SUvorinus," translated from the Dutch by Wikaocke. VoU III (1798). pp. 108-091)
' According to Mr. Bendien the factory bears on the gate *' as an inscription** the initials of the Company. (The Dutch East India Company, V with an 'o' and *e' in the legs of V.)
300
NOTBS ON BROACH.
gone through, for being adopted for small residential quarters, it still bears an inscription on the inside of a wall. I give below the form of the sun-dial with the inscription on it as copied by me from a distance on 31st December 1906. The dial with an inscription is within the court-yard of the factory on the top of the inside part of a wall abutting on a public road. The inscription on bears the Christian year 1700 and the name of F. J. Groenevelt (F. J. Groenevelt Anno 1700). Above this inscription appear fhe initials of the Dutch Company.
The site of the first English factory is not known. But oral tradi- tion, as heard there, says that the very house which was the seat of the Dutch factory was later on the place of the English factory. So, it appears that the English factory was, latterly, when the Dutch left it, transferred to this house. It is not known where it was when it was first founded.
The Dutch must have remained at least about 175 years at Broach. This appears from some of the dates on the tombs in their cemetery. This cemetery is situated about a littie on the west of the village of Vijalpore, at a short distance from where the Parsi Towers-of- Silence stand. The Cruseiteet says of the Dutch tombs that " these monuments bear dates ranging from 1654 to 1770.'' ' It would have been well had the Broach Gazetteer ^ which appeared in 1877, published the inscriptions on the tombs which are falling in ruins.
> Broach GatttUer, pc SS9*
NOTBS ON BROACH. 3OI
The Dutch cemetery is an interesting place to see, because the con- struction of the tombs in it seems to be different from what we see in the case of tombs in modern English cemeteries in India. ^ I give the photographs of two of them at the end of this paper. I am indebted for these to Khan Bahadur Adurjee Muncherjee Dalai of Broach. On entering from the west we find a tomb with a platform containing four seats. Then there is a block containing three tombs. This block seems to have had a tablet which is removed. There is another block containing six tombs, one tomb has the form of a Mahomedan dome over it. One can count the ruins of about 20 tombs besides a few masonry mounds. In close proximity we find a small ruin like that of a basin of water.
I beg to suggest that careful photographs of all the tombs and especially of the inscriptions may be soon taken. I have taken copies of the inscriptions. '
I wrote about a fortnight ago to Mr. Couzens, the head of the Archaeological Department, to ascertain, if the inscriptions are pub- lished by his Department in any report. I have not heard from him yet. This week I took my copy of the inscription to the Dutch Consulate here to get it translated. Mr. J. G. Bendien, the Con- sul, having gone to Holland, I saw Mr. Y. Von Rykoum, the head of the Holland-Bombay Trading Company. He could not give me a correct translation, because being in a foreign language and being very old, I have not been able, in a hasty visit, to copy the inscriptions well. I had requested a gentleman there to kindly get a good photo taken of them, but he has not done so yet. However I learnt from Mr. Rykoum that the Dutch Consul, Mr. Ben- dien, had once visited the Dutch cemetery, and has taken a photo of the inscriptions which he has published in a Dutch paper in Holland. I have written to Mr. Bendien to send us a copy with its translation. When received it will be worth publishing in our journal.'
^ Mr. BeUass8» while describing the old tombs in the cemeteries of Surat, assigns the following reasons for the grandeur of these old tombs : ** The Agents of these several nations vied with each other to live in the greatest splendour •• .. .. Men who lived in sudi grandeur may naturally be supposed to have emulated each other in creating ostentatious tombs to commenorate their dead ; and thus we find the sepuchral ruins in the cemteries ot Surat, even at the present day, bearing witness to the large sums that must have been expended for these purposes." (Journal B. B. R. A. S., VoU VI, pp. 146-47.) As Mr. Bellasis says, an idea of the grandeur of the Dutch tombs at Surat may be formed '<by the fact of a bill being extant, charging Rs. 6700 to the Dutch Company for mere repairs " (Ibid, p. X9).
Vide Appendix to this paper. As I liave latterly received cop es of the Inscriptions more carefully taken by Mr. Bendien, the Dutch Consul, I give them in the appendix. Mine being those by one not knowing the language are naturally faulty. ^ Viden.%.
302 NOTES ON BROACH.
While on the subject of the inscriptions on the Dutch tombs, I b^ to draw the attention of a future reviser or editor of a second editioo of the Gasetteer of the Broach district to several errors in the copies of the inscriptions of two other tombs as given in the Gazetteer.
The Gasetteer gives the inscriptions on two tombs near the village of Vijalpore. I give my copy of the inscription of the tomb of one which I saw, vis.^ that of Capt W. Semple : —
Beneath this stone
are deposited the remains of
Captain William Semple, ^
of His ' Majesty's 86th Regiment,
who was killed by
cannon shot
at the siege of Broach
on the 25th of August 1803.
Universally and most sincerely
regretted by all his
brother Officers.
To us who are nearer the time, the mistakes may appear trivial, but after several centuries they, especially the mistake of "Her Majesty" for "His Majesty," may cause serious doubts about the date. A future student of historical data may, in the absence of other materials to put him on the right track, long linger in doubts about the date. If he takes the word " Her Majesty " to be correct, he may tlunk, that perhaps the year 1803, given later on, may be a mistake for 1893 or for some other year. If he takes the date as correct, he may linger in doubts about the period of Her Majesty's reign.
I found similar carelessness on the part of either the copyist or die printers, in the matter of the inscription on the slab in the compound of the Civil Hospital within the fort on the grave of Brigadier David Wedderburn, who was killed while storming the city. He is the officer who is often referred to with curses and maledictions by Abas Alii in
^ The name is not Sempie as given by the GaMHieer,
* The GatgtUer wvnm *' Her Majesty "> which is notf and cannot boi oorrect, as the year b Stos when the late Queen had not come to the throne.
* The GoMtttggr omits this word>
NOTES ON BROACH. 3!!
military display might induce the Nawib to propose some settlement of the claims made against him, the Chief of Surat was directed to transport this force by sea to the neighbourhood of Broach. These instructions the factors at Surat did not carry out "
We see from this account that the casus belli was a claim of money upon the Nawib by the English.
Now the native account of the fight of the English with the Nawdb, referred to above, throws some further light upon this matter, and says that a Parsee of Surat was partly at the bottom of this question. This native account is very interesting from a Parsee point of view, be- cause, as said above, it suggests that the question oi kabiseh, or of the calculation of an intercalary month, which had produced a schism among the Parsees of India in the i8th century and which has pro- duced among them two sects — the Kadmis and the Shehanshahis— had some connection with the above dispute between the English and the Nawdb of Broach.
The native account, which I beg to present, is that of a Mahomedan writer named Sayed Abbas Ali. He has written a short history of this dispute and the subrequent battle between the English and the Nawib of Broach under the title of ''Kisseh-i-Nawdb Majuzkhan Bahadur of Broach.**^ It was written in Urdu. It has not been pub- lished and I have not been fortunate in seeing it in the original Urdu. But a Gujerati translation of it was published in 1869 by Mobed Byramji Fardoonji Vakili of Broach under the title of ^\^^\ ^^W, %\^i^^^^ <Hl^lJ^ ^1 fl^ru. Two hundred copies of it were published then. The translation being out of print, in 1894, ^^' Sorabji Framjee Byramjee Vakil, a grandson of the original translator, has published a second edition. I am indebted to my friend Khan Bahadur Adarji Mancherjee Dalai for a copy of it. I think that the Gazetteer refers to the above Kisseh in its account of ' * the. local details of the capture" of Broach when it says that it gives it on the authority of " A life of M^ad KhSln," by one of his courtiers. The name of the NawAb, as given by the Kisseh^ is Maozuzkhan while the English writer gives it as Mazad Khan. The difference in not very important when we know that the last letter d^l in the Urdu name, if written or read with an additional dot (nukteh), can be read ' z ' instead of ' d *.
^ I ^ve this title as g^iveo by the translator of the Kisseh, According to Mr. Sorabshaw Dadabhoy Fardoonji, Munsiff of Broach « the auothor called hi^ work '*Kisseh-i-Ganigeeneef'* i^^ **The Story of Sorrow," probably because it described the downfall of the Nawab's . tepm^ It was written in X 19J Hijree «>. 178S A. D.
* Mr. Sorsibshaw Dadabhoy Fardoonjee Munsiff in his letter dated sth January 1907 writes to me that he knew this translator. He was a priest 'and was practising in the Broach District Court in his full dress of Jama Pichodu
II 3 NOTBS ON BROACH.
Now the Kisuh gives the following account of the commencement of the dispute which, as said above, is interesting from a Parsee point of view :—
The Nawib of Surat was Sayad Hakijuldin Khan. An Englishman, named Mr. Sam Gabrier^, was the head of the English factory on behalf of the Company. Among the Parsees atcSurat, there arose a great dispute about the calculation of time,* the difference of a month in calculation having arisen as the result of some letters received from Persia. There arose two parties. At the head of one, the Rasmi, who adhered to the old previous calculation was Minocher*. At the head of the other sect, the Kadmis, was Dhunjee^. The dispute had coo- tinued for some time^ During that dispute Dhunjee, the leader of the Kadmi sect of Surat, writes to the Nawdb of Broach to inquire into the matter of the question under discussion. He also wrote to his own Mulla*. The Nawkb, therefore, sent for the two dkhuns £,€., preceptors of the Parsees, one Dastur Kamdin ^ by name and another Pidash^**, He asked them to tell correct facts as described in religious books. Dastur Kamdin after a long consideration said that what Muncher, the leader of the Rasmis, said was correct and
^ This Mr. Gabier is Mr. Gambier of our historical writers.
* It was in I720,that one Jamasp, known as Jamasp Velayati,came firom Persia to India and pointed out the difference of one month between the calculation of the Zoroastrians of Persia and that of the Zoroastrians of India. In x7i6, a laymani named Jamshed, firom Persia, revived the question, in 174$ the Parsees of Surat bad a r^^lar schism for the first time. In 1768, Dhanjishaw Maqjishaw sent Mobad KAas Rustsm JalAl of Broadi to Persih to study the question thwe.
* Mr. Muncherjee Kharshe4j Seth (1714-1784). He was the broker of the Dutch Factory at Surat. He had great influence with the Nawdb of Surat. He had twice been to Delhi to the Mogrul Court for business purposes. Anquetil Du Perron (Le Zend Avestl Ip Partie I, p. cccxv) speaks of him as the courtier (broker) of the Dutch and as the chief ot the Parsees of Surat (le premier des Parses de Surat).
* Dhai^eeshaw Manjishaw (171^-1788). He was a ^eat merchant of Surat and w« the broker of the Bnglish factory. Vide foot-note No. 4 above.
* In 1768, the dispute had taken a serious turn in Broach its^, and Dastur KAmdinjee of Broach, the leadinir priest of the Shahanshahis or the Rasmis, was sent to jaiL The new paity there was headed by Kaus Rustam Jalal who was the father of Mulla Peross and who was sent to Persia in the same year by Dhunjeeshaw Maojidiaw. The Nawab of Broach referred the matter to the Panchayets of Naosari and Surat. After some dis- cussion lastinir ^o^ several months, the Pundiayet of Surat wrote to Broach to cootinae In the Rasmi belief (yitU ** Panee Prakasb," I, p.«863).
* i, #., the hirh priest who led his sect. Thb was Kaus RusUm Jalal.
* Dastur Kamdi^|ee FarduigM (t7il-l78t) who baloa^red to the Shahanshahi ssol. He was the father of Aspandiarjee who published in i8>6 « k<^M dl^^ MA9il>5ll% M^*' • Aooordinc to the «* Parsee Prakash ** (Vol. It p. 6«) be was a welMnown
Kadmi priest of Broach. Hom^H who is koMored by the Paracee of Brxmsh as a martyr was hanged for kiUing Behanbai, Hm siatar of Pidahik. She was a staunch Kmdad, A manuscript book on ths Kabiseh coatioversy. in my possession, gires PAdshAh*^ psraonal asms as Rustoo^i. He was the ffraat gnat grandfather of Mr. Burjorje^ the pressat Kadmi hsad^prisst of the Masaffoo firs^onpls of Mr. Fnmfi PateL
NOTES ON BROACH. 313
what Dhaajee, the leader of the Kadmis, said was wrong. The Nawib wrote accordingly to Dhunjee. So Dhunjee was enraged against the Nawib of Broach for not having gained the opinion of the priests and for not having decided in the favour of his sect He had a g^dge against the Nawab and he was on a look out to wreak his vengeance.
Now it so happened, that some time after this event, the Nawdb stopped at the Customs Office at Broach some of the goods of mer- chandise belonging to Dhunjee, saying that custom duty was due on them. Dhunjee claimed exemption, but the Nawib refused it and confiscated the goods. Dhunjee had to pay the custom dues. Dhunjee then went before Mr. Gambler, the head of the English factory at Surat, with whom he had great influence, and said that the Custom House of Broach was from the first under the control of the Port of Surat, that its income was about Rs. 1,00,000 per year, and that the Nawdb has not been paying it to the Surat factory for the last 40 years. Dhunjee succeeded in influencing Mr. Gambler, who wrote to the Nawib of Broach claiming a sum of 40 lakhs as due from him to the Government of Surat which had the right of enjoying the customs duties at Broach. The Nawdb indignantly repudiated the claim. Thereupon Mr. Gambler declared war. Thus, it appears, that accord- ing to the native author, a religious dispute amongst the Parsees of the time had some connection with the fight between the Nawib of Broach and the English.
We will now examine the Urdu Kisseh a little further, as it presents a few new facts from the Naw4b*s point of view and throws some side light on the question of the fight between the British and the Nawib.
Speaking of the fight, the Urdu Kisseh says that the Nawib of Broach had asked assistance from Fatesingrao of Baroda, the Nawib of Cambay, the Ruler of Dholka and the Raja of Rajpipla. Fatesing of Baroda is said to have had some sinister motives in sending his army for assistance. He was himself looking for an opportunity to seize Broach.
The English expedition to Broach was accompanied by 700 men be- kmging to the Nawib of Surat under the command of the Bakhshi or paymaster.^ About this Bakhshi the Kisseh says that he was in sym- pathy with the Nawdb of Broach and had sent a secret message to him about the advance of the British.
As the English account says, the expedition ended in a failure. "The management of the expedition had been in many points
^ VitU the Broach 0«s«tteer, II, p. 470.
,3o6 NOTES OK BROACH.
Kanouj referred to by Wilford. Priasep affords us very valuable help on this point In his essay on Saur^stra coins he says that the t3rpe of the series of Indian coins known as Gadhia-ka paisa is an " example of imitation of a Grecian original," ^ and that " a comparison (of these ooins) with the coins of the Arsakian and Sassanian dynasties of Persia, which are confessedly of Greek origin,*' satisfactorily proves that Prinsep says on the subject of these coins : ** The popular name for these rude coins — of silver and copper — is, according to Burnes, in Gujar&t, * Gadhia-k& pais^,' ' Ass money/ or rather, ' the money of
Gadhia,' a name of Vikramiditya The Hindus insist
that this Vikrama was not a paramount sovereign of India, but only a powerful king of the western provinces, his capital being Camb&t or Cambay : and it is certain that the princes of these parts were tribu- tary to Persia from a very early period. The veteran antiquarian, Wilford, would have been delighted, could he have witnessed a con- firmation of his theories afforded by the coins before us, borne out by the local tradition of a people now unable even to guess at the nature of the curious and barbarous marks on them. None but a professed studier of coins could possibly have discovered on them the profile of a face after the Persian model, on one side, and the actual Sassanian fire-altar on the other ; yet such is indubitably the case, as an attentive consideration of the accumulation of lines and dots (on the figures of the coins) will prove. Should this fire-altar be admitted as proof of an Indo-Sassanian dynasty in Saur^Lshtra, we may find the date of its establishment in the epoch of Yesdijird, the son of Behr£Lm-Gor ; supported by the concurrent testimony of the Agni-purina, that Vikrama, the son of Gadh^-rupa, should ascend the throne of M^ayft (Ujjain) 753 years after the expiation of ChAnakya or A.D. 441." (*)
A painting in the Ajanta caves refers to a Persian embassy to India. This also seems to refer to Behr&mgour, who, according to Firdousi, came in disguise as his own ambassador.
We have so far seen, that the ancient Persians had some connection with the country round Broach, and that old tradition, as found in the Agni-purHna, and old coins prove that connection.
Now we will speak of the connection of Broach with the early Parsee settlers in India.
{a) Div in Kathi&war was the first port where a band of refugees from Persia had landed in 761 A.D. and Sanj^n the first place where they made their permanent settlement in 785 A.D. and built their first fire-temple in 790 A.D, They continued there for full 300 years.
'^ Essays oa Indian Antiquities, by James Prinsep, edited by E. Thomas (i85f>' Vol. I, p. 335. • /bid, p. 34I-4S-
Then they began to disperse in the different cities of Gujarat of
which Broach was one. The Kisseh-i-Sanjan, thus refers to this exodus from Sanjan (*); ^jflij^j J'iXm /■■>»* iW*- Wjj — \J*'iij J'li^ii^axiu fjlu, ^^Lij,^,ij •iAiJi ,_fla- A-*/ "r-^^- jr? — '*^ )j^ J-> "'^ sJJSl J
Translation. — In this way, passed away 300 years, more or less, (i.f,, about 300 years), as several persons, moreor less, went away from that place. They were dispersed in the country of India and they got hold of (i.tf. took abode in) attractive places in all directions. Many went to B&nk&nir. Some went in the direction of Broach.
(ft) This was in 1D90. Two hundred years after this event, i.e., in 1370 A.D. they divided Gujarat into five ^anfA^ib, i.e., ecclesiastical divisions for the performance of sacerdotal functions. This was to avoid differences and quarrels among^the priesthood about the spheres of their work. The Kisseh-i-Zartbushti&n-i-Hindustin thus speaks of this event.'
jU ^1 ;Ail lyiejL,y ^ _ jlj^ .)j;j^T IJ )^ ^})J
I.JJ y^i ^i^-uio' ^" j^ji j — rj** (**j" ti'-J^ "j'-^y'y u^ J '^l^/ysjjr^i:)''^^ — tijl-J j4* <J-I f;'rt- |»**^'>
JjU J -^ Jj/ ^jLJ^Jj — UIj .>-- A^ i^^
> C&lr my " A fev Evnta ia the Early HUtory of Ute Paneci," p. 14.
3q8
NOTES ON BROAOB.
TransUiHon.^** One day all the wise men of Sanjan assemUed and entered into a contract sincerely. (They said :) " We will divide all these places where there are laymen of good thoughts." They divided all these places into five parts. First is Sanjan, whose limit was in that direction. O men of good nature ! its limit is from the rtver PAr to that of Dantur. All the laymen, when they are within the limits of Sanjan, may be willingly under the orders of the Mobads (thereof). Know the other division to be NadslLri. It was given to the Mobads with all heart and life {i^, with a sincere heart). All (the country) from the river PIU* to the river Bari&v, .was under the power of the Nadsari&ns (»>. the Naosari Mobads). Nobody else would have any control therein. All would have security in their own jurisdiction.
0 good-natured man ! Know the third division to be Godareh from Bari&v to Aklesar. All the God&rians will officiate at that place, and all the Mobads may be friendly with their heart and soul. O man ot good knowledge ! Know the fourth division to be Broach, whose limit and measurement, I will now tell you. Know that (division) to be from Aklesar to Khamb&yet. Know all that to be the limit of the people of Broach. O good man ! Know the fifth division. O leader !
1 will tell that to you, so that you may know it. Wise men have named it Khamb&yet. In this way they have divided the towns and places. The wisemen of Sanjftn have done this work (of division), so that there may be no quarrel and dispute."
(c) A good number of Parsees must have settled in Broach before this date (1290 A.D.) of the division of panthaks or ecclesiastical jurisdic- tions. On the authority of a manuscript book of a Hindu gentleman at Baroda, Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patel, says that a brick Tower of Silence was built at Broach in samvat 1365, ».^., 1309 A.D. A brick tower even earlier than this is said to have been built there. I saw the ruins of a brick Tower of Silence on the ist of January 1907. Though the outside of it shows very little difference from the modern towers, the inside seems to differ a good deal. For example we do not find in it different rows for males, females and children as are found in the modern towers.
(<0 We learn from the Persian Rev&yets, that Broach continued to be a Parsee centre for several centuries. In the letters received from the Zoroastrians of Persia by the Parsees of India, in reply to their questions on various religious subjects, we find Broach specially named, as one of the Parsee towns. The following Revayets mention the name of Broach.
I. The Revayet of 847 Yaadxardi (1478 A.D.) brought from Persia by Narimftn Hoshang.
NOTES ON BROACH. 3O9
The Revayet of 850 Yazdazardi (1481) brought by Narim&n Hoshang.
a. The Revayet of 151 1 A-D. brought by an unnamed messenger.
3* The Revayet of 1533 brought by K&us K&mdin.
4. The Revayet of i6a6 brought by Bahman Aspandy&r.
5. The Revayet of 1627 brought by Bahman Poonjieh.
Not only did Broach Parsees take a part in these enquiries on religious subjects, but, at times, they sent messengers to Persia for the purpose from their own town. For example Narim^n Hoshang, the messenger who went to Persia in 1478 and 1481 was a Parsee of Broach. Again Kllus Mahyar, who went to Persia in 1597 A.D., and Kaus Rustam Jelal, who went in 1768, belonged to Broach.
(B) Now I will give here a short outline of the events that had brought about the rule of the Nawabs, in the reigns of the last two of whom, the Kabiseh controversy of the Parsees seems to have raged a good deal, and is said to have had an influence on the state of affairs then prevailing.
In 1660 Aurangzeb got the city walls destroyed, because the city had long withstood his siege during the time of his war with his brothers. In 167^ the Mahrattas under Sivajee attacked the town and levied contributions. Finding the city without a wall for protection they returned in 1686 under Sivajee's son Sambhajee and plundered it So, Aurangzeb ordered the city walls to be built again. '
In 1696 Avory, an English pirate, had plundered several Mahomedan pilgrim ships. So, the English factory at Broach was closed like that at Surat and the British factors put into chains. In 170a matters seem to have improved and the factory was again working. Before the middle of the i8th century the English and the Dutch both had with- drawn their factories. The Dutch returned sometime before 1772. In 177a the English conquered Broach. It remained in their possession for about 10 years. In 1782 it was given to the Peishwa and in 1803 it was taken back by the British and is in their possession since that time.
^ The Broach Gametteer, II, p. 468.
Hamilton sayt ** In Aurangzeb's wars with his brothers, about the year i660| this town held out a preat while agrainst his array. That season proving a dry one Aureagiab's fcrfks suffered much for want of fresh water and provisions, but at last be took, it, and put all to the sword that had borne arms af^ainst him, and raz'd part of the wallsf and pronounced a curse on them that should repair them again. But the Savajee's incurdons made him order the rebuilding then himself, and he christened it Suckahani or the dry dty. (A new account of the Bast ladies by CapC Alaiamkrr Hamilton, 1744, Veil.. ^141.)
310 NOTES ON BROACH.
Before 1722, Nizam-ul-Mulk was the' Viceroy of Gujerat under Ihe Moguls. During his viceroyalty, he had made Broach a part of his private estate. In 1722, he assumed independence in Deccan. In 1736 Abhasing was the Viceroy of Gujerat. At this time, Abdulla Beg, held Broach from the Nizam-ul-Mulk under the title of Nek Alam Kh^n. He was the founder of the line of Nabobs who ruled for 36 years. He died in 1738 and was succeeded by his second son Mirz^ Beg who ruled up to the time of his death in 1752 under the title of Nek Alam Kh&n II. Mirza Beg was succeeded by his brother who died within 3 months. On the death of this brother,t he succession was in dispute for two years. At last Syed Idrus of Surat, who had great religious influence, espoused the cause of Mirza Ahmed Beg, a grandson of Abdulla Beg, and placed him on the throne. This Mirza Ahmed died in 1768 and was succeeded by his son Mazed Khan the last of the Nawabs. The following table shows the geneo* logy of these Nawabs : —
Genealogical table of the Nawdbs of Broach,
Abdulla Beg (or Nek Alam Khftn I.) 1736-38
I I I
First son (name (Second son) Mirza Third son who succeeded
not known). Beg (or Nek Alum his brother Mirza Beg and
I Khan II) 1738-52. ruled for 3 months. No suc-
Mirza Ahmed Beg, cessor for two years, 1752-54.
1754.68.
M&zad Khan,
1768-72.
(the last Nawdb,
overthrown by
the British.)
Now it was between this M^Lzad Khan and the British that a dispute arose. The Gazetteer (Vol. II, p. 469) gives the following account of the dispute, prepared from the correspondence recorded in some of the volumes of the Secretariat Records : —
** The political connection of the English Company with Broach dates from their capture of Surat in 1759. There were certain claims of the NawAb of Surat upon the customs revenue of the Port of Broach. These, together with a sum due to the English on account of an exces- sive levy of duties on cloth, amounting altogether to ;6^i5,ooo (Rs. 1,50,000), the Nawdb of Broach was called upon to pay. In the early months of 1771 a body of the Company's troop in the neighbour- hood of Surat was engaged against the Kolis. In the hope that a
NOTES OK BROACH. ^tt
military display might induce the Nawib to propose some settlement of the claims made against him, the Chief of Surat was directed to transport this force by sea to the neighbourhood of Broach. These instructions the factors at Surat did not carry out "
We see from this account that the casus belli was a claim of money upon the Nawib by the English.
Now the native account of the fight of the English with the Nawdb, referred to above, throws some further light upon this matter, and says that a Parsee of Surat was partly at the bottom of this question. This native account is very interesting from a Parsee point of view, be- cause, as said above, it suggests that the question oi kabiseh, or of the calculation of an intercalary month, which had produced a schism among the Parsees of India in the i8th century and which has pro- duced among them two sects — the Kadmis and the Shehanshahis— had some connection with the above dispute between the English and the Nawdb of Broach.
The native account, which I beg to present, is that of a Mahomedan writer named Sayed Abbas Ali. He has written a short history of this dispute and the subrequent battle between the English and the Nawdb of Broach under the title of " Kisseh-i-Nawdb Majuzkhan Bahadur of Broach. ^'^ It was written in Urdu. It has not been pub- lished and I have not been fortunate in seeing it in the original Urdu. But a Gujerati translation of it was published in 1869 by Mobed Byramji Fardoonji Vakili of Broach under the title of ^\^^\ •imoi >il3ll«ji«'^M <Hl^lJ^ ^1 &^X\i. Two hundred copies of it were published then. The translation being out of print, in 1894, ^^* Sorabji Framjee Byramjee Vakil, a grandson of the original translator, has published a second edition. I am indebted to my friend Khan Bahadur Adarji Mancherjee Dalai for a copy of it I think that the Gazetteer refers to the above Kisseh in its account of " the. local details of the capture** of Broach when it says that it gives it on the authority of " A life of M^ad Kh^n," by one of his courtiers. The name of the Nawdb, as given by the Kisseh ^ is Maozuzkhan while the English writer gives it as Mazad Khan. The difference in not very important when we know that the last letter d^l in the Urdu name, if written or read with an additional dot (nukteh), can be read ' z * instead of ' d *.
^ I give this title as ^ven by the translator of the Kisseh, According to Mr. Sorabshaw Dadabhoy Fardoonji, Munsiff of Broach« the auothor called hi^ work '*Kisseh^-Gamgeeneef** i^.t **The Story of Sorrow/* probably because it described the downfall of the Nawab's , tepmc It was written in I X9i HUree *>. X785 A. D.
* Mr. Sorsibshaw Dadabhoy Fardoonjee Munsiff in his letter dated sth January 1907 writes to me that he knew this translator. He was a priest 'and was practising in the Broadi District Court in his full dress of Jama Pichodi.
||3 NOTBS ON BROACH.
Now the Kitsch gives the following account of the commencement of the dispute which, as said above, is interesting from a Parsee point of view :—
The Nawib of Surat was Sayad Hakijuldin Khan. An Englishman, named Mr. Sam Gabrier^, was the head of the English factory on behalf of the Company. Among the Parsees atCSurat, there arose a great dispute about the calculation of time,* the difference of a month in calculation having arisen as the result of some letters received from Persia. There arose two parties. At the head of one, the Rasmi, who adhered to the old previous calculation was Minocher*. At the head of the other sect, the Kadmis, was Dhunjee^. The dispute had con- tinued for some time''. During that dispute Dhunjee, the leader of the Kadmi sect of Surat, writes to the Nawdb of Broach to inquire into the matter of the question under discussion. He also wrote to his own Mulla*. The Nawkb, therefore, sent for the two dihums i.g., preceptors of the Parsees, one Dastur Kamdin^ by name and another Pidash^**, He asked them to tell correct facts as described in religious books. Dastur Kamdin after a long consideration said that what Muncher, the leader of the Rasmis, said was correct and
^ This Mr. Gabier is Mr. Gambier of our historical writers.
* It was in I720,that one Jamasp, known as Jamasp Velayati,came firom Persia to India and pointed out the difference of one month between the calculation of the ZofXMstriant of Persia and that of the Zoroastrtans of India. In I7J6, a laymam named Jamshed, firom Persia, revived the question, in 174$ the Parsees of Surat had a regular schism for ths first time. In 1768. Dhanjishaw Manjishaw sent Mobad KAas Rustsm JalAl o{ Broach to Persik to study the question there.
* Mr. Muncherjee Kharshe4j Seth (1714-1784). He was the broker of the Dutch Factory at Surat. He had great influence with the Nawib of Surat. He had twice been to Delhi to the Mogul Court for business purposes. Anquetil Du Perron (Le Zend Avestl I^ Partie I, p. cccxv) speaks of him as the courtier (broker) of the Dutch and as the chief of the Parsees of Surat (le premier des Parses de Surat).
* Dhai^eeshaw Manjishaw (iYi>i788). He was a great merchant of Sarat and v^ the broker of the English factory. Vide foot-note No. 4 above.
* In 1768, the dispute had taken a serious turn in Broach itself and Dastur KAmdtnjce of Broach, the leading priest of the Shahanshahis or the Rasmis. was sent to jail. Tha new patty there was headed by Kaus Rustam Jalal who was the father of Mulla Peroaa and who was sent to Persia in the same year by Dhunjeeshaw Manji^aw. The Nawab of Broach referred the matter to the Panchayets of Naosart and Surat. After some dis- cussion lasting for several months, the Pundiayet of Surat wrote to Broach to cootinoe in the Rasmi belief ivith ** Panes Prakasb," I, p.«863).
* i, 0„ the high priest who led his sect. Thb was Kaus Rustam Jalal.
* Dastur KamdiigM Fardunjee (t7il-l78s) who baloaged to the Shahanihahi aaol. He was the father of Aspandiarjee who published in x8>6 ** ki^M dl^^ MA9il>5ll^l
M^'* ' According to the '* Parsee Prakash " (Vol. I» p. 6«) he was a wcU-kaosra
Kadml priest of Broach. HooU^ who is koooured by the Parsees of Broach as a martyr was hanged for killing Behanbai, Hm eiflter of PAdshih. She was a staunch Kadmi. A manuscript book on Um Kabiseh controversy, in my possession, gires PAdshAh*^ personal name as Rustonui. He was the great great grandfather of Mr. Buijorjee, the present Kadmi head-priest of the Masagoo fira4einple of Mr. Fnmfi PateL
NOTES ON BROACH. ^13
what Dhanjee, the leader of the Kadmis, said was wrong. The Nawib wrote accordingly to Dhunjee. So Dhunjee was enraged against the Nawib of Broach for not having gained the opinion of the priests and for not having decided in the favour of his sect. He had a grudge against the Nawab and he was on a look out to wreak his vengeance.
Now it so happened, that some time after this event, the Nawdb stopped at the Customs Office at Broach some of the goods of mer- chandise belonging to Dhunjee, saying that custom duty was due on them. Dhunjee claimed exemption, but the Nawib refused it and confiscated the goods. Dhunjee had to pay the custom dues. Dhunjee then went before Mr. Gambler, the head of the English factory at Surat, with whom he had great influence, and said that the Custom House of Broach was from the first under the control of the Port of Surat, that its income was about Rs. i, 00,000 per year, and that the Nawdb has not been paying it to the Surat factory for the last 40 years. Dhunjee succeeded in influencing Mr. Gambler, who wrote to the Nawdb of Broach claiming a sum of 40 lakhs as due from him to the Government of Surat which had the right of enjoying the customs duties at Broach. The Nawdb indignantly repudiated the claim. Thereupon Mr. Gambler declared war. Thus, it appears, that accord- ing to the native author, a religious dispute amongst the Parsees of the time had some connection with the fight between the Nawdb of Broach and the English.
We will now examine the Urdu Kisseh a little further, as it presents a few new facts from the Nawdb *s point of view and throws some side light on the question of the fight between the British and the Nawdb.
Speaking of the fight, the Urdu Kisseh says that the Nawdb of Broach had asked assistance from Fatesingrao of Baroda, the Nawdb of Cam bay, the Ruler of Dholka and the Raja of Rajpipla. Fatesing of Baroda is said to have had some sinister motives in sending his army for assistance. He was himself looking for an opportunity to seize Broach.
The English expedition to Broach was accompanied liy 700 men be- longing to the Nawdb of Surat under the command of the Bakhshi or paymaster.^ About this Bakhshi the AY^j^A says that he was in sym- pathy with the Nawdb of Broach and had sent a secret message to him about the advance of the British.
As the English account says, the expedition ended in a failure. "The management of the expedition had been in many points
^ Vide the Broach Gazetteer, II, p. 470.
514 NOTES ON BROACH.
contrary to the instructions of the Bombay Government, and had- ended in so complete a failure ; the conduct of the officers concern- ed was made the subject of a committee of inquiry. The result of the inquiry was that Mr. Draper, the Chief of the factory at Surat, was removed and the other members subjected to severe reprimand and censure. ^ The native account gives a few details of the fight which, it says, lasted for 17 days.
The Kisseh says that Gambier sent a message with one Hirjee ^ seeking for peace. The Nawdb sent a message saying that " if you want peace I will not want war, but if you will want war I wilLnot delay to fight."
L-&JJ |»;|cJj ^^y^ lJLU. ^ j
Mr. Gambier returned to Surat and then sent a fresh demand of about Rs. 4 lacs of Rupees. He asked Laloo, the Dewan of the Nawab of Broach, whom he had taken with him to Surat, Dhunjee the Parsee broker of the English factory and Muncher, the Parsee broker of the Dutch factory, to meet Kalooba, the Dewan of Fatesingrao of Baroda and suggest some means for recovering some money from the Nawab of Broach. The result of their consultation was not known.
The Gazetteer says, "on the 30th July, 1771, the Bombay Govern- ment received a letter from the NawAb of Broach offering to visit Bom- bay with the view of settling in person the claims brought against him. M^zad Khan*s proposal was accepted, vessels were sent to Broach,
\ Vide The Broach Gazetter, II, p. 470.
' We learn from the ** Parsee Prakash" (I. p. 191) that this Hirjee was a well-known Parsee of Surat. His full name was Hirjee Jivanjee Parekh and he was known as Hir Parekh. He was the kBrbhAri^ i.e., the household manag-er of Kaim-ul-Dawlla, the Nawab of Surat He had such a grreat influence with the Nawdb that the people of Surat generally
said that ^1^^ §m ^( ^\h m (Him£ kyi so pir ne kya) i.e., whatever was done by Hir was taken (by the Nawab) to have been done by the Pir, tV., the spiritual gruide. He seems to have died long before i8»5 A, D., because his son Jamse4ji who was a grreat merchant, is reported to have died in l8ss A. D., at the ripe old age of 7S* (''Parsee Prakasht" p. z9i). His family was long known in Surat after his death. The following table gives the names of his sons and grandsons :—
Hir Parekh (Hirjee Jivanjee Perdth). Jamshedji (d. 182s) Hormusji Dadabhoy
Nowrojee Dorabjee Ardesir.
NOTES ON BROACH* 3I5
• and, setting out at the close of the stormy season, the Naw&b reached Bombay on the 4th November 1771. While in Bombay MSUad Khan was treated with every consideration.''*
Ab^ All's Urdu account says that it was the Government of Bom- bay that first invited him to go to Bombay. He refused at first, but being requested again, offered to go, not by land, but by sea and in full state. So ships were sent for him to Broach, in charge of Morley. One Parsee Nowrojee* accompanied him.
Abas All's account of the Nawab*s visit to Bombay is very interest- ing, especially now, when the particulars of the visit of the Amir of Afghanistan are just fresh in our mind. The Nawllb of Broach was then considered to be a personage of great position. The words »H^ofl •t«ll<H 0{\^'i (Ambhi Nawab Bharooch ke) i.e., '* I also am the Nawab of Broach," form a proverb in the Gujarati language. When a person claims some honor or precedence and puts on airs of being a
1 Gazetteer. II, p. 470.
a We learn trom the Parsee " Prakash/' (I., pp. 97 and 98) that this Parsee Nowrojec was Nowrojee Nanahhoy Khambatta who died in 1804 A. D. at the ripe old age of go. He was a forefather of Mr. Kharshedji Din^haw Khambatta of Bombay. At first, he was an inhabitant of Bombay. From theret he had gone to Surat for trade. He was known among the Parsecs ag ^l^fl'Hl H^l^ltJ Morley nft Nowrojee), ••^•» Morley's Nowrojee. This Morley is Mr. James Morley, the Resident of Broach, referred to by the Gazetteer (The Gazetteer of Broach, Vol. II., p. 471). and referred to by the kisseh.
Khan Bahadur Bomanjee Byramjee Patel thus refers in his " Parsee Prakash,** c Vo I. I., p. 17)1 to the fact of this Nowrojee going to Broach with Morley.
H\\\ ^l«i CH^»4Hi HcilOi >il«a«irXHH Ml^ •r^H^ «»|^* h\4 S^l^' q^« h\^\^ ^\f»K ^V^\ ^f\\. ^ MV^ Sl^iiJi qidl'li i^'oi ^^Ift c^iw \mh ^^ lil*, c|«ll fill ^waSi^i
H<i?io^ •ii>i 55iica>Hwi ^m. tf. ^.i^oa >i[«I'i'«r mm? «^»4 €i1hi m»1 <^»«*A
Khan Bahadur B. B. Patel gives no authority for his above statement, but on enquiring from him, he says that he has given this statement as he had heard it at Broach.
Now we find from the kisteh that the fact of Nowrojee going to Broach with Morley is correct, but the date of their arrival is not correct. In the first place, the Nawilb Maujuz- khan was dead long before 1802 when Morley and Nowrojee are reported to have gone to Broach to demand the land-dues said to have been due from him. The error in the date seems to have arisen from the fact of mistaking the first conquest of Broach by the British in 1772 A. D., for the second conquest in iSoj. After the first conquest and after keeping it for about 11 years, Broach was ceded to the Peshwa in 178^ in accordance with a treaty known as the Treaty of SSlbai (the Broach Gazetteer, II, p. 474). For 19 years it remained in the hands of the Mahrattas and then it was reconquered in 180J. So, the fact referred to by Khan Bahadur B. B. Patel occurred in 177s after the first conquest and not in l8oj after the second conquest. The Gazetteer Vol. II., p. 473 says, '*On the news of the capture of Broach, Mr. James Morley was appointed resident, with Messrs. James Cheape and William Mahon, joint factors, for the management of the concern and for collecting the revenues of the town.*' So the event referred to in the *^ Parsee PrakdLsh" must be that of 177s.
3l6 ^OTBS ON BROACH.
great man this proverb is applied to liim. Now it seems that the Naw&b of Broach was feted and received with honour in 177a in the same way'as the Amir has been now. I cull the following account from Abbas Ali*s version : —
When Mr. Morley reached Broach, the Nawab was still in mourning for the death of his ustdd or spiritual guide. Two days were wanting to complete the 40 days' period of mourning. So Mr. Morley saw the Nawab two days after his arrival. Then the Nawab consulted his courtiers about his proposed visit. Some advised him to go and others disuaded him. Butat length he resolved to go. He sent his pdi^ah, i.e,, infantry troops to Bombay by way of land. He took with him in the ships a retinue of 1,000 persons of whom about 100 were his courtiers, the author of the ICisseh being one of them. The Nawab. had 8 sons and 6 daughters. All these began to weep at the departure of the Nawab, who left Broach with a salute from the English ships. The ships anchored at the mouth of the river for one night and then at Surat for another night. Then from Surat it took them two days and a half to come to Bombay They stopned on the coast of Mahim and from there Mr. Morley sent a letter with the Parsee Nowrojee to the General (i^.f the Governor) of Bombay informing them of their arrival. A kaveli i,e.f a palatial building near the furfd, t,e., the Custom House, belong- ing to a Mahomedan Mulla, was furnished with carpets, chandeliers, lamps, pictures, etc., and it served as a residence for the Nawd.b. About TO to 1 1 battalions lined the road in honour of the Nawd,b. Mem- bers of the Council headed by Mr. Wedderbum formed a deputation to receive the Nawd,b. The ships which had anchored at Mahim came to Bombay, salutes were fired from all the ships in the harbour at the time when the Nawab got down from his FatehmUri (a kind of big boat) into a boat. On coming to the shore, the Nawab was received with a salute from the guns in the fort. Among those that had met to welcome the NawHb, were English madams who were like the houris of paradise. These ladies were all moon-faced. They looked like the garden of chaman, i.e.^ joy, their cheeks were rosy and their statures were so straight that even straight cypresses ^ould look down with shame. Their eyes were like those of the deer and their ringlets put the lookers-on to shame. The Naw&b was pleased to see them, and, they, in their turn, were pleased to see him and began to talk about him amongst themselves. They began to make kookoo {ue., to talk in a whispering tone) among themselves just as five or seven mena birds when they meet together. After their first surprise on looking at him they collected themselves and salaamed him.
