fast neta (oP MME Era ies SESH Pa rE YH A ea ait apes algae " aaa ial gs i yf “ dig ae at os ia Tye ae nea say (ia ithe bk iatc ree einai Neve bate Baca Pat y Pyne a ee ip tiie Subs ti) * a Heh teh 5 i a hah oye ie Di e As xe Gime parte eg etre a) rf ay : PS te an ie Qrestiaa as fe iS gait ‘4 ‘Cass 4p be ws Sane aie ne Sie es : tee ‘ a < tt fy ‘ ee eae PORT TEVE se @ Pie FOR EDVCATION FOR SCIENCE LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY J 0'0' 'R NVA'L OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. VOI Ce LLy : PART I. (History, ANTIQUITIES, &C.) (Nos. I ro 1V.—1875: with twenty-six plates and six woodcuts.) EDITED BY ) HE P HILOLOGICAL SECRETARY. Oe — «Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men ot science in different parts of Asza, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long intermitted; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” SIR WM. JonEs. OOOO oS CALCULTEA: PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 1875. 1 Rie dele 4 CONTENTS OF THE JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, ror 1875, Part I. No. I. A Copper Plate containing a grant of land by Lakshman Sen of Ben- gal, found near Torpon-dighi in the District of Dinajpur, 1874. —By E. Vesey Westmacort, C. 8., (with two plates) ..... : Krishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita—By Pranna’tH Panoit, in Aecdcaéecceegcoude cocetce SocudooQdcoCUMUnODaNS The Alti Hills in Cuttack.—By Jonny sine B. C. S, Maser ate of Cuttack, (with four plates)). 2... cce. wesc eee Hootbod ee Who were the “ Patan” or “ Pathan” Sultans of Dib ?—By Major G. H. Raverty, Bombay Army (retired), ..... coonbeCoUDUEE On the Khyeng People of the Sandoway Diecee Arakan.—By Ma- jor G. E, Fryrer, Deputy Commissioner, Sandoway, (with two PUSIES). Ses «6 Dar shovecdistetn Stcttus Sernaecenels een teres cater ortoners On a Coin of Kunanda from Karndl.—By Ra’senpraua’LA Mirra, ERD DURA WC OCLC Unie cise ¢ euel eves. er cleteletere leiaye oleh oveverohe iv orevans eievelate No. II. Pali Studies.—No, 1. Analysis and Text of the Subodhélaikara, or ‘Easy Rhetoric,’ by Sangharakhita Theraa—By Magsor G. EH. Fryer, M.S. C., Deputy Commissioner, British Burmah, .... Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. 1. Coins of the Kings of Dihli and Jaunpir.—By J. G. Detmericx, Dihli, (with a plate) Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya, or Pilgrimage of it —By Ra’ Na’Ra’yan, Bareli College, ..... Focboarecced Notes on Manipuri Grammar.—By G. H. Damant, B. he C. ‘Ss, Kachhar, @tosoeoeaeerzoeon eese@evoesoesesee08 @eeogooe @oeeeeoee @ e The Barah Bhiyas of Bengal. No. II.—By Dr. James Wise, .... Note on Mahasthan near Baguré (Bogra), Eastern Bengal.—By C., J. O'Doynett, C. §., toseseeoaeeaeeoeresesvseaeeveve veer eevee woe eee Page iv Contents. No. ITI. On Traces of Buddhism in Dinajpur and Baguré (Bogra).—By HE. Vesry Westmacort, B.C. S8., F. R. G. S., Member of the Bengal Asiatic and Royal Asiatic Societies, (with a plate) .... The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai, the bard of SSN A. D. 1650. —By Joun Brames, B. C.S.,.......60.. ib ols ape nee Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura, —By Fr. Ss. Cnn, MM AY B. C. §., (with three plates) ....... 560.5000 va, allele Mela pusecets : A Rough Comments Vocabulary of two more of the Dialects spoken in the “ Naga Hills’”.—Compiled by Captain Joun Butter, Rolimen| vere, Wee) Ishi, sooguonbonsoonducoos0200 707 ‘ On the S’ulvasttras.—By Dr. G. Turpavt, Anglo- Seneiev Professor, Ben) (Oollearsy, (Catia ikonne yollenweS))h 60 60585054000005750050- Contributions to the History and Geography of Bengal (Muhamma- dan Period). No. I1I.—By H. Buocumayn, M. A., Calcutta Wincbingelo. (Grrmnn On OMNIS) Sols dsb0dedcdnndne sc006 ~ soos: - No. IV. Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas and their Language.—By Capt. Joun Burter, B.S. C., Political Agent, Naga Hills, Asam, (Gann Soyen, AES) Gaon odéos06o 75 o ond eo DGon 2G on tle c An Account of the Miwon Bhils.—By T. H. Heer ease Fenn evi, IA OEs bo, (QyMuN A By EN) 564505000500 2o0n7 53-457 Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bandelemaat N. W. Provinces.—By Vincent A. Smith, B. A.,C.8., .........-6. Index to Journal, Pb) Dato sS/oyt aisle clei =i stela s leis isteleinieniy y 7 N : x : Ss Q eS : > yl i a, sere peice | | N SN } : Ps Lome | =H cst x19) {= wo fq) Sac: ournal, As: ro JS. Sch aumburg, Lith: 1875.] J. Beames—The Alti Hills in Cuttack. DE Té consists of two upright slabs of stone, supporting a third as lintel. The dimensions are as follows : ft. in Vere ta Ge OPENING 3 vs vecteg sdeapeventeecss tes bones 5 5 PReeeh OM ONGO; ccs es cc ngs seleetccssenrcctesiye 92) Ore aMiifekese OR SLONGY |... ccsccestnes a) cactenseener cst 1 Lip Ow The two side jambs are divided into bands separated by grooves, ¢ of an inch wide and 2¢ inches deep. The panel or band nearest. the doorway is earved with a continuous wavy creeper up which human figures are climb- ing in grotesque attitudes, from the excessively nitambmmi outlines they are probably intended for females. The next band has a columnar type, and the capitals are those given by the Babu; but I append a more accurate drawing of them. ‘The pilaster of the column is adorned with intricate ara- besques and lion’s heads. The next band is divided into tablets, each of which contains a beautifully carved group of a male and female figure engaged in what J may venture to call flirtation of an active kind. The beauty of these carvings is very striking, though they are much worn and covered with lichen (plate III) ; some indeed were so defaced that I could not make them out. The size of each tablet is 8 inches by 5. Just inside the gate- way is the colossal Buddha, the size of which will be seen from the choki- dar standing by. It is half buried in the earth in a damp gloomy pit and is noseless, as an Orissa statue ought to be who has heard the rattle of Kalapahar’s kettle drum. (Plate V.) With the permission of Babu Ramgobind Jagdeb, the zamindar of the estate, I am now engaged in having this beautiful gateway carefully removed by skilled workmen to Cuttack, where it will be erected in the Public Garden and taken care of. I hope to be able to get it photographed. There are hundreds of statues and many temples on this hill, but owing to the limited time at my disposal and the denseness of the jungle, I was unable to carry my explorations further. I hope to do so on a future occasion. 24 [No. 1, Who were the “ Patan” or “ Pathdén” Sultans of Dihli ?—By Major H. G. Raverty, Bombay Army (fetired). There is a very important period in the history of India requiring par- ticular attention, and some strong remarks, in order to correct an error, which, since I have been engaged upon the translation of the Tabakat-i- Nasiri, has thrust itself upon my attention with greater force than ever. It is an error which, for more than a century, has been handed down from one writer on Indian history to another, and re-echoed by others, their followers, upon all occasions. It has also misled many conscientious authors from their having placed reliance on the correctness of the translation of the commonest and most generally known history of India, in the Persian language, that is to be met with in India, and one which is tolerably well known to the generality of those educated Musalmans who are acquainted with that language, and, to the translation of which nearly every English writer on Indian history has resorted down to this present day: and the error I refer to is still being industriously taught in our schools and col- leges, both in England and in India. I refer to the history of India, entitled GuuisHan-1-Ipra’HI'Mr, by Muhammad Kasim Firishtah, and the translation I now more particularly glance at—I shall have to notice another, subsequently—is that by Dow, which I have noticed, and animadverted on, on a different subjeet, as well as on the present one, in my notes of the translation to the Tabakat-i- Nasiri. The error to which I have alluded is the styling of Kutb-ud- din of the Powerless Finger, the founder of —or rather the first of—and all the succeeding rulers of the kingdom of Dihli, down even to the restoration of the Mughul emperor Humaytn, by the name of the “ Patan,” “ Pa- mHA'N,’ or ‘‘ ArgHa‘N,” dynasty. This error, in the first instance, originated, I conceive, entirely from Dow, who, in 1768, published, what he styled, a translation of Firishtah’s History, ‘‘ the diction” of which he says, in his second edition, “in general, is rendered more connected, clear, elegant, and smooth.” That translator also professes to have ‘‘ clipped the wings of Firishtah’s turgid expressions, and rendered his metaphors into common language,” and further states that he “has given as few as possible of the faults of the author; but he has been cautious enough, not wittingly at least, to substitute any of his own in their place.” Notwithstanding these assertions, it was translated in such a manner as to make Gibbon suspect “that, through some odd fatality, the style of Firishtah had been improved by that of Ossian.” Instead of clipping the wings of Firishtah, as Dow asserts, he is far more diffuse, and uses far more oe 1875.] H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? 25 turgid expressions ; and, as the late Sir H. Elliot says in his BroGrapHt- cau Iypex, “his own remarks are so interwoven as to convey an entirely different meaning from that which Firishtah intended,” and, “some of the commonest sentences are misunderstood, and the florid diction was occasion=- ally used to gloss and embellish an imperfect comprehension of the original.” This is, by no means, an overdrawn picture of the translation, but a very mild one, as I shall now proceed to show, particularly respecting those passages which have caused Turkish slaves, Khaljis, Jats, low caste Hindts, and Sayyids, to be turned into Patans or Afghans. Dow commences his Preface with a blunder. He says (p. ix)—‘ Fi- rishtah with great propriety begins the history of the Patan empire in Hindustan from the commencement of the kingdom of Ghizni.” Firishtah says not one word throughout his history of the “ Patan empire,” much less the “ Patan empire of Ghizni.” Then again he says: “ The Afgans or Patans had been subjects to the imperial family of the Samania”’; and he further asserts, that they, “ Samania”, had revolted from the Caliphat [khilafat probably], which, likewise, is not correct. See the Tabakat-i- Nasiri’s account of the Samani dynasty, or the account given by any other Asiatic writer, for the absolute contrary is the fact: they were most loyal to the Khalifahs, and acknowledged their suzerainty upon all occasions, and, indeed, received the investiture of their dominions from the Court of the Khalifahs of Baghdad. Dow winds up his paragraph by saying that “they [the ‘Afgans’] rebelled under Abistagi.’’? Such a statement is neither to be found in Firishtah, nor in the work of any other historian, Firishtah’s translator appears to have been as ignorant of the names of the personages therein mentioned as of the mode of spelling ‘ Afghan’; for who would imagine that Abzstagi is meant for Alb-Tigin, or would be so read by any one who could read the original for himself P At page x of his Preface he says, “The kings of the Ghiznian Pa- tans were obliged to relinquish their dominions in the north, and to trans- fer the seat of their empire to Lahore,’ not because of the Ghutris, but because of the ‘‘ Charizmian [ Khwérazmi] rulers, and afterwards to Dilhi.’’ Firishtah does not make any such assertion, nor will any other writer be found who states that any Ghaznawi ruler, much less a “Ghiznian Patan,’ transferred his seat of empire to Dihli. Then he says [pp. x and xi]—‘The uncommon strength of the Patan empire in Hindustan at this period may be easily accounted for. It was the policy of the adopted Turkish slaves [which he nevertheless turns into “ Afgans” or “ Patans’’] of the family of Ghor to keep standing armies of Mountain Afghans, under their respective chiefs, who were invariably created Omrahs of the empire.” This the translator may have heard from ignorant Hindistanis with whom he came in contact, or he must have D 26 H. G, Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultins of Dik’? (No.1, judged from the state of India at the period in which he wrote, when Najib- ud-daulah and other Patan chieftains kept bodies of their clansmen in pay. T challenge any one to name any single Afghan chief of any tribe of “‘ moun- tain Afghans,’ who was one of the “Omrah’’ during the sway of the whole Turkish Slave Dynasty. Dow takes his introduction partly from Firishtah’s introduction, al- though in the advertisement to the second of his translation he says, “ Fe- rishtah’s account of the ancient Indians, and the invasions of the Muhamma- dans, before the commencement of the Ghiznian Empire, is omitted, and an introduction substituted in its place, more satisfactory, succinct, and agree- able,’ but a vast deal of the original is left out for obvious reasons ; and a comparison of the two proves that the translation is full of mistakes, both in meaning and in the names of persons and places. Under the reign of the Hindti king named Kid and Kidar Raj, whom Dow styles “ Keda-raja,’”’ he has—“ The mountaineers of Cabul and Canda- har, who are called Afgans or Patans, advanced against Keda-raja, and re- covered all the provinces of which he had possessed himself on the Indus. We know no more of the transactions of Keda-raja.” Here is what Firishtah states [page 22 of the lithographed text, which I have chosen for facility of comparison by others]. “ After some time the Khokhars and Janjthiahs [the lithographed text here, however, has wlyS5 and &¢>, which is evidently an error for wly@5545 and Sr. dye>], tribes once very powerful, located in the hill tract of Makhialah [the Salt Range] in the Sind-Sagar Doabah, who were amongst the [most] respectable zamin- dars of the Panjab, combined with the dwellers in the plains [nomads] and the mountains [hill tribes], between Kabul and Kandahar [the name of this place 2s not mentioned by any author up to the time of, and including, the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, and the place appears not to have been then known, at least by that name, until a considerable time subsequently], and came against Kfd-Raj, and he, becoming help- less, left that tract of country in their possession. From that time, that people dispersed [the confederacy was broken], and the chief in each mountain tract appropriated it. Apparently (to Firishtah, but it is not entirely correct) that people are the Afghans which now are [wSt 4 wLles} ore], There is not a word more said about them. A proof of what the historian quoted by Firishtah says of the Afghans and other tribes of peo- ple in connection with them, which Dow and others make one race of, is contained in this sentence in the original text, p. 29, but it is entirely left out in Dow’s version. Speaking of the Rajah of Lahor sending forees to coerce the Afghans, he says: “On this occasion, the Khalj, and men of Ghur and Kabul assisted them (the Afghans).” Now, if these Khalj and Ghtris were Afghans, as Dow would make out, why does Firishtah, like pet 1875. ] H. G. Raverty —Who were the Pathdn Sultans of Dihli ? 27 many others his predecessors, however, name them separately ? The rea- son is obvious, and he does so correctly. After the utterance of some erroneous ideas as to why the Afghan eountry of Akbar’s time was called Afghanistan, centuries before it was so eailed, Firishtah says: ‘‘ The reason why the Hindus call them [the Afghans] Patans is not known, but it occurs to the mind that during the time of the Musalman Sultans [that is, those rulers who were styled Sultans, prior to Babar’s time], when they [the Afghans] first came into Hind, they having taken up their abode in the city of Patnah, the Hindus styled them Patans.” Here he shows his ignorance of the previous history of the Afghans. Alluding to the Rajah of Lahor coming to an accommodation with them [p. 30], and giving up to them sundry towns or villages in the Lamghanat, Firishtah says: “ the tribe of Khalj, who dwelt in that desert tract [!;=, in distinction from hill tracts, the more level tracts or plains | as hangers-on upon the Afghans, he made co-partners [in possession of the lands | with them, on the stipulation that they, the Afghans, should defend the frontier [of Hind, or his dominions], and not permit Musalman troops to enter Hindastan. The Afghans in the hills near Peshawar constructed a stronghold which they named Khaibar, and, having possessed themselves of the territory of Roh, during the sway of the Samani Maliks, they did not permit them [the Samanis| to disturb the territory of Lahor, and hence, from first to last, their invasions and ravages were directed towards Sind and Bhatiah.” Firishtah then proceeds to describe Roh, as Afghan writers had previously done, including Khan Jahan Lfidi himself, a contemporary of Firishtah, and the author of a History of the Afghans, from which work, in all probability, Firishtah took his description. Khan Jahan, who was of the Ladi tribe of Afghans, will not be found to have made Turks [inclu- ding Khaljis] and Gharis of them, and it may be presumed that he knew something at least about his own ancestor and people, as well as the author of the Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, which I-shall have to refer to. Firishtah then refers to Sabuk-Tigin, “who was the sipah-sélar of the forces of Alb-Tigin,” but such was not the case [as shown in the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, page 71], both of which chiefs Dow styles Subuctagi and Alistagi respectively. Firishtah appears to have been totally unacquainted with the names of Alb-Tigin’s son, Is-hak, and of Balka-Tigin, and of Pirey, who held authority over Ghaznin and its dependencies before Sabuk- Tigin. “Sabuk-Tigin,” he says, “‘ was powerless in opposing [coercing ?] the Afghans; and afterwards he entered into a good understanding with them; but Mahmdd, his son, subdued and humbled them, put their chiefs to death, and compelled Afghans to enter his service.” This last statement of Firishtah’s, respecting Mahmud’s taking Af- 28 H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli? [No., 1, ghans into his service, may be correct, but it is doubtful, as may be judged from the expeditions against them undertaken by his gallant son Mas’id, an account of which I have given from Baihaki’s Tarikh in my version of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, in note 7, para. 7, page 321, which see. Firishtah, in his History, gives a detailed account of Sabuk-Tigin’s descent, which he took from the Tabakat-i-Nasiri verbatim, but this Dow leaves out entirely. At page 50 of his translation, Dow has the following with reference to Mahmid :—“ In the following year, Mamood led his army towards Ghor. The native prince of that country, Mahommed of the Soor tribe of Afgans, a principality inthe mountains famous for giving birth to the Ghorian dynasty.” Briggs, in his version of Firishtah, follows Dow closely and, in some cases, verbatim, as I have also shown elsewhere; and, in this place, he perpetrates the same blunder; and these two translators are, no doubt, wholly responsible for thus leading their readers astray and causing them to blunder likewise, and to disseminate the incorrect statement that the Afghans are Ghuris, who are Taziks or Tajiks, and claimed Arab origin. Briggs’s version of the passage given above is thus [Vol. 1, p. 49|—*‘ In the following year Mahmood led an army into Ghoor. The native prince of that country, Mahomed of the Afghan tribe of Soor (the same race which gave birth to the dynasty that eventually succeeded in subverting the fami- ly of Subooktugeen),”’ ete. This statement on the part of Dow and Briggs is evidently the origin of the incorrect assertions of those who have had, and still have, recourse to their versions for materials for Indian history so called; indeed, as a writer in the Bengal Asiatic Journal, a few years since, wrote—‘‘ Hitherto for the pre-Mughul Muhammadan History of India we have been dependent on Firishtah. * * * * Elphinstone’s History, for instance, is entirely based on that authority.” The writer, however, should have said, dependent on the translators of Firishtah; for even where Firishtah is right, they have made him wrong. Elphinstone certainly quotes Dow and Briggs constantly. What says Firishtah though? He says [p. 46]—“In the year 401 H., the Sultan [Mahmad], having led an army into Ghar, the ruler (e's) of that country, Muhammad, son of Suri [see translation of Tabakat-i- Nasiri, page 321, and note 7-7], with 10,000 men in array, confronted the Sultan’s ranks.’”’ There is not one word about the “ Afghan tribe of Soor” nor the “Soor tribe of Afgans” ; and it is from this particular passage in these two translations of Firishtah that the error arose of making ‘‘ Patans” of all the rules of Dihli down to Sultan Buhlal of the Lidi tribe, who is the first Patan or Afghan that sat on the throne of Dihli. A few lines under the above quotation, Firishtah refers to the TArikh- i-Yamini, and quotes the author of the Tabakat-i-Nagiri with reference to 1875.] H.G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? 29 the conversion of the Ghuris to Islam, and says “but the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri and Fakhr-ud-Din Mubarak Shah the Marw-ar-Rudi [see my translation, page 301], who composed a history,” etc. ; but Dow leaves this out entirely, and Briggs, such seems the infatuation for viewing all things in a “ Patan” light, translates the last part of the sentence [p. 50] “ Fukhr-ood-Deen Mubarik Lody who wrote a history,” etc. Instead of Marw-ar-Rudi (Ccos5J! 95°), he read Ludi (Coa), the name of Sultan Buh- lil’s tribe, which, no doubt, he thought must be correct. People referring to these translations, and finding this statement reiterated, time after time, that the Ghaznawis and Ghuris were “ Afgans or Patans’’, concluded that Firishtah must have so stated, and that he must be right, and so they wrote their accounts of “ Patan Sultans,” “ Patan buildings,’ and “ Patan coins,’ but they do not seem to have considered that, even if the Ghuris were Patans, it did not follow that their Turkish slaves, and other Turks, and Tatars, should also be Patans. I do not doubt that many Persian scholars will be surprised to hear that there is nothing of the kind whatever in Firishtah, any more than there is in any other Asiatic writer, but such is the fact, and Firishtah’s text on examination will prove it. Farther on [p. 182], Dow states: “The genealogy of the kings of Ghor, according to the most authentic historians, could be traced up, by the names, for three and twenty, and downwards nine generations, from Ali to Mamood, the son of Subuctagi,” &c. There is nothing of the kind in Firishtah. He renders the names of their ancestors as Minhaj-i-Siraj, and some others give them, name by name, down to Zuhak the Tazi, but Dow not understanding what followed, concealed the “nine generations” down to Mahmad of Ghizni, to whom the Ghutris were no more related than they were to Dow himself. It was from this passage, I have no doubt, the author of “a Student’s Manual of Indian History” was led into the error of calling Mahmid of Ghaznin ‘‘the great ancestor” of Sultan Mu ’izz-ud- din. I now pass from the Ghuris and their Turkish slaves, and their slaves, to the Tughluk dynasty, who are also included among the “ Patans” and “ Pathans” by English writers who follow Dow and Briggs. At p. 295, vol. 1, Dow says: “ We have no true account of the pedi- gree of Tuglick. It is generally believed that his father, whose name was Tuglick, had been in his youth brought up as an imperial slave by Balin, His mother was one of the tribe of Jits. But indeed the pedigrees of the kings of the Patan empire make such a wretched figure in history,” ete. Compare Briggs also here. Firishtah says [page 230|—‘‘ The chroniclers of Hindustan, both the ancients and the moderns, being negligent, not one of them has recorded with the pen of certainty aught respecting the origin and lineage of the "30. HL. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultins of Dihlé? [No. 1, Tughluk-Shahi dynasty. The writer of these pages, Muhammad Kasim Firishtah, when, at the commencement of the reign of Nar-ud-din Muham- mad Jahangir Badshah, he [Firishtah] on the part of the Sultan of the age, Ibr4him ’A‘dil Shah, reached the city of Lahor, he made inquiry of some persons of that place, who had a predilection for reading the histories of the sovereigns of Hindustan, and who were acquainted with the events [of the reions| of the Sultans of Hind, respecting the origin and lineage of the Tughlak-Shahi sovereigns. They replied, [saying]—We, likewise, have not seen [anything] distinctly mentioned [on the subject] in any book [Ibn Batétah’s account notwithstanding]; but, in this country [province ?] it is currently stated that Malik Tughluk, the father of the Badshah Ghiyas- ud-din Tughluk Shah, was attached to the train of Turk slaves of Sultan Ghiyaés-ud-din Balban, and that he formed a connection with the Jat race, who are the aborigines [(.%9!—native, homebred, one who has never been abroad] of this country, and espoused a daughter of one of them, and of her the Badshah Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluk Shah was born. It is stated in the Muthakdt (appendices, additions—the name of a work probably] that the name Tughluk originallywas Kutlugh, which word is Turkish ; and the people of Hind, from usage, inverted it, and have turned Kutlugh into Tughluk, and some few have turned Kutlugh into Kutla.” ‘This is all Firishtah says of this so-called ‘‘ Patan” dynasty. I shall content myself with one more reference to Dow’s translation. It is under the reign of the Afghan ruler whom he styles ‘‘ Shere’’, p. 159, vol. 2, and in the paragraph alluded to, that he contradicts his own former statements. He says: ‘‘The original name of Shere was Ferid. His father was Hussein, of the Soor tribe of the Afghans of Roh.” He then attempts to describe Roh, but blunders even in that :—‘‘ The original seat of the Afghans was Roh, which, in their language, signifies a mountainous country. It extended, they say, in length, from Sewad and Bijore, to the town of Sui in the dominions of Buckurast.” The original is—‘ to the town of Siwi, which is a dependency of Bakar.’ Dow turned the proper name “ Bakar” and the verb “ ast”, is, intoa proper name. He then continues, “ and in breadth, from Hussein to Kabul.” The original is ‘‘ from Hasan Abdal to Kabul.” ‘The Afghan writers, from the earliest down to Hafiz Rah- mat Khan, thus describe the extent and boundaries of Roh ; in fact, other writers take their descriptions from Afghan accounts, but let it be particu- larly noticed that Ghur is not contained within the boundaries given. Dow then further states: “This tract, in its fertile vallies, contained many separate tribes. Among the number of these was that of Soor, who derive themselves from the princes of Ghor, whose family held the empire after the extinction of the race of Ghizni. One of the sons of the Ghorian family, whose name was Mahommed Soor, having left his native country, 1875.] H.G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? Ba placed himself among the Afghans of Roh, and was the father of the tribe of Soor, who was esteemed the noblest among them.” Firishtah’s account is vastly different. He says: “The name of Sher Shah was Farid, and his father’s name Hasan, who is (sie) of the people of the Afghans of Roh. When Sultan Buhlal Ludi attained dominion, the father of Hasan, the Str, who was named Ibrahim, having evinced a desire of obtaining service, came to Dihli.” He then describes Roh, ag mentioned above, and adds: “The Afghans there are of several tribes, among which is the clan of Sar. They account themselves of the posterity of the Sultans of Ghur, and say that one of their sons [a son of one of that family] who was called Muhammad Stri [not Muhammad Str, but son of Suri], in former days, having been made an exile from his native country,— [If the Afghans were Ghuris, or the Ghuris Afghans, as it is pretended, and dwelt in Ghur, how could this person be an exile from his country among his own people, in his own country ?]|—came among the Afghans of Roh, and, as the correctness of his descent was verified to [the satisfaction of] one of the Afghan chiefs, notwithstanding it is not the custom of Afghans to give their daughters to strangers, that person [chief or head-man] gave his daughter to Muhammad-i-Sari, and made him his son-in-law ; and, from him offspring having sprung, they became known as the Sar Afghans [Ué. Afehanan-i- Sir], and may be the greater of the tribes of the Afghans.” This is all Firishtah says on the subject, but he has himself misunder- stood or confused the Afghan tradition about this son of a Ghiri chief, with the other tradition about the Ghiris, related by several authors, which I have referred to in note 7, page 321 of my translation of the Tabakdt- i-Nasiri, which see; and is himself quite wrong in his account of the Afghan tribe of Sur. The earliest authority known on the descent of the Afghans, written by Afghans themselves, is a work, said to have been composed by Shaikh Mali, a distinguished person among the Yusuf-zi tribe, between 816 H. and 828 H. [ Buhlal Ludi only came to the throne of Dihli in 850 H.], and another composed by, or more probably at the command of, Khan Kaji, the celebrated Yasuf-zi chief of the 100,000 spears ‘‘some time after 900 H., nearly half a century before Sher Shah’s obtaining sovereignty, and which two works, written in Pushto, are the basis of the Tarikh-i-Hafiz Rahmat Khani and the Khulagat-ul-Ansab of Hafiz Rahmat himself,. both of which I have translated ; and in those works there is no mention of the Ghiri connection. The other works are: The Tazkirat-ul-Abrar of Akhund Darwezah, a Tajik like the Ghuris, not an Afghan; the Tawarikh-i-Ibra- him Shahi; the Térikh-i-Nisbat-i-Afaghinah of Shaikh ’Abd-ur-Razzak Mati-zi, styled also Bala Pir, son of the great Shaikh Kasim, whose fine mausoleum may still be seen near the walls of Chanar-garh, as that of Ka- 32 H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihi? [No. 1, sim Sulaimani; the Tarikh-i-Sher-Shahi of Shaikh ’Abbas Sarw4ni; the Mir-at-ul-Afaghinah of Khan Jahan Lidi ; the Makhzan Afghani of Shaikh Ni’mat-ullah ; and the Ansab-i-Afaghinah of Farid-ud-din Ahmad. The last also is silent on the Ghuri connection. The tradition (but not contained in Ferishtah, who quotes a totally differ- ent one, given farther on) on which the whole of the sovereigns of Dihli, from the Turkish slave Kutb ud-din of the Powerless Finger—and including his master Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-din Sam, since it is because he is considered a “ Patan or Afghan,” that his Turkish slaves are made “ Patans or Afghans’’ of likewise—down to ’Ald4-ud-din, grandson of Khizr Khan, the last of the Sayyid dynasty, are all made Patans of, is as follows :— “Tn the khilafat of ’Abd-ul-Malik, son of Marwan [65 H. to 86 H.], Hajjaj, son of Yusuf us-Sakafi, was appointed to the leadership of an Arab army assembled for the conquest of Khurasin and Ghari- stan, i. e. Ghtr; but some of the works previously quoted differ some- what, and say that Muhammad Harin was nominated to the command of this army, and also Muhammad Kasim, sister’s son of Hajjaj, son of Yusuf, who was the commander of the forces of Sulaiman, son of *Abd-ul-Malik, son of Marwan, in the year 86 H. Sultan Bahram, ruler of Ghar, who was descended from Zuhak, the Taji or Tazi, and contemporary with the Khalifah Ali, had proceeded to Kufah, and present- ed himself before him, and had received from him in writing a grant of the government of Ghar. [See Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 812, 315, for another ver- sion of this.} This Sultan Bahrém had two sons. The elder was Sultan Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Husain, from whom is descended, in the third generation, Muhammad-i-Stri. This seems to point to Muhammad, son of Sari, mentioned in Tab. Nas. p. 319, who was the great great grandfather of the Sultan Muw’izz-ud-din Ghuri, son of Sam, the sovereignty over Ghar being in the elder branch of the family, who overthrew Rai Pithora and slew him, and who introduced Muhammadanism into Hindistan, and is sometimes called in Hind by the name of Shihab-ud-din. [Compare Tab, Nas., pp. 802 to 313, and it will be seen whether this agrees with what the annalist of the Ghuri Sultans, and their contemporary Maulana Fakhr= ud-dia Mubarak Shah says.] The younger son of Sultan Bahram was named Jamal-ud-din Hasan, who had a son, Mui’zz-ud-din Mahmid, who again had a son, Shah Husain by name.” Which one of the elder branch was ruler of Ghur on the occasion of Arab invasion, is not said, whether son or grandson of Sultan Bahram; but afterwards it is mentioned that Kamal-ud-din Mahmud, son of the eldest son of Bahram—Jalal-ud-din—was sent as a hostage to the capital of the Khalifah Walid. a 1875. H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? 33 After stating Muhammad-i-Sari to be the great great grandfather of Sultan Muwizz-ud-din of Indian renown, they again proceed to state that, “on the authority of the Tarikh-i-Khurasan [some say, ‘Tarikh-i-Khurasa- nil, the Sultans of Ghur are descended from Zuhak, the Tazi, in this wise. Sultan Bahram, son of Jalal-ud-din, son of Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din, son of Sultan Bahram, ete., ete.” Here the former account seems reversed, and the first Bahram mentioned would seem to be intended for the so-called father of the Sultans of Ghur. The writers of this tradition were probably una = are also, that the early rulers of Ghur were styled Malik, never Sultan and that the very jirst who is styled Suwltdn among the Muhammadan; sovereigns is Mahmud of Ghazni who was a Turk. ‘Shah Muw’izz-ud-din, father of Shah Husain [Shah likewise is neither a title, nor a name occurring among the Ghirian family], after the subjuga- tion of his country, retired to Makkah, but his son Shah Husain, separat- ing from his father during these troubles, also left his native country and became an exile. He succeeded in reaching the tents of an Afghan family, which happened to be encamped in the part he first reached, the tribe or chief of which was Shaikh Batani, or Bah-Tani, or Tabrin, as he is also styled.” Before relating more of this tradition, I must mention that all the Afghans, without any exception whatever, claim descent from ’Abd-ur-Ra- shid-i-Kais al-Laik, who was contemporary with Muhammad the Prophet of Islam, who, they affirm, supported the Prophet’s cause, and aided him with his arms, and was styled by Muhammad ‘ Patan,’ signifying the keel of a vessel; and all his descendants are, on this account, called Patans, so the Afghan annalists say ; and he is said to have died in the 40th year of H., aged 87 years. Shaikh Batani or Tabrin was his son—one of three, wz., Sari, Ghari, and Tabrin, who are also respectively styled Sarraban, Ghar- ghasht, and Batani or Tabrin. Such being the fact, as related by all Af- chan writers, the tribe could not have been considerable ; in fact, at the time in question, it consisted of three families. «This noble-born youth”’, as Shah Husain is styled, ‘‘ having reached the tents of Shaikh Batani’s tribe (family), was hospitably received and entertained. He appeared exceedingly devout, and by degrees Batani, a man of piety and austerity, hence styled Shaikh, took a great liking for him, treated him as a son, made him acquainted with all his affairs, and withheld nothing from him. Batani’s sons, Isma’il, Ishban (or Ishpun, as he is also called), and Kajin, treated him as a brother; and, as in the hills there is no concealment of females and no prohibition against seeing and meeting them in their family circle, a secret attachment grew up-on the part of Shah Husain towards Mata, Batani’s daughter; and, at last, mat- ters proceeded to such extremities, that Mati was found to be pregnant by E 34 H. G. Raverty--Who were the Pathin Sultins of Dih? (No. I, him. Her mother advised Batani that Matti should be given to Shah Husain in marriage before this became known. He demurred, as he did not consider the fugitive youth a suitable match for his daughter. The youth affirmed that his ancestors had been princes of Ghtir, and asked him to send some one into that country and verify the truth of his statement. It was done, and Batani gave his consent; and, shortly after, Bibi Mata brought forth a son, which, being the fruit of an illicit amour was named Ghal-zoe, ghal in the Afghan language signifying ‘a thief’, and zoe, ‘a son’, therefore signifying ‘the thief-son’, the illicit son. From this son is said to be descended the great tribe of Ghalzi (27, applied to the tribe is plural of zoe), numbering, at this period, in all its divisions and subdivisions, near upon half a million of souls, and one of the two most numerous tribes of all the Afghan race. Another history in my possession, which I have not mentioned above among the others, and the author of which was a member of the royal tribe— the Sado-zis, the tribe to which the late Shah Shuja’-ul-Mulk belonged. He besides quoting his own Afghan authorities, mentions the Tawarikh-i- Salatin-i-Ludiah wa Sariah-i-Afaghinah, and the Risdlah-i-Akhbér-1-Khad- kah, and gives a detailed account of the early history of the Afghans. The author styles Matu’s father Tabrin only, never by the name of Batani, and merely mentions that one of Taubrin’s daughters had a son before the nuptial knot was tied, and adds ‘‘ and tt is said that there was an illicit connexion between her and Mast’ Ali Ghuri,’” whoever he may have been, but he does not, in consequence, turn the Ghutris into ‘‘ Afghans or Patans”. The Ghalzis, on the other hand, deny altogether the truth of this tradition. Before mentioning anything more respecting Shah Husain, the ‘‘ noble- born” Ghvri youth, and the sons he is said to have been the father of, on the authority of this tradition, I must by the following short table show, from the tradition itself, what relationship existed between the said Shah Husain, by virtue of whose traditional connection with Batani’s, or Tabria’s daughter, Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-din Sam, the conqueror of Rai Pithora, and the Ghtri Sultans, before and after him, are all turned into Afghans likewise, and not only they, but their Turkish slaves, and their slaves, and slave’s slaves likewise, 1875.] H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultdns of Dihli ? 35 Sultan Bahram. [contemporary of the Khalifah ’Ali,] descendant of Zuhak, the Tazi or Taji. patience anon 1. Eldest son, Jalal-ud-din Muham- mad Husain. 2. Kaméal-ud-din Mahmid, who was sent as hostage to Walid. a 1. Youngest son, Jamal-ud-din Hasan, 2. Shah Mwizz-ud-din Mahmid, who retired to Makkah. 3. Shah Husain [contemporary with Hajjaj, appointed to administer the go- vernment of Khurasan, 78 H.], who had Bibi Mati to wife. pee Ss 1, Ghalzi. 2, Ibrahim, surnamed Ladi, 3. Son, nameless, [but as his son is called Muhammad-i-Sari, it is presumed therefore by me, to be Sari], great great- grandfather of the last mentioned under. properly Lo-e-day, “he is eldest’, he 4. Son, nameless. being the eldest legitimate son; and 3, Sia- 5. Son, nameless. ni. 6. Son, nameless. 7. Mw izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-din Sam, Sultén of Ghaznin, assassinated 602 H. Now what relationship existed between Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muham- mad, son of Baha-ud-din Sim, conqueror of Rai Pithor4, and establisher of the Muhammadan power in Hindtstaén, whose descent is traced to Zuhak, the Tazi, (7. e., Arab: by Persian-speaking people Taji, whence comes the name Tazik and Tajik, by which name the greater number of the non-Afghan people of those tracts are still known. See Tab. Nas., page 301) and the descendants of Bibi Matu’s sons, whose father, by this tradi- tion, Shah Husain was? Is there the slightest shadow of a reason why, even if this tradition were true, the rulers of Ghar, whether Maliks or Sul- tans, should be styled, as at page 50, Vol. 1, of Dow’s version of Firishtah, “ Muhammad of the Sir tribe of Afghans, and in Brigg’s version, page 50, Vol. 1, “ Muhammad of the Afghan tribe of Sir” P and is there the most remote shadow of a reason why Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din’s Turkish slave should be styled “the founder” of the Afghan or “ Patan” dynasty of Dihli, and all those Turkish slaves, and descendants of Turkish slaves, the Khalj Turks, and the Sayyids who trace their descent to. Husain, grandson of Muhammad the Prophet, and are acknowledged by all Muhammadans to be his descendants—twenty rulers in all—should be styled the “ Patan” or “ Pathan” kings of Dihli? From the error of calling the Ghuri Sultans “ Patans or Afghans” emanates another error equally great; but, in this instance, it is the turning of Afghans into Turks! Wherever the Khalj tribe are refer- red to throughout Firishtah’s work, Dow styles them ‘ Chilligies’, which is the name of no people, tribe, or race on the face of the earth, and in this he is followed by Maurice and some others ; but Briggs styles them by nearly their correct name, at least, for they are called Khalji as well.as Khalj ; but 56 H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli? [No. 1, other writers have at once jumped at the conclusion and some even shortly maintain that they are Ghalzis. For example, Mr. J.C. Marshman, who has written a History of india, “ at the request of the University of Cal- cutta”’ and who says, ‘‘ so far as historical truth can be discovered,” he is ‘‘ prepared to vouch for the accuracy of the facts detailed in it,” calls them GHILJIES :—(page 53, Vol. 1) “the Afghan mountaineers of Ghuzni and Ghore, denominated the Ghiljies’. There is certainly a great similarity between the mode of writing the name of the Afghan tribe of Ghalzi cox and the Turkish tribe of Khalj J4, Khalji g='* ; What Firishtah does say respecting the descent of the Afghans, but which is very different from their tradition previously given, is this: “When Khalid, the son of ’Abdullah, was removed from the government of Kabul, (other authors of much greater authority than Firishtah relate dif- ferently, however) finding it difficult and dangerous to return into “[rak-i- "Arab through fear of the newly appointed governor, under the guidance of the chiefs of Kabul, he proceeded into the Sulaiman mountains, which lie be- tween Multan and Peshawar and between many other places, accompa- nied by his family and a party of Arab followers, and therein took up his residence. He gave one of his daughters in marriage to one of the chief men among the Afghans there, who had become Musalmans. From this daughter of the Arab, Khalid sprung offspring who multiphed and acquired great repute. One of these was Ladi, and another Sur; and the Afghans come from that party of “Arabs above mentioned. In a work, entitled Matla’-ul-Anwar, composed by one among the trustworthy, which Firishtah perused at Burhanpdr in Khandesh, it was written that the Afghans are Kibtiah (Copts)”’, &c., &c., and there occur other statements foreign to this subject. The same writer also makes a statement with respect to the Ludi tribe, Vol. 1, p. 69 which is equally as incorrect as the preceding, and would cause some astonishment, as well as ridicule, among the people referred to. He says:—Belcli was an Afghan of the tribe of Lodi, now known as the Lohani, which is engaged chiefly in the conveyance of merchandise between Hindustan and Persia.” Nothing of the sort. Sur, son of Ismail, who was the progenitor of the tribe of that name, had two brothers, each the progenitors of separate tribes, one of whom was named Nah, and he is the progenitor of the tribe of Nuhani, which name has been corrupted into Lahani. These are the people who act as the great carriers of merchandise in Central Asia. Elphinstone in his History correctly states that the Khaljis were a Turkish tribe, long connected with the Afghans, as Firishtah himself mentions, and does not confound them with the Afghanistan of Ghazni, of whom he gives a good account in his ‘‘ Caubul.” 1875.] H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathin Suitdns of Dihli ? a7 The ‘ Masalik ul-Mamalik’ states that ‘‘ the Khalj are a tribe of Turks, which in former days—this work was written long before the time of Mahmiad of Ghazni—settled in Garmsir, between Sijistan and the region of Hind. They are in appearance and dress like Turks, and observe the eustoms of that race, and all speak the Turki language.” The same work also states in two or three places, that there is a town called Khalj in that part; and in the account of Jj, also Chaj, of Mawar-an-Nahr says that it is a populous and flourishing city, the people of which are Ghuzz and Khalj, all Musalmans of the sect of Ghazi. The Ghalzis, so called after the illicit son of the tradition of Bibi Mata and Shah Husain, have no tribe, subdivision, or family among them Styled either ‘‘ Lodi” or ‘‘Sur’”; but two other sons were born to Bibi Mati, one of whom was named Ibrahim, who is surnamed Lo-e-daey, signi- es ome Z fying in the Afghan language (he) is great or elder”, respecting which name a tradition is attached which need not be related here. It has been corrupted or rather shortened, into Lodi and Ludi, and Ibrahim is the progenitor of the Ludi tribe. From him sprung two sons, one of whom, named Siani, had two sons, Pranki and Isma’il. Pranki is the ancestor, eight generations back, of Buhlal, of the Shaht Khel, a clan of the Ladi tribe, who, according to the authors I have been quoting, and as all educat- ed Afzhans themselves will affirm, was the first of the race of ’Abd-ur-Ra- shid Patan that attained sovereign power. He is the founder of the Ludiah dynasty, but the thirtieth ruler of Dihli, counting from Kutb-ud- din, the Turkish slave of the Tajik Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-din Sam Ghiri. From Isma’il, brother of Pranki and son of Siani, son of Ladi, sprung two sons, one of whom was named Sar, who had four sons, from one of whom, Yunas by name, in the ninth generation, descended Farid, after- wards Sher Shah, who dethroned the second Mughul emperor Humayun, and was the first of the Sur division of the Ladi tribe who attained sover- eignty; and Ahmad Khan, son of Saidu, afterwards Sultan Sikandar, his kinsman, was the last of the Afghan or Patan dynasty. The name Sar appears to have struck those who were in search of a mare’s-nest, and they at once jumped at the conclusion, that, as Suri was the name of one of the Tajik chiefs of Ghur, and Ghur lay near the tract then occupied by the Afghans, the Ghuris must be Afghans or Paténs and the Afghans Ghiris, and so this error has been handed down from one writer to another up to this present day. Although Firishtah falls into error in supposing Suri and Sur to be the same name and to refer to the same person, he never turns Ghuris and Turks into Afghans or Patdns. One example more and J have done. At page 197, Vol. 2, Dow, under the reign of Ibrahim Sar, says: ‘‘In the mean time, Muhammad 38 H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli? {No. 1, (sic) of the Afghan family of Ghor, governor of Bengal, rebelled against Muhammad’’. Here again we have his own ideas inserted, for Firishtah knew better than to utter such an absurdity. That author expresses himself in these words under the reign of Muhammad Shah, nicknamed Andhli, ‘the intellectually blind’. “ At this period, Muhammad Khan Sur, ruler of Bangalah, having raised the standard of hostility,’ &e. Dow turns the kings of Gujarat and the Bahri rulers of Ahmadnagar into Patans likewise. Under the reign of Salim Shah, he says, (Vol. 2, p. 191) when mentioning his death: ‘‘ In the same year, Mahmud, the Patan king of Guzerat, [He was the descendant of a Tak Rajpit from near Thanesar] and the Nizam of the Deccan, who was of the same nation, died.” Compare Briggs here also. Firishtah’s words are these: “In this very same year, Mahmud Shah Gujarati, and Burhan Nizam-ul-Mulk Bahri, likewise died.” This Burhan-ul-Mulk was the son of Ahmad Nizam Shah, the founder of the Bahri dynasty and of the city of Ahmadnagar, who was the son of a Brdhman of Bijanagar who being taken captive in his childhood, was made a Musalman of, and brought up as one of the slaves of Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahmani.” The renowned Afghan chief and poet Khushhal Khan, of the Khatak tribe, mentions the two Afghan dynasties in one of his poems. See my ‘Poetry of the Afghans’, page 197,— “The whole of the deeds of the Patans are better than those of the Mughuls ; But they have no unity among them, and a great pity it is. The fame of Buhlul and of Sher Shah, too, resoundeth in my ears— Afghan emperors of India who swayed the sceptre effectually and well. For six or seven generations did they govern so wisely, That all their people were filled with admiration of them.” OOS eeaeOeaeSeeeeea> ares rere 1875.] 39 On the Khyeng People of the Sandoway District, Arakan,—By Mason G. E. Fryer, Deputy Commissioner, Sandoway. (With two plates.) Parr I. Physical and Social Characteristics. Introductory. The great western mountain range of Burma is peopled by tribes under a great variety of names, of whom the Khyeng race is perhaps the most extensively diffused. The geographical limits of the people are comprised within the 18th and 21st degrees of North latitude. The character of the region inhabited by the Northern Khyengs is described as rugged and inac- cessible, and their life a hard one; but the Khyengs here dwell on the fertile banks of streams, and can procure the necessaries of life without difficulty ; moreover, though still retaining their individuality, they are gra- dually adopting the more civilized manners and the mode of agriculture of the Arakanese. The subjoined statement gives the Khyeng population in the districts of Arakan (Hill Tracts excepted) as it stood at the census of 1872, together with the number of villages and houses :-— MAtLEs. FEMALES. S - eg } o n =) | Cie on () =) a a A A iy |e 1 2 3 4A 5 6 4 8 9 10 | 11 Akyab, ....| 1,100 943, 2,043 970 904| 1,874] 3,917) 40 950) 24) 4-1 Ramree,....| 2,791| 2,481) 5,272) 3,014| 2,038) 5,052/10,324| 92] 2,260) 12) 4-1 Sandoway,..| 1,396} 1,106) 2,502) 1,317 896 2,213) 4,715) 96 996} 10) 4-7 Total, .. 5,287 4,530) 9,817) 5,301) 3,838) 9,139) 18,956) 228) 4,206) 14) 4-5 Physical Characteristics. Table A. exhibits the age, weight, height, and measurement in length and circumference of the limbs of twenty-five male and twenty-five female Khyengs of average size, The weights are expressed in pounds avoirdupois ; the measurements in English inches and tenths, Four pounds, ‘the weight 40 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng People of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, of her clothing and ornaments, have been deducted from each woman’s weight. Tape A. Showing the Age, Weight, Height, and Measurements of the Limbs of twenty-five Male and twenty-five Female Khyengs of average size, ‘e wunoo ze = e 0} G XY fF suuunyoo jo uns ey} Jo woys0dorg =) 1D 1D “TTR i | ao ne FeO, pai a Z 3 a Bo . D ~ B | enh | | 4 = A x O10 ica] j i~ I~ I~ . re ~ ’, 2 ULLW | | fer) wa) fe oS Ss « 3 “ysou) | 3 =z “x09 er) S pa 99N a S fe SI 2 ees ob “apos Ge) Ge ee H | ep | 0} ony = oO oO Fe i Z 0. | 6 dy a qt : = = 5 Pe en a ts c g oF AOdTH ia . wo te) A | < ANOS) S a ais 4 | 0J lapmmoyg q qi cS © 2 “endeos Jo WApvorg ar) ar) eo) A So ‘vndeos Jo yysSuery | | © © iS N 2 “WUNUI94S JO YpCuIT a) 19 © S a ‘90S 0} UIMALOVS UOT, co IS8,Or AL ge S “TUNIOVS re) x S qq S 0} «vIqeyIaA [vo nN nN -TAI00 YJUOAOS WOT “BIG O}TOA Sh z zs [eotAr980 Y}UOA -0§ 0} UAMOIO Oly S o8 x = “VU. 1D paced sf | | 3 5 8 x = “FUCTO MA. | = a Ta} > -o8y co N INNES 4 co000 no000000 70 IHGA Ss lafersieinwe svereie ese.s 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway District. 41 In Table B. are given measurements of the head of the same persons in English inches and tenths taken by calipers. TaBLe B, Head Measurements of the same Persons in English Inches and Tenths taken by Calipers. | 2 1 | ' |}0 © =) MEASUREMENT IN INCHES BY CALIPERS.|S 2 9 As {8 Z les a |88 ho Se 2 | |e = A : Sih Dal ae) & dd q ms) os al 2 ta g 5 . 2 o +5 fe) i ie Sie i>) 2 “4 +3 i es | ba Lom ie) (o} co ee) aS Ss re on > S S) pi A = g e) q S = wo RwAlo ea tl Oo: (3) IS) RE fc) og a ns 5 fe) C6 SS Wah Th Asi ose We een) as a 3 "= |sé 2, ae B din “4 og ss (RS! al Bo! 5 0/0 6 leo cle ot umes to q Si ps le, |B + 8 SS 1, Sa re he ol & |e | ae Sela Ss licsices sees S ies Si es =| S15 all 2 |e Sie © elhe ei So |Rre) (S1)) Oe ° S jz BLS Sia Vs Sie © ad SE ral) ce lens ise EES Silla leer te ere ¢ ) as ‘ S Bn = — | Seo) SB | a eee) So ees ec RQ iA CO;}S8}/S3 1A |O | 4 IN Ie ae 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 AO} at MIS LGS er eee geelnecaccdc cal) om) CAaNesail seer) Gxs)) Gril) Beales Hei bye) 74) -73 Hemales) j..secce csese. -s| 20>) 6-9) 4:1] 4:6) 5:6) 5:2) 5:0) 3:6) 5:2 ‘76| -82 Column 1 expresses in degrees the angle indicating the relation of the ear to the eyebrow. ‘This angle is formed by a line parallel to the base of the brain with another line from the earhole to the superorbital ridge. Column 2 shows the long diameter of the head, the measurement being taken from immediately above the top of the nose to the small bony projec- tion at the back part of the head. Column 5 indicates the height of head measured from the earhole to about the centre of crown. Column 6 gives the breadth from immediately above the external open- ing of the ear. Column 7, the breadth from centre of parietal bones. Column 8, the breadth immediately above the temples. Column 9, the interzygomatic or facial breadth. In the male the greatest breadth of head is the parietal. The female head is broadest just over the ear. As might be expected, there is no great breadth of forehead over the temples in either sex. E 42 G. EH. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No.1, Considering how strongly brachy-cephalic* the Burman head is, the dolichocephalism of the Khyeng head form, as shown here, is curious, In proportion to its length, the female head is both broader and higher than the head of the male. The prevailing complexion of the people corresponds with No. 28, and the colour of the eyes with No. 1, of Broca’s tableau, The colour of the hair is black, but among the women patches of reddish brown hair occur some- times, generally at the crown of the head. Individual and Family Life. Customs.—Under this head are included the usages observed at births, marriages, and deaths. As regards the first, child-bearing is always assisted and by women. Deaths from child-birth are very rare. Labour is easy and seldom protract- ed, the woman generally goes to her work the following day. The infant is washed in clear rice water. Boy’s names are monosyllabic, but the girls have the particle pa or me prefixed to theirs. ‘The names are given either from a fanciful resemblance to some object, or with reference to circumstances occurring at the time of birth ; thus, if at the time of birth there occurred a great flood, a boy would be named Hilém, and a girl Pahlém, signifying “great.” A child is weaned between the ages of eighteen months or two years. Puberty takes place between the ages of twelve and fifteen, at which period the disfiguring ope- ration of tattooing the girl’s face is usually performed. As regards marriage. When a young man wishes to court a girl, he visits her by appointment at night in her parents’ dwelling, taking with him some trifling present; if subsequently approved by the parents, he lives in the house. After some months, and indeed if poor, after the birth of one or two children, the ceremony of taking the girl to his house takes place amid much feasting and dancing. On reaching her new home, the priest performs the ceremony of introducing her to the protection of her husband’s household god by winding a thread seven times round the girl’s right arm, and invoking numberless blessings upon her. When a person falls sick, one or two priests are sent for and consulted ; sometimes they merely state their opinion as to what spirit has seized the sufferer and a propitiatory offering suitable to such spirit is made; at other times they inquire what the sufferer dreamed_of the night previous ; if an elemental god or other high object of adoration, such as a Burmese pagoda, * The terms brachy-cephalic and dolicho-cephalic are employed in this sense, viz., where the breadth is to the length in the proportion of 80, or more, to 1:00, the head is placed in the brachy-cephalic category, where it is below that proportion, or less than ‘80 to 1:00, in the dolicho-cephalic. C ydvibogoyd 2 Aon) eye Apnopuns ‘shuaryy Jo anos SULT PANGQUUNIIYD S "f°? A ‘GLOl ‘Tig ‘Tesueg :oog ‘sy ‘TBuInop iad 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 43 has been the subject of the dream, a buffalo or hog would be sacrificed ; but if, as is commonly the case, the invalid had dreamt of an ordinary occurrence, such as crossing the creek in a boat, the sacrifice of a dog would be ordered, in which case a raft composed of stems*of the plantain tree would be constructed, and a dog killed and placed thereon with a small quantity of rice-beer. The raft is then pushed into the stream, every one present pelting it with stones; care is taken, however, that the dog is subsequently brought back to form materials for a repast. When death occurs in a family, the corpse is laid out in the house, a pig or other animal is killed, and great and prolonged feasting goes on. The day after the event, a dead fowl is tied to one of the big toes of the deceased, and an attendant priest thus apostrophizes the corpse—“ Oh spirit! thou hast a long and wearisome journey before thee, so a hog has been killed upon whose spirit thou mayest ride, and the spirit of this dead fowl will so terrify the worm guarding the portals of paradise, that thou wilt find an easy entrance.” The corpse, followed by the relatives and friends of the deceased, is carried to the outskirts of the village and burnt. All wait un- til the burning is over; water is sprinkled on the ashes and bones of the skull, hands, and feet; about nine or ten in number, having been selected, are carried back to the village in a vessel and deposited in the shed erected for the feasting. After seven days have elapsed, more feasting takes place, and the bones are then finally conveyed for burial to some distant moun- tain, which is the ideal place of interment of the ashes of their ancestors. In cases of violent death, as for example by drowning, or from the attack of a wild beast, the corpse and all the relatives of the deceased are tabooed by the community until a buffalo or hog has been handed over to the headman for sacrifice and feasting; even then the body may not be taken into a house, nor is a dead fowl attached to the corpse. On all occasions of marriages, deaths, and domestic entertainment, the company is divided into what are termed inside and outside feasters, in other words into hosts and guests; for example, at the entertainment after cremation the bones in a vessel are placed at one end of the shed surround- ed by pieces of pork and other greasy-looking dainties; next are seated two priests, in front of whom is placed a pot of rice-beer, which has a cover perforated with three holes, one in the centre to admit of a slender piece of bamboo being placed upright, and one on each side to receive a reed passing into the beer. When a feast is held in a house, the reed towards the sleeping chamber is the inside reed through which the host and his relatives imbibe the beverage ; out-of-doors the inside is that on which the host and his people are sitting. After sucking, each person replenishes the vessel with water in proportion to the quantity of beer supposed to have been taken out, 44 G. Ei. Vryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. ([No.1, Pork is regarded the choicest food, and when the husband brings his wife into her new home, he provides that food for her and her family, while he and his relations eat fowls. At funeral repasts the relatives of the deceased eat pork, and the guests have fowl provided for them. These points of etiquette are scrupulously observed, and breaches of them subject the offender to fine. Laws.—The average number of houses in a Khyeng village is fourteen, and in each of these little communities there is a head called Zayi or Nan- dayt. ‘The office passes from father to any son he considers best qualified for it ; in default of such a successor, the office may be held by the father’s brothers ; but it never passes out of the family ; when extinct, the village has to join another community. The Mandayi presides at all festivals, settles disputes, and acts as a priest in conjunction with the elders of the village. ‘There is another person, however, who ranks higher than the individual just named, he is the Dek mo tayi, 7. e. land-proprietor’s tayl. Tradition says these men formerly received grants of land from the kings of Arakan, and were invested with supreme authority over all offenders within the limits of their respective grants ; they received a share in the produce of the soil, and enjoyed the taxes levied upon all tabooed persons. Though no longer enjoying these rights and privileges, they are held in much respect. Marriage is a contract dissoluble at the will of either party : no dowry is given. On the death of the parents, two-thirds of the property pass to the eldest son, the remainder is divided among the other sons ; women are deemed incapable of holding or transmitting property. Adop- tion is considered proper, even if there be children by marriage. If a hus- band take an adulterer in the act, he claims a gong and buffalo from him ; he may also chastise his wife, but she is not divorced. Nor will a Khyeng divorce his wife if she is barren; those that can afford it, sometimes under such circumstances, take a second wife. When a dispute has been settled, the reconciliation is effected in the following manner :—the parties and their witnesses assemble before the elders, and a cup of water is placed before them into which a spear, dagger, or celt, has been dipped, the dis- putants each take a sip of the water and agree to pay a fine if they continue the quarrel. Trial by water ordeal is practised ; the person who keeps his head longest under water is adjudged innocent. The principal parties may either perform the ordeal themselves or hire persons to do so. Religious Rites and Ceremonies.—The religion of the Khyengs confines itself almost exclusively to the propitiation of spirits by offerings and sacri- fices. Their prayers consist of lengthy invocations of protection for them- selves and property, and propitiatory prayers to ward off sickness or other calamity. The elders of the communities act as priests, and direct and conduct all festivals and acts of worship. On these occasions, hogs, buffa- (ydoibhojoyd » wo41g) anya. nmopung ‘asnoyy buakyy TA. Vt : ‘@/8L T'4d ‘TaBueg :00g isy Teuanoe 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. A5 loes, dogs, and fowls, are sacrificed, and immense quantities of rice-beer consumed. The three principal festivals are Nando, Plawng-hio, and Konde. The Wando takes place in March or April, in front of the Mandayi’s house who conducts it. Every one in the village contributes towards it, A hog, dog, two fowls, and three large pots of rice-beer are offered, and invo- eations for a favourable season and other blessings are mumbled by the priests to the spirits of the village. The Plaung-hio is a festival in honor of Jupiter Pluvius, and should by rights be held annually just before the rains set in, but owing it is said to the expense attending it, it is only celebrated about once in every eight or ten years. At this feast buffaloes are sacrificed, oblong stones two or three feet long and five or six inches in diameter, procured from the creeks, are set up vertically at the lower end of the village, in number equal to the buffaloes to be sacrificed. The animals are killed and their blood is poured over the stone. Any sufferer from sickness who can afford it, may offer a sacrifice to this spirit, provided he has first obtained permission from the Dek mo tayi. ‘The use of the upright stone is curious, and seems to point to some connection with Phallus worship. Captain Latter already re- marked (Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1846), that the Khyoung-thas of the Koladyne river make offerings at stones which “are rough represen- tations of the Lingwm and the Yoni.” The Konde is celebrated every year for three years, and after a lapse of three years is again celebrated annually for three years. Its object is to propitiate the Konde spirit and his brother and sister, in order to avert sickness and other calamity ; at this feast pigs are slaughtered. At the lower end of the village three miniature huts of bamboo are constructed side by side, and a small stone placed in each, together with portions of pork and some rice-beer, prayers are offered, and the proceedings terminate with much feasting. The above are the principal festivals or sacrifices, but there are many minor spirits to whom worship is paid as circumstances require, Habitations and Domestic Life.—Vhe houses of the Khyengs are con- structed of wooden posts which vary from 9 to 16 in number ; the walls and floor are made of bamboo matting, and the roof is composed of grass or leaves. The length of a house varies from 12 to 16 cubits, and it is about 8 to 12 cubits broad ; there are two apartments, the sleeping and the cooking, with an open verandah in front of the latter ; the flooring is raised some 4 or 5 feet from the ground, and the swine and poultry are enclosed beneath it. (Vide Plate VII.) On festive occasions the Khyengs eat hogs, dogs, and fowls, and use abundance of a fermented liquor made from rice, which they call Fu. All animals are eaten by them except the tiger, bear, and otter. Their clothes are woven and made at home, and the manufactures, though coarse 46 G.E, Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No. 1, are durable and good, Indigo grown by themselves is the chief dye made use of. The male dress is a strip of blue cloth folded round the hips and passed between the legs with an end hanging down before and behind, and by way of head covering a strip of cloth is wound round the head. The women wear a loose blouse reaching to the knee, very open at the bosom and back of the neck, and furnished with slits at the sides for the arms ; beneath they wear a short close petticoat. Work in the fields and hill-clearing, together with basket-making, occupy the time of the men. The boys look after the domestic animals. The women are employed in spinning, weaving, and cooking; they also assist the men in the fields. The loom is an effective but very primitive arrangement, The ends of the beam farthest from the weaver, around which the warp is wound, are fastened to two pegs driven in the ground; the weaver seated on the ground has the near beam, round which the warp passes, resting on her lap, the ends of which, together with those of another beam which presses the upper warp threads on the lower, are fastened to the sides of a broad strip of hide against which she leans ; transverse pieces of bamboo, turned by the hand, cause the warp-threads to rise and fall as required, and as the threads are opened the shuttle is thrown across ; on the reversal of the warp another opening is made, which is simi- larly crossed by the shuttle. The Khyengs call themselves Hiou or Shou, and state that the Shin- doos, Khumis, and Lungkhes, are members of the same race as themselves. They have a tradition that they came down many years ago from the sour- ces of the Kyendweng river, but they possess no written record of their descent; they are fond, however, of singing rude ballads, which portray the delights of their ancient country, a specimen of which is here given— ania la chan don a kho a, ee ée htoan z& na baleng a hptian a, ee €6e apok a poichi a oat mlii a, ee Ee htoan z& na baleng a hptian a, e e Ee ané ye olo ve dimo e, eee si sho e lo po e hnaung e, ee ée son sho e atoane ey e,ee Ee Kanau o suam ei o htui yo, ee e. e OMI PAB OM Translation. To the upper (country of the) Kyendweng (river), To the level (plains of the) baleng and dry htoan (grasses), To the brick (walled) city of our forefathers, To the level (plains of the) baleng and dry htoan (grasses), Which are so charming (di. not a little charming), Let us hie, come along! OAR Ot Bs 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. AT 7. Let us haste with every speed, 8. Oh my fairy-like young brother ! PARLE Grammatical Notes on the Language. As the Khyeng or Hiow language does not possess a series of letters by which to express elementary sounds, the Roman alphabet will be used for that purpose, and so far as it is applicable to this language the admirable system of orthography adopted by Professor James Summers in his Hand- book of the Chinese Language will be followed. The system of orthography adopted. 1. VOWELS, SIMPLE AND COMBINED. Form Value of each. Short value. @ w@ast in police. bit. e éasa@ in fame; & in féihig (Germ.); é in méme (Fr.) bét. a@ aasa in father. bat, @ @asa@ in organ. but. o 6aso in no. not 6 as 6 in Lowe (Germ.); or ew in seur (Fr.) “%™ uwasu in rule. bull. “@ was wu in lune (Fr.); win Miihe (Germ.) ew in peutétre (¥r.) ge wéas ie in pied (Fr.); yea (Eng.) yé in yesterday. ia taas ia in lia, plia (¥r.) ; ga (Germ.) ya in Yankee. zo was io in million (Fr.). ya in yacht. iw was ewin hew, yew. ju in jguchhe (Germ.) et as et in sein (Germ,); ze in pie (Eng.), or ev in height. a as ai in aisle. au as owin cow. ou as ov In votce. ut as wi in rum. 2. THE CONSONANTS, SINGLE AND COMBINED. b as in English. ch as chin hatch. d as in English; d pronounced by bending the tongue as far back as possible. g as g in good; never g as in gin. h as h in heart; before 7 and w& a strong aspirate, nearly sh. k as & in king. ; 48 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No.1, Yas 7 in dine; Jas |r in wheelrim. mas m im mine. nas 2 in nine; ng as in anger. p as p in pine. yasr in wi. Seases in see. shas sh in shine. 3g BS in tiny. was w im way. y as ¥ in YOU. z as & in English. Adopting Mr. Beames’ system of classification, the Khyeng language belongs to the Lohitic or Burmese class of the Turanian family. Its strue- ture is monosyllabic, consisting of roots or stem words which undergo no change except for the purposes of euphony. As the afformatives are for the most part words which have lost the power of separate existence, the language is in the agglutinated stage. It is very simple in construction and expression, but elaborate in its tones. One or two of the most marked ones are here indicated : The acute accent over a letter or syllable indicates a rising tone of the voice as when raised at the end of a question. The grave accent over a letter or syllable indicates a falling tone of the voice. : The horizontal stroke above letters indicate an emphatic stress to be laid on the pronunciation of the syllable over which it appears. Final consonants are often mute, they are formed in the mouth but not always pronounced unless a vowel follows. In this sketch final consonants in italics should not be sounded. On Novns. Khyeng words of this class may be divided into :— 1. Nouns Primitive, 2. e. such as are monosyllables bearing their pri- mitive signification. 2. Nouns Derivative, i. e. such as are formed by the addition of some formative syllable. 3. Nouns Composite, 2. e. such as are formed by the union of two dif- ferent roots. Primitive Nouns or those which are monosyllabic, are such as the fol- lowing :— a a fowl. pom a forest. blim a hill. htén a tree. dek the earth. tui water. kiau a mountain. ui a dog. 1875. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 49 There are, however, few stem-words which are strictly monosyllabic. Most of them take adjuncts either as prefixes or suffixes, or both, which Mr. Hodgson has termed *‘ differential servile particles’, and no doubt, as he justly remarks, “ the basis of these languages is a small number of monosyllabic “roots bearing necessarily many senses ; hence to distinguish between those “ several senses is the chief function of the servile adjuncts of the roots.’’* Many of these serviles are inseparable, as for example ‘ka’ and ‘kh’ in kahni the sun, and khlo the moon ; others again are scissile in composition, as for example the prefix ma and suffix ht of makuht, the hand, in ‘kie ku nv, amy thumb. Derivative nouns are such as are derived from verbal roots, whether living or obsolete, and which acquire the form of substantives by the addition of a formative prefix such as a or ma; @. 9, aak a fragment from alk to break. amlak a loving from mlak zo love (obsolete). mahau a speaking from hau #o speak. Composite nouns are such as are compounded of two roots, the first of which may be said to stand in the genitive case. The members of the com- pound may either be two nouns, or two verbs, or a verb and noun combined ; €. Gos on duam lit. remaining place, a@ seat. ik duam hit. sleeping place, a bed. kho mik lit. foot’s eye, the ankle, nago han lit. dragon’s yawning, a rainbow, mahau kho lit. speaking aperture the mouth. Diminutives are formed by affixing ‘so’, signifying litle, to words, as khlaung so, a lad. The distinctions of number and gender are made in a similar way by affixes. Or NuMBER. There are three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural. The noun or pronoun by itself indicates the singular. The dual is expressed by. the par- ticle ‘ hoi’, signifying @ pair or couple. The plural is expressed by the fol- lowing particles all signifying many, hio, loi, tak, ni. Thus, when the sub- ject of conversation is understood, a Khyeng would say ‘ nahoisit uw’, the two are going, or without using the pronoun ‘sit u hoi’; but a Burman, having no dual, would under similar circumstances commit the solecism the two are gong all. * Hodgson’s ‘Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasians’ in Jour. As. Soc. Beng., 1853, note to page 36. G 50 G.E. Fryer—On ths Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. {[No.1, Or GENDER. Gender is marked by affixes indicating sex; thus, pahto male, and nahto female, are affixed to khlaung man, to express the gender. The general female affix is ‘ nti’, signifying fecundity, as 4 nii a hen. The male affix for birds, and also occasionally for fish, is ‘ hlui’, as a hlui a cock. The male affix for quadrupeds and reptiles seems to be ‘htsa’, as kie htsa @ tiger ; hpo htsa a snake (male). The male affix for the dog kind is ‘ han’, as ui han @ dog (male). The following are forms derived from the Burmese, e. g. wok-hpa a hog ; now hti a buffalo (male) ; mui bo an elephant (male). Or Case. Those relations of words to each other which in inflected languages are termed Cases, are exhibited by the following particles affixed to the noun or pronoun— ku or gu of, the genitive particle. a to or for, the dative particle. acu from, the ablative particle. The genitive particle is more frequently understood than expressed ; the Case is then indicated by the juxtaposition of the two substantives, the for- mer being understood to be in the genitive case. On PRONOUNS. Personal Pronouns. The personal pronouns have two forms, (@) a se- parate, full; and (4) a contracted form.* In their contracted state they blend themselves alike with nouns and verbs. The nominative case of each personal pronoun in its full and contract- ed forms is here given in the three numbers : SINGULAR. Dvat. PLURAL. Con- Con- Con- Bult tracted. Hall tracted. aa tracted. EF ! Ist Iie I ka kie hni We two ma kie me We ma 2ndnaun Thou na naun hni Ye two ma naunme Ye ma 3rd jayat ) He by ayat hni) They two Ans ayatti - or >» She or : or They : ya or I¢.|/ nama | ya nhi They two| / na hoi | yati na hio * “Rosen states that the Circassian pronouns have two forms, a complete and separable one, and an incomplete and inseparable one.” Hodgson on the Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasians, (Journ., Beng. As, Soc., 1853.) 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 51 When the sense is complete without it, the full form of the personal pronouns is often omitted. The contracted form of the second and third persons is more frequently understood than expressed, as—pédn a dn t héi (they) two dwell in a forest. The contracted form of the third personal is often used as a nominative affix thus, anii nd apo na naso yok hmu Agu kat u hdi, the parents wept on seeing their child’s corpse. Demonstrative pronouns are the following :— SINGULAR. DUAL. - PLURAL, | ni This ni hoi These two. ni hio These to : to ) to That hoi Those two, hio Those toni toni toni Ni this, and to or toni that, with the dative affix, become ‘ nia’ here, and ‘ to a’ there; with the ablative particle Agu, hence and thence. ‘The more distant there is expressed by ‘ sowa’ or ‘ sobra’. Relative Pronouns. Of these there are none in the language. The idea of relation is periphrastically expressed by a verbal root with the genitive particle affixed coupled with the object; thus the man who runs would be ‘son gu khlaung’, the running man. Interrogative Pronouns. These are ‘ ani’ who, ‘ani kw whose, ‘ baung’ and ‘ pi’, which, what. On ADJECTIVES. Adjectives are usually placed after the nouns they qualify. They do not alter their terminations to express either number, case, or gender ; indeed, many words have a substantive, adjective, or verbal, signification according to their position in the sentence. The Comparative degree is formed by the word ‘san’, great, placed before the adjective, thus—ahpoi good, san ahpoi better, The word ‘lon’ more is used synonymously with the English word than ; thus, toni lon a ni hboi moi u, this is better than that. The Superlative degree is expressed by the word ‘ hék’ very, much ; thus, alhém hék kuam pibio moi u ? how old ts the eldest ? Or NUMERALS. The following is the cardinal series of numbers adopted by the Khyengs :— 52 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sindoway, Arakan. (No.1, 1 hot 20 goi 2 hni 21 goi ne pumhot 3 htum 380 htum gip 4 wli 3Ll htum gip pumhot 5 hngo 40 mili gip 6 sop 41 mili gip pumhot 7 she 100 pia hot 8 shap 101 pia lon ne pumhot 9” go 121 pia goi ne pumhot 10 ha or hnga 1000 pia hnga. il ha ne pumhot 1001 pia hnga lon ne pumhot 12 ha ne puhni The numerals 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, are borrowed from the Burmese ; ‘ gor’ twenty is evidently a corruption of the Chittagong ‘kur’; goi ne pumhot is twenty with one; htum gip, thirty; mli gip forty, up to ninety, signify three claps, four claps of the hand, the word ‘ gip’ being a corruption of the Burmese word ‘ akhyet’, a stroke or blow; pia lon ne pumhot is one hundred more with one. The same peculiarity in the use of numerals which characterizes the I Burmese and other Turanian tongues, exists in a modified form in Khyeng. t=) z By, to) When applied to mankind, the exponent particle ‘pum’ @ body or thing is P ) I I I Y J usually prefixed, as ‘khlaung pun htum’ three men ; andin reckoning of a eroup of individuals or things, the computation proceeds thus ‘ pumhot, ‘pun hni’, ‘ pun htum’, ‘pum mli’ &e. When the numerals are applied to individuals of the brute creation, they are preceded by ‘ zum’ for guadrupeds, and ‘ hték’ for jish, each signifying @ brute animal; and ‘yum’ a creeper for reptiles. But these particles are rarely used.* On VERBS. Most verbs in Khyeng are formed from the abstract root by the addi- tion of certain prefixes and affixes. In the Indicative mood the verb is in its simplest state, unconnected with any other to modify its operation. There are three tenses, the Present, Past, and Future; the afiixes to denote these are for the Present ‘wu’ ; the Past ‘ niu’, or more commonly with the auxiliary ‘bri’, as ‘bri niw ; the Future ‘ ei’, which perhaps may be a contraction of the root ‘ wor to wish. The affirmative verb usually takes as a prefix the contracted form of the pronoun. * Professor Summers styles them ‘exponent particles’, which appears a more ap- propriate term than ‘numeral generic affix.’ 1875.] G. HE. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 53 The letter 2 frequently precedes verbal roots whose initial letters are k, 9, t, d, ch, z; and the letter m those roots which commence with p or b. Roots ending in ‘ auk’ sometimes for the sake of euphony change the *auk’ into ‘o’, as—‘kie ka klauk w ZL am falling ; ‘ayat klo w’ he is falling. The following will serve as a model for the variations a Khyeng verb undergoes. ‘Pek’, to give. Indicative Mood. Present TENSE. Singular. 1. kie kapek u I give. 2. naun napek u Thou givest. 3. ayaé napek u He gives. ; Dual. 1. kie hni mapek u We two give. 2. naun hni mapek u : a Ye two give. nahoi napek u 3. ayat hni mapek u ; : Vege - They two give. nahoi napek u Plural. kie me mapek u We give. naun me mapek u nahio napek u i bo t Meroave: 3. ayati mapek u yati hio napek u They give. Pasar TEense. Singular. 1. kie kape& niu I gave. 2. naun napek niu Thou gavest. 3. aya napek niu He gave. In the same manner through the dual and plural numbers, Furure TENSE. Singular. 1. kie kapek ei I shall give, 2. naun napek ei Thou shalt give. 3. ayat napek ei He shall give. And so on through the dual and plural numbers. The participial form is denoted by the genitive and dative particles being affixed to the root, as—‘son gu khlaung’ the running man ; ‘tohmu agu kat u hoi’ having seen that both wept. 54 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. ], As in most other uninflected languages, the Imperative mood is confin. ed to the second person. It is indicated by the particle ‘e’ affixed to the root, thus ‘ pek e’ give thou; ‘sit e’ go thou. The Infinitive mood, as in Burmese, is generally expressed by the future tense, thus—‘ kie ayat a sit ei ka hau niu’ J told him to go. There are certain roots which are constantly used as auwiliaries. ‘They assist in forming the various parts of the verb with which they are conjoin- ed. Nearly all of them are roots which have lost the power of a separate existence. The most common of these auxiliaries are— Hirst. Those which perfect the notion of the primitive — (a) bri (to finish) tua zei bri niu, the work is now finished. (2) mak (to complete) ul naé mak niu, the dog ate it up. Secondly. ‘Those which denote power, obligation, &c. (a) kho (to be able, can) kie kasi¢ kho u J can go. (0) hpa (lawful, right) sit hpa u (you) should go (lt., it is proper to go) (ec) la (to get, obtain) boyo pihio mbek lei mé how much shall (1) give (you) Sir ? Thirdly. 'Those which denote desire, effort, risk, &c. (a) woi (to wish) kie kasi¢ woi u I want to go. (6) sok (to try) pliso kie ka ik soku I will try and sleep a little. (ce) dat (to dare) naun nasi¢ dat u mo will you dare to go ? (d) bo (to return) hoét 4 lo bo e come again to-morrow. There are two auxiliary roots whose application is not fully understood. They are ‘ey’ and ‘nauk’ Gn composition the latter is frequently changed into ‘no’). One of their functions would seem to be to give a verbal signi- fication to words borrowed from the Burmese or other language. ‘Their use will be best illustrated by examples. sit nauk u he goes courting. kie kamlak nauk u J love. to nahto zo koi no u that little girl is pretty. sit ei nashang ey u (yow) ought to go (lit. to go is proper.) non é a kasit ey u (L) go to buffalo eating ( feast). 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan, 55 Here ‘ koi’ and ‘shang’ are evidently corruptions of the Burmese words ‘ kyo’ and ‘ htén’, The root ‘ey’ affixed to the root ‘sun’ (to bear, suffer) helps to form the passive voice, thus ‘ kie tuk ka sun ey w Lam killed; ‘ kie deng kasun ey w’ I am beaten, but it is rarely used. There appear to be only three substantive verbs, namely, ‘ mo’ fo be, exist ; ‘shi’ to be true; and ‘ ti’ fo be, thus : kie nam zam kamoi u, J am the village elder. shi ba, 7¢ 7s, yes. pikha ti u, what is it ? The Interrogative particle is ‘ mo’, added at the end of a sentence, as,— ‘Naun a shami moi ti m6’ have you children? If there is any other word in the sentence implying interrogation, it is frequently omitted, as ‘naun ani t’ who are you ? The swppositional particles ‘a’, ‘na’, or ‘ dina’, implying 7f, are affixed to the verbal root, which drops the prefixed contracted pronoun, as, ‘ kie zei kho na kazei ei’ I will do it if I can. The negative verb does not take the prefixed contracted pronouns. To express simple negation, (1) the letters n, m, or mb, may be prefixed either to the verbal root, to the particles of tense, or to both; (2) the hard initial consonant of a root, such as k, t, p, ands, is changed into its corre- sponding soft consonant g, d, b, and z; (8) the root often requries the sub- stantive verb as an auxiliary. shi ba 7¢ is. nshi nu 7% is not. sit hpa u (yow) may go. zit hpa mbu (you) may not go. kie kapek u I give. kie mbek shi nu L am not giving. kang u m6 is he well ? ngang nu (he) is not well. kie ka klauk u I am falling. kie nglo nu I am not falling. ya kdi no u mo ts she pretty ? goi no nu (she) is not pretty. Prohibition may be expressed either by the particle ‘an’ or *n’ imme- diately after the root, as ‘sit e’ go (thow), ‘lo e’ come (thow), ‘zit in e’ go (thow) not, ‘lo ne’ come (thow) not; or by the particle ‘ti’ immediately after the root and its auxiliaries as—‘zit la shi di’ (yow) must not go; ‘hot a lo ei ti’ come not to-morrow. ADVERBS appear to be used indiscriminately in composition. The language being poor in conjunctions, participles are largely made use of to supply the deficiency. Post-positive particles are used in the same manner as the prepositions of Western tongues. 56 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, The construction of the language is simple and inartificial. In a sen- tence the nominative usually comes first, the object next, the verb last. The language is remarkable for its three numbers and its system of prefixed pronouns. It is probable that both these peculiarities exist in the Khumi and Kyo, and possibly may be discovered in the other hill tongues of Northern Arakan. In his sketch of the Khumis and Kyos,* Capt. Latter speaks of the exponent particles (termed by him numeral generic affizes) as being entirely wanting, though he suspected a better acquaintance with those dialects would reveal them. Colloquially a Khyeng rarely uses them, and as he possesses a dual number, one is at first led to imagine that his lan- guage does not possess them; possibly a latent dual together with a like infrequent use of those particles by the Khumis- and Kyos may have led Capt. Latter to imagine they were wanting in those languages. Again, he says the Khumis form their future by “ the addition of the affix ‘nak’, which, when the roots end with a mute consonant often has the euphonic vocal ‘ ga’ intervening: ‘ Kai tchek g& nak’ Igo or will go.” As regards the Kyos, he says,— Kais the nominative affix, chiefly used with the noun in construction with a verb in the present tense. In which case the verb dispenses with its own affix of time.’’ The vocal ‘ ¢&’ in the one case and the nominative affix ‘ka’ in the other, seem to indicate the existence of a similar system of pre- fixed contracted pronouns in those tongues. A fable well known to Burmese scholars rendered into Khyeng and a series of short sentences are appended in the hope that they will afford an insight into the grammatical structure of the language. Fable of the two wild dogs and the tiger. Tn the olden time, two wild dogs lived ina forest, and after a while had three young ones, a male and two females. Subsequently they quarrelled, and on dividing (their property) each took one of the females. The male which remained, the mother claimed saying, ‘‘ He is my share, I have borne him about with me, with great suffering, therefore I ought to have him.” ‘The father said, ‘‘ I being the husband and lord over my wife, ought to have him.” Thus disputing they went to the abode of a tiger (to have their ease decided), On arriving there, the tiger said, “So you are come to me, are you!” and having given one of the young ones to the father, and one to the mother, he cut the remaining male down the middle, and gave half to each of them. The parents looking on the dead body of their young one, lamented bitterly and said, “ My lord tiger, you have indeed made a divi- sion, but not thus cruelly, alas, ought you to have done it!” Then they threw down the dead body of their young one before the tiger, and went — their way. * Journ., As. Soc. Beng., 1846, 1875. ] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 57 In Khyeng. Yokha, pom ui zun hni pon a on tt hoi, kla 4gu pom ui han zun hot pom ui nii zun hni atauk ey u; nawo nahau ey nii 4gt, pom ui nii zun hni pumhot zun hot hpé ey t hoi. Pom uihan zun hot kiuan >, anti na-kie holai ka khon u kie don ka buan ey ei ashang ey u; apo na-kie kapay& ka- boi bo kie dén kabuan ey ei ashing ey u. Nawo nahau nii acu akié tayi on duan a sit u hoi, hpo agu, akié tayi na-kie on duan a nahpo 4! to aso zun hni, anti a pumhdot—apo a pumhot—pek bri gu, pom ui han so zun hot kiuan 4gt amliing akhon uahpeu. Anii na apo na naso yok hmu agu kat 0 hoi, akié tayio! nikha nasei ei nshang ey nu; naso yok akié hmon gon a tong u bo t hdi. SENTENCES. English. Khyengq. Come here. nialoe. Sit down. nakho on e. Are you well? makang ba mo? IT am well. kakang ba. What is the matter ? pikha ti a? There is nothing the matter. pikha ba ndi nu. What do you want ? naun baung alii ey mo ? I want nothing. kie baung ba lii ey nu. Why have you come ? kha ti nalo a? The master called. aboi mawul u. Are you hungry? bii andu ey mo P Will you eat cooked rice P bii na é ei mo? Are you thirsty ? tui nahei (or naha) ey mo ? Will you drink rice-beer ? naun yi naok ei md? I will try a little. pleso (pron. pliso) kaok sok ei. Who are you? naun ani uP I am the village elder. kie nam zim moi u. Of what race is he? ya baung miu i ? He is a Khyeng. ahiou (or ahiu) miu u. How does he live ? (what work) baung baung zei t ? He plants tobacco and chillies, and makhii naling u, homak naling u, sows cotton and sesamum. hpoi nahpo u, ashi nahpo u, Do you understand ? naun nayauk sik ba mo ? T do not understand. kie yu si nu. When will he come ? baung khoa lo e1 m6? He will come now. tua lo ei. Where are you going ? baan a sif yu? I am going to court that girl. to hon nti kie ka si¢ nauk ei, H 58 English. How many houses are in your vil- lage ? There are twelve houses. Are all the women’s faees tattooed in your village P They are all tattooed. What does Pamblaung say ? ‘I am beautiful’, she says. Is she beautiful ? She is not beautiful. How old are youP I am thirty. How old is your wife P She is twenty-five. How many children have you? I have four, one boy and three girls. How old is the eldest ? The eldest is seven. Is the youngest at the breast P Yes, it is. Has it cut all its teeth ? Not yet cut. Iam going. Go not. I cannot come. I dare not go. You must not go. You ought not to go. Go before he comes. If you find it, bring it. If you wish to go, go. If you pull the cat’s tail, she will scratch you, If you go there, you will be struck. I will do it, if I can. Tam falling. He is falling. 1 am not falling. He is not falling. Tam loving. He is loving. Zam \he is) not loving. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, Ithyeng. nan 4 iam pihid moi 0? hnga iam nhi moi u, naun nan 4 hnato zeil zel amhaung mashuan u m6? zel zei mashuanu, Pamblaung baung nahau ey mo. Pamblaung na, kie ka koi nauk u nauk u. ya koi no u mdéP 201 no nu. naun kuam pi hio moi U mé? htum gip moi niu. paya kuam pi hio moi t m6? kapaya go kuam hngo. naun 4 shami moit m6 ? pum mri mdi u, pato pu’hot, hnato pun htum, ahlém hek& kuam pihid mdi i mé ? ahlém hé% kuam she. amlek hé/& sui of mdi u mé? a, moi u. aho po ma& u md P bo mak hon nu. kie ka sifyu. Zit an é. kie nlo kho di nu. kie zi¢ da¢ shi nu. zit la shi di. zit hpa mbi. nlo khlaung a sid e. naun khon dina lo bo e. sit woi da sit (d, euphonic). min zam hémé hnik dina mamplei Be het éy éi. naun sdbra sit ana adeng nasuney ei. kie zei kho na, ka zei ei. kie ka klauku. aya klo u. kie ngto nu. aya ngto u. kie kamlak nauk u. Ya namlak nauk u. kie (aya) nmla& no nu. 1875.] English. I love him. He loves me. I am pointing (with the finger). He is pointing. What is he pointing at ? Ts the work finished ? It is not finished. Do you think it will rain ? T do not think it will rain. Is the village far? Té is near. Who is coughing ? He is coughing (7. e., has a cough). What did you beat him with ? I struck him with a stick. Those men went with their bows to shoot wild pig. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. Khyeng. kie aya kamlak nauk u. kie namlak nauk u. kie kachi u. aya namanchi u. aya bating nachi u. nazel. pri u mo ? bri hon nu. yo oo ei nachian u m6 ? yo noo shinu kachian u. to nam hid u mé ? aseng’ u. anku ani 0? yanku shi u. naun aya baung ung deng u? htén bo nung kadeng u. 59 to khlaung hio ali ung pom wok hot el sié u hid. PART III. A Vocabulary in Khyeng and English. The vocables in this section of the Vocabulary may perhaps be grouped under the following heads :— (a.) The generic or cognate, such as are common to the majority of the hill tongues, as for instance; ‘kahni’ the sun; ‘khlo’ the moon ; ‘kl’ air; ‘ul a dog. (6.) The specific or, perhaps more correctly, the dialectic, such as are peculiar to the Khyeng tongue: as forexample; ‘bliim’ a hill; ‘ dek’ the earth ; ‘kiaw a mountain. (c.) The foreign or such as are borrowed from other tongues, as for example‘ mlu’ a town, from the Arakanese ‘ mro’; ‘anik’ black, from the Burmese ‘ anek’; ‘ sonai’ lime, from the Hindastani ‘ china’. The origin of these latter is indicated by the capital letters A, B, or H, being prefixed to them. dative particle. A. a, post pos., at, among, for, in, to; 2, swppositional affix, if; 3, agu, post pos., from, in, ablative particle. a, n., a fowl; — hlui, a cock; — hlui khong u, the cock crows ; — nii, a hen. 60 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No a w ep P aak, v., to break ; — so, a bit, fragment. abo, ”., a mushroom. abok, adj., white. adon, 2., a mat; — hio, v., to roll up a mat, aha, 2., a yam. aham, 2., an otter. ahang, 2., a musquito, ahau, 2., speech ; — pe, to abuse ; — yauh, to tell, relate. ahaung, 7., liquid, juice. ahboi, ahpoi, ad7., good, handsome. ahé, 2., an axe. ahé, 2., firewood. ahéng, adj., green, alive. ahlém, adj., great, large, big. ahling, 2., a thorn. ahlo, adj., far. ahlok, 2., heat; — soat, v., to perspire. abling, adj., high, lofty, tall. ahmaung, adj., painted, ornamented ; — shuam, v., to tattoo. ahmu, ”., a kite (bird). ahmuaf, 2., the gall bladder ; with ‘ mé’, to blow the fire. ahmo, 2., hair of the body, down ; 2, a feather. ahni or ahné, 7., a wild dog. ahnii, 7., the last, the space behind a thing, ahom, 7., a creck. ahong, adj., empty, deserted. aho, adj., dry. ahta, adj., new. ahté, 2., the fruit of a tree or plant. ahti, 2., blood ; ahto, adj., acid, sour. ahto, adj., angry. ahto, 7., an arrow. ahtiii, adj., young, small. ahtuk, adj., deep as water. akho, adj., bitter ; ”., an aperture, hole. akié, n., a tiger. aki, 2., a horn, as ‘ non ki’ buffalo’s horn ; also, an angle, corner. aklam, 7., advice, counsel ; 2, enclosure, fence. aklong, #., a line. ako, or ago, adv. and post pos., under, beneath, akoi, ., an ear or spike of grain. klong, 7., a vein. 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 61 B. aki, z., help, assistance ; 2, a spider, A. alak, x., liquor, spirit, arrack. B. alei, z., a field. B. ali, 2., a crossbow ; — wo, z., a quiver ; — nkli, v., to bend the bow in order to string it ; — hp, v., to draw up the string in order to let off the arrow. B. alom, ”., a road. alon a, adv., moreover. ald, 2., a forest clearing ; ad7., like, similar. B. aliin, ”., a stone ; exponent particle for round-like objects. am, ”., a pot, utensil. A. amaung, ., a dream. ambu ey, v., to borrow. B. amé, z., the sky, clouds. amlak, obsolete n.; — nauk, v., to love, to like. amlek, adj., small, young. amliing, 2. the mind; 2, the middle; — ta, v., to like, to be pleased with; — klaus, v., to resolve; — hto, v., to be angry. amuam, adj., broken, fractured, lame. an, the negative and prohibitive particle. ana, if, the suppositional affix. anau, 2., a younger brother, offspring. —— bé, u., a younger sister (pron. anabé.) andi, ”., a scorpion. andu ey, v., to be hungry. anduam, 7., a resting, a place. ani, 7nterrogative pron., who. B. anik, adj., black. anku, 7., a cough. anteat, adj., tight. anto, v., to awake. B. aoi, adj., yellow. apio, 7., a fly. apeam, adj., old. apoung, 2.,a wall; B. — v., to clasp, cling to. B. apok, ., a grandfather. apri, ”., a bit, fragment. asa, 2., @ Worm. aseng, adj., near. ashe, m., a star. B. ashang ey, v., to be proper, right. 