The Naw4b then got into a golden palanquin. The chobdars announced his arrival and departure. He was escorted by his own
fiOTBS ON BROACH. 317
body-guards. When the Naw&b came to where the artillery was stationed he was saluted by the guns. The Nawab then reached the house of the General.
The General welcomed the Naw^b and introduced him to his wife and daughter. Two persons acted as interpreters, one of whom wasaParsee. Mr. Hornby, the Governor (of whom the author of the Kisseh speaks as the General) expressed his delight at the Naw^b accepting his invitation. Tea was soon served and after a short time the Naw^b departed for his residence.
The next day the Governor paid a return visit.
Governor Hornby and the Nawab both had issued strict orders to their soldiers and sepoys that they should avoid disputes and quarrels with one another. In spite of this caution, once an European had a quarrel with a man of the Nawab. The latter dislocated the hand of his opponent. The Nawab therefore ordered that a hand of his servant may be cut off in punishment. This coming to the ears of the Governor, he interceded and pardoned the man.
The Nawd,b was once invited by the Governor to a private interview. The Governor, his wife and daughter met him in their garden and had their tea there. At the time of the evening prayer {nemds)^ one of the servants* of the Nawdb, while spreading the shawl to serve as a carpet broke a valuable chandelier of Mr. Hornby's house worth about Rs. 3,000.
The Nawab stayed in Bombay for about two months and was entertained by Mr. Wedderburn and other members of the Council.
As to the political question, to settle which the Naw&b was called to Bombay, it was arranged that the Nawib should pay a sum of Rs. 4 lacs by six-monthly instalments within 2 years. The NawHb then left Bombay with all honors. Mr. Morley accompanied him as the British Resident at Broach. The Nawib, not paying the first instalment within the time fixed,: Mr. Morley left his court Another expedition, headed by General Wedderburn, and aided by Mr. Watson, went to Broach. In the fight that ensued, General Wedderburn was killed, but in the end, Broach fell in the hands of the English on i8th November 1772.
III.
The next subject of my notes is a visit to the well-known Kabir- vad (i.e. the Kabir banyan tree) growing on an island formed by the sacred Nerbudda. About 130 years ago, Forbes said that the tree
3l8 NOTBS ON BROACH.
with its 350 large and over 3,000 small steins occupied a space of about 2,000 ft in circumference and sheltered about 7,000 men under it^. Bishop Heber considered it to be * * one of the most noble groves of the world." A writer in the Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay said that the tree struck him "with an awe similar to what is inspired by a fine Gothic cathedral." Some of these later writers refer to the fact that the different trunks of the tree are being washed away by the floods of the river, i saw it on the morning of 2nd January 1907, and I may say, that in no sight-seeing in my travels was I so much disappointed as in the case of the Kabir vad. From a spectacular point of view, the tree, as it now stands, is not worth a visit after a long drive. The idea that I formed of the tree on seeing it, fell too short of the ideal that I had formed of its greatness from what I had read of it. We happen to see more lovely groves of banyan trees in other parts of the country. Again, the state, in which the ground on which it stands and spreads, is kept, adds to our dis- appointment. If it be cleared of the short brushwood growth and kept clean, the disappointment would not be so great, and the ideal not so ruthlessly spoilt. As it is, there are not even a few yards which would attract you to rest and shelter there for a few hours after a dusty journey of about 2 to 3 hours.
Tradition says that Kabir, the great poet, philosopher, and moralist, happened to be at this place. The tree grew out of the twigs of a banyan tree with which he cleaned his teeth and which he threw there. The Kabirpanth is said to have a large number of followers, and one would naturally expect to see a large number of them at this place connected traditionally with his name. But that is not the case. Very few people of his sect are seen here. Even the temple there, known as the shrine of Kabir, is served by priests of sects other than the Kabir faith.
It was the sacredness of the Nerbudda that had drawn Kabir to its banks, and it is this sacredness that gives further sanctity and importance to this Kabirvad and its shrine.
We hear the following verse about the Nerbudda and three other sacred rivers of India : —
•j^Hl ^{<.
^ Gazetteer, p. }$$,
NOTBS ON BROACH* ^^^
i.e. The Gang^ (Ganges) gives sanctity by its water, The Jamna by its baths, The Nerbudda by its sight, The Tapti by meditation (on its banks).
The shrine of Kabirjee near the Kabirzrafl?is:one of the sevenil tiraths or shrines on the banks of the Nerbudda. The following is the list of such HnUhs as dictated to me by the priest of a Luxmi Narayen temple at Sukal-tirath : —
1. Survaneshwar ^<ll'5«<i^. It has an imagetof Mahadev. It is
about 15 miles from Chandod.
2. Kunbeshwar i*5^<«i^. It has an image of Hanumtn. It is on the
other side of Kani&ri.
3. Kumesomnftth i^ ^l>i«iit( at Kaniari.
4. Shekh Sohiji Mah^raj Tm Sl^le? >il4i^i«r near Chandod.
5. Sukhdev ^>H i^U
6. Vyis oni«.
7. Gangnath ai'ai •IW near Chandod.
8. Hansoyft MattA ^i?llni ^i<tl near Ambawi.
9. Bhandareshwar Mahadeo Oi*ii?<ci^ ^^it^)! near Scnore.
10. Gunpati »lHHc|l at Senore.
11. Karticksvami hi^h k^X^ near Sisodrft.
12. Kubereshwar i5l?f «l^ near Kotal.
13. Kabirji Irotlw. It has an image of Kabir and it is under the
shelter of the Kabir vad.
14. Vadrasu qiil^ near Mangleshwar.
15. Sukal-tirath.
Ofallthe^fVo^^ or the shrines on the bank of the Nerbudda near Broach, that of Sukal-tirath is the best known. In the Vlyu PuHlna it is spoken of as the best of all the Tiraths in the northern banks of the Nerbudda T^ ^ft^Ns^PT^)'. It is about 10 miles from
iR^R
^RT ^^ ^ gs ^ gi^feC II ? II
(as quoted in the t^sfvft ^ of the temple) <*.«., M4rkand Rishi says : O Rs^'a Yudhishtira. Hear the account that I give you of the Tirmth of Shikaltirath which is situated on the northern bank of the Nerbudda and is the best of an tiraths (*^ Revi is a name of the Nerbudda). ^3
320 NOTES ON BROACH.
Broach. The place itself has three tiraths or shrtnes, of which the holiest is that of Hunkareshwar f|<tl(l${e|^. The image in this shrine carries in its four arms the four emblems of Vishnu. In its two right arms it carries the padma, f.^.y the lotus and gada, t,e,, the sceptre or mace. In its two left arms it carries the chakra, i,e.f the wheel or the cHsc, and the sankh, i.e., the shell.
Tradition tells the following story about its discovery as a tiratk : —
ChUnakya, the King of Ujjain, was attacked with leprosy. It was thought to be the result of his sin.^ So he thought of purifjdng himself of that sin, hoping that such a purification would cure him of his leprosy. In order to find out the most holy place, the pilgrimage of which could free him of his sin and cure him of his disease* he asked the crows, who had in those early times white feathers and not black feathers, to go to the death-god Yama and to tell him that king Chftnakya was dead. On hearing this news, Yama gave instructions as to where his soul was to be led by his (Yama's) attendants for purification. The crows heard the instructions and returning to Chd,nal^a said that the place of purification was somewhere on the Nerbudda, that he must sail down the Nerbudda in a boat with black sails, and that the place where the sails turned from black to white, might be taken as the place of purification. The king did accord- ingly, and while sailing down the Nerbudda, when he came down to the village of Sukaltirath, the sails immediately turned white. The king got out on the shore and bathed at that place in the sand and in the water of the Nerbudda and was purified of his sin and cured of his leprosy. When the death -king Yama knew of the trick played upon him by the crews at the instance of Chd.nakya, he punished the crows by cursing them and by changing to black their feathers, which were up to then white. It is for this reason that we have the black colour of the crows.'
This story of Yama, sin, leprosy^ and the crows reminds us of the belief of the ancient Persians about leprosy. Herodotus says of the Persians (Bk I. 138) : —
'* Whosoever of the citizens has the leprosy or scrofula, is not per- mitted to stay within a town, nor to have communication with other Persians ; and they say that from having committed some offence against the sun a man is afflicted with these diseases. Every stranger that is seized with these distempers, many of them even drive out of the country ; and they do the same to white pigeons, making the same charges against them."
^ According to Homdotus (L ij8), the aoctent Petvians also considered leprosy to be the result of sia.
' Vide the Broaeh Gazetteer, p. S6S.
NOTES ON BROACH. 32 1
•We see from .this passage of Herodotus that the anden* Pttrakans also connected leprosy with sin. The white doves of this passage remind us of the white crows referred to in the aboTe description of Sukaltirath. Again, the Yama in the above story of Sukaltirath is the Yima of the Avesta, the Jam of the Palhavi books and the Jamshed (Yima Khshaeta) of the later writings. It is in the second chapter of the Vandidad, which treats of a vara or stricture of « Yima, that we find a reference to leprosy*
The Persians were so much afraid of the lepers, that we learn from the Qasstcs, that Magebazus, a Persian satrap who was sentenced to be banished, took advantage of this fear prevailing among his countrymen and made his escape, pretending to be a leper.
We went to the opposite bank of the Nerbudda where the Kabir- vad stands on an island, from Mangleshwar (>l'^S^^). Here, at Mangleshwar, I met a Rajput, whose story showed us that there are •many persons in India, persons of poor means, who travel thousands of miles along the whol^countryof India,from the Himalayas in the North to Rameshwar in the South, out of devotioa to visit sacred places tiraths and to purify themselves. Mansing Rajput, of whom I speak, had travelled up to Badrinath, the well-known place of pilgrimage in the Himalayas. He had brought with him the sacred water of the Gangootri. He had kept the water in a sealed bottle and proposed to go one day to Rameshwar with that water. The sacred water of the Gangootri near Badrinath, when thrown by a pious devotee over the image of Mahadeo at Rameshwar, raises a little the size of the image, and that is a sure sign of the acceptance of the prayers of the devotee. Hundreds and thousands are said to travel the whole distance on foot. Again, there are many more hundreds and thousands who travel by train. They, at times, carry the sacred water with them in their hottles. But that is not the most acceptable way of devotion. The water is not be taken in the train by which people of all faiths and of all kinds of impurities travel. So, they say there are professional carriers who travel to and fro from Badrinath. They receive sealed bottles of the • sacred water from different pilgrims with labels of their names rattached to them, and, travelling on foot, carry the bottles to the destinations of the different travellers. They charge B, certain rate perlbottle for their work.
APPENDIX.
In the body of my paper I have referred to the visit of Mr* J. E. Rendien, the Ehitch Consul in Bombay to the Dutch toutbs at Broach In reply my toletter referred to above, Mr. Bendieo has kindly sent me
322 NOTES ON BROACH.
copies of the issues of the Dutch journal ** Neerlandia" of the months of January and February igoy, wherein he has published an account of his visit to the towns of Surat, Broach and Ahmedabad, each of which had a Dutch factory in the 17th and i8th centuries. In his letter to me, dated 4th April 1907, Mr. Bendien says about the tombstones : *' The majority of the tombstones bear no inscriptions: particularly of the larger monuments, nothing can be deciphered, as the inscriptions, if they still do exist, partly are buried under cement or whitewashed.'^
When I had read my paper, I had submitted copies of the inscriptions as I had copied them in a hasty visit ; but, as I find, that Mr. Bendien has given them in the above Dutch journal, I give his copies below. Mr. Bendien has kindly translated them for me, and I give his transla- tion also. I thank him for the help he has given me.
INSCRIPTION I.
Hier rust Johannis Groenevelt,
Die desen naam, voor Hem bestelt
Niet lange Droegh, vermits D'Doodt
Hem in ons aller Moeder schoot
Diedt draagen : En Syn leven al
Was maar 2 uyren in 't Getal
Obyt en wiert geboren in Brootsch Den 10 Sept : 1666.
7>nitj/a/»oii.— Here lies Johannis Groenevelt who did not bear very long this name which was ordered for him, as Death carried him to the lap of Mother Earth, and his life was only hours 2 in number. Died and was born in Broach on the loth September i666»
Mr. Bendien thinks that perhaps this was the first child of Mr. Groe» nevelt who first founded a regular factory at Broach and was its first director. We find his name on the sun-dial with the date 1700 A.D.
INSCRIPTION II.
" Hire rust Anna Marrianne Van Brondhout (? ) 22 Maenden en 10 Daagen. Objrt 23 Augusty 1654.*'
Translatton, — Here rests Anna Marrianne Van Brondhout 22 months^ 10 days. Died 23rd August 165^^
Tomba In the Dutch Cemetery, Broach.
Vnl. XXII.
By J. ""Mod™ ' To la.
NOTES ON BROACH. 3^3
INSCRIPTION III.
*' Hier onder rust Antoni Christiaan, oud 23 Maanden en 12 Daagen. Obit den 20 May, Anno 1702."
Translation, — Here rests Antoni Christian, old 23 months and 12 days. Died 20th May, year 1702.
Mr. Bendien observes in the above journal, that "It is not surprising that only the inscriptions on the children's tombs are pre- served. They were the largest in number in the cemeteries of Europeans in India.
INSCRIPTION IV.
" Hie ( ? Hier) Jacet Jan Willem Six. In Zijn leven Secundo Alhier. Obyt den 32 (sic) Maart, Anno i744«"
Translation, — Here lies Jan Willem Six. In his lifetime he was Second^ here. Died the 32 (?) March, year 1744.
There is another inscription on an obelisk, on which Mr. Bendien can only read the name " Martinus.*'
Secundo means second merchant, i.et a junior merchant Stavorinus seems to refer to merchants of this class as junior merchants. {Vide above, p 999.)
Art. XX. — The Pardsariya Dharma SSrira.
BY THE LATE MR. SHAMRAO VTTHAL.
( Communicated by the iHiesident.)
(Jdsmd w6tk September 1907.)
INTRODUCTION.
Before entering upon my task of renewing the Parft^ara Samhit4 it would not, I think, be out of place to make a few observations on the Hindu Dhanna-kS&stra generally.
DHARMA.
The word Dharma is derived from the root ^ to* hold or support and is defined to mean that which has the characteristic of enjoining or onlatning some doty or act which leads to prosperity in this world and to supreme felicity in the life to come. Tlie term 5!^tra is derived from the root 5fts( ^TT^) to command or teach and in its primary sense signifies a command, a rule religiAiis or civiL In its extended sense it includes any religious, scientific, phSosopdiic or legal treatise or any sacred book or composition of divine or standard authority.
Dharma as defined above consists of two branches, one dealing with what is called the Prcpuritti-M&rga — the path of active or worldly life, the other with what is called the Nivritti-MArga — the path to the soul's final liberation from existence and exemption from re-birth by withdrawing or separating oneself from the world. ^
The Dharma-5&stra with which we are concerned here deals ehiefly with the PravriUuMdrga and lays down rules for the conduct of man both religious and secular.
THE SOURCES OR PROOFS OF DHARMA AND THEIR
RELATIVE AUTHORITY.
According to orthodox opinion of the present day the sources or proofs of Dharma are fourfold, m«,, (i) the Veda or ^ruti, (2) the Smriti otherwise called Dharma-^^stra, (3) the Pur&nas, and (4) Achftra — Usage.
Manu, XII.I tSf 89.
parAsariya dharma ^Astsa. 325
THE 6RUTIS. The Aryan Scriptures known as the Veda (the true or divine knowledge) consist of four principal divisions, namely, the Rig-Veda, Yajur-Veda, Sdma-Veda and Atharva-Veda with six supplementBry compositions called the six Vedangas (Members of the Vedic body of scriptures) added to them. These #ix VedAngas are :—
1 ^ksha (Pronunciation).
2 Kalpa-Sutras (Ritual).
3 Vy^karanam (Grammar).
4 N'irukta (Word explanation or etymology).
5 Chandas (Metre).
6 Jyotisha (Astronomy).
The four Vedas and the six VediUigas together are called the ParA Vidyd or supreme knowledge.
Recently a controversy has arisen as to what constitutes tbe Veda strictly so called, the late Dayanacda Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaja, being the originator of this controversy. Each of the four Vedas is composed of two parts, the first consists of tihe Mantras (hymns) and the second the Br^manas. According to Dayananda Saraswati, the first part constitutes the real Veda — ^^ruti or revela- tion, and the Br^manas -are simply a commentary produced by the Rishis on the Mantras. He maintained that the word BrILhmana is synonymous with Itihasa, Purana, Kalpa, Gatha and N^aiansi ; that no Rishi except Katyayana has recognised the BrMimanas as revelation pure and simple ; that the Mantras alone form the true Veda directly revealed by livra ; that they are the foundation of all knowledge ; and that the Br&hmanas and other Angas -(Members) of tiie Veda are authorities, only because they are derived from and agree with the Vedas. We may here passingly remark that according to Bhatta Yagneswara ^mk the Rig- Veda is the Veda par excellence, ^
The Ary^s recognise the ^rud as described above as the root and foundation of all knowledge. Manu declares the whole Veda to be the source of Dharma and that its authority on questions of Dharma is transcendent and absolute.
Where there is a conflict between two .^tis " both are held to be law ; for both are pronounced by the wise (to be) valid law."^
^ OTT ^ftft^ ifm'm MmMx^^ ^^^^^ ^ \ ^'^ 'w^ ^55;
* Manu II, 6. 14.
326 PArAsARIYA DHARMA iASTRA.
THE SMRITIS.
The word Smriti is derived from the root fm to reqiember and it designates what was only remembered and handed down by human authors such as Manu, Ydjiiavalkya and other great sages. The following description of the Smritis given by Mr. Colebrooke may be accepted as substantially correct : —
" The laws of Hindoos, civil and religious, are by them believed to be alike founded on revelation, a portion of which has been pre- served in the very words revealed and constitutes the Vedas esteemed by them as sacred writ Another portion has been preserved by inspired writers who had revelation present to their memory, and who have recorded holy precepts for which a divine sanction is to be presumed. This is teriped Smriti, recollection, (remembered law), in contradiction to ^ruti, tradition (revealed law).
"The Vedas concern chiefly religion and contain few passages directly applicable to jurisprudence. The law civil and criminal, is to be found in the Smriti, otherwise termed Dharma-x&stra including duty, or means of moral merit. So much of this as relates to ob- servances may be classed together with ancient and modern rituals (bearing the designation of Kalpa or Paddhati) as a separate branch ; and forensic law is more particularly understood when the Dharma-Z^stra is treated of.
" That law is to be sought primarily in the institutes or collections (Samhitas) attributed to holy sages ; the true authors, whoever these were, having affixed to their compositions the names of sacred per- sonages, such as Mand, Y&jnyavalkya, Vishnu, ParlUara, Gautama, &c."
THE ORIGIN OF THE SMRITIS.
Bhatta Kum&rila in his Tantra-Virtika says : —
The origin of the Smritis cannot be traced on account of the ^akhas lying scattered here and there, on account of human carelessness or error and on account of the variety of topics with which they (the Smritis) deal.
M^dhavach^rya in his Jaiminiya NyAyamAlA-VistAra gives a more reasonable explanation. He says that the Smritis are digests in which the Vedic ordinances which lie scattered in the several Vedas are epitomised or collected in one place.
A_. , ^.. . '*
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 327
The late Mr. Prossonno Coomar Tagore in the Preface to his Translation of the Viv^da-Chint^Unani ascribes, on the authority of Raja Ramamohan Roy, the origin of the Smritis to a revolution which led the people of India to withdraw the legislative power from the hands of the executive authorities and entrust it ex- clusively to the holy sages. This theory appears to rest on the rules which are contained in the Manu and other Smritis for the constitution of what are called Parishads or councils to deter- mine points of law.* But one grave difficulty in the way of our accepting this opinion is the radically inconsistent orthodox belief given expression to over and over again in Sanskrit writings that all law emanates from God and that the Smritis, the so called Codes of Manu and other sages, derive their sanction only because they (the authors of the Smritis) ** had revelation present to their memory." If that is so, it is evident that there could be no legislative power in the executive to be withdrawn and entrusted to the sages.
Another view as to the origin of the Smritis which has found favour with some later oriental scholars is, that after Buddhism had declined, or commenced to decline, the metrical Smritis including the Code of Manu came into existence during, what Dr. Bhandarkar calls, the Kushan-Gupta period, extending over 250 years from about the middle of the third to the end of the fifth century after Christ, as a part of the process adopted by the Brahmanas to give a new and more popular shape to the literature of their creed with the object of widening their influence and rendering it permanent.*
1 do not think that this explanation can be accepted as an adequate solution of the question.
It seems to me to rest on too narrow a basis. It first of all supposes that before Buddha appeared as a teacher nothing occupied India but animal sacrifices, Vedic ritual and the propitiation of the Brahmans at the cost of the other classes of the community. It next assumes that Brahmanism, which had suffered for several centuries from neglect and contempt, was able not only to recover lost ground but also to conjure up new gods and re-establish its supremacy by producing such a vast amount of literature as that represented by the metrical Smritis,
1 ManU)XII. 108— xx5. Y4jnavalkya, Introduction, 9. Vishnu lU} so. Baudhayana, I, 8. Gautama, XXVIII. 49. Par^ara, VIII, a-a9, MahAbhArata. VII, Ch 36, V. to
= A Peep into the Early History of India. The Journal of the B. B. of the R. A. Society Vol. XX, No. LVI, p. 356.
3a8 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
the Bh^hyas, Pur^lnas and other branches of learning including poetry, within two hundred and fifty years. Lastly, it ignores the important element of civil law ixith which the Codes of Manu, Yajda- valkya, N&rada, Brihaspati and others deal, and by implication, if not directly, suggests that Indian civilisation began with Buddhism.
I take this opportunity to give expression to a view which the perusal of the contributions of oriental scholars and their Indian followers to the early history of India has forced upon my mind, namely, that the lines on which the investigations of these savants have proceeded are not calculated to guide the critical spirit of the day correctly and judicially. The method of dividing the subject into what are desig- nated the Vedic period, the Buddhistic period, the Brahamanic period, the Hindu period and any number of other periods — a method which was originally introduced on grounds of convenience — has engendered a spirit of theorising and partisanship which is prejudicial to the discovery of truth pure and simple. It has led to the vicious habit of treating each of these subjects as distinct from the other. It makes the student or investigator forget that there is a principle of continuity running through the life of a nation and that a nation's development for good or for worse proceeds according to certain fixed and general laws.
I should hold that the Indian Vaidiks, Buddhists and the Brahmanas together form essentially one people, the periods going by their names representing only different phases of thought, and that a history of their civilisation, which ignores this fact and isolates any one from the other periods as if it were entirely independent of what preceded and followed it, proceeds, in my opinion, on erroneous lines. Again a work which deals with a particular period should, I think, be strictly confined to the collection of materials relating to the condition of society during that period. It should not go further and generalise on those partial data.
The changes through which Aryan thought in India has passed from the earliest Vedic period to the present day are due to the operation of natural causes and not to causes personal to this class or that class. It is not historically true to say that the Rishis and their descendants invented the Vedic sacrifices, the Vedic ritual and the system of caste with motives of individual aggrandisement. It is equally wrong to say that Buddhism was the result of caste oppression. As truly observed by Professor Oldenberg, for hundreds of years before Buddha's time, movements were in progress in Indian thought which prepared the way for Buddhism. Buddha was not a social reformer. He did not abolish caste and place Indian society on a democratic basis as is
PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTRA. 329
generally supposed. He let the state and society remain what they were. To quote again Professor Oldenberg, the conception of Bud- dha as the victorious champion of the lower classes against a haughty aristocracy of birth and brain is historically untrue.
It is stated by some writers, who have taught themselves to regard Brahmanism as the source of all the evil we see in India, that the Brahmans were deadly opposed to Buddhism and that it was owing t9 their persecution that Buddhism left India to seek shelter in more tolerant lands. We quote another deep student of the Buddhistic literature to show how unfounded this assertion is. Mr. Rhys Davids in his American Lectures on Buddhism says: "It is very interesting, as evidence of the wonderful toleration which prevailed at that time through the valley of the Ganges, that a teacher, whose whole system was so diametrically opposed to the dominant creed and logically so certain to undermine the influence of the Brahmins, the parsons of that day, should nevertheless have been allowed to-carry on his propaganda so ceaselessly and so peacefully through a considerable period of time. It is even more than that. Wherever he went, it was precisely the Brahmins themselves who often took the most earnest interest in his speculations, though his rejection of the soul theory and of all that it involved was really incom- patible with the whole theology of the Vedas and therefore with the supremacy of the Brahmins. Many of his chief disciples, many of the most distinguished members of his order, were Brahmins. * * On the whole he was regarded by the Hindus of that time as a Hindu. We hear of no persecution during his life, and of no persecution of his followers till many centuries afterwards. And it is a striking result of the per- manent effect which this spirit of toleration had, that we find the great Buddhist Emperor Asoka, in his famous edicts inculcating reverence to the Brahmins and to the teachers of rival sects as much as to the leaders of his own persuasion. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦
But this is only one proof out of many of the fact we should never forget that Gautama was born and brought up and lived and died a Hindu. His teaching, far-reaching and original as it was, and really subversive of the religion of the day, was Indian throughout. Without the intellectual work of his predecessors his own work, how- ever original, would have been impossible. ♦ ♦ ♦ Buddhism is essen- tially an Indian system."^
In fact the decline of Buddhism in India was due to its own inherent weaknesses and it was complete before the time of Bhatta Rumania and ^ankar&chirya who are said to have flourished at the end of the
4 There was absolutely nothing; new in Buddha*s teachtnir* His doctrines were identiail with the corretpondinc Brahminical doctrines. Only the fashion in which Buddha pnolsMued and dtnenunated his priadples was something altogether novel and unwonted. Weber*8 History of Indian Literature; Third Edition, pp, agg-aoo.
330 PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTRA.
7th century and about the latter part of the eighth century after Christ respectively.
To return to my subject from this rather long digression, I think that the same causes which in former times led and which at the present day lead to the codification of laws among advanced nations were the origin of our Codes of^Manu, Y&jnavalkya and other law-givers, namely, the growth and expansion of society and the necessity for consolida- tion. Originally there were no priests among the Indian Aryas. The patriarch or head of the family presided at and performed the ceremonies prescribed by the Veda ; but in course of time three causes brought about a change in their mode of life and led to the creation of a special class to attend to the singing of hymns and officiate at the per- formance of the ritual connected therewith, namely, ist, the constant struggles with the aborigines to establish Aryan supremacy ; 2ndly, when this had been accomplished, internal dissensions or civil wars sprang up among the Aryan tribes, the chief or king of one tribe contending with that of another for superiority ; and 3rdly, the elabora- tion of the sacrificial literature and the establishment by the Kurus, the P&nch^as, the Videhas, Kosalas and K^sis, of powerful kingdoms in the country between the Jamuna and the Ganges and the regions to the east of the Ganges, the effect of which is summed up by Mr. R. C. Dutt in his Ancient India as follows : — ** Manners changed, society became more refined and polished^ learning and art made consider- able progress. Kings invited wise men in their polished courts, held learned controversies with their priests, formed elaborate sacrifices according to the dictates of religion, led respectable and trained armies to the field, appointed duly qualified men to collect taxes and to administer justice and performed all the duties of civilised administrators. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ The priests multiplied relgious rites and observances, preserved the traditional learning of the land and instructed and helped the people in their religious duties.*'
As a consequence of this social and political development, conden- sation of the large mass of scattered Vedic literature became necessary to avoid overburdening the memory and certain Rishis composed manuals giving a collective and concise summary of the law systema- tically arranged under the heads of ^rauta (sacrificial), Grihya (domestic) and Smirta or Dharma (legal). These manuals, which are called the Sutras* and which form the third stage in the sacred literature of the Hindus, led to the formation of what are called Sutra Charanas or Vedic Schools. These schools, in their turn, produced the different Smritis called after the names of their founders.
^ Sutra, literally a thread, means a short rule or preceptf an aphorism (in roorab. religrion and science).
parAsariya dharma i^STRA. 331
From very early times India has been a trading country. Besides a large home trade, it had an extensive commerce with foreign countries both by land and by sea. With the rise of the Buddhistic spirit India's intercourse with foreign nations became wider, and this circum- stance naturally was followed by a rise in its trade. Hence a necessity must have arisen for the codification of the rules regulating mercantile «sages and con tactual relations between parties to commercial transac- tions. It is, I think, in this way, and in this way alone, that those portions of the Code of Manu which relate to civil jurisprudence can be explained.
If we find in it a large element of sacerdotalism asserting the supre- macy of the Brahmana, we also find side by side with it a degree of self-denial imposed upon him which is scarcely equalled by any other system of priesthood in the world, ancient or modern.
There are other reasons also why I cannot accept Dr. Bh&ndarkar's view as regards the date at least of Manu. I think it a farfetched idea to say that the restrictions put by Manu upon the use of meat as food was due to the desire to effect a compromise between Brahmanism and Buddhism.^ To me it seems more reasonable to ascribe those restric- tions to a feeling that had been slowly growing against the free use of flesh as an article of food, particularly among the higher classes, and that this feeling worked itself out fully when the Buddhistic school of thought became predominant. I am inclined to hold that even the limited liberty which Manu's Code allows in favour of the use of animal food is strong evidence against the theory that the Code was framed at a later period than Buddhism.
There is a passage in the Manu Smriti (X. 43, 44) which says that certain tribes of Kshatriyas, such as the Pundrak^s, the Dravid&s, the Yavan&s, the &kkSiS and the Pahlavd,s had gradually sunk to the level of ^udr&s by reason of their omission, in disregard of the Brahmanas, to observe the Vedic rites. This passage, it is argued by Dr. Bhan- darkar, falsely invests the tribes it refers to with a Kshatriya origin with a view to increase Brahmanic influence, and that therefore it proves the Manu Smriti to belong to a period when the foreign do- mination of the Yavan&s, &c., had come to an end, and the Brahmanas had won their victory completely. Dr. Bhandarkar has tried to support his view by passages quoted from a certain chapter of the Anuiisanika Parva of the Mah&bh&rata in which the Brahmanas are portrayed as mightier than gods and the self-same tribes as are
^ As a matter of fact the doctrine of 3i|2^| (non-injury) is a Vedic doctrine, and
it is a question how for Buddha was strict in the use of meat as food. It is said that he died of dysentery brougrht on by eatini^ pork Vide Hopkin on Relig^ions of India Cl9f6), p. no.
232 parAsariya dharma ^stra.
referred to in Manu are said to have become ^udrfts for the self-same reason as that given in Manu. Coupling the two together the learned Doctor comes to the conclusion that the particular chapter in the Anuiisanika Parva and the Manu Smriti were written about the same time and with the same motive, namely, to secure the patronage of the non-Aryan rulers for Brahmanism by flattering them with a fictitious nobility of origin.
With great deference to the learned Doctor, I say, I cannot agree with him. I do not think he has succeeded in establishing his proposition. My reasons are briefly these :—
First :— The learned Doctor admits that about the time when, according to him, the Manu Smriti was written, Brahmanism had fully won its victory.
Secondly :— The non-Aryan tribes, YavanAs, ^AkAs, Pahlav4s, &c, had esUblished their war-like character and capacity to rule, some of them before and others very early after the Christian era. There- fore they most have established themselves in popular estimattoa as kingly races before the end of the fourth century A. C.
Thirdly : — ^The non-Aryan conquerors fought for the overlordshtp of the country and not for the distinction of being known as the descend- ants of the Kshatriyas *' who had sprung from the arms of Him the most resplendent One."
Fourthly :— The passage in question far from being calculated to humour the pride of the non- Aryan rulers carries a sting in it. What is given by its first part is taken away by the second. It elevates and lowers them in the same breath. Moreover, how far a fictitious label of ancient noble origin can reconcile one to degradation in the present and make him a patron and friend of his degraders is a question.
Fifthly '• — The passages from the Anulisanika Parva of the Mahi- bh^ata such as those which declare that "one whom they (the Brahroanas) praise prospers, one whom they reproach, becooes miserable " &c., &c. , have no evidentiary value. They are simplj Arthavida— laudatory expressions. We can point out similar passages in other parts of the Mahabh^rata. They cannot acquire a special value by reason of their being found in company with passages describing Yavan^s, ^AkAs, Pahlavas, Dravid^s as Kshatriyas. The whole fabric of Aryan society in India rightly or wrongly is founded upon the superiorty of the Brahmanas as counsellors and upon the supremacy of the Kshatriyas as rulers.
Sixthly : — In the ^Anti-Parva, which immediately precedes the Anulasanika Parva, it is stated that the Andhrak&s, Guhlis, Pofind^
parAsariya dharma sAstra. J33
^bar^s, ChuchukHs and Madrak^s in the south and the Yavanis, Kdmboj&s, G^ndhlLr&s, Kirat&s and the Barbaras in the north are degraded out-caste tribes, unfit to rule, i Is this passage also an interpolation dengnedly made after the overthrow of Buddhism and the re-estabHshment of Brahmanical supremacy ? Again in another part of the same Parva, Bhish ma, while instructing Yudhishthira on the duties of a Kshatriya is stated to have quoted a discourse between the Kshatriya king Mandhlttri and Indra.' In this discourse M&ndh^tri asks the question '* What duties should be performed by the Yavan&s, the Kidlt^s, the Gftndh&rds, the Chinas, the SabaHls, the Barbaras, the S&kis, the Tush&ras, the Kankas, the Pahlav&s. the Andhras, the Madrakas, the Pundras, the Pulindas, the Ramathas, the K&mbojas, the several castes that have sprung up from Brahmanasand Kshatriyas, the Vailyas and the l^udras that reside in the domi- nions of (Arya) kings? What are those duties again to the observance of which kings like overselves should force those tribes that subsist by robbery ?
Indra answers : — All th^ robber tribes should serve their mothers and fathers, their preceptors and other seniors and recluses living in the woods. All the robber tribes should also serve their kings. The duties and rites inculcated in the Vedas should also be followed by them. They should perform sacrifices in honour of the Pitris, dig wells (and dedicate them to universal service), give water to thirsty travellers, give away beds and make other seasonable presents unto Brahmanas. Abstention from injury, truth, suppression of wrath, supporting Brahmanas and kinsmen by giving them their dues, main- tenance of wives and children, purity, peacefulness, making presents to Brahmanas at sacrifices of every kind, are duties that should be practised by every person of this class who desires his own prosperity. Such a person should also perform all kinds of P&ka-Yajnas with costly presents of food and wealth. These and similar duties, O sinless one, were laid down in olden days for persons of this class. All these acts which have been laid down for all others should be done by persons of also the robber class, O king!
Mandhatri says : — In the world of men, such wicked men may be seen living in disguise among all the four orders and in all the four modes of life.
Indra answers : — Upon the disappearance of kingly duties and of the science of chastisement, all creatures became exceedingly afflicted, O sinless one, in consequences of the tyranny of kings."
Moksha Dharma, Ch. 20. * Raja Dharma, Ch. 65.
334 parAsariya dharma ^Astra.
What do these passages show ? They appear to me to record a fact of great importance not only historically but also sociologically and ethnologically. They may, I think, be taken as proving beyond all doubt that the Vedic Aryan society had long before the Christian era lost its pristine purity by the admission into its pale, openly or secretly, forcibly or peacefully, of people of foreign and non-Aryan war-like races and that there was no special or new end to be gained by the author of the Code of Manu describing them as belonging to the Kshatriya caste.*
Seventhly : — We have evidence of a definite character to place the Institutes of Manu much earlier than the period imagined for it by Dr. Bhandarkar. Patanjali, who flourished in the second century B. C, in the Vyakaranamah&bh­a VI, I, 84, adduces Manu II, 120, with- out any variant. Dr. Biihler in his Introduction to the Manu Smriti has summed up the whole of the evidence including the passages relied upon by Dr. Bhandarkar and has come to the conclusion that the remotest limit assignable to the Manu Smriti is the third century B. C. and the lowest limit cannot be later than the second century A. D. To me this date seems to be more acceptable than that fixed by Dr. Bhandarkar.
Eighthly : — Assuming that the passage in Manu does indicate the special motive assigned to it by Dr. Bhandarkar, that circumstance alone cannot make the whole of the Smriti a production of the Ku^an-Gupta period. It is believed by Dr. Buhler and other Sans- krit scholars that the Manu Smriti contains interpolations. If this is true, the passage in question may be one of such interpolations. Ninthly and lastly : — The Manu Smriti is remarkably free from that sectarian spirit which taints a large number of other extant Smritis.
I have in dealing with Dr. Bhandarkar's view as to the date of the Smritis confined my observations to the Code of Manu as it occupies the first and foremost place in the list of works of that class.
MANDLIK ON THE SMRITIS.
The late Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik has, in his work on Hindu Law recorded a large amount of information on the subject of the Smritis and his conclusions may be shortly stated as follows : —
(i) There are no guides to the Smritis like the AnukramaniJkas nor Sarvanukramas of the Rigveda, and with the materials at present
' The foUowinir text quoted by Madhavacharya from the Vana-Panra alto points to a confusioa ck the castes in the Kali age.
wm^: «?ftRT h^: ^^: «J<¥1<H, i ^g?^^ 5dft»^ ^:m^
parAsariya dharma SAstra. 335
available it is not possible to determine their extent or antiquity either positive or relative.
(2) The number of Smritis is very great. Many have been lost. Some exist as fragments ; others are only known from quotations in other Smritis or Digests of more modern writers. Their number is qifTerently stated by different ancient writers. Yajnavalkya and the Agni- Purina name twenty, Viramitrodaya names fifty-seven, Paithinasi thirty-six, the Garuda Pur&na eighteen, the Mahabharata about twenty-five ; Hem&dri in bis Ddna-Khanda quotes texts of fifty-five Rishis and in his Vratakhanda twenty-eight.
Mftdhav^charya in his commentary on Par&sara, after alluding to Manu, cites a passage from Paithinasi which gives names of thirty- six Smritis and says there are many* more among whom he names Vatsa and ten others. The twelve Mayukhas contain extracts from ninety-seven different Smritis. In the Nirnaya Sindhu, Kamal^kara refers to 131 Smrits and Ananta Deva in the Samskftra-kaustubha quotes 104. Besides these other Smriti passages are given but their authors are not named. ^
(3) There are several works under the name of the same reputed author with titles but slightly changed, ^.^., Manu, Vriddha-Manu, Brihan-Manu. The words Brihat and Vriddha are used synonymously. On the question whether works appearing under one name with Vriddha or Brihat sometimes prefixed to it are works of different authors or have any common basis, Mr. Mandilk differing from Sula- pani and Mitrami^ra is of opinion that such works are productions of different individuals and that their being named after the same author is due to the one being an expansion or an epitome of the other. As regards their date he says there are no data for deciding whether the epitomes or the larger works are of a later date than those whose expansions or epitomes they appear to be ; but he states that in several instances the larger works appear to be the subsequent pro- ductions.
(4) As regards the composition (contents?) of the Smritis nothing can be yet definitely pronounced. Some take Smritis as ^rutis pre- served by tradition. Others consider them as supplements to Sutras.
^ Their (of the Smritis) number is i^reat ; the sages reputed to be the authors beingr numerous — according to one list eighteen ; according to another twice as many ; according to a third many more — and several works being ascribed to the same author, his greater or less institutes (Vrihat or Laghu) or a later work of the author when old (Vridba). (Cole- brooke quoted by P, C. Tagore in Imb Preface to the VivAda-Chintamani). See also West and BUhler on Hindu Law. Third Edition, pp. s6 — 27. where after giving a list of 88 Smritis the authors state: " Even this list most likely does not comprise all the ancient works on Dharma and a more protracted search for Mss., and a more accurate investiga* tlon of the modern compilations, will, no doubt, enlarge it considerably.