6 od G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, B. asham, 7., sound, noise. asheam, adj., red; —so, #., an infant, (a northern expression). ashaung, adj., light. ashau, adj., long. asho, 2., flesh, meat. asi, ”., an elder sister. asiam, ”., a knife; — lop or nho, x., the blade of a knife ; — ho, m., the edge of a knife. aso, adj., wet. aso, n., a child infant; a diminutive particle. as0i, adj., short. asoung, 7., rice; — shé, cleaned pounded rice; — dé, uncleaned rice, ata, 2., an elder brother. aul, adj., stinking, rotten. aung 0, 7., a crow. awa, 2., light, dawn of day ; 2, a casting net. awoap, 7., a species of leech. ayam, 7., night. ayat, ya, pron., full form of third personal pronoun he, she, it; plur., ayau, adj., wide. [ayati, yati, they. ayauk, 2., a bag. ayl, adj., heavy. ayel, adj., weary. ayong, adj., cold. ayok, 2., a corpse. B. ba, n., a kind of reed; 2, a euphonic affix. — leng, n., a kind of grass. — oap, 2., lemon or other fragrant grass. ba, v., to put into the mouth (as food, &e.). baan, adv., where. baung, wterrog. pron., which, what. kho-a, adv., at what time, when. bé, adj., other, another. mbing, v., to shut, close as an aperture or door. bliim, 2., a hill, hillock ; b6, a hill mushroom. bo, a qualifying affix, sometimes makes a neuter verb active. bo, v., to return. mbon, v., to be thin. bri or pri, v., to be finished, completed. 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 63 bii, z., cooked food, boiled rice; — am, a pot in which rice is cooked ; — am teap, the rice pot cover; — andu ey, v., to be hungry. buaf, buap, v., to cook. buam, v., to get, obtain. bik bo, v., to push. C. chandon, z., the Khyen dwen River. che pui, 7., an associate, friend. chetong kuht, z., the left hand. chi or che, 2., the waist cloth worn by Khyeng males. sauk, v., to put on the waist cloth. chi, v., to point out, or at, chian, v., to think, suppose, be of opinion. chin ye, #., marriage, D. dat, v., to dare, auxiliary affix (not used singly). dek, ., the earth, ground; — moan, v., to be possessed of the spirit of the earth ; — heam hot, v., to make a propitiatory offering to the earth spirit. nde, v., to be disgusted. de, 2., a thatched roof, di, 2., a kind of grass for thatching dei shop, ”.,a door; — mbing, v., to shut (as a door) ; — hii, v., to open (as a door), din, ewphonie affix, as ‘khoan din lo e’, come down. dina, swppositional affix, if, should. do, an extended line. Exponent particle for long things, ndo, v., to sting as a bee, or bite as a snake. doam, adj., idle, lazy, stupid. dong, v., to jump. don, adj., only. duaé, v., to shampoo. nduam, v., to rest, cease from motion. du, v., to die. E. é, v., to eat. e, affix of imperative mood, ei, affia of future tense and of infinitive mood. ek, 7., dung, ordure ; 2, v., to ease oneself. ey, auxiliary affix. 64 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, G. gan, v., to be strong, powerful, violent. ngan, v., to kick as an animal, as ‘no nama ngan wu’ the buffalo kicks. gang nu, v., to be not well, sick. elék, 2., a flash of lightning; — klo, v., to flash as lightning ; — ho, 7., a celt, ancient stone implement. ngon nu, v., to be busy, not at leisure, as ‘ kie ngon nu’ I have no go, num. adj., nine, [leisure. goi, num. adj., twenty. gu, 2., a thing, a unit; genitive particle. H. ha, 2., gold; — oi yum, a gold necklace ; — ku siap, a gold finger ring; — takli, a gold armlet. ha, also ngha, num. adj., ten. han, v., to yawn; 2, to be rough, bad asa road; 3, mase. affix for hap, v., to be sharp as a knife, clever as a man. [ dogs. hbi, v. to catch, hold, as ‘hbi dina lo e’ bring tt. hbo, euphonic affix. heam, 7., silver; — ha, silver and gold, wealth; — hot, »., to go with a propitiatory offering. hek, 2., a louse, hék, v., to lift or take out; 2, superlative affix, very, much. hi, v., to ask, to question. hio (or sho), ., a coverlet, blanket ; — wo, v., to put on a cover- ing; — ankleat, v., to fold up a covering. hio (or sho), v., to roll up (as a mat or tobacco) ; 2,to be many ; 3, a plural affix. hiuap, or shuap, v., to loosen, untie. hle, v., to buy. hleat, v., to joke, jest. hlém, v., to be great, large. hlo, 7., a shield. hloang, v., to expel, drive out. hlok, v., to be hot. hling, v., to be high, lofty. hli, v., to rub, wipe. hluam, v., to shake. hmiam, v., to be ripe ; to be cooked. hmu, v., to see. hne nii, 7., a widow; — bo, m., a widower. 1875.] te G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 65 hnato, 2., a woman. hnauf, v., to bark (as a dog); 2, to wear (as a garment) ; 3, to put on (as a ring). hnatf, v., to hammer (as a nail or peg). hnaung, euphonie particle, please. hnga, also ha, num, adj., ten. ne pumhot, eleven. hngo, num. adj., five; 2, to be full, satisfied with food. hngé, v., to growl as an animal. hngo, 2., a fish ; liap, scales ; pwop, gills; hling, dorsal fin; pok hling, ventral fin ; homé, tail; sa, dried fish; zi nel, salted fish ; mengo, broiled fish. hni, num. adj., two. hni, 2., a Khyeng woman’s under-petticoat. hnio, v., to forget; — hté, m., a melon. hnoan, v., to smell. hno, ov nho lop, z., a leaf. hno, v., to be blunt, as a knife. hnik, v., to pull, drag, draw out. ho, v., to fan ; 2, to wipe. ho, v., to dry, set out to dry. hoan, v., to be young, budding, (obsolete). ni, 2.,a virgin, maiden. hoap, v., to pull with violence. hoat ey, v., to hinder. hoi, 2., a mango. hdi, v., to be a pair or couple, dual affix. hok, v., to bark as a deer. hokka, v., the buttock. holai khon or khoam, v., to meet with suffering, to suffer. homak, n., chillies. hémé, z., a tail; a beard of grain. hon a, post pos., above, overhead ; con. yet, still. hot, v., to go, (obsolete) ; asan auxiliary ut often gives strength to an active root. hot, num. adj., one; hot a, to-morrow. hpa, v., to be lawful, right, an auxiliary verb not used singly. hpé, v., to allot, divide. hpean, v., to wear out or away. hpiaa, 2., the gown worn by the Khyeng women ; put on the same, hio, v., to 66 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No. 1, hpo, v., to arrive. hpo, v., to sow broad cast. hpo, #., a snake, serpent. hpoha, z., a husband. hpo i, 2., cotton; — yong, the cotton plant; — hté, the cot- ton pod; — nzi, cotton seed; — pé, dressed cotton; —hdeun, a bundle of cotton thread; — hdeum shuan, to dye cotton thread. hpuan, ad7., level. hték, 2., a brute animal ; exponent particle for fish. hti or nhti, 2., iron. htin or htén, 7., a tree; — haung, 2. sap. hto, 2., av arrow ; v., to change. htum, nwm. adj., three. hau, v., to speak, talk. iam, #., a house, dwelling ; — sho, the verandah; — kadiiz, the inner or sleeping apartment ; — go, the first or cooking-room. ik, v., to sleep; — duam, 7., a bed. ka, contracted form of first personal pronoun. kadi, 2., the mantis religiosa. kaduik, 2., an inside part, a room. kahni, 7., the sun, the sky, a day; — kli, v., to set, as the sun; — sauk, v., to shine, as the sun. nkap, v., to hawk, clear the throat. kat, v., to weep, cry. khlo, 2., the moon, lunar month ; — hté, to wax; B. — luam, to wane ; — yi, the halo round the moon; — wa, to shine as the moon, 7. moon shine; — soat, to rise; — plé, full moon. khlaung, #.,a man, mankind ; — hag, a shrewd, sharp fellow ; —so, a child, a youth; — hli, a braggart, boaster, liar; — gan, a strong powerful man, athlete; — gon, a lean man; — oo, a dumb man ; — zam, an elder. khlaung a, gual. affix (with ‘n’ prefixed to verbal root), before, as ‘nlo khlaung a’ before coming. kho, aux. verb, to be able, can ; 2., an aperture. khoa, 2., time. kho-a, 7., country, region. dhoa, n., dawn, light, 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 67 khoam, also khon, v., to meet with find. khoan, v., to descend, khoi, z., a honey-bee ; — uap, a ground bee; — hleng, a tree bee (living in the hole of tree) ; — hlém, a large kind of bee ; — sha, the nest including comb and honey; — ho, a small kind of bee; — haung, honey ; — kap, yellow wax; — hne, wax of a blackish colour. khoi, v., to ascend. khon, v., to sever, divide ; 2, to find. khon or khun, 7., the domestic or household spirit. swang ey, v., to introduce the bride to her husband’s household spirit. khong, v., to crow, as a cock. khuam, v., to fasten, to tie with a string. kiau, 2., a mountain. kie, pron., I; kie hni, we (dual); kie me, we (plural). kié, v., to fear. klang, v., to intend. klaus, v., to fall (from a height). nkleat,v., to fold up or be folded up. kli, z., air, wind; — gan, a storm, hurricane. klo, or kloso, 2., the spirit attached to a person from birth. klong, v., to feed, tend as creatures, kl6k soat, »., to perspire. kl, adj., young, budding. klii, v., to fall (from an erect posture) ; to slip, sink, set, as the sun. kluam, v., to enter, go into or under, to dive. kluaé, v., to grind. nkluk, v., to fell, as timber. ko, v., to have fever. ko, or — mang, v., to groan, moan. ko ey, v., to coax, flatter. koi, v., to ascend, — nauk, v., to be becoming, beautiful, nkoi, v., to split, crack, be broken. kon, v., to have leisure. kot, v., to go out shooting, to shoot. L. la, v., to get obtain ; 2, (aux. verb) must. lak, v., to scratch or paw the earth, as a fowl or dog. 68 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan, (No.1, lat pang kuth, right hand. lei, v., to be brave, bold. ling, v., to set, plant out. lo, v., to come. loan, v., to dance. M. ma, the contracted form of the first personal pronoun in the dual and plural numbers. mahat kho, 7., the mouth. mahling, ”., the back ; — yo, the backbone, spine. mahlék kho, 2., the throat. maho, 2., a tooth. mahno, 7., the ear. mak, v., to complete, finish. makan, 07 — zam, 2., the breast. makho, 7., the foot, lez; — muam, adj., lame ; — poam, the sole of the foot; — nu, the big toe; — lu, the knee; — mif, the ankle ; — on, v., to sit down. makht, 2., tobacco; — héng, 2., green tobacco; — sa, ., dried tobacco; — hio, a cigar: v., to roll tobacco; — ok, v., to smoke ; — lop, tobacco leaf; — kan, the midrib ; — yong, the tobacco plant. makiam, 2., the waist. makuht, n., the arm or hand; — nti, the thumb; — mium, the first finger; — dandalan, the middle finger ; — mingo, the third or ring finger ; — so, the little finger ; — siap, a finger- ring; — ndiam, the finger nail; — be, 2., a finger breadth ; — méng, v., to snap the fingers; — po, 7., the palm of the hand; — klun, 7., the back of the hand; — piam, a knuckle or the wrist ; — hnuam, the fist. malé bong, 7., the tongue. malu, 2., the head. maliing, or mlung, 2., the mind, soul, heart. mamlei, ., the navel; — y0i, ”., the navel string. mando, 2., a sting. mankuam, 7., the calf of the leg. mankho, m., the chin; — hmo, the beard. mape, ”., the thigh. : mapium dui, #., urine ; iam, the bladder. 1875,] mm by od be G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandcway, Arakan. 69 mashom, 2., hair of the head. maung, v., to dream. mawuam, #., the skin. mel nal, 2., indigo. mén, 2., fire. nshudm, a piece of fire stick or brand, — nku, to smoke, —- nshi, to set fire to. noo, to burn. non, to warm oneself by the fire. mpwa, to light or make a fire. ndo, to blaze up; #., a flame or blaze. méng, v., to make a noise, bellow, roar, low, or mew. mix, 2., the eye. — kbe, adj., blind. —— ku, w., the eyebrow. kuam, z., the eyelid ; —— kbok, z., the white of the eye. knik, ”., the pupil. — kh, or — khaung, »., a tear. kche pek, v., to wink, mim, ov mimzam, %., a cat, malo, 2., vegetable poison into which arrows are dipped. mri, nwm. adj., four. — mhuat, to blow a fire. hmo, the eyelashes. ml6-i, 2., a boat. mili, 7., a city. mo, #., a lord, master, owner, proprietor. mo, wmterrogative particle ; 2, euphonic particle, moan, v., to seize, catch, hold ; — buan, v., to have hold of; to obtain. moi, v., to be, exist. mong, 7., the lip. muan, v., to be broken, fractured. mui, 7., an elephant; — ho, an elephant’s tusk. N. n, the negative particle. na, the suppositional particle, if, should. na, contracted form of second and third personal pronouns in the three numbers. nam, #., a village ; — zam, a village elder. 70 G. EH, Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [WNo. 1, nauk, aux. verb, not used singly. naun, pron., thou ; naun-hni, ye (dual) ; naun me, ye (plural). ne, 2., a day from sunrise to sunset; 2, conjunctive particle, with, and. nei, v., to knead, or press into (as salt into fish), ney, v., to twist, wring out (as clothes), nguap, v., to watch, guard. ni, demon. pron., this; — khoa, adv., now, this time, — kha, adv., thus; — kha shi na, adv., therefore. — lon a, adv., also ; post pos., besides. nié, v., to attend to, listen, obey. non, 2., a buffalo. é, to offer to the buffalo spirit, (dit. to eat buffalo). nu, v., to be abundant. O. 0, v., to be dumb. 0, adj., pleasant, charming ; vocative particle. oam, 2., vegetables, pottage; — am, 7., the cooking vessel, and — am teap, ., its cover. oap, v., to be fragrant, sweet smelling. on, v., to remain, rest; — duam, resting-place, seat. op, v., to cut as with a knife. oyuam, 7., a necklace ; — mon, the beads of a necklace ; — ydi, the thread on which the beads are strung. P. pakri, 7., a green and gold beetle, a species of Buprestis. hbo, v. to speak. pau, ”.,a word, speech ; paung, v., to cling, adhere to. paya, ”., a wife; — san, the wife first taken ; — di, the second wife. payo, ., a bird ; — bii, a bird’s nest ; — hmo, a bird’s feather. payti, 2., a rat or mouse. pei, v., to fly as a bird or as sparks of fire ; 2, to steer as a boat. pi, «nterrog. pron., what ; — hio, how much or many (pronounced by the southern Khyengs as ‘ pshaw’). — kik, how much or many (be hnit ko, Burm.) pling, v., to repair, put in order. pio, or piak, v., to cleanse, wash. pium, v., to be straight. plo, adj., shallow as water. 1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. a po, v., to follow, accompany, as an auxiliary sometimes makes active a neuter verb ; also an euphonic affix. pom, z., a forest. poi chi, ~., a kind of deer (?). B. pok, v., to cut as teeth, to come out. pum, 2., a body, unit, thing, exponent particle for mankind and things generally. S. B. sa, v., to be dried, as fish or grass. sam, v., to be great in years, old. sang, v., to be hard. sauk, v., to shine as the sun ; 2, to put on (as a man’s garment), saum or shom, 7., the hair of the head. saung, 2., paddy ; — hop, the husk or hull of paddy; — hémé, the beard of the grain ; — woap, to reap by merely cutting off the ear as is done by the hill people; —- yang, to reap as is done in the plains. seizei, adj., all. ship, num. adj., eight. shamo, ”., a priest, soothsayer. shami, 7., a little thing, a child. B. shang ey, v., to be proper, fit. she, 2., a leaf; 2, num. adj., seven; 3, adj., bad. she, imperative of the above, as ‘ on hnaung she’ let it remain. shé, 2., a horse. sheat, v., to count. shi, v., to be, to be true; as an auxiliary it implies the quality, habit, or practice of any being or thing ; —ba, ib is, yes; nshi nu, it is not, no. sho, 7., a cow. sho, v., to be thick; ., flesh, meat. shom, v., to take off (as a cooking pot off the fire). shuap, v., to untie. shuang ey, v., to own. shui, v., to search, look for, shuma, v., to geld, castrate. slap, ”., a finger ring. sigm, 7., a knife. sit, v., to go; — ey, v,, to go; — nauk, to go courting. 50, v., to bite. bY Wh w . 72 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Avrakan. (No.1, soat, v., to issue, go out; 2, to look, look at, behold; 3, to cut as with a knife. nsoi, v., to kick (as a man), sok, v., to make trial of (an auxiliary, not used singly). so or su, v., to dig. son, v., to run, flee, escape; 2, to taste; 3, an auciliary signifying completion. sonai, ”., sand, lime, son bidn, #., a young unmarried man. suam, #., a kind of fairy. sul, 2., the breast ; milk ; — mong, the nipple. swang ey, to cause to enter, introduce. T. tai, 2., a hut. tamuap, 7., ashes. tanhup, #., to-day. tau, adj., large, fine, big, superior. tauam, 7., a gourd; — yum, 7., the same; — té, ., a species of gourd. tauk ey, to be born (applied chiefly to animals). te, to commission, order. nteang, to be raw, uncooked. teap, ., a lid, cover. nteat, to be tight, close fitting. ti, to be, as ‘ kha ti u’ what is it P ti or di, neg. particle, as ‘hbau ei di’ be silent. to, dem. pron., that (pronounced sometimes ‘ t0’) ; v., to whet. nto, to be awake. nt6 hbo, to awaken. toi or doi, ”., an egg. tolei, 2., medicine. toni, dem. pron., that ; — khoa, then, at that time. tong, to discard, reject; tong hot, to throw. tou tauk, to weave ; — klaung, 2., the beam farthest from the weaver round which the warp is rolled; — sim, z., the near beam in weaver’s lap round which the warp passes ; — che- hnam, 2., the strip of hide against which the weaver leans, its ends are fastened to ends of near beam ; — sak, 7., a shuttle. tui, adj., sweet. ; v., to be sweet. tiik, to kill, destroy. ntuk, to commission, order. 1875.] G. EB. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 78 tu-a, adj., now. toam, v., to follow, pursue, accompany ; — buan, »v., to catch, as ‘toan ei kabuan niu’ I have caught him. tuat u, v., to hide, conceal. tui, 2., water; — li, »., a lake, pond; — htt, deep water; — plo, shallow water ; —hlok, v., to bathe ; #., hot spring ; — miauk, drinking cup ; — dziti, water-pot ; — sauk, bamboo for holding water ; — kluam, v., to dive ; — hai or hei ey, v., to be thirsty ; — kium, w., a well; — nhiif, v., to draw water. U. uat nauk, v., to think. uat, or uap, n., a brick. ui, #., a dog; — han, »., a male dog ; — han bo, z., an old male dog, a term of abuse ; — yo, n.,amad dog ; — nu, z., a bitch. ung, post. pos., with, by means of. W. wa, v., to be light, as ‘ khlo wa’ moon-light. Wo, ”., a basket. wo, v., to quarrel. 2, to throw, fling ; — hau, v., to wrangle. woap, v., to reap ; see ‘saung’. woi, aux. verb, to wish, desire. wok, v., a pig, hog; — ni, 2. a sow. wok, v., to crawl, creep. wu 1, or ‘ woi,’ v., to call. bi td VE ya, pron., third person, he, she, it ; — hoi, the same, dual, they two ; yati, they ; — hio, they. yam, 2., night. B. yam yam, adv., quickly. yand a, yesterday. yang, v., to reap. yau, v., to be broad. yauk, v., to hear; —— sik, v. to understand, comprehend. yu sin, neq. verb, ‘kie yu si nu’, I do not understand. ye, v., to sell. yei v., to be fatigued from exertion. yei shan, v., to invoke a spirit. B. yo, 7., rain; — 0, v., to rain; — tui, 7., rain-water. yoan, v., to float. B. yokha, adv., in former times, formerly (she thau kha Bwm.). . K & 74 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No.1, yo, 2.,a bamboo ; 2, abone ; — yong, ”., the same ; — hnedr, 7., a bamboo for holding water (a northern word) ; — ntang, 1., a species of white bamboo ; — nzing, 7., a species of bamboo ; — hna, ., the same. yo, ”., a funeral. yoi, 2., a string or cord. yong, m., a monkey. yong ey, v., to be cold. yum, ”., a creeper; exponent particle for reptiles. yu, 7., rice beer, Z. zei, ¥., to work ; za, in northern Khyeng,. nzian, v., to be clear as water. nzo, v., to ache. n’zoat ey, v., to chew. zum, 2,, a brute animal, exponent particle for quadrupeds. nzum, v., to mark ; recollect, remember. nziin, v., to be stitt, cramped ; — auk, v., the same. A Vocabulary in English and Khyeng. Opposite some of the words in this section appear vocables with a capi- tal N prefixed to them. They are taken “from a man belonging to the Northern tribes”, and form part of the vocabularies of languages spoken by tribes in Arakan, furnished to Mr. Hodgson by Capt. (now Sir) A. Phayre, and published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1853. Subjoined is the system of orthography adopted for them. a as a in America. a as a in father. 1 as 1 in in. i as 1 in police. u as u in push. U as 00 in food. e as e in yet. é as e in there. ai as al in alr. el as 1 in mind. ou as ou in - ounce. au as au in audience, 0 as 0 in note. th as th in thin. 1875.] A. abandon, v., tong u. abhor, andey u. abide, on u. able to be, kho u. abode, 2., on duam. above, post pos., hon a. absent to be, moi nu. abundance, 7., anti. abuse, v., mong shé ahau pek w ache, v., anzo or manzo wu. acid to be, v., ahto u. adorn, v.,hom bon u. (kie ka hom bon u.) advice, 2., aklam. aforetime, adv., yokha. afraid to be, v., akié u. agreeable to be, v., 0 us alm, v., anzun u. air, 2., kli. N. kli. alive, adj., ahéng. all, adj., séizéi; kho-kho. allot, hpé u. also, adv., ni lon a. ankle, z., khe mik. animal, 7., zum; hté&; yum. another, adj., bé. ant, ., mring, mling. za-mi. arm, ”., makuhé, arrive, hpo u. arrow, 7., ahto. ascend, kdi u. ashes, ”., tamuap. ask, v., hi u. assistance, 2., akii. at, among, post. pos., a.. awake, v., anto u. axe, n., ahé, [ ka. N. ada-ma- N. lhing- N. thwa. B. bachelor, 7., son bian. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Avraham 75 back, 2., mahling. bad, adj., shé, hboi nu.. N. po-ya.. bag, 2., ayauk, bamboo, 2., yo. basket, 7., wo. bathe, w., tui hlok u. be, v., moi u; shi u; ti u. bear, v., sun eyu. beard, ”., mankho hmo.,. beat, v., adeng u. beautiful to. be, k6i nauk u. beautiful, ya k6i no u.. become, vide be. bed, 7., 7& duam. bee, 2., khoi. beetle, 7.,(the green and gold). pakri. before, prep., khlaung a; following negative verbal root, thus ‘ nlo khlaung a’, before coming. beg, v:, hi us behold, v., soat u. bellow, v., méng u. below, post. pos., ak or ago:(Burm.). N. dékan. besides, wzde also. better, adj., san ahbot. big, adj., ahlém. bind, v., khuam u, bird, ., payo. N. hau bit, 7., aak so. bite, v., so u. bitter, adj., akho. N. khau. black, adj., anik (Burm.). WN. kén. bladder, 7., mapium dui iam. blade (of a knife) #., asiam lop. blaze, v., méndo u, blind, adj., mikbé. blood, ~., ahti. N. ka-thi. boat, 2., mlo i. N. loung. body, ”., pum, mapum, bone, 2., yo. N. kayok. borrow, v., ambu ey u. She is 76 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. bow (crossbow), ali. brace, 7., ahoi. brag, v., hli ov hle u. brave, adj., lei. break, v., ankdi u. breast, 2., sui (woman’s), makan. brick, 7., oat. bring, v., hbi dina lo u. broad, adj., ayau. broil, v., mé ngo u (mén kago u, I broil). brother, ata (elder); anau (younger), buffalo, 7., nén. N. nau. burn, v., mén 00 u. (as a corpse) ankluu. Kanklu mak nui, J have burnt him. busy, v.,ngon nu; kie-ngon nu, £ have no leisure. buy, v., hle. by, by means of, post pos., ung. C. ealf (of leg), manduam. call, »., woi or wui u. can, v., kho u. cast, v., Wo U. cat, 2., min, mimzam. N. min. catch, v.. moan u. Modan ei kabuan niu, L have caught (him). chest (of the body), makan, makan- zam. chew, v., nzoat ey u. child, 7., so, shami. chin, #., mankho, cigar, 2., makhii hio. city, 7., ml. clear, adj., anzian (as water). cling to, paung u. cloud, n., amé. cock, 7., ahlui. eold to be, ayong u, yongey u. N. ka-young. [No. 1, N. -lo. back, v., lo-bo. come, v., lo-u. down, v., khoan dina lo. ——= up, v., khoi dina lo. out, v., soat. companion, che pui, ov shami pul. comprehend, see understand. conceal, v., tuat u. cook, v., buat u. cord, ”., y6l. corner, angle, 7., aki. corpse, 2., ayok. cotton, 2., hpo 1. cough, v., ankuu; thus, yanku shi u, he is coughing. count, v., sheaé u. country, 2., khoa. couple, ”., ahoi. coverlet, m., hio (sho, nearly). cow, 2., sho. N. sharh. creek, 7., ahom. creep, v., WOK u. crossbow, #., ali. Ali kankli ei, £ will bend the bow (Gn order to string it). crow, 7., aug O. ery, v., kat u. cut, ¥., soaé u, N. ang-au. dance, v., loan u. dare, v., daz, only used an auxiliary. dawn, ”., awa. deep, adj., ahtuk. descend, v., kho an u. desire, v., WOi U. die, v., duu. dig, ¥., SO o7 SU U. dive, v., kluam u. divide, v., khon u (sever); hpé u (allot). dog, #., ui; uihan, a dog; ui ni, a bitch. N. ui. 1875.] down, #., (soft hair or feathers) hmo. drag, v., nhik u. draw, v., the same. dream, v., maung u. drink, v., ok u. N, t-é. dry, adj., as flesh or fruit, sa. dung, 2., ek. dwell, v., on u. dye, v., shuan u. E. N. kaenhau. earth, 2., dek. WN. det. ease oneself, v., ek u. ear, 7., manho. eat, v., 6. N. é. ego, n.,a toi. N. to-i. elephant, 7., mui. N. mwi. enter, v., wang U. escape, ¥., Soan u. exchange, v., hto u. eye, z., mik&. N. mi-t-i. eyebrow, #., mik ku. eyelid, 7., mik kuam. eyelashes, 7,, mik kuam hmo. eight, shap. N. sat. F. fall, v., klu u. fan, v., ho u. far, adv. and adj., hlo, N. tst-a al- hau a me, /é. is it far there ? father, n., apo; bo. N. pau. fear, v., kié u; kie ngié nu, L am not afraid. feather, ”., hmo. female, 2., nhato (woman) ; nti, female particle, fever, 2., ko. field, ”., alei. find, v., khoam u. finish v., bri, pri-mak (auwiliaries). fire, v., men. N. mi, — G. B. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 77 first, adj., ayaing. fish, 2., hngd. N. ngau, five, 2., hngo. N. nghau, fit, adj., hpa (not used singly). flame, 7., méndo. flesh, ., sho. fling, v., wo; tong hot u. flower, ”., (lit. orchid) popa. N. pa- pa. fly, v., pelu.. A fly, 2., apio. follow, v., toan u. food, m., bii. foot, 2., makho. forest, 2., pom. forty, mli gip. N. lhi gip. forsake, v., tong u. fowl, v., a. N. ka-ko. from, post. pos., agu. N. 1a. fruit, 2., ahté. funeral, ”., yo. four, num. adj.,mli. N. thi, G. get, v., buanu; la (awe. verb) must. give, v., peku. N. pe-ge. go, v., sit; hot (obsolete). N. tsit. go down, v., (descend) khoan u. gold, 7., ha. good, adj., ahpoi, ahboi. N. be. gourd, 2., tauam ; tauam yum. grandfather, 2., apok. great, adj., ahlém. N. len. green, adj., ahéng. N. nau. erind, v., kluad u. eroan, v., ko u. erowl, v., hngd u. H. hair, 2., shom. N. lu-sam., hair (down), #., hmo. N. kuth. handsome, adj., ahpoi. hand, ”., makuhé. 78 3 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. hard, adj., asang. hawk, clear the throat, v., ankap u. head, 7., malu. N, li. he, pron., ayat, yat. N. uni (comp. this). hear, v., yauku. N. kaeyauk. heart, 2., mliing or maliing. heavy, adj., ayi. help, v., akii u. hen, 2., & ni. hence, adv., ni égu. here, adv., nia. N. ni-am. high, adj., ahliing. hill, 2., bliim. hinder, v., hoat ey u. hive, 2., khoi sha. hog, 2., wok pa. N. weuk. hold, v., hbi, toam buam u. honey, 2., khoi haung. horn, 2., aki. N. a-kyi. horse, 7., hé. N. s’hé. hot, adj., ahlok. N. kho-leik. house, ”., 1am. WN. im. how, adv., pikha. N. ibau. how much or many, pihio. N, hyau- um, howl, v., méng u. hundred, nwm. adj., pia hot. N. kla- at. hungry, to be, bii anduey u; hun- ger, 2., N. bu-lan-a-du-i. husband, 2., hpo ha. hut, ”., tai. I, pron., kie. N. kyi. if, conj., a na, ana, dina. in, postposition, a dik a. N. dtka. indigo, #., mel nal. into, post. pos., diik a. iron, #., nhti or hti. N. thi, [No. 1, J. jest, v., hleat u. juice, 2., ahoung. K. kick, v., ngan u. No namangan u, the buffalo kicks ; nsoi, v., to kick, as a man. kill, v., tik u. N. tie. kindle (a fire), v., mé mpwa ue knead, v., nei u. kite, ”., ambi. knife, 7., asiam. know, v., yauk sik u; mhat. knuckle, #., makuht piam. L. lame, adj., amuadm. large, adj., ahlém. last, 2., anhii laugh, v., anwiu. WN, a-nwi. lawful, adj., hpa (not used singly). leaf, 2., she, lop, hno. N. shé. leg, 2., kho, makho. leisure, 2., akon. J have no leiswre, kie ngon u. let, v., she, hlit a. level, adj., hpuam. liar, #., khlaung hii. lid, 2., teap. lift, v., ta. lift up, v., ta bo. light, ”., w&; awa. lime, 2., sonal. lip, 2., mong. liquid, 2., ahaung. little, adj., aso, amlek, pleso (pron. pliso). Give me a little, pliso pek e. N. a-lak-cha-i. liver, #., ntiam, mantiam. N. youk ké. Adj., ashaung. lofty, adj., ahliing. loins, 7., kiam, makiam. 1875.] long, adj., ashau. N, sou. look, v., soat u. loom (weaving apparatus), tou. lord, 2., boy6. loosen, v., shuap u. louse, 7., hek. love, v., amlak& nauk u. M. mad, adj., ayo. maiden, ”., hon nu. make, v., sel; zel, za. male, 7., pato (man). man, ”., khlaung. N. klang. manner, 2., kha. many, plur. affix, hio, loi, tak, nu. mark, v., nzun u. mat, ”., adon. meat, 7., sho, medicine, 2., tdlei. meet, v., khoan or khon u. melon, 2., hnio hté. melt, v., ngaung u. milk, 2., sui, sho sui (cow’s milk), mind, 7., mliing. mix, v., nhot u. moan, v., ko u. monkey, 2., yong. WN. young. moon, #., khlo (also month). N. khlau. hight, 2., khlowa. more, adj., san. morrow, #., hot a. mother, »., ani, or au. N. nd. mountain, ., kiau. N. toung (Burm.). mosquito, ”., ahang. N. young-yan. moustache, 7., mong mho. mouth, 2., mahau kho. N. hak-kau. much, adj.,vide many. N. a-pa-luk (Burm.). murder, v., tik u. mushroom, 7., abo. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 79 must, aux. verb, la. my, adj., kie ku. N. name, 2., aming, ameng. , N. nami. navel, ., mlei, mamlei. tring lei y6i string, 7., mM €l yOle near, adj., aseng u. N, a-shyo-zo- yan. neck, 7., hlét-kho. lace, 2., 0 yoam. nest, 2., payo bu. net, 2., awa. night, #., ayam. WN, a-yan. nine, 2wm. adj., go. N. ko (Burm.). no, adv., nshinu. N. hi-a, now, adv., tua; nikho&. N. tia. O. oh, anter)., Oo. obey, v., ni ey u. obtain, v., buan u. oil, 2., shi haung. old, adj., apeam. man, sam bo. woman, san nu. on, post. pos., a, agzu. only, adj., don. order, v., Ana pek u. other, adj., bé, otter, 2., aham. outside, ., plaung a. N. to. N, ha-nang. N. klang-a- me. own, v., shuan ey u. one, num. adj., hot. N. nhat. 12 pair, ”., ahdi. perspire, v., hlok soat u. pig, 2., wok, pleasant to be, o u. pork, ”., wok sho. 80 G, BE. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. pot, 7., am. pull, v., ndang u; nhik u. pursue, v., toan u. put on, (as a man’s garment) sauk u ; (asa woman’s garment) hio u; (as a ring), nauk u. quarrel, v., wo u. quick, adj., ayan kha, quickly, adv., ayan yam. quiver, 2., ali wo. R. rainbow, 7#., naga han. rain, 2., yO; U., yO 00 U. raise, see lift up. reap, v., yang u. recollect, v., anzun u. red, adj., asheam. N. sen. region, 7., khoa. remain, v., kiuan u. repair, v., plang u. repeat, v., hau bo u. return, v., bo u. rice, 2., saung. rough, adj., ahan. N. cho-né. N. lam (Burm.). run, v., Son u. road, 7., alom. roar, v., meng u. round, adj., a-lum. N. pt lu. S. salt, 2., zi, shi. WN. tsi. sand, 2., sonal. sap, 2., htén ov htin haung. see, v., mhu u, sell, v., ye u. serpent, 2., hpo. seven, num. adj., she. sever, v., khon u. shallow, adj., aplo. WE, Hid, [No. 1, shampoo, v., duat u. shine, (as the sun) sauk u. , (as the moon or stars) wa u. short, adj, soi. N. twé. sick, adj., ging nu (lit, not well). silent be, hbau ei ti. N. mhé. silver, ., heam. sister, (elder) 2., asi. six, num. adj., sop. N. sauk. skin, 2., wum, mawum. NN. wan, sky, 2., ame. NN. han mhi. sleep, v., iku. N. ip. small, adj., amlek, aso. WN. na-d. snake, 7., hpo. N. phol, snatch, v., hot u. sole (of foot), 7., makho pom. SON, 7., aso. song, 2., si¢chan. sour, adj., ahto. NN. to. sow, 2., wok nu. speak, v., hauu. WN. ha-we. spear, 2., sauk chi, spider, 2., alii. spine, #., mahling yo. spirits, 2., alak haung. star, 2., ashe, WN. dd-shé, steer, v., pel u. stone, 2.,alum. N. lun (Burm.). storm, #., kli gan. straight, adj., apiaung or apium, B. strike, v., deng u. NN. mo-lé. stupid, adj., doam. suitable, adj., hpa (not used singly) ; don ey u; ashang ey u. sun, 2., kahni. N. ko-nhi. superior, adj., tau. superlative affix, very, much, hék. sweat, v., aklo& soat u. sweet, adj., tui. N. tai. Ai tail, 2., homé. 1875.] talk, v., hau u. tall, adj., ahliing. N. Thun, tattoo, v., amhaung shuan u. ten, num. adj., ha. N. ha. that, pron., to, toni. N. oni. then, adv., to-khodi, N. ni-kho-a, (vide now). there, adv., to a; sOwa; sobra, N. tsti-a. they, pron., nahoi (dual); ayatti (plur). N. ni-di o7 ni-li. thigh, ~. mape. thick, adj., asho. thin, adj,ambon. N. pam. think, v., uat nauk u. thirsty to be, ha or hei u. n., N., ta i lan-a-du-i. thirty, nwm. adj., htum gip. N. tun sip. thou, pron., naun. N, nang. thine, pron., naun ku. N. nang-ko three, num. adj.,hbtum. N. htam. this, pron., ni. N. ni. Northern Khyeng, for ‘he’, pron. much, ni hio. thorn, ”., ahling. throat, #., mahlok kho. throw, v., WO u. thumb, #., makuht ni. tie, v., khuan u. tiger, -., akié. N. kyi. tight, adj., anteat. time, 7., khoa. to, post. pos.,a. N. 4. to-day, x., tanhup. N. tun-ap. N. ko-nup = day. Thirst, to-morrow, hot a. N. nhat-a, tobacco, #., makhi. toe, makho nii (great); makho zo (little). tooth, 7., maho, N. ka-hau. tree, m., htén or htin. No. thin. L “who, pron., ani. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 81 try, v., sok (not used singly). true to be, v., shi (substantive verb). N. kar. N. pan-nhi. twenty, num. adj., goi. two, 2. adj., hni. under, post. pos., ako, ago. understand, v., yauk-sik u, untie, v., shuap u. N. ne. vein, 2., ahti klong. village, m., nam. N,. nam. virgin, #., hon nii. W. wane, v., (as the moon) luan u. wash, v., pio, pio plax u. watch, v., nguap u. water, 7., tui. N. tui. wax, 2., khoi kap; v., hté u. weave, v., tou tauk u, : we, pron, kie hni (dual); kie me (plur.). N. kin ni. weep v., katu. N. akap. well, w., tui kium, well, to be, kang u. wet, adj., aso. what, pron., baung; pi. N. i-niham. when, baung kho&; pi kho& N. i-kho-a. where, adv., baan. N. i-ni-4m. whet, v., to u; asian ha to u, to whet a knife. which, pron., baung ; pi. ka, white, adj., abok. N. i-ni-a- N. buk. N. t-li-am. whole, adj., kho kho ; zei zei. wide, adj., ayau. widow, #., hne nii. 82 Rajendraléla Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal. {WNo. 1, “widower, #., hne bo. We wife, ”., paya. yam, ”., aha. NN. ba-ha. wind, ., kli. yawn, v., han u. wink, v., amik che pek u. yellow, adj., aoi. wipe, v., ho u. ye, pron., naun bni (dual) ; naun me wish, v., woi u. (plur.). N. nang-ni. with, post. pos., ung. N. yung. yes, 0; 00; shi ba, N.a-hi, [Com- within, post. pos., diik a, N. du-ga- pare hi, v., to ask. | mé. yesterday, n., yanda. WN. yam-tu. woman, 7., hnato. yet, conj., hon. wood, 2., htén sho. you, pron., naun hni, nahdéi (dual) ; word, 2., pau. naun me, nahio (plural). work, 7., asel. young, adj. amlék ; aso. wrist, 2., makuht-piam. youth, ., khlaung zo; son bian. eee ees On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal.—By Ba’su Ra‘senpRava’LA Mirra, (With a woodcut.) The mintage of which the woodcut at the end of this article is a re- presentation is well known to Indian numismatists. It has been noticed by Prinsep, Wilson, Cunningham, and others; and in a learned essay in the first volume of the New Series of the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal (pp. 447 ff.), Mr. Thomas has described it at great length and in full detail. There are, however, a few points in connexion with it which the uncommonly fine specimen presented to the Society by the Rev. M. M. Carleton of Karnal enables me to explain with some confidence. In all essentiai particulars, Mr. Carleton’s specimen is identically the same as the British Museum one figured by Mr. Thomas. It has on the obverse the curiously-antlered deer, the lady with a lotus, the square mono- gram, and the Western Cave character legend, so graphically described by Mr. Thomas, and all the Buddhist symbols, and the Bactrian or Ariano-Pali legend, noticed by him on the reverse of the British Museum specimen. The size is exactly the same, and the configuration of the symbols is identical, except of the rectangular monogram, the cross line in the middle of which is very faint and scarcely visible. The style of some of the old Sanskrit charac- ters in which the Pali legend is given, is, however, different, and it proves the coin before me to have been struck from a different die from what was used for the british Museum specimen. Owing to its better state of preservation, its weight, too, is greater, being 34:1 grains against 29 grains of the other. 1875.] _ Rajendralala Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal. 83 The differences in the letters of the obverse legend are not numerous, but they are well-marked and unmistakable. The first letter in the British Museum specimen is shaped somewhat like an English s, whereas in the speci- men before me it is clearly like the English j; it is, however, in either case intended to stand for the Sanskrit <== r. The second letter in the former specimen, is a compound of j and n followed by a visarga, the Sanskrit 3: = joah,—the j taking the full depth of the line with the visarga after it, and the n hanging down belowit. In the latter the n occupies the place of thej in the body of the line, and the j, if it ever existed, must have stood above the line, and is lost by the want of space in the margin. The visarga occurs after the n. In the former case the word has to be read rdjnah, the genitive singular of rdjan—‘ of a king’, and in the latter, if the assumption of aj over the n be not admitted, razah the type of the modern rdnd, ‘aking’. The name which follows being in the genitive, the epithet should also be in the same case, and so I have no doubt that when the margin of the coin was perfect, there was a j over the line just above the n, and the word was rajnah, the genitive of rdjan, as in Mr. Thomas’s specimen. In the second word, the nasal mark (anwsvara) after the n is absent in the British Museum specimen as figured by Mr. Thomas, but it is distinct in Mr. Carleton’s coin. The first half of the third word is identical in both, but the second half in the specimen before me is clearly bhatisa, and not bhatasa as shown in Mr. Thomas’s figure, nor bhratasa as it has been read by that gentleman. In the last word maharajasa, the r is formed of a perpendicular stroke like an I, and not a stroke with a curled tail like J, as in the first word and in the British Museum specimen. The 3 =j is also slightly different, being more like the Greek & than the English f, as in the latter. Adverting to the reading of the second word, Mr. Thomas says: “ The monarch’s name on this series of coins has hitherto, by common consent, been transcribed as Kunanda, and tested by the more strict laws of its own system of Paleography, the initial compound, in Indian Pali, would prefer- entially represent the letters ku. There can be little doubt, the true normal form of the short u (|), which can be traced downwards in its consistent modifications in most of the Western Inscriptions, though the progressive Gangetic mutations completely reversed the lower stroke of their u (¥). The question of the correct reading of the designation has, however, _ been definitively set at rest by the Bactrian counterpart legends on the better preserved specimens of the coinage, where the initial combination figures as kr, a transliteration which any more close and critical examination of the rest of the Indian Pali legend would, of itself, have suggested, in the parallel use of the same subjunct | in 4a bhrata.”* * Journal, R. As. Soc., N.8., I., p. 476. * 84 Réjendraldla Mitra— On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal. (No.1, This argument, however, is not conclusive, as Mr. Carleton’s com Is as well preserved as any I have seen of so old a date as three hundred and twenty-five to three hundred and forty years before Christ, every letter being perfectly distinct and as sharp as when first issued from the mint, and in it the lower limb of the Bactrian k of the reverse is perfectly straight and plunt, showing not the smallest trace of a spur or curl to the right. And even with the curl, the indication is not so decisive as could be wished, for a very slight bend in the foot often occurs in this class of writing without meaning any consonantal or vowel affix. It is the result of hasty writing, in which the pen is not taken off the paper before it has already produced a tail. It was this tail which changed the original Indian + successively into+ > ¢ — Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. PLL LDI LI No. II.—18785. ON EOE Pah Studies. No. 1.— By Major G. H, Fryer, Deputy Commissioner, British Burma. I,—On THE CEYLON GRAMMARIAN SANGHARAKKHITA THERA AND HIS TREATISE ON RHETORIC, It was the practice amongst members of the early Buddhist church when entering the priesthood to discard their patronymic, and to adopt a priestly title, under which if was not always easy to recognize their identity. Thus it was with the subject of the present sketch, of whom nothing was known, except that he was the author of Vuttodaya, Another of his works, however, (Sambandhacintd) recently procured, has a postscript which explains that Sangharakkhita Thera, the ‘Protected of the Congregation’, was Moggallana, the learned Pali Grammarian and Lexicographer, who flourished in Ceylon towards the close of the twelfth century, and that he was also known as Medhankara of Udumbaragiri, the glomerous fig- tree hill. Moreover, it appears elsewhere, that he was the disciple of the distinguished Sariputta, who adopted the title Sila Thera. Moggallana appears to have carried his literary activity with him into the cloister ; for under his priestly title of Sangharakkhita he wrote the following treatises, of which the two first are in verse— 1. Subodhilankara, ‘ Hasy Rhetoric.’ 2. Vuttodaya, ‘ Exposition of Metre.’ 3. Khuddasikkha Tika, aglossin prose on Dhammasir’s Khudda- sikkha, ‘ Minor duties’ (Incumbent on a priest). L / 92 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2 4, Sambandhacintd, ‘Reflections on Relation’ (of cases); a small work containing metrical maxims on constriction, interspersed with com- ments and illustrations in prose. “ An analysis of the first of these is here offered to the notice of the reader. The text which follows, has been prepared from two Pali JZSS. in the Burmese character, in the writer’s possession. One—a Mandalay copy— was procured at Maulmain ; the other—the more perfect of the two—came from Rangoon. The work is written on eleven palmleaves twenty inches long, with nine lines to the leaf. Notices of Vuttodaya, and Sambandhacinta, it is hoped, will follow shortly, but as Khuddasikkha Tika is not included in the series, the author’ s Introduction to it, and the postscript are here subjoined. Introduction. 1. Tilokatilakam vande saddhammamatanimmitam samsurukkathasampatti jinam janamanorammam. 2. Sariputtam mahasami ‘nekasativisaradam mahaguham mahapuniam namo me sirasa gurum. 3. Khuddasikkhaya tika ya puratana samirita na taya sakka sakkaccam attho sabbattha fatave, 4, tato ’nekagunanayo manjisaratanan ’iva Sumangalo ’ssa namena tena paiifavata suta, 5. ajjhesito yatindena sadarafinanivdsina suvinicchayam etissa karissam’ atthovannanam, Postscript. yen’ antatantaratandkaramanthanena manthacalollasitahanavarena laddha ‘sara mata’ ti sukkhita sukhayanti c’afine te me jayanti guravo guravo gunehi “‘paratthasam padanato punnenddhigaten’ aham “paratthasam padanako bhaveyyam jatijatiyam.” sisso aha. paramappicchatanekasantos opasamesinam sucisallekhavuttinam sadarannanivdsinam ; sasanujjotakarinam averattam updgatam Udumbaragiri khyata yatanam yatipungavam ; ‘Medhankaro’ iti khyatam namadheyyam tapodhanam theram dhiradayémedhanithanam sadhupijitam : nissaya piyam piyan tam mittam kalyanam attano sodhetum sasanam satthu parakkamam akasi yo; susaddasiddhi yo yoganicchayam sabbivannitam aka Subodhélankaram Vuttodayam andkulam, 1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Péli Studies —No. 1. 93 Sangharakkhittandmena mahatherena dhimata nivasabhutenanekagunanam. ’ppicchatadinam ; tendyam racité sidhu sdsanodayakarina Khuddasikkhaya tikayam Sumangalapasadini, The couplet in zalics commencing “ susaddasiddhi ” thus appears in the postscript to Sambandhacinta : yoganiccham Moggallinam yam gandham Kabbivannitam Subodhalankaram Vuttodayam sattham anakulam. In other respects the postscripts are nearly the same. Analysis. SUBODHA’LANKA’RA, or ‘ Hasy Rhetoric’, is a metrical treatise of 370 verses, divided into five chapters which treat of the following subjects, namely :— Faults in Composition. Their avoidance. Merits, or Verbal Ornaments. Rhetorical Figures, or Ornaments of the Sense. Flavour. These subjects will be found discussed at some length in the seventh, — eighth, tenth, and third chapters of the Sanskrit work on Rhetorical Com- position, the Sdhitya-Darpana or ‘ Mirror of Composition’, by Vis’wanatha Kaviraja—czrea 9th or 10th century. cr HB oo NS ps Cuapters I anp II. The Pali treatise in common with the Sanskrit one opens with an In- vocation to the goddess of Speech thus :— May Vani the beautiful, born in the lotus womb of the mouth of the Chief of Sages, the refuge of mortals, irradiate my mind, v. 1. The object of the work is then declared :— Although there are excellent ancient treatises on Rhetoric by Rama- samma and others, yet they are not adapted for the Magadha people, v. 2. It is, therefore, hoped the present attempt at a suitable Rhetoric may be acceptable to them, v. 3. The author then states that he has not consulted the works of writers on the minor poems (abba), nor the drama (ndtaka/), as they are not esteemed, v. 6. That a combination of words and meanings faultless with (merits or verbal ornaments) is composition (bandha), which is three- fold, being metrical (pajja) ; in prose (gajja) ; and in a mixture of both, vy. 8. It is further divided into continuous composition (nibandha), and non-continuous composition (anibandha), each of which is pleasing if em- bellished with ornament, v. 9. Verbal Ornament (Chap. 3) and Ornament “es 94 G. E, Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo, 1. [No. 2, of the Sense (Chap. 4), constituting the two divisions of Rhetoric, are both held to be composition (andha), v. 18. Faulty composition, even when combined with Verbal Ornament, is not esteemed, v. 14. Faultless com- position with Verbal Ornament is admired even without Ornaments of the Sense, v. 16. After these prefatory remarks, the author proceeds to enumerate and explain the several Rhetorical Faults (Chap. 1); and to show how they should be avoided (Chap. 2). The divisions of Faults (dosa) are hold to be threefold : they occur (a) in a word, (0) in a sentence, and (c) in the sense of a sentence. (a.) Faulty words are such as suggest an idea, which is 1. Repugnant (viruddhatthantara), as when a word is employed which suggests a meaning different from what is intended ; as for example ‘ visado’, which suggests yielding poison, when shedding water is the mean- ing intended, v.22. The fault is avoided when the context sufficiently sets forth the intended meaning, v. 71, 72. 2. Extravagant (adhyattha), as when an exaggerated epithet is ap- plied to an object which has to be particularized ; as ‘ obhasitasesadiso’ to ‘khajjoto’, v. 23. The fault is avoided in the following—‘if men lacking virtue fail to obtain respect, will the lack-lustre firefly illume every spot? v.73. 3. Inconsistent (Ailittha), as when from the use of radicals, affixes and the like, comprehension of the meaning is difficult, as‘ pi’ in ‘ piya’, v. 24. The fault, however, is avoided if the root is introduced into on enig- matical query, as ‘from what embrace indeed will a lover not embrace hap- piness ? v. 74. Any word of far-fetched meaning employed in the varieties of Rhyme (yamaka), or Enigma (pahelz), is included in this fault, v. 25. That euphonic combination of twin words formed of acknowledged words, combined with the merit ‘ Pleasing Style’, is termed Rhyme, v. 26. Rhyme formed by a repetition of syllables is threefold :—(@) non-separated (avya- peta) ; (b) separated (vyapeta) ; and (¢) both sorts combined : these divisions may appear either in the beginning, middle, or end of a quarter verse (pada), v. 27, Verses 28 to 31 illustrate ‘non-separate’ Rhyme at the commencement of quarter verses (avyapetapddadiyamaka). From these examples, the ‘separate’ sort may easily be inferred, v. 32. Of the last named kind there are many varieties, containing combinations, both simple and complex, v. 838. But as ‘Rhyme’ and ‘ Enigma’ are not altogether pleasing, they are not dwelt upon here, v. 34. 4. Contradictory, (virodhi) which is sixfold, in respect to :— 1. Place (desavirodhidosa). 2. Time (kdlavirodhi). 8. Mechanical art (kalavirodhi). 4. Nature (lokavirodhi). 1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 95 5. Propriety (ndyavirodhi). 6. The sacred books (¢gamavirodhi), vv. 35, 76 to 81. 5. Inferred (neyya), The use of the word ‘dhavala’ white, in the example, leads to the inference, that the whiteness at night spoken of, arose from the moon, yv. 36. This fault is universally condemned by poets, as the omission of an exponent word renders the meaning obscure, v.37. The fault is avoided by the employment of words, which convey their meaning immediately, as in the examples given in vv. 82,83, which also exemplify the ‘ Lucid Style’, v. 148. 6. Dependent on an epithet (vises andpekkha), as in the example ‘ he beholds him attentively with eyes’, v. 38, where ‘ cakkhuna’ is unqualified. The fault is removed by adding ‘kodhapatalabhutena’, red with anger. (Comp. v. 364.) 7. Defective in meaning (hinaltha), as when an unequal and dis- paraging comparison is made ; as ‘the dim-firefly sun is rising’, v. 39. The fault is avoided by the use of the emphatic particle ‘ api’ even, as in the following ‘ A wise man destroys the effect of even the smallest demerit ; The sun possesses the light even of the dimly lustrous firefly’, v. 85. 8. Unmeaning (anattha), as when an unmeaning expletive, such as ‘pi’ here, is inserted merely to complete the verse, v. 40; verse 86 shows how the fault may be avoided. (6.) Faulty sentences are such as are 1. Tautological (ekattha). The repetition may be (a) of a word, as ‘ varido varido’ possessing the same sound, though different in meaning, v. 41; or (0d) of the sense, as ‘ pasadeti and pasanno’ having the same sense, but different in sound, v.42. If it is desired to express fear, anger, or praise, repetition ceases to be a fault, v. 88. / 2. Regardless of usage (bhaggaritt), as when the diction is broken, vy. 43. In the example given, ‘ pakati’ has no interrogative pronoun connected with it, as ‘ panna and guno’ have, The fault is corrected in verse 89. 