336 parAsariya dharma ^Astra.
Others again hold them to be dissertations or compilations of approved usages and customs promulgated at different times by or under the sanction of eminent sages or their followers. Some are evidently sectarian works; some are compilations from other writers ; while others, as they now stand, are confined to particular subjects or branches of particular subjects.
(5) The Smritis are works explanatory of Dharma as received by tradition ; and where the tradition has been lost or has become obsolete, the Smriti becomes useless.
(6) The rule, that in cases where there is a conflict between the Sruti and Smriti the former is to be obeyed, is not always followed in practice. In like manner, the rule, that in a conflict between the Smritis and the PurAnas the latter should give way, has lost its force and practically the Smritis have hardly much scope left
(7) The present Ach&ra (practice) is more influenced by the Pur&nas than by the Smritis.
With reference to the above account, it may be remarked that the Rao Saheb's view that the rule as regards the relative priority between the Srutis and Smritis is not always followed in practice and that the Smritis have been practically superseded by the Pur&nas cannot be received in its entirety. It is no doubt a fact that for a long time past — for over a thousand years according to Mr. R. Dutt (Ancient India, Vol. I, p. 133) — the PurAnas have ex- ercised a large influence on the religious life of the Hindus. But it cannot be said for this reason that the authority of the Smritis has disappeared altogether. The Grihya ceremonies are still performed according to the Sutras and Smritis. The courts of law stiJl consult Manu, YAjftavalkya, N&rada, Brihaspati and other well-known law- givers. On questions of Achara no conscious departure is allowed from their precepts ; and, whatever authority the PurAnas enjoy is based upon the theory that they follow the Sruti and Smriti in what they lay down. It may be further stated that the critical spirit which contact with western thought has given rise to must in the long run succeed in displacing the Pur^nas from the high place which they have filled in the sacred literature of the Hindus as authorities on question of Dharma.
THE AUTHORITATIVENESS OF THE SMRITIS AND THEIR INTERPRETATION.
We have stated above that, according to the theory of the Indian Aryas, the Vedas are eternal and that they are the foundation and root of all knowledge. But, in the progress of intellect, a time came when new schools of thought sprang up and boldly questioned the claims
parAsariya dharma § Astra. 337
of the Vedas to divine revelation. They argued with great force that the Vedas were not eternal, that they were full of contradictions and unintelligible dicta and that the system of ritual and sacrifices built upon them was opposed to principles of right reasoning.
This revolution in thought, which seriously threatened the safety of the conservative Vedic school, led to the formation of the method of exegetics known as the Mim&msa of Jaimini, which is one of the fourteen sources of knowledge referred to by Y^jnavalkya. ^ Vijn&nesh- wara explains Mim'^msa to mean the investigation of Vedic texts. This system was founded by Jaimini and it lays down rules in the form of Sutras or aphorisms for the interpretation of the texts of the Vedas and Smritis. It recognises only one method of proof— namely ^abda Prffim&na ( ^l»<HMI^ ), word-proof, t.^., the proof derived from revela- tion or Vedic precepts, and does not admit the validity of the methods of proof by perception, inference and analogy, on questions of Dharma.
After establishing as a fundamental proposition that the Vedas are eternal and not of human origin, it makes a classification of sentences or texts into principal and subordinate. A principal text ( (9l94|<H4i(^ ) is mandatory in its nature and prescribes or prohibits any particular act or conduct. Mandatory texts are of four kinds ; ist, texts ( 31^^Af^*, or ^^MfriPiRr: ) which contain absolute and unconditional commands which are independent of any other cause ; 2ndly, texts of the character of restrictive injunctions ( RH*ifli^: ) which merely regulate the time, place and manner of performing an act towards which a person may be inclined instinctively or of his own accord ; 3rdly, texts of the nature of exclusive specification ( wR^'^l^f^: ). These last are, as one writer has described them, injunctions in form, but prohibitions in purport. As an example of this kind of texts, we may mention the precept " Man shall eat the flesh of the five clawed animals. " This cannot be an apiirvavidhi^ because men may eat the flesh of such animals of their own accord without any injunction to that effect. Nor is it a Niyatna- Vidkt, as no time or place or manner is prescribed. The conclusion, therefore, is that man shall not eat
the flesh of any other clawed animal than the five specified ones.
Fourthly, texts which repeat an injunction previously declared (^TJ^:). The class of subordinate texts are called Artha-v^da, Stuti-v&da, or
Guna-v&da ( ar^^-, ^3t^^:, JPI^J ). They have not the force of
law. They are to be taken as explanatory statements confirming or
strengthening the signification of the principal propositions or
mandatory texts.
^ Y^jnavalkya« I, 3.
338 parAsariya dharma ^Astra.
The authority of the Smritis stands next to that of the:^rutis. The theoiy is that every rule prescribed by a Smriti is drawn from a Vedic precept and that, therefore, a Smriti text which conflicts with a ^niti text must be absolutely rejected as no authority whatever.
This theory is carried to such a length that the existence of a Vedic text in support of a Smriti text must be presumed even when one cannot be actually produced. According to this theory of their origin, all the Smritis are of equal antiquity and of equal authority. There ought to be no conflict between them. The fact, however, is that they differ on many points; and the following principles, some of which we find laid down in the Smritis themselves, are to be observed in determining which of the two conflicting Smritis should be preferred. Y&jnavalkya declares that, where there is a conflict between two Smritis that which is reasonable according to Vyavahdra shall be preferred. Mit&kshara explains the word Vyavah&ra to mean (|^«i|(|fK: ), the usage observed by the elders or the wise from time immemorial.
The commentators, however, follow a different method which is called the method of Ekav&kiyat^ or Vishaya-Vyavasthi— the prind- ple of unanimity or the adjustment of contradictory passages. This method requires that in interpreting the Smritis you should bring them all into harmony as far as possible and prevent a conflict arising between them. It is assumed, in the words of Mr. Mayne, that the Smritis constitute a single body of law, one part of which supplements the other, and every part of which, if properly understood, is capable of being reconciled with the other.
The commentators, accordingly, try to maintain this position by assuming that texts, seemingly in conflict with each other, really provide for different cases or different sets of circumstances or for different ^es. By way of illustration, we shall take the case of the right of females to take property by succession. Baudh^yana denies, such right to women on the ground of a Vedic text ; while Yijna- valkya and others recognise the right of the widow, the daughter, the mother and grandmother to inherit. The commentators explain this conflict by supposing t^iat the Vedic text quoted by Baudh&yana •refers to women other than those expressly mentioned in the YAjna- valkya and other Smritis. To take another instance, NArada says : — If, among several brothers, one childless should die, the others shall divide his property, making a provision for his women till they die, in case they remain faithful to the bed of their husband. While, Y&jna- valkya declares that the faithful widow, the daughter, the daughter*:* son, the parents, the brothers, the brothers* sons, the Gotrajas, the
parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 339
Bandhus, the fellow student, each, in default of the other, shall inherit the property of a man dying sonless. The Mit4kshara explains this conflict by holding that the test of Nd,rada refers to the succession to an undivided or reunited co-parcener, and that the text of Y&jna- valkya refers to succession to a separated brother. Again, Manu favours unequal division between brothers by allotting a double share to the eldest, while Y&jnavalkya enjoins that the division shall be equal. This conflict is explained by Vijn&nesvara by stating that Manu's text relates to a different age. To give a fourth instance, Manu prohibits gambling and betting, while N&rada and Brihaspati allow it. Mitramtira in the Vlramittrodaya explains this conflict by stating that Manu^s prohibition relates to cases where false dice are used or the permission of the king has not been obtained.
The Mim^msa, in the section on the authority of the Smritis, lays down two special rules which are worth mentioning. One of these is to the effect that, where there are two contradictory Smriti texts, one of which has direct support from a l^ruti text and the other lacks such support, the former should be followed and the latter rejected, the rule, that from a Smriti text the existence of a ^ruti text shall be inferred, being explained away by the argument that a ^ruti text which is actually known to us has priority over what may have been known to another, but of which we are not cognisant. ^
The other rule is that, as the Veda cannot err, a Smriti text, which can be traced to an objectionable motive consistently with actual experience, has no binding force, although there is no contradictory Vedic text actually forthcoming. This proposition is thus illustrated. In the Jyotishstoma sacrifice it is ordained that when the sacrificial animal is brought to the altar an oblation called the ' Vaisatjana hatna ' should be performed and the animal let loose. On that occasion the sacrificer, his wife, sons and brothers are covered with new clothes, to the end of which the handle of the sacrificial ladle is tied and the obla- tion performed. There is a Smriti text which says that these clothes of the Vaisarjaniya homa are taken by the officiating priest. Now, this text is not binding, although there is no actual ^ruti text against it, because it is possible to infer an origin for it in a selfish motive on the part of the officiating priest, as we know by actual observation that priests employed in consideration of receiving a fee are avaricious.*
With all the ingenuity which our authors and commentators have exercised in establishing a harmonious relation between the different ^rutis and Smritis, we can only exclaim in the words of Yudhiithira : —
d*FsMfcl8: ^^Iftftr^ ^*I^4h JRTSWm I
^ Fnrva Mimanuai Ch. I, Part III, j. ' Purva Mimamaai Ch. I, Part III| 4.
340 parAsariya oharma ^Astra.
Logic has not basis, the scriptures 'are divided ; there is not one seer whose opinion is authoritative. The truth about right is hidden in a cave ; the only path is that pursued by the Majority. (MahAbh^rata Vana Parva, chapter 313, v. 107.)
purAnas.
We will now proceed to consider the subject of Pur&nas as proof on questions of Dharnia.
The word Purina signifies belonging to ancient or olden times as opposed to Nutana or new, and the characteristic of a true Purftna, as determined by authority, is that it deals with five topics ; vis,^ the creation of the universe, its destruction and renovation, the genealogy of gods and patriarchs, the reigns of the Manus and the history of the solar and lunar races.
The existing works which bear the name PurAna are of two classes — the Mukhya or the principal and the Upa or secondary. All the authorities agree in fixing the number of both at eighteen. There are other Purinas besides ; but they are not of importance to us here. A list of all these PurAnas, the authorship of which is ascribed to the sage Vy^sa, is given in the late Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik's Intro- duction to his work on the VyavahAra Mayukha and Y&jnavalkya Smriti.
The Rao Saheb says that their extent and time of composition are uncertain. He, however, gives them an antiquity and position which is neither supported by the authorities he relies upon nor by the results of the investigation of Sanskrit scholars. The Rao Saheb identifies the eighteen Pur&nas with those referred to in the 6ruti and Smriti writings. He says that they are distinctly alluded to in the Vedas and Sutras and that, from the order in which they are directed to be recited, they appear to rank after histories, like the Mah&bh&rata, and before the Kalpa Sutras. Against this view attention has first to be drawn to the conviction entertained by the late Day&nand Saraswati whose knowledge of the Sanskrit sacred literature was of a very high order. He maintained that the Purllnas which are referred to in the Vedic writings: and which are entitled to recognition as proof on questions of duty, are the same as the Br^hmanas, and not the works in Anustubha ^loka which now pass under that name. He argued, I think rightly, that the words Itih&sa, Pur&na, Kalpa, G&th& and N^ra^amsi, as used in the old Vedic writings, are synonymous and that nothing more was meant by them than the Br&hmanas either in their entirety or in parts. This view is fully supported by the definition of Pur&nas given by M&dhav^chftrya in his commentary on Taittiriya Aranyaka. Manu does not recognise
parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 341
the eighteen Pur&nas as a source of law. Y&jnavalkya, having included them in the fourteen sources of knowledge enumerated by him, declares that the ^ruti, Smriti, the approved customs, what is agreeable to one's conscience and a perfectly lawful and well consid- ered desire are the roots of law. The latter text is almost identical with the text of Manu declaring the sources of law. Hence, on a consi- deration of the two texts of Y4jnavalkya, it would appear that the sage intended to declare the eighteen Pur^nas as a source of knowledge only and not of law. ^ Further, Jaimini makes no mention whatever of the eighteen PurlLnas in his system of MimlLmsa.
We have next the authority of Professors Buhler' and Weber which almost entirely agrees with the view propounded by Day&nanda Saras wati. Professor Buhler, in his Introduction to Apastamb&'s Dharma-Sutras in the Sacred Books of the East Series, fully sub- scribes to what he calls the opinion held by the most illustrious Sanskritists that, in general, the existing Pur&nas are not identical with the works designated by that title in Vedic works. Professor Weber makes the point clearer. He says (History of Indian Literature, Third Edition, 190): — "Side by side with the Itih&sas we find the Pur&na mentioned in the Brahmana as the designation of those cosmogonic inquiries which occur there so frequently and which relate to the* agra ' or beginning of things. When in course of time distinct works bearing this name arose, the signification of the term was extended ; and these works came to comprehend also the history of the created world and of the families of its gods and heroes as well as the doctrine of its various dissolutions and renovations in accord- ance with the theory of the mundane periods (yug&s). As a rule, five such topics are given as forming their subject, whence the epithet Pancha-lakshana which is cited in Amara's lexicon as a synonym of Pur^a.
These works have perished and those that have come down to us in their stead under the name of Purflnas are the productions of a later time, and belong all of them to the last thousand years or so. They are written in the interests of and for the purpose of recommend- ing the 6ivlr and Vishnu sects ; and not one of them corresponds exactly, a few correspond slightly, and others do not correspond at all,
*■ Yajnavalkya. I. 3. ?•
Professor Wilson obs«rven that the Purftnas are not authorities in law. They may be received in explanation or illustration, but not in proof. H. H. Wilson's Works, Vol. V., p. 4^ « BUbler's Manu, Introduction, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, p. 55*
342 parAsariya dharma ^Astra.
with the description of the ancient PurHnas preserved to us in the Scholiasts of Amara and also here and there in the works them- selves.*'
This statement of Professor Weber is followed by a quotation from Lassen as follows : — " For the old narratives, which are in part abridged, in part omitted altogether, have been substituted theological and philosophical doctrines, ritual and ascetic precepts and especially legends recommending a particular divinity or certain shrines."
According to the author of "Ancient India" the Purftnas which exist now were composed in the Purlrnik Period, which he dates from 500 A. D. to 1194 A. D. (Ancient India, Vol. I, 32 ; Vol. Ill, 35) and they have been since altered and considerably enlarged during ipany centuries after the Mahomedan conquest of India.
The most conclusive argument on the point, in my opinion, is fur- nished by the Manu Smriti. This work, which mentions the Purinas among the sacred writings which an Aryan house-holder should recite in the presence of his guests at a sacrifice in honour of the manes, it perfectly free from all sectarian influence and nowhere teaches the performance of other rites than those prescribed in the Vedic writings, and nowhere inculcates the exclusive worship of any of the deities of the Purdnik sects.
Further, Mr. Mandlik himself admits that the Pur&nas mentioned in the ^rutis and Smritis rank before the Kalpa Sutras. If that is so, it is clear that these Pur&nas cannot be the same as the eighteen works which pass under the name Purlina.
There is another most important fact to be noticed in this connection and it is this : — The popular theory regarding the origin of the eighteen Pur&nas is that they were composed by the sage Vy&sa chiefly for the instruction of ^udras and women in the Kali age to whom the study of the Vedas was forbidden. The conclusion, there- fore, is irresistible that the eighteen Purinas are not identical with the PurAnas mentioned by Manu, Y&jnavalkya and other Rishis.
The posteriority of the Purllnas, as they now stand, to the Smritis is shown by the fact that the first and third books of the Yijnavalkya Smriti haye been incorporated in the Garuda-Pur&na and the second book in the Agni-Purana.^ The author of the Bhavishya-Pur^a has largely drawn on the first three chapters of the Maou-Smriti. •
Assuming that they have a place as proof on questions of duty, that place it admittedly below that of the Smritis. In other words, when there is a conflict between Smriti and Purftna the former prevails.
I, JoUy't Tairorc Law L«ctur«s on Ptrtition and A<ioption Cii^i) i**
". Btthlar't Manu, Introduction, CX . Sacred Booira of tiM Bast, Vol. XXV
parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 343
AchAra or usage.
The word Achira is derived from the root char to walk, to conduct oneself, and is used in the general sense of acting.^ Achira, Charana, Charitra and Sila are convertible terms. ^
As regards the authority of Ach&ra, we often hear it urged by those who are disposed to maintain existing institutions which have no sanction in the ^ruti and Smriti that custom overrides the written law
and they quote as an authority the familiar maxim '' ^llfflslfd^t^l^^ " — usage is stronger than the S&stra. I have not found this maxim used by the authors of the Smritis,Manu, Y4jnavalkya and other known law- givers in considering the efficacy of conduct. The maxim, I think, expresses in different words the rule of grammar which says that ^ft^frnTTircfw, popular usage overpowers etymological meaning, and has nothing to do with custom as an authority for a rule of conduct not sanctioned by the ^^stra.
Jaimini in his Mimdmsa Sutras denies to local customs any authority as a source of law independently of the Sruti and Smriti. He rejects the idea of reasonableness and adjustment and the only test which he prescribes as to the lawfulness of a particular act or conduct is whether it is justified by a scriptural statement. On this point the following observations of Sir Henry Maine may be appropriately quoted.
** The theory upon which these schools of learned men (j.^., Brahmanas) worked, from the ancient, Apastamba and Gautama to tiie late Manu and the still later N^rada, is perhaps still held by some persons of earnest religious convictions, but in time now buried it affected every walk of thought. The fundamental assumption is« that a sacred or inspired literature being once believed to exist, all knowledge is contained in it. The Hindu way of putting it was, and is, not simply that the Scripture is true, but that everything which is true is contained in the Scripture. From very early times, the Hindu doctors appear to have been conscious of difficulties in the interpreta- tion or application of their theory. Sometimes books of authority contradicted one another. Sometimes they failed to supply a basis for received doctrines or for immemorial religious practice. One of the earliest of expedients was to suppose the loss of passages in the most ancient portion of the Scriptures. ' If you ask,' says Apastamba, 'why the decision of the Aryas presupposes the existence of a Vedic passage, then I answer, all precepts were originally taught in the Brahmanas, but these texts have been lost. Their
* The word AcbAra • somettmes used in the narrow sense of observance of the rites and ceremonies prescribed by sacred texts. ■ SankarAcbftryas BhAshya on the Ved&nta Sutras, CH. III.P.I., Sutras 9, lo. Ii.
344 parAsariya dharma ^astra.
former existence may, however, be inferred from usage. It is not, however, permissible to infer the former existence of a Vedic passage where pleasure is obtained by following the custom ; he who follows such usage becomes fit for Hell.' " ^
To pass on to a more detailed examination of the authorities on the subject : —
Ach&ra is de6ned in the Institutes of Manu (Ch. II, i8) as follows :— > ''The custom handed down in regular succession (since ti.ne im- memorial) among the (four chief) castes (Varna) and the mixed (races) of that country, (Brahmh&varta and Brahmar^i Desa) is called the conduct of virtuous men.** '
This text should be read with the tenth verse of the same chapter which declares : —
** But by ^ruti (revelation) is meant the Veda and by Smriti (tradi- tion) the Institutes of the sacred law ; those two must not be called into question in any matter, since from those two the sacred law shone forth."
The latter of the two texts quoted above clearly indicates that a custom which is opposed to ^ruti and Smriti cannot be valid. The same inference arises from Manu, Chapter I, verses 107, 108, 109 and 110.'
KuUuka also puts the same construction upon the last mentioned text and says that custom which is opposed to Smriti should be re- jected.
In the Chapter (VIII) on civil and criminal law, custom is again referred to by the author of Manu's Code in verses 41, 42 and 46, but not as a positive and recognised source of Dharma, but only as an element to be considered by the king in declaring the law. The com- mentators also interpret the words ''the laws of castes of districts, of guilds and of families " to mean law not opposed to the Veda.
When we turn to Y&jnavalkya* the same conclusion is arrived at, namely, that custom, to be valid, should not be antagonistic to 6niti
^ Early Law and Customs, Ch. I. pp. 16-17.
^ f^ f^^ iM o II ^o ero ^.
=» MedhAtithi divides Smriti (tradition) into written land unwritten. What is written ^oes by the aame Smriti and what is not written by the name AchAra. Both are the remem- brances of the revealed law and, therefore, authoritative.
iprt: II tnj I «rft Qivfil^ sr «ni^. ch. i„ 343.
A ^ . . _. . . ' A
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 345
and Smriti. Likewise, Gautama, Vasistha and Apastamba teach the same doctrine.
** The laws of countries, castes and families which are not opposed to the (sacred) records have also authority. (Gautama XI, 20.)
" Whether in matters connected with this or the next world, in both cases, the Dharmas inculcated by the ^astras are to be observed ; where there is an omission in the ^astras, their approved custom is the authority. Manu has declared that the (peculiar) laws of countries, castes, and families (may be followed) in the absence of (rules of) the revealed texts. Vasistha, Ch. I.
** The authority for acts productive of merit which form part of the customs of daily life is the agreement of those who know the law, (and the authorities for the latter are) the Vedas alone. Apastamba, Ch. I, P. I. K. I.
** As Smriti is not to be accepted v^hen it is opposed to the Vedas, so custom is not to be respected, when it is at variance with a Smriti." A Smriti quoted in the Prayogap&rij&t.
** Those that wish to know what Dharmas are, for them the Vedas are the highest authority, the Smriti the second and what is accepted by society^ (or the world) the third." (Mahlrbharata, Anus^sana- Parva).
** Where there are no direct sanctions or prohibitions laid down in the Veda or Smriti, the Dharmas are to be ascertained from an ob- servation of the custom of the country and of the family.'* (Skanda- Pur^na.)
The gist of the foregoing texts may be shortly stated thus in the words of Medh&tithi. Ach^ra as used in Manu and the other Smritis means the practices followed as a duty by Vistas— virtuous men conversant with the Vedas — in cases where there are no ^ruti or Smriti texts to the contrary.
^ The text Is t't^FTf ^ which is another word for ^T^T^R-
The Roman law defined custom thus :— "When certain persons have by common con- sent purposely followed a certain rule, and hare, whether by acts or forbearance8(r(»M«e/>M/# affirmativa<, negativa"), recog^nised such rule -as binding upon them, there arises from this common will so evidenced a law which obliges every individual who can be reckoned as one of these persons, provided the custom be not unreasonable and prorided also it relates to those matters to which the written law docs not apply {^consuetude conHt'iutivd). Customs which are opposed to written law icorrecton'ee derogaioriae) are held by Roman Jurists to be invalid, unless they have been specially confirmed by the supreme power of the State or hare existed immemorially ; and. it is immaterial whether they consist in a mere non-observance of the written law (desuetude')t or in the observance of new principles opposed to such law {consitetudines abrogatorue); and it is also immaterial whether the customs have or. have not been ^confirmed by judicial decision (Lindley on Jurisprudence).
34^ PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTRA.
On the other hand, A^vallryana, Baudhiyana, N^ada, Brihaspati and K&ty&yana would seem to place custom higher than Sastra.
A^vallryana in his Grihya-Sutras when describing the marriage ritual says :^ —
** Now various indeed are the customs of the (different) countries and the customs of the (different) villages : those one should observe at the wedding. "
** What, however, is commonly accepted that we shall state."
This passage, I do not think, can be taken as recognising usage contray to the ^astras as a source of Dharma. It has reference to a particular ceremony and permits the observance of practices of an indifferent character prevailing in different localities. Medhlrtitbi in his commentary on Manu's Chapter II, verse 6, gives instances of such practices one of which is the tying of a yellow ribbon round the wrist as a sign of auspiciousness at marriages.
As regards Baudh&yana^ it is enough to note that in considering the validity of customs he begins by stating that there is a dispute regarding certain five practices in the south and in the north, and concludes by admitting that his own view that they may be observed by the people of the country where they prevail is contrary to the law laid down by Gautama.'
The texts of Nllrada, Brihaspati and K&ty^yana on the subject of custom have been considered by MIrdhavAchdrya; in the opening section of his work on Vyavahdra where he discusses the character- istics of a law-suit as defined by those sages. The texts that are relevant here are those which devide law-suits into four classes ac- cording to the nature of the procedure followed in determining the question at issue. This procedure is dscribed as having four feet. Thus Nirada says : —
Professor Jolly translates this thus :
Virtue, a judicial proceeding, documentary evidence, and an edict from the king are the four feet of a law-suit Each following one is superior to the one previously named. The word ^Rt^ is rendered by the translator into ** documentary evidence on the authority of Asahiya, the commentator on N&rada. But he points out that other commentators explain the term Charitra in conformity with the text
^ Adhjraya I» Kandika VII, Sutras i and t.
« Baudhayana. Prasna I, Adhyaya I, Kaadika II, TexU 1-6.
* Gautima XI. So.
PARAsARIYA DHARBfA ^ASTRA. 3^7
of Brihaspati, namely ** Whatever Is practised by a man, proper or improper, in accordance with local usage is termed Charltra Custom.^"
Brihaspati describes the four parts of a law-suit thus : —
%^ Mi^^cfl^^ ^5^ f^'JRr: ^^: n
Translation :— The plaint is called the first part ; answer is the second part ; the trial is the third part ; and the judgment is the fourth part.
Brihaspati describes the fourth part, namely the judgmnet as four- fold according to the means by which it is arrived at.
Translation : — ^The judgment in a doubtful matter is declared to be of four sorts, according as it is based, on moral law, or on the issue of the case or on custom or on an edict from the king' (Brihaspati Ch. II, i8.)
f^^ ^ 5 ^rSTF^T =^f^ ^^ cRTT II
Translation ; — **When a sentence is passed exclusively according to the letter of the law, it should be considered as (a decision based on) the issue of the case. Moral law is overruled by it.
** When a decision is passed in accordance with localicustom, logic, or the opinion of the traders (living in that town) the issue of the case is overruled by it.
'* Where the king, disregarding established usage, passes sentence (according to his own inclination), it is (called) an edict from the king and local custom is overruled by it.^''
The texts quoted from K^ty^yana are : —
<m^<t g %^ «R^rtt ^ «Hq: I r%^ miu|^i<i^ ^ ^8k i%^: ii ^i^M^ ^ «rw qi^i^ m I ^«nHN<"i f^ ^5f cr^f^ ii
^ S. B. E. Vol. XXXIII. Ms.
* Sacred Books of the East. Vol. XXXIII. 7.
3 Brihaspati. Ch II, 15,26 a?. S. B. E. Vol. XXXIII. pp. s86, 187.
348 PARASARIYA DHARMA i^lSTRA.
Freely translated these texts mean that, when a judgment is passed on the the admission of the defendant who, in obedience to the moral law, confesses his guilt or pays the plaintiff what is due to him, that judgment is judgment passed according to the moral law ; when in the presence of both parties the Dharma ^^tra is propoun- ded by competent and learned judges and judgment is pronounced in accordance therewith, that is termed a judgment on the issue in the case ; whatever is practised by one as obligatory by custom, whether the same is sanctioned by the sacred law or not, that is caj- led Charitra, and a judgment given in accordance therewith is termed a judgment based on custom ; lastly that is called a judgment by an edict of the king which is passed in conformity with what the king declares to be lawful setting aside both the Ny^ya ^&stra and usage.
M&dhlrvachrya next quotes the text of Brihaspati declaring that a judgment passed according to the letter of the law overrules the moral law ; that a judgment based on usage overrules the written law and that a judgment by the edict of the king overrules local custom .
NIkrada and Brihaspati further declare : —
** When it is impossible to act up to the precepts of the sacred law, it becomes necessary to adopt a method founded on reasoning, because evidence ( *h<^ck: ) in a law-suit has priority over the law" {i.e, Dharma^).
'' Holy law has a subtile nature, and is occult and difficult to under- stand. Therefore |(the king) must try causes according to the visible path." (NIrrada, Ch. I, 40, 41.)
** The judgment in a doubtful matter is declared to be of four sorts, according as it is based on moral law, or on the issue of the case or on custom or on an edict from the king."'
'* The time-honoured Institutions of each country, caste and family should be preserved intact ; otherwise the people would rise in rebel- lion ; the subjects would become disaffected towards their rulers and the army and treasure would be destroyed. (Brihaspati, Ch. II,
18, 28.)»
The above texts possess a peculiar interest to the jurist as showing the stages through which juridical thought in its growth passed among the ancient law-givers of India in spite of the theory of the divine origin of law. They not only give a high place to approved
^ II
2 ^3^ <^^iSi^\ =^ft%^ iMi^^r I '^rg^srar^sWr^: ^i%^5J i^ftJi^: it
parAsariya dharma ^Astra. 349
usages introduced in supercession of Smriti texts but also clothe the king with power to modify both written law and usage where he should consider it right to do 'so. As instances of local usage contrary to the texts of the sacred law, Brihaspati*. refers to certain practices prevailing in the South, in the central country, in the East, in the North and in Khasa and concludes by saying "thus has legal procedure with its manifold ramifications been represented by the
sages.*'
MlrdhavlU;har3»a also refers to two customs among others, the first of which permits a man in the Karnlrtak to marry a daughter of his maternal uncle or of his paternal aunt and the second which permits the marriage of a girl after the age of purbety in the country of Kerala. He furtther states that these local customs are found embodied in document and other royal decrees published in the countries concerned.
Thus stands the state of original authorities as to the force of usage. However great the veneration attached to the names of Manu, Y&jfiavalkya, Gautama and other earlier law-givers the broader views of Nirada, Brihaspati and K^ty&yana as to the sources of law could not but impress their successors. It can be safely presumed that the boldness exhibited by Vijfi&nesvara, Jimt^tav&hana, V^chaspati-Mi^ra, Mitra-Mi^ra and MIdhav&ch&rya in not strictly adhering to the theory of the divine origin of law was due to the influence which the Institutes of Ndrada, Brihaspati and K&ty&yana must have exercised on the minds of those whose function it was in later times to propound the law and administer justice.
The skill with which Vijfi&nesvara found his way through the meshes of the divine origin theory and familiarised the Hindu mind with the distinction between religious and secular law is worthy of all praise. In his commentary on the texts of Y&jnavalkya relating to the impartibility of a man's self-acquired property Vijn&neshwara says in the clearest terms that, the rules laid down by YILjnavalkya on the subject of Vyavah&ra are based upon popular customs. ' It was he who among the earlier commentators had the freedom of thought and boldness of spirit to advocate, in matters of civil rights, adherence to the principle '' practise not that which though legal is disapproved by public opinion". *
» Brihaspati. Ch. II. v. i), jo, 3, ij3. S. B. E. Vol. XXXIII, p. aS;.
The Panchayat Courts which preceded the British Courts of Justice guided themselves almost entirely by customary law.
3 '^ Yajnavalkya^Ch. I, V. ise.
550 PARASARIYA DHARMA ^ASTSA.
It is a matter for regret that the later commentators perhaps with one or two exceptions were not men of the same robustness of thought as VijniUieshwara and Jimutav&hana and the principle of progressive interpretation of the laws introduced by the latter was not carried further. Dev^nanda Bhatta, the writer of the Smriti-Chandrikl, and M&dhav&chftrya, the commentator on the Par&iara Smrid, who respectively belong to the 13th and 14th centuries after Christ may be mentioned among the most celebrated authors that succeeded Vijndne^vara and Jimutav4hana. I suppose that both of them, and particularly the .great MlidhavlUrh^a, are responsible to a large extent for the illiberal spirit which at present prevails in Hindu society and impedes its advance.
The Smriti-ChandrildL has, according to Dr. Jolly, a whole chapter on De^a-Dharma, in which the aathor is stated to have maintained that those usages only shall be recognised which are not opposed to the teaching of the Vedas and other authoritative books.'
As regards M&dhav^chlUya, he is a puzzle. He is in places so inconsistent that it is difficult to follow him. In his Jaiminiya- Ny&yam&l^-VistAra he does not concede to Ach^ra any authority apart from the ^ruti and Smrici. He there observes: — It cannot be argued that as both the Smritis and Ach&ra are derived from the Veda, they are therefore of equal authority. From the practice of virtuous men a Smriti only may be inferred and not a ^ruti. Therefore the authority of AchlLra is remote by two degrees from that of the Vedas.' In the VyavahAra-Kanda, however, he adopts the view of N&rada, Brihaspati and K&ty^yana and approves of usages clearly derogatory of the Smritis.
In his introduction to the commentary on Par&iara Smriti ho calls himself the patron" of the Purllnik system and gives the Purftnas a prominence which they previously did not enjoy and supports by his high authority the texts of the Pur&nas which say that ** the wise** have abolished certain practices as unsuitable to the Kali age. These prohibited practices include sea-voyage, the remarriage of widows and many other useful customs sanctioned by Manu, Par&iara and other law-givers.
One would have expected from a commentator of the position and learning of MftdhavAcharya some explanation as to who the wise that
* Eh-. Jolly's Ta^re Law Lectures on Partition and Adoption (iRf?), p. 35.
• The original it ^f^JcT JHOf FftrTT ^f^cN?: which literaUy means the pmn^ter of the collection or compilation of all the Pur^as.
PARASARIYA 9HMmiA SASTIU. 351
abDlisked these practices were, and why and wfaeo they abclisfeed then. But he is totally silent on these points. What is meet Strang is that he has recognised Pur&nik texts as authorities siiperior te the precepts of the SmritisI
Before closing this part of our subject, I may, I think, draw a comparison between the lines on which the development of }aw pfx>ceed- ed in Greece and in Ary&varta. In his Ancient Law Sir Henry Maine makes mention of what in Greece were called Then»stes, the sentences or orders of Zeus as having preceded the conception of law. These Themistes, we may take, filled the same place among the Greeks as the Srutis did among the Indian Ary&s. The transition from the Themistes in Greece was, first, to various established customs which the Themistes were believed to sanctify and then to written codes ; while among the Indian Aryds the Smritis or the codes followed the ^rutis and Ach^a or custom followed the Smritis, both the Smritis and Ach^a being regarded as based on the sacred authority of the ^rutis. ^ Overtopping all these three sources of law, Snitis, Smritis and customs, came the edict of the king of the law prescribed by the supreme power in the State. Thus although there is a close analogy between the ideas as to the origin of law in the West and East their pro- gpressive development in India was checked by various causes an enquiry into which must be reserved for another more appropriate occasion.
THE PARA^ARA DHARMA samhitA.
Starting with a definition of Dharma I have so far considered its sources or proofs, their nature, origin and relative authoritativeness on questions of duty.
Now I pass on to the main theme of my discourse— * the Institutes of the great Rishi — Par^ara. His authority as a lawgiver of the Aryas is unquestionable. He fills a prominent place in the rank of the well- known sages of ancient times. He is described in the Rigveda as the son of Va^i^ha and Sakti. He is the seer of hymns 65-73, Book I of tiie same Veda. His name occurs in the Gariap&tha of Plnini. He is one of the twenty Rishis named in the Y&jAavalkya Smriti at S^tra-Prayojakas or law-givers. He figures prominently in the Mah&bh&rata, Vishnu Pur&na and other sacred books of the Indian Ary&s. He is one of the fifty-three Rishis who formed part of the
^ The view now generally received is that the Smritit are a reeofd of uaaces which prevailed in different localities at different periods. The late Sir Henry Maine in his Early Law aa4 Custom says : ** Indian law may^ in fact, he affirmed to consist of a very grreat vnmhm of IoobI bodies of usagei^and of one set of cuttoms reduced to writinffi pretending' to a*di«iaer autlMMity than the rest, exercising consequently a great inflttenoe over them andtending, if not checked, to absorb them.
3S2 pARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
august assembly in which the great Bhishma instructed Yudhishthira in the science of Government (Mah&bh&rata, Shftnti Parva, Ch. 47). It is under the circumstances needless to enlarge upon the authority of Par&^ra as a law-^iver*^
The Par&^ra Samhita almost exclusively deals with two heads of Dharma, namely, Ackdra (rules of conduct) and Pr&yaschitta (pen- ances). On civil law (Vyavah&ra) it lays down only the following general rules for the guidance of kings : —
'' A king of the Kshatriya caste should arm himself and have his army ; should protect his people ; should overcome the forces of a hostile king and rule the State in the way prescribed by law. (Ch. I, V, 61.)
" Where such members of the regenerate caste, as are irreligious and illiterate, subsist on alms begged from house to house : — ^That village should be punished by the king ; for the village is a feeder of thieves alone." (Ch. I, v. 61.)
" A garland maker gathers flowers only without cutting (the plants) in the garden by their roots. (So also the king should raise taxes.) He should not oppress his subjects in the manner in which a charcoal maker uproots the trees.'" (Ch. I, v. 63.)
" The penance (for a sin) should be prescribed (by a Parishad) with the approval of the king ; it should never be prescribed in- dependently of the king ; but where the penance is trifling, it may be carried out (without such approval). (VIII, 28.)
" If the king intends to lay down the law, disregarding what the Brahmanas say, — the sin is multiplied a hundredfold, and, so in- creased, affects the king." (VIII, 29.)
The importance of the Par&^ara Smriti rests on the ground that it declares the law for the Kali age. This special authority of Par^ara
^ There are two astronomical treatises by Parl^ra extant. ** Par&sara is reputed to be the oldest Indian Astronomer. • • • The name of ParAiara as well as that of Garga belongs only to the latest stage of Vedic literature, to the Aranyakas and the Sutras ; in the earlier works neiJier of the two names is mentioned. The family of the Pariiaras is rep<*eseat- ed with particular A^uency in the later members ot the Vansas of the Satapatha Brab- mana : a Garga and a Parftiara are also named in the Anukramani as Rishis of several hjrmns of the Rik. and another Parftiara appears in Panini as author of the Bhik^bu Sutra. s,e,$ a compendium for religious mendicants. The Parftforino-bhikshavah are mentioned in the MahabhAshya also, and besides a Kalpa by ParAiara. Weber's Histoiy of Indian Literature (Third Edition), pages t}t and 14;.
* The edition published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in the Bibliotbca Indica Scries contains the following additional ven|e : ** Royalty dc^pends not on hereditary right : nor can it be transmitted by written deeds. It should be enjoyed after acquisition by meana of the word; the earth is enjoyed by heroes.'*
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 353
is, mentioned in verse 25, Chapter I of the Smrlti itself. It runs as follows :—
For the Krita age are suited the laws of Manu ; for the Tret4, those of Gautama (are) prescribed ; for the Dv¶, those by ^&nkha« Likhita ; for the Kali, those by Par&^ra are prescribed.
The theory on which the doctrine that each Yuga has its peculiar laws is explained as follows. The world passes through four Yugas or cycles called Krita, Tret&, Dy¶ and Kali. It has already passed through the first three and it is now passing through the fourth. In the first Yuga, which is otherwise called the age of truth or Brirhmanas, Dharma reigned supreme "in all its four parts '* without any dimunition; men performed their duties faithfully accord- ing to the Vedas and truth and righteousness throve in their full perfection. As each succeeding Yuga set in, Dharma diminished by one-fourth with a proportionate decay in truth and virtue until at last in the present Kali- Yuga there is only a fourth part oi Dharma left and men have become devoid of that strength of character which is required for the faithful performance of their religious, moral and wordly duties according to the ancient ^^stras. In the Krita Yuga the laws of Manu prevailed ; but the gradual diminution in the observance of Dharma having rendered a diminution in the rigour of the laws necessary, Gautama legislated for the Treti Yuga, ^^nkha and Likhita for the Dv¶ and Par^iara for the Kali. Accordingly, the laws of Gautama are supposed to be mild compared with those of Manu, the laws of S&nkha and Likhita milder and those of Par^sara the mildest.
This topsyturvy policy of legislation may provoke a smile. But we should remember that our ancient legislators chiefly dealt with religion and ritual, a department in which freedom of thought is always looked upon by the orthodox as a sign of moral decline and lawlessness ; and I think that in their anxiety to protect the San&tana Dharma our sages must have adopted an elastic policy of adjustment that could be followed without much social friction.
The commentators on the Codes of Manu, YAjn^valkya and Gau- tama not only do not draw any such distinction as that indicated by the theory noticed above, but further when we read Manu we find that he has taken into consideration the state of society in all the four Yugas in enacting his laws (Manu I, 8i-86).
Professor Max Miiller has characterised the theory as a fabricated tradition. This seems to me too strong language to apply to a belief universally entertained. Assuming that the belief has not a we'l
3 j4 PAf^ASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
deBned basis in practice, it has still a merit of its own which should not make us very particular about its origin ; for on a comparison of the Par^ra Smriti with those of Manu, Gautama, Sd.nkha, Likhita and others we do find in Par^iara's legislation ideas of a decidedly progressive character from a social point of view. I propose to briefly notice below what, in my opinion, may be considered important changes made by Para^ra in the older law.