3. Confused (vydkinna—), as when confusion arises from a loose disorderly arrangement of words as ‘these people * * adore Sugata, the constant friend of evildoers’, v. 45. The opposite of this is a firm and compact style, as ‘ the eyes (of a Jina) are like blue lotuses, his lip beautiful as the Bandhiika flower ; his nose like a golden hook, therefore this Jina is as one who looks kindly on every one,(Piyadassana), v. 91. 4. Rustic (gamma), as when a word denoting speciality is want- ing in a sentence, as—‘ Oh maiden ! loving me, why not love me now’, v. 46; or when, from the association of the words, the sense is obscure as ‘ which your lover ?’, v. 47. Brilliancy of language, though coarse, from the pleasure it imparts, is not considered rustic speech ; as ‘ Oh kind (husband) ! 96 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [ No. 2, this rough amorous outcast is ill-treating me, why dost thou so com- placently regard me involved in such a misfortune ?’ v. 93. 5. Defective as regards verse-division (yatihina). Verse-division as laid down in Prosody, and indicated in the text (verses 49 to 54), is called ‘yatv ; and the verse that is defective in regard to such division, is said to exhibit the fault called yatihinadosa, v. 48. Verse-division occurs at the end of every quarter-verse (pdda) ; and particularly at the end of the hemistich (vuttaddha) ; sometimes it bisects a word as ‘ camikara’, but if otherwise, as when it occurs between the second and third syllables of ‘ si7i- catv’, it is irregular, vv. 49, 50. If the rules for the euphonic junction of final and initial letters (S’andhz) require the elision of a case, or tense- termination (vibhatti), the vowel resulting from the coalition is the final letter of the first part of the combination, as sabbo|pama : if elision is not required, or there is a letter such as ‘y’ substituted, the case, or tense ter- mination, with the vowel resulting from the coalition, forms the initial syllable of the second part of the combination ; as for example in ‘ pattal ssopama, and ‘vanda|myan antamatim’, v. 53,54. Verse-division is irre- gular when it separates ‘ea and such like particles from the sentences to which they belong, and ‘pa’, and such like prepositions, from the words to which they are prefixed, v. 54 and 55. 6. Disjoined (Aamaccuta), as when the proper succession of objects is disregarded, as ‘ khettam, gamam, desam’, v.56, For the proper order see v. 95. 7. Inappropriate (ativutta), as when the meaning is opposed to ordinary sense, as— ‘ The firmament of her expanding bosom is contracted’, v. 57, The fault is avoided in the following—‘ The entire firmament even affords no scope for the diffusion of the glorious effulgence, emitted by the moon-like Chief of Sages’, v. 96, v. 147. 8. Redundant in meaning (apetattha), as in the expression ‘ The bull, the son of the cow’, v.58. Redundancy is not deemed a fault in the words of the insane, v. 97, 98. 9. Harsh in combination (dandhapharusa). This is exemplified by the use of the consonant ‘4/’ in syllables which renders them harsh in sound, v. 59. The fault is avoided by using soft syllables, v. 99, and 136. (c.) The sense of a sentence is held to be faulty when it is 1. Crude (apakkama), as when objects which refer to other objects previously stated, are not in respective co-relation, e. g. in v. 61 ‘wealth, peace, and Nibbana’—instead of ‘ Nibbana, wealth, and peace’,in v. 101— are placed respectively in co-relation to the practice of ‘ meditation, giving of alms, and virtue.’ 2. ‘The improper (ocityahina), as when extolling one’s own merits, &c., v.v. 62,63. The fault is avoided if by doing so others are benetited, v. 104— 107. 1875.] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 97 3. Faulty as to usage (bhaggariti), as when cases are mixed together, such as the genitive and locative cases in v. 64. ‘Trust cannot be placed in women, evildoers, poison, horned cattle, rivers, disease, nor royalty’, v.v. 109, 110. 4, Ambiguous (samsaya), as when a word susceptible of two meanings is employed ; as ‘ go’, which signifies both ‘a cow’ and ‘a ray of light’, v. 65, and111. Ambiguity in jocular composition is not reckoned a fault, v. 112. 5. Rustic (gamma), as when it is difficult to comprehend what is meant by the sense ; as— This vigorous youth is reposing—having slain his enemy, or—exhausted from excesses’, v. 66. ‘That man’s sister is charm- ing’ is not a rustic expression, v. 114. 6. Faulty as to Rhetoric (dutthdlankara). This fault is discussed in chapter 4. Cuapter III. In this chapter are described the Merits, or Excellences (gun), of composition, which are ten in number, namely : The pleasing (pasdda). The forcible (9/2). The elegant (madhuratd). The uniform (samata). The soft (suwkhwmalata). The compact (silesa). The eloquent (wdarata). The bright (kantz). The lucid (althavyattz). The imaginative (samddht), v. 118. A compact pleasing style, composed of words whose meaning is clear, constitutes the Pleasing Merit, v. 120. The merit of Force is Energy manifested by an ample use of com- pounds, v. 122, and by condensation (samdsa), and amplification (vydsa) of the meaning, v. 224. The Hlegant style is manifested either by an arrangement of words with letters pronounced by the same organ of speech, v. 129; or, of words having similar letters, v. 130. A collection of syllables pronounced with little effort, dependent upon a profusion of alliteration, is inelegant, v. 181, The merit of Uniformity is manifested when the composition is either smooth, or rough, or a mixture of both, v. 182. An absence of jarring letters constitutes the merit of Softness, v. 136. The merit of Compactness is manifested by a clear and firm style, v. 141, Soe ON SGN Hee Soo Se a 98 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—Wo. 1. [No. 2, The merit of Zloquence is indicated by a lofty style, v. 143. The Bright style is manifested by a brilliancy of language, free from the fault of Inappropriateness, v. 147. Words which convey their meaning immediately, constitute the Lucid style, v. 148. The Imaginative style is held to be the ‘ cream of composition’. It is manifested when the imagination clothes objects with qualities or functions foreign to them, as when Life is ascribed to inanimate objects. Form to objects unassociated with form. Flavour to objects unassociated with flavour. Liquidity to objects not bearing that character. Agency to an object not an agent. Solidity to an ethereal object, vv. 152-153. wihen allegories which suggest the idea of emitting, are the leading ideas in a sentence, they are considered coarse ; in a subordinate position, CONES 29) 2 they are appropriate, v. 160; and ational so, if connected with a con- scious agent, v. 162, as ‘ The excellent Jina pouring out the yearnings of his love upon mortals,’ &c., 163. Cuarrer LV. In this chapter the author proceeds to describe the several Ornaments of the sense (atthdélankdra). We says that when composition containing the qualities of the Pleasing, Forcible, or other styles, is embellished with Ornaments of the Sense, it is as charming as a girl adorned with bracelets, earrings, and the like, v. 165. He divides Rhetoric into (a) style in which the meaning is ‘ expressed’, sabhavavutti ; and (6) style in which the meaning is ‘suggested’, vanga- vuttt. he first of these portrays, at different times, objects (such as a genus, a quality, an action, or a substance), v. 166. The following is an expressed fancy of a substance (dabbasabhava- wutti) :— ‘The nascent Bodhisatta, charming in his joyous gait, stedfastly re- garding the regions of existence, is radiant while uttering taurine words’, v. 167. As the varieties of the suggestive or figurative style are endless, only elementary figures will be described, v. 168 to 172. 1. Hyperbole (atisayavuttc). This figure discloses the peculiar attri- bute of an object (whether a genus, a quality, an action, or a substance), It is twofold :— (a.) Respecting mundane objects (lokiydtisayavutti) . (b.) Respecting supermundane objects (lokdtikkanta), v. 174. 1875.] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.— Wo. 1. 99 2. Simile (wpamd) is resemblance between the subject of comparison and the comparison adduced ; this may be conveyed either (a) by a word, (2) by the sense, or (¢) by the sense of a sentence, v. 177; or by the use of a compound word, as ‘ candimadnano’, v. 178; ora verbal affix, as ‘aya’ in ‘ vadanam pankajayate’, v. 179 ; or by the use of words implying com- parison as wa, tulya, and the like, v. 180-185. (@.) Similes formed by words implying comparison are the 1. Correct (dhammopamda), v. 187. 2. Defective (dhammahino), 3. Reversed (viparito), I wy, Heist 4, Reciprocal (aniamanno), v. 189. 5. Marvellous (abbhuto), v. 190. 6. Equivocal (sdleso), v. 191. 7. Spreading (santano), v. 192. 8. Disparaging (mindo), v. 198. 9. Prohibitive ( patisedho), v. 194. 10. Uncommon (asédhdrano), v. 195. r 11. False (abhuto), v. 196. (6.) In the following similes, the idea of similarity is conveyed by a word’s meaning, without the employment of a compound, verbal affix, or word implying comparison, v. 199. They are the 1. Obvious (sarvipopamd), v. 198. 2. Ideal (parikappo), v. 199, 3. Doubtful (samsayo), v. 200. 4, Typically comparative (pativatthi), v. 201. (c.) The third form of simile is expressed by setting the sense of one sentence in comparison with that of another, v. 203 ; and this may be done, either with, or without, employing words implying comparison, vv. 204, 205. Sometimes the following kinds of similes are deemed incongruous— 1. Comparison between objects of different genders (bhinnalingo) and of different numbers (vyadtivacano), v. 207. 2. The defective simile (kino), v. 207. 3. The exaggerated (adhiko), 4, The irrelevant (aputhattha), ve cll 5. The contingent (apekkhant), v. 209. 6. The imperfect (Ahandito), Sometimes the above are not deemed incongruous, vv. 211 and 212. 3. Metaphor (ripakam), ‘This figure indicates the resemblance be- tween the subject of comparison and the comparison adduced, but, unlike the simile, without employing words implying comparison. It has two divisions, namely :— M 100 G. EH. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 2, (a.) general (asesavatthuvisaya), v. 214-217. (6.) partial (ekadesavivatti), v. 218-221. each of which may be exhibited by means of compounded words, or words not compounded, or both combined, vy. 214. The author says the varieties of metaphor, both proper and improper, are too numerous to be dwelt upon here, v. 222. Subjoined is a specimen of a proper metaphor :— ‘Oh Sage! whose heart indeed is not drawn to thy attractive coun- tenance, bright as white flowers, with tremulous black bee eyes ?’ v. 223. The following are examples respectively of (a) imperfect (khandi- tartipakam), and (b) perfect (sundarartipakam), metaphors, v. 224— (a) ‘candim’ akasapadumam’, the lotus rising in the heavens is the moon. (6) ‘ambhoruhayanam nettani’, eyes which are a cluster of water-lilies. 4. Redundancy (dvutti). The repetition may be threefold, v. 226, namely as regards (a.) the sense (atthdvuttz), v. 227. (6.) a word (padavutti), v. 228. (c.) or both (ubhayavutti), v. 229. 5. The Dluminator (dipakam). The figure is manifested when things, such as actions, kinds, or qualities, although expressed in one part of a sentence, illuminate the whole of it, v. 230; and it has three varieties, arising from the action, kind, or quality, being expressed in the sentence at the (a.) beginning (ddidipakam), v. 231. (6.) middle (majjha—), v. 232. (¢.) end (anta—), v. 233. If a series (of actions, kinds, or qualities) is exhibited in succession, each one being dependent on the one preceding, the figure is termed ‘a string of Uluminators’ (maladipakam), vv. 234, 235. 6. Hint (akkhepo), when it is intended to say something special, that which apparently suppresses or denies it, is termed Hint, v. 237: It is threefold, pertaining to what (a.) has been said (atitékkhepo), v. 238. (b.) as being said (vattamanakkhepo), v. 289. (c.) is about to be said (andgatakkhepo), v. 240. 7. Transition, (atthantaranydsa) is the introduction of another sense into the subject (such as a moral reflection), v. 241. It is twofold, namely :— (a.) general (sabbavyapi—), -v. 242, 243. (b.) partial (wisesatha—), v. 244, 245. each kind being distinguished by the absence and presence of the emphatic particle ‘ 27’. 1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—Wo. 1. 101 8. Contrast, (vyatireko) is the distinction in the idea of resemblance between objects either expressed or understood, v. 246. Itis twofold, namely :— (a.) single (ekavyatireko), v. 246, 248. (6.) double (whhaya—), v. 249, 250. 9. Peculiar causation, (vibhavand) is the production of an effect by some cause other than the usual one, which is suppressed; or, (the pro- duction of an effect) naturally, (though dependent upon some other cause) ; y. 251. Hence the figure is twofold, namely :— (a.) peculiar (karanantara), v. 252. (6.) natural (sabhavikaphala), v. 253. 10. Causation (hetw). ‘This figure has two divisions, namely — (a.) producing causation (janakahetu). (6.) indicating causation (fapakahetu), v. 254. A few only of the endless subdivisions of the above are indicated in this treatise. They are: v. 235. (a.) active causation producing apparent act (bhavakicco karakahetu), v. 256. (4.) active causation producing non-apparent act (abhdvakicco kara- kahetu), v. 257. (e.) causation indicating apparent act, (bhavakicco iapakahetu), v. 258. (d.) unfitly acting wonderful causation (ayuttakaré cittahetu), v. 259. (e.) fitly acting wonderful causation (yuttakdricittahetw), v. 260. 11. Order (kamo), is when a reference is made respectively to what has been mentioned, v. 261. ‘This figure is the Relative Order (yathdsan- khyam) of Sanskrit Rhetoric. 12. Excessively agreeable (piyataram). This figure is exhibited when an excess of agreeability is imparted to the sense, v. 263, 264. 13. Concise style, (samdsavutti) is exhibited, when an intended object is concisely described by means of an approved metaphor, v. 265. It is twofold, namely, when the attributes are either (a.) separate (bhinnavisesana), v. 266. (4.) non-separate (abhinnavisesana), v. 267, 268. 14. Idealization, (partkappana) is the imagining of an object under the character of another, v. 270. ‘This figure is expresssd by an implied metaphor, and may depict actions, qualities, and the like, v. 271. Such expressions as ‘methinks, I suspect, of a certainty, surely, as,’ are occa- sionally made use of in this figure, v. 275. 15. Concentration, (samdhita) is manifested when a special con- sequence results from a concentrated effort, v. 277. 16. Periphrasis, (pariydya) is when the fact to be intimated, is ex- 102 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 2, pressed in a roundabout way, so as to avoid a common expression, v. 279. 17. TIronical praise, (vydjavannana) is commendation conveyed in language which is apparently ironical, v. 281. 18. Peculiar allegation, (visesa) is when a special cause is acknow- ledged, there is an absence of effect, whether in regard to a substance, an action, a genus, or a quality, v. 283. 19. Individuality, (rilhdhankara) is when arrogance is prominent in a marked degree, vv. 288, 289. 20. Coalescence or Paronomasia, (si/eso) is when words are so con- nected as to be susceptible of a double meaning, v. 290. The figure is held to minister to the heightening of suggestive style, v. 173. It is threefold, namely— (a.) without division (abhinnapadavakya sileso), v. 291. (b.) with division (bhinnapadavakya), v. 292. (c.) both sorts combined (bhinndbhinnapadavakya), v. 293. There are also the following eight varieties, v. 294, 295— 1. Repugnant action (viruddhakammasileso), v. 296. 2. Non-repugnant action (aviruddha-kamma), v. 297. 3. Non-separate action (abhinna-kamma), v. 298. 4. The emphatic (niyamava), v. 299. 5. The non-emphatiec (myamakkhepa), v. 300. G. The non-contradictory (avirodhi), v. 801. 7. The contradictory (wirodht), v. 802. 8. ‘The polite (oertyasamposaka), v. 303. 21. Equal pairing, (tulyayogitd) is when objects possessing attri- butes are associated with one and the same attribute, v. 304. 22. Illustration, (nidassanam) is when from the introduction of a foreign relation, a mutual connection ensues; and it is twofold, v. 306, namely— (a.) non-possible (asantam), v. 307. (6.) possible (santam), v. 808. 23. Magniloquence, (mahantattham) is when grandeur in position or in resolve is indicated in a marked degree, 809-311. 24. Concealment, (vaiicand) is when the real nature of a thing is kept back, and another fancied one attributed, which may be either, v. 312, (a.) dissimilar (asama—), v. 318. (6.) similar (sama—), v. 314. 25. Indirect praise, (appakatathuti) is when trifling praise is bestowed upon an insignificant object, v. 315. 26. The Necklace, (ekdvali) is when what is mentioned first, is qualified by what follows, and this again by what comes next, and so on, v. 317. It is twofold— 1875.] G, E, Fryer—Péli Studies—No. 1. — 1038 (a.) affirmative (vzdhi—), v. 318. (6.) negative (nisedha—), v. 319. 27. The Reciprocal, (ai%namaiiiam) is when two things do the same act to each other, vv. 320, 321. 28. Connected description, (sahavutt:) is when different ideas are connected with the word ‘saha. It is twofold— (a.) of actions (Ariya), v. 3238. (6.) of qualities (gund), v. 324. 29. Contradiction, (wirodhitd) is when there is an apparent in- eongruity among things, such as a genus, quality, action, and substance, v. 325. 30. The Return, (parivuttc) is the exchange of a thing for what is peculiarly excellent, v. 329. 31. Error, (6hamo) is the thinking, from resemblance, of an object to be what it is not, v. 329. 32. Emotion, (bhdvo) is when the style awakens sentiment in the minds of poets, v. 331. This figure is considered the life of poetry, v. 173. 33. Mixture, (missam) is when verbal ornaments and ornaments of the sense are blended together, v. 333. The figure is twofold :— (a.) existence of intimate relation (anganibhava—), v. 384, (.) existence of same effect (sadisaphalabhava—), v. 335. 34, Prayer, (dsz) is prayer for any desired object, v. 336. 35. The Impassioned, (rasz) is when the style is full of feeling and witty, vv. 337, 338, CHAPTER V. The fifth and last Chapter treats of Flavour (rasa). Such conditions (hava), excitants (vibhdva), and ensuants (anubhava), as are mainsenti- ments in composition, are held to be the several Flavours of poets, v. 341. Since the various conditions, or states of the mind, give occasion for the existence of (bhavayantz) the flavours, they (such as love, mirth, and the like) are termed conditions or mental states (bhava), v. 342. That condition, or mental state, such as love and the like, which is not overpowered by another condition opposed to it, such as disgust and the like, is held to be ‘the permanent condition’ (thayi-bhava), v. 343. They are nine in number, namely :— 1. love, rate. 5. magnamity, wssaka, 2. mirth, haso. 6. terror, bhayam. 3. sorrow, soko, 7. disgust, jaguccha, 4, resentment, kodho. 8. surprise, vimhaya. 9. quictism, samo, v. 344. 104 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, The Accessories (vyabhicart) are those that more especially, cooperat- ingly, habitually go along with the various conditions (bhava) and ex- citants (vibhava), v. 845. They are thirty-three in number, namely :— 1. Self-disparagement, nébbeda, 18. Dissembling, avahiddha. 2. Debate, takka. 19. Painful reflection, cinta. 3. Apprehension, sankd. 20. Arrogance, gabbha. 4, Weariness, sama. 21. Dementedness, apamara. 5. Equanimity, dhite. 22. Impatience of opposition, ama- 6. Stupefaction, jalata. TIS. 7. Depression, dinaté. — 23. Intoxication, mada. 8. Sternness, wggata. 24. Resolve, mati. 9. Indolence, dlasatta. 25. Raving, wmmada. 10. Dreaming, suttam. 26. Distraction, moha. 11. Joy, hasa. 27. Awakening, vibodha. 12. Debility, galdne. 28. Drowsiness, niddd. 13. Longing, wssuka. 29. Cessation of motion, advega. 14. Alarm, tarasa. 30. Shame, vz/am. 15. Recollection, satz. 31. Death, marana. 16. Envy, assa. 32, Unsteadiness, capald. 17. Despondency, visada. 33. Sickness, vyadhi, v. 346. The power of fixing the mind on one subject is purity, sattam ; from this arises the involuntary evidences of feeling which are states of mind different from the ensuants in general, v. 347. They are eight in number v. 348, namely :— . Paralysis, thambha, Tears, assu. Trembling, vepathu. TD iL 2. Fainting, palaya. 3. Horripilation, romaica. . Change of colour, vevanpiyam. 4. Perspiration, seda. 8. Disturbance of speech, visarata. The mental conditions, such as love and the like, if they are not inseparably permanent, may all serve as Accessories, v. 349. That thing which causes the awakening (wppatti), and inflaming (wddipana) of these (the ‘ permanent, accessory, and involuntary’ conditions), is called an Excitant, (wibhava) ; and that which manifests externally (that those conditions are excited) is called an Ensuant, or Effect (@nu- bhava), v. 350. Excitants and Ensuants are appropriately displayed in poetry, in order to exhibit the conditions and various emotions of the mind, v. 351. The conditions, permanent, accessory, or involuntary, are appropriately represented by the Excitants and Husuants, v. 351. The involuntary evidences of strong feeling (sattika), arising in the .mind from its various states, and manifested by ensuants or efiects ; such as perspiration exuding from the body, and the like, v. 353. 1875. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 105 That is ‘ Flavour’ which in poetry excites the joy of the audience, v. 354. The flavour which conduces to a state of relish by means of excitants, ensuants, involuntary evidences, and accessories, is held to be a per- manent one, v. 355. The divisions of flavour are, v. 856— 1. the Erotic, singara. 5. the Heroic, vira. 2. the Comic, hassa. 6. the Terrible, bhayanaka. 38. the Pathetic, karwnda. 7. the Disgustful, db¢bhaccha. 4, the Furious, ruddha. 8. the Marvellous, abbhuta. 9. the Quietistic, santa. By the ‘ Erotic’ is meant the flavour which has love for its condition, the intoxicating pleasure arising from the mutual affections of youths and maidens, &ec., &c., v. 358. It is threefold, (a) incompatible, (0) partial, and (¢) mutual, v. 359. The ‘ Comic’ may arise from the fun of distorted gestures pertaining to oneself or to another; the accessories are drowsiness, weariness, in= dolence, fainting, and the like. Its condition is mirth, which belongs chiefly to rational beings, v. 860. When under the influence of the ‘Comic’, the best kind of persons either slightly smile (siéa), having the eyes a little open ; or smile (hasita), slightly showing the teeth ; the middling sort either laugh softly (vihasita), or laugh aloud (wpahasita) ; the baser sort either roar with laughter (apahasita), with eyes filled with tears, or are convulsed with laughter (atihasita), with limbs uncontrolled, v. v. 361, 362. The ‘ Pathetic’ with the mood of sorrow, springs from the advent of what is unpleasant, and absence of (loved) objects. Its ‘ensuants’ are weeping, fainting, stupefaction, &c. Its accessories are despondency, in- dolence, death, painful reflection, &c., v. 3863. The ‘Furious’ accompanied by anger, envy, and the like, is marked by redness of the eyes, &c., has terror and intoxication, &c., for its acces- sories, v. 3864. The ‘ Heroic’, associated with energy, arises by glorious victory and the like. It is threefold :—(a) Heroic in war; (6) Heroic in liberty ; and (ce) Heroic in benevolence, which are its ‘ ensuants’: its accessories are equa- nimity, resolve, &c., vv. 865, 366. The ‘Terrible’ has fear for its permanent mood; its ensuants are perspiration, &c. Its accessories, terror, &c., v. 367. The ‘ Disgustful’, associated with disgust, arises from aversion to putri- dity, and the like ; its ‘ ensuants’ are contracting of the nose, &c. ; its acces- sories, apprehension, and the like, v. 368. The ‘ Marvellous’ having surprise as its permanent mood, springs from anything supernatural ; its ‘ ensuants’ are perspiration, tears, &ec. ; its acces- sories, terror, cessation of motion, stupefaction, v. 369. 106 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, The ‘ Quietistic’, or the mood of the very best men, has calmness for its permanent mood, and kindness, mercy, and joy, as its accessories, v. 370. With the exceptions noted below, the metre employed by the author is the ‘ Vatta’, said to be like the Sanskrit s’Joka. In closing the first four chapters, and in illustrating (vy. 338) the ‘Impassioned’ figure af Rhetoric, he has adopted the Vasantatilaka Metre. In the fifth chapter he has employed the Saddhara Metre of 21 syllables, to enumerate the thirty-three ‘accessories’, v. 346. In describing the kinds of laughter provoked by the ‘Comic’ flavour, he has used the melodious rhythms of the ‘ Arya’, v. 3861, and the mixed ‘ Mattasamaka’ (padikulakam), v. 362. I have met with no commentaries on the work. ‘There is, however, a gloss (fika,) which is said to be scarce. Do iapabrea NAMO TASSA BHAGAVATO ARAHATO SAMMA SAMBUDDHASSA. 1. munindavadanambhojagabhasambhavasundari saranam paninam Vani mayham pinayatam manam. 9. RAama-Sammadyalankara santi santo purdtana tathapi tu valancenti suddhamagadhika na te. 3, tendpi nama toseyyam ete ‘lankara vajjite anurtipen’ alankaren’ esam eso parissamo. 4, yesan na sancita pahna ’nekasattantarocita samohabbhahata ’v’ ete névabujjhanti kificipi. kin tehi pada-susstsa yesan natthi gurtn’ iha ye ta-ppada-rajo-kinna t’eva sadhu vivekino. 6. kabba-nataka-nikkhita netta citta kavi-jjana yam kifici racayant’ etam na vimhaya-karam param. 7. te yeva patibhavanto so ’va bandho savimhayo yena tosenti vind ye tattha pyavihit? adhara. 8, bandho ca nama sadd-attha sahita dosa-vajjita pajja-gajja-vimissanam bhedenayam tidha bhave. 9, nibandho canibandho ca puna dvidha niruppate tan tu papentyalankara vindaniyatarattanam. 10. anavajjam mukhambhojam anavajja ca bharati alankat& ’va sobhante kin nu te niralankata. 11. vind gurtipadesan tam balo ‘lankatthum icchati sampapune na vifiiuhi hasa-bhavam kathan nu so. 5. 1875.] 12. 32. 30. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 107 gandho pi kavi-vaéecdnam alankdéra-ppakasako yati ta-bbacaniyattham ta-bbohartpacarato. dyi-ppakara alankaro tattha saddatthabhedato saddattha bandhanama ’va tam sajjita tad avali. gunalankara-samyuttd api dosa ’va lingita pasamsiya na vinidhi sa kana viya tadisi. tena dosa-niraso ’va mahussahena sadhiyo niddosa sabbattha s4yam saguné na bhaveyya kim. sdlankara viyuttapi guna-yutta manohara niddosa dosa-rahita guna-yutta vadht viya. pade vakye tad atthe ca dosa ye vividha mata sodaharanam etesam lakkhanam kathaya4myaham. viruddhatthantaradhyattha, kilitthani, virodhi ca, neyyam, visesanapekkham, hinatthakam, anatthakam. dosam padanam vakydnam, ekattham, bhaggaritikam, tatha vyakinna, gamani, yatihinam, kamaccutam. ativuttam, apetattham, sabandhapharusam tatha . apakkamam, ocityahinam, bhaggariti, samsayam, gammam, dutthalankatiti dos4 vakyattha nissita. . viruddhatthantaram tam hi yass’ afifiattho virujjhati adhippete yatha: “ megho visado sukhaye janam.” . visesyam adhikam yenddhyattham etam bhave yatha : “ obhasitasesadiso khajjoto ’yam virojate.”’ yass’ atthavagamo dukkho pakatyadivibhigato kilittham tam yatha: “ taya so ’yam 4lingyate piya.”’ yam kilittham padam mandabhidheyyam yamakadikam kilitthapadadose ’va tam pi antokariyati, patitasaddaracitam silitthapadasandhikam pasadagunasamyuttam yamakam matam edisam . avyapetam vyapetan ec’ afin’ avuttaneka-vannajam yamakam tai ca padanam 4di-majjhanta-gocaram sujanasujana sabbe gunenapi vivekino vivekam na samayanti aviveki janantike kusalakusala sabbe pabalapabala ’tha va no yata tavahosittham sukha dukkha-ppada@ siyum. sadara sa daram hantu vihité vihita maya vandana vandanémana-bhajane-ratanatthaye, kamalam kam alamkatthum, vanado vanado ’mbaram, sugato sugato lokam, sahitam sahitam karam. avyapetadi yamakass’ eso leso nidassito fleyyan’ imay’ eva disdy’ anfdni yamakani pi. accantabahavo tesam bheda sambheda-youniso N 108 34. DD. 50. bl. 52. Od. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. tattha pi keci sukaré keci accantadukkara. yamakam tam pahe/i ca n’ekantamadhuran’ iti upekkhiyanti sabbani sissakhedabhaya maya. desa-kala-kal4-loka-’nnay’-agama-virodhi yam tam virodhi padan c’etam udaharanato putam. yad appatitam aniya vattabbam neyyam dhu tam yatha: “sabbapi dhavala disa rocanti rattiyam.” n’edisam bahu mannanti sabbe sabbattha vinnuno dullabha ’vagati sadda-samattiya-vilanghani, siyé visesanapekkham tam yam patva visesanam. sattakam tam yatha: “tam so bhiyyo passati cakkhuna.”’ hinam kare visesya yam ti hinattham bhave yatha :— ‘“ nippabha-kata-khajjoto samudeti divakaro.” pada-piranam attham yam anattham iti tam matam yatha ti—‘‘ vande buddhassa pada-pankeruham pi ca’”’ saddato atthato vattam yattha bhiyyo’ pi v-uccati tam ekattham yatha :—‘bhati varido varido ayam.” . yatha ca:— “titthiy’ ankura vijani jaham ditthigatan’ iha “ pasadeti pasann’ eso mahamuni mahajane.” . araddhakkamavicchedé bhaggariti bhave yatha :— “kapi panna kopi guno pakati pi aho tava!” . padanam dubbhinikkhepa vyamoho yattha jayati tam vyakinnan ti vinneyyam tad udaharanam yathé :— “bahugune panamati dujjananam pyayan jano “hitam pamudito niccam sugatam samanussaram”’ visittha-vacanapetam gamman tyabhimatam yatha : “anne! kamayamanam mam na kamayasi kin nu ’dam P” padasandhanato kifici duppatiti karam bhave tam pi gamman tyabhimatam yatha :—* ya bhavato piya” . vuttesu sucita-tthane padacchedo bhave yati yam taya hinan tam vuttam yati hinan ti sa pana. . yati sabbattha padante vuttaddhe ca visesato pubba para ’nekavanna padammajjhe pi katthaci. tatthodéharanani paccudaharauani yath4 :— “tan name siras4 cimi | kara vannam tathagatam “sakala pi disd sifica | t’lva sonnarasehi yo.” saro sandhimhi pubbanto. viya lope vibhattiya annatha tv-ainhatha tattha yadesadi parad’ iva. cadi pubba padanta ’va niccam pubba padassita padayo nicca sambandha parad’ iva parena tu. sabbatthodaharanani yatha :— 63. 64. 67. 68. Th G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 109 “name tam sirasa sabbo | pamatitam tathagatam “yvyassa lokaggatam patta | ssopama na hi yujjati. . “munindam tam sada vanda | myanantamatim uttamam “yassa metta ca paina ca | nissima ’tivijambhati.” . eadi padisu paccudéharanini yatha :— “mahametta mahapaia | ca yattha paramodaya “panami tam jinam tam pa | varam varagunalayam.” . padattha-kkamato muttam kamaccutam idam yatha :— “khettam va dehi gamam va desam va mama sobhanam”’ . lokiyattham atikkantam ativuttam matam yatha :— “ atisambadham akasam etissa thana-jumbhane”’ . samudayatthato ’petam tam apetatthakam yatha :— * oa4vi putto balivaddo tinam khadi pivi-jjalam”’ . bandhe pharusata yattha tam bandha-pharusam yatha :— “kharakhila parikhina khette khittam phalatyalam”’ . heyyam lakkhanam anvattha-vasendpakkamadinam udaharanam etesam dani sandhassiyamyaham, . tatthapakkamam yatha :-— “bhavanadanasilani sammasammaditan’ iha “bhogasageadi nibbana sadhanani na samsayo.” . ocityahinam yatha :— “ pijaniyakaro loke aham eko niramtaram. “may’ etasmim guna sabbe yato samudita ahum.” yatha ca :— “yacito “ham kathan néma na ajjamyapi jivitam “tathapi puttadanena vedhate hadayam mama.” bhaggariti yatha :— “itthinam du-jjandnaii ca vissaso nopapajjate “vise singimhi nadiyam roge raja-kulamhi ca” samsayam yathé :— “ munindacandimalokarasalolavilocano “Jano ’vakkantam anto ’va go padassanapinito”’ . vakyatthato duppatiti karam gammam matam yatha :— “oso viriyava soyam param. hantana vissami.” dutthalankaranan t ’etam yatthalankaradisanam tass’ alankara-niddese rapam avibhavissati. kato ’tra sankhepa-naya maya ’yam dosanam esam pavaro vibhago eso ’v’ alam bodhayitum kavinam tam atthi ce kheda-karam param pi. Sangharakkhita mahdsémi vicarite Subodhdlankare dostvabodho _ nama pathama paricchedo. 110 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 2, 69. kadaci kavikosall4, virodho sakalo pyayam, dosa-sankhyam atikkama, gunavidhi vigahate, 70. tena, vutta-virodhanam avirodho yatha siya tatha dosa-pariharavabodho dani niyyate. 71. tattha viruddhatthantarassa parihdro yatha :— *“‘vindantam paka salinam sdlinam dassand sukham, “tam katham nama megho ’yam visado sukhaye janam ?” 72. yatha ca :— “vinayako pi nago ’si; gotama pi mahapati ; “panito pi rasapeto ; citta me sami te gati.” 73. adhyatthassa yatha— “katham tadigunabhave lokam toseti du-jjano ? “ obhasitasesa-diso khajjotonaéma kim bhave ?” 74, pahelikayamarudha nahi duttha kilitthata ; “piyd sukhalingitam kam 4lingati nu no” iti. 75. yamake nopayojeyya kilittha-padam icchite tato yamakam anfian tu sabbam etam mayam viya. 76. desa-virodhino yatha :— “bodhisatta-ppabhavena thale pi jalajanyahum “nudantan’ iva sucira vasallesam tahim jale.” 77. kala virodhino yatha :— “ mahanubhava-pisuno munino manda-maruto “sabbotukam ayam vayi dhunanto kusumam samam” 78. kala-virodhino yatha :— “nimuggamanaso buddhagune paiicasikhassapi. “ tanti-ssaravirodho so na sampineti kai-janam’’ 79. loka-virodhino yatha :— “ canaye cakkavalam so candanarapi sitalam “ sambodhisattahadayo padittangarapuritam.”’ 80. fidya-virodhino yatha :— “ nariccattabhavo pi tvam upanitabhavo asi “ acintyaguhasaraya namo te munipungava !” 81. dgama-virodhino yatha :— “nevalapati kenapi vaci viifiattito yati “ sampajanamusavada phuseyyapatti dukkatam.”’ 82. neyyassa yatha :— “ maricicandanalepalabha sitamaricino “ima sabbapi dhavala disa rocanti nibbharam.” 83. yatha va:— “ manonurahjano maéranganisingaravibbhamo “jinendsamanufinato marassa hadayanalo.” 84, visesanapekkhassa yatha : 1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 111 “ apaydtaparadham pi ayam veri janam jano “kodhapatalabhutena bhiyyo passati cakkhuna.” 85. hinatthassa yatha :— “appakinam pi papanam pabhavam ndsaye budho “ api nippabhatanitakhajjoto hoti bhanuma.” 86. anatthassa yatha :— na padapuranatthaya padam yojeyya katthaci yatha :— vande munindassa pada-pankeruham varam.”’ 87. bhaya-kodha-pasamsadi viseso tadiso yadi vatthum kamiyate doso na tatth’ ekatthata kato. yatha:— 88. “sappo sappo ayam handa! nivattatu bhavan tato, “ yadi jivitukamo ’si katham tam upasampasi ?” 89. bhaggaritino yatha :— “vo koci raipatisayo kanti kapi manohara “ vilasatisayo kopi aho buddhamahodayo !”’ 90. avy4mohakaram bandham avyakinnam manoharam adura-pada-vinyasam pasamsanti kavissara. yatha :— 91, “niluppalabhan nayanam, bandhikaruciro ’dharo, “nasa hemankuso, tena jino ’yam piyadassano.” 92. samatikkantagammattam kantavacabhisankhatam bandhanam rasahetutta gammattam ativattati. yathé:— 93. “ dunnoti kama-candalo so mam sadaya niddayo “{disam vyasanépannam sukhi pi kim upekkhase ?” 94. yatihina-parihéro na punedani niyyate yato na savanubbhedam hettha-y-etam vicaritam. 95. kamaccutassa yatha :— “udaracarito ’si tvam, ten’ evarddhana tvayi “desam va dehi, gamam va, khettam va, mama sobhanam.” 96. ativuttassa yatha :— “ munindacandasambhttayasorasimaricinam “ sakalo pyam 4kaso navakaso vijumbhane.” 97. vakyam vyapannacittanam apetattham aninditam, ten’ ummattadikanan tam vacan’ afifiatra dussati. yatha :— 98. “samuddo piyate so ’yam, aham ajja jaraturo, “ime gajjanti jimata, Sakkass’ Hravano piyo.” 99. sukhumalavirodhittadittabhava-ppabhavitam bandhanam bandhapharusa-dosam sandisayeyya tam. yatha:— 100. “passanta ripavibhavam sunanta madhuran giram “ caranti sadha sambuddhakale keliparammukha.” 101. apakkamassa yatha :— “ phavana-dana-silani sammasammaditan’ iha “nibbana-bhoga-saggadi sadhanani na samsayo.” 112 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, 102. udditthavisayo koci viseso tadiso yadi anudditthesu n’ev’ atthi doso kamavilanghane. yatha :— 108. “ kusalakusalamavyakatam’ ice esu pacchimam “avyakatam pakadan na, pakadam pathamadviyam.” 104. sagunan’ avikarane karane sati tadise ocityahinatapatti natthi bhutatthasamsino. 105. ocityam nama vififieyyam loke vikhydétam adara tatthopadesappabhava sujan4 kavipungava. 106. vinhatocityavibhav’ ocityahinam parihare tatocityassa sampose rasaposo siya kate. yatha:— 107. “yo marasenam asannam asannavijayussavo “tinaya pi na maiinattha so vo detu jayafi jino.” 108. araddhakattukammadi-kamatikkamalanghane bhaggaritivirodho ’yam gatin na kv4pi vindati. yatha :— 109. “sujanaffdnam, itthinam, vissiso nopapajjate “ visassa, singano, roga-nadi-réjakulassa ca.”’ yatha ca:— 110. “ bhesajje vihite suddhabuddhadiratanattaye “pasadam acare niccam sajjane saguhe pi ca.” 111. samsayassa yatha :— “ munindacandimalokarasalolavilocano “jano ’vakkantam anto ’va ramsidassanapinito.”’ 112. samsayay’ eva yam kinci yadi kiladihetuna payujjate na doso ’va sa-samsayasamappito. yatha :— 113. “ yate dutiyan nilayam gurumhi sakagehato “papuheyyama niyatam sukham ajjhayanddina.” 114. “subhaga bhagini saya-m-etass’”’ icc evamadikam ‘na gammam’ iti niddittham kavihi sakalehi pi.” 115. dutthalankaravigame sobhanaélankatikkamo alankaraparicchede avibhavam gamissati. 116. dose pariharitum esa varo ’padeso sattantaranussaranena kato may’ evam vihhay’ iman guruvaran’ adhikappasada dose param parihareyya yaso ’bhilasi. Iti Sangharakkhita mahésami vicarite Subodhdlankdre dosa-parihardva- bodho nama dutiyo paricchedo. 117. sambhavanti gund yasm4 dosdn’ evam atikkame dassessan te tato ’dani sadde sambhisayanti ye. 118. pasad’, ojo, madhurata, samata, sukhumalata, sileso, darata, kanti, atthavyatti, samadhayo. 119. guneh’etehi sampanno bandho kavi-manoharo sampadayati kattunam kittim accantanimmalam, G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 113 . adurahitasambandhasubhaga ya padavali suppasiddha.’’bhidheyya ’yam pasadam janaye yatha : “ alankaronto vadanam munino ’dhara-ramsiyo “ sobhante ’runaramsiva sampatantabujodare.” ojo samasa-bahulyam eso gajjassa jivitam. pajje pyanakulo so ’yam kanto kamiyate yatha :— . “munindamandasanjatahasacandanalimpita “ nallava dhavala tass’ ev’ eko nadharapallavo.”’ . padabhidheyyavisayam samasa-vyésa-sambhavam yam pariuatyam hot’ iha sopi ojo ’va tam yatha :— . “jotayitvana saddhammam sandharetva sadevake “jalitva agoikhandho ’va nibbuto so sasavako.”’ ‘“‘matthakatthi matassapi rajobhavam vajantu me “ yato puniiena te senti jinapadambuja-dvaye.” . ice atra niccappanatigedho sadhu padissati jayate ’yam guno tikkha-pafnanam abhiyogato, . madhurattam padasatti-r-anuppasa vasa dvidha siya samasuti pubba vannavutti paro yatha :— . “yada eso *bhisambodhi sampatto munipungavo “tada-ppabhuti dhammassa loke jato mahussavo.” “muninda, mandahasa te kundasandohavibbhama “ disantam anudhavanti hasanta candakantiyo !” sabba-komala-vannehi nanuppaso pasamsiyo yatha: “’yam malati mala linalolalimalini.” . muduhi va kevalehi, kevalehi putehi va, missehi va, tidha hoti vannehi samata yatha :— “ kokilalapasamvadi munindalapavibbhamo “hadayangamatam yati satam deti ca nibbuti.” . “sambhavaniyasambhavam bhagavantam bhavantagu “ bhavantasadhanakankhi ko na sambhavaye vibhum.” . “laddhacandanasamsaggasugandhimalayanilo “mandam ayati bhito ’va munindamukhamaruta.” anitthur’ akkharappaya sabbakomalanassata kicchamuccaranapetavyanjana sukhumalata. “ passanta rapavibhavam sunanta madhuran giram “caranti sadhii sambuddhakale keliparammukha.” alankaravihinapi satam samukhat’ edisi arohati visesena ramahiya tad ujjala romahcapincharacana sadhuvadahitaddhani lalant’ ime munimeghummada sadhusikhavala. . sukhumalattam atth’ eva padatthavisayam pica. yatha: “ matadi saddesu kittisesadi kittanam.” 114 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No, 2, 141. silitthapadasamsaggaramaniyagunalayo sabandhagaravo soyam sileso nama tam yatha : 142. “ balinduvibbhamacchedanakharavalikantihi “s4 munindapadambhojakanti vo valitavatam.” 143, ukkamsavanto yo koci guno yadi patiyate udaro ’yam bhave tena sanatha bandha bandhati. 144. “ padambhojarajolittagatta ye tava Gotama “aho te jantavo yanti sabbada nirajattanam !” 145. evam jinanubhavassa samukkamso "tra dissati : pafinava vidhind ‘nena cintaye param idisam. 146. udaro sopi vihneyyo yam passathavisesanam yatha: “ kilasaro, lilahaso, hemangadaédayo.” 147. lokiyatta n’atikkanta kanta sabbajananam pi kanti namativuttassa vutta sa pariharato. yatha : “ muninda” ice adi: 142. atthavyattabhidheyyassaneyyata saddato ’tthato sayam tad ubhaya neyyaparihare padassita. yatha : “ marici” ’ce adi: ‘ manonurahjano mara” ’ce adi, 149. puna atthena yatha :-— “sabhavamalata dhira mudha padanakhesu te “yato te vanatananta molicchaya jahanti no,” 150. ‘bandhasaro’ ti manfanti yam samagga pi vilifuno dassanavasaram patto samadhi nam’ ayam guno. i51. afiadhammo tato ‘Afatha lokasimanurodhato samma adiyate ’ce eso samadhiti nirujjati. 152. apane paninam dhammo, samma, adiyate kvaci nirupe rupayuttassa, nirase sarasassa ca. 153. adrave dravayuttassa, akattari pi kattuta, kathinassdsarire pi: rapan tesan kama siya. 154. “unnapunninduna natha diva pi saha sangama “vinidda sampamodanti manne kumudini tava!” 155. “dayarasesu mujjanta jana ’matarasesv iva “sukhita hatadosa te nétha padambujanata.” 156. ‘“ madhure pi gune dhira nappasiddhanti ye tava “idisi manasovutti tesam kharagunanam bho.” 157. “sabbatthasiddha cilakaputapeyya mahaguna “ disa samanta dhavanti kundasobhasalakkhana.” * 158. “mararibalavissatha kuntha nanavidha yudha “lajjamana ’iifavesena jina padanata tava.” 159. “munindabhanuma kalodito bodhodayacale “saddhammaramsina bhati bhiudam andha tamam param. 160. vamanuggilanady etam gunavutyapariccutam 39 ti G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies—No. 1. 115 atisundaram aiflan tu kamam vindati gammatam “kantinam vamanavyaja munipadanakhavali “ candakanti pivanti ’va nippabhan tam karontiyo.” acittakattukam ricyam ice evam gunakammakam. sacittakattukam p’ etam gunakammam yad’ uttamam. “ugoiranto ’va senaharasam jinavaro jane “bhasanto madhuram dhammam kam nasampinaye janam.” yo saddasatthakusalo kusalo nighandu chando alankatisu niccakatabhiyogo so ’yam kavittavikalopi kavisu sankhyam oggayha vindati hi kittim amandartpam. Sangharakkhita mahasamt viracite Subodhilankare gundvabodho nama tatiyo paricchedo. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 17am 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177: 178. atthalankara sahita saguna bandha bandhati yato accantakanta ’va v-uccante te tato ’dhuna. sabhava-vanga-vuttinam bheda dvidha alamkriya : pathama tattha vatthinam nanavatthavibhavini. yatha:— “lilavikantisubhago disadhiravilokano “ bodhisattankuro bhasam viroci vacam Asabhi.”’ vutti-vatthu-sabhavassa ya ’nnatha sa para bhave tassa “nantavikappatta hoti vijo padassanam. “ tatthatisaya, upama, rdpak’, avutti, dipakam, “akkhepo, ’tthantaranyaso, vyatireko, vibhavana. “hetu, kkamo, piyataram, samasam, parikappana, “samahitam, parlyayavutti, vyAjopavaifianam. “ visesa, ralhahankara, sileso, tulyayogita, “nidassanam, mahantattham, vaneana, ’ppakatatthuti. “ekavali, alfamantiam, sahavutti, virodhita, “ parivutti, bbhamo, bhavo, missam, asi, rasi,” iti. ete bheda samuddittha. bhavo jivitam uccate. vanga-vuttisu poseti sileso tu siri pparam. pakasaka visesassa siyatisayavutti ya lokatikkantavisaya lokiya ti ca sa dvidha lokiyatisayass’ ete bheda ye jati-adayo patipadiyate tvajja lokatikkantagocara “pivanti dehakanti ye nettafi caliputena te “ndlam hantum jin’ esan tvam tanham tanhaharo pi kim ?” upamanopameyyanam sadhammattam siyopamé : saddatthagamma vakyatthavisaya ti ca sa tidha. samasapaccayevadi sadda tesam. vasa tidha saddagamma samasena “ munindo candimanano” O G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. . ayadi paccaya tehi ‘‘ vadanam pankajayate :” “ munino nayanadvandam niluppaladaliyate.” . ivadi, “iva, va, tulya, samana, nibha, sannibha, “ yatha, sankasa, tulita, ppakasa, ppatiripaka, . “sari, sarikkha, samvadi, virodhi, sadisa, viya, “patipakkha, paccanika, sapakkhopamitopama, . “patibimba, paticchanda, sartipa, sama, sammita, “savanna, bha, patinidhi, sadhammadi, salakkhana, . “jayaty, akkosati, hasam, patigacchati, dussati, “ussuyyaty, avajanati, nindat’, issati, rundhati, . “tassa coreti sobhaggam, tassa kanti viluppati, “ tena siddhi vivadati, tulyam tenadhirohati, “kaccham vigahate tassa, tam anvety, anubandhati, “tam silam, tam nisedheti, tassa cdnukarot’ ime.” . upamanopameyyanam sadhammattam vibhavihi imehi upama bheda keci niyanti sampati. ‘‘vikasi padumam ’vatisundaram sugata Y Pp I n sugatananam iti dhammopama nama tulyadhammanissana. . dhammahina, “ mukhambhojasadisam munino” iti viparitopama, “tulyam ananenambhojam tava.” . “tavananam ivambhojam, ambhojam iva te mukham” alinamaffopama sayam anfamafinopamanato. . “yadi kinci bhave ’mbhojam locanambhamuvibbhamam dharetum mukhasobhantam tave’’-t’ esa *bbhutopama . ‘sugandhi sobhasampandhi sasiramsuvirodhi ca -mukham tav’ambujam ’ve’’-ti sa silesopama mata, sariipa saddavaccatta s& santanopama yatha : “balav’ uyyana mala ’yam salakananasobhini’’ . “khayicando, bahurajam padumam, tehi te mukham samanam pi samukkamsi” tyayam nindopama mata. . ‘asamattho mukhen’ indu jina te pati gajjitum jalokalank” iti ayam patisedhopama siya. “kaccham candaravindanam atikkama mukham tava attanava saman jatam’”’ ity asadharanopama. . “sabbambhoja-ppabhasaro rasibhitova katthaci tavananam vibhati ti hotabhatopama ayam, . patiyate tthagamma tu saddasamattiya kvaci samasa-paccayevadi saddayogam vind api. . “bhinga nemani cakkhuni, nambujam mukham ey’ idam” suvyattasadisattena s& sarapopama mata. . “may’ eva mukhasobhassety” alam indu vikatthana ‘yato ’mbuje pi satthi ’ti parikappopama ayam, [No. G. E. Fryer—Padli Studies.—No. 1. . “kim vambujanto bhantali, kim lolanayanam mukham mama dolayate cittam” ice ayam samsayopama. . kintci vatthum ’padassetva sadhammassabhidhanato samyappatitisambhava pativatthupama yatha: . ‘‘janesu jayamanesu n’ eko pi jina-sadiso “dutiyo nanu natth’ eva parijatassa padapo.” . vakyatthen’ eva vakyattho yadi kocy upamiyate ivayuttaviyuttatta sa vikyatthopama dvidha. . “jino sallesasattanam avibhuto janan’ ayam *‘ shammasanta patattanam ghammakale’ mbudo viya.” . “munindananam abhati vilasekamanoharam “uddham samuggatassapi kin te canda vijumbhana P” . samuppejeti dhimantam bhinnalingaédikan tu yam upamadusanavalam etam katthaci tam yatha : . ‘‘hamsivayam sasi” bhinnaling—“ akdsam saran’ iva” vijativacana ; hina, “ sava bhatto bhato ’dhipe.” . “khajjoto bhanumaliva vibhati” ty adhikopama ; aphuthattha, “ balambodhi sagaro viya sankhubhi.” . “cande kalanko bhingo ’va” ty upamapekkhini ayam : khaudita, “ keravakaro sakalanko nibhakaro.”’ . ice evam adi rupesu bhavanti vigatadara, karonti ¢@ adaram dhira payoge kvacid eva tu. . “itth’ ivayam jano yati”’: “vadaty esa puma viya’”’: “niyo pana ivaya’ me”: “vijja dhanam iv’ ajicita.”’ . “bhavam viya mahipala Devaraja virajate. !” “alam amsumato kaccham tejasarohitum ayam.”’ . upamanopameyyanam abhedassa nirfpava upameva tirobhutabheda rapakam uceate. . asesavatthuvisayam, ekadesavivatti ca, tam dvidha : puna, paccekam samasadivasa tidha. . “angulidalasamsobhi, nakhadidhitikesaram, “ sirasé napilandhanti ke, munindapadambujam.” . “ratanani guna bhari, karuna sitalam jalam “cambhirattam agadhattam paccakkho ’yam jino ’mbudhi.’ . “candiké mandahasa te muninda vadaninduno “ pabodhayaty ayam sadhumanokumudakananam !” . asesavatthuvisaye pabhedo ripake ayam : ekadesavivattimhi bhedo ’dani pavuccati. . ‘vilasahasakusumam ruciradharapallavam “sukham ke va na vindanti passanté munino mukham.” . “padadvandam munindassa dadatu vijayam tava “nakharamsi param kanta yassa papajaya-ddhaja” 117 118 231. 232. 239. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238. 239. 240. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. “ sunimmalakapolassa munindavadaninduno “ s4dhuppabuddhahadayam jatam keravakananam.” rapakani bahuny eva yuttayuttadibhedato visum na tani vuttani ‘ etthev’ antogatani ’ti. “ sitapupphujjalam lolanettabhingan tavananam “kassa nama mano dhira nakaddhati manoharam.”’ “ candim ’akasapadumam”’ ice etam khandaripakam duttham : “ambhoruhavanam nettani” cceadi sundaram. pariyanto vikappanam rupakassopamaya ca natthi yan tena vinneyyam avuttam anumanato, punappunam uccaranam yam atthassa padassa ca ubhayesaii ca vinileyya sayam avuttinamato: “ mano harati sabbesam, Adadati dis4 dasa, “canhati nimmalattan ca, yaso-rasi jinass’ ayam.” “ vibhasenti dis&a sabba munino dehakantiyo “vibhasenti ca sabbapi candadinam hataviya” “ jitva viharati klesasripum loke jino ayam “viharaty arivaggo’ yam rasibhuto ’va dujjane.” ekattha vattamanampi sabbavakyopakaranam dipakam nama: tafi ce’ adi-majjh-anta-visayam tidha. “akasi buddho veneyya bandhunam amitodayam “tad ahnesan tu jantunam visam niccopatapanam.” “ sabha papehi ca samam nekatithiya, maddanam” “dassanam munino sadhujananam jayate matam “ accantakantalavanyacandatapamanoharo. “¢ jinananindu-r-indu ca kassa nanandako bhave.” ‘‘ hotavippatisaraya sila pamojjahetu so “tam pitihetu sa cayam passaddhyédi pasiddhiyé.” icc adidipakatte pi pubbam pubbam apekkhini vakyamala pavatta’ ti tam maéladipakam matam. anen’ eva ppakarena sesanam api dipake vikappanam vidhatabbanugati’ suddhabuddhihi. visesavacanicchayam nisedhavacanan: tu yam akkhepo nama so yafi ca tidha kalappabhedato : “ekaki nekasenan tam maram. sa vijayi jino “katham tam athava tassa parami balam idisam.” atitakkhepo. “kin citt’ ejasamugdhyatam appatto ’smiti khijjase “‘pahamo nanu so yeva sakimpi sugate kato P” vattamanak khepo. ‘“‘saccam na te’ gamissanti sivam sujanagocaram “ micchaditthiparikkantamanasa yesu dujjana.” [No. 2, 258, 259. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. anagatakkhepo. heyyo satthantaranyaso yo “Anavakyatthasddhano. sabbavyapi visesatho, hi-visitthassa bhedato. “tepi lokahitasatta sriyo candimé api “ attham passa gamissanti niyamo kena langhate ?” ‘‘sattha devamanussanam vasi sopi munissaro “ cato ’va nibbuti, sabbe sankhdra na hi sassata.”’ “jino samsarakantara janam papeti nibbuti. “nanu yutta gati sayam vesdrajjasamanginam ?” “surattan te ’dharaputam jina ranjeti manasam “sayam ragaparitta hi pare rafijeti sangete.” vaece gamme tha vatthinam sadisatthe pabhedanam vyatireko ‘yam apy ekobhayabheda catubbidho. * cambhirattamahattadiguna jaladhina jina “tulyo tvam asi, bhedo tu sarirenedisena te !”” “ mahasattatigambhira sagaro sugato pi ca, “ saoaro “njanasankaso jino camikarajjuti.”’ ‘na santapapahan, n’ evicchitadam, migalocanam ; “ muninda, nayanadvandam tava tagouuabhisitam.” ‘*munindananam ambhojam esam nanattam idisam, “ suvuttamatasandayi vadanam, n’edis’ ambujam. pasiddham karanam yattha nivattetvaina karanam sdbhavikattam athava vibhavyam sa vibhavana. ‘‘anaiicitasitan nettam adharo ’raijitaruno “‘samanata bhamu c4yam jindnavaicita tava.” ‘na roti khalu dujjanyam api dujjanasangame. * sabhavanimmalatare sadhujantuna’ cetasi.” janako fapako ceti duvidha hetavo siyum patisankharanam tesam alankaratayoditam. bhavabhavakiccavasa, cittahetuvasd pi ca bhedananta idam tesam mukhamattanidassanam. “ paramatthappakasekarasa sabbamanohara “ munino desana4yam me kamam toseti manasam.,” bhavakiccokarakahetu, “ dhirehi sahasamvasa, saddhammassabhiyogato, “ niggahen ’indriyanaf ca, dukkhass’ upasamo siya.” abhavakicco karakapetu. “ muninda, candasamvadikantabhavopasobhina “ mukhen’ eva subodhan te manam papabhinissatam.’ bhavakicco fiapakahetu. “ sadhuhattharavindani sankocayati te katham *‘ muninda, caranadvandaragabalatapo phusam.” ? 119 120 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, ayuttakari cittahetu. 260. “sankocayanti jantunam panipankeruhan’ iha, “ munindassa padadvandam nakhacandanam amsavo.’ yuttakari cittahetu. 261. udditthanam padatthanam anuddeso yathakkamam sankhyanam iti niddittham yathisankhyakamo pi ca. 262. “ alapahasalilahi, muninda, vijaya tava, ‘ kokila, kumudani, copasevante vanam, jalam.” 263. siya piyataram nama attharfipassa kassaci plyassatissayen’ etam yam hoti patipidanam. 264, ‘‘piti ya me samuppanna santa sandassana tava, “ kalendyam bhave piti tad eva puna dassana.” 265. vannitenopamanena vutya dhippetavatthuno samasavutti namayam atthasankheparupato. 266. sayam visesyamattena bhinnabhinnavisesana atth’ evam apara pyatthi bhinn4bhinnavisesana. 267. “visuddhaématasandayi passatharatanalayo ‘*vambhiro cayam ambodhi pufifienapadito maya.” 268. ‘‘icchitatthappado, saro, phalapupphopasobhito, “sacchayo, ‘yam apubbo ’va kapparukkho samutthito.’ 269. sagaratthena saddhammo: rukkhatenodito jino : sabbe saddarana dhamma pubbatr’, afiiatra tu ttayam. 270. vatthuno’ fiiappakarena thita vutti tad aniata parikappiyate yattha sa hoti parikappana. 271. upamabbhantaratthena, kiriyadivasena ca, kamenodaharissami vividha parikappana. 272. ‘icchabhatgatur’ Asind ta ’tiniccalam acchara, “ vasam nent’ iva dhiram tam tad’ yogabhiyogato,”’ 273. “‘ gajam maro samarudho yuddhay’ accantam unnatam “mageam anvesati nanu jinabhito palayitum.,” 274, “muninda, padadvande te carurajivasundare “ maiine, papabhisammaddajatasonena sonima.” by 275. mafifie, sanke, dhuram, nina-m, iva, ice evam adihi sayam vyaiijiyate kvapi kvapi vakyena gamyate. 276. “ daydsancaérasarasa deha nikkhantakantiyo “‘ pinenta jina te sadhujanam sarasatam nayum.” 277. arambhantassa yam kinci kattupunnavasaé puna sadhanantaralabho yo tam vadanti samahitam. 278. “ mararibhangabhimukhamanaso tassa satthuno “mahdmahi maharavam ravi ’yam upakarika.” 279. avatvabhimatam tassa siddhiya dassinaniatha vadanti tam ‘ pariyayavutti’ ti sucibuddhiyo. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 291, 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 121 ‘ vivatangananikkhittam, dhanam dérakkhavajjitam, “ dhanakamayathakamam tuvam gaccha yad’ icchasi.” thuti karoti nindanto viya tam vyajavannanam dosabhasa guna eva yanti sannidhim atra hi. “ sancaletum alam tvasi bhusam kuvalayakhilam “ visesan tavata natha gundnam te vadama kim.” visesicchaya dabbassa kriyajatigunassa ca vekalladassanam yatra viseso namayam bhave. . na ratha, na ca matanga, na haya, na padatayo, “jito marari munina sambharavajjanena hi.” dabbavisesavutti. “na baddhakuti, neva puriso dassanacchado “ mararibhangafi cakasi munidhiro varo sayam,”’ kriyavisesavutti. ‘na disasu vydtaramsi, néloko lokapatthato “ tathapandhatamaharam param. sadhusubhasitam.” jativisesavutti. “kharam na hi vataddham munindavacanam tava “tathapi gavJham khanati nimulam janatapadam.” gunavisesavutti. dassiyate ’tirittantu straviratthanam yati. vadanti vilfiu vacanam ri/hahankaram idisam. ‘* dame nandopanandassa kim me vyd4paradassana *‘putta me padasambhatta sajja sant’ eva tadise.” sileso vacananekabhidheyyekapadayutam abhinnapadavakyadivasa tedhayam irito, *‘andhantamaharo hari samarid/ho mahodayam “ rajate ramsimali yam bhagava bodhayam j JEuee abhinnapadavakyasileso. “ sdradamalakabhaso samanitaparikkhayo ‘“ kumudakarasambodho pineti janatam sudhi.” bhinnapadavakyasileso. “samahitattavinayo ahinamadamaddano “sugato visadam patu paninam so vinayako.” bhinnabhinnapadavakyasileso., ‘ viruddhaviruddhabhinnakamma, niyamava, paro ‘ niyamakkhepavacano, ’virodhivirodhy, api ‘ ocityasamposakadi, sileso padajati ’ti: esam nidassanesy eva rupam avibhavissati. “savase vattayam lokam akhilam kalaviggaho * parabhavati marari ; dhammaraja vijumbhate.” “ sabhavamadhuram puniavisesodayasambhavam G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—Wo. 1. [No, 2, “ sunanti vicam munino jana passanti camatam.,”’ ‘“‘ andhakérappaharaya, sabhavamadhuraya ca, “ mano pineti jantunam, jino vacaya bhaya ca.” “kesakkhinam ’va kanhattham, bhamunam yeva vangata, “ panipadadharanam ’va munindassa ’bhirattata,”’ ‘‘ panipadadharesv eva sarago tava dissati “ dissati so "yam athava natha sadhugunesy api !” “ salakkhano ’tisubhago tejasi niyatodayo ‘‘lokeso jitasamkleso vibhati samanissaro. ‘* asamopi samo loke, lokesopi naruttamo, ‘¢ sadayopyadayo pape, cittayam munino gati.” ‘¢ samsaradukkhopahatavanata janata tvayi “ sukham icchitam accantam amatan dada vindati.” gunayuttehi vatthuhi samam katvana kassaci samkittanam bhavati yam s4 mata tulyayogita. ‘‘ sampattasampado loko sampattalokasampado “‘ubhohi ramsimali ca, bhagava ca, tamonudo. atthantaram sddhayata kifici tam sadisam phalam dassiyate asantam va santam va tam nidassanam “udaya samanindassa yanti papa parabhavam “ dhammarajaviruddhanam sucaranta durantatam ‘ sironikkhittacarano ’cchariyan’ ambujan’ ayam “ paramabbhutatam loke vinnapet’ attano jino.” vibhutiyé mahantattham adhippayassa va siya paramukkam satam yatam tam mahantattham iritam. ‘“ kiritaratanacchayanuviddhatapavaraho “ pura param siri vandi bodhisatto ’bhinikkhama.”’ “ satto sambodhiyam bodhisatto sattahitaya so “hitva senaharabandham api rahulamataram.” gopetva vannaniyam yam kinci dassiyate param asamam va samam tassa yadi sé vancané mata. ‘¢ purato na sahassesu na pancesu ca tadino “maro paresu tass’ esam sahassam dasavaddhitam. “vivadam anuyufjanto munindavadaninduna ‘¢sampunno candima nayam chattam etam manobhuno,.” paranuvattanadihi nibbinnenema ya thuti thuti appakate sayam siya appakatatthuti “ sukham jivanti harino vanesv aparasevino ‘¢ anayasopalabhehi jaladappankuradihi.” uttaram uttaram yattha pubbapubbavisesanam siya ekavali sayam dvidha vidhi nisedhato. ‘pada nakhaliruciré, nakhali ramsibhasura, 1875.} G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies. —WNo, 1. “ramsi tamopahanekaras4, sobhanti satthuno.” 319. ‘‘asantuttho yati mn’ eva santoso ndlaydéhato, “nalayo yo sa jantunam anantavyasandvaho.” 520. yahi bhusiya bhusattam afhamaffian tu vatthunam vinava sadisattan tam afiiamaffavibhéisanam 521. “vyamsumandalam tena munina lokabandhuna “mahanti vindate kantim so pi ten’ eva tadisi.”” 322, kathanam sahabhavassa kriydya ca cunassa ca sahavuttiti viifheyyam tad udaharanam yatha : 323. “jalanti candarasihi samam satthu nakhamsavo “vijumbhati ca candena samam tam mukhacandima” 324, ‘jinodayena malinam saha dujjanacetasa ‘*papam disé suvimala saha sujjanacetasa”’ 525. virodhinam padatthanam yattha samsaggadassanam samukkamsabhidhanattham mata sayam virodhita 326. “ound sabhavamadhura api lokekabandhuno “sevita pépasevinam sammadtsenti manasam” 327. yassakassaci danena. yassakassaci vatthuno, visitthassa yam adanam, parivuttiti s4 mata, 328. ‘pura paresan datvana manunham nayanadikam, ‘‘muninda, samanuppatto dani sabbanfutasiri,”’ 329. kinci disva na viniata patipajjati tam samam samsayapagatam vatthum yattha soyam bhamo mato. 330, ‘‘samam disdsujjaldsu jinapadanakhamsumé “passanta abhinandanti candatapamana jana.” 331. pavuccate yamnamadi, kavinam bhavabodhanam yenakenacivannena, bhavo-namayam iritam 332. ‘‘nanu te yevasanta no sagara, na kulacala, “ manam pi mariyadam ye samvatte pi jahanti no?” 333. angangibhava sadisaphalabhava ca bandhane samsaggo ‘lankatitam yo tam ‘missan’ ti pavuccati 34, “passatha munino padanakharamsimahanadi “aho ga/ham nimuggepi sukhayaty eva te jane!” 339. ‘veso sabhavamadhuro, rupam nettarasayanam, “madhu ’ya munino vaca, na sampineti kam janam.” 336, “asinama siy’ atthassa itthassasinam yatha :— ; “ tilokekagati natho patu lokam apayate !” 337. vasappatitijanakam jayate yam vibhusanam rasavantanti tan feyyo rasavantavidhaénato. 338, “raganatambhutasarojamukhan dharaya “pada tilokagaruno ’dhikabandharaga “ adaya niccasarasena karena ga/ham P 124 Lti wabodho 340. 341. 342. d43. 344. 345. 346. 347. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1, "LNo. 2 “ saficuppayanti satathahita sambhamena”’ ice énugamma purimacariyanubhavam sanhhepato nigatito yam alankatinam bhedo ’parupari kavihi vikappiy4nam ko nama passitum alam khalu tésam antam. Sangharakkhita mahasam vicarite Subodhalankare atthalan kara- nima catuttho paricchedo, patibhanavata lokavoharamanusarina tatocityasamullasavedina kavina param. thayisambandhino bhavavibhava sénubhavaka samajjanti nibandha te rasassadaya sidhunam. cittavuttivisesa tu bhavayanti rase yato ratyadayo tato bhavasaddena parikattita. virodhinannabhavena yo bhavo na tirohito silena titthati ’ce eso ‘ thayibhavo’ ’ti saddito rati, haso ca, soko ca, kodh’ ussaha, bhayam pi ca jiguccha, vimhaya, c’, eva samo ca, navathayino. tiro bhava vibhavadi visesenabhimukhato yete caranti silena te honti vyabhicarino nibbedo, takka, sanka, sama, dhiti, jalata, dinat’ ugedalasattam, suttam, haso, galan’, ussuka, tarasa, sat’ assa, visadavahiddha, cinta, gabbapamaramarisa, mada, mat,’ ummada, moha, vibodho, niddavega, savilam, marana, sacapala, vyadhi tettimsam ete. samahitattappabhavam satta’ tenopapadita sattika, py anubhavatte visum bhava bhavanti te. thambha, pa/aya, romaiica, tatha sed’, assu, vepathu, vevahiyam, visarata, bhavatth’ ete ’hu sattika. yada ratyadayo bhava, dhitisila na honti ce tada sabbe pi te bhava bhavanti vyabhicarino. vibhavo karanan tes’ uppattiy’ uddipane tatha yo siy4 bodhako tesam anubhavo ’yam irito. nekahetu manovuttivisesan ca vibhavitum bhavam vibhavanubhava vauniya bandhena putam, savibhavanubhavehi bhava tete yatharahain P vanniyd yatocityam lqkarupanugamina. cittavuttivisesatta manasa satbikangato bahinissatasedadi anubhavehi vanniya. samajikanam anando yo bandhatthanusarinam ‘rasiyati’ ti tafiiuhi raso naémayam irito, savibhavanubhavehi sattikavyabhicarihi re 364. 365. 366. 367. 868. 369. 370. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. ° 125 assidiyattam aniyamano thiyeva so raso. singara, hassa, karuna, ruddha, vira, bhayanaka, bibhacchabbhuta, santa ca, rasa thayin’ anukkama. dukkharupe ’yam anando kathan na karunddike siya sotunam anando soko Vessantarassa hi, rammadesakalakalavesadipatisevino, yuvananhoniarattana pamado rati-r-uccate. yutyabhavanubhava te nibandha posayanti nam sopyayogavippayogasambhoganam vasi tidha. vikaragati adihi attano ’tha parassa va haso niddasamalassamucchadi vyabhicaribhi. paripose siyé haso bhiyyo ’tthippabhutinam so. sitam iha vikdsinayanam, kifcalakbhiya dvigantu hasitam, madhurassaram vibasitam, amsasirokammam upahasitam, apahasitam sajalakkhi, vikkhittangam bhavaty atihasitam, dve dve hasa kathita ¢ esam jetthe majjhe jamme pi ca kamato sokartpo tu karuno ’nitthappattithandsato, tatthanubhava ruditapa/ayatthambhakadayo. visadalasyamaranacintadi vyabhicarino. kodho macchariyadihi pose tasamadadihi nayanarunakadihi ruddho nama raso bhave. patapavikkamA4dih’ ussaho viro ti safiniho, ranadanadayayogé viro ’yam tividho bhave. tevanubhava, dhitimatyddayo vyabhicarino. vikarasanasattadibhayukkamso bhayanako sedadayo ‘nubhay’ ettha tasadi vyabhicarino, jigaccha rudhiradihi putyadihi viraégato bibhaccho khobanubbegi kamena karunayuto nasavikdnanadihi sankadihi’ssa posanam. atilokapadatthehi vimhayo ’yam raso ’mbhuto tassinubhava sedassusadhuvadadayo siyum tasavegadhitippanna hont’ ettha vyabhiearino., thayibhavo samo mettadayamodadisambhavo’ bhavadihi tad ukkamso santo santanisevito. A Iti Sangharakkhita mahasémi vicarite Subodhdlankare rasabhivdvabo= Uh 0 néma pancamo paricchedo. SUBODHA’LANKA’RA NITTHITAM. —— eee ee 126 [No. 2, Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. 1.—Coins of the Kings of Dihlé and Jaunpur.—By J, G. Detmenrick, Dihii. (With a plate.) ‘Ghiya’s-uddi’‘n Balban. Pl. IX, 1. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 670, ex 9 wot &he eed Margin — Ksleiue 9 Oa Edu re ea Gy past KSmd| OM Wye The Balban inscription discovered by me at Sonipat and published in the Society’s Proceedings for May 18738, bears the same date as this coin. Kuth-uddi’n Muba’rak Sha/h. Pl. IX, 2. New Variety. Silver. Weight, 168 grs. Cuireular piece. Dar-ul Mulk, A. H. 717. exo] 9 liad} whs est wlbldy wt by 62x15 sQbeolt gst wareeed| oat aly Margin— Ksleznws 9 yee Faas Kios ee SUS sty pas? Ko Qh Zor yo This coin shews either a new place of mintage, or Dar-ul Mulk is only another designation for Dihlt, Dar-ulkhilafat, or Kuitbabdad, which are observable on other published coins of this king. Pl. IX, 8. New Variety. Silver. Weight, 83 grs, A. H. 720. lod} OBS Circular area— 8& s)ly0o ay sats wily Margin—wriegat_yrol UL G51 lblndt ve abe} sil Ghiya’/s-uddi’n Tughluq Sha’/h. Pl. FX, 4. New variety, Gold. Weight, 170 ers. A. H. 725. ie she USsia!t io} & ls gid plas wrszelt rel Margin— Kalnrswe 9 wise 9 Cpe xaxeeee Bol} sd0 Ops _Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Pt. I, 1875. ly WS os} Lith: and print:by S. Sedgfield. = Unpublished Muhammadan Coins. (Dihlé and Jaunpur.) Ze}, (Gs »\ =e ae, 12 lps if (eee ihe aera eed Nant oss ne t 0. Y SA. ee Syn, - . ad ed ee 1875.] J. G. Delmerick—Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins,—No. 1! 127 Mahmu’d Sha’h, bin Muhammad Shah, bin Firdz Shah. Pl. IX, 5. Gold. Weight, 169 ers. A. H. 802. xl ‘apis xlLd dg=” Aer s390S wy old tb ls Mahmu’d Sha’h, bin Ibrahim Shah, of Jaunpur. Pl. IX, 6. Gold. Weight, 165 grs. A.H. 847. wet yt a (Ky ogo? alee! Lot aU) cQte platen} ld wets cael Margin— «x xeee NOV HERKRE Mura’d Bakhsh. Pl. IX, 7. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 1068. Ahmadabad, CS atpo Oe” The Kalimah. cole slayly Margin—The names and titles of Margin— sexs spel rae the companions of the Prophet. olf dea! Gy 6} 941 1S lds Sha’h Jaha/n. Pl 1X, 8. Silver. Weight, 176 ers. A. El. 1069: crtols The Kalimah. woke gles One”? KORKEK set rr Kio 70 £249 coil sla gl Pl. TX, 9. Silver. Weight, 176 ers. A. H. 1069. ag csilé lsh ole gle The Kalimah. Margin— pale wrod! Che o4=° Margin—The names and titles SUtoer} Cyd il se of the four companions of the Prophet. {+49 128 J. G. Delmerick—Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—WNo. 1. | No. 2, Aurangzi’b. Pl. IX, 10. Silver. Weight, 175 grs. A. H.1070. Patna. prbedt gst Sylsve Sus wy SoS oI} a” Urge 05! Bue 5355 Uevie I possess a good many coins of Aurangzib. They show that after the deposition of Shah Jahan in A. H, 1068, some confusion prevailed in the mints of the Empire. For instance at Multan, [lahabad, Itawah, and Dihli, the coins were after his victory at Samogar at once issued in the name of Aurangzib. At Ahmadabad they were struck indiscriminately in the names of Shah Jahan and Murad Baksh during A. H. 1068, and in the name of Shah Jahan only during A. H. 1069. While, as will be seen from the coin now published, at Patna, owing no doubt to the influence and presence of Shuja’ in the vicinity, no coins were struck in the name of Aurangzib until A. H. 1070. The statement of Bernier that Aurangzib refrained from any overt assumption of sovereign rights for a year, or until his return from Lahor, is not borne out by his coins. He seems to have immediately assumed those rights, which were certainly recognized as far as his authority extended. I may also add here that a silver coin of Aurangzib in my possession, struck at Multan, presents the novel fact that the exclusive use of the word »¢* on the gold, and of the word jo on the silver coins of the earlier period of his reign, was not so strictly observed as on the later coins. The word yg appears to have been used at the commencement on his gold and silver coins alike. Afterwards this word was used on his gold coins, and jos on his silver coins only. Rafi’-uddaraja’t. Pl, IX, 12. Silver. Weight, 174 ers. A. H. 1181. Wh1pe Ls dies aSm0 95 da} Svs ro yooe ylasals wl Crplrotare erga try wlayo} e2) Is a Rafi”-uddaulah. Pl. IX, 11. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 1181. Slo br olpare glu gais,s ye syle gla ols cs) oN (ere 1875.] J. G. Delmerick —Lists of Rare Muhammadun Coins.—No. 1, 129 Muhammad Ibra/hi’m. Pl. IX, 13. Silver. Weight, 174 ers. A. H. 1132. ee 22 Wha yy 9} Ku Dal dine Uys PiALy?! Se=” wlala gla Lwylo AVE. rye rier sbtykests ellen, Sayyid Husain ’Ali Khan Barha, according to the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, was assassinated on the 6th of Zil Hajjah, A. H. 1181. Sayyid ’Abdullah, his brother, got intelligence of the event on his way from Agrah to Dihli on the Sth of the same month. He at once made up his mind to supplant Mu- hammad Shah by placing a pliant puppet upon the throne. With this view he sent his agent into Salimgarh for a candidate. The crown was first offered to the sons, successively, of Mwizz-uddin Jahandar Shah, but they ail refused it, and shut their doors against the faces of the Sayyid’s agents, who then went to Nekutsiyar, the son of Prince Akbar; but this young man stole away and hid himself. At last they went to the apart- ments of Sultan Ibrahim, the son of Rafi’-ulkadr (Rafi’-ushshan) and the brother of Rafi’-uddarajat and Rafi’-uddaulah, and prevailed on him to accept the throne. The coronation took place at Dihli on the 11th Zil Hajjah ; and on the 17th, Sayyid “Abdullah marched with this new pageant of royalty and a large army against the Emperor Muhammad Shah, who was then in the neighbourhood of Palwal. They met the Emperor near Hasanpur. The battle of Shahpar was fought immediately after, which ended in the defeat and capture of Sayyid’ Abdullah. Ibrahim fled, but was seized and brought back. The Emperor pardoned him. Thus it will be observed that Ibrahim occupied the throne nominally for one month only, and my coin, which is dated A. H. 1132, must have been struck during the first eighteen days of his very brief reign. ——— OO Oe——EOOOOEOOOeOO OOO er 130 [No. 2, Translation of the Ayodhya Mahdtmya, or ‘ Pilgrimage to Ayodhya’.—By Rau Na’ra’yan, Bareli College. The Ayodhya Mahatmya, according to Maharaja Man Sith, professes to be the work of Iksvaku, of the solar race. Ayodhya and Saraya are said to own their existence to Vas‘ishtha Muni, their spiritual guide, from whom are descended the Vas‘ishtha Brahmans of Ayodhya. It is said to have been created in the Treté Yuga, and stands on the Sudarsana Chakra, or war-wheel of Ramachandra. But according to Umadat Pandit, the Ayodhya Mahatmya is a mere transcript from the Skanda and Padma Puranas, and is not the composition of a Raja of Audh, Ayodhya, the most ancient sacred city of the Hindus, and for many centuries the seat of the kings of the solar race, is situated upon the river Sarjaya, which unites with the Ghaghra at Sehorghat, 30 miles west of Faizabad, where a fair is held at the fuli moon of Paus. The word ‘Ayodhya’ is derived from the Sanskrit prefix a, not, and yodh, battle. It means ‘ not to be fought against’. The origin of the city, according to the Hindus, was this. The eldest son of Brahma, the Deity’s creative energy, named Sayambhuva Manu, once went to his father’s dwelling and said to him, “Please give me a fine place to live in.” Brahma took him to Vishnu, who bestowed on him the wonderful and splendid Ayodhyd. The site was selected and the city was built upon it. TRANSLATION. Chapter I. Once Parvati said to Mahadeva—“ You are omniscient and have related several religious stories; I now wish to hear some account of Ayodhya, and especially its Mahatmya. It is an ancient city and dear to Ramachan- dra. They say that it stands first among all other holy places, and is the bestower of mukti (salvation) ; describe therefore its extent; the great kings that have ruled in it; the number of sacred spots; their advan- tages ; the good attending residence init; the river that flows there ; and the benefits arising from bathing in it at the different ghats on peculiar days; with the things that should be given on those occasions.”’ Mahadeva, hav- ing saluted Ayodhya and Ramachandra, answered,—“ It has the great river Ghaghra on the west and the old Saray flowing near ; it is the goddess of learning; and the abode of Vishnu and Hari is here. Hear the Mahatmya of Ayodhya, which is the source of great happiness, and gives absolution of sins. This city was built by God in the beginning of the creation, and is well-known in all the three parts of the world, Its origin was this. The 1875.] Ram Nirayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahdtmya, 131 eldest son of Brahma, named Sayambhuva Manu, the protector of his subjects, once went to his father’s dwelling, and stepped up to him with joined hands. Brahma, being pleased, benignly asked him :—“O son, tell me quickly why you have come here.” Manu replied, ‘‘ You have ordered me to create the world, please give me an agreeable place to live ries Brahma took his son with him and went to Vaikuntha, the chief mansion of Vishnu’s paradise, which is a square, having four gates, one on each side, and beautiful fortifications, and all the gods bow to it. Here fairies sing harmoniously ; the Sama Veda, the best of the Vedas, is sung by the Gan- dharvas ; and all the inhabitants are four-armed, wearing the finest and most valuable ornaments. The door-keeper of the eastern gate is Chanda-Para- chanda ; of the western, Jaya-Biaya : of the southern, Bhadra-Subhadra ; and of the northern, Dhata-Vidhata. In the middle of this place was a temple of jewels, having a throne of the same material, on which was seated Bhaga- van Vasudeva Vishnu. Brahma, having joined his hands, said with a sweet voice, “ O god of gods, thou hast mercy upon thy devotees, and Manu is one of them; give him, therefore, some land to live on.”’ Vishnu, with much pleasure, bestowed on him, in the centre of the earth, this wonderful and splendid Ayodhya. Brahma then came to our mortal world with Manu, and Vishnu sent Va- sishtha and Vis’vakarma with an order that the latter was to build a city as the former might desire. The site was accordingly selected, but the ground being found unfit for such a purpose, the Sudarsanachakra was formed, and upon it the foundation was laid. Various kinds of shrines, palaces, roads, markets, gardens decorated with jewels, trees bearing beautiful fruits and flowers, birds of melodious voices, innumerable elephants, horses, chariots, bullocks, cows, all sorts of virtuous men and women provided with every thing, were created. ‘The Sarayu flows near it, and the ohats are made of precious stones. Here the lotus and fragrant flowers are blossoming ; differ- ent kinds of birds are singing in harmony ; gods, goddesses, and celestial beings, are bathing ; and the most powerful, good, handsome, and well-versed- in-knowledge, Sarya-bansi rajas were born. To the west is the confluence of the sacred Ghargharé and Sarayu, the latter flowing from the west north- wards and then to the east. The Ganges and the Saray are both called ‘ Brahma-Svartipa’ waters, where devotees and sages live, and all the capital sins are washed away by bathing. Ayodhya is, therefore, suited to the medi- tation of Vishnu, S/iva, and Brahma; they all three keep it in their minds, It is the first abode of Vishou : whoever remains there finds felicity. Noone ean fully describe its greatness. From the Lakshmana-kunda, which has a thousand streams, one yoyana (four miles) to the cast and as far to the west, Q 132 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya, [No. 2, and from the Sarayt to the Tons, it is called Antaragara [middle house]. Commencing from the Guptar, it extends towards the east.” End of Chapter I, the reading or hearing of which causes all sins to disappear, and good actions to make their appearance. Chapter ITI. Parvati asked—‘* What are the benefits of a pilgrimage and visit to Ayodhya ; how many sacred places and gods are there ; and in what month and on what bathing days should the pilgrimage be performed ?” Siva an- swered, ‘‘ Listen carefully to what I say. Ihave to mention things which are secret and without a beginning. When a man thinks of going to Ayodhya, his deceased ancestors are released from hell and sin, and repair to heayen, and for every step on his way, he reaps the reward of an As’vamedha (a-horse sacrifice). He who advises another to perform the pilgrimage, or in some way becomes the cause of it, is absolved from all sin, and ob- tains his wishes. He who pays the pilgrim his travelling expenses, goes to heaven with his sons and grandsons. He who provides a tired pilgrim with a conveyance, goes in the conveyances of the gods to their regions. He who gives food and water to a hungry and thirsty pilgrim, gains the fruit of S‘raddhas performed at Gaya and of bathing in the Makar season [Capricorn- is] at Ilahabad, and his forefathers are blessed with everlasting happiness, He who supplies a bare-footed pilgrim with shoes, obtains the conveyance of an elephant. But he who in any way stops such a pilgrimage, goes to hell, and suffers innumerable agonies for an unlimited period. He who fur- nishes a pilgrim with a vessel for water, derives the advantage of keeping a thousand paonsalahs. He who anoints a pilgrim’s feet with oil, or washes them well, will obtain his desires in both worlds, The pilgrim, who listens to anecdotes of Vishnu, or sings hymns on his way, is looked upon as vir- tuous. The pilgrim, who, dismounting from his conveyance, stretches himself on the ground and weeps tears of love, is free from capital crimes, from the guilt attending the use of corn and water not belonging to himself, and from the Panch-sina. At the mere sight of Ayodhya, the sins committed by treading upon corn, wearing shoes, &c., to which every one is liable, and which are called‘ Panch-sfina,’ and those of seven births, are removed. Do not doubt this. Listening to religious stories on the pilgrimage, reading treatises on the attributes of God and repeating his name, gives access to Him. He who, on seeing Ayodhya, prostrates himself on the ground, and bows down before it, becomes free from all sins and reaches the Deity. The benefits which a pilgrim becomes entitled to by visiting Ayodhya and by meditation on Rama, are indescribable, and on seeing RAma’s image all his sins are destroyed. Hear me, Parvati, the mere sight of the Sarayd nullifies all sins; bowing down before it removes all worldly troubles, and bestows upon man every kind of joy. TheSaraya water washes away all crimes,” 1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyé-Mahdtmya. 133 On hearing this, Parvati asked what the manner was of performing the pilgrimage, to secure all its advantages, and go to the place of Vishnu. Mahadeva replied—‘‘ He who performs the pilgrimage with all his organs ef action and perception restrained, and with the profession of living the life of a Brahma-chari, will reap all its rewards; others will not be deprived of the usual ones. The rich should give charity, and the poor undergo privations, that is, perform the pilgrimage, and fast three nights succes- sively. The wealthy will become poor if they do not give alms in proportion to their riches. Remaining in this holy place and observing all the prescribed ceremonies, entitles a man to the full benefits of perform- ing sacrifices and giving alms. Evensages and gods attained superiority and affluence from remaining, bathing, and worshipping at this sacred city. Such a pilgrimage should therefore be performed. He who, having bathed in the Sarayd, adores the gods, gains the reward of an As’vamedha-Yajna. Feeding a single Brahman at the Saray, leads to blessings in both worlds. One who eats fruits and the roots of vegetables, and freely gives the same to a Brahman, gains the advantage of an As’vamedha-Yajna. Men living here are not transformed into mean creatures, and are freed from trans- migration of the soul. He who thinks of Ayodhya, morning and evening, reaps the fruit of visiting all the holy spots init. The seven Paris (sacred places) constitute the body of Vishnu; Avantika, called Ujjain, the foot; Kanchi, the waist ; Dvarka, the navel ; Haridvar, the heart ; Mathura, the neck; Kasi, the fore part of the nose; and Ayodhya, the head, which is the principal member of the body. Visits to this place and bathing at it wash away the sins of men and women. Even as Vishuu is superior to all the gods, so is Ayodhya to all the holy places ; he who stops here for twelve nights, derives the advantage which he would derive by performing all sorts of sacrifices. Remaining only one night bestows upon him the blessings of a hundred sacrifices on the fire. Residence, devotion, and charity at Ayodhya, are only obtainable through great virtues. Fasting here twelve nights, a man obtains the benefit of going once round the whole of India, as also what- ever he wishes. One night’s abode at Ayodhya with purity, gives freedom from degradation and accomplishment of one’s desires. Ayodhya is the form of Parabbrahma; the Sarayu, of Sagdnabrahma ; and the inhabitants of Ayodhya, of Jagannatha. I attest the truth of the above with an oath. O Parvati, the Vedas, the gods, Brahma, Vishnu, and myself, are unable to describe fully the greatness of Ayodhya.” Chapter III. Parvati now asked Mahadeva regarding the origin of the Saray. All the Munis are anxious to hear an account of that river. Mahadeva an- swered—* The Saray has herself described her origin. It is as follows: Once 134 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahdtmya. (No. 2, S’ri Raghundtha amused himself at the door of the heavens with his brothers and companions; they were dressed in their best, and wore beautiful ornaments, so that they were loved by all the people of the three worlds. Each was mounted on the shoulders of a companion and fanned with a fly- flapper. Protected by charms and spells, they caused the residents of the place great delight ; men, women, boys, youths and old men, were present: it was the day of the full-moon of Jyaishtha. Maharaj Das’aratha had also come there to bathe. S’ri Raghunatha asked his companions, where his father was, and wished to be carried tohim. A chobdar replied, ‘ The Maha- raja has gone to bathe in the Sarayt’, and added, ‘ You, too, may go there, it is very near.’ On hearing this, Raghunandana smiled and said, ‘ Let us go, and kicked the companion on whose shoulders he was mounted. The companion, with all the children, proceeded towards the Sarayu, which greatly pleased every passenger. By this time the Maharaja had bathed, performed the religious ceremonies, and was ready to go away with the sages, when a messenger reported the approach of Raghunatha with his brothers and companions. The Maharaja waited till they arrived. The brothers, having dismounted from the shoulders, went to the Maharaja, and paid their re- spects to him. Raghunandana sat in his lap; the Maharaja gave the chil- dren fine seats and thus addressed them—‘ Dear boys, salute the Sarayu’, and they all didso. Then the Maharaja, placing the boys in front, and joining his hands, in the presence of the company devoutly prayed, saying— ‘O goddess Sarayt, I bow down before thee whom all the gods and virtuous persons (Brahma and Narada included) worship ; who flowest from the lake of Manasasarovara, and washest away all sins. Those who visit thee or think of thee, are freed from sins. Those who drink thy water, never suck the milk of their mothers. Manu and other Maharajas worshipped thee. Men who depart from this world on thy banks with thy name on their lips are endowed with blessings; they reap the highest rewards of mundane existence. There is no doubt of this. Thou hast sprung from the eyes of Narayana, what am I when the gods sing thy praise? The advantages of all the sacred places flow from thy waters; I therefore repeatedly bow down before thee. Thou art the daughter of my spiritual guide, and I prostrate myself before thee; release me from all worldly ties. All these children are thine and have come to thy protection ; please guard and nourish them.’ Having thus praised her, the Maharaja gave a lace of gold-muhurs to the Brahmans through the hands of the children, to gain her favour, On hearing the prayer of the Maharaja, the Saray assumed a beautiful form, appeared before the children and sat amongst them, dressed in excellent clothes and decorated with precious ornaments. ‘The Maharaja, placing his head on her fect, saluted her, and so did all the children, and Sarayt bestowing 1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mdhatmya. 135 her blessings on them, took Ramachandra in her lap, conferred on him a neck- lace of pearls, and addressed the Maharaja thus—‘ This child is dear to the whole world, and always lives in my bosom, ‘The learned know this from their penetrating sight.’ She then added—‘ Whoever shall read your prayers or mine at the time of bathing, shall be endowed with the benefits that flow from bathing in all sacred places.’ Having said this, she took all the children, Ramachandra included, to her bosom. ‘Thereupon the Maharaja was greatly astonished, and making a bow, asked her origin, “ Because Vas’ishtha,” said he, ‘‘ brought thee, thou hast received the name of Vasishthi; but how didst thou come to take my children, tell me with thy own lips.” Saray said,—‘‘ Hear, Maharaja. In the beginning of the creation, a lotus sprung from the navel of Narayana, which gave birth to Brahma, who began to worship Vishnu by his order. When he had done so for a thousand years, Vishnu, more handsome than ten millions of cupids and mounted on his vehicle Garuda, came, and seeing Brahma deeply engaged in worship, was pleased with him, and shed tears of joy from his eyes. Brahma, who was devoted to adoration, opened his eyes, saw Narayana, made a prostration, gathered in the palm of his hand the tears that flowed from the eyes of Bhagavan, kept them in a wooden vessel, and, knowing the flow to be righteous, deposited them in the reservoir of his heart, by bathing in which Loka Pitimaha wasborn. After a long time, the first of the Solar race became king of Ayodhya; his son Ikshaku, thy ancestor, offered up prayers to the great sage Vasishtha, who praised Brah- ma. On this Brahma became pleased with him, and told him to ask for a boon. He solicited Brahma to give him a holy river, and his request was complied with; for he gave him the same water that had flowed from Nara- yana’s eyes. Sarayd said, ‘I will flow in the form of a river, and accord- ingly the sage walked ahead and I followed him. I always keep Rama- chandra near my bosom, and those who think of me, with him, obtain salva- tion and piety. Thisis undoubtedly true. Ramachandra is all truth and joy, born through your devotion to protect the virtuous and kill the wicked.’ After having related the above story, Saraytt disappeared. The inhabitants of Ayodhya were greatly surprised, and said—“O Das’a- ratha and Sarayu, you are both very fortunate.” Then the Maharaja, having taken leave of his spiritual guide, went home, rejoicing in his luck. Because the great sage Vas'ishtha brought her, she is called Vas‘ishthi, and as she came for the sake of Ramachandra, she is styled Rama- Ganga. Whatever good results from remaining at Kas‘i for a thousand ages ; at Prayag for twelve years in the Makara season; at Mathura, for a Kalpa; at Avantika for a krora of kalpas, and bathing in the fullmoon night in the month of K4rtika at the junction of Kirtika, and for 60,000 years in the Ganges, is obtained by the mere sight of the Saray. Ayodhya confers more blessings on men than a Sraddha at Gay4 and a pilgrimage to Jagan- 136 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Muhitmya. [No. 2, natha. Thesame salvation which Yogis gain by residing at Kas’i and dying there, is available to all, provided they bathe in the Saraya. He who prays to God for a moment, and even for half a moment, wherever he may be, but bathes with joy in Ayodhy4, is freed from the transmigra- tion of his soul. The water of the Sarayu, which is the representation of Brahma, is the bestower of salvation. Here, no one is judged by his ac- tions, they are all counterparts or manifestations of Rama. Men, animals, birds, insects, and worms, receive salvation at this place.’ Chapter IV. Mahadeva continued, “ O goddess, I am about to describe the first sacred place (in Ayodhya). Its name is Svargadvar [gate to heaven], and it is the bestower of both heaven and salvation. After enjoying the fruits of heaven, a man obtains salvation and freedom from transmigration. No one can sufficiently describe its advantages, but I will do so briefly. Its dimen- sion is 818 yards, and it is situated east of the thousand-streamed Laksh- mana Kunda. Those who are versed in the Puranas say that there has neither been, nor will ever be, so holy a spot as this on earth. I also affirm on oath that there is no such place in the world, because all the heavenly and earthly holy spots unite here in the morning, and consequently people should par- ticularly bathe here at that time. The man who dies here goes to the regions of Vishnu. Svargadvar, after bestowing heaven, gives salvation, and hence it is called ‘ Muktidvar’. Whatever a man desires, he obtains here. The benefits of devotion, sacrifices, giving alms, building reservoirs, wells, &c., are here everlasting. ‘The sins of a thousand births are destroyed on entering Svargadvar. All men, Hindis and Musalmans, animals, birds, and insects, that die here, go to the place of Vishnu, become fours armed, lotus-eyed, bear the Sankha, Chakra, Gada, Padma, and ride on Garudas. Whoever dies at Svargadvar, whether he had any desire or not, goes toheaven. Gods, angels, and sages, all bathe here publicly or privately at noon. Those who restrain their passions, keep fasts even for a month, give away grain, jewels, lands, cows, clothes, &c., and die here, gain salvation. S’ri Ramachandra, who is the very identity of the godhead, always remains here in the forms of Bharata, Satrughna, Lakshmana, and his own. There is no dis- tinction of north or south at the time of death,* because salvation is certain in every position. One who gets himself shaved, fasts, and visits Chandra Hari, obtains heaven, and all his great crimes are washed away. ‘The reason is that the Moon considered this place the most excellent one of Vishnu, and came here, and performed all the pilgrimages and prayers, thus pleasing Hari. He said—‘ Whoever shall bathe at this spot and look at my image, shall go to heaven.’ There are seven Haris here who all encourage good * The custom among the Hindus is that when a man is about to die, he is laid down on the ground, with his feet towards the south, 1875.] Ram Nariyan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mdahatmya. 137 actions—Gupta Hari, Chakra Hari, Vishnu Hari, Dharma Hari, Bilva Hari, Punya Hari, and Chandra Hari. The mere sight of these increases virtues ; the worship of the last is more important. The worshipping of Brahmans, Chandrama, and Hari, pleases Vasudeva, This place is sacred, O Parvati. The pilgrimage of it takes place at the full-moon of Jyaishtha, the second lunar month, when the advantages of all the gods are obtained. It is called one of the most sacred spots in the Puranas. Giving alms at Svargadvar produces everlasting happiness. This is beyond question.” Chapter V. Parvati now asked Mahadeva regarding the advantages of visiting N 4- g@es’var, and said, “O Mahadeva, how long have you been at Svargadvar, and who has consecrated the monument in which you live ?’”? Mahadeva an- swered, “Listen to my origin. When Ramachandra, having given his kingdom Kushavati to his son Kusha, went to enjoy himself in heaven, situated on Sakait, Ayodhya became sorry and repaired alone to Kusha in Kushavati at midnight. The Raja was sleeping. When he awoke, he saw Ayodhya and asked, ‘ Whence have you come? Are you a goddess, or a celestial, or a human being ? What has made you come to my house ? The descendants of the solar race do not speak with any one’s wife when alone.’ Ayodhya then replied, ‘ O Maharaj, your father has taken away all my in- habitants to Sakait, and it is a pity that when you are the ornament of your family, I should be so treated ; no Muni nor any other devotee comes to my place; all my beauty is gone, and my buildings are destroyed. As light vanishes when the sun sets, or as clouds disappear when the wind blows strongly, so is my condition. None of your ancestors ever did what your father has done.’ Kusha said, ‘O goddess, you say so, but it is not the fault of my father, it is the result of the residence in your place that all the inhabitants have gone to heaven.’ Then Ayodhya replied, ‘If this is the benefit of my abode, you should also live there, so as to obtain the company of your father.’ Having said this, she disappeared. When the day broke, Kusha related to his ministers what had transpired the night before. They advised him to comply with Ayodhya’s request. Accordingly, he went to the city with a large army, headed by Brahmans, and peopled it as it was before. “ Once the Raja got into a boat with his companions, and went to amuse himself on the river. He was enjoying himself there, when Kamudati, the sister of Sokun, a serpent who had from a long time lived in the Sarayu, became enamoured of Kusha and carried off his kangan. WKusha took no notice of it, because he was engaged in diversion, but when he came out of the water, he missed the ornament. It had been given by Agastya to Raghunatha, from whom Kusha had received it on going to Sakait. This caused Kusha great anxiety. He got enraged, and put an 138 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. (No. 2, arrow of fire on his bow, to dry up the waters of the Saray. ‘The Saraya, being terrified, fell to his feet, called out for mercy and said—‘ It is not my fault ; Kamudati, the sister of Sokun has carried off the ornament.’ Hearing this, he postponed the use of the arrow, and reading over it the charm called Garuda Mantra, flung it against the serpent. When this was done, the serpent came with his sister, who fell to his feet, gave back the ornament, and begged to be pardoned for her fault.” Mahadeva further said, “O goddess, the serpent was my devotee, and seeing his misfortune, I appeared. Kusha touched my feet, and, folding his hands, asked the cause of my appearance. I then replied, ‘The serpent is my devotee, and for the sake of his protection I have come forward ; so forgive his fault, marry his sister, let the serpent go, and ask for a boon, O Maharaj.’ Kusha answered, ‘Please remain at Svargadvar, which is known by the name of Nages’var.’ O Parvati, having said this, the Maharaja worshipped me, and, taking excel- lent things, read my six-letter-mantra, and said, ‘ Whoever shall bathe at Svargadvar, and visit and worship Nages’var in the prescribed manner, shall be blessed, and his pilgrimage shall be fruitful: otherwise he shall reap only half the benefit of it.’” Mahadeva said, ‘‘ Having thus declared and worshipped me, Kusha went home, and the serpent also repaired to his abode. O Goddess, since then I have remained at Svargadvar.” “T am now about to relate the story of Dharma Hari. Its locality is south-east of Chandra Hari, as described above. A visit to it destroys all the sins of the Kaliyuga. Its origin is as follows: Once Dharma came here on a pilgrimage, performed it with great strictness, and, fully knowing the great and incomparable benefits of Ayodhya, said with much pleasure, ‘Hari resides here, who can sufficiently, praise its advantages? There is no other sacred place equal to Ayodhya; for it does not touch the earth, but remains separate from it, supported on the Sudarsana Chakra. How excellent are the holy spots of this place! All of them bestow the regions of Vishnu. All things here are worthy of praise.’ Having said this, and being filled with joy, he began to dance. Seeing Dharma dancing in this manner at the wonderful benefits of Ayodhya, Vishnu appeared dressed in yellow silk vestment. Dharma, observing Hari, paid his re- spects, and praised him thus—‘O inhabitant of the ocean of milk, and sleeper on the head of S’eshanaga, whose feet Mahadeva touches, and which remove the sorrows of his devotees, who lovest devout austerity, whose body is full of joy, and whose eyes are most beautiful, who art omniscient, and the husband of S’ri Lakshmi, whose feet are like the lotus, who hast the lotus in the navel from which Brahma sprung, whose feet are touched by the waves of the milky ocean, and whose Saranga [horny bow] is the destroyer of enemies, whose sleep is replete with devotion, whose vehicle is Garuda, on whom Yogis meditate, who art ever happy and invisible, who art the 1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Méhatmya. 