First :— Parlliara has largely pruned the Grihya and Smirta ritU|4 of a large number of its ceremonial and sacramental rites. This he has done in what seems to me to be a commendable manner. H^ has silently passed over what are called the A^rama^ Dharmas, i.e.f the complicated, cumbrous and elaborate system of ritual and sacra- ments which fettered social life, insisting only upon what is essential for the preservation of the pure Vedic faith. In laying down the duties peculiar to the twice born, he makes no mention of the long series of samskdras or sacraments prescribed by his predecessors, although in another connection, which will be noticed hereafter, he refers to them passingly as desirable for the fullest development of a Br&hmana's inherent virtue (VIII, 19). The six duties he prescribes to th^ Brdhmanas proceed upon a line different from that adopted by the previous law-givers. He lays them down in the following terms : —
" A Brahmana who is given to observe the six* duties of his caste who worships the deities and hospitably receives the guests, whos^ meals consist of what remains after ( daily ) offerings made ( on thf fire ), has never to suffier from misery or want. Ablution and prayer, inaudible recitation (of sacred words), burnt-offerings, the worship of gods, hospitality to guest unexpectedly come, and offerings made in the name of the Viivadevas, these are six duties to be performed everyday." I, 38, 39.
The duty denoted by the word prayer points to the G&yatri hymn which is regarded as the essence of the Vedas and the initiation into
^ MAdhavAchArya to his commentary has added at the end of chapter iV a dcscrqpticm t£ the SamskAras (sacraments) under the heading of Airama Dharmas stating that althou^ following the method of the other Smriti^, it was proper that Parftsara should have declared the Airama Dkarmaa afterhaving declared the Varna Dharmas^ yet he neglected them* as no question had been asked by VyAsa regarding them. I think the omissaoo may have been due to one of these two causes, nam^, inty that ParAiara considered the enforcement of the SamakAra rites and of the Brahmacharya, VAnaprasta aad SsAyisa Aaramas according to the old ritual as undesirable, and, tndly, that they had already to a great extent gone out of practice and ParAaara did not deem it necessary to revive them
* According to MAdhAvicharya the words ** six duties** here mean thoae six dutiea which Manu and other older law-givers assign to BrAhmanas, via,, teachia|[ and slwlyim the Veda ; sacrificing for their own benefit and for others ; giving and accepting of ahns. I do not think this inlsrpretation correct PaiAsara haa not left the point in doubt Vm eaiipief^tca the six i^>^ in the smmfdialdy Mlpi|«i|g Ifxt
PARAdARlYA bHAftMA SASTltA. 3}$
which is a solutely necessary to invest a nlan with the dlafacter of k Dwija. *
It will be observed that the above enumeration does not include teaching the Veda, officiating at sacrifices performed for others and accepting alms. On the exclusion of mendicancy from the duties of a '6r&hmana Par^ara is very strict and emphatic ; for he declares, ist, that " where such members of the regenerate caste as are irreligious and illiterate subsist on alms begged from house to house, that village •hould be punished by the king ; for the village is a feeder of thieves mlone'*(I, 66); and, secoadly, "with the paddy from a field cultivated by himself or acquired by his own self-exertions he (the Br&hmana) -should ofiFer the five daily sacrifices and others." (II, 6.).
With regard to the study of the Vedas and the student *s duties Farftsara's rules are more indulgent than those prescribed by Manu and odier law-givers. Manu says, for example, that ** the vow of studyi ing the three Vedas under a teacher must be kept for thirty-six yearsi or for half that time or for a quarter, or until the student has perfectly learnt them. He further, as a mitigation of the severity of the above mie, declares :-^"A student who has studied in due order the three Vedas or two ot even one only without breaking the rules of student;r ship shall enter the order of house-holders'*. Par&^ara does not make a studentship of this sort obligatory on the Ar3ran youth* For the ordinary Br&hmana a knowledge of the G&yatri, the Sandhya prayers and the great five* daily Yajnyas is all that he considers necessary.
, In prescribing however. the qualifications of Br&hmanas who should be appointed members of a Parishad Parasara is very strict. He declares that they should be men possessed of a competent knowledge of the Vedas and ^IrStras (VI. 35. VIII, 2, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14.)
In the case of an ordinary Br&hmana, on the other hand, he is very lenient on this point of the study of the Vedic science. After declaring
^ Chapter VIII. }, S4*
TeachinflT (and studyingr) is the 8acri6ce offered to Brfthmana, the (offering^ of water and food called ) Tarpana, the ftacrifice to the manea, the li^omt oblation the sacrifice offered to iiie rods* the BaK oftleringr that offered to the Bhutas, and the hospitable reception of ^uestA the offering- to men. Manu III, 70.
«rr: II ife^ 5gtrt|r: 1 ?wt f^^^iy: 1 t^t ^^: I ^«^^ iw*tir: I
Cb. I, Text t3<.
mcS PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
in general words that those who do not cherish the house-hold fire, who are devoid of the daily conjunctional adorations and who do not study the Veda should be regarded as 6udras, the great Rishi proceeds to provide : —
" Therefore for fear of being turned into a Sudra every endeavour should be made particularly by a Br&hmana to study at least a portion of the Veda (every day) in case he is unable to study the whole.** (XII. 31. 32.).
The next great reform introduced by Par&iara is closely connected with the above in logical sequence. We may, I think, call him the apostle of Industrialism among Brahmanas. He seems to have taken to heart the moral and economical loss to society arising from a state of things which made the Br&hmanas and Kshatriyas an unproductive charge upon the common wealth, and encouraged a waste of resources in the observance of costly ceremonies and sacriBces not forming an essential part of the national Vedic faith. He accordingly attached greater importance to industrialism than to knowledge connected with ritualistic and sacrificial observances. In the matter of industrial pursuits, he largely departed from the line marked out by Manu and other Ribhis and placed all the four castes on a footing of equality. In Chapter II, where he treats of their Sddhdta na Dharma^ or duties common to them all, he lays down :—
(a) *• A Br&hmana who regularly performs thu six ceremonies may also betake himself to agriculture.''
{b) "A Kshatriya likewiso may practise tillage honouring the gods and the Br^mana caste. A Vaishya or Sudra should always take to agriculture, practise arts and follow trade" (II, 1, 12.)^
Midbav&ch^rya interprets the first of the above verses as giving the Br&hmanas liberty only to have the work of cultivation done by empoying men of the lower caste and not to personally engage in ploughing. This interpretation, however, is contrary to the intention of the verse as shown by the context. M&dhavftchftrya's interpretation is based upon the casual form of the verb 4i|<qfT in the text. But in
some copies the verb used is ^m^X^ ^ have in my possession a copy
Madhavacharya*8 commentary on this text runs as follows :—
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA* ^^%
of an edidon of the Par&sara Smriti with a short commentary pub- lished at Lucknow in the Sam vat year 1943-44. The verb used therein
^^ «*lH<a^, and the commentator, whose name is given, at the end as Dharanidhar, says that the prohibition against a Br&hmana's personally engaging in cultivation of land applies to the preceding Yugas.^ It is noteworthy that Pard.sara praises the gift of land to Br^manas as highly meritorious (XII, 49).
CASTE.
The third improvement which Pariiara directed his attention to was to raise the status of the Sudra. It has already been pointed out that, as far as agriculture and trade were concerned, Par&sara placed an the four castes on a footing of equality. As regards social inter- course and intermarriages, although his legislation is not equally liberal, still he has shown a strong inclination towards bettering the lot of the Sudras. In matters of food, interdining between the three higher castes was never prohibited, and Parftsara also allows it. XI, 12.
Manu prohibited the Brd.hmanas from eating cooked food given by a Sudra. The only exception he made was in the case of the BrlLh- mana's labourer in tillage, a friend of his family, his cow-herd, his slave, and his barber. Food given by these the Br&hmana was per- mitted to eat (Manu IV, 223, 253).
Pariiara has followed the same rule but with a slight relaxation of the restriction against the use of cooked food given by a ^udra.. He declares that " when a ^udra gives a feast, a Br^mana may eat any food cooked in some oily substance, provided he goes to the bank of a river to eat it. This is certainly an improvement , The condi- tion as to place is obviously immaterial.
Mr. Baden-Povvell in his book on the Indian Village Community obaenret that both' the BrAhmana and Kshatriya castes from the first had the least possible connection with agriculture except as oyer lords of the soil and receivers of shares in the produce. As the result of his investigation he further sUtes : *' It may be safely asserted that all the upper ^ftr^^ of Aryan origin had little feeling for agriculture and that India does not owe to them either the introduction of settled cultivation or (directly) any particular policy or principle of land«ownership." This conclusion is far from correct.
*> Manu— By practising handicrafts, by pecuniary transactions, by begetting children on Sudra females only, by (trading in) cows, horses and carriages, by (the pursuit of) agricul- ture and by taking service under a king families sink low. Ill, 64. But a BrAhmana or a Kshatriya Uving by a Vaisya's mode of subsistence shall carefully avoid (the pursuit oQ agriculture which causes injury to many beings and depends on others. Some dec are that agriculture is something excellent, but that means of subsistence is blamed by the virtuous ; for the w<Hxlen implement with iron point iojures the earth and the beings living in the earth.
X, 8J, 84.
Gautama— Agriculture and trade are also lawful for a BrAhmana, prpvided he does not do the work himselt Likewise, lending money at interest. X, (, 6.
S|9 PAXMMOUVA t^WOiMK SASttftA.
Afi /ifuUcalMc: a desire on Par&sara's part to raise the position of tha Madras aad drawing the social relations between them and tlie liigher^castes closer^ attention may be drawn to the following rules :<—
''If a Siidra be addicted to flesh— meat, spirituous drinks and constantly engaged in low occupations, he, like the member of a Sva- baka caste^ .^hould be ishunned by a Brd.hmana from afar.
"A Br&hmana should never shun such ^udras as are employed in the service of regenerate men, abstinent of spirit and flesh-meat and duly employed in their own occupation." XI, 14, 15. '^^ The prohibition against a Sudra pursuing degrading occupations, su6h as selling Wine and flesh-meat and using such things as drink and food, can have no other object than that of enforcing purity of conduct on thdir part as a means of raising them in the social scale.
THE POSITION OF WOMAN.
It cannot be said that Par&lara made any material change in the old law respecting ttie position' of woman. Two questions have for some years past occupied the minds of Hindu social reformers con- '(^rhing women i ist, the hmrriAgeable age of girls ; andly, the re- marriage of widows/.' On the first, Par&^ra*s legtslation is as strict as that of his predecessors. He fixes the age of 12 years for a girl ais the farthest limit for marriage, arid enforces this limit strictly. (VII, 41, 5, 6, 7.) Manu, after declaring that *' Reprehensible is the father who gives riot his daughter in marriage at the proper time," says ** that a man aged thirty y^ttxk shall marry a maiden of twelve, who please kirn, or a man of twenty-four a girl of eight years of age ; if tbe performance -of hrs duties would otherwise be impeded, he must maity sooner." Thb words '• proper time " in the former text are intiferprcft- ed by Kulluka to mean " before the girl attains the age of '^ubetty** ^ccordfng to Gautama (XVI J I, 21), and as regards the latter text the same commentator says that the verse is not intended to lay down a hard and fast rule, but merely to give instances of suitable ages, ^owever that may be, there are other texts in Manu which show that he did. not consider that the marriage of a girl performed after the age of puberty would be invldid (Manu IX, S9, 90, 91). From this point of view ParAsara*s rules would seem to be unduly harsh.
In the Sutta-Nipatai t|ierf is a discourse between a BrAhmana called Kastbharadr^
apd Gautama, from whidi it. appears that Brlhmanas practised agriculture before the ttiae
;ofO|Mitama. Gautama golngrto Kaaibharadri^ is addressed thus :—*% O, Samana,
. both plou^ and sow, aod havings ploughed and sown, I eat ; thou also, O, Samana.
.pbouldst plouffk and sow« . and bl^vingr plou^rhed and sown thou shouldst eat." S. B. B.
Vot X. Sutta— Nipata, p. it. Professor Hopkins of the Yale University in his wi^rk oa
'India 0\4 and New '* has flriven a brief, but very instructive, sketch of the Aryan literatufe
'on the subject of agriculture in the chapter on Land Tenure in India. He has shown bow
mbtaken Mr. Baden-Powell was in bis view referrM to above.
PARASARIVA DtiAftlitA ^A^HtA. J59
On the second question Paryara has shown a greater sense of jus- tice. He declares " When a woman's husband is missing or is dead, or has renounced the world, or is impotent or has been degraded by sin — on any of these five calamities befalling a woman,, law has ordained another husband for her.'' This text has enabled the Hindu social reformers of the present day to wage a war against the tyrannous custom of debarring widows among the higher castes from marrying again. How the custom of the Hindu widows in the Dvija communi- ties remaining unmarried came into existence it is'notdiffibult to under- stand. What is most extraordinary is that, i^i the face of the aboVe #u]e declared by Pard^ara in the clearest words possible, tests are found in the Purlinas and such other modem religious books declaring that k second marriage is not permitted to even virgin tfFidows. Our surprise becomes greater when we remember that, the law declared by Par&^ara Was not new. N&rada had declared it before htm in exactly the same words on the highest authority, namely, Manu, the fir6t aiid greatest )aw-giver of tlie Aryfls. *
] In this connection the provisions contained in verses 20, 21 and 22, Chapter IV, are of some importance. They strengthen by inference the legal status of sons begotten on a widow by marris^e. These provisions mention expressly the Kunda, Golaka, Aur^sa, Kshetraja, ^nd Kritrima sons. With what particular intention they are men- tioned iti is difficult to, understand. The subject of sons is generally fonsidered by other law-givers in the Chapters on inheritance and iSraddha.
1 Neither of these topics is dealt with by ParA^ara in the Chapter where the verses under notice occur. They, however, form part of a group of texts which deal with the duties of married woman towards her husband ; and from this an inference may arise that Par&^ra in- tended to point out that adultery in a married woman or widov/ leads to the introduction into the bosom of her husband's family children born of a stranger. Another view that suggests itself is that Par|l-
j ^ As bearing on the question of the remarrtagre of widows* it is proper that I should refer to the conttnentary of AsahAya on the following^ text of N&rada. ** When it is impossible to abt up to the precepts of sacred^ law* it becomes necessary to adopt a method foun<!ed <>k reasoning because custom decides everythini^ and overrules the sacred law." C^Arada, Cfa* I, 49.) Dr. Jolly saysi " According to AsahAya this verse inculcates the superiority of custom to written law. Thus both the practice of raising off-spring to a deceased or disabled brother* aftd tfte ^marriage of v^idows are specially sstnctton^ in the sacred law bobks. Yet these two cuttditit are opposed to established practice Therefore subtle ratidfcination is ttquinA, 4iahjya Quotes a verse, to the effect ihat the immemorial usages of every province wbicjli hftve been handed down from generation to generation can never be overruled by a ruleot thesacreiUw.'' (S. B.' S. Vol. XXXIII, p. ij.y *' * ' ' '^
'With reference to this view of AsahAya, it is enougn to jkate that it cannof have' any force in the face of the text of ParA^ara which expressly declares tM law for th« Kail Mge, ^- '
I
360 PARASARIYA DHARICA SASTRA.
^ra intended to give the Kunda, Golaka, Kshetraja, Datta, Kritrima and others the same legal status in the Kali age as in the preceding Yugas. This latter view seems to us to be the more correct view to take of Parisara's intention. M^dhav&ch&rya in his commentary says that the mention of the six kinds of sons should be taken in a general sense so as to include the twelve kinds of sons spoken of by Manu, Y^jnavalkya, Nftrada, Gautama and other Rishis. None of these sons except the Aurasa and adopted are now recognised.
As Par^ara is the law-giver for the present Kali age, the denial to the sons other than the aumsa and dattaka their former status would seem to be illegal. But M&dhavich&rya in his Vyavahftra K&nda, after fully describing the substitute sons and the way in which they take the heritage according to Manu, Y&jnavalkya, Hftrita and other Rishis, says : — " The texts which go to prove that the other substitute sons besides the datta share in the inheritance, refer to some other age of the world ; because it is prohibited in another Smriti^ to receive them as sons in the Kali age : — ^The receiving of others than the datta and aurasa as sons, the begetting of offspring by a brother-in-law and retiring to the forest, all these practices, the wise have said, should be avoided in the Kali age.*' The prohibitory texts quoted by Midhav&chirya are to be found in the Institutes of Brihaspati and Aditya Pur&na. In treating them as authority he forgets that Par&^ra's legislation was specially intended for the Kali age and that it could not be superseded by even other Smritis and much less by Pur&nic texts. His treatment of this point cannot be accepted as satisfactory, because in another part of the same work he makes express provision for the shares to be allotted to sons of a man of a superior caste by a wife of an inferior caste in disregard of the prohibition contained in the Aditya Pur&na against such intermarriages.
PENANCES. The penances prescribed by Parftiara for sins are doubtless of a leni* ent character compared with those which the older law-givers pre* scribed, for instance, the penance for killing a cow prescribed by Manu requires the killer to perform certain acts of a painful nature for a period extending over three months. During the first month h© shall drink a decoction of barley-grains, shave all his hair and cover* ing himself with the hide ( of the slain cow ) he must live in a cow house. During the two following months he shall eat a snudl quantity of food without any factitious salt at every fourth— meal time and shall bathe in the urine of cows, keeping the organs under control. During the day he shall follow the cows and standing
» BrOuMpati XXIV, V.. I*.i4
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 361
upright inhale the dust raised hy their hoofs ; at night after serving and worshipping them he shall remain in the posture called Vir&sana. He must stand when they stand, follow them when they walk and seat himself when they lie down. When a cow is sick oris threat-^ ened by danger from thieves, tigers and the like, or falls or sticks. in a morass, he must relieve her by all possible means. In heat, in, rain, in cold or when the wind blows violently, he must not seek to shelter himself without first sheltering the cows according to his ability. He should not say a word if a cow eats anything in his own or another's house or field or on the threshing floor, or if a calf drinks milk. After he has fully performed this penance he must give to the (Brahmahnas) learned in the Veda ten cows and a bull, or if he does not possess so much property he must offer to them all he has.^
While such is the severity of the penance prescribed by Manu, Par&^ara's rule requires simply the performance of what is called Prijftpatya which is divided into four grades of varying severity according to the degree of the gravity of the offence.
The observance of the whole penance extends over only four days. For the first day the sinner should take only a single meal ; for the next day he should eat at night ; for the third day he should eat what unasked is given to him, and on the fourth day he should live on air. Such is the nature of the Pr&j&patya of the first grade.
The next three grades are of the same nature with this difference, that one day is added in each to the respective parts of the obsepi vanc3. Thus in the second grade the sinner should for two days have only single meal a day and so on. When the penance is finished, Bralimanas should be given a feast and a dakshina and they should, inaudibly recite the purificatory sacred hymns.
The purification prescribed by Manu for the slayer of a Brahman requires that the sinner shall make a hut in the forest and dwell in it during twelve years subsisting on alms and making the skull of a dead man his flag. There are also other alternatives prescribed of a more or less severity. Lastly Manu declares: " This expiation has been prescribed for unintentionally killing a Br4hmana; but for intentionally slaying a Br&hmana no atonement is ordained.'*
On the other hand the penance prescribed by Par&jara for killing a Brihmana intentionally or unintentionally is a visit to the bridge on the sea near Cape Comorin, and bathing in that sea. PadUara prescribes the mode in which the sinner should perform his journey.
He must live by begging from the four castes, must not use an umbrella nor wear shoes. He is to proclaim himself thus : — '* I am
^ Manu XI 109-117 Manu XI, 73-87, 90
ParftMira VIII, J6.42.
^± PAftASAftlVA 0ltARlftA ^AdtRA.
a sitlit^ 1 1 haVe committed a heinbus sin ; I have killed a Bf&hmana. I am standing flt the door of the house, with the expectation tf getting some alms. He should likewise dwell in the midst ofcoWs within villages Or cities, or in places of hermitage oi" of pilgrimage ; or near the Sources of rivers." The above penance is prescribed expressly for a resident in the north of the Vindhyd motmtain. As Regards sinners residing in the south the Smriti is silent. An inference may be drawn that they should make a pilgrimage to the Ganges.
r
On the question of voyages by t^ea Par^^ara is silent. There can be no doubt he did not intend to prohibit them seeing that he allows a BrAhmana to follow the occupation of a Vaiiya which includes the carrying of merchandise by sea. There is no express prohibition in Manu against sea voyages. On the other hand we find him making the following rules regarding freight.
** Whatever rate men fix who are expert in sea voyages and able to calculate the profit according to the place, the time and the objects ( carried ), that has legal force in such cases with respect to the pay- ment to fee riiade."
"for a long passage the boat hire must be proportioned to the places ' and times ; know that this rule refers to passages along the batiks of rivers ; at sea there is no settled frieght." (Manu )C, 157,406.)
That Br^hmanas also travelled by sea in the time of Manu appears from the fact thkt trade was permitted even by Manu to a Brahmana who was not able to gain his livelihood by the occupations declared la^wful to him ' and from the list given in the Code mentioning the sorts of Bi'^hmanas who 'were, from the ritualistic point of view, unfit to take a place in the same line with the strict Vaidiks invited on the occasion of the ^radha ceremonies. This list excludes BrMimanas ^ho travel by sea. There are texts in the Smritis of BoudhAyana and Marichi which do not permit a Brdhmana to travel by sea. But when these texts and the texts in Manu are read together, as Ihey ^ould be, the conclusion is that the prohibition applies only to Vaidik ^iest and those Br^hmanas who keep the Agnihotra. As regards the PUrlLilas the prohibition against a Brdhmana travelling by sea appears in the list of acts forbidden by them in the Kali Yuga, thereby implying the existence of sea faring Br&hmanas in the previous yugas. We need not dwell here on the value of such a prohibition B.fi f rule of law. I have already shown that the Pur&nas are no proof on law.
In the matter of drink ajid food ParMara is strict. In prohihiting the use_.of spirituous liquors he has re-enacted the rule of Manu almost verbatim. As regards the use of animal food he goes much beyond Manu and Gautama and prohibits the use of it completely*
PARAS4R1Y4 DHARMA SASTRA. 363.
Such is a general description of the character of the laws of ParHiara. Upon the whole there is n6 doubt that he has shown hjfni^^f to b« moTQ practical than the law-givers who preceded him as al^o thos^ who came after him. Without openly dissenting from the older Smritis he has followed the principle laid down by Manu that each age has its own peculiar duties and laws.
One more point requires notice as having an intimate bearing on the authority of Par&lara.
Certain duties and actions which ParHrara has sanctioned expressly or by implication are forbidden in the Kali a^e by other Smritis and Pur&nas. This conflict is explained by Mlldhavft« chftrya on the principle of impracticability and practicability. He presumes that the general prohibitions in other Smritis in regard to certain duties and actions are founded on considerations of impracticability. Parlrara's rules to the contrary should be taken as exceptions governing cases where conditions of imprac-^ ticabtlity do not exist. He further observes that Parlrara has special priority over other law-givers in the K^li age and the prohibitory injunctions found in other Smritis have no force in cases in which PaHliara's ordinances must be accepted as absolute, e,g,^ agriculture and such other matters. It should however be generally remarked* that Mftdhav&ch^rya's commentary does not fully enter into the spirit of Par&sara*s laws. It assumes that on points which are not noticed by Pardiara, the old law remains unaffected, an assumption which is not justified by the statement of the objects and reasons stated in the preamble to the Samhitft.
Before concluding our remarks we would refer to text 37, Chapter II, in which ParAxara declares : —
. *' A blameless life that fosters righteousness is what is proper for all* the four castes. Righteousness turns its back to those whose bpdiea are defiled by a blameable life."
I take these words to signify what Buddha meant when he declared, *' Not by birth is one a Br^man, nor is one by birth no Brahman ; 1^ work (Kirmanft) one is a Br&hman by work one is no Brahman" (Mah&^vagga Vasettha Sutta, 57).
There is another work bearing the name of Par&iara. It is called the Brihat-Par^sariya Dharma Sastram or the Great Dharmalastra of Parftsarai and appears to be a later expansion of Pas^sara Sam- hhA got up for sectarian purposes. It does not seem to have rbeen regarded as an authoritative work bacautesboth Midhav&chirya and
364 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
a later commentator by name Nanda Pandita chose Par^Liara Sam« hita to write a commentary upon. I may mention here as throwing some light upon the character of works like the Brihat-ParAsariya Dharma-Sastram the fact discovered by the late Dr. Burnell that there is another work called the Uttara-bh^ga of the Parisara Smriti which inculcates the worship of Rama in twelve chapters.
THE AGE OF PARA^ARA.
We have now to fix the date of the Par&iara Smriti. This is not an easy question. Professor Oldenberg has well said " People in India have never had any organ for the when of things." It is not possible to determine the exact period when the Par&iara Smriti was composed. The form^ in which we find the work indicates an author other than the Rishi whose name it bears. This suggestion receives some support from the view taken by the late Rao Saheb V. N. Mand- Hk in his work on Hindu Law as to the origin of the Y&jnavalkya
Smriti. He says in a footnote to texts 4 and 5, Chapter I, thereof :
" The word in the original is [ sr^TnRJT- J PrayojakAh which some
lexicographers would render by law-givers But PrayojakA
signifies the causer or propounder, the person who causes another agent to act. <> o ♦ And it seems that it would be better to consider Manu and the rest rather as the causers than as the actual writers of the Smritis which bear their names. For, to begin with the list : Manu himself is the Prayojakd or the causer, and Bhrigu, the author of the Smriti which bears Manu's name. Each chapter of Manu ends thus i-^rpf^ >I%I[TT* ^H^t^FFlt ^ftcfFff aTJ^T^nq: which means "(Here ends) a certain Adhyaya ( chapter )^of the Samhita (text) composed by Bhrigu in the Dharmasastra of Manu." In the case of the Pardsara Smriti also, Suvrata is the author, and Par&iara is evidently the sage at whose command the work was composed thus c-^f^-J^; ^r^ wIT^ ftPrt^Rll^ I TOmt^^rt-^IT* ?m^ PfTMl The meaning is :— The sage Suv- rata composed the Dharmasdstra in 3,300 verses as propounded by ParAiara. *' In the case of Yajnavalkya Smriti also. Yftjnavalkya cannot be the author of the Smriti ; for, the writer begins U by invoking Yijnavalkya (see Sloka ist), and in the above enume- ration again, the fourth law-giver is stated to be Yajnavalkya. The author of the Mit^kshara again in his comments puts him at the top of Sanaka and other Yogis of the Krita age. He therefore places him far into a remote antiquity. It seems therefore that the Smriti is the collection ofthe precepts of Yajnavalkya by a follower of/ his school
^ Vide Cb. I, v». 10, 34 ; Ch;. VI, v. i.
PARASARIYA DHARICA SASTRA. 365
This conclusion is also suggested by Mitramiira in his work entitled Vtramitrodaya. Vijn^nesvara in his commentary on the first verse says :— qrir^?^ f^: ^jftctH^rm^ *<l«^t4HH"ft«i >l%?nw IRFft^ ^^jqi- mB ^m HiHl-^ ^: l which means "some disciple of Ydjnavalkya com- posed (the present treatise) by condensing the jurisprudence propound- ed (to him) by Y&jnavalkya in the form of question and answer."
Against the Rao Saheb*s view we have to notice two facts ; ist, that the name Suvrata appears in the colophon of the Brihat-Parilariya Dharmaiistra, and not in the Par&iara Samhit&; secondly, Mftdhav&- ch&rya the commentator of our Par&^ara Samhitd,, far from supporting the view of Mr. Mandlik gives a directly contrary opinion. He, in his commentary on verse 19, Chapter I, pointedly raises the question as to who is the author of the Sloka and explains that ParlUara him- self is the author of it, and by way of proof relies upon what he calls the universal acceptance of Slokas in the Mahibh&rata and other works giving an account of Vy&sa as the composition of Vyftsa himself. Assuming, however, that Mr. Mandlik's view is more reasonable, our difficulty is not lessened, for who Suvrata was, where and when he lived, there is nothing in the Brihat PaxtisLriya, Dliar- mai^tra to show.
The Hindus claim on the one hand a great antiquity for their sacred literature, an antiquity sometimes measured by millions of years ; while on the other, modern scholarship proceeding on Western scien- tific lines uses a freedom of speculation which assigns a period to the most ancient of 'the Vedic scriptures not earlier than perhaps three thousand years. In fixing the date of the several well known Smritis such as Manu, Western scholars apply generally the following tests. ^
(i) Preponderance or the entire absence of one or other of the three constituent elements which make up the substance of Indian law.
(2) The style of the language used.
(3) Whether the work mentions Greek Astrology and Greek coinage.
(4) Whether the Smriti contains any very archaic doctrines.
(5) Whether it contains indications of a sectarian origin.
The first three tests cannot help us, because the Par&sara Samhiti does not claim the same remote antiquity as Manu, Gautama, &c.
^ Weber's History of Indian Literature, Third Edition, pagre tSo.
3^ PARA^ARiVA DKARBfA^ $A«T«A.
The SfPiiti i^elf declares that its ordinances are for the Kali age and many of its texts appear to have been borrowed from Manu and other old works word for word. None of the other Smritis except one bearing the name of Vriddha Gautama, a sectarian treatise, refers to the Par&sara Smriti.
Applying the last two tests I am inclined to hold that the Parftsara Smriti should be assigned to a period earlier than the Pur&nik age, the beginning of which is placed subsequent to the fifth century of the Christian era. We find that the ParHsara Smriti recognises the twelve kinds of sons including the Kshetraja and this recognition is virtually tantamount to sanctioning the archaic doctrine of Niyoga^ Similarly we do not find in it any indications of a sectarian origin.
Medhitithi, the commentator of Manu who is supposed to belong to the ninth or tenth century, quotes the Parisara Smriti.^ This circumstance may be taken as a proof of its comparatively early age. I think it probable that the work was written at a time when the Indian mind was passing through a struggle between what may be called the Vedic orthodoxy and the Buddhistic dissent. The whole scheme of the work seems to me to be an attempt made under Buddhistic influences to restore the Vedic creed purged of its extra- vagances and demoralising practices.
Now arises the question how are we to i^concile the belief that ParMara was the last of the law-givers with the fact that his name is mentioned in the Smriti of Ydjnyavalkya and other more ancieot works as one of the Aryan law-givers. This question can be an- swered only by supposing that an earlier work of the real Parisara existed and that on its lines the present one was composed in a later age by • one of his descendants or followers. The family of Par&sara figures with a certain degree of prominence in Buddhistic literature. Mr, Rhys Davids in his Buddhist India says that in the Majjhima ( 3. 298 ) the opinions of a certain Parisariya, a Brdhmsna teacher, are discussed by the Buddha, and that a school of Parisa- raiyas is mentioned by Panini and referred to in an inscription men- tioned Cby Cunningham. ^ Mr. R. C Dutt in bis Gviliaatioa of India ( Ch. V., p. 63 ) refers to a work called ParAsara Tantra which professes to contain Par&sara's teachings and which belongs to the Buddhist age.
^ Dr. Bubler** Code of Manu ( 8. B. B. MricsX Introductioii, p. t2t. • Buddhist India by Rhys OkniMi, Gk UL» p^ 144
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 367
mAdhavAchArya.
M^dhav^chlU'ya was descended from a family of Telugu Sm&rtba Br&hmans, who belonged to the BhILradv&ja Gotra and who were followers of the Baudh&yana Sutra of the Taittiriya ^4khA of the Yajurveda. He was born in the beginning of the fourteenth century A. C. The name of his father was M&yana and of his mother ^rimati. He had two younger brothers named respectively Sdyana and Bhogan&tha. He acquired his learning and wisdom from three teachers, namely Sarvajnya Vishnu^ Vidy^tirtha and Bhdratitirtha otherwise known as ^ankardnanda. He was the chief minister of Bukka Raya I ^ and Harihara Raya II who ruled at Vijayanagara from about 1343^ to 1399 or 1401 A. C. He was a patron of learned men. He wrote many works himself and encouraged authorship in others. About the close of his long ' life he became a Sany^si and was raised to the exalted position of the head of the Math at Sringiri, one of the four * institutions established by the great ^ankarach&rya to look after the religious, moral and spiritual interests of the Indian Aryans. This is all that can be accepted as fully trustworthy in
^ The gfeoeologry of the first Vgayanag^ara Dynasty as given in the Epigraphia Indica Ciii, p. J6 ):—
Sangama
!
I i i I I
Harihara I Kampa Bukka I Marappa Muddappa
or Hariyappa | |
Sangama Harihara II
I ' i
Bukka II Deva Raya I
I. Vira Vijaya
I Deva Raya II Pratap Deva Raya
» I
Mallikarjuna Virupaksha I.
R^jasekhara Virupaksha II. A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara) by R. Sewell, M.CJS. (Retired), p. 24.
* lb. pp. 27) St. A History of the Deccan by J. D. B. Gribble, Vol. I, p. 64.
* MAdhavAchArya is said to have died at the ripe age of ninety. [ The Principles of Hindu Law by N. R* Narsimmiah and P. Sama Rao ( 19C0 ) Introduction, p. 40, ]
* BadrinAth in the North ; Sringiri in the South ; DvArkd in the West and Jagannath in the East.
j6
368 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
the accounts which history and tradition have handed down concern- ing the life of M&dhav^h^rya. ^
There are several stories of a more or less legendary character current regarding the rise of the knigdom of Vijayanagara.* They all ascribe the selection of the site and the construction of the citv to the inspiration of a hermit called Vidy&rannya who, it is said, was no other than the celebrated M&dhav&ch&rya, the prime minister of Bukka Raya I.
Colonel Mark Wilks has described the origin of Vijaya la^ara thus : —
"Two illustrious fugitives, Bukka and Akka Hurryhur, Officers of the Treasury of the dethroned king at Warankul, warned by oae of those sacred visions which precedes, or is feigned to precede, the establish- ment of every Hindu empire, formed the project of a new government, to be fixed on the banks of the river Toomboddra, a southern branch
^ In the Introduction to hU commentary on the ParAsara Smritt. BfAdharj^hlrya describes himself as follows :—
rqwfirm fk^^xm ft^qr ^p^^rf^: ^^: 11 ^i^Mi^<R>dr ^w.-gr- ftRH f%?[^rag^c9>55T I ^4-iiiHmRHil^«fifcit4fii*i ^^kit m^n^ 11
^R^ ^iRsft ^m g<ifSrjfrm:ftcn 1 ^i^uiI^I^hwih *<H)^Q[^it^<i ii
* The site of the ancient capital of the Vijayana^ara kings is at present known as Hampi on the south bank of the Tungabhadra river, $6 miles north-west of Bellari in the Presidency of Madras. The vast ruins of fortifications, palaces, tenples, tank« and bridgt** cover nine square miles including Anegundi, the later seat of the dynasty.
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 369
of the Kistna, under the spiritual and temporal guidence of the sage Videyarannea. This capital, named Videyanaggur^ in compliment to their minister and preceptor, was commenced in 1336, and finished in 1343. Akka Hurryhur reigned until 1350 and Bukka until 1378 ^."
A variant of this story given in a chronicle written by a Portuguese merchant or traveller who visited Vijayanagar between the years A. D. 1535 and 1537 is as follows : —
"The King going one day a-hunting as was often his wont, to a mountain on the other side of the river of Nugumdym*, where now is the dty of Bisnaga' — which at that time was a desert place in which much hunting took place, and which the king had reserved for his own amusement, — being in it with his dogs and appurtenances of the chase, a hare rose up before him, which, instead of fleeing from the dogs, ran towards them and bit them all, so that none of them dared go near it for the harm that it did them. And seeing this, the King astonished at so feeble a thing biting dogs which had already caught for him a tiger and a lion, judged it to be not really a hare but (more likely) some prodigy ; and he at once turned back to the city of Nagumdym. And arriving at the river, he met a hermit, who was walking along the bank, a man holy among them, to whom he told what had happened concerning the hare. And the hermit, wondering at it, said to the King that, he should turn back with him and shew him the place, where so marvellous a thing had happened ; and being there, the hermit said that the King ought in that place to erect houses in which he could dwell, and build a city, for the prodigy meant that this would be the strongest city in the world and that it would never be captured by his enemies, and would be the chief city in the kingdom. And so the King did and on that very day began work on his houses and he enclosed the city round about ; and that done he left Nagundym and soon filled the new city with people. And he gave it the name Vidyajuna^ for so the hermit called himself who had hidden him construct it ; but in course of time this oajne has become corrupted and it is now called Bisnaga. And after that hermit was dead the king raised a very grand temple in honour of him and gave much revenue to it.t"
As far as the connection of a hermit with the origin of the city of Vijayanagar is concerned, the above tradition is very probably found- ed on fact ; but the statement that that hermit was M&dhava-Vidya-
^ Wilks* History of Mysore, Vol I. p. 8. ' Anegrundt.
* V^ayanag^ar.
* A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara) by R. Scwell, Madras Civil Service iRetired)^
370 PARASARIYA DHARMA S ASTRA.
rannya cannot be correct. Madhav^cb&rya acquired the title ot Vidy&rannya^ after he retired from worldly affairs and became a Sanyasi, This event took place after the year 1391 A.C., as will be shown hereafter, while Vijayanagar was built fifty-five years earlier, s.^., in 1336 when M&dhav&ch4rya was probably still occupied with his researches into the ancient Aryan philosophical systems. It appears to me that the hermit, from whose inspiration the city and the empire of Vijayanagar sprang up, was Vidyitirtha Muni who is invoked in the works written by M&dhav&ch&rya during the period when he was minister, as the incarnation of Maheshwara and as the saint who favoured and inspired the great Bukka Raya and made his throne firm and his wisdom effulgent. '
This Vidydtirtha was then, or subsequently became, the head of the Matha at ^ringiri. His name appears in the list^ of Swamis of that monastery immediately above that of M^dhav^ch&rya described under his later name Vidyllranya.
Vidy&tirtha and Vidy^ranya were related as master and disciple. Both were friends and counsellors of Harrihara and Bukka and their names were almost indistinguishable. It is, therefore, quite conceiv- able that the memory of Vidy^tirtha, with the lapse of time, was lost in the towering personality of Mddhava-Vidvdranya, and the latter came to be associated with the establishment of the kingdom of Vijayanagar from its beginning.
According to tradition the bond which united M&dhav&ch^rya with Bukka R&yd. was hereditary. Popular belief attributes the elevation of the family from which the first dynasty of the kings of Vijayanagar were descended to the exertions and guidance of the father of
^ Vtdyarannya literally means " the forest of learning^."
<nil I d^l^'l^l9*i[3^l^^l'^ ^^^''UH^IMf^: II ft^JIcfl'S^PiW^lc^^AcHI-
JIT^^c^gim^ I ^•l||^W^j^<^(i>^dM4 ^l4^^^1d^ II Jaiminiya Nyft- yam&li-Vist^a.
Introduction to the Commentaries on the Vedas.
' This list is to be found in a sketch of the life of Vidyftranya Swamt written by Pandit Pitambarji and embodied in the ntroduction to his edition of the Panchadasi with a transla* tion into Hindustani published by Mr. Sharif Sale-Mahammad of Bombay,
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 371
Mddhav&ch&rya. 1 How far this belief is founded in fact it is not possible to determine. There can, however, be no doubt that a close and real friendship existed between the two families. S&yan&char3ra also filled at one time the position of minister at Vijayanagar.*
It appears that the brothers Harryhara I and Bukka I were Officers of the Treasury of the King of Telingana whose capital was at Varangal which was destroyed by the Mahomedans in the year 1323 A.C. On the destruction of Varangal the two brothers joined by the father of MMhavdch&rya proceeded to Anagundi and took service under the petty Raja of that place where circumstances favour- ing them, they rose in a few years to the position of the ruling chiefs.' This was an anxious and trying period to the people of Southern India. The condition of affairs is thus depicted by Mr. Sewell in his '* List of Antiquities, Madras. " " E>elhi had been captured by the Ghazni Ghorians in 1193 and a dynasty established there which lasted till A. D. 1288. The Khiljis succeeded (i 288-1 320) and Alauddin Khilji despatched the first Mahomedan expedition into the Dakhan in A. D. 1306. Four years later the Musalman armies under Malik Kifur swept like a torrent over the peninsula."
'* Devagiri* and OrangaP were both reduced to subjection, the capital of the Hoysala Balld.las was taken and sacked, and the kingdoms both of the Cholas and Pandiayas were overthrown.
^ Dr. Buroeirs Introduction to the Translation of the Chapter on D&ya-Vibh^a of M&dhavAchArya's VyavahAra-K^nda of the ParA^ara M&dhaviyam.
■ A Forgrotten Empire ( Vijayanag^ara) by R. Sewell, M. C. S. (Retired), p. 28.
On the death of Harihara I. the succession to the throne became the subject of a dispute between Bukka I and his cousin Sang^ama, and for sometime the latter grot the upper hand and ruled the state with SAyana as his minister. lb.