139 nourisher of cows, whose hair is beautiful, and charming to all; whose nose is handsome; whose forehead is fair and glorious ; who keepest the Cha- kra for the destruction of the wicked; whose yellow dress is so auspicious, that the mere sight of it destroys sins and fulfils one’s wishes ; who hast Lakshmi, Sarasvati, and other handsome goddesses by thy side ; whose four arms are beautiful and are the bestowers of the four fruits* and the upholders of the four yugas (ages); whose thighs are fair and charming; who art all- knowing and everywhere present; who holdest a club for the punishment of the wicked, and assumest different shapes, such as those of the Lion, the Tortoise, &c., for the preservation of virtue and the protection of the world!” Mahadeva then told Parvati that when Dharma thus praised Hari, the husband of Lakshmi was pleased, and said, ‘‘O Dharma, I am satisfied with your praises ; ask for a boon.” Having said this, he granted a boon of his own accord to the effect that whoever should read the above mentioned hymn, would be blessed, and venerable and wealthy in the world. Dharma then said: “As thou hast been pleased with me, I station you here and give you the name of Hari.” Then Bhagavan said, “ It will be better to call me by the name of Dharma Hari, so that your name may be pronounced first and then mine. All sins are destroyed when a man takes the name of Dharma Hari.” Such a boon was bestowed. Mahadeva then addressed Parvati as follows—‘! With due ceremonies Dharma Hari was thus stationed. Therefore, he who, after bathing in the Sarayu, will joyfully visit Dharma Hari, shall be freed from all sins. The fruits of giving alms, performing sacrifices and devotion, feeding the poor, &c., at this place, are everlasting, and admittance into heaven is certain. It is wise if a man who commits sins knowingly or unknowingly, performs a little prayaschitta [penance] in due form here. No one can fully describe the greatness of this sacred place ; what I have said is but little. When performing the pilgrimage on the 11th of the lunar half of the month of Asarh in the following manner, a man is sure to obtain heaven. He should bathe at Svargadvar, visit Dharma Hari, and worship him, which will destroy all his sins, and he will go to the regions of Vishnu. To the north-east of Dharma Hari, there is a ghat of the name of Janaki-Tirtha; here the pilgrimage is performed on the 8rd day of S’ravana, especially in the light half of that month. The reward of bathing, giving alms, performing worship and sacrifice, and feeding Brahmans here, is everlasting. South of itis the Ramagha4t, the advantages of which are inde- scribable, but I shall relate them briefly.” Chapter VI. Mahadeva said, “ O Parvati, the space to the south of Ramaghat and Svargadvar, in all directions, is called Ay odhy& Pitha [sacred spot], in * Artha (wealth) ; dharma (religion) ; kama (wish) ; moksha (salvation). K 140 Ram Narayan—Zranslation of the Ayodhya-Mihatmya. (No. 2, the middle of which is Rama Sabha, adorned with all sorts of jewels. Similar places of Indra, Yama, Varuna, Kubera, and other celestial beings, are nothing compared to this. In fact, Brahma and others have no such thing. A heap of sins equal to the mountain Mert, is destroyed by its mere sight. One visit to it removes the sins of thousands of former births. All the gods render homage to it, and Ramachandra, together with his brothers, performs the functions of sovereignty in the middle of it. ‘The fruits of the virtuous actions of a man are increased by once going round this place and visiting and worshipping Raghunatha. South of it lies the Madant Dhavan Kunod, bathing in which frees from all pride. Raghunatha, with his brothers, uses his tooth-brush here. On one occasion, Konduna Muni, having bathed in this pond, performed the usual ceremonies of prayer, when the wind blew so terribly, that his deer-skin was carried into it, from the effects of which the skin assumed the shape of a glorious deity, who ascended a most brilliant throne, adorning himself with precious necklaces and other ornaments, and fanned by celestial beings, Gandharvas singing and Apsaras dancing about. Seeing this, all were astonished. At this time Ramachandra appeared, and although he knew all, he asked the deity who he was, how he had become a deer, how he had now obtained this fair body, and what he was about to do. He replied, “ Ramachandra, you know every one internally and externally, but as you have asked me, I have to say, O Raghunandana, I was a Vyasa in my former birth, always acted contrary to the Vedas, and, from pride of riches, never minded what I was told. I never said prayers, did not fast, and gave no alms. I was wholly given to sensual pleasures. But I did one good action, v7z., I unintentionally sprinkled water on a Tulsi plant. From that virtue, I became a deer, and my skin was used by a devotee and con- veyed to Ayodhya with godly and religious persons. It touched the water of this place and assumed this beautiful form. I have now seen you, and beg to be admitted to heaven, free from pain, age, and death.” ‘This was granted, and getting into a glorious vehicle he ascended to the regions of Ramachandra, whence there is no returning. The pilgrimage of the said pond is performed on the 9th of the dark half of Chait. West of the Sabha is R4amkot.” Then Parvati asked, ‘‘ Where are the places occupied by the monkeys, who came with Ramachandra after the southern conquest?” Mahadeva replied, ‘‘At the gate of the Palace lives Hanumana, to the south of him Sugriva, and near him Angada. At the southern gate of the Fort reside Nala and Nila, and near them Sokhain. ‘To the east, there is a place called Navaratna [nine jewels—a temple with nine spires], north of which lives Gavaksha. At the western door of the Fort resides Dudhavakra. Here 1875.] Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahétmya. 141 (Mahadeva says) I, too, am known by the name of Durgesvara. Near this lives Sut Bul ; a little farther, Gandha-madana, Kikshuba, Surubha, and Punus. At the northern gate of the Fort lives Bibhishana, and east of him Surma, whose wife is respected by all; she protects the virtuous and punishes the vicious, To the east of her is the residence of Vighnesvar, whose sight removes all obstacles that are in the ways of men. Fast of it lives Pindaruk-vira, who defends Ayodhya and chastises the wicked. ast of him is the abode of Vira Matta-gajendra, the bestower of happiness; and, at a short distance from it, is a pond, bathing in which leads a man to perfection. The protector of Ayodhya, Vira Sunkay, is the fulfiller of our desires. His pilgrimage is per- formed on the 5th of the Nine-nights,* and on every Tuesday. He who worships him with perfumes, flowers, and betel-leaves, and offers him food, obtains his wishes. In the eastern part of it lives Dovid; in the north- east, the wise and intelligent Mayind; in the southern portion, Jambuvana ; and in the south, Kesari. These protect the Fort in all directions. At the gate resides Mahavira [Hanuman], who is the object of worship of the whole world. He is a sage who keeps his passions in subjection, and is adored by all men and women. Kast of it ies Hanumat-kund, the sight and touch of, and bathing in, which confers all sorts of blessings. O Goddess, the pilgrimage to Hanumana, the son of Anjana [the air] and the be- stower of our desires, takes place every Tuesday. All kinds of joys are at the disposal of him who, having bathed in his pond, visits and worships Hanumana in due form. The worshipper should say, ‘O son of Anjana, destroyer of Janaki’s} grief, king of the monkeys, murderer of the son of Uchh, I bow to you and offer perfumes and flowers.”’ Having done this, he should enter the Fort and pay his respects to the Ratna-Mandapa.’t Chapter VII. Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘ In the most beautiful city of Ayodhya, stands the Ratna-Mandapa, impregnated with camphor, rosewater, and other per- fumes. In the middle of it is Kalpa vriksha,§ and in the centre of that is the Ratna Sinhdsan, very excellent, adorned, and embroidered with sap- phires, the lustre of which removes darkness. In the middle of the above is an eight-leaved lotus of gold, decked with many jewels and shining like the morning sun. In its centre is a heart-ravishing image, having eyes like the leaves of the lotus, wearmg clothes, embellished with various gems. It is the image of Raghunatha, whose body is very soft and smooth, glorious like the sun, and of the color of clouds. There is also the daughter of Janaka, * These occur in the last halves of Chait and Kar, and are sacred to Devi. + Ramchandra’s wife. { A jewelled shed. § The tree which gives whatever a man asks. 142 Ram Narayan—Zranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, shining as lightning : Ramachandra is fifteen, and she twelve years old, their ages remaining always the same. Her beautiful eyes are like the lotus, and extend to the ear; her neck shews a line like the conch ; her cheeks are fair ; her eyes, a little red ; her face is beautiful as the full-moon ; her hair, black ; her forehead, high and long ; her eyebrows like the two sides of a divided mango ; her tilak is of saffron ; her nose, like a piece of diamond ; her teeth, like the seeds of a pomegranate ; her voice is sweet ; her looks, full of pity ; and her arms like the trunk of an elephant. The hands of the husband of the daughter of Janaka are like the flowers of the lotus ; his fingers are fine ; his thigh is as heavy as the stem of a plantain; his foot like that of the lotus ; the toes like the hollow portions of the leaves of that plant ; his nails as fair as the moon ; his earring shining like the sun; his face is very hand- some ; he wears wreaths of pearls and rings on his hands, feet, and toes, S‘ri-vatsa* and Bhrigu-lataf on the chest, which is adorned with Kaus- tubha Mani;{ he wears a Baijanti;§ and the tilak is of musk and saffron, Janaki is also adorned in the said manner. Both Ramachandra and Janaki are sitting on the throne, and behind them is Lakshmana, of white color, with an umbrella in his hand. Bharata and Satrughan, the former black and the latter white, and adorned like Ramachandra and Lakshmana, are here with a flapper anda fan. Hanuman stands before them with joined hands, A man should worship Hanuman, Sugriva, Jambuvana, Sokhain, Bibhishan, Nala, Nila, Angada, Rishava, Vasishta the spiritual guide, Bamadeva, Javala, Kasshyap, Markundeya, Madgul, Parbat, Nartd, Jeit Bijay, Surashtra, Keshtra Bardhan, Ashoke, Dharmapala, Sumantra, the eight companions, Indra and other rulers of the directions of the world, and last of all, the gods that reside in the heavens. Then he should worship Raghunatha, read the Taraka mantra, which is the best of all mantras, offer perfumes, flowers, betel-leaves, and give alms according to his means. Having done this, he should repeat the following prayer—‘ O Raghavendra Maharaja, destroyer of Ravana and Achchoit [immortal], I am full of sins; protect me, I flee to you; I bow to you; you are Ramachandra, Vridha Brahman, Raghunath, and Janaki-pati. The origin of the above names is this. When you were young and began to give, you were called Ramabhadra (prosperous). As you grew older and looked beautiful, the people named you Ramachandra ; when you commenced to speak, they called you Vedha- Brahma; Raghunath, on your ascension to the throne; and Janaki-pati, when you were married to Janaki. I bow to you, O king of the gods, Ma- hatman [great], and life of Janaki. You protected the refugees Sugriva and * A line of hair. © + Bhrigu is the name of a Brahman who struck Ramachandra on the chest with his feet. { The name of a jewel. § The name of a flower-garland. 1875. Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahatmya. 143 Bibhishana ; I, too, am a refugee, protect me likewise!’ He who performs the above, obtains all his wishes. After the prayer to Ramachandra, he should address one to Janaki, daughter of Videha, who, on account of his per- fect knowledge, is‘engaged in the meditation of Brahma, and is entirely care- less of his body (wzdeha). ‘I bow before your feet, which have entangled the minds of Yogis, and which those of others do not reach. When the mind once thinks of them, it remains fixed upon them for ever. The Munis meditate on them, to remove their three kinds of taps [passions], bodily, mental, and that which proceeds from organs of action and perception, The last perform their actions by the guidance of their respective deities, and become useless when they withdraw their influence over them ; such as when the sun, the deity of the eye, withdraws his essence from it, the eye does not suffer, it remains just the same, but can no longer see. This is also the case with the nose, the tongue, &c., which cease to perform their functions when their deities withdraw their powers. This union of the organs and their deities is called Daivak. The bodily passion is named Adibhautika, &c. ; the mental one, Adhydtmika. Afterwards, he should go to Janmabh mii [birthplace of Ramachandra]. East of Vighnesvar, or north of the residence of Vas’ishta, or west of that of Lomasa Rishi, is the Janmasthan, the giver of salvation, the mere sight of which releases a man from returning toa woman’s womb. ‘The fasting on the day of Rama Navami, visiting the place with devotion, giving alms and performing pilgrimages and sacrifices, frees a man from the transmigration of his soul, A visit to it yields the reward of giving one thousand cows, obey- ing father, mother, and the spiritual guide, and performing the Rajasiyia, and Agni-hotra [sacrifices] one thousand times.” Then Parvati asked in what way people should keep the fast of Rama Navami. Sri Sankara replied—“'To confer greatness on Navami, Rama- chandra was born of the womb of Kaushalya. On that day, a Tuesday, which falls on the bright half of Chait, the Nakshitra was Punarvasu, and the time was midday. The gods and celestial beings being highly pleased with it, of their own accord began to play upon musical instruments. The fast of Navami is considered superior to all other fasts, just as the Chintamani is the best of all jewels and the Kalpa-vriksha of all trees. Those who keep this fast, and listen to religious stories, perform religious dances, and give alms on that day, obtain salvation. It fulfils the wishes of the gods, protects the virtuous, and destroys the wicked. It bestows more advantages than millions of sacrifices, because the adorable Rama was born on that day, All the actions which a man performs on that day, in the name of Raghunatha, give everlasting benefits. He who wishes to go to Raghunatha, should keep this fast. The fool who eats on that day, shall go to hell, where all the vicious are thrown into boiling oil. There is no doubt about it. The deceased ancestors of him who on that day makes offerings in their names, 144 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, are admitted to the regions of Vishnu, and he who gives alms according to his means, reaps the benefits of the highest degree of charity. How good and important is this fast! and how virtuous are those who keep it! They are sure of obtaining heaven. He who keeps this fast, reaps the fruits of giving alms during an eclipse of the sun and of bathing at Kurukshetra [north of Dibli], and performing sacrifices there; and when keeping it according to the prescribed ceremonies, a man does no more return to woman’s womb, but becomes Rama himself. A Vaishnava, who does not fast, when there is a union of the Ashtami and Navami, but on a pure Navami day, and reads religious books, such as the Puranas, on the following Dasami, gains all kinds of benefits. ‘This is certain.” Chapter VIII. Then Mahadeva said, “ Having kept the fast, he should repair to the Birthplace, worship and pray, as already prescribed. He should place Raghunandana in a six-sided vessel of gold or silver, and when he cannot afford either, on the back of a leaf of the Bela-tree, marked with three cross- lines, worship him, and throw flowers upon him after reading the twelve- letter-mantra of Vasudeva. In the same manner, he should worship the vessel or leaf, upon which he has stationed Raghunandana, and invoke the fifty-seven gods that obtain a place there. After this, he should offer per- fumes, flowers, articles of food, &c., praise them with folded hands, touch the six corners after reading the mantra, beginning with Hridai, the breast, head, the tuft of hair on the top of the head, clothes, eyes, weapons, and worship them with sixteen prescribed things, repeating the Mula-mantra during the whole time. He should then worship Indra, Lokapala, Vasishta Muni, &c., with their peculiar mantras, take arghya,* and throw it upon Raghunandana, saying ‘Thou art the destroyer of Ravana, protector of Dharma and the devotees, and art Bhagavan, please accept my offering with your brothers,’ All this should be performed on the Navami. O Goddess, hear what the benefits are of worshipping on the Navami. It is related that in ancient times there were five wicked persons in the country of Marakantar; one Lampaka, an oil-maker ; Sanku, a weaver ; Luntak, a Nat ; Dushta Dhivar, a sailor; and Dharma Kahar. They lived in five different cities. The oil-maker accidently killed a cow when he was making oil, for which sin he was turned out of the city by the Raja. The weaver cohabited with the wife of his younger brother, for which he was also banished. The Nat was expelled for attacking passengers with bows and arrows in jungles. Dhivar and Kahar being thieves, * Water containing sandal, rice flour, and betel-nut. 1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Méhatmya. 145 were once seized and brought before the Raja. Some told him to kill them ; others, to cut off their limbs; but the Raja sent them to a sage named Vimalatma [pure soul], who ordered the king to confiscate their property, shave their whiskers, beards, and tufts of hair on the head, and turn them out of the kingdom, which was done. They met in a forest, whence they used to attack and plunder towns. In this way they collected large sums of money, which they spent in keeping women, drinking wine, and eating meat. They abused cows, brahmans, spiritual guides, and even the gods. The Raja at last expelled them from the forest. Wherever they went, they suffered much distress. They visited many countries and com- mitted innumerable crimes. Once the inhabitants of Dihli proceeded to Ayodhya, to bathe there on the day of the Navami. The thieves, with the intention of plundering them on the road, accompanied them. ‘The pilgrims asked them who they were, on which the thieves replied that they were pilgrims and residents of the country of Marakantér. Thus they all arrived at Ayodhya, but the thieves had no opportunity to plunder the pilgrims. The celestial protectors of Ayodhya assuming the shape of men, fell sud- denly upon the thieves and began to beat them with clubs of hrodh {anger}. At this time Asitamuni appeared and said, ‘‘ O protectors, let the thieves go, for they will be freed from sin, and you will obtain great benefits. The protectors let the thieves go. The thieves said, ‘O Bhagavan, we bow to the protectors.’ Then Asitamuni replied, “ You are very fortunate : those who beat you were the Vighnas [troublers] of Ayodhya, who prevent wicked persons from entering it; they have let you go on my account, you should, therefore, now perform the pilgrimage of Ayodhya in due manner, which will remove your sins. ‘Then the thieves asked in what way they should perform the pilgrimage, so as to secure places in heaven. Asitamuni answered, “ Those who restrain their passions and do not commit sins, gain the full advantages of the pilgrimage. He who controls the passions and gives alms in proportion to his means, obtains these benefits. He who keeps the Muni fast, shaves at Svargadvar, bathes there, and visits the birthplace, is released from the sins of killing a cow and a brahman, of cohabiting with the wife of a spiritual guide, and from many others of the same kind, and thus obtains salvation. On that day, men, Kinnaras, Gan- dharvas, and the gods, bathe in the Sarayt and visit the birthplace. You should also do the same; proceed and you will see great wonders.” ‘Then Mahadeva said, “‘O Goddess, having spoken thus, Asitamuni disappeared, and the thieves were glad and entered the city.” Chapter IX. Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘ When the thieves entered Ayodhya agreeably to the words of Asita, Ayodhya, assuming a charming and beautiful form 146 Ram Naradyan— Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. (No. 2, appeared before them, in white clothes, accompanied by several maids, adorned with necklaces and armed with the S’ankha, Chakra, Gada, and Padma. She is the beloved abode of Ramji and the most ancient of all the sacred places. She is worshipped by all the Gods and the Munis who reside there. Thus the thieves saw what no one had ever seen before, and they were very glad. As sins have no power there, they lost their influence over the thieves, as will be explained. Ayodhya advanced towards them with the Gada, and the thieves trembled from fear. All of a sudden, the sins made their appearance, wearing blue clothes with horrible and dreadful faces, depressed noses, wearing iron ornaments, having red hair of different shapes, some blind, some one-eyed, and so on. Then Ayodhya beat them with clubs, and compelled them to fly. They waited under a pipal tree outside the city, and made a horrible noise, which greatly astonished the people. “Ayodhya then called the thieves, who went to Svargadvar. It was the Navami day, they bathed in the Sarayt, repaired to the Birthplace, kept the fast, and visited the place. Thus they were freed from all sins, At this time, Yama called Chitra-Gupta and said, ‘The thieves have become pure, blot out their sins from thy book and forgive them; their sins have been destroyed by Ayodhya, the first city of Vishnu. Here live those who require salvation. ‘The thieves have become Vaishnavas. ‘Then Chitra- Gupta became sorry, and said, “ We have suffered much trouble in entering their sins, but it may be, as thou sayest, that we shall no more register the erimes of the wicked ; for it is all in vain: the wicked go to Ayodhya and obtain salvation and the vicious, in the Kali Yuga, become pure on visiting the Birthplace.’ Having said this, they scratched out the sins of the thieves.” Then Mahadeva said, “ O Goddess, the messengers of Yama, who wander about on earth, came to the pipal tree where the sins of the thieves stood crying and asked them, ‘ Who are you, whence have you come? what has brought you here, and what are you talking about?’ The sins replied, ‘There were five thieves in the country of Marakantar, very wicked, who nourished us and did not mind the orders of their parents, spiritual guides, the Vedas and Puranas.’ They then related the whole of the rest of the above story.” Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘O Goddess, on hearing the words of the sins, the messengers felt compassion for them, and got angry with Ayodhya, but unable to oppose her, they told them to stop there, as they would try their utmost to bring them again together with their friends (the thieves). After this, the messengers went to the place of Yama and said, ‘ You have made a great mistake.’ Yama replied, ‘ You are not aware of the advantages of bathing at Svargadvar, keeping fast on the Navami and visiting the Birth- place. I am quite unable to fight with Ayodhya, let us gothere.’ Having 1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. 147 said this, Yama riding on a buffalo, and accompanied by Bhit, Parvati Pisacha [evil spirits ] and Ganas, went quickly to Ayodhyé. Meeting Vis’va- karma near the city, he asked him, ‘Where do you come from at this time on the day of Navami?’ Vis’vakarma replied, ‘I come from Ayodhya after bathing at Sargadvar and visiting the Birthplace, and have been ordered by Brahma to repair to Sakait with the gods, and build houses there for the pilgrims of Navami.’ Hearing this, Yama advanced, relating the advantages of Ayodhya to his servants. He first arrived at the Tons, and prayed to it with folded hands. Thence he went to the Guptar-Ghat, and sat down on the bank of the Saray, praising Ayodhya,” Chapter X. “Yama, having praised Ayodhya as described above, solicited pardon for his sins. Ayodhya then appeared, to please him. Yama bowed to her, upon which Ayodhya said, “ You are very wise, I am much pleased with you, ask for a boon, and let me know the object of your coming here.” Then Yama replied: “If you are pleased with me, tell me the way by which the sins that stand under the Pipal tree outside the city, may be destroyed, and secondly, forgive the faults of our messengers.” Ayodhya said, “Remain on the bank of the Sarayt, which shall be known by the name of Yamasthala. Itis called’ Jama-thura by the people. Those who bathe here on the second day of the lunar half of Kartika, shall be free from your fear. Let the sins that stand under the Pipal tree be destroyed by my order.’ Having thus spoken, Ayodhya disappeared. Yama then remained at the bank of the Sarayu, and Chitra-Gupta, and the messengers of Yama were greatly ashamed, and the sins were destroyed in a moment. ¥ama, having built his house there, went to his place, relating the benefits of Ayodhya to his messengers.” Then Mahadeva said to the goddess, “T have told you the advantages ef Ayodhya, the Sarayu, the Birthplace, and the day of the Navami. He who hears them, or relates them to others, obtains salvation in the end after haying enjoyed all pleasures. What Agastya Muni said to Sutikshna Muni I have related to you. This religious story removes the sins of one who is ignorant, the enemy of the Brahmans, the spiritual guide of the Vedas, and of the Gods, provided he tell, read, and hear it in faith.” Then Parvati said, ‘‘I shall now be glad to hear the advantages of the Kitchen of Janaki.” Mahadeva answered, “ O Goddess, listen to its: sin-destroying story. Her kitchen is always filled with articles of food; its mere sight accomplishes our wants. Its pilgrimage is performed at all times : no one can fully describe its benefits, but I will do so in a brief manner. The house of one who daily visits it, remains filled with victuals. On seeing ib, Parasurama was released from the crime of destroying the Kshatriyas. A 8 148 Ram Navrayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, mere visit to it removes sins committed knowingly or unknowingly. It freed Balarama from the sin of killing Sut. What more shall I say about it P—it is the bestower of all sorts of joy. It is situated north-west of the Birthplace. Forty yards north of the Birthplace lies the house of Kaikeyi, where Bharata was born. Sixty yards south of it is the dwelling of Sumitra, where Lakshman and Satrughna were born. Their sight releases man from worldly ties, and gives salvation. South-east of the Birthplace is Sitakup, which isalso called‘ Jnana-kup.’ Drinking its water renders a man intelligent. Brihaspati, Vas‘ishtha, and Vamadeva drank its water, and attributed to it their dignity and prosperity. South of Hanumat-Kund is Suvarna-khanah, called Sona-khar by the people, where Kuvera showered gold from the sky. South of it is Sugriva Kund, andsouth of that Bibhishana Kund. Pileri- mages to these places on the day of Navami destroy all sins and bestow every kind of blessing.” Chapter XI. Then Parvati asked Bhagavan to tell her how gold was showered in the Suvarna-khanah, and what caused Kuvera to fear Raja Raghu. Maha- adev replied, ‘‘O goddess, this story strikes all with astonishment, There was a very powerful king of Ayodhya in the family of Iksviku. He pro- tected the world, and subdued a crowd of enemies. His name was well known in the three worlds, and he loved his people. The canopy of his glory surrounded the ten quarters of the globe; he reduced his foes to submission, amassed great wealth by his conquests, assembled a large army, conquered many Rajas, took tribute from them, and thus filled his coffers with in- numerable treasures. Being at ease and leisure, he intended to perform a sacrifice at Ayodhya. With this view he called Vas’ishtha, Vamadeva, Kés- yapa, Jabal, Bharadvaj, Gautama, and other Munis, gave them suitable houses, and prayed: ‘O venerable sirs, I intend to perform a sacrifice, please tell me what sacrifice shall I perform.” All the Munis replied, “O Ma- haraj, the Vis’va-jit sacrifice would be a suitable one, because you have conquered the three worlds. Do not delay.” Maharaji Raghu then performed the Vis’va-jit, and distributed his money among beggars. With the exception of his territory he kept nothing in the shape of money, and thus pleased the Gods, the Munis, and men. Thus he became as famous as Indra. At that time Kauto Muni, a disciple of Vis’vamitra Muni, learned fourteen sciences, and promised to pay in leu fourteen krors of gold-muhurs. He compelled the spiritual guide to demand the above sum from him. nans Journal Pl: Xi Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1875. Pt-1 Pl: XI Group MI. J Schaumburg, Lith BACGHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM MATHURA, N W. P. (Bom photographs ) XLV. Pl. XIM, Jour days zi ‘ A [ Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1875 Pt:I Pl. Group IF J Schaummbrerg, Lith BACCHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM MATHURA,N. W P. ( from photoyrupla ) Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1875. Pt:I. PL: XIV. rece A So ee BACCHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM KUKARGAMA,.D ISTRICT MATHURA. & a eae MES ince sO BUDDHIST BACCHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM MATHURAN. W. PB _S. Sedgheld Lith: (Tom a draw ing ) Calcutta, . 1875. F. S. Growse—Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura. 215 pp ip ing under the conventional canopy of serpents’ heads, with a garland of wild-flowers (ban-mala) thrown across his body ; and while his right hand is raised above his head in wild gesticulation, in his left hand he holds a cup very similar to the one represented in the Pali-Khera sculpture. His head-dress closely resembles Krishna’s distinctive ornament the mukut, but it may be only the spiral coil of hair observable in the Sanchi and Amara- vati sculptures. In any case, the inference must not be pressed too far; for Jirst the hooded snake is as constant an accompaniment of Sakya Muni as of Balarama ; and, secondly, I have in my possession another sculpture of an equally Bacchanalian character, which is unmistakeably Buddhist. This is a rudely executed figure of a fat little fellow (vide Pl. XIV), who has both his hands raised above his head, and holds in one a cup, in the other a bunch of grapes. The head with its close curling hair leaves no doubt that Buddha is the person intended; though possibly in the days of his youth, when “he dwelt still in his palace and indulged himself in all carnal pleasures.” Or it might be a caricature of Buddhism as regarded from the point of view of a Brahmanical ascetic. Finally, as to the nationality of the artist. The foliage, it must be observed, is identical in character with what is seen on many Buddhist pillars found in the immediate neighbourhood, and generally in connection with figures of Maya Devi; whence it may be presumed that it is intended to represent the Sal tree, under which Buddha was born. The other minor accessories are also with one exception either clearly Indian, or at least not strikingly un-Indian : such as the ear-rings and bangles worn by the female figures and the feet either bare or certainly not shod with sandals. The one exception is the male attendant in Group IV, with the mantle fastened at the neck by a fibula, and hanging from the shoulder in van- dyked folds, which are very suggestive of late Greek design. But consi- dering the local character of all the other accessories, I find it impossible to agree with General Cunningham in ascribing the work toa foreign artist, “one of a small body of Bactrian sculptors, who found employ- ment among the wealthy Buddhists at Mathura, asin later days Ku- ropeans were employed under the Mughul Emperors.” The thoroughly Indian character of the details seems to me, as to Babu Rajendralala, decisive proof that the sculptor was a native of the country ; nor do I think it very strange that he should represent one of the less important characters as clothed in a modified Greek costume; since itis an established historical fact that Mathura was included in the Bactrian Empire, and the Greek style of dress cannot have been altogether unfamiliar to him. The artificial folds of the drapery were probably borrowed from what he saw on coins. ——~ 216 J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipwrid Nagas. [No. 3, A Rough Comparative Vocabulary of two more of the Dialects spoken in the “ Naga Hills”.—Compiled by Captain Joun Butter, Political Agent, Naga Hills. The plan adopted for designating the long sound of vowels has been the one previously explained in the Vocabulary, published in the Appendix to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLII, Part I, for 1873. English. A, an, o7 one, Abandon, »v. Abdomen, 2. Above, prep. Abundance, 2. Accept, v. Accompany, v. Accurate, a. Acid, a. Acquaintance, 2. Advance, v. Adversary, 2%. Adult, 2. Adze, 1. Afar, ad. Affray, . After, prep. Afternoon, %. Air, 1. Alike, ad. Alive, a. All, a. Alligator, 7. Alone, @. Altogether, ad. Ankle, 2. Anger, 2. Annually, ad. Ant, 1. Apiece, ad. Armlet, 7. Armpit, 1. Lhota Naga. Ekha Apia Opok Potso Khosha Khialo Neniya Ochocho Théna Ananchia Vongava Rata Chali Opt Ekoni Khondaka Silamo Inching Umpung Khidi Hkam Hetobula Erro Aboti Enika Chomhiek Alom TInzi-inzi Chemphiro Mochangchang Ghoro Zongop Jaipuria Naga. Vanthé Vok Akho-nang Pong Rorang Phangtang Ringkha Sip-chak Changka 1875.] J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipuriad Nagas. 217 English. Around, prep. Arrow, 7. Ascend, wv. Ash, 2. Ask, v Asleep, ad. Awake, v. Axe, 2. Babe, 2. Bachelor, 2. Back, 2. Bacon, ”. Bad, a. Badger, 7. Bag, 2. Bamboo, 2. Bark, n. Barn, 2. Bat, 2. Battle, x. Beak, x. Beam, 27. Bear, 7. Beard, 7. Beat, v. Beef, 1. Behind, prep. Behold, v. Below, ad. Best, a. Big, a. Bill-hook, x. Bind, »v. Bird, x. Bitch, 2. Bite, v. Black, a. Blind, a. Blood, m. Blue, a. Lhota Naga. Hetobito Otso Langhekhingba Khar Chichanachii Ipa Phanthia Opi Negaro Chinghran Echen Okoso Umho Thembakso Cika Chingsa, Chiro Ofa Oson Shoshiro Oritso Emé Khiron Sevan Khokhahtim Langthatha Masiso Silamoi Zeda Ochongi Tengtommhona Chopo Loptkha Chinga Woro Horo-o-kui Kéga Nika © Choktaé Echen Miaga Jaipurid Naga, Latchan Kto Tapla Chiéno Vaka Tam Achi Khatong va Akhton Phakarang Sip Vato Khako Vo Aniak Mitdaok Hé Aham 218 English Boat, 2. Body, 2. Bone, 2. Borrow, v. Bough, 2. Boundary, 2. Bow, 2. Box, 2. Boy, 2. Brains, 7. Brass, 2. Break, v. Breast, 72. Breath, 2. Bridge, 2. Bring, v. Broad, a. Broadcloth, 2. Broken, part. Brother (elder), 2. Brother (younger), 2. Brother-in-law, 2. Brow, 1. Buck (deer), 2. Buffalo, 2. Build, v. Bull, 2. Bullet, x. Bundle, x. Burden, 2. Burn, v. Bury, v. Buy, v. Calf, 7. Calf (of leg), x. Call, v. Cane, ”. Cap, . Carry, v. Cat, 1. Lhota Naga. Orhtng Ochok Oru Ochiaptia Pidpiro Akhi Olo Inkhi Nungori Kicho Rempam Khuchaka Tiki Ethékechena Opho Hanaia ~ Unzoa Sinio Chaga Ata Ango Oazi Oto Opting Liz Kitsoa Maso-opum Chingiching Unkhap Oha Khuteta Shoteta Shitaga Opungro Unra Chahé Orr Kive Ohanga Onioro J. Butler— Vocabulary of the Lhoté and Juipuria Nagas. Jaipwrit Naga. Khuongkho Salx Ava Namo Aphak Doakhap Tema Nata Tankha Si Vanro Khadong Khat Tpho Ina Lé Hitono Thako Bino Rio Ruo Kafok Kapkato Miai [No. 3, 1875.] English. Catch, v. Charcoal, 2. Chase, v. Cheap, a. Cheek, x. Chicken, 7. Chin, 2. Clean, a. Cleave, v. Cloth, x. Cloud, 2. Cock, x. Cold, x. Come, »v. Conceal, v. Cook, v. Cord, 2. Cost, 2. Cotton, 2. Cover, v. Count, v. Cow, 7. Cow-dung, 7. Cowree, 1. Crazy, a. Crooked, a. Crow, 2. Cry, v. Cubit, 7. Cup, 2. Cut, v. Dark, a. Daughter, x. Day, 2. Dead, a. Deaf, a. Dear (costly), a. Deer, n. Descend, Devil, x. DD Thota Naga. Rhemhata Miha Phana Tétsva Kio Honororo Khokha Khidi Sisotava Oso Potso Honohamptng Ungutng Rua Unbhoiabia Ekaa Ozu Chigi Khinkho Lhebiatha Kha Mast Masasu Phutho Zévai Khankhta Kasha Kiavakha Sibta Shitoga Enopunga Shikok Oso Chéia Chajomho J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhoté and Jaipurid Nagas. Jaipurid Naga. Luo Vanhi Than Ka Khat Phiam Aki Karo Puono Kahap Mén Aktang Vakha Sapo Daksa Bancha Diiako Rangiek Rangi Kehoe 219 220 J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipurid Nagas. [No. 3, English. Dialect, 2. Difficult, a. Dig, v. Disease, 7. Distant, a. Divide, v. Dog, 2. Door, %. Dove, 7. Drink, v. Dry, @. Kar, 2. Har-ring, 2%. EKarth, 7. Kat, v. Kgs, 2. Hight, a. Kighteen, a. Highty, a. Elbow, 2. Elephant, 2. Eleven, a. Evening, 2. Eye, n. Eyebrow, %. Eyelash, n. Eyelid, 2. False, a@. Fat, a. Father, 7. Feather, 7. Feed, v. Female, a. Fetch, v. Fever, 7. Few, a. Fifteen, a. Fifty, a. Lhota Naga. Oi Kéngha Chia Pera Hkoni Chitava Phuro Hankha Vékhu Uia Hking Eno Impeja Loko Choa Etcho Chiza Mecht-me-chiza BHkha-chiza Khétso Sotso Tero-sékha Mitoga Ombhiek Mhiékho Mhiémho Mhiekchine Kchengcheng Thua Apo Hamphi Chotiga Eloi Hanaia Rathata Echik Tero-si-mungo Tinian Juipuria Naga. Thio Hu Phokphelert Joko Na Natho Ha Chao Ati Isat Ichi-van-isat Ruak-isat Dakti Ptiok Ichi-vanthé Rangja Mit Atat va, Iva, or Apa Nap Achat Ané Ichi-van-binga Ruak-banga 1875.) J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipurid Nagas. 221 English. Lhota Naga. Tuipuria Naga. Find, v. Khondakortia Ichtio Finger, 2. Ingro Daksu Fire, 2. Omi Van Fish, v. Ongorumata Fish, 2. Ongo Nga Fish-hook, 2. Okha Flat, a. Khidi Todé Flint, z. Oling Flower, 2. Thira Chongpo Foot, 2. Ocho Da Forest, 2. Otung Ling Forget, v. Méchogache Tlako Fowl, 2. Hono Vo Friend, 7. Akhamo Frog, 7. Ou Lik Fruit, 2. EKthi Ari Ginger, 7. Osang Ching Girl, 2. Loroe Give, v. Apia Lahé Go, v. Ja Kao, Kalao Goat, 7. Niania Kién Good, a. Mhona Asan Grandfather, 2. Amétti Grandmother, 2. Aloro Grandson, 7. Arroo Granddaughter, 7. Arr Grass, 1. Ero Hing Grasshopper, 7. Khomo Kupchang Grave, 7. Okhap Great, a. Chepo Adong Great-toe, 7. Choiongpt a Green (raw), @. Esa, Ahing Ground, 2. Loko Gullet, x. Onatchang Gun, 2. Chingipt Vantho Gunpowder, 2. Khtr Guts, n. Err Hair, 7. Ocha Kacho Half, a. Mochangha 222 J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhotaé and Japuriad Nagas. |No. 3, English. Hand, 2. Hawk, 2. Head, n. Hear, v. Heart, 2. Heavy, @. Heel, 2. Hen, 7. Here, ad. Hill, 2. Hip, 2. Hoe, 2. Hold, v. Honey, 2. Hoof, x. Horn, 2 Horse, 7. Hot, a. House, 2. How much? ad. I, prow. Tron, 2. Ivory, 7. JAW, Ne Jungle-fowl, 2. Jungle, n. Keep, v. Kick, ». Kid, n. Kill, v. Kilt, n. Kind, a. King, 2. Knee, 2. Knot, 1. Knuckle, 2. Lhota Naga. Okhé Mongshiro Kori Engache Mithap Minga Umpho Honopve Helo Phingla Ophi Khotrang Rimhata Chakicha Inkiep Etsa Qurr Sosova Kika kutata Akha Tonchak Sotsoho: Khoka [pia Ora Jetangana Hehiacha Nianiaroro Sahi Serim Zana Etsz Unkhok Unsa Khemhiek Jaipuria Nagé. Dak La Kho Tato Mangto Ali Vo Anang Hachone Janvan Dasok Rong ai Mok Akham Him Jan, or Zan, Paokpa Riémo Rikvato Daki Asilz 1875.] J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipiria Nagas. 223 English. Lhoia Naga. Jaipiria Naga. Ladder, 2. Jengi Hitho Leaf, z. Olio Niap Leg, 2. Ochokha Da Lemon, 7. Chambé Length, 2. Sibua Leopard, 2. Morrh Rusa Lick, ». Miagakha Liepdako Lightning, 7. Chengehua Kiepda Lip, 2. Méhu Little, a. Ichikarro Acha Liver, 7. Inthén Long, a. Sibaa Alo Man, 2. Chon Minian Mangoe, 2. Chibingthi Meat, 7. Oso Medicine, 2. Moza Pham Milk, x. Sirotcht Negitipo Monkey, 7. Takso vé Month, x. Choro Dapé - Moon, 2. Choro Da Mother, . Aio Mountain, 7. Phinglang Haho Mouse, 7. Jiro Jupa Mouth, x. Opang Tun Mud, x. Emha Moustaches, . Mhéham Nail (finger), 2. Inkiep Naked, a. Phusha Navel, 2. Nakhani Near, prep. Osibo Thékro Neck, 2. Engt Bo Needle, 2. Opiom Matku Nephew, 2. Ango Nest, 2. Woroshep Arup Net, 7, Ochak Chak New, a. Ethan Aniadn Night, 7. Mengakha Rangpan Nine, a. Toku Ikhu Nineteen, a. Mechu-me-toku Ichi-van-ikht 224 J. Butler— Vocabulary of the Lhota and Japiria Nagas. |No. 3, English. Ninety, @. No, ad. Nose, 7. Now, ad. Oil, 7. Old, a. Onion, 2. Orange, 7. Orphan, 2. Owl, 2. Peacock, 7. Pig, 2. Pigeon, 2. Plantain, 7. Poison, 7%. Poor, a. Porcupine, 2. Potato, 2. Pull, v. Push, v. Rafter, 7. Rain, 7. Rat, 7. Raw, @. Red, a. Rest, v. Return, v. Rib, 2. Rice (cooked), 7. Rice (uncooked), 7. Rich, a. Ring, 7. Ripe, 2. River, 2. Road, 7. t00t, 2. Rotten, a. Rupee, 7. Lhota Naga. Ekha-toku Ni Khéno Nhanga Penchang Eke Sanrang Kongkeng Tputi Velonga Titakha Kashag Veha Vothitong Mozz Yanché Liso Horokha Sésia Nangchiache Khiron Ert ZAuru Esa Raga Esantawa Hlainlé Khoiort Ochang Ochok Kh Yonpenro, Emha Zoakhu Olang Chingien Eehion Orang Jaipuri Naga. Raak-ikha Ma Kho Doko. Tanthi Ato Muthiala Vakha Soyang Vak Pari Kiéké Vikha Sieto Thiiamo Rangpat Jupu Ahing Vong Khap Achim Joan Lam Aring Asan _Ranka ‘ae 1875.] J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhoté and Jaiptria Nagas. English. Salt, 2. Same, a. Sand, 2. Sap, 2. Say, v. Seratch, v. See, v. Seige, v. Seven, a. Seventy, a. Seventeen, @. Shade, 7. Shame, z. Share, v. Sharpen, v. Shave, 2, Shield, x. Short, a. Shoulder, z. Shut, v. Sick, a. Silver, 2. Sister, 2. Sister-in-law, 7. Sit, v. Six, a. Sixteen, a. Sixty, a Skin, 7. Sleep, v. Slowly, ad. Sly, a. Small, a. Snake, 7. So, ad. Son, 7. Sow, 2. Span, 7. Spear, 7. Stab, v. Star, 2, Lhota Naga. Oma Enika Hachang Chingcha Phua Nakia Zetache Rémhata Ching Kkha-ching Mechu-me-ching Khamcho Hiagra Chitava Mhonérta Koritsa Ochung Engharo Epaka EHlénghokhé Perthata Orang Ailoi Oazio Khuthétha Chiro Mechu-me-chutro Rogro Ohu Tpanaché Chim4-chima Okiélla Tiro Inra Hetoloini Choi Wokoka Ekaa Otho Kechunga Santio Jaiptria Naga. Sun Ingit Ruak-ingit Ichi-van-in git Rangbin Réséo Lak Aton Chuakho Sako Achat Negtn Ingia Tango Trok Ichi-van-irok Ruak-irok Jupo Aréré Aring Pu Vano 225 226 English, Steal, v. Stick, 7. Stone, 2. Stomach, 2. Straight, a. Stream, N. Strength, 2. Sun, 2. Swear, v. Sweet, a. Tail, 2. Take, v. Tall, a. Ten, a. Then, ad. There, ad. Thick, a. Thief, 2. Thin, a. This, pron. Thirty, a. Thorn, 7. Thousand, a. Three, a. Throw, v. Thunder, 7. To-day, ad. Toe, 7. To-morrow, ad. Tongue, 2. Tooth, 2. Tree, 7. Truth, 2. Twelve, a. Twenty, a. Two, @. Vegetable, n. Village, 2. Water, 2. Lhota Naga. Evanéa Karung Alonkha Opok Unsa Zukhtro Eptichinga Eng Echamahi Nanga Emhbi Khialo Sibtia Tero Kothinela Chikhe Chia Evi Epta Hiché Thinro Okio Unzotaro Etham Sia Eechénékha Inching Choiongro Ochi Enni Oho Otong Otchocho Tero-seni Meki Enni Ohan Oiya Otcha - J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Juipiria Nagas. (No. 3, Jaipiria Naga. Hio Long Vok Ating Achan San Ata Amé Kapo Ichi Aht Riak-ram Si Cha-ichi Vanram Pato Rangmok Taja Dashu Ni-nap Thah Pa Bang Ichi-va ni Raak-ni Vani Jo rics ee 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S‘ulvasitras. OL English. Lhota Naga. Jupuria Naga. Wax, 2. Ockha Nidso Wet, ». Uncha When, ad. Kothonga Where, ad. Koia Makoa Which, pro. Choktto Mapa White, a. Mia Apo Who? pron. Chita Hana Wide, a. Choakk Widow, z. Emi Janténgits Widower, 2. Khiangran Jantéva Wife, x. Ang Janngia Within, prep. Tachungi Woman, 2. Eloi Déhiek Wood, z. Otong Pan Wrist, 7. Khemhiék Yam, 2. Mani Hakhton Year, 2. Enzakha Ranpa Yes, ad. Hokha On the S'ulvasitras.—By Dr. G. Tarnaut, Anglo-Sanskrit Professor, Banaras College. It is well known that not only Indian life with all its social an1 poli- tical institutions has been at all times under the mighty sway of religion, but that we are also led back to religious belief and worship when we try to account for the origin of research in those departments of knowledge which the Indians have cultivated with such remarkable success. At first sight, few traces of this origin may be visible in the S’astras of later times, but looking closer we may always discern the connecting thread. The want of some norm by which to fix the right time for the sacrifices, gave the first impulse to astronomical observations ; urged by this want, the priests remained watching night after night the advance of the moon through the circle of the nakshatras and day after day the alternate progress of the sun towards the north and the south. The laws of phonetics were investigated, because the wrath of the gods followed the wrong pronunciation of a single letter of the sacrificial formulas ; grammar and etymology had the task of securing the right understanding of the holy texts. The close connexion of philosophy and theology—so close that it is often impossible to decide EE ‘ 228 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 4, where the one ends and the other begins—is too well known to require any comment. These facts have a double interest. They are in the first place valua- ble for the history of the human mind in general; they are in the second place important for the mental history of India and for answering the question relative to the originality of Indian science. For whatever is closely connected with the ancient Indian religion must be considered as having sprung up among the Indians themselves, unless positive evidence of the strongest kind point to a contrary conclusion. We have been long acquainted with the progress which the Indians made in later times in arithmetic, algebra, and geometry ; but as the in- fluence of Greek science is clearly traceable in the development of their astronomy, and as their treatises on algebra, &c., form but parts of astro- nomical text books, it is possible that the Indians may have received from the Greeks also communications regarding the methods of calculation. I merely say possible, because no direct evidence of such influence has been brought forward as yet, and because the general impression we receive from a comparison of the methods employed by Greeks and Indians re- spectively seems rather to point to an entirely independent growth of this branch of Indian science. The whole question is still unsettled, and new researches are required before we can arrive at a final decision. While therefore unable positively to assert that the treasure of mathe- matical knowledge contained in the Lilavati, the Vijaganita, and similar treatises, has been accumulated by the Indians without the aid of foreign nations, we must search whether there are not any traces left pointing to a purely Indian origin of these sciences. And such traces we find in a class of writings, commonly called S’ulvasttras, that means “stitras of the cord,” which prove that the earliest geometrical and mathematical investiga- tions among the Indians arose from certain requirements of their sacrifices. . “S/ulvastitvas” is the name given to those portions or supplements of the Kalpasutras, which treat of the measurement and construction of the different vedis,or altars, the word ‘“‘s’ulva”’ referring to the cords which were employed for those measurements. (I may remark at once thatthe sutras themselves do not make use of the term “s'ulva”; a cordis regularly called by them “yajju”’.) It appears that a s’ulva-adhyaya or, pras‘na or, instead of that, a s‘ulvaparis‘ishta belonged to all Kalpasitras. Among the treatises belong- ing to this class which are known to me, the two most important are the S‘ulvastitras of Baudhayana and of A’pastamba. The former, entitled to the first place by a clearer and more extensive treatment of the topics in ques- tion, very likely forms a part of Baudhayana’s Kalpasttra; the want of complete manuscripts of this latter work prevents me from being positive on this point. The same remark applies to the S’ulvastitra of A’pastamba. 1875. } . G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 229 Two smaller treatises, a Manava S’ulvasttra and a Maitrayaniya S’ulva- stitra, bear the stamp of a later time, compared with the works of Baudha- yana and A’pastamba. ‘The literature of the white Yajur Veda possesses a S‘ulvaparis‘ishta, ascribed to Katyayana, and there is no sufficient reason for doubting that it was really composed by the author of the Kalpasttra. The first to direct attention to the importance of the Sulvasitras was Mr. A. C. Burnell, who in his “Catalogue of a Collection of Sanscrit Manuscripts,” p. 29, remarks that “ we must look to the S’ulva portions of the Kalpasttras for the earliest beginnings of geometry among the Brah- mans.” I have begun the publication of Baudhayana’s S’ulvasitra, with the commentary by Dydarakanathayajvan and a translation, in the May number of the “ Pandit, a monthly Journal of the Benares College, etc.”, and intend as soon as | have finished Baudhayana, to publish all other ancient S’ulva works of which I shall be able to procure sufficiently correct manuscripts. In the following pages I shall extract and fully explain the most important sutras, always combining the rules given in the three most important s’ulva treatises, those of Baudhayana, A’pastamba, and Katyayana, and so try to exhibit in some systematic order the knowledge embodied in these ancient sacrificial tracts, The sutras begin with general rules for measuring ; the greater part of these rules, in which the chief interest of this class of writings is con- centrated, will be given further on. In the next place they teach how to fix the right places for the sacred fires, and how to measure out the vedis of the different sacrifices, the saumiki vedi, the paitriki vedi ,and so on. The remainder of the stitras contains the detailed description of the construction of the “agni’, the large altar built of bricks, which was re- quired at the great soma sacrifices. This altar could be constructed in different shapes, the earliest enu- meration of which we find in the Taittiriya Samhita, V. 4. 11. Following this enumeration Baudhéyana and A’pastamba furnish us with full particulars about the shape of all these different chitis and the bricks which had to be employed for their construction. The most ancient and primitive form is the chaturasras’yenachit, so called because it rude- ly imitates the form ofa falcon, and because the bricks out of which it is composed are all of a square shape. It had to be employed whenever there was no special reason for preferring another shape of the agni; and all rules given by brahmanas and stitras for the agnichayana refer to it in first line. A full description of the construction of this agni according to the ritual of the white Yajur Veda and of all accompanying ceremonies hag been given by Professor A. Weber in the 13th volume of the ‘‘ Indische Studien.” A nearer approach to the real: shape of a falcon or—as the 230 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, sutras have it—of the shadow of a falcon about to take wing is made in the s’yena vakrapaksha vyastapuchchha, the falcon with curved wings and outspread tail.* The kafkachit, the agni constructed in the form of a heron, or according to Burnell (Catalogue, p. 29) of a carrion kite, is but a slight variation of the s’yenachiti; it is distinguished from it by the addition of the two feet. The alajachit again is very little diffe- rent from the kafkachit, showing only a slight variation in the ontline of the wings. What particular bird was denoted by the word alaja, the commentators are unable to inform us; in the commentary to Taittir. Samh. V. 5. 