When M4dhavicbdrya became minister on the accession of Bukka R4ya, SAyana was relegrated to a subordinate position in the State. Sayana a^ain became the chief minister on the retirement of MAdhava about the close of the reign of Harihara II. This appears from the colophons of certain portions of the Veda-bhashyatn, The colophon of the Aita- reydranyaka Bhashyam runs thus : —
WI'S' w^ &c. &c.
The Colophon of the BhAshyam on the Taitiriya BrAhman runs thus : —
g<>N<^[^mNi4 ^R^ qpsr*^ ^^cnJsrar^ &c. &c.
' A Forgrotten Empire (Vijayanagar) by R. Sewell, MX^S. (Retired), Ch. II., p. 33. *• Deragriri, the ancient capital of the Yadava DynAsty of the Dekhan. * Orangal or Waran^ral, an ancient town 86 miles north-east of HaidarAbAd. It was the capital of the Hindu King^dom of Telingana founded by the Nari^>ati Andhras.
372 PARASARIVA DHARMA SASTSA.
Anarchy followed over the whole South — Musalman Governors, repre- ientatives of the old royal families, and local chiefs being apparently engaged for years in violent internecine struggles for supremacy. The Ball^as disappeared from the scene and the kingdoms of E>evagiri and Orangal were subverted. A slight check, was given to the spread of the Mahommedan arms when a confederation of Hindu chiefs, led by the gallant young Ganapati Raja, withstood and defeated a large Mahomedan army ; and the aspect of affairs was altered by the revolt of the Dakhani M ussalmans against their sovereign in A. D. 1347 which resulted in the establishment of the B&hamani Kingdom of the Dakkan. But the whole of Southern India was convulsed by this sudden aggression of the Mahommedans and all the old kingdoms fell to pieces."
These troubled times required a political leader of the greatest ability and integrity. Such a leader the people of Southern India found in M&dhav&ch&rya who had attained to the highest eminence among his contemporaries both as a scholar and as a holy man. Whether he was married or not there is no evidence to show. The study of the ancient literature of his Aryan forefathers had kindled in his heart an intense patriotism which, it appears, led him to prefer the life of a celibate and take the noble resolution to dedicate himself wholly to the service of his country and of its gods and religion. When, therefore, the people appealed to him for light and leading in their struggle for independence, he readily came forward and by a bloodless revolution brought about the unification of the whole of Southern India with the fighting Kings of Vijayanagar at its head.^ The task was a difficult one, but the ascendancy which his life of self- abnegation had given M&dhava over the minds of the people was so great, and the confidence which they felt in his judgment and integrity so implicit, that all the old states large and small in the south sub- mitted voluntarily to a sort of federal union under the central govern- ment of Vijayanagar. Justice (;nf?r:) and national prosperity ( ^^fN^:) were the comer stone of this union. This circumstance, by giving to it a certain degree of coherence and stability, enabled it to successfully check the wave of foreign invasion for two centuries and a half.
MAdhavftchArya, as chief minister, ruled the destinies of the people of Southern India for nearly half a century. Although he upheld the old doctrine of the divine origin of kings, he recognised the principle that their authority should be principally limited to the maintenance of peace and punishment of crime only. In general administration
* A History of the Deccan by J. D. B. Gribble* Vol. I, p. <a.
A Porrotten Empire (Vijayanagar). by R. Sewdl) M. C, S.. Retired, pp. 8, J74. 399,
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 373
he left matters civil and social to be determined according to usage and the sense of the community concerned. As an illustration of the way in which legislation on social matters was effected in the country subject to the? authority of the Kings of Vijayanagara may be noted in the following case recorded by Mr. S. S. Rft-ghavyangar, Dewan Baha- dur, C.I.E., in his work on the Progress of the Madras Presidency.
•'There is an inscription at Virinjipuram, North A rcot district, dated during the reign of Veerapratapa Devaraja Maharaja of Vijayanagar, A. D. 1419, which shows that the practice of paying money to parents of girls to induce them to give them in marriage was widely prevalent in former times. The inscription states * in the reign of the illustrious Veerpratapa Devaraja Maharaja, the great men of all branches of sacred studies of the kingdom drew up in the presence of Gop'naih of Arkapushkarini, a document contain- ing an agreement regarding the sacred law. According to this if the Brahmans of this kingdom of Padaividu, viz., Kannadigas, Tamiras, Telungas, Halas, &c., of all Gotras, Sutras and ^Skhas, conclude a marriage, they shall from this day forward do it by Kan} ftdftnam (gift of girls ). Those who do not adopt Kanyidinam, f.tf., both those who give away a girl after having received gold, and those who conclude marriage after having given gold, shall be liable to punishment by the King and shall be excluded from the com- munity of the Brahmanas. " '*
The literary activity of which Midhav^chirya became the centre as the prime minister of Bukka-R&ya was exceptionally great and widespread. It covered almost all branches of Sanskrit literature. The exact number of works which are attributed to M&dhavft,ch&rya- directly and indirectly is not known. But it is supposed to be very large. In Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum a list of about 109 works is given. Some oriental scholars are disposed to question the honesty of MAd- hav^chftrya as a patron of letters. They suppose that he was guilty of passing works written by others as his own productions. But this charge is for the most part groundless. It chiefly relates to the author- ship of the commentaries on the Vedas, and is based upon the cir- cumstance that they, although really written by S&yan^ch&rya, are popularly known as Vidyft,ranya-Bh4shyam. For this, it should be noted, MAdhavlU;h&rya cannot be held reponsible. I find that the fact that the commentaries were written by SiyanAchzlrya is acknowledged in the colophons of many of the copies now in use. The true account of the origin of the commentaries is that Bukka-Raya wished MAdhavStch&rya to write them, and MftdhavAch&rya with the king's
^ Memorandum on the Progrress of the Madras Presidency during* the last forty years of British Administration ( 1891% p. 45*
374 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
permission entrusted the task to SayanAch^rya. This appears trom the introduction to the Bhilshyam itself. ^
The cjlophons almost invariably contain the worJs ^Tfn^^
filft^ 'rMt^ %^n^5R>T^ which means " written by SayanAchirya for the M&dhava series of commentaries on the Vedas ** and which is analogous to " The Ordinances of Manu by A. C Burnell for Trubner's Oriental Series** or ** the Law of Manu trans- lated by G. Buhler for Max MuIIer*s Sacred Books of the East " Most of the works attributed to M&dhavd.ch& rya belong to the period during which he Glled the office of minister of Bukka-Raya I and Harihar Raya 'II. This is indicated by the mention, in the prefaces, of Bukka-Raya and his patron saint Vidyatirtha. In works composed before and after that period their names do not appear. The Sarvadarshana Sangraha belongs to the former period and mentions the name only of Sarvajnya Vishnu from whom Mddha- vAchirya received his early education ; while certain works on Vedan* tism — Panchadasi being the most popular among them— were written after MAdhav^ch&rya retired from political life and became a Sanyasi. His life of ^&nkar^chirya also seem to belong to the last period. These works mention neither Sarvajnya Vishnu nor Bukka-Raya. They mention only Vidyatirtha and Bh&ratitirtha, the spiritual masters of M^dhavd.ch^ya.
Madhllv&chdrya was a staunch follower of ^ankard.ch&rya, **thc greatest of all great Asiatic sages, whose learning and scholarship all scholars Eastern and Western honour, who bears a name revered by every learned Hindu all over the land where he preached and taught from his monastery at Badrinath in the north to that of fringed in the south, from Dwarka, the city of Krishna, in the west to Jagannath, once the Buddhist place of worship, now the common ground of assembly for all Hindus on the coast of Orissain the East."
' ^Tc^zT^T ( f^ ^fm^ ^^ ^m^ ) ^q^^pwitf^:
^IIC^N^MT^ ^41 4H S|4>|^|^II Introduction to the Veda-Bbashyam.
The colophon of the commentary on the Yajurveda-Brahmanam runs thus: —
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 375
After a deep study of all the ancient systems of philosophy as shown by his earliest known work, the Sarvadarsana Sangrha,' M&dhavd- ch&rya, in the full maturity of his intellect and experience, declared his belief in the doctrines of Advaitism as containing the best possible solution oftthe " problem of the universe, and the enigmas of the world. "^ It would be oiit of place to enter here upon a discussion of the Ved&nta philosophy. Such a discussion is not within my present limits. I will only remark here that the life of M^dhav&chArya furnishes an answer to those who argue that the teachings of Ved^nta are destructive of humility and benevolence, that they paralyse energy and enterprise and deaden all feelings of responsibility and independ- ence.
Of the merits of M&dhav^ch^rya's works I am not a competent judge. But those who are qualiBed to pronounce an opinion on the point speak highly of them. One Pandit says of them that they are written in a style which, while it is simple and charming, is remarkable for its solemnity, boldness and depth. In his ^ankaravijaya Madhava calls himself Nava Kalidasa (».tf. a new Kalidas). How far this claim for equality with the world-celebrated author of 6akuntala is justifi- able I cannot say. There is, however, no doubt that, speaking gener- ally, the work fulfils the conditions of high class poetry. The Pan- chadasi, considering the abstruse character of the matter which it treats of, shows a boldness of thought, mastery of expression and power of illustration seldom equalled by writers on metaphysics.
As re>^ards the commentaries on the Pardsara Smriti, I am inclined to agree with Dr. Aufrecht's description of them, namely, that they are more diffusive than illustrative of the text.
Really speaking, the ParA^ara Madhaviyam is a Digest of the Smritis under the name of a Commentary on the Par^^ara Smriti. The commentator, instead of elucidating in his own language the meaningof the text, has in many places mystified it by a cloud of quotations from other Smritis in a manner inconsistent with the declared object of Par&sara's legislation, namely, to curtail ritualistic and penitential ceremonies. Judging according to the experience of the present day, no small mischief has arisen to Hindu society from the prominence given by him to the Puranik doctrine of ** prohibitions for the Kali age," which, while condemning many objectionable prac- tices, declared against certain useful institutions such as the freedom of travelling by sea.
* A concise account of fifteen Philosophical systems with the exception of the VcdAnta.
* M^ti^TicMiKdi ^m swm sw^?^ ^ ^r^^r ^<mi< sR^m^r
lA^ U Punchadasi, Ch. II, V, io8.
37^ PARASARIYA DHARMA S ASTRA.
As regards McLdhav^charya's original production on Jurisprudence (the Vyavah&r-Kanda) I propose to deal with it elsewhere. Here I will only passingly remark that on methods of administering justice he generally follows the old law-givers such as Manu, Kftty&yana, N4rada and Brihaspati, while on the law of inheritance he follows the Mit&kshara and Smriti Chandrika.
The exact date at which M&dhav&ch&rya's tenure of ministership came to an end cannot be ascertained. Judging from epigraphical evidence it must have terminated after the year 1391^ A. C. or about the close of the reign of Harihara II who reigned till 1402.
M&dhav^ch^rya on becoming a Sanyasi was, as already stated, raised to the position of the head of the Matha at ^ringeri. His place on the list of che Swamis of that Institution is a subject of much speculation. Some say he wag the thirty-third successor of ^ankar4- ch^rya, some say he was the twenty-sixth, while others say he was the tenth or the eleventh.
Whether any one of these positions can be admitted as correct, and if so which, it is not possible to determine without fixing the date of ^ankar^ch^rya. As regards ^ankar&ch^rya's date there are two views, one represented by the late Mr. K. T. Telang who assigns the Acharya to the middle of the sixth century of the Christian era, ^ and the other by the late Bhatta Yajneshwara Sastri and the majority of European Sanskrit scholars who place him in the year 788 A.C. With neither of these does any of the above positions agree.
^ This is the date of a grant by Madhavacharya conferring 25 estates in the Tillage of of Kochren in Goa upon 24 learned Brahmans named therein. The inscription states that the village was thenceforward named Madhavpura ; that Madhava conquered Goa from the Turushkas and re-established there the worship of the ancient gods. (Journal of the Bom- bay Branch of the R. A. Society. Vol. 4, p, 115.")
° A Paper on the date of Sankaracbarya by K. T. Telang published as an appendix to his edition of Mudrdr4kshasa.
Dr. Deussen accepts what he calls the Hindu tradition, which places the birth of the author of ShAriraka Bhisya in 788 A.D. The learned Doctor says that according to the statement of the late Yajnesvara Shastri. with whom he discussed the passagen which the Shastri adduces in the Aryavidyasudhakara, p* 2l6i the Sampradaya referred to in his work is that of Srinsferi, where also documentary evidence for its correctness is said to exist. Hence Dr. Deussen hesitates to accep Mr. Telang s conclusions. • Buhler's Code of Manu (S. B. E., Vol. XXV), • Introduction, p. xi2. Some time ago I came across a book on " Shri Shankaracharya*'^ published by G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras. The author, Mr. Krishnasami Aiyar, discusses the question of the age of Shankara at p. 16-18, ch. II. He accepts provisionally 788 A.C. as the date of Shankara's birth, and holds that Mr- Telang's conclusion requires additional and more direct evidence.
Mr. Aiyar refers to a list of Shankara's successors. He says that the Sringeri Mutt
has that list, and rejects it as imperfect for the reason, among others, that it assigns
to Suresvaracharya, the immediate successor of the Guru, a period offoo years or more.
Mr. Aiyar does not give us the date with which the list ends nOr does he state the number
of Swamis mentioned therein.
PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA. 377
On his entrance into the life of a Sanyasi, M^dhav4ch&rya did not rest from his literary labours. He is said to have written several works on the Advait Philosophy including Panchadasi which has been already referred to, and which is the most popular treatise on Vedant throughout India at the present day.
I have referred above, in a footnote, to a list given in an account of the life of Vidya- rannya appended to an edition of the Panchadasi, edited by Pandit Pitambarji and published at Bombay by Mr. Sharif Salemahammad in the year 1876. According to this list, whichi the Pandit says, is based upon the Sringeri Gurupaddhati and which was copied from an origfinal on the records of the Sringeri Matha. Shankaracharya presided for thirty«two years ending with the year X07 of the Vikrama era corresponding with 51 A.C. This indicates the nineteenth year of the Christian era to be the date of Shankara's birth, a conclusion which, I Deed hardly say) is inadmissible according to the now generally accepted chronolo- gical adjustment of the leading events in Indian history previous to the Mahommadan period. Still this list of Pandit Pitambarji, when compared with Mr. Aiyar's list and Bhatta Yajnesvara Shastri's Sampradaya, has certain points in its favour which are worth noting. The list, which begins with the year 75 (x9 A. C.) of the Vikrama era and ends with the Shalivahana Shak year 1782 (it6o A.C.)* gives fifty-six names, including Shankaracharya, and shows how many years each of the Swamis presided and till what year.
Among the objections to the accuracy of this list I may mention two which are most difficult to explain. The first is that the length of Shankaracharya's tenure of office shown therein* namely, J« years, covers the whole period for which) according to popular belief, Shankaracharya lived.
The second objection arises from the place assigned in the list to Madhava-Vidyarannya. The name of Vidyarannya appears twice ; the first at number twenty-six and the second at number thirty-three. The former is shown to have presided for forty years ending with the Shak year 928 and the latter for forty-two years ending with Shak 1 169 (1247 A.C). Pandit Pitambarji identifies the second Vidyarannya with MAdhavachArya a conclusion which) although it is corroborated by the circumstance that the two immediately preceding names in the list correspond with those of his Gurus Vidyatirtha and Bharatitirtha, is contradicted by the evidence derived from inscriptions and other sources connected with the Vijayanagara empire. This last mentioned evidence proves that M4dhavAch4rya belonged to the four- teenth century of the Christian era and not to the thirteenth.
With these and other flaws in it, Pandit Pitambar's list, however, seems too circumstan- tial to be rejected as worthless without further inquiry.
Mr. Aiyar's list makes Suresvaracharya the immediate successor of ShankarAchArya. Pandit Pitambarji's list docs not mention Suresvaracharya at all. According to it the immediate successor of ShankarAcliArya was Prithvidharacharya who is shown to have ruled for sixty-five years ending with Shlivahana Shaka year thirty-seven.
MAdhavAchArya's Shankaradigvijaya upon which Mr. Aiyar's book is based does not name Suresvaracharya as the immediate successor of Shankaracharya at Shringeri.
Mr. Aiyar gives another reason for his provisional date. It is this : " MAdhavftchdrya's book locates the Buddhists mainly in Kashmir or more generally in the Himalayan regions; and Magadha dees not seem to have figured in Shankara's days as the stronghold of Buddhism or even as a province where the' Buddhists were numerous though in the minority."
With reference to this it may be remarked that M4dhavAchArya*s account of Shankara's life and achievements has no chronological value, and that there is no sufficient ground for the statement that, according to MAdhavAchArya, the Buddhists were confined to Kashmir and the snowy regions in Shankara's life-time. Mr. Aiyar's statement is pro- bably based upon the last chapter of MAdhava*s Shankaradigvijaya, where an account of
378 PARASARIYA DHARMA SASTRA.
I regret that the materials at my disposal do not enable me to give a fuller account of the life of MlUlhav&ch^a. He was a great man in the true sense of the word. As a devoted student of Aryan literature and sciences, as an author, as a patron of learning, as a statesman who, with a rare self-sacrifice, laboured to create a spirit of nationality among his country-men, and, lastly, as a sage who was not blinded by worldly power and success to those high spiritual truths which are the peculiar inheritance of the Indian Aryans. MlUlh&v^ch&rya perhaps had no equal in India during the time he lived in, and it is a question whether the history of India during the last six hundred years discloses another personality of equal greatness. The life of such a man deserves to be studied and cherished as a model by every partriotic Aryan of India.
Sbankar^hArya'K visit to Kashmir. Badri and Kedar is given. This account, however^ is interesting, not as helping us to fix the date of Shankara's birth, but as throwing some light on the opinion which the northerners entertained regarding the culture of the southerners in the good old times. It is as follows:—
While Shankara was sojourning on the banks of the Ganges a common report reached his ears to the effect that at Kashmir there fiourished a Temple of Sarasvati with a seat in It called the Sarvajhya'-^eetham — a seat for those who were possessed of infinite learning ; that a person who wished to obtain the highest honours in knowledge was required to ascend it after passing an examination before a college of learned men ; that the Temple had four entrances for candidates from the east, west, north and south, respectively ; that candidates from the east, westi and north had appeared and won the honour of ascending the seat of knowledge; but that no person had yet come from the south and the southern entrance had remained closed ; thatf on hearing this report, Shankara started for Kashmir with the determination of refuting th preevailing belief that there were no learned men in the south ; that when he presented himself before the southern door he was opposed by an assembly of men skilled in the systems of KanAdaf Gautama. Kapila, Buddha, Jina and Jaimini and other Sastras, but that on his answering the questions put by them, he was received with respect and allowed to open the southern door and ascend the seat of infinite knowledge.
I need hardly say that the above account does not warrant the supposition that, in Shankara's time, the Buddhists were confined to the Himalaya nregions.
There is a third view regarding ShankarAchAryA*s date. Professor K. B. Pathak in a Paper on Bhartrihari and Kumarila has stated his conclusion that Shankarlch&rya lived between 750 and 838 A.D. (The Journal of the B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVIIIf p aij).
Proceedings of the Bombay Branchy Royal
Asiatic Society ^ 1904.05.
The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 17th March, 1904.
The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, C.S.I., I.C.S., President, in the -chair.
The Hon. Secretary read the following report of the Society for 1903.
The Annual Report for 1903.
MEMBERS.
Resident, — During the year under review 51 New Members were ■elected and 3 Non-Resident Members came to Bombay and were added to the list of Resident Members. On the other hand, 31 resigned, 1 1 retired from India, 4 died, and 9 having left Bombay, were trans- ferred to the Non-Resident list. One was removed from the roll for non-payment of subscription. The total number at the end of the year was 265, including 16 Life-Members. Of these, 33 were absent from India for the whole year or portions of the year. The number at the close of the preceding year was 267.
Non-Resident, — 15 Members joined under this class and 9 were transferred from the list of Resident Members. 9 Members resigned, 2 retired, i died, 3 were added to the Resident list, and the name of i Member was struck off the roll for non-payment of subscription. The total number at the end of the year was 78 against 70 in the year preceding. Of the 15 new Members, 9 have become subscribers to the Library under Article XVI of the Rules, by payment of an additional subscription.
OBITUARY.
The Members, Resident and Non-Resident, whose loss by death during the year the Society has to record with regret, were—
Mr. C. W. L. Jackson. Mr. T. H. Moore. Major H. R. F. Anderson. Mr. Jametram Nanabhai. Khan Bahadur Kharsetji Rastamji Thanawala. 6
ii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS
THE ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
The papers read before meetings of the Society and contributed for publication in its Journal, during the year were —
Oriental Congress at Hanoi. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A. Matheran Folk Songs. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A.
Anquetil Du Perron's Notes on King Akbar and Dastur Meherji Rana. By Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees. By Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
The Cyropaedia of Xenophon. By Mr. R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL.B.
Discovery of Ancient Bramhi Script in Kashmir. By the Rev. J. E. Abbott, D.D.
Shivaji's Swarajya. By Mr. Purshotamdas Vishram Maoji. Omanese Proverbs. By Lt.-Col. A. S. G. Jayakar, I. M. S. (Retired). A Sildr Grant of S'aka, 1049. By Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A.
There was, besides, a lecture in French on Indian Chartography,. delivered by Count F. L. Pull6.
LIBRARY.
Issues of Books.
The total issue during the year amounted to 36,051 volumes, compris- ing 23,519 volumes of new books, including periodicals, and 12,5.^2 of the old; a daily average, excluding Sundays and holidays, of 121 volumes. The issue in the previous year was 37,104 volumes.
The issues of each month are noted in the subjoined table : —
January February March ••• April ... ••• May
June ••• ••• ••• ,««
J uiy #.. ••• .•• •••
August
September ... ..« •••
|
Old. |
New, |
|
* 1,008 |
2,198 |
|
980 |
2,123 |
|
960 |
2,028 |
|
. 1,032 |
1,910 |
|
861 |
1,863 |
|
915 |
1,708 |
|
• i>243 |
i»905 |
|
. 1,058 |
2,071 |
|
• 1.074 |
2,282 |
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. iil
Old, New,
October . ... 1,151 1,848
November i|Ji93 i»942
December i|057 ^»^3
The volumes of issues of old and new books arranged according to subjects are shown in the subjoined table : —
Subjects, Volumes,
x^iction ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 12,413
Biography ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i)340
Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Essays, &c I1259
Voyages, Travels, Geography, Topography 942
History and Chronology 897
Oriental Literature .. 656
Reviews, Magazines, Transactions of Learned Soci- eties, &c. (in bound volumes) 601
Politics and Political Economy 372
Religion and Theology 357
Poetry and Drama ... ... ... ... ... ... 340
Naval and Military 273
Art, Architecture, Engineering, &c 264
Philosophy •• .«. .«• ••• ... . . ••• 252
Philology, Literary History, &c. 248
Government Publications and Public Records .. 1S4
Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy 183
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, &c 168
Foreign Literature 166
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Astronomy ... 140
Classics and Translations 12^
J.^a^v ... ... ... ■•• ... ••• .•• ••• 100
Grammatical Works 95
Medicine, Surgery, &c 84
Botany, Agriculture, Horticulture 66
Logic, Rhetoric ••• ••• ... .. ... 15
Periodicals in loose numbers 14* 39^
ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
The total number of volumes added to the Library during the year >vas 1,180. Of these, 807 were purchased and 373 presented.
Presents of books were as usual received from tlie Bombay Govern- ment, the Secretary of State for India, the Government of India, and the other local Governments, and a few from individual authors and donors.
• ••
|
Volumes |
Volumes |
|
purchased. |
presented. |
|
19 |
I |
|
M |
2 |
|
7 |
•• • |
|
8 |
2 |
|
30 |
• • • |
|
II |
II |
|
I |
3 |
|
16 |
148 |
|
70 |
••• |
iv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
The number of volumes of each class of books acquired by purchase and presentation is shown in the following table : —
Subject,
Religion and Theology
Philosophy *
Classics and Translations...
Philology, Literary History and Biblio- graphy ... ... ... •••
History and Chronology
Politics, Political Economy, Trade and Commerce .•• ••. ••• ••»
i^a^v ••• *•• ••• ••• •••
Government Publications and Public iv6Corcis ■••• ... ••• ■••
Biography
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry
Voyages, Travels, Geography and Topography
Poetry and Drama
r*iction ••• ••• ••• ••• ••.
Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Es- says, &c* ••• •'• ••• .«• •••
Foreign Literature
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, As- tronomy ... .•• ••• ••• •••
Art, Music, Engineering, Architecture...
Naval and Military
Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy ... Botany, Agriculture and Horticulture ... Medicine, Surgery and Physiology .*• Annuals, Serials, Encyclopaedias, Trans- actions of Learned Societies, &c. Dictionaries and Grammatical Works ... Oriental Literature ...
COIN CABINET.
The number of coins added to the Society's Cabinet during the year was 56. Of these, 4 were gold, 50 silver, and 2 copper. Of the total, 55 were received under the Treasure Trove Act, 14 from the Bombay Government and 42 from the Government, United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, and i was presented by the Collector of Broach.
•••
|
26 |
4 |
|
12 |
I |
|
286 |
•* . |
|
42 |
4 |
|
2 |
••• |
|
8 |
I |
|
37 |
I |
|
22 |
... |
|
9 |
I |
|
3 |
I |
|
ro |
... |
|
149 |
150 |
|
5 |
I |
|
12 |
41 |
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. V
They are of the following description : —
I Gold Coin of the Egyptian King Ezzaher Jaqmaq, A.D. 1439. I Gold Coin of the Egyptian King El Ashraf Abun Naso Yenal. (These coins were unearthed while digging a foundation for a new building in the Crater, Aden.)
I Silver, of Shah Jah^n, Mogul Emperor.
I Silver, of Aurangzib, do.
I Silver, of Jahand^r, do.
I Silver, of Farruk-Siyar, do.
I Silver, of Muhammad, do.
I Silver, of Rafi-al-darajkt. do.
I Silver, of Shah Alam I., do. (Found in the Kalol Taluka, Panch Mahals District)
I Gold Coin, Padmatanka (Southern India).
I Copper, of Ahmad Shah II. Bahamani.
I Copper, of Ahmad Shah I. of Gujarat. (Found buried in a field on the bank of the Tirol i Nalla near the village of Rehud, in Chandar Taluka, Nasik District.)
I Gold Coin of Mamluk Sultan (13th Century A.D.)
(Found in the bed of a pond in the village of Bhojwa, Viramgam Taluka, Ahmedabad District.)
Presented by the Bombay Government, 40 Silver Coins of Shah Alam, of different mints, found in the Kheri, Fategarh, Jaunpur, Benares, Lucknow, and Fyzabad Districts of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh.
2 Silver Coins of Shah Jahan.
Presented by the Government, United Provinces.
I Silver Coin of Aurangzib Alamgir ; found while making an excava- tion in the Town of Ankleshwar, Broach District.
Presented by the Collector of Broach,
NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
The papers, periodicals, and journals and transactions of Learned Societies subscribed for and presented to the Society during 1903, were as under : —
Literary Monthlies .. .. 15
iuusLraieci ... ... ••• *•» ... •*. ••. \q
Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transactions of Learn- ed Societies, &c. *>•• ... ... ... ... ... .•• 35
ivevie^vs ... ... •.. ... ... ••• ..• ... 10
Vi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
English Newspapers i6
English Registers, Almanacs, Directories 15
Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals 11
Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes. 20
Indian Journals, Reviews, &c • .•• 30
JOURNAL.
Number 59, being the third and concluding number of Vol. XXI., is all but ready and will shortly be published. With it will be issued Index, Title Page and Contents of the Volume.
The following papers are published in the new number, together with an abstract of the proceedings of the Society for 1903, and a list of books, pamphlets, &c., presented to it during the year : —
Omanese Proverbs. By Lt.-Col. A. S. G. Jayakar, I. M.S. (Retired). Oriental Congress at Hanoi. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A. A Silar Grant of Saka 1049. By Prof. K. B. Pathak, B.A. Matheran Folk Songs. By Principal M. Macmillan, B.A.
References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees. By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
Notes of Anquetil du Perron (1755-6) on King Akbar and Dastur Meherji Rana. By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
The Cyropaedia of Xenophon. By R. K. Dadachanji, B.A., LL. B. Discovery of Ancient Brahmi Script in Kashmir. By the Rev. J. E. Abbott, D. D.
The following is a list of Governments, Learned Societies, and other Institutions, to which the Journal of the Society is presented : —
Bombay Government. Literary and Philosophical So- Government of India. ciety, Manchester. Government of Bengal. Imperial Academy of Science, Government of Madras. St. Petersburg. Punjab Government. Smithsonian Institution, Wash- Government, United Provinces, ington.
Agra and Oudh. Royal Society of Northern Anti- Chief Commissioner, Central Pro- quaries, Copenhagen.
vinces. Royal Society of Edinburgh.
Chief Commissioner, Coorg. Deutsche Morgenlnadischen Ge*
Resident, Hyderabad. sellschaft, Leipzig.
Government of Burma. Literary and Philosophical Societ}-,
Geological Survey of India. Liverpool.
G. T. Survey of India, British Museum. London.
Marine Survey of India. Royal Society, London.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
Vll
Bengal Asiatic Society. Agricultural Society of India. Literary Society of Madras. Provincial Museum, Lucknow. Bombay University. Madras University. Punjab University. Mahabodhi Society, Calcutta. Government Museum, Madras. Indian Journal of Education,
Madras. R. A. Society, Ceylon Branch. R. A. Society, N o r t h-China
Branch. The Asiatic Society of Japan. Batavian Society of Arts and
Sciences.
Strasburg Library.
Geographical Society, Vienna.
London Institution of Civil En- gineers.
Royal Geographical Society, Lon- don.
Statistical Society, London. Royal Astronomical Society. Victoria Institution, London. Royal Institution, Great Britain. American Geographical Society. American Oriental Society. Hamilton Association, America. Editor, Journal of Comparative
Neurology, Granville, Ohio,
U.S.A.
American Museum of Natural History.
Society Asiatique, Paris. Geological Societyi London. Royal Academy of Sciences, Am- sterdam.
Royal Asiatic Society, Great Bri- tain and Ireland.
Academia Real das Sciencias de Lis boa.
Societede Geographic Commer- cial de Bordeaux.
Society de G^ographie de Lyons.
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Buda Pest.
Sociedad Geografica de Madrid. Royal Dublin Society. Society Geographie de Paris. Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences.
United States Survey. Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissen- chaften, Vienna.
United Service Institution. Minnesota Academy of Natural Science
India Office Library. London Bible Society. Vienna Orientalische Museum. Boston Society of Natural History. Musee Guimet, Lyons. American Philological Association, Cambridge.
Royal University, Upsala (Swe- den).
Franklin Institute, Philadelphia. University of Kansas, U.S.A.
Director, Missouri Botanical Garden.
L*Ecole Fran9aise de Extreme Orient.
Royal Institute of Philology and Ethnology of Netherlands India.
Imperial Library, Calcutta.
Finance, A statement of accounts, detailing the items of receipts and expenditure for 1903, accompanies the report.
Viii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
It will bs seen from it that the total amount of subscriptions from Members during the year was Rs. 11,363-12-0. The subscriptions in the preceding year amounted to Rs. 10,880-6-8.
The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the year was Rs. 786-10-8 and the arrears due on that date were Rs. 75.
The invested funds of the Society amount to Rs. 14,800. THE CENTENARY OF THE SOCIETY.
The centenary of the founding of the Society occurs in November 1904. With a view to determine in what manner the event should be celebrated, the Committee of Management appointed a Sub-Committee to consider the subject and prepare a scheme to be reported to the Committee.
The principal suggestions made by them were : —
That the centenary be celebrated by a meeting of the Society at which papers will be read ; by an evening conversazione ; and, in the event of the attendance of learned visitors, by an excursion to neigh- bouring places of historic interest.
That a memorial volume be published, as an extra number of the Journal, containing a summary of the results achieved since the foundation of the Society, in the study of Oriental literature, in history and archaeology, including numismatics, and that original papers if it should seem desirable be also prepared and read.
It is also proposed to publish a Centenary Catalogue should sufficient funds be available.
The date proposed for the celebration is the middle of January, 1905.
COUNT F. L. PULLIi,
Count Pulld, a well known Italian Savant, visited Bombay about the beginning of the year.
He kindly complied with a request to address the Society and gave a learned discourse in French on Indian Chartography, a subject to which he has devoted years of close study. The discourse was illustrated by a large display of maps arranged in chronological order. The maps very clearly showed the gradual progress made by the world in the knowledge of Indian geography from the earliest records extant of Indian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Persian and Arabic origin to the time of the discovery by Vasco da Gama of the Cape route to India.
The President in the course of a brief speech, paid a tribute to Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, I. C. S., a retiring member of the Committee,, whose services to the Society have been valuable. He referred briefly to the history of the Society and the distinguished men under whose auspices it was originally founded, and expressed a hope that in
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. IX
connection with the celebration of its centenary next cold weather a fresh and enlarged interest would be aroused in the Society and in the various departments of literary and scientific work by which it endeavoured to promote the best interests of the community.
Mr. Macmillan in proposing the adoption of the report, remarked that they had a fairly successful year. The number of Members had rather increased than diminished, and their finances were in a satis- factory condition. They had the good fortune to secure as their President Mr. Fulton, from the exertion of whose influence they hoped that an extension of premises might be obtained from Govern- ment. Several interesting addresses had been delivered in the course of the year, including the lecture on ** Indian Chartography " by Count Pull^, perhaps the most learned chartographist in the world, which was recorded in a special paragraph in the report. Worthy of special notice also was the account of Shivaji*s Swarajya given by Mr. Pur- shotamdas Visram Maoji, an enthusiastic investigator of old Maratha Records. The coming year promised to be full of interest, for, as mentioned in the report, the centenary of the Society was to be cele- brated in the end of the year. It was to be hoped that the celebration would be worthy of an institution which had been the centre of the intellectual life of Bombay since the days of Mountstuart Elphinstone and Mackintosh. For this purpose an appeal for subscription would have to be made to the Members of the Society, which would no doubt meet with a liberal response. The adequate celebration of the centenary might also do much to popularise the Society and induce increasing numbers of the citizens of Bombay to become Members.
The proposition being seconded by Mr. James MacDonald and supported by the Rev, Dr. Abbott, was carried unanimously.
On the motion of Mr. Camrudin Amirudin, seconded by Mr. Fur- doonji Jamsetjee, the following Committee and Auditors were appoint- ed for 1904: —
COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT.
1904.
President,
The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, c.s.i., i.c.s.
Vice-Presidents,
James MacDonald, Esq.
K. R. Cama, Esq.
M. Macmillan, Esq., b.a.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, b.a., ll.b.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
Members.
Camrudin Amirudin, Esq., b.a.
F. R. Vicajee, Esq., b.a., ll.b.
Sir Bhalchandra K. Bhatavadekar, Kt.
Jivanjee Janisetji Modi, Esq., b.a.
Rao Bahadur K. G. Desai, l.c.e.
Dastoor Darab P. Sanjana, b.a.
A. L. Covernton, Esq., m.a.
The Hon'ble Mr. D. R. Chichgar.
J. E. Aspinwall, Esq.
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, m.a., ll.d.
The Hon*ble Mr. Justice H. Batty, m.a., i.c.s.
Rev. J. E. Abbott, d.d.
Honorary Secretary, Rev. R. Scott, M.A.
Honorary Auditors, H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq. Rao Bahadur Ghanasham Nilkanth Nadkarni, b.a., ll.b.
A General Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 28th November, 1904.
Principal M. Macmillan, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the chair.
The proposals received from Members about periodicals and news- papers were considered and the existing list was examined, and it was resolved that the following be subscribed for from the beginning of 1905 : —
Photography.
Connoisseur.
American Review of Reviews.
Independent Review.
Scribner's Magazine.
British Medical Journal.
Englishman (Calcutta).
And that those named below be discontinued : — Process Photogram. Badminton Magazine. Daily News. Indian Statesman (Calcutta ).
The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 7th April, 1905.
The Hon*ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, C. S. I., I.C.S., President, in the chair.
The Honorary Secretary read the following report of the Society for 1904: —
ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. xi
The Annual Report for 1904.
MEMBERS.
Resident. — ^i^ New Members were elected during 1904 and 2 Non- Resident Members came to Bombay, whose names were added to the list of Resident Members. 24 have withdrawn, 4 have retired, 3 have died and the name of i was removed from the roll for non-payment of subscription. This leaves 284 on the roll at the end of the year. The number at the close of the preceding year was 265.
Non- Resident, — 20 Members joined under this class. 3 have resigned the membership, 2 died, i has retired and 2 having come to Bombay were transferred to the Resident list. The total number at the end of the year was 90 against 78 at the end of 1903. Out of the 20 new Members, 16 have become subscribers to the Library under Art. XVI of the Rules by payment of an additional subscription.
OBITUARY.
The Society have to announce with regret the loss by death of the following Members, Resident and Non-Resident, during the year : —
J. R. Greaves, Esq. J. N. Tata, Esq. Fakirchand Premchand, Esq. Kumar Shri Baldeoji of Dharumpore. Captain G. Warneford.
LIBRARY.
The total issue during the twelve months, excluding the use made of Reference and other works at the Library, was 38,636 volumes against 36,051 in the year preceding. The total comprised 24,131 volumes of new books and periodicals and 14,505 of the old, giving a daily average of 113.
The subjoined tables show in detail the issues by months and the subjects of the books issued : —
Monthly Issues.
O
January ...
February
iVA a re n ... ... .*- ■••
/vprii .•• •■• ... •••
iviay "•« ••• ... ...
I une •.. ... .•• •>•
I uiy .*• ... ... .'•
August ... •••
September ... ••• %•■> ••.
October ... ... ... •••
November ...
i_/ecemDer ••• ... .«• •••
|
I Books. |
New Books, |
|
1,028 |
2,298 |
|
1,308 |
2,069 |
|
1,270 |
1,890 |
|
1,288 |
2,023 |
|
1,116 |
2,426 |
|
1,077 |
2,095 |
|
1,085 |
2,274 |
|
1,213 |
2,076 |
|
1,423 |
1,719 |
|
1. 194 |
1,991 |
|
1,139 |
1,869 |
|
1,364 |
1.463 |
xii abstract op the society's proceedings.
Classes of Books Issued.
Subject Volumes.
r iction ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•■ ••• i2|OyO
Biography ... ... ••• ... ... if47S
Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Essays, &c i»393
Voyages, Travels, Geography, Topography i,o88
History and Chronology ... i)04$
Reviews, Magazines, Transactions of Learned
Societies, &c. (in bound volumes) 968
Oriental Literature 843
Politics, and Political Economy 561
Poetry and Drama • ,•• 500
Art, Architecture, Engineering, &c. 332
Religion and Theology ... 331
Philology, Literary History, &c 225
Naval and Military 212
Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy, &c 207
Classics and Translations 201
Foreign Literature ... 199
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, &c. 181
Philosophy ■.. ••• ... ••• ... ... ... 177
Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, Mathematics, &c. ... 122
Grammatical Works, Encyclopaedias, Dictionaries, &c. 119
Government Publications and Public Records ... ... 100
Medicine, Surgery, &c. • 98
x^aw ••( ••• •.« ... ... •.. ••• ••• o^
Botany, Agriculture, Horticulture ... - 59
Logic, Rhetoric ... • 29
Periodicals in loose numbers ... 15,282
ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
The accessions to the Library during the year numbered 1,250 volumes. 909 of these were acquired by purchase and 34i:by gift.
Books were presented chiefly by the Bombay Government, the Secretary of State for India, the Government of India and the other local Governments and a few by individual authors and donors.
The volumes of each class of books purchased and presented arc shown in the subjoined table : —
S:ibject,
Religion and Theology
Philosophy ...
Classics and Translations
|
Volumes |
Volumes |
|
purchased. |
presented. |
|
n |
..• |
|
4 |
••• |
|
4 |
>.• |
^STRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. Xlii
Subject Volumes Volumes
purchased, presented,
./iterary History and Biblio-
• •• ••• ••• ••• ■•• Q I
c Chronology 32 4
, Political Economy, Trade and nmerce ... ••• ••• ••• ... 13 2
v\ ••• •■• ••• *•• ••• ••■ 2 ^
iovernment Publications and Public Records ... .•• •.• ... ... 12 143
Biography 70
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics,
Heraldry ... 42 7
Voyages, Travels, Geography and Topo- graphy ... ... ... ...
Poetry and Drama
A^ iCLion ... ... ••« ... ... ...
Miscellaneous, Collected Works, Essays,
ObC. ««• ... ... •* • ... .»•
Foreign Literature
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Astro- nomy t»» ••■ .•• ... ... «••
Art, Music, Engineering, Architecture ...
Naval and Military
Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy ... Botany, Agriculture and Horticulture Medicine, Surgery and Physiology Annuals, Serials, Transactions of Learned
OOCld-16d, OibCt ... •*• ■•• ...
Dictionaries and Grammatical Works ... Oriental Literature ...
NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
The newspapers, periodicals, and journals and transactions of Learned Societies, subscribed for and presented to the Society during 1904, were —
Literary Monthlies 15
Illustrated ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 18
Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transactions of
Learned Societies, &c 35
fxcvie^rS ... ... *•* ... .J. ... ... 10
English Newspapers 16
English Registers, Almanacs, Directories, &c 13
|
46 |
10 |
|
18 |
*• » |
|
310 |
... |
|
35 |
4 |
|
3 |
3 |
|
6 |
.•t |
|
52 |
2 |
|
18 |
• • • |
|
5 |
. .. |
|
5 |
5 |
|
2 |
I |
|
187 |
123 |
|
7 |
I |
|
14 |
30 |
Xiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals lo
American Literary and Scientific Periodicals ii
Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes 20
Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. .. 27
At a Meeting of the Society, held in November, under Article XX of the Rules, for the revision of the newspapers, periodicals, &c., pur- chased by the Society, it was resolved to subscribe to —
Photography.
Connoisseur.
American Review of Reviews.
Independent Review.
British Medical Journal.
Scribner's Magazine.
Englishman (Calcutta), and to discontinue —
Process Photogram.
Badminton Magazine.
Daily News.
Indian Statesman ( Calcutta ) from the beginning of 1905.
COIN CABINET.
The Society's Coin Cabinet received an accession of 27 coins during the year under review. They were received from different Governments under the Treasure Trove Act.
From the Bombay Government 15
the Bengal Government 10
the Government, United Provinces of Agra and Oudh... 2
Of the total 27, 18 were Silver and 9 Copper. A detailed descriptive list is subjoined.
Presented by the Bombay Government.
Copper Coins of the following Pathan Kings of Delhi : —
I Jalal-ud-din Firuz Shah.
6 Firuz Shah.
I With the conjoined names of Firuz Shah and his
son Fateh Khan. I Muhammad bin Taghlak.
These coins were discovered while digging in the bed of the Shendi River, near the village of Vina, in the Nariad Taluka, Kaira District. They were spread about in the sandy bed.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. Xvr
Silver Coins of the Moghul Emperors —
I Aurangzib.
I Farruk Siyar.
I Muhammad Shah.
I Ahmad Shah.
I Alamgir II.
I Shah Alam.
Found hidden in a wall in the village of Narayangao, Taluka Junnar^ Poona District.
Presented by the Bengal Government.
Pathan Kings of Delhi. (Suri Dynasty.) 5. Shir Shah. 4. Islam Shah. I. Muhammad Shah.
From the Malda District, found in a village called Belbar near the- ancient Gaur.
Presented by the Government^ United Provinces of A^ra and Oudh, I. Silver Coin of the Moghul Emperor Jehangir, found in the town of Faridpur, Bareilly.
I. Silver Coin of the East India Company bearing the name of Shah Alam, found in the Gonda District.
The Society also received during the year a number of Indian Pale- olithic and Neolithic stone implements, discovered in the Madras Presidency and the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, which were presented by Mr. H. W. Seton-Karr.
FINANCE.
A statement showing in detail the items of income and expenditure during the year is annexed to the report.
The actual totftl receipts by subscriptions from Members during 1904 amount to Rs. 11,692-15-0. The subscriptions in the year before amounted to Rs. 11,363-12-0. There was besides a sum of Rs. 620 on account of life subscription from one Resident and one Non-Resident Member, which has been duly invested in Government securities in accordance with Article XV of the Rules. There was also a collection of Rs. 1,815 from the special subscription started to defray the expenses in connection with the centenary of the Society.
The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the year was Rs. 3,387-2-10, including the amount collected on account of the Cente- nar}' Fund.
XVi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
Of this sum Rs. 1,124-6-9 have since been remitted to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. in payment of their bills up to the end of December, and the greater part of the remainder will be required to meet the expenses of the printing of the Memorial Number of the Journal.
The arrears of subscription for 1904 were Rs. 100.
The invested funds of the Society amount to Rs. 15,400.
IMPROVEMENT OF ROOMS.
On May 16 a letter was received from Government granting the use
of the Durbar Room for book-cases. This will lessen the pressure due
to insufficient space. Various minor improvements have been made
for the convenience of readers, including an additional reading room
on the west side, a better arrangement of Reference books and better
lighting.
CENTENARY.
The Hundredth Anniversary of the founding of the Society occurred on the 26th November. The event was duly celebrated in the third week of January 1905 from the 17th to the 20th inclusive. Twenty-two papers were read ; and a conversazione was held, presided over by His Excellency Lord Lamington, Patron of the Society. A detailed ac- count of the proceedings is given in the Centenary Memorial Volume, which is in the press and will shortly be published.
Mr. Sharp, in proposing the adoption of the report, said it reminded them that the centenary had been celebrated, and he thought the Rev. Mr. Scott was entitled to their best thanks, not only for the work he had done in connection with the Library, but also for having made the centenary gathering such a success.
Mr. S. T, Bhandare seconded the proposition, which was carried unanimously.
On the motion of Mr. James Macdonald, seconded by Mr. J. P. Watson, the following Committee was elected for the ensuing year : —
COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT.
1905. President.
The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, c.s.i., i.c.s.
Vice-Presidents.
James MacDonald, Esq.
K. R. Cama, Esq.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, b.a., ll.b.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice H. Batty, m.a., i.c.s.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY^S PROCEEDINGS. xvil
Members,
Canirudin Amirudin, Esq., b.a.
F. R. Viccaji, Esq., b.a., ll.b.
Sir Bhalchandra K. Bhatavadekar, Kt.
Jivanji Jamsetji Modi, Esq., b.a.
Dastur Darab P. Sanjana, Esq., b.a.
A. L. Covernton, Esq., m.a.
The Hon'ble Mr. D. R. Chichgar.
Rev. D. Mackichan, m.a., ll.d.
J. E. Aspinwall, Esq.
Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott, d.d.
Rao Biihadur G. N. Nadkarni, b.a., ll.b.
L. C. H. Young, Esq., b.a.
W. H.Sharp, Esq., m.a.
S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq., m.a.
Honorary Secretary,
Rev. R. Scott, M.A,
Honorary Auditors.
H. R.H. Wilkinson, Esq. S. T. Bhandare, Esq.
The Hon. Mr. Fulton said when he came to Bombay that morning he had not expected to be at the meeting or to have been called on to make a speech ; though it was a great pleasure to him to have been able to attend and to meet the members. He thought the report showed good progress, for whether they looked at the number of resident and non-resident members, to the issue of the books or to any other part of the report they found that some advance had been made ; which was very satisfactory at a time when they were entering on another century. When they looked round the room and saw the collection of books which had been made during the last one hundred years they might fairly ask themselves to what extent the Society would have grown in the year 2005. They would then require new rooms, but he hoped they would net have to wait quite so long as a century before some of them saw a new building begun. He regretted that his absence in England had prevented him giving that assistance at the Centenary meetings which one of the speakers had attributed to him, and thought that the success of that celebration was greatly due to their Honorary Secretary.
The Rev. Mr. Scott, having pohited out how the President had given valuable assistance by coming down from Poona to attend the prelimi- nary meetings, said the Centenary would have been even a greater success had Mr. Fulton b^en able to be present.
6a
Xviii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
A vote of thanks to the President concluded the meeting.
A MeeTiNG of the Society was held on Thursday, tlie 27th of July 1905.
K. R. Cam A, Esq. , one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair.
Mr. R. K. Dadachanji read a paper on the Evolution of Primitive Religion as illustrated by the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees, &c.
On the proposition of Mr. J. J. Mody, seconded by Mr. S. T. Bhandare, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Dadachanji for the paper he had read.
A Meeting of the Society was held on Wednesday, the 27111 Sep- tember 1905.
Mr. James MacDonald, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Mr. R. P. Karkaria then read a paper on " Lt.-Col. T. B. Jervis (1796-1857) and his Manuscript Studies on the State of the Mara tha People and their history, recently presented to the Society by his son."
Mr. R. K. Dadachanji moved and Mr. S. T. Bhandare seconded a vote of thanks to Mr. Karkaria for the highly interesting and valuable paper he had read.
Mr. K. R. Cama in supporting the motion stated that he remembered seeing Mr. Jervis when he was Secretary of the Bombay Education in this city.
The Ciiairnian after some remarks put the motion to the vote and it was carried by acclamation.
A General Meeting of the Society under Art. XX of the Rules was held on Thursday, the 30th November 1905.
The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. Fulton, President, in the Chair.
The following proposals about papers and periodicals were placed before the meeting.
By the Honorary Secretary — That—
** American Review of Reviews,"
'* Independent Review,"
'* British Medical Journal,"
"Journal of Education/' be discontinued.
Carried.
ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
XIX
Hy the Hon*ble Mr. C. H. Armstrong — That—
'*Capitar'be taken.
Seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta.
By Mr. R. S. Rustomjee : — That—
(i) ** Daily News,*' London, be taken.
Seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta.
(2) *' Hindustan Review" be taken.
Seconded by the Hon*ble Mr. H. S. Dikshit.
(3) ** Oriental Review" be taken.
Seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta.
Carried.
Carried.
Carried.
Carried.
(4) "Calcutta Review" be discontinued.
Proposition withdrawn. By Sir Perozshah M. Mehta — That—
(i) ** Statesman " be taken.
Seconded by Sir Bhalchandra Krishna.
Carried.
That—
(2) ** India " be taken.
Seconded by the Hon*ble Mr. H. S. Dikshit.
Carried.
That—
(3) " Indu Prakash" be taken.
Seconded by Sir Bhalchandra Krishna.
Carried.
It was resolved to discontinue the " Englishman *' on account of expense.
By Prof. S. R. Bhandarkar— That—
(i ** International Journal of Ethics,"
(2) ** Nachrichten der Koinglichen Gesellschaft der Wissen- chaften zur Gottingen" be taken.
Mr. Bhandarkar not being present, the proposition as regards (i) was moved by the Hon'ble Mr Justice N. G. Chandawarkar and seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta and carried.
7
5X ASj^iwr Cf
■\V,-cc s-.V.ii
■:C. 3^>La^ rr.-cos<J ir.J Sir
Books J &^c.y Presenled to the Society j
1904-05-
Titlet of Books. Donors,
Accounts of Trade, by Rail and River in India, 1903-04.
Government of India. Acts passed by the Governor-General of India, 1903-04.
Government of India. Administration Report, Baluchistan Agency, 1902-03-04.
Government of India.
Report, Bengal, 1902-03-04.
Bengal Government.
Report, Berar, 1902-03.
Commissioner, Central Provinces.
Report, Bombay Improvement Trust, 1904-05.
Chairman, Improvement Trust.
Report, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government.
Report, Burma, 1902-03-04.
Burma Government.
Report, Central India Agency for 1902-03-04.
Government of India.
Report, Madras, 1902-03-04.
Madras Government.
• Report, N.-W. Frontier Province, 1902-03-04-05.
Chief Commissioner, N.-W. F. Provinces.
Report, Persian Gulf, Political Residency and Musk at
Political Agency, 1903-04.
Government of India.
Report, Punjab, 1902-03-04.
Punjab Government.
Report, Rajputana States aAd Ajmer-Merwara, 1903-04.
Government of India.
' Report, United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, 1902-03-04.
United Provinces Government.
Agricultural Ledger, 1903-04.
Government ©f India.
Xxit PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles of Books, Donors,
Agricultural Statistics of India, 1897-9810 1901-02-03-04.
Government of India. . — Statistics, India, 1898-99 to 1902-03.
Government of India. AjMER Code, 3rd Edition.
Government of India.
Album of Philippine Types.
American Museum of Natural History.
A Manual of Musalman Numismatics by O. Codrington.
The Author. American Museum Journal, Vols, i, 2 & 3.
American Museum.
Ancient Iranians (Gujarati).
Parsee Panchayat.
Angel of Misfortune. By Nagesh W. Pai.
The Author.
Annales du Mus^e Guimet, 1903-04.
The Mus^e Guimet.
Annals, Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta, Vol. X., Part II.
Bengal Government.
Arda Viraf Nameh.
Parsee Panchayat.
Area and Yield of certain Crops in India, 1891-92-03-04-05.
Government of India.
Asiatic Papers. J. J. Modi.
The Author.
ARCHi^EOGiCAL Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XXIX (Southern India, Vol. X). South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. Ill,
Madras Government.
Attempt to Analyse the Mahabharat R. R. Bhagvat.
The Author.
Avesta, Pahlavi and Ancient Persian Studies.
Parsee Panchayat
B. B. & C. I. Railway Time Table.
The Railway Co.
Bengal Code, 3rd Ed., Vols. I— III.
Government of India.
Bombay Port Trust, Papers on Indian Granites.
Bombay Port Trust.
. ^Port Trust, Review of Operations, 1873-1905.
Chairman, Port Trust.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. xxiii
Titles of Books. ^^„^^^
Bombay Quarterly Civil List, 1904.
Bombay Government. BouDHAYANA Grihya Sutra.
Mysore Government. Br HAD Devata, 2 Vols.
Harvard University. Bulletin de L'EcoIe Francjaise D'Extr^me Orient, 1904.
Ecole, Fran^aise. • of American Museum of Natural History, 1903-04.
Smithsonian Institute.
t)epartment of Land Records and Agriculture, Bombay, 1903, Nos. 22, 25.
Bombay Government.
■ International de L'Academie des Sciences De Cracovie
1903-04.
Bombay Government.
of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, V, VII—
IX;XIII-XVI, 1892.
American Museum.
of Medicine, Lloyd Library.
Lloyd Library. Cartoons from Hindi Punch, 1904.
Proprietor of the Hindi Punch. Catalogue, Imperial Library, Calcutta, 2 Vols.
Council Imperial Library.
Library of Congress, U. S. A., 1904.
Smithsonian Institute.
• of Greek Coins, British Museum.
Trustees, British Museum. of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection, Glasgow.
Vol. in.
Trustees, Hunterian Coin Catalogue Fund.
• of Latin MSS., Berlin Library. The Library.
' of Persian Manuscripts in the India Office Library, Vol. I.
Director of Public Instruction, Bombay.
of Sanskrit Manuscripts, India Office Library, Part VIL
Secretary of State for India.
of Sanskrit MSS., Government OrientalMSS.Library, Madras.
Madras Government.
of two collections of Sanskrit MSS. preserved in the India
Office Library.
Secretary of State for India
Xxiv PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles of Books, Donors,
Census of India, 1901, Vol. XX and XXa, Cochin.
, Bombay Government.
Census of India, 1901, Vols. XXVI, XXVIA and XXVIB., Travancore.
Bombay Government. Central Provinces Code, 3rd Edition, 1905.
Government of India. Cuneiform Inscription of Western Asia, Vol. III.
British Museum. Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS., Calcutta Sanskrit College, Nos. 19, 20 and 21.
Bengal Government. Digambara Jaina Iconography, by Dr. J. Burgess.
The Author. Dispensary Report, Punjab, 1903.
Punjab Government. District Gazetteer, Bengal Presidency, Statistics, 1901-02. 15 Parts.
Government of India.
Gazetteers, United Provinces, Agra and Oudh, Vols. 3, 4, 5, 34,
37, 38, 39. 40, 4^ 45» 4^, 47 and 48.
Government of India. Early Voyages to Spitsbergen in the Seventeenth Century. (Hak. Soc.).
Bombay Government. East India. Accounts and Estimates, 1905-06.
Secretary of State for India. India (Afghanistan") Treaty, dated 21st March 1905.
Secretary of State for India. India, Home Accounts.
Secretary of State for India. India. Income and Expenditure, 1893-94 to 1903-04.
Secretary of State for India. India. Indian Financial Statement for 1904^)5 and 1905-06.
Secretary of State for India. — — India. Progress and Condition, 1903-04.
Secretary of State for India. India, Reconstitution of Bengal and Assam.
Secretary of State for India.
India, Appeals, Revised Rules.
Secretary of State for India. India (Forest Service) Correspondence.
Secretary of State for India. — InJia Army Administration.
Secretarv of State for India.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XXV
Titles of Books, Donors.
Elements de Sanskrit Classique. V. Henry.
Ecole Fran^aise D'Extreme Orient. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vi»l. VI 11., Part II., Text and Translation.
Mysore Government.
Carnatica, Vol. XII.
Mysore Government.
Indica, Vol. VII, 1902-03.
Government of India. Etudes Grammaire Pehlvi.
Librairie Orientale et Am^ricaine. Etude sur Tccongraphie. Bouddhique de Tlnde.
^cole des Hautes Etudes. Factory Report of the Presidency of Bombay, 1903-04.
Bombay Government. Fifteenth Annual Report, Missouri Botanical Garden.
St. Louis Board of Trustees.
Finance and Revenue Accounts of the Government of India, 1902-03-04.
Government of India. False Claims corrected. By Dr. G. W. Brown.
The Author. Fresh Water Fishes of Mexico.
Smithsonian Institute.
•Further Papers, regarding the Administration of the Army in India.
Secretary of State for India.
Papers, Tibet No. HI.
Secretary of State for Indi ., Gadadhara Paddhati, Vol. I (Bibliotheca Indica).
Asiatic Society of Benga . Gandhara Sculptures. By Dr. Burgess.
The Author. General Report, Census of India, 1901.
Secretary of State for India
Geographical account of countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1669 to
1679. (Hak. Soc).
Bombay Government. Glossary of the Multan Language.
Punjab Government HiSTOiRE du Bouddhisme dans Tlnde. Par Kern. Tome II.
Mus^e Guimet History of Epidemics in Britain, Vol. II. By Creighton.
Cambridge Universiti*.
XXVI PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Tilles of Books. Donors.
Improvement of Indian Cotton.
Secretary of State for India. Income-Tax Statistics, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government. India (Aden); Papers relating to Aden Harbour, &c.
Secretary of State for India. India. Past and Present. By J. Murdock.
The Author. Indian Art at Delhi, 1903.
Bombay Government. ■ Law Reports. Allahabad Series, 1903-04.
Government, U.P. • Law Reports. Bombay Series, 1903-04.
Bombay Government. Law Reports. Calcutta Series, 1903-04.
Bengal Government.
Law Report. Madras Series, 1903-04.
Government of India.
Meteorological Memoirs, Vols. XVI and XVII.
Government of India.
Universities Commission. Letters to the ** Times of India "by
C. H. Setalwad.
The Author.
Weather Review, Annual Summary, 1903.
Government of India. Inscriptions on Copper-plates and Stones, Nellore District, Madras.
Madras Government.
Irrigation in India.
Government of India. Jehangir Nameh by Herati.
Mr. M. Kanga. Journal, American Oriental Society, Vols. 24, 25 and 26.
The Society.
Bombay Anthropological Society, Vols. 1-6.
The Society.
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1888
(January) Part I ; 1891 (January) Part I ; 1896 (January) Part I ; 1898 (July) Part III ; 1901 (April) Part II ; 1902 (July) Part III.
Mr. F. Goldsmid.
Siam Society. Vol. I, Parts, i & 2.
The Society.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XXvii
Titles of Books, Donors.
Journal Statistical Society, Vol. 56, 1903.
The Society.
Straits Branch R. A. Society, No. 44, 1905.
The Society. Victoria Institute, VoL XXXVI, 1904.
The Institute. Judicial and AdministraUve Statistics, Britbh India, 1902-03-04.
Government of India. Kansas. By Mrs. Robinson.
Mrs. Sara T. W. Robinson.
Conflict. By C. Robinson.
Mrs. Sara T. W. Robinson.
KHORDEH-Avesta Searched— I Mihr-Yast By Prof. R. R. Bhagvat.
The Author.
La Visite d'un Parsi a la Ville de Constantinople. By J. J. Modi.
The Author. Linguistic Survey of India, Vols. II — VI.
Government of India.
and Oriental Essays, Series VII. By R. N. Cust
The Author. List of Sanskrit, Jaina and Hindi MSS., Sanskrit College, Benares.
Government, U.P. Madras District Gazetteers, Bellary and Anantpur.
Government of India. Mahabharat, Abridged. C. V. Vaidya.
The Author.
Mahabodhi, Vols. X and XI.
The Mahabodhi Society.
MSS. in 7 Vols, being Memoirs of the work of Lt.-Col. T. B. Jervis, Bombay Engineers, East India Company, 1826, containing interest- ing information bearing on the Administration, History, Surveys, and land tenures of Western India, in the early years of the last century.
Mr. W. P. Jervis. Markandeya Purana.
Asiatic Society of Bengal. Materia Medica of India. By Dr. R. N. Khori.
The Author.
Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. I., Part VIII.
Smithsonian Institute.
Geological Survey of India, Vol. XXXVI, Part I.
Government of India.
Xviii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
A vote of thanks to the President concluded the meeting.
A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, tlie 27th of July 1905.
K. R. Cama, Esq., one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair.
Mr. R. K. Dadachanji read a paper on the Evolution of Primitive Religion as illustrated by the Avestic Doctrines of the Fravashees, &c.
On the proposition of Mr. J. J. Mody, seconded by Mr. S. T. Bhandare, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Dadachanji for the paper he had read.
A Meeting of the Society was held on Wednesday, the 27th Sep- tember 1905.
Mr. James Mac Donald, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Mr. R. P. Karkaria then read a paper on ** Lt.-Col. T. B. Jervis (1796-1857) and his Manuscript Studies on the State of the Maratha People and their history, recently presented to the Society by his son."
Mr. R. K. Dadachanji moved and Mr. S. T. Bhandare seconded a vote of thanks to Mr. Karkaria for the highly interesting and valuable paper he had read.
Mr. K. R. Cama in supporting the motion stated that he remembered seeing Mr. Jervis when he was Secretary of the Bombay Education in this city.
The Ciiairman after some remarks put the motion to the vote and it was carried by acclamation.
A General Meeting of the Society under Art. XX of the Rules was held on Thursday, the 30th November 1905.
The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. Fulton, President, in the Chair.
The following proposals about papers and periodicals were placed before the meeting.
By the Honorary Secretary — That—
** American Review of Reviews," ** Independent Review,"
** British Medical Journal,"
"Journal of Education," be discontinued.
Carried.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
XIX
Hy the Hon'ble Mr. C. H. Armstrong — That—
** Capital" be taken.
Seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta.
By Mr. R. S. Rustomjee : — That—
(i) ** Daily News," London, be taken.
Seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta.
(2) " Hindustan Review " be taken.
Seconded by the Hon'ble Mr. H. S. Dikshit.
(3) '* Oriental Review" be taken.
Seconded by Sir Perozshah M, Mehta.
Carried.
Carried.
Carried.
Carried.
(4) ** Calcutta Review" be discontinued.
Proposition withdrawn. By Sir Perozshah M. Mehta — That—
(i) ** Statesman " be taken.
Seconded by Sir Bhalchandra Krishna.
Carried.
That—
(2) " India " be taken.
Seconded by the Hon'ble Mr. H. S. Dikshit.
Carried.
That—
(3) *' Indu Prakash" be taken.
Seconded by Sir Bhalchandra Krishna.
Carried.
It was resolved to discontinue the ** Englishman " on account of expense.
By Prof. S. R. Bhandarkar— That—
(i ** International Journal of Ethics,"
(2) ** Nachrichten der Koinglichen Gesellschaft der Wissen- chaften zur Gottingen" be taken.
Mr. Bhandarkar not being present, the proposition as regards (i) was moved by the Hon'ble Mr Justice N. G. Chandawarkar and seconded by Sir Perozshah M. Mehta and carried.
7
XXX PRESENTS TO THE LIbRARY.
Titles of Books, • Donors.
Proceedings, Royal Geogi-aphical Society, Australasia, Vol. VII, 1903-04.
The Society. Progress of Education in India, 1897-98 to 1901-02.
Secretary of State for India. Rajputana District Gazetteers, Vol. I, A and B.
Government of India. Ramayan Abridged. C. V. Vaidya.
The Author. Records, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. II, No. d.
Government of India.
Botanical Survey of India, Vol. Ill, Nos. i and 2.
'Government of India.
• of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. XXXI, 1904.
Supdt, Geo. Survey of India.
Reminiscences of Geo. R. J. Walker with Rescue of Kansas from
Slavery. By Dr. G. W. Brown.
The Author.
Report. American Ethnology, 1888 to 1899- 1900-01.
Smithsonian Institute.
• American Historical Association, 1903.
The Association.
- - American Museum of Natural History, 1904.
The Museum.
— and Correspondence relating to Royal Indian Engineering
College.
Secretary of State for India.
— Report, Archaeological Survey of Western India, 1903-04-05.
Bombay GovernmenL
Archaeological Survey, Punjab, 1904.
Punjab Government. Archajological Survey, Bengal Circle, 1904-05.
Bengal Government.
- Archaeological Survey, Punjab and United Province, 1903—05.
2 vols.
Government U. S. P.
— Archaeological Work, Burma, 1904-05.
Burma Government
— Australasian Association for the advancement of Science, 1904.
The Association.
-- Board of Scientific Advice for India, 1902-03-04.
Government of India.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XXXI
Titles of Books. .Donors,
Report. Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1903 and 1904.
Chamber of Commerce.
Bombay Jail Department, 1904.
Bombay Government.
Bombay Millowners' Association, 1903-04.
The Association.
Bombay Port Trust, 1903-04-05.
Chairman, Port Trust.
. ■■ — Bombay Veterinary College, i9«>3-04-05.
Bombay Government, i^^— Census of India, 1901 (India). Part I.
Government of India.
• Chenab, Jhelum and Chunian Colonies, 1903-04.
Punjab Government.
— - Chemical Analyser to Government of Bombay, 1903-04.
Bombay Government. Civil Hospitals, &c., under Bombay Government, 1903-04.
Bombay Government.
Civil Justice in the Punjab, 1903-04.
Punjab Government.
Civil Veterinary Department, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government.
Department of Agriculture, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04.
Bombay Government.
Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04. j
Bombay Government. j
Dispensaries, Jail, Hospitals and Vaccination, Central India j
Agency, 1902 and 1903.
Government of India.
Director General of Archaeology, 1903-04.
Government of India.
Education, Punjab, 1903-04.
Punjab Government.
• Excise Department (Abkari and Opium) Bombay Presidency —
Sind and Aden, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government. I
Experimental Farms, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government.
., External Land Trade, Sind and Baluchistan, 1904-05.
Bombay Government.
XXX 1 PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles of Books, Donors,
Report, External Land Trade Punjab, 1903-04.
Punjab Government. Forest Department, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government. Forest Administration, Madras, 1902-03-04.
Madras Government. • Forest Administration, Punjab, 1902-03-04.
Punjab Government.
Government Museum and Connemara Public Library, Madras,
1903-04-05.
Madras Government.
Imperial Institute, Indian Section, 1904-05
Secretary of State for India..
Income Tax, Punjab, 1903-04.
Punjab Government.
— Incumbered Estates, Sind, 1902-03.
Bombay Government.
— - Indian, Irrigation Commission, 1901 — 03, Parts I — IV.
Secretary of State for India.
— Indian Police Commission.
Secretary of State for India. Inspector of Mines in India, 1903-04.
Government of India.
— Irrigation Works in the Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government.
— Land Records and Agriculture, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government
— Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab, 1903-04-05.
Punjab Government.
— Land Revenue Administration, Punjab, 1903-04.
Punjab Government,
— Library of Congress, U.S., 1904.
Smithsonian Institute. — • Lucknow Provincial Museum, 1904-05.
Government, U. P.
— Lunatic Asylums under the Government of Bombay, 1903-04.
Bombay Government
— Lunatic Asylum, Punjab, 1903.
Punjab Government. — • Maritime Trade, Sind, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XXXlll
Titles of Books. Donors,
Report Meteorological Department, Government of India, 1904-05.
Government of India.
. Missouri Botanical Garden, 1905.
Missouri Botanical Garden.
• Municipal Commissioner, Bombay, 1903-04.
Municipal Commissioner.
on the Excavation at Pataliputra ^Patna.)
Bengal Government.
on the search for Hindi MSS., U. P., for 1901.
Government, U. P.
on the working of Municipalities in the Punjab, 1902-03-04.
Punjab Government.
on the working of the Punjab Alienation of Land Act, 13 for
1903-04.
Punjab Government.
Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government. Police Town and Island of Bombay, 1903,
Bombay Government.
.. on Public Instruction, Punjab, 1902-03.
Punjab Government. .. Rail-Borne Trade of the Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government — Railways in India, 1903-04.
Government of India. , Reformatory School, Yeravda, 1903-04.
Bombay Government. ' Registration Department, Bombay, Presidency, 1902-04.
Bombay Government.
Registration Department, Punjab, 1903-04.
Punjab Government.
Researches on Malaria. Dr. R. Ross.
Upsala University.
Salt Department, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government.
Salt Department, Sind, 1903-04.
, Bombay Government*
. Sanitary Administration, P\injab^ 1904.
Punjab Government.
Sanitary Commissioner, Bombay Government, 1903-04.
Bombay Government.
— Settlement operation, Punjab, 1903-04.
— Smithsonian Institute, 1902-03.
— Stamp Department, Bombay, 1903-04. Stamp Department, Punjab, 1904-05.
XXxiv PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles of Books, Donors,
Report on Sanitary measures in India in 1901-02.
Secretary of State for India.
Sanitation, Dispensaries, Jails and Vaccination, Rajputana,
1903-04.
Government of India.
- Sanskrit MSS., Southern India, No. III.
Madras Government.
- Sea-Borne Trade and Customs Administration, Bombay Presi- dency, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government.
Punjab Government.
Smithsonian Institute.
Bombay Government
Punjab Government.
^ Survey of India, 1902-03-04.
Government of India.
Talukdari Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Governm2nt. Thugi and Dacoity Department, 1903.
Government of India.
Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1902-03-04-05.
Bombay Government.
. Vaccination, Punjab, 1903.
Punjab Government.
Resolution on Reports of Local Boards, Bombay Presidency, 1902-
03-04.
Bombay Government.
on Reports on Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay
Presidency, 1902-03-04.
Bombay Government.
Return of the Wrecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1904.
Government of India. Review of Trade of India, 1903-04-05,
Secretary of State for India. RivAZu-S-sulatin.
Asiatic Society of Bengal.
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. XXXV
Titles of Books, Donors.
Sanskrit MSS., 194 (Tapikar Puranic Collection), chiefly of works of Vedic and Sacrificial Literature.
Siirimant M. V. Kibe. Satrunjaya Mahatmyam and Pilgrimage to Porsvanath in 1820. By
J. Burgess.
Tlie Author. Season and Crop Report, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government.
Settlement Report of the Multan District, 1901.
Punjab Government.
SiiAH Nameh (Gujarati).
Parsee Panchayat.
Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, Vol. XXXI II.
Smithsonian Institute.
. Miscellaneous Collection, 4 Parts, 1903-04.
Smithsonian Institute.
Spirit of the Gathas.
Parsee Panchayet.
Statement, Moral and Material Progress of India, 1902-03.
Secretary of State for India.
Trade and Navigation, Bombay Presidency, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government.
Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1903-04-05.
Bombay Government.
.Statistical Abstract, British India, 1893-94-95 to 1902-03-04.
Secretary of State for India.
Statistics of Mineral Production in India, 1894-05.
Government of India.
Summarised Report of the Plague Research Laboratory for 1902-1904.
Bombay Government.
SWF.DiN.
University, Upsala. Tables, Trade of British India, 1898-99 to 1902-03 and 1899-00 to 1903-04.
Secretary of State for India. Technical Art Series, 1903, Plates 1-25.
Government of India. The Sketch of the Flora of British India. By Sir J. Hooker.
Government of India.
Tide Tables for India, 1905.
Government of India.
•
XXXVl PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles oj Books, Donors.
Transactions and Proceedings, American Philological Association,
Vol. 34, 1903-04.
The Association. TwiiNTY-FOURTH Annual Report of the Director of U. S. Geological
Society, 1902-03.
The Society. Two Coins of Mesopotamia and Persia. By J. G. Covernton.
The Author. U. S. Geological Survey Monographs, Vols. 44 and 45 ; Mineral
Resources, 1903 ; Report, 1903-04.
Smithsonian Institute. University Calendar, Bombay, 1904-05-06.
The University. Calendar, Madras, 1904-05-06.
Madras University. Calendar, Punjab, 1904-05-06.
Punjab University. Unrepealed General Acts of the Governor General of India in Council,
Vol. VII, 1899-1903.
Government of India. Views of the Government of India on the question of Preferential Tariffs.
Secretary of State for India. Voyages of Quiros, 2 Vols. (Hak. Soc.)
Bombay Government. Young Man in the Battle of Life. By J. Murdoch.
The Author.
B. B. R. A. Society.
A list of Contributions to the Centenary Celebration Fund,
Rs.
H. E. The Right Hon'ble Lord Lamhigton 50
The Hop.*ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton ... ..• 25
Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott ... ... ... ... ... ... 25
E. F. Allum, Esq. ... .•• «•• .•• ••• ... 10
J. E. Aspinwall, Esq. ... -- ... ... ... ... 25
Balkrishna V. Wasudev, Esq ... ,.. 25
Dosabhoy N. Banaji, Esq. .•• ... ... 25
Limji N. Banaji, Esq. ... ... ... ... .., ... 25
Salebboy K. Barodawala, Esq. 30
Sir Bhalchandra K. Bhatvvadeker ..* 25
Rao Bahadur Balwantrao Bhuskute ... ,„ 25
K. R. Cama, Esq. ... .. • ... .. ... ... 35
Messrs. Merwanji and Hormasjee Cama 40
Camrudin Amirudin, Esq. 25
Cassambhoy J. Peerbhoy, Esq. ... 200
The Hon'ble Mr. Darasha R. Chichgar 25
Miss M. E. Chubb • 25
J. G. Covernton, Esq. ..» ... ... ... ... ... 25
Currinibhoy Ibrahim, Esq 100
R. K. Dadachanjee Esq. ... 50
Rao Bahadur K. G. Desai ... 25
Framroze E. Dinshaw, Esq. ... ... ... ... ... 25
The Hon'ble Mr. H. S. Dixit ... 25
K. D. Dubash, Esq. , 25
Furdoonjee Jamsetjee, Esq. ... ... ... ... ,„ 25
Shrimant Narayenrao Govindrao Ghorepade, Chief ot
Ichalkaranji ••• ... ... ... ... ... 25
Prof. .S. M. Isfahani ... ... ... ••• ... ... 25
A. M. T. Jackson, Esq. ... ... ... ... r«. ... 25
Sir Jamsetjee J ijibhoy, Bart .. ••» ... 50
L.t.'L/Ol. A. o. JayaKar ••• ... ... ... ••• ... ^o
R. B. Jijibhoy, Esq. ... 25
The Hon'ble Sir Lawrence H. Jenkins ••• 25
XXXVIII A LIST OF CONTRIBUTIONS.
Rs.
S. Judah, Esq. ... ••• ... ••• ,,, ,,, ,,, 25
M. P. Khareghat, Esq 25
Shrimant M. V. Kibe 25
Lt.-Col. K. R. Kirtiker ... 25
M. H. Kothari, Esq ... 2^
ix. ix. i^fCie) ii«sq. •.• «•» ... ••. ... ,., ,,, 2x
A. L. Mackenzie, Esq. ... ... ... ... ... ... 25
M. Macmillan, Esq. , ,,, 25
P. B. Madon, Esq. ... ... 25
1. Majiina) Esq. ••• ... «•• ••• •.. •.. ,,, 2c
G* D. Marston, Esq. ... ... ... ... ... ... 25
Dhanjisha P. Mistri, Esq. 25
J. 1^* ivioui} £«sq. «.• ... ... ... ••• ... ... 2^
J. J. iVloui| iisq. ... ••• ... ••• ... .•• .«. 25
N. A. Moos, Esq. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 25
W. T. Morison, Esq .. 25
Prof. A. R. Normand ... .•• ... ... ... .«• 2
D
Mrs. E. Pechey Phipson ... 50
Dr. F. F. L. Penno ... ... ... ... ... ... 2^
Bai Awabai Framji Petit. 25
Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, Esq •« , ... 50
Jehangir B. Petit, Esq. .. • 25
K. S. Powwala, Esq. ... , 25
R. S. Powwala, Esq. ... ... .•• ... ... ... 25
B. H. J. Rastamji, Esq. ••• ... ... .•• ••. .». 25
Rastamjee Jamsetjee Jejibhoy, Esq 15
ix.ev. ix. 1^0011 •#• .«• ••• *•. *.• .«• .•• 2^
B. N. Servai, Esq.... ••• ••• ..» .•• ... ... 25
K. B. Sethna, Esq. ••• #•• •>• .•• ... ... 25
N. P. Sethna, Esq. ... ••. ... ... ••• ... 25
Lj, J. lata, usq. .•• .«• ••• ... ... ... ... 2^
Is., J. X ata, £«sq. ... .•• ••• ••* .•• .«. .•• 2Z
Rev. Dr. G. P. Taylor • ... 25
Trikamdas Lalji, Esq. ••• ... •• ••• -.. ... 25
Framroze A. Vakil, Esq • ... 50
Veerchand Deepchand, Esq. ••• 50
Vijbhukandas Ataram, E^q. •• • 25
X. M. Wadia, Esq. •.• ••• ••• ••• ... ... 25
P. A. Wadia, Esq. ••• ••• •«• ••• .*. ... 25
Scrab P. N. Wadia, Esq. ••• 10
N. G. Wclinkar, Esq. tat ••• ••• ••■ ••• ••• 15
Proceedings of the Bombay Branch Royal
Asiatic Society y 1906.
A Mbbting of the Society was held on Monday, the 29th January 1906.
Mr. K. R. Cama, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the chair.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
A paper was then read by Mr. R. P. Karkaria on the " Death of Akbar," a Tercentenary study.
After a few remarks on the paper, a vote of thanks to Mr. Karkaria was proposed by Prof. O. V. Miiller and seconded by Mr. S. T. Bhandare, which was unanimously carried.
A Meeting: of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 13th February 1906.
In the absence of the President and Vice-Presidents, the Honorary Secretary was voted to the chair, proposed by Mr. R. P. Karkaria and seconded by Mr. S. T. Bhandare.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Mr. C. V. Vaidya then read a paper on the Races of Early India, with special reference to the origin of the Marathas.
On the proposition of Mr. J. J. Modi, seconded by Mr. S. T. Bhan- dare, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr, Vaidya for the interesting paper he had read.
The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 26th March 1906. Mr. James MacDonald, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the chair. The Honorary Secretary read the Annual Report for 1905.
The Annual Report for 1905.
MEMBERS.
Resident, — During the year under review 57 new Members were elected and 3 Non-Resident Members having come to Bombay were added to the list of Resident Members. On the other hand, 16 with- drew, 5 died, and 5 having left Bombay were transferred to the Non- Resident List This leaves 318 on the roll at the end of the year. The number at the close of the preceding year was 284. Out of the total number 57 were absent from India for the whole year or for portions of the year.
xl
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS.
Non-Resident. — lo Members joined under this class during the year and 5 were transferred from the list of Resident Members. 4 Mem- bers resigned, i died and 3 were added to the Resident List The total number at the end of the year was 97 against 90 at the close of 1904. Out of the 10 new Members, 5 acquired the privilege of taking out books from the Library under Art. XVI of the Rules, by payment of an additional subscription.
OBITUARY.
The Sodety has to record with regret the death of the following Members :—
RBSIDENT.
Mr. Shamrao Vithal. Dr. C. H. Cayley. Mr. G. D. Marston. ,, Hardevram NanabhaL Miss Aitkin.
NON-RESIDENT.
Mrs. Mitchell. LIBRARY.
The total issue for the year excluding the use made of Reference and other works at the Library, was 42,926 volumes, comprising 27,184 volumes of new books including Periodicals, etc., and 15,742 of the old, a daily average, excluding Sundays and Holidays, of 140 volumes. The issue in the previous year amounted to 38,635 volumes.
The issues of each month are noted in the subjoined table —
Old Books. New Books, January ... ... ... ... .., 1,150 1,802
February
March ,
April
May
June
July
August ...
September
October ...