20 it is explained as “bhasa”, which does not advance us very much, as the meaning of bhasa itself is doubtful. Next comes the pratigachit, the construction imitating the form of the praiiga, the forepart of the poles of a chariot, an equilateral acutangular triangle and the ubhayatah-pratigachit made out of two such triangles joined with their bases. Then follows the rathachakrachit, the altar constructed in the form of a wheel; in the first place the simple rathachakrachit, a massive wheel without spokes, and secondly, the more elaborate sérarathachakrachit, representing a wheel with sixteen spokes. The dronachit represents a drona, a particular kind of tub or vessel; it could be constructed in two shapes, either square or circular (chaturasradronachit and parimandala- dronachit), ‘The parichayyachit, which is mentioned in the next place, is in its circular outline equal to the rathachakrachit, but it differs from it in the arrangement of the bricks, which are to be placed in six concentric circles, The samthyachit has likewise a circular shape; its characteristic feature was that loose earth was employed for its construction instead of the bricks. Of the s’mas‘Anachit a full description together with the necessary diagrams will be given further on. ‘The last chiti mentioned is the kurmachit, the altar representing a tortoise ; the tortoise may be either vakranga, of an angular shape, or parimandala, circular. Every one of these altars had to be constructed out of five layers of bricks, which reached together to the height of the knee ; for some cases ten or fifteen layers and a correspondingly increased height of the altar were prescribed. Every layer in its turn was to consist of two hundred bricks, so that the whole agni contained a thousand ; the first, third, and fifth layers were divided into two hundred parts in exactly the same manner; a different division was adopted for the second and the fourth, so that one brick was never lying upon another brick of the same size and form. Regarding the reasons which may have induced the ancient Indians to devise all these strange shapes, the Samhitégs and Brahmanas give us * The plates accompanying this paper contain the diagrams of three different chitis ; diagrams of all the remaining chitis will be given in the ‘ Pandit’ in the proper places. Ly G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 231 but little information. Thus we read for instance in the Taittiriya Samhita : S‘yenachitam chinvita suvargakamah, s’yeno vai vayasam patishthah, s‘yena eva bhutva suvargam lokam patati. ‘¢ He who desires heaven, may construct the falcon-shaped altar; for the falcon is the best flyer among the birds ; thus he (the sacrificer) having become a falcon himself flies up to the heavenly world.” In the same place the dronachiti is brought into connexion with the - acquiring of food ; the praiiga and rathachakra are described as thunderbolts which the sacrificer hurls on his enemies, and so on. Here as in many other cases we may doubt if the symbolical meaning which the authors of the brahmanas find in the sacrificial requisites and ceremonies is the right one ; still we cannot propose anything more satisfactory. But the chief interest of the matter does not lie in the superstitious fancies in which the wish of varying the shape of the altars may have originated, but in the geometrical operations without which these varia- tions could not be accomplished. ‘The old yajnikas had fixed for the most primitive chiti, the chaturasras’yenachit, an area of seven and a half square purushas, that means:seven and a half squares, the side of which was equal to a purusha, 7. ¢., the height of a man with uplifted arms. This rule was valid at least for the case of the agni being constructed for the first time; on each subsequent occasion the area had to be increased by one square purusha. Looking at the sketch of the chaturas’ra s‘yena we easily understand why just 74 square purushas were set down for the agni. Four of them combined into a large square form the atman, or body of the bird, three are required for the two wings and the tail, and lastly, in order that the image might be a closer approach to the real shape of a bird, wings and tail were lengthened, the former by one fifth of a purusha each, the latter by one tenth. ‘The usual expression used in the sutras to denote the agni of this area is “agnih saptavidhah sdratniprades’ah, the sevenfold agni with aratni and prddes’‘a,” the aratni being the fifth ( = 24 angulis), and the prades’a, the tenth of a purusha ( = 12 angulis). Now when for the attainment of some special purpose, one of the variations enumerated above was adopted instead of the primitive shape of the agni, the rules regulating the size of the altar did not cease to be valid, but the area of every chiti whatever its shape might be—falcon with curved wings, wheel, pratiga, tortoise, etc.—had to be equal to 7; square purushas. On the other hand, when at the second construction of the altar one square purusha had to be added to the seven and a hali constituting the first chiti, and when for the third construction two square purushas more were re- quired the shape of the whole, the relative proportions of the single 232 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, parts had to remain unchanged. A look at the outlines of the different chitis is sufficient to show that all this could not be accomplished without a certain amount of geometrical knowledge. Squares had to be found which would be equal to two or more given squares, or equal to the differ- ence of two given squares; oblongs had to be turned into squares and squares into oblongs; triangles had to be constructed equal to given squares or oblongs, and so on, The last task and not the least was that of finding a circle, the area of which might equal as closely as possible that of a given square. Nor were all these problems suggested only by the substitution of the more complicated forms of the agni for the primitive chaturasras’yena, al- though this operation doubtless called for the greatest exertion of ingenuity ; the solution of some of them was required for the simplest sacrificial con- structions. Whenever a figure with right angles, square or oblong, had to be drawn on the ground, care had to be taken that the sides really stood at right angles on each other; for would the ahavaniya fire have carried up the offerings of the sacrificer to the gods if its hearth had not the shape of a perfect square? There was an ancient precept that the vedi at the sautramant sacrifice was to be the third part of the vedi at the soma sacri- fices, and the vedi at the pitriyajna its ninth part; consequently a method had to be found out by which it was possible to get the exact third and ninth part of a given figure. And when, according to the opinion of some theologians, the garhapatya had to be constructed in a square shape, ac- cording to the opinion of others as a circle, the difference of the opinions referred only to the shape, not to the size, and consequently there arose the want of a rule for turning a square into a circle. The results of the endeavours of the priests to accomplish tasks of this nature are contained in the paribhasha sitras of the S‘ulvastitras. The most important among these is, to use our terms, that referring to the hypotenuse of the rectangular triangle. The geometrical proposition, the discovery of which the Greeks ascribed to Pythagoras, was known to the old Acharyas, in its essence at least. They express it, it is true, in words very different from those familiar to us; but we must remember that they were interested in geometrical truths only as far as they were of practical use, and that they accordingly gave to them the most practical expression. What they wanted was, in the first place, a rule enabling them to draw a square of double the size of another square, and in the second place a rule teaching how to draw a square equal to any two given squares, and according to that want they worded their knowledge. The result is, that we have two propositions instead of one, and that these propositions speak of squares and oblongs instead of the rectangular triangle. 1875. ] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 233 These propositions are as follows : Baudhayana : sHaqtaeraatagarsat ute TFs | The cord which is stretched across—in the diagonal of—a square produces an area of double the size. That is: the square of the diagonal of a square is twice as large as that square. Apastamba : qqrareuatafgansat us atifa | Katyayana: 3 SHAGCIAT MACH ZaTA | The cord in the diagonal of a square is the cord (the line) producing the double (area). “ Samachaturasra”’ is the term employed throughout in the S’ulva- stitras to denote a square, the ‘‘ sama” referring to the equal length of the four sides and the chaturasra implying that the four angles are right angles. ‘The more accurate terminology of later Indian geometry distinguishes two classes of samachaturas’ras, or samachaturbhujas, viz. the samakarna samachaturbhuja and the vishamakarua samachaturbhuja ; the S’ulvasutras, having to do only with the former one, make no such distinction. Akshnayarajju is the ancient term, representing the later ‘‘karmmarajju” or simply ‘‘karna.’’ “Area” is here denoted by ‘‘ bhimi,” while in later times ‘‘ kshetra” expressed this idea, and ‘‘ bhami’’ became one of the words for the base of a triangle or any other plane figure. The side of a square is said to produce that square (karoti), a way of speaking apparently founded on the observation that the square is found by multiplying the number which expresses the measure of the side by it- self; if the side was five feet long, the square was found to consist of 5 x 5 little squares, &e. The expression was not applicable to other plane figures, to an oblong for instance; for there the area is the product of two sides of different length, neither of which can be said to produce the figure by itself. The side of a square, or originally the cord forming the side of a square, is therefore called the ‘‘karani’’ of the square. That “‘rajjw’ is to be supplied to “ karani”, is explicitly stated by Katyayana : aM ACT fAsSHa GaAs fa Tas | By the expressions: karani, karavi of that (of any square) &., we mean cords. The side of a square being called its karani, the side of a square of double the size was the “dvikarani”, the line producing the double (I shall for convenience sake often employ the terms “‘side” or * line” 234 G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. [No. 3, instead of “cord’’); this was therefore the name for the diagonal of a square. Other compounds with karani will occur further on; the change of meaning which the word has undergone in later times will be consider- ed at the end of this paper. The authors of the sutras do not give us any hint as to the way in which they found their proposition regarding the diagonal of a square; but we may suppose that they, too, were observant of the fact that the square on the diagonal is divided by its own diagonals into four triangles, one of which is equal to half the first square. This is at the same time an immediately convincing proof of the Pythagorean proposition as far as squares or equilateral rectangular triangles are concerned. The second proposition is the following : Baudhayana : HII VI Waar fadiearht T qquya qeaegua Rife | . The cord stretched in the diagonal of an oblong produces both (areas) which the cords forming the longer and the shorter side of an oblong pro- duce separately. That is: the square of the diagonal of an oblong is equal to the square of both its sides. Apastamba : LATA: TAM HAVA FT AaMAG Gta sa Tifa | Katyayana gives the rule in the same words as Baudhayana. The remark made about the term samachaturasra applies also to “‘ dirghachaturasra” “the long quadrangle” meaning the long quadrangle with four right angles. “ Pars’vamani (rajju)” is the cord measuring the pars‘va or the long side of the oblong or simply this side itself; tiryanmani, the cord measuring the horizontal extent or the breadth of the oblong, in other words its shorter side, which stands at right angles to the longer side. Noteworthy is the expression ‘‘ prithagbhute;” for as one of the commentators observes it is meant as a caution against taking the square of the sum of the two sides instead of the sum of their squares (prithag- grahanam samsargo ma bhid ity evamartham). It is apparent that these two propositions about the diagonal of a square and an oblong, when taken together, express the same thing that is enunciated in the proposition of Pythagoras. But how did the sitrakaras satisfy themselves of the general truth of their second proposition regarding the diagonal of rectangular oblongs ? Here there was no such simple diagram as that which demonstrates the truth of the proposition regarding the diagonal of a square, and other means of proof had to be devised. bS co Or 1875. ] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. Baudhiayana : fauqeEacetuaufeaa: yeefratfeatr: afsaagqrey fanaa: faaqey fener: qaefuaretay maaicaarerefau | This (viz. that the diagonal of an oblong produces by itself, &c.,) is seen in those oblongs the sides of which are three and four, twelve and five, fifteen and eight, seven and twenty-four, twelve and thirty-five, fifteen and thirty-six (literally, the sides of which consist of three parts and four parts, &e.) This stitra contains the enumeration of, as we should say, five Pytha- gorean triangles, 2. ¢., rectangular triangles, the three sides of which can be expressed in integral numbers. (Baudhéyana enumerates six ; but the last is essentially the same with the second, 15 and 36 being 3 X 5 and 3 X 12.) Baudhdyana does not give the numbers expressing the length of the diagonals of his oblongs or the hypotenuses of the rectangular trian- gles, and I subjoin therefore some rules from A’pastamba, which supply this want, while they show at the same time the practical use, to which the knowledge embodied in Baudhayana’s sutra could be turned. The vedi or altar employed in the soma sacrifices was to have the dimensions specified in the following : favumerta yaar at qarfacdt wafa vetay na argh wqrey ata: qeanfacaifa Sfaa aatearad | The western side is thirty padas or prakramas long, the prachi or east line (2. ¢., the line drawn from the middle of the western side to the mid- dle of the eastern side of the vedi) is thirty-six padas or prakramas long ; the eastern side twenty-four ; this is the tradition for the vedi at the soma sacrifices. Now follow the rules for the measurement of the area of this vedi: uefa x faraTaseie WIT AAAI ATE Zeng waw Gyeug Taw Peace faay uvgefuaa efaurgiaa Ne frersqicae art faqaeiar waafuadaqaay greta RE freraaaacaeray a aea- twa faecua Add to the length of thirty-six (7. ¢., to a cord of the length of thirty- six either padas or prakramas) eighteen (the whole length of the cord is then 54), and make two marks on the cord, one at twelve, the other at fifteen, beginning from the western end; tie the ends of the cord to the ends of the prishthya line (the prishthya is the same as the prachi, the line directed exactly towards the east and west points, and going through the centre of the vedi. The fixing of the prachi was the first thing to be done when any altar had to be measured out. The methods devised for this end will not be discussed here, as they are based on astronomical observa- tions ; for our purpose it is sufficient to know that a line of 36 padas length ye 5ds 226 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, and ranning from the east towards the west had been drawn on the ground. On both ends of this line a pole was fixed and the ends of the cord of 54 padas length tied to these poles) and taking it by the sign at fifteen, draw it towards the south; (at the place reached by the mark, after the cord has been well stretched) fix a pole. Do the same on the northern side (7. e., draw the cord towards the north as you have drawn it just now towards the south). By this process the two s’ronis, the southwest corner and the southeast corner of the vedi are fixed. After that ex- change (the ends of the cord; ¢. ¢., tie that end which had been fastened at the pole on the east end of the prachi to the pole on its west end and vice versd), and fix the two amsas (‘‘ shoulders” of the vedi, 7. e., the southeast corner and the northeast corner). This is done by stretching the cord towards the south having taken it by the mark at fifteen and by fixing a pole on the spot reached by the mark at twelve; and by repeating the same operation on the northern side. The result are the two amsas. This is the measurement of the vedi by means of one cord (the measurements described further on require two cords each). (See diagram 1.) The whole process described in the preceding is founded on the know- ledge that a triangle, the three sides of which are equal to 15, 36, 39, is rectangular. The end aimed at was to draw the east and the west side of the vedi at right angles on the prachi. Accordingly, the prachi a b being 36 feet long, a cord ac b ( = 54 ) was divided by a mark into two parts ae = 39 and b c = 15 and fastened at a and b. If then this cord was taken at e, and stretched towards the right, the angte a b c could not but be a right angle. The same applies to the angles a bd, bae, and baf. In fixing the two east corners, both marks on the cord had to be employed, the mark at fifteen being used for constructing the right angle, the mark at 12 giving to the east side of the vedi the prescribed length (24 padas). Taq GeareaTaTssy | The diagonal cord of an oblong, the side cords of which are three and four, is five. arfufatwenfacy aT | With these cords increased three times (by itself ; 2. e., multiplied by four) the two eastern corners of the vedi are fixed. The proceeding is as follows: (See diagram 2.) At c, at a distance of 16 padas from a, the east end of the prachi, a pole is fixed and then a cord of 82 feet length tied to the pcles at a and e. The cord is marked at a distance of 12 padas from a, and then taken by the mark and drawn towards the south until it reaches the positionaec. Thus a O FIGURE 1. eb, afb =the cord of 54 padas length; = dakshina sroni, d uttara sroni, FIGURE 13. " chit before squares have been turned ; Bae HA bed, the area comprising the spokes Sac fgh, the felloe ‘of the wheel. EXPLANATION TO FIGURE 1. 8b prich{ = 9 padas; ucb, add, ach, afb = the cord of 54 padas length; ¢, d, g,-b, toe four. corners of the vedi, yi c =dakshini sronf, d uttard sroni, h Grkshina amsa,g uttara amsa. EXPLANATION TO FIGURE 13, The agnikshetra of the sararathachakrachit before squares have been turned iuto circles. abed, the nave of the wheel; efgh—abcd, the areacomprising the spokes and the spaces between the spokes; iklm—efgh, the felloe of the wheel. OSLER pee ocean ie Plate XVI. VAKRAPAKSHASYENACHIT (first layer) Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Park I, 1875, Journal, Asiatic socieyy Ur scligery »uew my im RESR THEY Det SMASANACHIT (first layer) Tere, SMASANACHIT * (second layer) Tn | BESS |_| | =F Ht mas ' oe } = KH AAA bff} ft Fig.18 te 47. SMASANACHIT (side view) 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 237 a triangle is formed, the sides of which are 12, 16, 20 and this triangle “is a rectangular one; a e stands at right angles on ac, and as it isjust 12 padas long, e marks the place of the southeast corner of the vedi. The north east corner d is found in the same way. Sqcwatfa: Brew | With the same cords increased four times (7. ¢., their length multiplied by five) the two western corners of the vedi are found. In this case a cord of 40 padas length is tied to the poles at c and b, and marked at the distance of 15 padas from b. Then it is taken by the mark and drawn towards the south into the position bg ce. The result isa rectangular triangle as above; g marks the place of the southwest corner. The same operation repeated on the north side gives f ag the place of the northwest corner of the vedi. Another method for the measurement of the vedi follows : glefmaufeandra are trary ats facy aT | The diagonal cord of an oblong, the sides of which are twelve and five, is thirteen; with these cords the two east corners are fixed. (See diagram III.) A pole is fixed at the distance of five padas from the east end of the prachi, a cord of twenty-five padas length fastened at a and c, marked at the distance of 12 padas from a, drawn towards the south &c., as above. Facet: are | With these cords increased twice (multiplied by three) the two western corners are fixed. The requisite rectangular triangle is here formed by the whole prichi = 36, and by acord of 54, divided by a mark into two pieces of 15 and 39. Another method follows: qectaafea de wrafaree acer fa: Are | The diagonal cord of an oblong, the sides of which are fifteen and eight, is seventeen ; with these cords the two western corners are fixed. (See diagram 4.) A pole b is fixed at the distance of eight padas from d, a cord of 32 padas tied to b and d, &ec. gefraqgayfnaan satay Pearce fT y aT The diagonal cord of an oblong, the sides of which are twelve and thirty-five is thirty-seven; with these cords the two eastern corners are fixed. A pole is fixed at c, thirty-five padas to the west from a; a cord of forty-nine padas tied to a and c, &e. 238 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulrasutras, [No. 3, vara fasaita afefascuifa wef | So many “ cognizable” measurements of the vedi exist. That means: these are the measurements of the vedi effected by oblongs, of which the sides and the diagonal can be known, i. €., can be expressed in integral numbers. In this manner A’pastamba turns the Pythagorean triangles known to him to practical use (the fourth of those which Baudhayana enumerates is not mentioned, very likely because it was not quite convenient for the measurement of the vedi), but after all Baudhayana’s way of mentioning these triangles as proving his proposition about the diagonal of an oblong is more judicious, It was no practical want which could have given the impulse to such a research—for right angles could be drawn as soon as one of the “ vijneya” oblongs (for instance that of 3, 4, 5) was known-—but the want of some proof which might establish a firm conviction of the truth of the proposition. The way in which the Sttrakaras found the cases enumerated above, — must of course be imagined as a very primitive one. Nothing in the sutras would justify the assumption that they were expert in long cal- culations. Most likely they discovered that the square on the diagonal of an oblong, the sides of which were equal to three and four, could be divided into twenty-five small squares, sixteen of which composed the square on the longer side of the oblong, and nine of which formed the area of the square on the shorter side. Or, if we suppose a more con- venient mode of trying, they might have found that twenty-five pebbles or seeds, which could be arranged in one square, could likewise be arranged in two squares of sixteen and of nine. Going on in that way they would form larger squares, always trying if the pebbles forming one of these squares could not as well be arranged in two smaller squares. So they would form a square of 36, of 49, of 64, &c. Arriving at the square form- ed by 13 X 13 — 169 pebbles, they would find that 169 pebbles could be formed in two squares, one of 144 the other of 25. Further on 625 peb- bles could again be arranged in two squares of 576 and 49, and so on. The whole thing required only time and patience, and after all the number of cases which they found is only a small one. Having found that, in certain cases at least, it was possible to express the sides and the diagonal of an oblong in numbers, the Sttrakéras natu- rally asked themselves if it would not be possible to do the same thing for asquare. As the side and the diagonal of a square are in reality incom- mensurable quantities we can of course only expect an approximatiye value ; but their approximation is a remarkably close one. Baudhayana: TAU SHAT TATE GqQVaaagqray “aq | wana | 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 239 Increase the measure by its third part and this third by its own fourth less the thirty-fourth part of that fourth; (the name of this increased mea- sure) is savis’esha. Apastamba gives the rule in the same words. Katyayana: acct edad asans @aquaiaagray waa atau cfa fara | The sutras themselves are of an enigmatical shortness, and do not state at all what they mean by this increasing of the measure; but the com- mentaries leave no doubt about the real meaning ; the measure is the karani, the side of a square and the increased measure the diagonal, the dvikarani. If we take 1 for the measure, and increase it as directed, we get 1 1 Bx4 8x4 34 ed into a decimal fraction gives: 1:4142156 ...... Now the side of a square being put equal to 1, the diagonal is equal to 4/ 2 = 1-414213 .. Comparing this with the value of the savis‘esha we cannot fail to be struck by the accuracy of the latter. The question arises: how did Baudhayana or Apastamba or whoever may have the merit of the first investigation, find this value? Certainly they were not able to extract the square root of 2 to six places of decimals ; if they had been able to do so, they would have arrived at a still greater degree of accuracy. I suppose that they arrived at their result by the following method which accounts for the exact degree of accuracy they reached. Endeavouring to discover a square the side and diagonal of which might be expressed in integral numbers they began by assuming two as the measure of a square’s side. Squaring two and doubling the result they got the square of the diagonal, in this case = eight. Then they tried to arrange eight, let us say again, eight pebbles, ina square; as we should say, they tried to extract the square root of eight. Being unsuccessful in this attempt, they tried the next number, taking three for the side of a square; “but eighteen yielded a square root no more than eight had done, They proceeded in consequence to four, five, &c. Undoubtedly they arrived soon at the conclusion that they would never find exactly what they wanted, and had to be contented with an approximation. ‘The object was now to single out a case in which the number expressing the square of the diago- nal approached as closely as possible to a real square number. I subjoin a list, in which the numbers in the first column express the side of the squares which they subsequently tried, those in the second column the square of the diagonal, those in the third the nearest square number, : : if the following expression: 1+ 3 + and this turn- 240 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 1 2. 1. ile 242. 256. 2 8. 2 12. 288. 289, 3 See elG: 13. 338. 324. 4, 32. 36. 14. 392. 400. 5. 50. 49. 15. 450. 441. 6 72. 64. WG, 512. 529. 7 98. 100. 17. 578. 576. 8 Wiss “IAL, 18. 648. 625. ¥) 1625-169: 19. W227, eee 10. 200. 196. 20. 800. 784. How far the Sutrakéras went in their experiments we are of course unable to say; the list up to twenty suffices for our purposes. Three eases occur in which the number expressing the square of the diagonal of a square differs only by one from a square-number; 8 —9; 50 — 49; 288 — 289; the last case being the most favourable, as it involves the largest numbers. The diagonal of a square, the side of which was equal to twelve, was very little shorter than seventeen ( 4/ 289 = 17). Would it then not be possible to reduce 17 in such a way as to render the square of the reduced number equal or almost equal to 288 ? Suppose they drew a square the side of which was 17 padas long, and divided it into 17 XK 17 = 289 small squares. If the side of the square could now be shortened by so much, that its area would contain not 289, but only 288 such small squares, then the measure of the side would be the exact measure of the diagonal of the square, the side of which is equal to 12 (12° + 12° — 288), When the side of the square is shortened alittle, the consequence is that fromtwo sides of the square a stripe is cut off ; therefore a piece of that length had to be cut off from the side that the area of the two stripes would be equal to one of the 289 small squares. Now, as the square is composed of 17 X 17 squares, one of the two stripes cuts off a part of 17 small squares and the other likewise of 17, both together of 34 and since these 34 cut-off pieces are to be equal to one of the squares, the length of the piece to be cut off from the side is fixed thereby : it must be the thirty-fourth part of the side of one of the 289 small squares. The thirty-fourth part of thirty-four small squares being cut off, one whole small square would be cut off and the area of the large square reduced exactly to 288 small squares ; if it were not for one unavoidable circumstance. The two stripes which are cut off from two sides of the square, let us say the east side and the south side, intersect or overlap each other in the south-east corner and the consequence is, that from the small square 2 1 2 ao ee in that ‘not = are cut off, but onl in that corner no BED (Gls Ott, Toe OHly Sr 34 x 34 a Thence the 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 241 error in the determination of the value of the savis’‘esha. When the side 33 of a square was reduced from 17 to 16 aA the area of the square of that reduced side was not 288, but 288 + Or putting it in a 1 34 + 34 different way: taking 12 for the side of a square, dividing each of the 12 parts into 34 parts (altogether 408) and dividing the square into the corresponding small squares, we get 408 x 408 — 166464. This don- Be bled is 332928. Then taking the savis’esha-value of 16 = for the (3) _ diagonal and dividing the square of the diagonal into the small squares just described, we get 577 X 577 = 332929 such small squares. The difference is slight enough. The relation of 16 a4 to 12 was finally generalized into the rule: in- erease a measure by its third, this third by its own fourth less the thirty- : Se 12 12 12 fourth part of this fourth ( 16 irs 12 + = aL sea <7) 2 The example of the savis’esha given by commentators is indeed 16 = 12; the case recommended itself by being the first in which the third part of a number and the fourth part of the third part were both whole numbers. Regarding the practical use of the savis’esha, there is in Baudhayana or rather, as far as I am able to see, in all s’ulvastitras only one opera- tion, for which it was absolutely necessary ; this is, as we shall see later, the turning of a circle into a square, when the intention was to connect the rule for this operation with the rule for turning a square into a circle. A’pastamba employs (see further on) the savis’esha for the construction of right angles, but there were better methods for that purpose. The com- mentators indeed make the most extended use of the savis’esha, calcula- ting by means of it the diagonals wherever diagonals come into question ; this proceeding, however, is not only useless, but positively wrong, as in all such cases calculation cannot vie in accuracy with geometrical construction. At the commencement of his sutras, Baudhayana defining the mea- sures he is going to employ, divides the anguli into eight yavas, barley grains, or into thirty-four tilas (seeds of the sesame). I have no doubt that the second division which I have not elsewhere met, owns its origin to the sayisesha. ‘The afiguli being the measure most in use, it was conven- ient to have a special word for its thirty-fourth part, and to be able to say ‘‘sixteen angulis, thirty-three tilas”, instead of “sixteen angulis, and thirty-three thirty-fourths of an anguli.” Therefore some plant was searched for of which thirty-four seeds might be considered as equal in 242 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, length to one afiguli; if the tilas really had that exact property, was after all a matter of little relevancy. Having once acquired the knowledge of the Pythagorean proposition, it was easy to perform a great number of the required geometrical operations. The diagonal of a square being the side of a square of double the size, was, as we have seen, called dvikarani ; by forming with this dvikarani and the side of the square an oblong and drawing the diagonal of this oblong, they got the trikarani or the side of a square the area of which was equal to three squares of the first size. Baudh. A’past. Katy. VATE fraser aPy aA yCaAancay | Take the measure (the side of a square) for the breadth, the diago- nal for the length (of an oblong); the diagonal cord is the trikarani. By continuing to form new oblongs and to draw their diagonals, squares could be constructed, equal in area to any number of squares of the first size. Often the process could be shortened by skilful combina- tion of different karanis. Katyayana furnishes us with some examples. ve faaaqren Faget gaat TaTRTAT CSS MATT | Take a pada for the breadth, three padas for the length of on ob- long; the diagonal is the das’akarani (the square of the diagonal com- prises ten square padas, for it combines the square of the karani of one pada and of the navakarani which is three padas long). fagar feast yeuat waarat TYAN AMCSHAaACY LACT | Take two padas for the breadth, six padas for the length of an ob- long; the diagonal is the chatvarims‘at-karani, the side of a square of forty square padas (2? + 6” = 40). On the other hand, any part of a given square could be found by similar proceedings. Baudhayana, after the rule for the trikarant : SAHIACTAT ASMA TIRE WANTA WaAitar | Thereby is explained the tritiyakarani, the side of a square the area of which is the third part of the area of a given square; it is the ninth part of the area. A’pastamba : ealyacwda Breqrat faut ay | Katyayana : SaaACGAT ATSTAT TATUPaHITG AIT | ACCS ala Tawa TaTHIA- aaealgacat | 1875.] G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. 243 Baudhayana’s and A’pastamba’s commentators disagree in the expla- nation of the sutra; the methods they teach are, however, both legitimate. Dyarakanathayajvan directs us to divide the given square into nine small Squares by dividing the side into three parts, and to form with the side and the diagonal of one of these small squares an oblong; the diagonal of this oblong is the tritfyakarani. Kapardisvamin proposes to find the trikarani of the given square and to divide it into three parts; one of these parts is the tritiyakaranit ; for its square is the ninth part of a square of three times the area of the given square, and therefore the third part of the given square, This ex- planation seems preferable, as it preserves better the connexion of the rule with the preceding rule for the trikarani. The fourth, fifth, &c., parts of a square were found in the same way. A’pastamba and Katyayana give some special examples illustrating the manner in which the increase or decrease of the side affects the increase and decrease of the square. A’pastamba eae, Y t BBVA Css gl TST ATI YBISA AGI AS FAA! | A cord of the length of one and a half purusha produces two square purushas and a quarter; and a cord of the length of two purushas and a half produces six square-purushas and a quarter. Katyayana: fei saTUT qiacwl fae TaN AaHCTT VETATUT GrSeWATA | A cord of double the length produces four (squares); one of three times the length produces nine, and one of four times the length produces sixteen. A’pastamba and Katyayana: sarared wavar faataa | By a measure of half the length a square is produced equal to the fourth part of the original square. A’pastamba : Salat AAA] HAT | Katyayana: east AAAS WE | By the third part the ninth part is produced. Katyayana : agua Fs Tee | The sixteenth part is produced by the fourth part. Next follow the rules for squares of different size. A’pastamba : QASAGCSSINH: VHT | AAIATWATAGCaaT Wars | SAIT RCUT qafaar euqiaea | CUTAN wafer | GG 244: G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, Baudhayana : aTATA ATS WAUANIT ACY Glee eases ua aayaltar FH- BA WAAAY Hater | For a literal translation of this difficult stitra and a discussion of the word “vridhra”, see the ‘ Pandit’ of June Ist, 1875, p. 17. ‘The sense is as follows: A’pastamba: The combining of two squares of equal size has been taught; the following is the method for combining two squares of different sizes. Cut off from the larger square an oblong with the side of the small- er square (z. ¢., an oblong one side of which is formed by the side of the larger square, the other by that of the smaller square); the diagonal of this oblong combines both squares (is the side of a square the area of which is equal to the area of both the given squares together). Baudhayana: If you wish to combine two squares of different size, cut off an oblong from the larger square with the side of the smaller one; the diagonal of that oblong is the side of both SIBLE combined. Katyayana: WAGGA Aa: FAT ATAIIATWTATS HPTG Acar a sarsats- PATRAS UH THA A TAS: | The method needs no further explanation ; it is in fact the same we employ for the same purpose. We proceed to the rule for deducting one square from another. Baudhayana, A’pastamba : wawagd faatasfsevine acur afaa seafsagre WAM ANA UIATAT BATS Y Yetal aa fayancufesiiaa4r face | See the ‘ Pandit’, “ba. cit. If you wish to deduct one square from another, cut off from the larger one an oblong with the side of the smaller one; draw one of the sides of that oblong across to the other side; where it touches the other side, that piece cut off; by it the deduction is made. abcd =the larger square; cut off fromit the oblong b de f, in which ed and bf are equal to the side of the smaller square which is to be deducted. Fasten a cord ef at e, and draw it across the oblong into the position eg; thend g is the side of a square the area of which is equal to the difference of the two given squares. (dg? = eg® — ed’). Katyayana words his rule as follows : agtaages fatatamfatactaaguaaisieg we free oe in 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 245 Wat Aa waeadefaaaaa aagelecfa a wade: Ta wy fara: | % a illustrates the rule by an example: TAR EAA AT TG HCY | fear zac F ATG FIT Say Sam | faareqrat gaa Hoare | The question is about a square of four square purushas, from which a square of one square purusha is to be deducted. The diagonal (e g), which has been drawn across the oblong, is the side of a square of four purushas, and produces by itself as much as the cut-off side (g d) and the other side (ed) produce separately. The breadth of the oblong (e d) is the side of one square purusha ; the rest—the other side, dg—the side of three square purushas. In order to combine oblongs with squares, a rule was wanted for turn- ing oblongs into squares. Baudhayana : Serra hi [oho Paartey Faargrrat ACU Har RG sur faww SqaQavageula Sealaesy ARITAAY fast Gai | In order to turn an oblong Fant a sguare, take the breadth of the ob- long for the side of the square ; divide the rest of the oblong into two parts, and inverting their places join those two parts to two sides of the square. Fill the empty place with an added piece. The deduction of this has been taught, That means: if you wish to turn the oblong a bed into a square, cut off from the oblong the square cde f, the side of which is equal to the breadth of the oblong; divide a b ef, the rest of the oblong, into two parts, abg¢h and ghef; takeab gh, and place it into the position dfik; fill up the empty place in the corner by the small square fhli; then deduct by samachaturasranirhara the small square fhli from the large square glkce; the square you get by this deduc- tion will be equal to the oblong abed. A’pastamba gives-the same rule: Saagqrey waygrs fees ey Ai feusaa Veeuta | away HItad | aE fas Va | And Katyayana: _SeracaX aaqgT faaiae faaagfeaaciguaacacensta- aaarqe MBIA IATA qCaneral faxera: | 246 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, When one side of the oblong which had to be turned into a square, was more than double the length of the other, it was not sufficient to cut off a square once, but this had to be done several times, according to the length of the oblong, and finally all squares had to be combined into one. Katyayana has a rule to this purpose : afaate aa fraqneanfeunufeaavada wae wt FaTaaraaa x - Sita! I add the rules for the reverse process, the turning of a square into an oblong. Baudhayana : wayaed cesqra featiaerauaufeg ani gar fave yrparas- Syrayraiaa | If you wish to turn a square into an oblong, divide it by the diago- nal; divide again one of the two halves into two parts, and join these two parts to the two sides (those two sides of the other half which form the right angle) as it fits (when joining them, join those sides which fit together). Proceeding as directed, we turn the square abecdinto the oblong bdef. This rule is, of course, very imperfect as it enables us to turn the square into one oblong only. KAatyayana has the following: aaWgts Sewgq ataasaantaeg fausacatars wtasre- eure | A’pastamba’s rule helps us somewhat further : iS 5 iS ~S ° SS o 5 wadqrd Suygqre feaaqraaatsaradt qaaat Bal qaten Ure- QMAMIATe NA | In order to turn a square into an oblong, make a side as long as you wish the oblong to be (7. ¢., cut off from the square an oblong one side of which is equal to one side of the desired oblong); then join to that the remaining portion as it fits. Given for instance a square the side of which is equal to five, and re- quired an oblong one side of which is equal to three. Cut off from the square an oblong the sides of which are five and three. There remains an oblong the sides of which are five and two; from this we cut off an oblong of three by two, and join it to the oblong of five by three. There remains a square of two by two, instead of which we take an oblong of 3 by 13. Joining this oblong to the two oblongs joined previously we get altoge- ther an oblong of 8 by 83, the area of which is equal to the area of the square 5 by 5. 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 247 In this way the siitra, as it appears from the commentaries, must be explained. The method taught in it was no doubt sufficient for most cases, but it cannot be called a really geometrical method. T subjoin the description of a method for turning squares into oblongs, which is given by Baudhayana’s commentator, although it is not founded on the text of the stitras. He, after having explained Baudhayana’s way of proceeding, continues— Sag ya! wales qryaran srt aufsar watyat RUC ATS is shagesereat aaagraraagrai aa faqata aa out fear efa- Vai faaaqrat qa | aeteagr a wafa | And there is another method. Lengthen the north side and the south side of the square towards east by as much as you want (7. ¢., give to them the length of the oblong you wish to construct) and stretch (through the oblong formed by the two lengthened sides and the lines joining their ends) a cord in the diagonal from the north-east to the south-west corner. This diagonal cuts the east side of the square, which (side) runs through the middle of the oblong. Putting aside that part of the cut line which lies to the north of the point of intersection, take the southern part for the breadth; this is the required oblong. For example: z Given the square a b c d and required an oblong J ofthesameareaand of thelength bg. Lengthen ac and b d intoafandbg; draw fg parallel toc d; draw the diagonal fb, which cuts c d ath; drawik parallel to af and bg; thenbgikis the desired oblong. This method is purely geometrical and perfectly satisfactory ; forabf —big, and bdh = bhi andcfh —fhk; thereforeachi—dghk, and consequently abcd=—bgki. a. BD. In this place now we have to mention the rules whick are given at the beginning of the sitras, the rules, as they call it, for making a square, in reality for drawing one line at right angles upon another. ‘Their right place is here, after the general propositions about the diagonal of squares and oblongs, upon which they are founded. Baudhiayana : saree fayry tyqwae Wat seat wy wae Ufa! 7 Wee syaaa aqurara qau RUfal awsata 1 SULETaR | VERA UTR sfras qwsaa cfawmuaraqaaa areata | ” Make two ties at the ends of a cord the length of which is double FR 248 G. Thibaut—On the S’ulwasitras. [No. 3, the measure (of the side of the required square) and a mark at its middle. This piece of the cord (@. ¢., its half) gives us the prachi (of the required square; the prachi of a square has the same length as its side). Then make a mark at the western half of the cord less the fourth part (of the half. If we wish, for instance, to make a square the side of which is twelve padas long, we take a cord twenty-four padas long; stretching this cord on the eraaid from the west towards the east, we find its middle by a measurement beginning from the western end, and having fixed the point which lies at the distance of twelve padas from both ends, we measure three padas back, towards the west, and make at the point we arrive at a mark; this mark divides the cord into two parts of 15 and 9 padas length). The name of this mark is nyafchhana. Then another mark is to be made at the half (of the western half of the cord), in order to fix by it the four corners of the square. (‘This second sign is at a distance of 18 padas from the eastern end of the cord.) Having fastened the two ties at the ends of the prishthya line, we take the cord at the nyafichhana mark and stretch it towards the south; the four corners of the square are then fixed by the half (of the cord), . The same method is known to A’pastamba: BMA AAMAS GVA AGU ACHP ISAT WE | Or the length of the prachi of the desired square, is to be doubled; the length and the fourth part of the added piece form the diagonal cord ; the rest, 7. e. three quarters of the added piece form the breadth (the shorter side of the oblong). And the S’ulvaparis‘ishta : THUAWAWIIga Taw Hite afacseaaawagl fassqrayt Rar | These rules make use of one of the Pythagorean triangles which were, as we have seen above, known to the Sttrakaras, v7z. oi that one the sides of which are equal to three, four, and five. It recommended it- self by the ease with which the three sides can be expressed in terms of each other, 3 + 5 being the double of 4, and 3 being equal to half the sum of 8 and 5, minus one quarter of half that sum. Of course any other oblong with measurable sides and diagonal could be employed for the same purpose, and so we find in A’pastamba a rule for chaturasrakarana abstracted from the dirghachaturasra, of which the sides are five and twelve and the diagonal thirteen. araerarei yare ACH AWA ITY Gane VSAM WAI Rifas | IaTI- maa fray wag efaugqray fated aufa | waqnta: | faqagate a waite: | Take a measure equal to the length (of the side and prachi of the desired square) and increase it by its half. Make a mark at the western third less its sixth part. Fasten the ends of the cord, &c. 1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 249 Increase 12 by 6; result 18; make a mark at a third, (reckoning from 18; that would be at 12) less the sixth part of that third (é.¢., a sixth part before the third) z. e., at 13. Thus we get a rectangular trian- gle of 5, 12, 13. The same rule in the S’ulvaparis‘ishta : TAU IITs BAU Hefa afgqcseaaarar faqsyrat We | Here, as in many other places, the paris‘ishta is much clearer and more practical in the wording of its rules than the more ancient sitras. The mark is, according to its expression, to be made not at the western third less its sixth part, but simply at a sixth of the added piece (6 is added to 12; the mark is made at 13). Another method for chaturasrakarana, taught by A’pastamba only, makes use of the above-mentioned savis’esha. _ ara qT UE fazaty afgtuawe wat qaaaTaenyr qa aa waa ata GS qetatqat Wau t Hols LioJ} pols Jolalt wale wy?) oe § bias $2 sly crslon og gil dine REI» pretl AU} aeid Ral) Gyo Cuil} (63 wlhldt sls # Klgils The building of this bridge (took place) in the time of the just king, N 4cirud- duny4 waddin Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Sh4h, the king. On the Sth day of Cafar (may God allow the month to end with success and victory!) 862 [23rd December, 1457]. The inscription measures 14 ft. by 13 in.* The usual phrase ‘ May God perpetuate his yule and kingdom!’ is left out. Ba/rbak Sha/h. (A. H. 864 to 879; A. D. 1460 to 1474.) Mr. Westmacott sent me rubbings of two new inscriptions belonging to the reignof this king. He says regarding them—* The two Barbak Shah * This is the missing inscription No. 37, alluded to on p. 19, Proceedings, A. 8. B., January, 1873. 