November
December
•••
m—
• ••
• •'
• ••
|
,242 |
2,205 |
|
»475 |
2,495 |
|
»445 |
2,195 |
|
,238 |
2,754 |
|
,166 |
2,679 |
|
,426 |
2,705 |
|
»34i |
2,349 |
|
>377 |
2,269 |
|
.377 |
2,032 |
|
,140 |
2,114 |
|
.365 |
i,5«5 |
Total 15,742 27,184
ABSTRACT OF THB SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. xli
The issues of old and new books arranged according to subjects are shown. In the following table : —
Subjects. Volumes.
l*iction ••• ..• ••• ,,, ,,, ,„ ,,, ,,, 16,724
Biography ... ..• Ij988
Miscellaneous, Collected Works and Essays 1,447
History and Chronology 1,475
Voyages, Travels, Geography, Topography »^ ... 1,366 Reviews, Magazines, Transactions of Learned Societies
(in bound Volumes) ... - 86i
Oriental Literature ... 761
Poetry and Drama 529'
Naval and Military 439
Art, Architecture and Engineering... 364
Philology, Literary History^ &c 307
Religion and Theology ... ... ... ... ••. 279
Foreign Literature •.. ••• ••• ••• ... ..• 209
Philosophy ... ... ... ••• ... ... ... 224
Politics, Political Economy, &c • 265
Government Publications and Public Records 231
Natural History, Geology, Mineralogy ... 181
Qassics and Translations 147
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics, &c 149
Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, Mathematics 143
Grammatical Works, Encyclopaedias, &c 95
uoiciny ••• ... ... ... ••• ... ••• ••% o2
*^aw ... .•• ••• ••• ••• •«. ••• ••• oi
'^eoicine ••• ••• ... ••• ••• ••« ••. ... 03
Periodicals in loose numbers • 141496
ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
The additions to the Library during the year numbered 1,201 volumes. Of these 798 were purchased and 405 were presented to the Society.
For the gifts of books, the Society is indebted to the Secretary of State for India, the Government of India, the Bombay Government *nd other local Governments, the Trustees of the Parsi Panchayat Funds and Properties and to individual authors and donors.
Among the works presented to the Society special mention must be niade of an important collection of Manuscript Memoirs of the work ®f Lt-Col. T. B. Jervis, Bombay Engineers (East India Co.'s ^®^ce, 1812-1842) which the Society has received from his son **r, W. P. Jervis. The MSS. are valuable, containing as they do 15
Xlii ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS:
interesting information bearing on the administration, history aAd Uie social condition, &c., of Western India, in the early years of the fast century. The MSS, are bound in 7 volumes and are in an excellent state of preservation. Another valuable donation is a small collection of Sanskrit MSS. chiefly of VediC; sacrificial ^nd other literature^ which have been presented by Mr« M. V. Kibe of Indore,
The volumes purchased and presented are shown in the subjoined table, according to classes : —
Volumes. Volumes ^^ ' purchased, presented.
Religion and Theology 15
Philosophy *•• ••• ••• •.. ••• 14 •••
Classics and Translations 7 i
Philology, Literary History and Biblio- graphy ... ••• ... ••• ••• 7 17
History and Chronology 51 ..^.
Politics, Political Economy, Trade and
Commerce##* ••• ••• •••••• 9 ...
jL^a^v •.. ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• A ^ •
Government Publications and Public
Records ••• ••• ... >• ^m 6 105
Biography -^^ ... ... ••• .»• 64 i
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics,
Heraldry ... ... ..• .•• ••• 5 n
Voyages, Travels, Geography, and
Topography ..• .•• 39 29
Poetry and Drama. 13 ^
Fiction ... .•• .•• ••• ... 377 .^
Miscellaneous, Collected works, Es-
says, c£C ••• ... ... .•• .•• 31 I
Foreign Literature i
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, As- tronomy ... ••• .•• ... ••• I Art, Music, Engineering, Architecture... 23
Naval and Military ^ 27
Natural History, Geology, Chemistry ... 10 ^
Botany, Agriculture ... 3 2
Medicine, Surgery and Physiology ... n 2 Annuals, Serials, Transactions of
Learned Societies, &c. ... ... .•• 148 87
Dictionaries and Grammatical works ... 5 ...^
Oriental Literature .... ... 37 35 . .
••.
...
ABSTRACT OF TUB SIOCIBTY'S PROCBBDINGS, xUil
NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
The Newspapers, Periodicals and Journals of Learned Societies subscribed for and presented to the Society during the year are as follows :—
Literary Monthlies..* t«, ••• ••• ... i^
xiiustraceQ ••• ••* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• lo
Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transactions of Learn- ed ^ocietieS| ObC. ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 35
jtceviews ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• 10
English Newspapers .. ... 16
English Registers, Almanacs, Directories, &c 13
Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals 10
American Literary and Scientific Periodicals 11
Indian Newspapers and Gbvernment Gazettes ... ... 26
Indian Journals, Reviews, &c 27
At a meeting of the Society in November called under Article XX •of the Rules, for the revision of the Newspapers, Periodicals. &c., taken by the Society, it was resolved to discontinue the following firom the beginning of 1906 :—
American Review of Reviews. Independent Review. British Medical Journal* Journal of Education. Englishman.
and to subscribe from the same date to : —
Capital.
Daily News (London.)
Hindustan Review.
Oriental Review.
Statesman.
India.
Indu Prakash.
International Journal of Ethics. *
Indian Riview.
COIN CABINET.
The accessions to the Society's Coin Cabinet during the year numbered 163 coins. Of these two were presented by the Dewas State through Captain Luard and th^ rest were acquired from different Governments under the Treasure Troye Act. Of the total number of coins added to the Cabinet 11 ^ere Gof^, 1^8 Silver and 34 Copper.
A detailed list is subjoiqed* ', ' ■
Xliv ABSTRACT OP THB SOCIETY'S PROCBBDINGS«
PresenUd by the Bombay Government^ 3 Gold Coins of Pratap Deva Raya, Vijayanagar Dynasty,
Southern India. I Round Gold Mohur of Akbar. I Square Gold Mohur of Akbar. I Gold Coin of Sulayman bin Selim, Ottoman Sultan* I Gold of Selim II bin Sulayman, Ottoman Sultan. I Gold of Murad bin Selim II, Ottoman Sultan. I Gold of Muhammad bin Murad III, Ottoman Sultan. I Small Silver coin of Akbar.
I Do. of Selim Shah (afterwards Jahangir).
I Silver of Jahangir. All the coins were found while repairing the tomb of Kutbe-Alam in Watwa, a village in the Daskroi Taluka, Ahmedabad.
I Silver coin of Ahmad Shah Bahadur found at Varsala, Taluka Vada, Thana.
Presented by the Bengal Government^ 5 Silver coins of the East India Company in the name of Shah Alam. Found in the Dinajpur District
5 Silver coins of Hassan Shah of Bengal.
3 Silver coins of Muhammad Shah of Delhi* Found in the
Mursidabad District. I Silver coin of Islam Shah found in the Bhagalpur District. I Silver coin of Sikandar bin Ilyas ; found in the Nadea
District. I Silver coin bearing names of Siva Singh Shah and Begum
Pramatheswari Shah. Found near Gargaon in the
Sibsagar District
6 Silver coins of the French East India Company in the
names of Ahmad Shah and Shah Alam ; found in the Rangpur District* 1 1 Silver coins of Alamgir II.
4 Mahommad Shah. I Shahajahan II.
I Shah Alam I.
4 Ahmad Shah ; found in the Manbhum District.
Presented by the Assam Govemment. II Silver coins of Assam Kings — I Gaurinath Singh. Rajeshwar Singh. Pramatha Singh.
Lakshmi Singh. i
Found in the Sibsagar- District
ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. xlv
Presented by the Government, U. P.
2 Silver coips of Shah Alam II, found in a well in Mauza Rodan, Tahsil Ferozabad, Agra District.
I Silver of Mahommad Shah, found at Tera Jakat, Tahsil Chibraman, Farrukabad District.
, 6 Silver coins of the East India Company in the name of
Shah Alam, found in the Bahraich District.
'■ 5 Silver coins of Shah Alam, found in Kabirpur, Unao. .
I Copper Indo-Scythian coin, found in Bhttaura District^ Fyzabad.
I a Copper coins of Akbar, found in the Barabanki District. Presented by the Governments N.'W. Frontier Provinces,
I Gold coin of Kedara King of the Kushans, found in the Peshawar District.
I Gold coin, later Indo-Sc3rthian, found in the Hazara District.
Presented by the Madras Government,
21 Copper coins of the English East India Company (Bombcky Type, Bale mark and Scales of Justice), found in the Madras Presidency.
Presented by the Government, Central Provinces. i8 Silver coins of Aurangzeb. Found in the Bhandara District. 5 Silver Indo-Sassanian coins, found in the Jabalpur District. i6 Silver coins of Aurangzeb, found in the Saugor District.
Presented by the Punjab Government, I Silver coin of Jahangir, found in the Sialkot District.
I Silver of Shah Suja Durani
and 3 Silver of Muhammad Shah Durani, found in the Jhang District.
1 Silver of Shah Alam II, found in the Gaigaon District.
Presented by the Dewas State,
2 Silver coins of Muhammad Shah of Malw^
News has reached the Hon. Secretary of a large find of silver coins 'of Nahapana, the ist Western Kshatrapa (A* D. 119) in the Sinnar Taluka of Nasik District. These will be forwarded to the Society diy Goremment in due course.
J I , .
xlvi ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
The Honorary Secretary has obtained the following objects of ^a^qvjarian interest, for the Museum from the Thana District : —
Two Stones bearing an inscription relating to land-grants by
Kings of the Silahara Dynasty, from Salsette. Three Hindu figures of black stone of about the 9th Century A. D. from Parjapur, Salsette. ' Steps have also been taken to recover from Junnar in the Poona District an inscribed slab, recording an eclipse of the Sun in the year A. D. 1033, and enquiries are being set on foot with a view to the f pcovery of other objects of archaeological interest which are known to be lying neglected in various parts of the Presidency.
JOURNAL. Two numbers of the Journal were issued during the year. The first was a special number, the Centenary Memorial Volume^ containing a record of proceedings of the Centenary celebration, a paper on the history of the Society, other papers, reviewing the pfY>gress of Oriental Literature, Archaeology and Natural History during the century and papers read at meetings held in connection with the Centenary.
The second was a regular issue ; number 60, the first number of VoK XXII of the Journal. In this number are published some of the l>^ers, read in connection with the Centenary, which were not included in the Centenary Memorial Volume, and two papers, one on the " Jervis MSS.** read at a meeting of the Society during the year^ and the other on " Shivaji*s Swarajya" read before the Society in 1903.
s IRANIAN BOOKS PURCHASE FUND.
^ "''With a view to commemorate the Centenary of the Society, Mr. K.
R. Cama, Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi and Khan Bahadur Bomanjt
Byramji Patel raised a subscription among members of the Parsi
community for the purchase of important works on Iranian Literature,
history ; and philology, to be added to the Oriental Section of the
Society's Library. The total amount collected, Rs. 855, has been
handed over to the Society with a list of books recommended for pur-
cl^e. '^he books which have been ordered and will be received in
due course will prove of special interest to students of Iranian Litera*
ture in Bombay.
FINANCE.
A statement of accounts detailing receipts and disbursements for
1905 is appended. • The total amount of subscription from members dunng the year
iwas Rs. i2,726<|>3-4. . The subscriptions in the year preceding amoimted Ntb Rs« 11,69^15-0.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCBBDINGS. StlVll
. A sum of Rs. 6do, on account of life-subscription, was also received from one Resident and one Non-Resident member, which sum has been duly invested in Government securities as required by the Rules. A sum of Rs. .754, representing the special subscription started in 1904 for defraying expenses in connection with the Centenary celebration of the Society and including proceeds of the Centenary tickets was also placed to the Society's credit.
The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the year was Rs. 2,648-13-2.
The Invested Funds of the Society amount to Rs. 16,000.
GENERAL.
The lighting of the Reading Room and of the side rooms, which was far from satisfactory, has been improved. Three new lamps of large size have been fixed over the principal Residing tables in the Library Room and the old lamps have been rearranged with the result that the rooms are now better lighted. It is hoped to make further improvements in this direction, as time goes on and funds permit.
For the convenience of Members who have to refer to the Catalogues of the Library a new sloping desk has been purchased, to accommo- date all the volumes of the MSS. Catalogues. A book case with glass doors and a lock and key has also been made, in which it is intended to keep a number of valuable and rare books, together with the first editions of the works of several standard authors in the possession of the Society. This arrangement is considered necessary for the better preservation and the safe guarding of such books.
A small glass case for telegrams has been posted in the Read- ing Room in place of the former unsightly board, and table cloths have been provided for two of the tables on which cosdy illustrated books are exposed to view.
The two very important and valuable MSS. in the Library, " Dante's Divina Commedia " and a decorated and illuminated copy of the Koran were found to be in a dilapidated condition ; and the 4 portraits of Presidents of the Bombay Geographical Society, hung in the Meeting Room of the Society, were out of repair and required attention.
The Dante MSS. has been reboupdin calf gilt with an ornamental border on both sides, and the Koran has been repaired in the original binding and rebacked. The four portraits have been sent to the Principal of the School of Art to be thoroughly repaired and restored.
shrill ABSTRACT OP THB SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
Rao Bahadur G. N. Nadkami proposed and Mr. C. L. Youof^ 3econded that the report for 1905 be adopted.
'The proposition wad carried unanimously.
. On the motion of Col, Bannerman, seconded by Mr. R. P. Karkaria, the following Committee^ was electa for 1906.
COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT.
1906. .
Pfvsident
.' '•
The fIon*ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, as.i., i.c.s.
Vice^PresidentSm
Janies MacDonald, Esq.
Kharsetji R. Cama, Esq.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandawarkar, b.a., ll.b.
The Hon*ble Mr. Justice H. Batty, M.A., i.cs.
Members,
Camrudin Amirudin, Esq. b.a.
F. R. Viccaji, Esq., b.a., lub.
Sir Bhalchandra K. Bhatavadekar, Kt.
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, Esq., b.a.
Dastur Dorab P. Sanjana, Esq., b.a.
A. L. Covernton, Esq., m.a.
The Hon*ble Mr. Darasha R. Chichgar.
J. E. Aspinwall, Esq.
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, d.d., ll.d.
Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott, d.d.
Rao Bahadur G. N. Nadkarni, B.A., ll.b.
L. C. H. Young, Esq., b.a«
S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq., M.A.
W. H. Sharp, Esq., m.a.
Honorary Secretary,
S. M. Edwardes, Esq., i.cs.
Honorary Auditors.
H. R. H. Wilkison, Esq.
S. T. Bhandare, Esq.. '* ^ :
ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIBTY's PROCEEDINGS. xHx
The Honorary Secretary then proposed' the following addition to Article XXXIX of the Rules as arranged by the Committee of Manage- ment.
** Nor such other works as the Committee may from time to time decide to he Valuable and to require special care and safeguarding.'* Rao BahlEidur G. N. Nadkarni seconded the proposal. The rule, as altered, was then unanimously adopted.
A meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 26th April 1906. Mr. K. R. Cama, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair. The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Mr. J. J. Modi then read the following papers: —
(i) The Arab Writer Macoudi on " Volcanoes/* (2) The date of the death of NizamL
On the proposition of Mr. R. K. Dadachanji, seconded by the.Honpr rary Secretary, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Modi for the in- teresting papers he had read.
A meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the ist October 1906.
On the proposition of the Honorary Secretary, seconded by Mr. Tribhuvandas Mangaldas, Mr. G. N. Nadkarni was voted to the Chair.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Mr. J. A. Saldanha then read a paper " The First Englishman in India and his work, especially his Christian Puran. **
The Chairman, with a few remarks, moved a vote of thanks to Mr. Saldanha for the interesting paper he had read.
The motion was seconded by Mr. S. T. Bhandare and carried by acclamation.
A meeting of the Society was held on 'Friday, the 12th October 1906.
Mr. K. R. Cama, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Mr. J. J. Modi then read a paper " Bombay as seen by Dr. Ives in 1754."
The Chairman with a few remarks moved a vote of thanks to Mr. J. J. Modi, for the interesting paper he had read, which was carried by acclamation.
Mr. Modi was pleased to present to the Society his copy of **Dr. Ives* Voyages,'* the subject of his paper. The Chairman acknowledged the gift with the best thanks of the Society.
I
ABSTRACT OF THB SOCIBTY*S PROCBBDINGS.
A General Meeting of the Society under Article XX of the Rules was held on Wednesday , tiie 21st November 1906*
Mr. James MacDonald, one of the Vice-PresidentS| in the Chair.
The meeting perused the existing list of papers and periodicals taken by the Society and resolved that the following out of tiiem be disconti- nued from the beginning of the next year :—
Photography.
International Journal of Ethics.
India.
Lancet.
Hindustan Review.
Indian Review.
The following proposals for additions to the list received from two members were also considered : —
From
Mr. J. E. Aspinwall, That the /< Ladies' Realm " and the " Ladies* Field '* be taken.
Carried,
From
Mr. Trikamdas Lalji, That the "Indian Trade Journal'* be taken.
Not carried.
On the proposition of Mr. J. J. Modi, seconded by Mr. J. E. Aspin- wall it was resolved that a memo showing the demand among members for the papers and periodicals taken by the Society be circulated io future together with the ordinary list of papers and periodicals accom- panying the notice of meeting.
Books i &C.J presented to the Society ^
1906.
TitU of Boohs, Donors,
Account of Trade, carried by Rail and River in India, 1904-05.
Government of India.
Acts, Governor-General of India, 1905.
Government of India.
Administration Report, Baluchistan Agency, 1904-05.
Government of India
Report, Ajmer-Merwara, 1904-05.
Government of India.
Report, Bengal, 1904-05.
Government of BengaL
— ^— Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government. ■ Report, Burma, 1904-05.
Government of Burma.
- Report, Madras, 1904-05.
Madras Government
. — i Report, Punjab, 1904-05.
Punjab Government.
■■ ^ Report, United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, 1904-05.
Government, United Provinces.
AcsiCULTURAL Changes required by the times. By R. H. Elliot.
The Author.
— — - Statistics, India, 1900-01 to 1904-05.
Government of India.
Annalbs Musee Guimet. Livre Sacres de Cambodge.
: ^ Le Nepal, Vol. II. Musee Guimet.
Archjbological Survey of Western India, Vol VIII, Muhammadan
Architecture of Ahmedabad, Part II.
Government of India.
Area and Yield of Certain Principal Crops in India, 1891-92— 1905-06.
Government of India.
^ . ■ . > ■>■
Assam District Gazetteers.
Government of India.
•BsN^AL Code, 3rd. Edition, Vol. III.
Government of India.
Hi Presents to the Library.
Tiile of Books. Donors.
BiBLiOTHBCA Chcmica, Catalogue of the Collection of James Young
of Kelly.
Trustees of the late Dr. James Young.
Bombay University Calendar, 1906-07.
The Univer^ty.
■- Gazetteer. Supplementary Volumes, with Index.
Bombay Government
Books of Reference, in the Reading, Room, British Museum.
The Trustees of the Museum.
Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology No. 23,-
The Smithsonian Institution.
Cartoons from Hindi Punch, 1905.
Editor, Hindi Punch.
Catalogue, India Office Library. Vols. Ill, Part IV..
Director of Public Instruction, Bombay.
of Arabic and Persian MSS., in the Library of the
Calcutta Madrasah.
Government of Bengal.
Death of Shivaji. By R. P. Karkaria.
The Author. Description Geologique de L*Ile d* Ambon.
Government, Netherlands India* Descriptive Catalogue, Sanskrit MSS., Calcutta Sanskrit College
Library.
Bengal Government
\ Catalogue, Sanskrit MSS., in the Government Oriental
MSS. Library, Madras.
Madras Government District Gazetteers, Bengal, Statistics.
Government of India.
Gazetteers, United Provinces. Vols. Ill, XLII, XLIII
and XLIV.
Government of India. East India, Accounts and Estimates, 1906-07. — — India, (Army Administration) Further Papers, 1906.
Secretary of State for India.
India, Financial Statement, 1906-07.
; India, Home Accounts, 1904-06.
Secretary - if State for- India. .— — India» Income and Expenditure, 1894-95 to 1904-05.
Secretary of State for India
Presents to the Library, liiir
1itU*ot- Books. Donors.
•East India, Mineral Concessions, 1889 to 1904.:
India, Progress and Condition^ i904-O5,
Secretary of State for India«* Epigraphia, Camatica. Vols. IX & X««
Mysore Government. Ethnographic Notes, Southern India.
Madras Government.
Facsimiles from Early Printed Books, British Museum.
Trustees of the British Museum.
Factory Report, Bombay Presidency, 1905.
Bombay Government.
Finance and Revenue Accounts, Government of India, 1904-05.
Government of India.
Gazetteers (Statistical Appendix) Tinnevelly, South Canara, Kumool, Chingleput, Madura, North Arcot, Trichinopoly, Nilgiri, Coimbatore, South Arcot and Cuddapah Districts.
Madras Government.
Genealogy of the Infantry Regiments, Bombay Army, 1905.
Bombay Government.
Imperial Library, Calcutta, Catalogue.
Government of India.
Indian Law Reports, Allahabad Series, 1905.
Government, U. P.
— — Law Reports, Bombay Series, 1905.
Bombay Government.
Madras Government.
Government of Bengal.
Government of India.
Government of India.
Law Reports, Madras Series, 1905. Law Reports, Calcutta Series, 1905. Records Series, Bengal, 1756-1757. Weather, Review, 1904.
Journal of John Jourdain ( Hak, Soc)
Bombay Government.
JuDiQAL and Administrative Statistics, British India, 1904-05.
Government of India.
L'Art Greco-Boudhique du Gandhara, Vol. I.
Ecole Francaise d' Extreme-Orient.
Hi Presents to the Library.
TitU of Books. Donors.
BiBLiOTHECA Chemica, Catalogue of the ColIecUon of James \^
of K«lly. '
Trustees of the late Dr. James ^
Bombay University Calendar, 1906-07.
The Un :
— - Gazetteer. Supplementary Volumes, with Index.
Bombay Gov.
Books of Reference, in the Reading, Room, British Museum.
The Trustees of the
Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology N9. 33»'
The Smithsoman I
Cartoons from Hindi Punch, 1905. , " _
Editor, Hi J^ «i-
Catalogue, India Office Library. Vols. III. Part IV.
Director of Public Instructs of Arabic and Persian MSS., in the Lih
Calcutta Madrasah.
Governmt
Death of Shivaji. By R. P. Karkaria.
Description Geolog^que de L'lle d' Ambon.
Government, Net
Descriptive Catalogue, Sanskrit MSS., Calcutta S
Library.
Ben
Catalogue, Sanskrit MSS., in the Go^
MSS. Library, Madras.
Mad
District Gazetteers, Bengal, Statistics.
Gazetteers, United Provinces. Vols.
and XLIV.
G East India, Accounts and Estimates, 1906-07. r— - India, (Army Administration) Further Papei
Secreta
- India, Financial Statement, 1906-07.
- India, Home Accounts, 1904-06.
Secreta
- India^ Income and Expenditure, 1894-95 to
Secreta
Donort.
apur.
aluka, Sholapur.
la, Sholapuf.
I bay Government,
imir and lacoba-
:hef Talukas,
Karachi.
)hri Talukas,
Sukkur.
HTderabad.
bay Governmeat.
sruary, 1906.
ibay Government.
mbay. Vol XLIII,
ibay Government.
The Society.
ernment of India.
3-
srnment of India.
ieological Survey .
The Association.
rnment of Burma, ier Provinces and
njab Government.
■P6- . .
njab Government
'ernment of India.
ernment of India.
liv Presents to.thb Iabraky^
Title of Books, - DOnorr^
Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. VII. Indo- Aryan Family Southern
group, spedpfiens of ^e Marathi Languages,,
Government of India. Letters received by the East ladia Company, Vol. 2-6*
Secretary of State for India. Little Olay Cart Mricchakatika. Translated into English.
Harvard University.
Lord Curzon. R. P. Karkaria.
•
The Author. Madras University Calendar, 1906-07.
The University, Memoirs of the Department of Agriculture, India, Chemical Series, Vol. I., No. I. Botanical Series, Vol, I, Nos. i — 4.
Government of India,
Department of Agriculture in India, Bombay Locusts.
Government of India,
Geological Survey of India, Paloeontologia Indica, Series
XV, Vol. V,
Director, Geological Survey.
Indian Meteorological Dept., Vol XX, Part 1.
Government of India. Note on Stamp Statements, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government Notes on Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions, Punjab, 1905.
Punjab Government — — on Registration Returns, Punjab, 1905.
Punjab Government on Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government Notices of Sanskrit MSS;, Bengal, Extra Number.
Government of India. Pahlavi Dinkard, Book VII.
Trustees of the Parsee Panchayat Fund. Papers relating to Original Survey, Ganeshgaon, Malsiras Taluka,
Sholapur. ,
Bombay Government
— -^- revision Surjrey Settlement^ Chandgad, Belg;aum.
Bombay Government.
revised Surve,y Settlement, Karmala, Sholapur. .
Bombay Government.
Presents to the Library. Iv
Tiile of Books. Donors,
Papers relating to revbion Survey Settlement, Sho.apur.
Taluka, Sholapur. ^— ^-^ ■ revised Survey Settlement, Madha, Sholapur.
Bombay Government.
■ Revision Survey Settlement Kashmir and lacoba-
bad T»i]ukas, Upper Sind Frontier.
■ Sujwal Mirpur, M^njhand and other Talukas,
Karachi.
Naushahro, Abro, Ghotki and Rohri Talukas,
Sukkur.
■ 'TandoBago and Badin Talukas, Hyderabad.
Bombay Government. Proceedings, Agricultural Conference, Bombay, February, 1906.^
Bombay Government.
Legislative Council, Government of Bombay. Vol XLIII,
1905.
Bombay Government. — — — — Royal Society, Canada, Vol XI, 1905.
The Society. Pantjab District Gazetteers, Statistical Tables.
Grovernment of India. Records, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. IV, No. 3.
Government pf India. ■ of the Geological Survey of India, 1905-06.
Director, Geological Survey. Report, American Historical Association, 1904.
The Association.
— '• Archaeological Survey, Burma, 1905-06.
Government of Burma. — ^— — Archaeological Survey Work, N.-W. Frontier Provinces and Baluchistan, 1904-05.
Punjab Government. ——- Archaelogical Survey, Northern Circle, 1905-96,
Punjab Government — — Archaeological Survey of India* 1903-04,
Government of India.
■ Archaeological Survey, U.P. and Punjab, .1904-05.- * --
Government, UJ*,
■ Board of Scientific Advice, India, I904-05« - -
»i Government of India.
lyi Presents to the Library.
Title of Books. Donors.
Report, Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1905.
Bombay Chamber of Commerce.
- Bombay Improvement Trust, 1905-06.
Chairman, Improvement Trust
Bombay Jail Department, 1905.
Bombay Government.
Bombay Millowners' Association, 1905.
The Association. ■ Bombay Port Trust, 1905-06.
Chairman, Bombay Port Trust
Chemical Analyser to Government, Bombay, 1905.
Bombay Government ^— — — Chenab, Jhang, Chunian and Jhelum Colonies, 1904-05.
Punjab Government
— Chief Inspector of Mines in India, 1905.
Chief Inspector of Mines. Civil Hospitals and Dispensaries, Government of Bombay,
Bombay Government — - Civil Justice, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government I ■ Civil Veterinary Department, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government — — Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1905.
Punjab Government — — — Department of Agriculture, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government
- Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government -^— ^— Excise Administration, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government
External Land Trade, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government
External Land Trade, Sind and British Baluchistan, 1905-06.
Bombay Government — ^^— Forest Administration, Punjab, 1904-05.
Punjab Government
Forest Department, Madras, 1904-05.
, . Madras Government
Government Central Museum, Madras, 1905-06.
Madras Government
Presents to the Library. Ivii
Title of Books. Donors.
Report, Income Tax Administration, Punjab, 1902-05-06.
Punjab Government. Income Tax Operation, Bombay Presidency. Three years ending 31st March 1905.
Bombay Government.
Incumbered Estates, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
— • Internal Trade, Punjab, 1904-05.
Punjab Government
Irrigation Revenue, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government
Irrigation Revenue, Sind, 1904-05.
Bombay Government.
Land Records, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Governknent
Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab.
Punjab Government
Land Revenue Administration, Punjab, 1904-05.
Punjab Government.
Lucknow Provincial Museum, 1905*06.
Government, U. P.
— Lunatic Asylums, Punjab, 1903-1905.
Punjab Government.
. Lunatic Asylums, Bombay Presidency, 1903-05.
Bombay Government
Maritime Trade, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government
Meteorological Department, Government of India, 1905-06.
Government of India*
Municipal Commissioner, Bombay, 1904-05.
Municipal Commi»0ioner, Bombay.
Municipalities, Punjab, 1904-05.
Punjab Government
on the working of Co-operative Societiet, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government
OfMim Department, Bombay Pre»idency, 1904-05,
Bombay Governm#nt
00 Publk lostmctkm^ Punjab, tso^i^
Punjab Cc>¥§mtn0nU
00 Search (or Sanskrit H§§, 1905^.
Afiatic Sochiy, BMf ct
16
IviH Presents to the Librarv.
THtle of Books. Donors.
Report, Plague Research Laboratory, Bombay, 1904-05.
Lt-Q^. W. B. Bannerman.
— Police Administration, Punjab, 1905.
Punjab Government.
. :— Police of Bombay, 1905.
Bombay Government
. P. W. Dept., Bombay Presidency, Irrigation Works, 1904-05.
Bombay Government
Rail-borne Trade, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay iCovemment
. Railways in India, 1905.
Government of India.
. Reformatory School, Yaravda, 1905.
Bombay Government
' Salt Department, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government
Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1905.
Punjab Government
i— Sanitary Measures in India, 1904.
Secretary of State for India.
— — Sanitary Commissioner, Government of Bombay, 1905.
Bombay Government
.«.-.— Sanitation, Dispensaries, &c., Rajputana, 1904-05.
Government of India.
. Sea-borne Trade and Customs Administration, Bombay Pre^
sidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government
Settlement Operations, Punjab, 1904-05.
Punjab Government
Smithsonian Institution, 1904.
Smithsonian Institution.
. Stamp Department, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government
Talukdari Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government
— - Trade and Navigation Returns, Aden, 1904-05-06.
Bombay Government.
— — Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government
Presents to the Library. Kx
Title of Books. Donors,
Report, Vaccination, Punjab, 1905.
Punjab Government.
Working of the Punjab Alienation Land, Act XIII of 1900,
1904^)5.
Punjab Government Resolution, reviewing Reports of Local Boards, Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government, reviewing Reports on Municipal Taxation and Expendi- ture ; Bombay Presidency, 1904-05.
Bombay Government. Return of Wrecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1905.
Government of India. Souvenir of two progresses by T. R. H. the Prince and Princess of Wales through Bombay City on the 9th and loth November 1905.
S. M. Edwardes, Esq. SiuuTA-Sutra of Drahyayana, Ed. J. N. Reuter.
The Editor.
Statement of Trade and Navigation, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
Statistical Abstract, British India, 1895-96 to 1904-05.
Secretary of State for India.
Statistics, Registration Department, Bombay Presidency, 1905.
Bombay Government. Subject Index of Modern Works, British Museum, 1881-1900. Vols. I.-III.
Trustees of the Museum.
Tables relating to Trade of Bridsh India, 1900-01 to 1904-05.
Secretary of State for India. Technical Art Series, 1905.
Government of India.
Telegraph Map of India, 1905.
Superintendent, G. T. Survey of India. Theosophy and Christianity. By Rev. E. R. Hull.
The Author. Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1906.
Government of India.
Tobabataksch Deutsches Worterbuch.
Government, Netherlands India.
'
■* PSESEMIS TO THE LiRKAKT.
Tme cf Books.
Voyage from Engfand to India. By E. Ives. • to Sural. By F. Onogtoo.
n, . ^^ ., Jnranp Jamsbed^ Mocfi, Esq
UHmmr's AtiiaTa^Veda Samhita, Translated. ^ «*-» ™H
Uniwrsity.
Zasathushtsa and the Greeks. L. H. Mills.
Trustees of the Parsee Panchayat Fund, and Zarathusbtrianisai in the Avesta. By R.E, Dastoor.
The Author. I
^n
If It
^5S^
Proceedings of the Bombay Branch Royal
Asiatic Society ^
1907.
^ A General Meeting of the Society was held on Wednesday, the 1 3th February 1 907, to accept the offer of the subscribers to the Campbell Memorial Medal Fund and to appoint Trustees to hold the Fund.
Mr. James MacDonald, one of the Vice Presidents, in the Chair.
The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Read a letter from Mr. R. E. Enthoven, I.C.S., written on behalf of himself and other subscribers offering to hand over to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Port Trust Bonds of the nominal Talue of Rs. 3,000, being the investment of a Fund subscribed by mem- bers of the Indian Civil Service for the purpose of founding a gold medal to be known as *'The Campbell Memorial Medal'' upon the terms of the scheme, a copy of which is laid upon the table.
On the proposition of the Honorary Secretary, seconded by the Honor- able Mr. Justice Chandavarkar, it was resolved that : — The offer be accepted and that the Fund be known as '*The Campbell Memorial Medal Fund " and be hied by the Society upon the terms and for the purposes of the scheme submitted ; the said scheme being as follows : —
Scheme for the proper management of the Fund handed over to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for the founding- of a Oold Medal to he known as ** The Campbell Memorial MedaV
I. The Fund at present consisting of Bombay Port Trust Four per cent Bonds of the nominal value of Rs. 3,000 shall be known as *' The Campbell Memorial Medal Fund " and shall be handed over to the Hon*ble Mr. Justice Chandavarkar, Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, I.C.S., and Mr. R. E. Enthoven, I.C.S., as the first Trustees thereof, who shall execute a declaration of Trust in respect of the same declaring that they hold the said Fund and the investments for the time being represent- ing the same in trust for the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (hereinafter refered to as the Society) for the purposes of this Scheme.
Ixii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
2. The number of Trustees of the Fund shall never be less than three and the power of appointing new Trustees either in substitution for any existing Trustee or to fill a vacancy caused by the death or retirement of any Trustee shall vest in the Society.
3. The Fund may be maintained in its present state of investment or at the discretion of the Society may be sold and the proceeds of sale re-invested in any securities for the time being authorized by law for the investment of trust moneys with power for the Society from time to time to vary or transpose such investments into or for others of a like nature.
4. The income accrued from the investments for the time being representing the fund shall, from time to time, on demand be handed over by the Trustees to the Committee of the Society or to some person authorized by the said Committee to receive the same, and any income not required for the purposes of this Scheme and any accretions to the Fund from whatsoever source arising shall, from time to time, as the Society shall think fit, be invested in securities of the nature herein- before specified and be vested in the Trustees for the time being of the fund as part of the capital thereof.
5. The Capital of the fund shall not under any circumstances be drawn upon nor shall the income thereof be anticipated.
6. The Society shall apply the income of the fund or so much thereof as shall from time to time be required for the purpose in providing a gold medal to be known as the "Campbell Memorial Medal" and to be awarded in recognition of distinguished services in Oriental Research upon the terms hereinafter mentioned.
7. The services referred to in the last preceding clause shall consist in the publication since the year 1903 of a treatise pamphlet or book in English on the subject of Oriental History Folklore or Ethnology calculated to further the objects of the Society, namely the investiga- tion and encouragement of Oriental Arts, Sciences and Literature.
8. Subject to the provisions of this clause and of clause 14 here- under the first award of the medal shall be made in the year one thousand nine hundred and seven, and subsequent awards shall be made at intervals of not less than three years unless the Committee J of the Society under the power contained in clause 16 hereof shall decide to make more frequent awards, but so nevertheless that no award shall be made in the year qne tliousand nine hundred and seven or any subsequent year unless a fitting recipient be forthcoming
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCBBDINGS. 1x111
9. The selection of a recipient shall, subject to the approval of the Committee of the Society, be made by a Committee (hereinafter called the Selection Committee), the members of which shall be noniinated by the President of the Society in each year in which the medal is proposed to be awarded and such nomination shall be communicated in writing to the Committee of the Society previously to and shall be considered by them at their first meeting held after the first day of February in any year in which the medal is proposed to be awarded and such nomination shall be subject to the approval of the Committee of the Society.
10. In the event of the Committee of the Society not approving of the nomination of any member or members of the Selection Commit- tee, the President of the Society shall nominate another member or other members as the case may be until three members shall be so approved and in the event of any irreconcilable difference between the President and the Committee of the Society a committee shall be formed of three members, one of whom shall be chosen by the Presi- dent of the Society, one by the Senior Vice-President of the Society and one by the Committee of the Society.
11. In the event of the Selection Committee not being unanimous a majority of the members thereof shall bind the minority.
12. The Selection Committee shall have the right in order to assist them in forming their judgment of consulting all or any of the Pro- fessors of Oriental subjects at the Universities of Calcutta, Bombay, Madras and Allahabad or any other scholars whom they may think fit to consult
13. The Selection Committee may with the consent of the Com- mittee of the Society award a sum of money not exceeding Rupees one hundred to the recipient of the medal in addition thereto when it appears to them that the recipient of the medal would accept a pecuniary honorarium in addition thereto.
14. In the event of the Committee of the Society not approving of any selection made by the Selection Committee the medal in that year shall not be awarded.
15. If in any year the medal shall not be awarded owing to a fitting recipient not being forthcoming as provided in clauses 8 and 14 hereof, the income of the fund which has accumulated since the date when the medal was last awarded and which would otherwise have been expended in providing the medal for such year shall be invested by the Society in any of the securities hereinbefore authorised and shall be treated as part of the capital of the fund.
Ixiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
1 6. The Committee of the Society may at any time hereafter, not- withstanding anything in clause 8 hereof if the income of the said fund shall, owing to accumulations arising under clause 15 hereof 01 from any other cause, be sufficient to enable them to do so, decide that the medal shall be awarded. at a less interval or less intervals than three years.
17. The Committee of the Society may from time to time make and alter rules and regulations for the management of the medal, provided that no rules or regulations so made by them shall be contrary to the objects of the Society as defined in clause 7 hereof or to these presents.
18. With the exception of the appointment from time to time as occasion may arise of new Trustees of the fund which appointments shall be made by the Society, all acts and things by this scheme pro- vided to be done by the Society shall be deemed to be duly done and performed if the same shall be done and performed by the Com- mittee of the Society for the time being and the Trustees of the fund shall be discharged by the receipt of the said Committee or of any persons authorised by them in respect of any payments from time to time made by them out of the income of the fund.
19. The Trustees of the fund may from time to time reimburse themselves or pay and discharge out of the income of the fund all expenses incurred in or about the execution of the Trusts declared by the said Declaration of Trust.
On the proposition of the Honorary Secretary, seconded by Mr. James MacDonald, it was resolved that : — The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, I.C.S.,and Mr. R. E. Enthoven, I.C.S., be appointed Trustees of the Fund and that they do execute a Declaration of Trust in the form laid upon the table, declaring that they hold the said fund in trust for the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for the purposes of the said scheme. The said declara- tion of trust should be as follows: —
TO ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME WE the Hon'ble Narayan Ganesh Chandavarkar one of His Majesty's Judges of the High Court of Judicature at Bombay Arthur Mason Tippetts Jackson of His Majesty's Indian Civil Service and Regi- nald Edward Enthoven also of His Majesty's Indian Civil Service send GREETING WHEREAS the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (hereinafter referred to as the Society) is a Society incorporated with the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland and has for it objects the investigation and encouragement of Oriental Arts, Sciences and Literature AND WHEREAS an oflfer
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. IXT
was recently made to hand over to the Society certain Securities being thft-investment of a fund subscribed by Members of His Majesty's Indian Civil Service for the purpose of founding a gold medal to be known as '* The Campbell Memorial Medal*' upon the terms of a scheme which was at the same time submitted to the Society AND WHEREAS at a Meeting of the Society held in Bombay on the 13th day of February 1907 it was resolved that the offer above referred to should be accepted and that the fund should be known as '*The Campbell Memorial Medal Fund " and be held upon the terms and for the purposes of the said scheme which scheme should be entered at length upon the minutes of the meeting and it was further resolved that we these Declarants should be the Trustees of the fund and should execute these presents for declaring that we hold the said fund in trust for the Society for the purposes of the said scheme AND WHEREAS a copy of the scheme submitted to the Society as aforesaid is sub- joined to these Presents by way of schedule AND WHEBEAS the fund consisting at the present time of Bombay Port Trust Four Per Cent, bonds of the nominal value of Rs. 3,000 has before the date of these presents been duly handed over to and transferred into the names of us these Declarants NOW THEREFORE KNOW YE and these presents witness and we the said Narayan Ganesh Chandavarkar, Arthur Mason Tippetts Jackson and Reginald Edward Enthoven do hereby declare that we these Declarants and the survivors and survivor of us and the heirs executors or administrators of such survivor and so far as we lawfully can and may bind them the Trustees for the time being of the said Fund appointed from time to time hereafter by the Society whether in substitution for us or any of us or in the place of any one or more of us dying or retiring from the Trust by these presents declared shall and will at all times here- afber hold and possess the Fund so-called or known as * * The Camp- bell Memorial Medal Fund " and all investments for the time being representing the same and any accretions thereto and the income from time to time to arise from the capital of such fund including all accreations thereto (if any), in Trust for the Society for the pur- poses of the said Scheme a copy whereof is subjoined hereto To the Intent that so far as the terms of the said scheme apply to aii||^jaSect the Trustees of the said fund we these Declarants shall conduct .and manage the same in accordance with the terms and provisions of the said scheme In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals this 9th day of April 1907.
A meeting of the Society was helJ on Friday, the 15th March, 1907. Mr. K. R. Cama, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair,
27
I^i ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCBBDINGS.
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Mr. J. J. Mody then read a paper. ** a few Notes on Broach," from an antiquarian point of view.
On the motion of Mr. S. T. Bhandare, seconded by the Hon'ble Mr. Logan, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Modi for the interest- ing paper he had read.
The annual Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 22nd March 1907.
The Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton, President, in the Chair.
The Honorary Secretary read the following Report of the Society for 1906.
The Annual Report for 1906.
MEMBERS. Resident. — ^57 New Members were elected during the year and 5 Non-Resident Members having come to Bombay, were added to the list of Resident Members. 27, withdrew ; 4 died^ 21 retired, and 3 having left Bombay, were placed on the list of Non-Resident Mem- bers ; and 2 were removed from the roll for non-payment of subscrip- tion. The total number of Members at the close was thus 323 against 318 in the preceding year.
Non-Resident. — 17 Members joined under this class and 3 were transferred from the list of Resident Members. 10 resigned, i retired, I died, 4 were removed from the list for non-payment of subscription, and 5 were added to the list of Resident Members. This leaves 96 on the roll at the end of the year. The number at the end of 1905 was 97.
Among the Members shown as retired are included several gentle* men^ who have been absent from India for a number of years and from whom no formal notice of res i>> nation has been received.
OBITUARY.
The Society record with regret the death of the following Members (luri«jj^ the year : —
Resident. Harischandra Krishna Joshi, Esq. The Hon*ble Mr. Justice Badrudin Tyabji. A. Mackenzie, Esq. S. Joyce, Esq.
Non-Resident. H. Pogson, Esq.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. Ixvit
THE PRESIDENT.
The 110111)16 Mr. Jusdce Chandavarkar has been asked, aad has kindly consented, to accept the office of President of the Society for the current year in place of the Hon'ble Mr. E. M. H. Fulton who is retiring from India.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. The following papers were contributed to the Society during the year : —
Nripatunga and the Authorship of Kaviraja Marga.
By K. B. Pathak, B.A.
An Epigraphical Note on Dharmpala, the Second Prince of the Pala
Dynasty.
By S. R. Bhandarkar, M.A. Macoudi on Volcanoes/
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
The Date of the Death of Nizami.
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
An Eklingji Stone Inscription and the Origin and History of the
Lakulisa Sect.
By £). R. Bhandarkar, M.A.
The Death of Akbar.
. By R. P. Karkaria, B.A.
The First Englishman in India and his Works, especially his Christian Puran.
By J. A. Saldanha, B.A., LL.B.
Bombay as seen by Dr. Ives in 1754.
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A.
LIBRARY.
The total issue during the year amounted to 45 » 106 volumes, comprising 30,455 Volumes of new books including periodicals, and 14,651 of the old. The daily average, excluding Sundays and holidays, was 149 volumes. The issue in the preceding year was 42,926.
The issues of each month are noted in the subjoined table.
|
Monthly Issues. |
|||||
|
Old Books. |
A^ew Books. |
||||
|
January |
••• |
... . a |
... |
1,446 |
2.31I |
|
"^ ' February |
..• |
••• .•« |
> ... |
1,416 |
1.593 |
|
' March |
... |
*•• ••! |
» ••« |
1,629 |
2, 104 |
|
V April |
.•• |
••■ «•< |
» |
1.467 |
2,827 |
|
. ' May^ |
• •• ..« |
t ••• |
1,079 |
2,499 |
|
|
V June |
• • • |
... ... |
.•• |
1,277 |
2,454 |
IzTiii
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
July
August
September
October
November
December
•••
•••
|
Old Books. |
New Boohs. |
|
i»257 |
2,735 |
|
I.I55 |
2.731 |
|
1,107 |
2,780 |
|
I,030 |
2.904 |
|
910 |
2,888 |
|
888 |
2,629 |
Total 14.651 30.455
The volumes of issues of old and new books, arranged according to
subjects, are shown in the following table : — > Subject Volumes,
•••
•••
•••
»••
Fiction
Biography
History
Voyages, Travels, &c. ••• •••
Miscellaneous, Collected Works and Essays
Oriental Literature
Reviews, Magazines, Transactions of Learned Societies
(in bound volumes) ... Naval and Military Poetry and Drama Art, Architecture, Engineering
Philology, Literary History
Politics, Political Economy, &c
Religion and Theology ••
Natural History, Geology, &c.
Philosophy
Archaeology, Antiquities, &c.
Foreign Literature
Government Publications, Public Records v/iassics ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• a
Medicine ••• ••• ... «•«
Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, &c»
JwaL^i^ ••• ••• ••• ••• •••
Botany, Agriculture, &c
Grammatical Works and Dictionaries Logic, Works relating to Education Pwiodicals in loose numbers
•••
•••
•••
•••
•••
•••
|
• •• |
17.718 |
|
• • • |
2,226 |
|
• •• |
1,590 |
|
• ■• |
i»504 |
|
• • • |
^253 |
|
• • • ies |
839 |
|
► ••• |
579 |
|
• •• |
508 |
|
••• |
445 |
|
••• |
420 |
|
• •• |
396 |
|
• •• |
348 |
|
••• |
296 |
|
• •• |
263 |
|
«• |
236 |
|
• •• |
231 |
|
• •• |
226 |
|
• • • |
159 |
|
• •• |
151 |
|
••• |
151 |
|
■ •• |
119 |
|
••• |
97 |
|
■•• |
92 |
|
• •• |
79 |
|
••• |
»3 |
|
••• |
'4,777 |
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCBBDtNGS.
Iziz
ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
The accessions to the Library during the year nuiMber 1,502 ▼okimes. Of these, 980 volumes were acquired by purchase and 32s were received as presents.
Presents of books were as usual received chiefly from the Bombay Government, the Secretary of State for India, the Government of India, and other local Governments ; and also from the Trustees of the Parsee Panchayat Funds and individual authors and donors.
The number of volumes acquired by purchase and presentation is shown in the following table : —
Subject.
•••
Religion and Theology
Philosophy ...
Classics and Translations
Philology and Literary History
History and Chronology
Politics, Political Economy, Trade and
Commerce .*• *•• ••« ... ••<
l^aw •■• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••
Government Publications and Public Records Biography ••• ... ••• ••• •••
Archaeology, Antiquities, Numismatics,
Heraldrv ••• *•• ••• ... ...
Voyages, Travels, Geography, Topography
Poetry and Drama ■•• »•
taction ■•• ••« ... ... •••
Miscellaneous, Collected Works,
Essays, &c. ... ••• ••• ...
Foreign Literature
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics,
Astronomy ••• ... ... •••
Art, Music, Engineering, Architecture
Naval and Military
Natural History, Geology, Chemistry •••
Botany, Agriculture
Medicine, Surgery and Physiology Annuals, Serials, Transactions of Learned
Societies ••• ••• ••• ••• •••
Dictionaries and Grammatical Works ... Oriental Literature
Volumes purchased* 16
•••
•••
6
IS 17 52
16 I
•. 88
Volumes presented.
8 10
4 6
>a4
|
«5 |
3 |
|
61 |
95 |
|
30 |
... |
|
326 |
... |
|
28 |
3 |
|
10 |
.•• |
|
2 |
... |
|
43 |
2 |
|
28 |
I |
|
13 |
2 |
|
7 |
6 |
|
6 |
I |
|
112 |
36 |
|
3 |
•«. |
|
8S |
21 |
ixX ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.
The pap^s, periodicals, journals and transactions of Learned Socie- ties subscribed for and presented to the Society during 1906 were :—
Literary Monthlies.*. ••• ... ••• ... ••• ... 13 Illustrated .•• ••• ••• ••• .., ••• •«• ,. ly
Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transactions of
Learned Societies, &c ••• ... ... ... 33
i^ev le w s ... *•• ... •.. ... ••• ••• «.. 10
English Newspapers 17
English Registers, Almanacs, Directories, &c. 13
Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals 9
American Literary and Scientific Periodicals xi
Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes 23
Indian JournalSf Reviews, &c 29
A Meeting of the Society as required by Article XX of the Rules,
was held in November, for the revision of the list of Newspapers,
Magazines, &c., taken by the Society.
At this Meeting it was resolved to discontinue —
** Photography, '• ** International Journal of Ethics," *• India,"
" Lancet, " *' Hindustan Review" and " Indian Review " and to subscribe to-»
" Ladies' Realm •' and *' Ladies Field."
from the beginning of 1907.
COIN CABINET. The number of coins added to the Society's Cabinet during the year was 89. Of these, 7 were gold, 66 silver and 16 copper. Of the total 89* 2 were presented by the Political Agent, Dir Swat and Chitral, and 10 by the Political Agents Tonk. The rest were acquired from dififerent Governments under the Treasure Trove Act The Coins are of the following description : —
Presented by the Chvemment, United Pfwinces,
Mediaeval India.
Coins of the Gupta type. Silver, 3.
Found, Fyzabad District.
Moghul Emperors.
Jahangir with name of Nurjahan. Silver, i.
Found, Mirzapur District.
Aurangzeb. Silver, 4.
Found, Jalaun District. Modern India.
Coins of Native States bearing names of later Mogbnl
Emperors. Silver, 2.
Found, Jalaun District.
ABSTRACT OF THB SOCIBTY's PROCBBDINGS. Isd
Presented by the Punjab Government.
Mediaeval India.
Brahmin Kings of Kabul and Punjab. Samant Deva. Silver, 2. Spalapati Deva. ,, 2.
Found, Shahapur District.
Moghul Emperors.
Farukh Siyar. Silver, i.
Found, Sialkot District
Presented by the Political Agent ^
Dir^ Swat and ChitraL
Durrani Kings.
Aiyub Shah Durrani. Silver, 2.
Found, Upper Swat, Malakand.
Presented by the Political Agent, Tonk,
Mediaeval India,
Indo-Sassanian. Copper, 10 Found, Tonk State.
Presented by the Bombay Government, Moghul Emperors.
Aurangzib. Silver, i.
Shah Alam Bahadur. Silver, i.
Farruk Siyar. Silver, i.
Muhammad Shah. Silver, i.
Found, Larkhana District, Sind. Shah-Jahan. Silver, i. Azam Shah. Silver, i. Kam Baksh. Silver, i. Shah Alam I. Silver, i. Farruk- Siyar. Silver, 1, Muhammad Shah. Silver, i.
Found, Ahmednagar District. Aurangzib. Gold, i. Shah Alam I. Gold, i. Muhammad Shah. Gold, i. Alamgir II, Gold, i. Shah Alam II. Gold, i.
Found, Poona District. Ottoman Sultans. Murad III. Gold, i.
Found, Ratnagiri District.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCI£Ty*S PROCBBDINGS.
South India.
Gold Pagoda Struck by Hindu Princes of Bijapur, before the Mohammadan Rule, 7th or 8th Century A. D. Gold, i.
Found, Ratnagiri District. Mediaeval India.
Gadhaiya Coin. Silver, I.
Found, Ratnagiri District. Modern India.
Native States. Nizam of Hyderabad. Silver, 1. Found, Ahmednagar District.
Presented by the Bengal Government,
Sultans of Bengal.
Shihabuddin Bagdah, Silver, I. Found, Mursidabad District. Moghul Emperors.
Muhammad Shah. Silver, 2 Ahmad Shah. Do. y
Alamgir II. Do. 4
Fouad, Murshidabad District.
Presented by the Government^ C. P.
Mediaeval India.
Gadhaiya Coins. Silver, 3.
Found, Narsinghpur District.
Pathan Sultans of Delhi.
Ghiasuddin Tughlaq Shah. Silver, I.
Found, Bilaspur District. Modern India.
Native States (Indore). Coins bearing name of
Shah Alam. Silver, 6.
Found, Bital District.
Moghul Emperors.
Shah Alam. Silver, 2.
Found, Bital District.
Ahmadshah. Silver, 3.
Found, Chhindwara District.
Ahmadshah. Silver, 3,
Found, Bital District.
Ahmadshah. Silver, L
Found, Wardha District.
Shah Alam II. Silver, I.
Found, Hoshangabad District.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIRTY^S PROCEBDINGS. Izziil
Kings of Malwa.
Nasir Shah Khilji. Silver, I.
Found, Hoshangabad EKitrict. Mahmud II. Silver, 2«
Found Balaghat District. Mahmud IL Copper, i.
Found, Balaghat District. Kings of Malwa. Copper, 5.
Found, Nagpur District.
By order of Government the names of the Numismatic Collection attached to the Public Library at Shillong and of the Archaeological Museum at Poona, were added to the list of Institutions to which coins are presented under the Indian Treasure Trove Act.
It was mentioned in the last yearns report that a large hoard of Silver Coins of Nahapan the first of the Western Kshatraps(A. D. 119) had been discovered in the Sinnar Taluka of the Nasik District. The hoard has since been received from the Collector of Nasik. It numbers about 14,000 Coins.
The discovery of the hoard aroused the curiosity of Numismatists and Antiquarians both in England and India, and several letters were received urging that the whole hoard should be most carefully scruti- nised by an expert before distribution. A most careful classification is necessary in view of the great age of the coins and their connection with one of the oldest dynasties of foreigners in Western India. The Coins have accordingly been sent for decipherment to the Rev. H. R. Scott of Surat, who contributed a valuable paper to the Society's journal some years ago, on the Kshatrap coins found in Kahdawar. Mr. Scott has very kindly undertaken the task of going through the hoard and writing a paper on it for the Society.
Besides coins, the Society obtained during the year the fol- lowing objects of antiquarian interest : —
Three Stones bearing a Persian inscription from the Ankai Fort between Manmad and Yeola, Nasik District.
Two Silahara land grants surmounted by the sun and moon and a dome from Maroie, Salsette.
One headless figure of a Lion from Maroie, Salsette.
Two broken stone images of Vithoba and Rakhmai. A mu- tilated stone image of Gunpati. A stone slab bearing carved feet possibly those of a god or guru from Matunga, Bombay.
IXXIV ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
A portion of a stone image of considerable age.
A mutilated stone Egure of a lion.
A block of stone containing several mutilated figures.
A carved stone lintel of a doorway.
An ornamental Gopura from a temple.
A head from a stone frieze.
A block bearing a mutilated female figure and portions of carving.
Two richly carved Gopuras,
A plain rectangular carved slab.
The head of an image (probably Shiva) with a high cap, elaborately carved.
A small slab bearing the figure of a Jain Tirthankara (?) with a canopy overhead supported by two pillars.
A block bearing two mutilated female figures standing.
A slab bearing the standing figure of a Hindu god (Shiva?) slightly mutilated, surmounted by a canopy resting on two pillars.
A small slab bearing two headless figures. A brick bearing two human figures defaced.
A brick bearing a human figure with another resting on its* loins, defaced.
A large block consisting of elaborately carved Gopuras. An ornamental Gopura.
A slightly broken image of a Kichaka (Vira Kantha) generally placed on the top of pillars and in the centre of old Hindu arches.
A slab bearing an inscription in ancient Devnagari characters.
A Silahara land grant with the Ass Curse at the foot«
A defaced female image, probably of Parvati.
Two stones bearing a Persian inscription, dated A. H. looa.
From Thaaa.
CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS OF ANTIQUARIAN INTEREST,
Etc.. in THE MUSEUM.
All the curios, historical objects, and archaeological remains pi'eserved in the Society's Museum have been numbered, and a Catalogue of them has been prepared and printed.
ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. IXXV
IRANIAN BOOKS PURCHASE FUND. The books which were ordered from England last year have been received. Being in paper covers they have all been rebound and placed on separate shelves by themselves in the Oriental Literature Room.
CAMPBELL MEMORIAL MEDAL.
With a view to recognise the distinguished services of the late Sir James Campbell in Oriental Research, some of his friends raised a memorial fund in his name. The sum collected for the fund amounts to Rs. 3,000, which have been invested in Bombay Port Trust 4% bonds.
Mr. R. E. Enthoven, I.C.S., on behalf of the subscribers to the memorial, intimated a desire to hand over the sum collected to the Society for founding a medal to be awarded for contribu- tions on the subject of oriental history, folk-lore, ethnology, &c., calculated to further the objects of the Society.
A trust deed was drafted and submitted to the Committee of Man- agement for approval. The Committee considered the draft at a meedng held on loth July and signified their formal approval subject to a few minor alterations.
The Trust deed as finally prepared by Messrs. Little & Co., Solici- tors, was placed before a general meeting of the Society held on 13th February 1907. It was unanimously adopted at the Meeting and three Trustees were appointed to be in charge of the fund.
RE-ARRANGEMENT AND A NEW CATALOGUE OF WORKS OF FICTION.
In deference to the openly expressed desire of many members, the entire stock of Novels in the Library has been re-arranged by authors in alphabetical order. Various works of individual authors which were formerly scattered over several shelves have been all brought together in one place.
Further, in accordance with a former resolution of the Committee of Management, some 400 Novels which were rarely required by members have been removed from the Novel presses after a careful scrutiny of the whole collection.
This work has rendered necessary the preparation of a new Cata- logue of Novels. The new Catalogue which has been prepared is divided into two parts, the first consisting of an index of authors in alphlibetical order and the second of an index of the titles of Novels, including entries of anonymous works.
IxXVi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCBBDINGS,
The Catalogue is now in the press and will shortly be ready. When it is printed it will be sold to members at such price as may hereafter be settled.
REPAINTING AND VARNISHING THE SOCIETY'S ROOMS. After a certain amount of delay the entire portion of the Town Hall in the occupation of the Society has been revarnished and repainted by the Public Works Department. This work was very necessary ; for so far as can be gathered, no renewal had taken place for about ten years. The best thanks of the Society are due to Government for the thorough and satisfactory manner in which the work has been carried out.
JOURNAL.
Number 6i forming Part II of Vol. XXII of the Journal was publisiied during the year. It contains all the papers received during the year, and two papers, ** Comparison of the Avestic doctrine of the Fravashees with the Platonic Doctrines of the Ideas and other later doctrines" and *' Marathi Historical Literature,*' read at meetings in 1904 and 1905, together with an abstract of the proceedings of the Society and a list of books, pamphlets, &c., presented to it from January to December 1906. One paper, ** Bombay as seen by Dr. Ives in 1754," read at a meeting in October, has been held over and will appear in the next number of the Journal.
FINANCE.
A statement showing in detail the items of income and expenditure for 1906 is appended.
The actual total receipts by subscription from Members during the year under report amount to Rs. 13,712-4-0. The subscriptions in 1905 amounted to Rs. 12,726-3-4. There were, besides Rs, 880 received on account of Life subscriptions from one Resident Member and one Non-Resident Life Member who became a Resident Life Member during the year. This sum has been duly invested in Government securities in accordance with article XVI of the Rules.
The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the year was Rs. 2,386-4-2.
The invested fiinds of the Society amount to Rs. 16,900.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar proposed that the Report be adopted. Mr. James MacDonald seconded the proposal.
After a few remarks by the President, the Report was unanimously adopted.
The Honorary Secretary proposed that the following gentlemen should constitute the Committee of Management for 1907.
COMMITTEE OF MAXAGEMEKT FOR -w^.
The Hooocafale Mt, Jsstioe X. a
James MacDooald, Esq.
K. R. Cama, Esq.
The Honorable Bfr. Jusboe IL Batty, I.C.&
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, Esq.
F. R. Vica^ Esq.
Sir Bhalchandra Krishna, Kt.
Dastur Darab P. Sanjana
Darasha R. Chich^ar, Esq«
J. R. Aspinwall, Esq.
Rao Bahadur G. N. NadkamL
L. C. H. Youi^, Esq.
Pro£ S. R. Bhandarkar.
Prot E. H. McDoog^all.
T. A. Savage, Esq.
V. P. Vaidya, Esq.
FazufUioy C. Ebrahini^ Esq.
ffatt. Secretary. S.M. Edwardes, Esq., lcs.
Hon. Audilors. H.R.H« Wilkinson, Esq.
Sadanand T. Bhandare, Esq. Mr. H. R. H. Wilkinson seconded the proposition.
Sir Bhalchandra suggested that the names of the Rev. Dr. Scott and Mr. Wilkinson be substituted for those of the Rev. Drs. Macki- chan and Abbott, as the former was about to leave for Europe and the latter had already lefL
The suggestion being accepted, the proposition was unanimously carried.
Mr. Justice Chandavarkar then moved a vote of thanks to the retiring President, which was seconded by Mr. MacDonald and unanimously endorsed.
A meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 26th September. The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, President, in the Chair. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. A paper on the Paras'ariya Dharma S'astra by the late Mr. Shamrao Vithal, communicated by the President, was then read.
The Honorary Secretary and the President made remarks on the fMiper.
IxXVtii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS.
A General Meeting of the Society was held on Saturday, the 23rd November 1907.
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. G. Chandavarkar, President, in the Chair.
The following proposals about periodicals were laid before the meeting : —
By Lt.-Col. W. H. Quicke, I. M.S.
That '* Pictorial Comedy" be taken.
By Mr. S. S. Setlur—
That ** Hindustan Review," ** Indian Review," ** Modern Review," '* Madras Review," be taken.
By Prof. E. H. McDougall—
That "Indian Educational Journal " (Monthly), ** New Asiatic Review " (Monthly), be taken.
The proposals for new additions were considered, and the existing list was examined, and it was resolved that the following be subscribed for from the beginning of 1908 : —
** Modern Review."
'* Madras Review."
'* The New Asiatic Monthly Review."
" Indian Education Journal."
** Indian Social Reformer."
and that those named below be discontinued from the same date : —
** Engineering."
** London, Edinburgh and Dublin Philosophical Magazine.
** Political Science, Quarterly."
*• O. M. Fur den Orient."
The President referred to the approaching departure from Bombay of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, and moved a vote of thanks to him for hb services as Honorary Secretary of the Society.
The proposition being seconJed by Mr. Tribhovandas Mangaldas was carried unanimously.
List of Presents to the Library.
1907.
Titles of Boohs. Donors.
Accounts, Trade by Rail and River, India, 1905-06.
Government of India Acts, Government of India 1906. n
Government of India. ADBflNiSTRATioN Report, Ajmer-Merwara, 1905-06.
Government of India. Report, Baluchistan Agency, 1905-06.
Government of India. Report, Bengal, 1905-06.
Bengal Government. *— — — Report, Burma, 1905-06.
Burma Government.
Report, Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1905-06.
Government, Eastern Bengal and Assam.
Report, Irrigation Works, Bombay Presidency,
1905-06.
Bombay Government. — ^— — ■^— • Report, Madras, 1905-06.
Madras Government. Report, North- West Frontier, 1905-06.
Government of India. Report, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government.
Report, Railways in India, 1906.
Secretary of State for India.
-.^— Report, U.-P., 1905-06.
(Jlovernment, U.-P. Annual Report of the Working of the Punjab Alienation of Land Act,
ioo6.
Punjab Government. Agricultural Journal of India, Vol. I, 1906.
Government of India.
Journal of India, Vol. II, Pt. I. ,
Government of India. ' Ledger, 1905-06.
government of India.
IXXX PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles of Books. Donors.
Agricultural Statistics of India, 22nd Issue, 1 901-02-^-1 905-06.
Government of India. Aiwisrutrima Ratu.
Parsee Panchayat. Ancient Khotan, By M. A. Stein.
Government of India. Annals, Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta, Vol. IX, Part II.
Government of India. Anthropometric Data from Bombay.
Government of India* ^— — Data from Burma.
Government of India. Area and Yield of certain Principal Crops in India, 1907.
Government of India. Argument A Priori, Gillespie.
Trustees of Mrs. Gillespie. Assam District Gazetteer, Vol. X, Khesi and Jaintia Hills.
Government of India. Bengal Code, 3rd Edition, Vol. V.
Government of India. Bibliotheca Buddhica, Vol. VI.
St. Petersburg Academy.
Bombay University Calendar, 1907-08.
University of Bombay.
-Gazetteer, Supplementary Volume VIII B., Kathia^bar.
Government of India.
Quarterly Civil List — 1907.
Bombay Government. Bulletin, Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Bombay,
No. 28. Date Palm.
Bombay Government
PAcademie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersburg, V. Ser.
Tome XVII, No. 5, XVIII— XXI.
St. Petersburg Academy.
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXII., 1906.
Smithsonian Institution. — - de TEcolc Francaise D 'Extreme Orient, Vol. V.
The Society.
of the Lloyd Library ; No. 9, 1907.
The Lloyd Library. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 30, Part I.
Smithsonian Institution.
PRBSBNTS TO THB LIBRARY. IXXXI
Titles of Books. Donors.
Cartoons from Hindi Punchy 1906.
The Proprietor, Hindi Punch.
Catalogub of Coins, Indian Museum, Calcutta.
Government of India.
'- of Greek Coins, British Museum, (Phrygia).
British Museum.
of MSS., British Museum, Marathi, Gujerathi, Bengali,&c.
British Museum.
of Sanskrit MSS., Government Oriental MSS. Library,
Madras, Vol. IV.
Government of Madras. Cattlb of Bombay Presidency.
Bombay Government. CuMATOLOGiCAL Atlas of India*
Government of India.
Digest of Indian Law Cases, 1904. C. £ Grey.
Government of India. ' of Indian Law Cases (Wigley).
Government of India. District Gazetteer, Baluchistan ; Quetta, Pishin District, Vols. A & B.
Government of India.
. Gazetteer, Bengal ; Balasore, Darjeeling, Darbhanga, Cuttack,
Shahabad, Gaya, Muzaffarpur, Patna, Palaman, Cham-
paran.
Government of India.
' Crazetteer, Central Provinces ; Narsingpur, Damboli, Wardha
and Sangan Districts and Statistical Tables, Sambalpur,
Seoni, Betul.
Government of India.
Gazetteer, Madras ; Tanjore District, Vol. I. ; South Arcot
District, Vol. I. ; Vizagapatam, Madura and Statistical Appendices, Salem, Nellore and Ganjam.
Government of India.
— — Gazetteer, N.-W. Frontier Provinces, Vol. I. B., Hazara
District
Government of India« ■ Gazetteer, Punjab ; Hoshiarpur District, Jhelum Gazetteer
Supplement, Statistical Tables, Lahore District, Chenab Colony.
Government of India. — — Gazetteer, U. P., Vol. Xa., Fatehpur.
Government of India. Bast and West Indian Mirror.
Bombay Government. 28
Ixxxit t»ftESftNTS TO THE LIBRARY.
Titles of Books. Donors.
East India Accounts and Estimates, 1907-08.
Secretary of State for India.
(Advisory and Legislative Councils, &c.)
Secretary of State for India.
Estimates, Revenue and Expenditure, 1906-07.
Secretary of State for India.
(Officers), (Exchange Compensation), Resolutions of
Government of India.
Secretary of State for India.
Financial Statement; 1907-08.
Secretary of State for India. Home Account, 1905-06-07.
Secretary of State for India. Income and Expenditure, 1895-96 to 1905-06.
Secretary of State for India.
(Plague) Correspondence regarding measures for the
Prevention of Plague.
Secretary of State for India.
-— Progress and Condition, 1905-06.
Secretary of State for India. Punjab Land Colonisation Bill.
Secretary of State for India. Tables relating to Trade of British India, 1901-02 — 1905-06.
Secretary of State for India.
EiNLEiTENUE Gedanken Zur dastellung der Morphologie der Turk
Sprachen vcn Radloff.
St. Petersburg Academy.
Finance and Revenue Accounts of the Government of India, 1905-06.
Government of India. First Report of Fruit Experiments at Pusa.
Government of India. Gaunches of Teneriffe, Second Series, (Hak. Soc.) Vol. 21.
Bombay Goyemment. Gazetteer, Bombay Presidency, Vols. 2 B to 24 B and index.
Government of India. General Statutory Rules and Orders, Vols. I — III.
Government of India. GowRiSHANKAR Udayashaukar Oza, a Biography (in Gujerathi).
Vasheshankar Gowrishankar, Esq. G. T. Survey of India, Account of Operations, Vol. XVIII.
Government of India.
Harischandra Krishna Joshi, a Biography (Marathi).
The Author.
PRESENTS TO THE UBRARY. IxXXill
Titles of Books, Donors,
History of Services, Gazetted Officers, Bombay— Corrected up to
ist July 1907.
Bombay Government.
of the Rise and Fall of the Persian Empire, Vol. I (Gujerathi).
Parsee Panchayat and D. J Tata, Esq.
Income Tax Returns, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
Imperial Gazetteer of India, Indian Empire, Vols, i, 3, 4.
Government of India. Index to the Reports of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, 1836-1905.
The Chamber. Indian Insect Pests. H. M. Lefroy.
Government of India.
Bombay Government.
U. P. Government.
Madras Government.
Bengal Government.
Record Series, Old Fort William.
Government of IndiH.
— Weather Review. Annual Summary, 1905
Government of India. Inscripcoes Indianas. J. H. DeMoara.
The Author.
Journal, American Oriental Society, Vols. 15, 16, r;, 22, 23, 27 (second
halOi 38 (first halO.
The Society.
, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1906, Part 11.
The Society.
— North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society., Vol.
38, 1907-
The Society.
• — • R. A. Society, 1907.
The Society.
— ^— — Straits Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Nos. 46 & 47 (1906).
The Societ>\
Law Reports, Bombay, 1906.
— Allahabad, 1906.
—^ Madras, 1906.
— Calcutta, 1906.
— of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute. Vol. 39.
The Institute. Judicial and Administrative Statistics, i905-o6.
Ciovernment of India.
IxXZhr PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
TUUs of Boohs. Donors,
Key to interpret the Veda.
R. R. Bhagvat Khorda Avesta Arthah (Sanskrit).
Parsee Panchayat L*Architecturb Hindoue, en Extreme Orient
L'Ecole Franc^e d* Extreme Orient.
Life and Miracle of Takla Haymanot.
Lady Meux.
Linguistic Survey of India, VoL IV, Munda and Dravidian Languages.
Government of India.
Survey of India, Vol. IX, Indo-Aryan Family, Central
Group, Part III. (Bhil Languages).
Government of India.
List of Sanskrit and Hindi MSS. Sanskrit College, Benares.
U. P. Government. McKean, Historical Notes.
The Author.
Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, Vol. V, - Nos. 2 and 3, An- thropology.
Madras Government.
Marriage under Ancient Hindu Law. By G. M. TripathL
R. V. Mehta, Esq. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History : —
Vol. IV, Part V.
VoL V, Part III.
Vol. VIIL
Vol. X.
Vol. XI, Part I.
Vol. XIV, Part I.
The Museum.
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, 1905-06.
The Society.
Geological Survey of India, Palaeontologia Indica, Series
XV, Vol. V, No. 2.
Director, Geological Survey of India.
of the Indian Meteorological Department, Vol. XVII 1,
Part L
Government of Incfia.
Royal Astronomical Society. Appendix to Vol. LVII.
The Society.
Method in the Study of Indian Antiquities. By A. M. T. Jackson,
M. A., I«C.S.
The Author.
Monograph on Carpet-making, Punjab, 1905 — 07.
Punjab Government
PRBSBNTS TO THE LIBRARY. IXXXV
TiiUs of Boohs. Donors,
NOTB on Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Government, — on Registration Returns, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Government.
on the Stamp Statements, Punjab, 1906-07.
Punjab Government.
on Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1906-07.
Bombay Government
on Vaccination, Punjab, 1906-07.
Punjab Government. Notices of Sanskrit MSS., Series 2, Vol. 3.
Asiatic Society of Bengal. Origin of the Bantu.
Government, Cape of Good Hope. Papers, Second Revision Survey Settlement, Bijapur Taluka, Bijapur.
Bombay Government
— Second Revision Survey Settlement, Kopargaon Taluka.
Ahmadnagar District.
Bombay Government. Second Revision Survey Settlement, Sangamner Taluka.
Ahmadnagar District.
Bombay Government.
Revision Survey Settlement, Hala and Labdaria Talukas.
Hyderabad District
Bombay Government.
Revision Survey Settlement, Hyderabad District
Bombay Government ' Revision Survey Settlement, Jacobabad Taluka, Upper Sind Frontier.
Bombay Government. ■ Revision Survey Settlement of certain Talukas of the Karachi and Upper Sind Frontier District.
Bombay Government.
Revision Survey Settlement, Ratoder Taluka, Larkhana
District, Sind.
Bombay Government.
^— Revision Survey Settlement, Sukkar Taluka, Sind.
Bombay Government.
Revision Survey Settlement, Vingorla, Ratnagiri District.
. . Bombay Government.
llZZVi PRBSBNTS TO THE LIBRARV.
7W« oj Books. Domoft.
Papers, Revision Survey Settlement, Talukas of Thur and Parkei,
Hyilerabad and Upper Sind Frontier Districts.
Bombay Governmenl.
Technical Education, India, 1886 — 1904.
Government of India. Parsi Dharmasthalo.
Parse« Pancliayat. PoucB Report, Bombay Presidency, 1905.
Bombay GovemmenL Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillat, 2 Vols.
Madras Government Proceedings, Council of the Governor of Bombay for making Laws and Regulations, 1906.
Bombay Govemtneni.
— — Imperial Legislative Council, Vols. 44and 45 I1905-06),
Government of India
Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vols. 34 and 25 (2 parts).
The Society.
Royal Society, London, Series A, Vols. 76, 77, 78. Series
B, Vols. 76, 77, 78.
The Society. PuBUCAHON of the International Commission .for Scientific Aero- nautics (in German), January 1905— May 1906.
Director- General of Observation in India. Punjab University Calendar, 1906.07.
The Univeraty. Records, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. Ill, No. 3.
Government of India. Report, Administration of Ciril Justice, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Government.
Administration of Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Govern men L — Agricultural Department, Punjab, 1906-07.
PRBSBHTS TO THB UBKARV, Ixzsvii
TiOti of Bookt. DMors.
Rbport, ArcbEeoIogical Survey, Burma, 1906-07.
Burma Government.
— Archaological Survey, Eastern Circle, 1905-06 and 190&-07.
Bengal Government.
— Archieological Survey, India Frontier Circle, 1906-07,
Governmonl, N. W. Frontier Province.
Archceological Survey, Northern Circle, 1905-06 and 1906-07.
Government, U.-P.
-^ Archseological Survey. Southern Circle, 1906-07.
Madras Government.
Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
Board of Regents, Smithsonian Institution, 1905-06.
Smithsonian Institution. "- ' — Board of Scientific Advice for India, 1905-06.
Government of India.
Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1906.
Bombay Chamber of Commerce,
Bombay Improvement Trust, 1906-07.
The Trustees. ■■ ■■— — Bombay Jail Department, 1906.
Bombay Government. " Bombay Millowaers' Association, 1906.
The Association. '- -— Bombay Port Trust, 1906-07.
The Chairman of the Trust
Bureau of American Ethnology, 1902-03.
Smithsonian Institution. -— Chemical Analyser to Government, Bombay, 1906.
Bombay Government.
Chemical Examiner, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Government.
— Chenab, Jhang, Chunian and Jhelum Colonies, 1905-06.
The Punjab Government. —Chief Collector of Customs, Sind, On Maritime Trade of Sind,
Bombay Government. ^.
Government of India. iaries, under the Government of
Bombay Government.
Izxxviii PRBSBNTS TO THE UBRARY.
Titles of Books. Donors,
Report, Civil Veterinary Department, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government. — ^— — Department of Agriculture, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
Department of Agriculture, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government.
- — Director-General of Archaeology, 1905-06. Part I.
Government of India.
Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Director of Public Instruction.
Dispensaries, Jails, Hospitals, Vaccination, &c.. Central
India Agency, 1904-05.
Government of India. ■ Encumbered Estates, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government
Epigraphy, Southern Circle, 1906-07.
Madras Government.
Excise Administration, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06,
1906-07.
Bombay Government.
Excise Administration, Punjab, 1906-07.
Punjab Government. — ^ External Land Trade, Punjab, 1906-07.
Punjab Government. '■ — External Land Trade, Sind and British Baluchistan, 1906-07.
Bombay Government.
Factory, Bombay Presidency, 1906.
Bombay Government. — — Forest Circles, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
Forest Department, Madras, 1905-06.
Madras Government.
- ■ Income Tax Administration, Punjab, 1906-07.
Punjab Government ■ Indian Excise Committee, 1905-06.
Secretary of State.
' Internal Trade, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government
» ' Land Records, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government
PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. J^C
Titles of Books. Donors.
-Report, Land Revenue Administration, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government. Lucknow Provincial Museum, 1906-07.
The Museum. I^unatic Asylum, Bombay Presidency, 1906.
Bombay Government
Madras Government Museum and the Connemara Library,
1906-07.
Madras Government. Meteorological Department, Government of India, 1906-07.
Government of India. ■ Missouri Botanical Garden, 1906.
Missouri Botanical Garden. ■' Municipal Commissioner, Bombay, 1905-06.
Municipal Commissioner, Bombay. Municipalities, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government. on Search for Hindi MSS., U. P., 1902-04.
Government, U. P. and Oudh. — Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1906-07.
Bombay Government. Police, Town and Island of Bombay, 1906.
Bombay Government. Police Administration, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Government. Public Instruction, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government. ' Rail and River-borne Trade, Sind, 1905-06.
Bombay Government. Rail-borne Trade, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government ■ Railways in India, 1906.
Government of India. ■■ Reformatory School at Yeravda, 1906.
Bombay Government. Salt Department, Bombay Presidency, 1906-07,
Bombay Government — — Salt Department, Sind, 1906-07.
Bombay Government
XC PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY.
• Titles of Books. Donors.
Report, Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1906.
Punjab Government. — ^— Sanitary Commissioner, Bombay, 1906.
Bombay Government. ^— — — Sanitation, Dispensaries and Jails, 1905, and Vaccination 1905-06, Rajputana.
Government of India (i) ■ — Sanitary Measures in India, 1905-06.
Secretary of State for India. ^— Sea-borne Trade and Customs Administration, Bombay Presidency, 1906-07.
Bombay Government.
— — — Season and Crops, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government.
— of Second Tour in Search for Sanskrit MSS. in Rajputana
and C. India by S. R. Bhandarkar.
Bombay Government.
• Settlement Operations, Punjab, 1905-06.
Punjab Government.
Smithsonian Institution, U.S. Natural History Museum, 1906.
The Smithsonian Institute.
Smithsonian Institution, 1905.
Smithsonian Institution.
Stamp Department, Bombay Presidency, 1506-07.
Bombay Government. ■ ■ — Survey of India, 1904-05.
Surveyor-General of India. Talukdari Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government.
Textile Factories Labour Committee, 1906.
Government of India. — Trade and Navigation, Aden, 1906-07.
Bombay Government. Resolution reviewing Reports of the Local Boards, Bombay Presi- dency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government Resolution reviewing Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay
Presidency, 1905-06.
Bombay Government. Return of Wrecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1905.
Government of India.
PRESENTS TO THE UBRARY. 3LCI
Titles of Books. Donors.
Review, Forest Administration, British India, 1904-05.
Government of India*
■ Trade of India, 1905-06, 1906-07.
Secretary of State for India*
^Sanskrit Studies in India. S.R. Bhandarkar.
The Author*
Sculpture and Inscription of Darius the Great.
Trustees of the British Museum*
Season and Crop Report, Bombay Presidency, 1905-06.
' Bombay Government*
Shahnamana Dastllno (Gujerathi).
Parsee Panchayat*
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection, Vol. Ill, Part 3 ; Vol. IV, I'art I, 1907.
Smithsonian Institution*
Sport and Pastimes of the English People by Strutt.
F. A. Reddie, Esq.
Statistical Abstract relating to British India, 1896-97 to i905«o6*
Secretary of State for India*
■ Atlas of the Bombay Presidency, 2nd Edition.
Bombay Government* Statistics, Punjab Lunatic Asylum, 1906.
Punjab Government*
«— ^ Registration Dept., Bombay Presidency, 1906,
Bombay Government*
Storia DoMogor. Manuci, 2 Vols.
Government of India*
Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India, Part I.
Delegates, Clarendon Press, Oxford* Subject Index, British Museum Library, 1 901-1905.
British Museum* Tide Tables of Indian Ports, 1907,
Government of India* Transactions and Proceedings, American Philological Association,
1905.
The Association.
Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. 34.
The Society*
Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, VoL 12^
1904-07.
The Academy*