290 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. [No.3, “inscriptions are taken from the tomb of the Muhammadan Pir, or saint, “ known by the name of Mahi Santosh, mentioned by Dr. Buchanan (apud ‘* Martin’s Eastern India, II, 667) as being at Mahiganj, on the eastern “bank of the Atrai, in Thana Potnitalé, District Dinajpir. He says that “the saint has communicated his name to Parganah Santosh, and that “the most remarkable thing was that his name is said to be Sanskrit. “Mr. J. P. Sneyd, who was good enough to take the rubbings for me, “says that the city among the remains of which the tomb is situate, is “known as Santosh, and that the tombs are said to be those of a lady, “ named Mahi Santosh, and her daughter. “ The larger inscription is ever the inner door of the entrance to the “tomb; the smaller one is outside the building. There are quantities of “‘ brick and blocks of stone all about, and the remains of a stone wall, and “a brick building, said to have been the ‘ cutcherry’. The local tradition “‘T look upon as almost worthless. Doctor Buchanan and Mr. Sneyd, an ‘interval of sixty-six years having elapsed, heard quite different stories about “ the name. “T do not think the name Mahi Santosh has anything to do with the “‘Muhammadan occupants of the tomb. Santosh is the name of the Parga- “nah, and Mahi is clearly connected with Mahiganj, ‘the mart of Mahi,’ “ and I cannot but connect that with the Buddhist king of the 9th or 10th “ century, Mahi Pal.” If, as Mr. Sneyd says, the ruins round about Mahiganj are called ‘Santosh’, we would have to look for the tomb of Muhammad Sheran, Bakhtyar’s successor, among them. The name ‘ Mahiganj’ cannot be very old, though ‘ Mahi’ may be an allusion to Mahi Pal. All names ending with the Persian ganj are modern, and I cannot point to a single place ending in ganj that existed, or had received that name, before the 15th and 16th centuries. The two inscriptions, as is so often the case, have nothing to do with the tomb. In all probability, the tomb is older than the inscriptions. Tombs have always been store places for inscriptions of ruined mosques of the neighbourhood. They add to the sanctity of the tomb, because their char- acters are generally tughrd, and therefore unintelligible to the common people ; they are poured over with milk and oil by votaries who fook upon them as powerful amulets, or by the sick who catch the dripping liquid and get cured. The larger inscription of the two, which measures 3 ft. by 11 in., is as follows : ust tao) 3 ase) Use ye ploy ape all le ail) JU ate) SMe) poy ced dame) chy a Gas!) 65 Jad ater all Ty oo o 1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 291 reli] sLasnl dats] x) ond) s Li) wo) reli] os! rola) (¢) Esl oS yl) Ul pbadl bs agit! rela] uli gyom” }} Baloiled 5 shh ee wis?) 4] p bac yh The Prophet (upon whom be blessings !) said, ‘He who builds the mosque in the world, will have seventy castles built by God in paradise.” This mosque was built in the time of the just prince, the king who is the son of a king, Rukn udduny4 waddin Abul Mujahid Barbak Shah, the king, son of Mahmid Shah the king. The builder is the great Khan Ulugh Iqrar Kh4n, (one word unintelligible*) the great Khan Ashraf Khan. 866 [A. D. 1460-61.] The builder of the mosque, Ulugh Iqrar Kh4n, is clearly the same as the one mentioned in Mr. Westmacott’s Barbak Shah inscription from Dinajpur, published in J. A. S. B., 1878, p. 272, and no doubt is now left regarding the correct reading of the name. ‘The characters of this inscription are well formed. The smaller inscription measures 1 ft. 5 inch. by 8} inch., and consists like the preceding of two lines. Of the first line only the beginning Js pit dle ‘the Prophet says’, is legible. Of the second line I can with some difficulty decipher the following :— CHP 8 B59 cece e ean en es OI pbaelt y weed} Clos ose iv ff} Kalgilys Cpr Rhee 9 awe wy shyt Shy The Mosque was built by the great and exalted Khan Ulugh....... ., Vazir of the town known as Barbakabad Makan, 876 (A. D. 1471-72]. The inscription, incomplete as it is, is so far valuable as it is the latest of Barbak Shah’s reign hitherto discovered. I am not quite sure about the correctness of the word ‘ Makan’ ((,) : there is a long stroke between the mim and the kéf,and the reading Maskan (WS) is possible. Nor can I say with certainty that Barbakabdad is another name for Santoshf; but the name is so far of interest as it explains the name of Sirkar Barbakabad. This Sirkar was assessed in Todar Mall’s Rentroll at 17,451,532 dams, or Rs. 486,288, and had to furnish 50 horse and 7000 foot. Its 38 Mahalls were the following :— * The doubtful word 4awasti is legible enough, but I do not understand the mean- ing. It must be a word expressing relationship. Could it be @&| 3 for orl yd, daughter’s son ? The date is clear in one of Mr. Westmacott’s rubbings. + Parganah Santosh does not occur in Todar Mall’s rentroll. In the later rent- rolls, however the name again appears, NN; 292, H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. IL. (No. 3, 1. Amrtl (U5?) 20. 21. Sherptr and Babrampir (52 ply 9 sxd52*) 2. Baldah Barbakabad (olf 24 22. Tahirpar (y92 2) sol) 3. Basdaul (yl) 23, Qazihatti (3.4) 4, Pularhdr (Jy) 24, Kardaha (l%9,5) 5. Pustaul (Yss~2) 25. Gururhat (ala, $ ) 6. Barbaria (yyy!) 26. Guhas (_y!25) ¥ %. Bangdon (wy) 27. Ganj Jagdal (Jok> 4 reed a 8. Paltdpar (y924Jls) 28. Gobindptir (5 22455) 9. Chhandidbazi (3b Loge) 29. Kaligéi Guthid (beiS oF Jl) 10. Chaura (1) 9s) 30. Khardl (Jtye5) 11. & 12. Jhasindh and Chau- 31. Kodanagar (,S13,5) gdon (wy Sop 5 orvlga) 13. Chandlai (Y=) 82. Kaligdi (oJ) 14, Chindso ( ‘goolic.) 33. Lashkarpdr (92 ,S4) 15. Haveli Sik’h Shahr (,¢%&S0 34. Malanchiptir (jy2..=* le) sle>) A 16. Dharmin (Glo) 35. Masidha ({o~.#) 17. Datdpar ( sy2o9!o) 36. Man Samali ((./ls..0) 18. Sunkardal, wrf Nizamptr 387. Mahmiédptr (x2d5e=”) (ypaclks Lys J gy\S0e) 19. Shikarpdr (jz 4) 38. VazirpGr (ys2 539) Of these 38 names, four appear to have vanished entirely, diz., Nos. 2, 4,15, and 31. The others appear also in later settlements. Many of them are still to be found on sheets 119 and 120 of the Indian Atlas. Two new parganahs have appeared, wz., Jahangirptr and Fathjangptr, which clearly point to the emperor Jahangir and his Bengal governor Ibrahim Khan Fathjang,* and they may partly oecupy the places of the four lost ones. The Haveli Parganah of the Sirkar is called Haveli Sik’h Shahr, in- stead of Haveli Barbakabad; but I cannot identify the name. A small portion of Sik’h Shahr also belonged to Sirkar Ghoraghat. No. 25, Gururhat is spelt in the MSS. Guzarhat from guzar, a ford, It lies to both sides of the mouth of the Mahananda. No. 26, Guhas is spelt on the maps ‘ Goas’, and lies south of the pre- sent course of the Podda. No. 30, Kharal is spelt on the maps ‘ Kharail’ or ‘ Kharael’, No. 36, Man Samali occurs in the Vth Report as Malsimani, but I have not identified it. * A’in translation E, 514. 1875.] H. Blochmann—WHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 293 No. 37, Mahmiédpur is called on the maps ‘ Muhumudpoor.’* It lies immediately north of Ramptr Bodaliya. Inscriptions belonging to the reign of Barbakshah appear to be more numerous in Sirkar Barbakabad than in other districts ;7 but specimens of his coinage are rare, Yu/suf Sha/h. (A. H. 879 to 886; A. D. 1474 to 1481.) About two years ago, Dr. Wise sent me a rubbing of the following inscription, from the neighbourhood of Dhaka, I believe, but I have mislaid the reference as to the exact locality. The inscription measures 2 ft. 84 inch., by 10 inch., and consists of three lines, the first containing the usual Qoran passages in large letters, the second and third giving the historical particulars in small and close letters. At the time I received the inscrip- tion, I could decipher but little of lines 2 and 8, and I now give all that I can at present decipher. alls pS) a); alts yl uy a) da line Sore Ls} ds Shes ald) Js # poses], A} 93583) OS anrs &L] Yost es ¥ 55551 usl Set al] x Kies! Vey at a) sh! luall 5 ages Wad glad leste ve epee) oF all fe pill halal] aye 8 aswel] Ide Laid] a on ae Ue Lad) iG Cat wl Cs 3 &AS} fl one ale aay ee lel 5 oe alo all] we wdalead] Us ie a4 wre stil ies a vehratie lasal f S&slac llama} crt HE Xo @ud g wpiw Kine y sea es, cou(@tl GESIES pkeod ote: oil &Sho aly ld The Prophet (God bless him!) said,...... [this mosque was built during the reion| of the king, the son of a king, Ghiyd4s udduny4 waddin Abul Muzaffar Jalal Shah, the king, son of Muhammad Sh4h Ghazi— may God perpetuate his kngdom! The builder of this religious edifice is ...... during the year 960. There is no doubt about the date, which is expressed both in words and in numbers. History says nothing of Jalal Khan’s rebellion or the course it ran; all we know is that Jalal Khan nine years later was acknowledged king of Bengal. The following passage from Badaoni (I, 430) is rather curious, because the name of Jalal Shah is transferred to the father, who on, or before, *Adli’s accession refused allegiance, made himself king of Bengal under the name of Muhammad Shah, and even aspired to the throne of Dihli. In the meantime Himin heard that Muhammad Khé4n Sir, the governor of Bengal, had made himself king under the title of Jalaluddin, andhad come with an army resembling swarms of locusts and ants, from Bengal to Jaunpiir, and was marching upon Kalpi and Agrah. * * * And when Himin in uninterrupted marches moved to ’Adli, he found ’Adli and Muhammad Khan of Gaur near the Mauza’ of Chhapparghattah, 16 #os from Kalpi, with the Jamuna between them, ready to fight each other. He of Gaur lay encamped with great pomp, much war material, with numerous horse, foot, and countless elephants, and quite confident as to ’Adli’s fate. But suddenly the scales turned: Himtn arrived like a shooting star, and without delay sent his choice elephants through the river, attacked the negligent Bengal army by night, and threw it nto utter confusion and disorder. Most of Muhammad Khan’s Amirs were killed, others escaped, and the helpless king of Gaur, evidently with his head in his sleeve, disappeared, and up to the present nothing is known about his fate. As we have specimens of Muhammad Shah’s coinage, we know that he did not call himself‘ Jalal Shah’ ; but Badaoni may have heard of the rebel- lion of his son and confounded Jalal Shah with Muhammad Shah. The villageof Chhapparghattah ( BAGS tem) — perhaps the most westerly point to which the Bengal arms ever advanced—lies east of K4lpi, on the left bank of the Jamuna, in Long. 79° 58’, close to the confluence of the Sinetir Nadi and the Jamuna. It belongs to Parganah Ghatampur, Sirkar Korré. Though prominently marked on maps X and XIII of Rennell’s Atlas, it is not given on Sheet 69 of the ‘Indian Atlas’, the nearest place Gf not the same) being Sultanpur. A little further to the east, at the entrance of the Itawah Terminal Ganges Canal into the Jamuna, lies the village of Fathabad, and nearer still to Chhapparghattah, the village of Fathpur. Hither may have been the actual site of the battle-field.* * The straight distance of Chhapparghattah from Kalpi is only 11 miles. Fathptir 00 300 H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. Ill. (No.3, Marsden gives a fine specimen of Muhammad Shah’s coinage, dated 962, which gives the full name of the king ; but he makes the name of the mint town to be Arkat. I have no doubt that the correct reading is Sunargaon. XXVIII. Baha’dur Sha’h (IT). (962 to 968 H., or A. D. 1555 to 1561.) His full name is not known to me: the coins which I have seen, had their margin cut away. Badaoni (I, 433) calls him Muhammad Bahadur. The period of his reign appears to be well ascertained; the historians give 962 to 968, and General Cunningham tells me that he has coins of 96d, 967, and 968. Parganahs Bahadurptr and Bahadur Shahi in Sirkér Tanda, appear to be called after him. The Sirkar bears unmistakeable traces of financial changes made during the Afghan period ; for, besides Bahadurptr and Bahadurshahi, we have Sherpur and Sher Shahi, Sulaimanébad and Sulai- manshahi, and Datdshahi. The most important event in Bahadur Shéh’s reign is his war with ?Adli. Driven out of Agrah, Itawah, and Kalpi, and having lost his great general Himun, ’Adli retreated to Jaunpur, Banaras, and Fort Chanar, and eventually to South Bihar, which since Islam Shah’s reign had been held by Miyan Sulaiman Kararani. Bahadur Shah, who after the death of his father and the rout at Chhapparghattah, had retired to Jhosi, opposite Tlahabad, on the left bank of the Ganges, where he celebrated his julus, hastened to Gaur and defeated an officer of the name of Shahbaz Khan, who had declared for ’Adli. Having firmly established himself in Bengal, he wisely left Miyan Sulaiman in possession of South Bihar, and thus found him a willing ally when he marched against ’Adli, anxious to avenge the death of his father. The decisive battle, according to the Tarikk 4 Daudi, was fought “ atthe streamof Sdrajgarh, near Munger”. The stream of Strajgarh is the Kiyol Nadi, and Strajgarh stands at the conflu- ence of the Kiyol and the Ganges, 17 miles W. W.S. of Munger. About 4 miles west of Strajgarh and the Kiyol, we find on Sheet 112 of the Indian is 15 miles. The 7érikh i Daidi (Dowson IV, 507) says that Chhapparghattah lies 11 kos from Kalpi. The Tubagdt ¢ Akbari (Dowson V, 245) has 15 kos from Agrah, which is impossible. In Dowson V, 244, 1. 20, for Sikandar Khan, ruler of Bengal, read Muhammad Khan Sar, ruler of Bengal; and for the village of Mandakar [Dowson, IV, 507, ‘Marhakhar’], read the village of Mindakur, or Minrékur. Minrékur, the Mirha- koor of the maps, lies W. of Agrah, towards Fathpar Sikri. It belonged to Sultan Salimah Begam (Bairam Khan’s widow married by Akbar), who lies buried there in her garden. Tuzuk, p. 113. 1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 301 Atlas the village of Fathptir, which may be the site of the battle-field. *Adli, who had only a few men, was defeated and killed. The battle was fought while Akbar besieged Mankot in the Siwaliks, 2. €. in 964, and brought about the final surrender of that fort.* Bahadur Shah died in 968 at Gaur, and was succeeded by his brother Jalal Shah. The following inscription belongs to Bahadur Shah’s reign— Inseription from the Jémi’ Mosque at Rijmahall, dated 964, H., or A. D. 1557. A rubbing of this inscription was sent to the Society in 1873 by Gener- al Cunningham. Another copy was since then given me by Mr. W. Bourke, together with three other inscriptions from R4jmahall.f The inscrip- tion has nothing to do with the mosque, and appears to have been taken from the tomb of one Qazi Ibrahim Khan, who was murdered by infidels when young. It is very illegible, and the letters are badly cut. Its length is 3 ft. 3 inch., and its breadth, 63 inch. eclyel ll Jaren 65 SUB: wal Iggy May SULT alll JU ee — wy 3 > 5 5° al) Je 5 * wig ped J “Y 6J 5 s\ya] oe Big: 0 Te pt 9 hams Vya3S Let) yo C4) Cg8 dst All) Oss Bee ie Al) es le 4,2] 2 J85 oJ] AS 2 ra iiss > a) cl Ipolee Alele iil 5 pale yl po Bl AL slile; o] eed ... (8 lines illegible) «.-.-- Ure yb Colale eases Gepaaiall he stb Ud ys st yhoo cere e eee JO 2S 55 All Uphol e Cojle gl phrlye] lobe diw Laps] eile > —2§ Lilie Cath elune wlp2se gly! as= See JO 9 Og Sha] Ro Y wy slo A “gue ra\e) ew ) use 3 ey) Kus dlins got * There is no doubt about the date. The Tarikh 1 Datdi (Dowson IV, 508) places “ Sarajgarh one os, more or less, from Munger’’, and adds that ’Adli was slain “after a reign of eight years in 968.” Baddoni (I, 434) places the death of ’Adli in 962. Vide also Dowson, V, p. 66. + General Cunningham calls the mosque ‘Jami’ Mosque’; Mr. Bourke, ‘Asim Sais ki Masjid.’ The other rubbings which Mr. Bourke gave me, are (1) a beautiful rubbing from Main4 Bibi’s tomb, at the Maina Taldo, from a stone let into the wall at the west end. This inscription only contains pious formule ; but its beautiful charac- ters belong to the 14th century. (2) A rubbing from a mosque, south of the new cemetry in Rajmahall. The inscription is over the centre door, and belongs to the reign of Aurangzib. (3) A rubbing from a mosque in Mahatpar, three miles east of Raj- mahall, dated A. H. 1081 (Aurangzib’s reign), 302 H. Blochmann-—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. Il. [No.8, didee] LB pinkie naldD chy pb g oleh Ub: wily uly os) 59 dye ite Ltigllve sb ol we], Ustaae esr) ye wy Se Ltrs been see (1 or 2 lines broken)....... God who is blessed and great says [Qor. IT, 149], ‘Do not say that those who are killed on the way of God are dead : they live, but you do not know.’ And God who is honored and glorious, says [Qor. LV, 101], ‘ He who fleeth on the path of God, will find on earth many (similarly) compelled and plenty of provisions. And he who leaves his house fleeing to God and His Prophet, and death overtake him, his reward becomes the Clini? Oe Er@OCl” 60000000 00006000 as to his understanding, the tongues of the eloquent are unfit to express it, and the pens of the learned of the age wither away in attempting a description, the exalted Qazi, who exalted dignity is manifest, the illustrious witness, the proof of the learned, [brahim Khan Gha4azi, sonof Aminullah, who wasin 500000 a teacher, who in the beginning of his youth and the beginning of his faith fought with the infidels and repelled mischief and rebellion, was admitted in 964, on the 8th day of Sawan, a Friday, when two and a half watches had passed, to the honor of martyrdom and the road of guidance, and joined, through the society of the Mull4s im the guidance of the Prophet, that throne of wishes......» XXIX. Ghiya’suddi’n Abul Muzaffar Jala’l Sha/h. (968 to 971 H.; A. D. 1561 to 1563.) I take his full name from Mr. Westmacott’s Sherptr Inscription given above, as there is no doubt that he is the same prince. Of his coins, Mr. Thomas (‘ Chronicles,’ p. 417) has published a fine specimen, on which he appears with the shortened name of Jalaldin.* Mr. Thomas makes the mint- town to be Jajpur; I believe that the correct reading is HAjiptr (oppo- site Patnah). Already under Nuerat Shah, Hajipur had risen to importance as the seat of the Bengal governor of Bihar. The southern part of Bihar, with the town of Bihar as capital, was in the hands of the Afghans. This state of things continued during the reigns of Islam Shah and the Afghan dynas- ty of Gaur, South Bihar being in the hands of Miyan Sulaiman 1 Kararani. Some time after Akbar’s conquest of Bihar, Hajipur gradually sank in import- ance, and Patnah} became the seat of the Mughul (Chaghtai) government. Jalal Shah is said to have died in 971 at Gaur. For the events after his death, the murder of his son, and the short-lived government of the usurper Ghiydsuddin, we have no other source but the modern Fiydz ussa- latin, the author of which has not mentioned the source of his information. He has, however, been occasionally found possessed of special and correct information, and we may follow Stewart in accepting his statement, With Jalal Shah and his son ended the Sur dynasty. * Just as ‘Jamdldin’ in the Satg4on imscription of 936, published by me in JA Sb, LS/0> eich ps 298. + Sher Shah built the Fort of Patnah. In Todar Mall’s rentroll, Patnah belongs to Sirkar Bihar. 1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—-No. III. 303 XXX. Hazrat i A’la Miya’n Sulaima/n. (972 to 980, H., or A. D. 1564 to 1572.) The principal facts of the vigorous reign of Miyén Sulaiman are known from the Tarikh i Dévidi (Dowson, IV, 509) and the Akbarnamah. His piety made a certain impression on Akbar, and Badéoni states that he used to hold every morning a devotional meeting in company with one hundred and fifty Shaikhs and ’Ulamas, after which he used to transact state business. His redoubtable general Raju, better known as Kala Pahdr, is up to this time remembered by the people of Orisa. According to the Akbarnamah and Baddoni, his death took place in 980. This must have been in the beginning of the year; for Datd’s coin- age commences likewise with 980. The Rzydz and Stewart have 981. The following two inscriptions from the extreme ends of his dominions, Sunargdon and Bihar, are of value. 1.—The Sulaiman Shah Inscription of Sundrgaon, dated 976 H., or Je IDE JUGS), General Cunningham took a rubbing of this inscription from a stone at the old Masjid near the Rikabi Bazar, Sunargdon. The stone measures ’ 1 ft. 6 in. by 1 ft. 3 in., and consists of three lines. The characters are clumsy and indistinct. cst JB lead ab) ge Jyeat WF AU detanall gt yllad alll JU cst pd tet w ads] ust Last} us cae cee wy? tad | dsle wade yboy!l thle vee gi lel] ayo Le go deena!) sim # Lic wire aU) dsc les} abs} paso @ Soll oo... ulagle yloe ustel bp we hw chal] usd oe oy? Pe Md) us? we hs wh Bis of NW dalorand 5 | Aadaw God Almighty says, ‘The mosques belong to God, worship no one else with him.’ The Prophet, on whom be peace, says, ‘ He who builds a mosque in the world will have seventy castles built for him by God in paradise.’ These mosques together with what there is of other buildings [were built] during the reign of the king of the age, his august Majesty,* Miy4n Sulaim4n....[by] the generous, exalted, victorious Malik “Abdullah Miy4n, son of Amir Khan Faqir Miy4an, durmg the month of Zil Qa’dah 976 [April, 1569]. 2.—The Sulaimén Shah Inscription at Bihar, A. H. 977, or A. D. 1569-70. The following inscription is taken from above the door leading to the minor tomb of the shrine of Sharafuddin in the town of Bihar. * Hazrati Ala. Sulaiman claimed this title; wide Ain Translation, Vol. I, p. 337, and Index. The Tdrikh i Daudi also calls him Miydy Sulaiman, 304 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. [No. 8, el JI wlals &lys ecoeceus # wb3] bs wee 3,4 3 daly hss JD) Q aS eala jo j % sly S35 d.| BS 2 J ot Ladd yd y lj) # eel cso pe GMS aol oh) scr.) j nid 25 , cb aS % jo eben ale ole ders elu jen ache lathnns oo ¥ Gre) 3) rglte ets] l= Ltn) wid 3 whine] 3 jo—s 3 joS 5) cee * whedluy us whem wreslw s ae Saat: 52 & we ak . “vs RA) wo) = 01000 jl Laengd * Sy LOSS LAOS ca Sam, 2% wags; 1. The door of honor of the world, and the pole of poles....... ., the cynosure of devotees ; 2. He who comes to this door, willindeed obtain from God his desires; for he — who wishes, finds. 3. The leather carpet of his retiring room is the green ground ; and for this reason he is the treasurer of the world and the faith. 4. In the reign of the just king, in whom heavenly light is revealed, through whose terror oppression and heresy disappeared, 5. Wherever he raised his exalted standards, he established the law of Muctafa, 6. Sulaima4an, of the world, a second Sulaiman, whose beauty lies in the per- fection of his justice and bounty. 7. When 900 had been exceeded by 77 years, Hassi, the son of Dadd, wrote it. At the side of this inscription, the poetry and prosody of which is as wretched as those of the Bihar inscriptions formerly published, stands the 256th verse of the second chapter of the Qoran. XXXI. Ba’yazi’d Sha/h (II). (980 H., or A. D. 1572.) Regarding the death of Sulaiman and the accession of Bayazid Sh 4h, Badaoni (II, 163) says— “Tn this year (980) Sulaim4ni Karardni, the ruler of Bengal, who styled himself Hazrat i A’lg, died. He had conquered the town of Katak-Banaras, ‘the mine of un- belief’, and had made Jagannath [Pari] a ddr-ul Islam. He ruled from Kamrap to Oris4, and now went to God. “His son Bayazid took his place; but after five or six months the Afghans killed him, and his younger brother D 4d seized on the kingdom.” The Sawdnih 1 Akbarit has the following— Sulaiman during his lifetime had constantly sent presents to the emperor Akbar, and had thus secured himself against an invasion. When he died, the Afghans thought it proper to make his eldest son B&yazid his successor. He, in his youthful folly, read the khutbah in his own [notin Akbar’s] name, and neglected all the forms of polite- ness which his father had always strictly observed. Even the chief nobles of his father were ill-treated by him, and commenced to hate him. Hanst [ato] also, son of his uncle "Imad [brother of Taj Khan and Sulaiman], who was his son-in-law, got offended with him, and was instigated to seize the kingdom, till at last he killed Bayazid. - 1875.] H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. 111. 305 But Lodi, who was ‘the soul’ of the kingdom, with the consent of the nobles, raised Daad, the younger son of Sulaiman, to the throne and killed Hinsi. But Gajar Khan raised in Bihar Bayazid’s son to the throne, and Lodi went with a large army to seize on Bihar. On account of carelessness on the part of Mun’im Kh4n Khaénkhdn4n, and by means of flattering promises, Lodi succeeded in bringing Gdjar over to his views.* As Sulaim4n died in 980, and Daud Shah’s coinage begins also in 980, Bayazid Shah’s short reign falls in the same year. No specimen of his coinage has hitherto been found. XXXII. sevens Abul Muzaffar Da’u’d Sha’h. (980 to 984 H.; A. D. 1573 to 1576.) The facts of Détid Shah’s reign are well known from the histories of Akbar’s reign. His full name appears on the margin of his coinage, of which specimens are numerous ; but all rupees that I have seen, had the margin cut away. His defeat on the 15th Rabi’ II, 984 [12th July, 1576] elicited the curious ¢arikh (metre Sard’t)—&3) ooly jt wlerlow elLo Solomon’s kingdom slipped from David’s hand. With Datd Khan the Kararani dynasty came to an end. The Afghans under the Lohanis subsequently fought with Akbar’s officers, especially Man Singh, in Orisa and South-Hastern Bengal, till they were finally overcome under Usman Khan during Jahangir’s reign in Hastern Bengal.t The frontiers of Bengal during the Afghan period became gradually narrower. Sunargadon is mentioned as the frontier under Sher Shah and Sulai- mani Kararani. But this may have been more nominal than real. Chat- gaon had already before Sher Shah again fallen in the hands of the Araka- nese. The Bhuyahs, 7 e. zamindars, of Bhaluah, Bakla, Chandradip, Faridpar, and the 24-Parganahs, were all but independent; and from Sunar- géon over Dhaka northward over Maimansingh extended the territory of Masnad i ’A’li ’I’sa Khan, who in the Akbarnamah is called ‘ the chief of the Twelve Bhuyahs’. The Portuguese also became important. In the north, the frontier receded likewise. The results of the con- quest of Kamata and Kamrip by Husain Shah vanished with the establish- ment of the great kingdom of Kuch Bihar, when the Karataya became again the frontier. The Muhammadan historians do not tell us much * The remaining portion has been translated by Prof. Dowson in Elliot’s History of India, VI, p. 39 ff. + Vide wy ‘ Prosody of the Persians’, p. 59, 1, 18. The second foot is mafulun, and the alif in az cannot be left out. t Vide Aim Translation, I, 520, 521. Prof. Dowson, IV, 518n., makes “Usman Khan Datd’s younger brother. But they belong to different Afghan tribes, 306 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal._—No. 111. [No. 3, regarding the rise of this kingdom. According to the Akbarndmah, the founder was Bisa, who must have lived in the very end of the second period of the Muhammadan history of Bengal, (.¢. about 944 H., or A. D. 1588), or fifty years* before Abul Fazl wrote. His son Nara Narayan is not mentioned ; but his coins prove that he was the contemporary of ’Adli. A specimen of his silver coinage was published in J. A. S. B., for 1856, p. 457, by Babu Réjendralala Mitra, and bears the Saka year 1477, or A. D. 1555. A-short time ago, Capt. Williamson, Deputy Commissioner, Garo Hills, presented the Society with the following unique silver coin, which is of the same year, but is much larger than the one published by Babu Rajen- dralala Mitra, and differs in the legend of the reverse. It was picked up by a Garo together with a Datdshahi rupee. Silver Coin of Nara Na’ra’yana of Kuch Bihar. Large size. Weight, 157-49 grains. Saka 1477 [A. D, 1555]. As. Socy., Bengal. Dotted margin. OBVERSE— AA RAGTURATALATY REVERSE—ATAHATARTAUT War Yoo Il Oxzyerse—(The coin) of the bee of the lotus of the foot of the twice illustrious Siva, ReversE—Of the twice illustrious Nara Nérdyana. Saka, 1477. Nara Narayan’s son and successor was Bal Gosdin, whom the Akbarnamah calls Bisé’s grandson, He was reigning in 986, or A. D. 1578. His brother Shuk1] Gosdain is mentioned by Abul Fazl and Ralph Fitch. Bal Gosdin’s son is Lachmi Narayan, who received Man Singh in 1005 H., and was still reigning in 1027 (A. D. 1618). * Vide J. A.S. B., 1872, Pt. I, p. 52, 1.8 from below. It is quite possible that the rise of Kach Bih4r is connected with the fall of Gaur. JOURNAL OF THE meet PC. 5.0 CLE EY. —p— Pare ris hOhy, ll re RADU RE doce. LLL No. IV.—1875. _—_—eoorrreeee OOOO Riough Notes on the Angami Négdas and their Language.——By Captain Joun Buruer, B.S. C., Political Agent, Naga Hills, Asdém. (With seven plates.) Introduction. Of all the numerous tribes—Garos, Khasias, Sintengs, Mikirs, Ka- charis, Kukis, Nagas, Singphis, and Khamtis—inhabiting that vast tract of mountainous country which hems in Asdm on the south, the largest numerically, as it is territorially, is the ‘‘ Naga”. Under this comprehensive term is included the whole group of cognate races, dwelling along that broad stretch of hill and upland, which, roughly speaking, is comprised be- tween the Kopili River, on the west, and the Bori Dihing, on the east, and which lies between the parallels of 93° and 96° Hast Longitude. This tract extends northwards to the low hills bordering the alluvial plains of the Districts of Lakhimptr, Sibsigor, and Naogdon, and overlooks the broad waters of that noblest of all Indian Rivers, the sacred Brahmaputra. In a southerly direction, we are at present unable to state exactly to what limit it may extend. We may, however, safely say that it lies between the meridians of 25° and 27° North Latitude. Our late explorations have clearly ascertained, that the great Naga race does undoubtedly cross over the main watershed dividing the waters which flow north into the Brahma- putra, from those flowing south into the Irawadi; and they have also furnished very strong grounds for believing that in all probability it ex- tends as far as the banks of the Kaiendwen (Namtonai or Ningthi) River, the great western tributary of the Irawadi. Indeed there is room even to believe, that further explorations may, ere long, lead us to discover, that PP > 308 J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. [No. 4, the Kakhyen and Khyen (often pronounced Kachin and Chin) tribes, spoken of by former writers (Pemberton, Yule, Hannay, Bayfield, Griffiths, and others) are but offshoots of this one great race. Yule tells us that “ the ‘hills west of Kalé are occupied by the Khyens, a race extending south- “ ward throughout the long range of the Yuma-doung to the latitude of “ Prome’”, and that ‘‘ Colonel Hannay identifies the Khyens with the Nagas “ of the Asim mountains.” Again Dalton in his work on the Ethnology of Bengal tells us that ‘‘ Karens are sometimes called Kakhyens”’, and that ‘‘ Latham thinks that word for word Khyen is Karen”, whilst Dr. Mason tells us “that it is a Burmese word signifying aboriginal”, Finally we have Major Fryer informing us in his late interesting paper “On the Khyen people of the Sandoway District’’*, that the Khyengs have a tradition that they came down many years ago from the sources of the Kaiendwen River. It will thus be seen that the question regarding the identity of these tribes is at present a difficult one to decide, and I consider that its final solution can be satisfactorily undertaken only when we have com- pleted the explorations upon which we have been so busily engaged for the last six years. We have already succeeded in completing the survey of about 8000 square miles of a country, about which we previously knew scarcely anything at all, a terra incognita in fact, the greater portion of which had been unseen by European eyes until visited by those enterprising pioneers, our survey officers, who armed with the Theodolite and Plane-table very soon cleared away the huge blots which had for so long been per- mitted to disfigure our N. KE, Frontier Maps. ‘Thus itis obvious that any theory propounded at the present stage of our knowledge must be more or less based upon conjecture, a dangerous field of controversy which I wish to avoid, especially as a few more seasons of such work as we have done of late, must clear up the mystery in which this question has so long been shrouded. Cuaprer I. Geography and History. Of all the tribes—and they are almost as numerous as the hills they inhabit—into which the Naga group is divided, the most powerful and war- like, as it is also the most enterprising, intelligent, and civilized, so to say, is the “ turbulent Angami”. This great division of the Naga race occupies for the most part a charming country of fine, open, rolling hill and valley, bounded by lofty mountains, some of whose summits tower up to nine, ten, and even twelve thousand feet above the sea level. ‘Their villages are gener= ally placed on the more tabular hills of about 5000 feet elevation, and enjoy * Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, for 1875, Pt. I, p. 39. 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. 309 a healthy, bracing climate, subject to neither extreme heat, nor cold. This noble tract of country is blessed with a most fertile soil, well cultivated, drained and manured, and the hill sides are often covered, I might almost say for miles, with a succession of fine terraces of rich rice ; and the hill tops are dotted over, as far as the eye can reach, with numerous large villages, whose comparatively enormous population might even claim for them the right of being called towns. Thus Kohima for instance contains no less than 865 houses, or say a population of over 4000 souls. The Angamis proper, or ‘ Western Angamis”, as they have also been aptly termed, in order to distinguish them from the Eastern clans, to whom they are closely allied, hold 46 villages, all lying to the west of the Sijjo or Doiang River. Towards the north they extend up to the range of hills on which the Nidzdkhra mountain forms a prominent land- mark, and on the west to the low range of hills on which Samaguting, Sitekema, and Nidzima stand, whilst towards the south they are cut off from Manipur by the lofty Barrail, whose forest-clad heights make a splendid background to the lovely panorama in front. The 46 villages above- mentioned, contain a total of 6,367 houses, and cover a tract of about 30 miles in length, by about 20 in breadth, and are thus spread over an area of about 600 square miles. Now if we allow an average of 5 souls to each house, we here obtain a population of 31,835 souls, or roughly, in round numbers, say about 30,000 souls—figures which I believe a regular census would prove to be very near the mark indeed, And from these figures we may assume that we have here got a population of at least 50 to the square mile, which fora hill country, I need hardly add, is a very large average. This can be easily seen by a reference to the last Census Report of Bengal (1872), in which we find that even the Khasia Hills have only 23 souls to the square mile, the Chittagong Hill Tracts only 10, whilst Hill Tiparah comes last of all with only 9. I may here explain that the total area of all “ Naga Land ” theoretically under the political control of our Government is about 8,500 square miles, and I have roughly estimated the population in that area to be at least 300,000 souls. It has been generally believed that the term “ Naga ’ the Bengali word “nangta”, or the Hindustani word “ nanga”, meaning “naked”, and the specific name “ Angami’” has also been credited with the same source. Another theory suggests the Kachari word “ Naga”, a ‘young man” and hence a“ warrior’’, whilst a third theory would derive it from ‘‘nag”’ a snake. However, be this as it may, the term is quite foreign to the people themselves: they have no generic term applicable to the whole race, but use specific names for each particular group of vil- lages ; thus the men of Mezoma, Khonoma, Kohima, Jotsoma, and their > is derived from 310 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angimi Nagas. [No. 4, allies call themselves Tengimas, whilst others if asked who they are would reply simply that they were men of such a village, and seem to be quite ignorant of any distinctive tribal name connecting them to any particular group of villages,—a strange fact, which I think is in a great mea- sure accounted for by the state of constant war, and consequent isolation, "in which they live. The Kacharis, I may add, speak of the Nagas generally as the Magamsa, and of the Angami Nagas in particular as the Daw4ansa. I have long endeavoured to gain some satisfactory information regard- ing the origin of these interesting tribes, but I regret to say that this is a question upon which I have hitherto failed to throw much light. In my wanderings to and fro, I have observed that there seem to be two very distinct types running through these hills; the one a fine, stalwart, cheerful, bright, light coloured race, cultivating their, generally terraced, lands, with much skill, among whom I place the Angami as facile prin- ceps; the other a darker, dirtier, and more squat race, among whom the sulky Lhota may be pointed to asa good representative; and I have not failed to notice signs that the latter are giving way to the former, wherever they happen to come in contact. A careful comparison of the several dialects which I have long been busy collecting, will, I fancy, be one of the best guides we can obtain for the proper classification of all these tribes, but that is a matter of time, and the compilation of a vocabulary with any pretension to correctness is far from being the easy task some imagine it to be. The Angamis have a tradition that they originally came from the south-east, and a fabulous legend goes on to relate how “a long time ago” when the world was young, and gods, men, and beasts dwelt in peace, a god, a man, a woman, and a tiger lived together ; how the woman died, and the tiger attempted to make a meal of her; how this led to the breaking up of this happy family, and the separation of these incongruous creatures. After= wards a quarrel arose between two brothers, the sons of their great Chief, and they then both left the cradle of their race, each taking a different path, the one “ blazed” his path by cutting marks on all the “ Chomhi” trees, the other on all the ‘‘Chéma” trees. Now the former always remaining white and fresh for many days, and the latter turning black almost immediately, the greater following took the former path, which led them out into the plains of Asam, the latter and lesser number settled in the hills, and hence the numerical superiority of the “Tephimas” or “ Te- phrimas” (men of Asim). This is the outline of a very long disconnected narrative of their exodus, and it is not very flattering to be told that an- other equally wild legend ascribes the genesis of the “ white faces” to a white dog and a woman, extraordinarily fair, who were floated off, amid 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagds. 311 broad waters on a raft, well provisioned for a long voyage. These crea- tures are believed to have landed on some distant shore, and the result was a race of white men, who bred and multiplied until they overran the land, conquering all black races that attempted to oppose their onward progress. This tale does not at first sight appear to credit us with a very noble origin, but the fact is I believe that the “ white dog” has been merely introduced asa sort of Deus ex machina, in order to account in some way for some of our, to them, most extraordinary powers. I find it recorded in an old letter dated thirteen years ago, that ‘ about “300 years since, the younger brother of the then reigning Raja of “ Jaintia, became enamoured of his niece (the Raja’s daughter) and “ forcibly seizing her fled with some followers from Jaintid to Dimapur, “ then the residence of the Kachar Rajas. Here he remained for some time “ protected by the Kachar Raja; but his brother having sent outa large ** force to capture him, he fled to the hills in the vicinity of Dimapur, now “ known to us as the Angami Hills, and being accompanied by several Ka- ® charis, as well as his own followers, permanently established himself “ there, and from this colony arose the now powerful tribe of the Angami “ Nagas.” This account is reported to have been received “ from an in- telligent hill Kachari”, who is said to have further stated that full con- firmation of these facts might be gleaned from some of the old Jaintia records ; and as a further argument to support his story, he is also said to have pointed to the fact that the Angami women to this day adhere to the peculiar manner of wearing the cloth tied above each shoulder, adopted by the Jaintia women alone of all the other tribes on this frontier. For my own part I have never succeeded in obtaining any confirmation of this strange story, and am hence sceptical of its truth. However, I have deemed it right to give it quan. val., in the hope that some future investigator may possibly be able to pick up a clue to the story in fields where I have not had the opportunity of searching, namely amid the archives of Jaintiapur. Our first actual acquaintance with the Angamis appears to have commenced as early as 1831-32, when Captains Jenkins, Pemberton, and Gordon were deputed to explore a route through their country, with a view to opening out direct communication between Asam and Manipur. On this occasion, although they were accompanied by a comparatively large force, amounting to no less than 700 muskets, they were opposed with a most determined resistance at every village they passed through, and so bitter was the opposition made, that in many instances the villagers set fire to their own villages, so as to destroy such provisions as they were unable to remove rather than allow them to fall into the hands of the enemy. From the date of that eventful journey until 1867, that is to say, for a period of over forty years, the political history of our relations with this 312 J. Butler—Rowgh Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, tribe has been one long, sickening story of open insults and defiance, bold outrages, and cold-blooded murders on the one side, and long-suffering for- bearance, forgiveness, concession, and unlooked-for favours on the other, varied now and again with tours innumerable, deputations and expeditions, the interesting details of which go far to make up one of the most im- portant chapters of the yet unwritten history of a province, rich in such stores, but which it would be out of place, if not impossible, to allude to within the limits of this paper. With regard, however, to the effect of punitive military expeditions when unaccompanied with, or followed by, other measures of a more lasting nature, such as the actual occupation of the country, whether it be to exer- cise absolute authority or mere political control, I may here briefly draw attention to the Naga expedition of 1850, when a force of over 500 men, with 2 three-pounder guns and 2 mortars, and European Officers -in proportion, was thrown into the Naga Hills, to avenge a long series of raids, which had finally culminated in the murder of Bhog Chand, the native officer in command of our outpost at Samaguting. This Force entered the hills in November 1850, and although they very soon drove the Nagas out of their stockades, a portion of the Force remained in the hills until March 1851, when our Government, loath to increase its respon- sibilities, determined to abstain, entirely and unreservedly, from all further interference, with the affairs of the Nagas, and withdrew our troops. In the remaining nine months of that year no fewer than 22 raids were made on our frontier, in which 55 persons were killed, 10 wounded, and 113 were earried off into a captivity from which very few indeed ever returned. In 1853, the Government consented to the appointment of a European Officer to the charge of North Kachar. A station was taken up at Asala, which was then formed into a separate subdivision, subordinate to Ndogaon, and stringent orders were issued, forbidding any interference with the Hill Tribes: the Dhansiri was accepted as the extreme limit of our juris- diction, and the Angamis were henceforth to be treated as altogether beyond our pale. These measures had the effect, as might easily have been anticipated, of simply temporising with the evils which they were meant to eradicate, and hence we can scarcely be surprised to find that raid followed raid, with a monotonous regularity, which all our frontier posts were completely helpless to prevent. ‘Thus between the years 1852 and 1862 we hear of twenty-four such atrocities being committed within the vaunted line of our outposts, and some of them were accompanied with a tigerish brutality, so intensely fiendish, that it is almost incredible that such acts could have been perpetrated by human beings, savages though they were. In 1862, three distinct attacks were made upon our subjects within the short space of twenty-four days. In the first of these, at Borpothar, a Sepoy 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 313 was cut down in broad daylight, within a few paces of a Masonry Guard House, filled with an armed detachment of his companions. In the second, six out of seven elephant-hunters were cruelly massacred; and in the third, a village almost within hail, and certainly within sight, of the Guard House above-mentioned, was attacked and plundered at about 9 a. M., eight persons being killed on the spot, and two children carried off, one of whom the Nagds subsequently cut to pieces on their retreat, on finding themselves pursued, At this juncture, we find our local officers frankly declaring that our rela- tions with the Nagas could not possibly be on a worse footing than they were then, and that the non-interference policy, which sounds so excellent in theory, had utterly failed in practice, and urging therefore that it was necessary to adopt more vigorous measures. Yet notwithstanding much corre- spondence that passed upon the subject, when all kinds of schemes, possible and impossible, were discussed and re-discussed, nothing more appears to have been done until 1865. In this year, a recurrence of fresh forrays led the officer in charge of North Kachar to represent that the safety of his sub-division was in jeopardy, and it was then that the Government were at last moved into giving their consent to the deputation of an European officer who was to effect a permanent lodgment in the country ; and Samaguting (or more properly Chimukedima) was again occupied by us in December 1867. Since the date of this measure being carried into effect, our chief object here, namely, the protection of our lowland subjects, has been most completely attained, and I think I may safely say, that the prestige of our Government was never held in higher esteem by our turbulent highlanders than it is at the present moment. ‘This result is due, in a great measure, to the invariable success, attending our nume- rous exploration expeditions during the last six years, and the complete collapse of every attempt that has been made to prevent our progress, or subvert our authority, during that time. Still, notwithstanding these very satisfactory results, I grieve to say that intestine feuds with all the horrors that accompany their progress are as rife now as ever they were, and it re- quires no great foresight to predict the possibility —I may even say the pro- bability—of our sooner or later being compelled to take another stride in that inevitable march of progress, in that noble mission of peace, which seems to be our predestined lot wherever the Anglo-Saxon sets foot. Much, very much has already been done by our most just and patient Government, to induce these savages to amend their ways, to convert their “ spears into ploughshares”, and to live in peace and harmony with allmen. But it cannot of course be expected that the predatory habits, and head-taking customs of long generations of anarchy and bloodshed will be abandoned in a day, and we have hence got much earnest work before us, ere we can look forward to the completion of our task. The snake has been 314 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angimi Nagas. [No. 4, scotched, not killed. And the further measures which it may yet be found necessary to take with regard to the management of the tribes inhabiting this frontier, form an anxious problem of the future into which it is needless my attempting to pry. We must simply watch the “signs of the times” and move with them, being content to know that a powerful Government is in the meanwhile ready to act as circumstances arise, and as the dictates of atrue policy direct, confident that the wisdom with which so vast and heterogeneous a mass of nations has been governed elsewhere throughout the length and breadth of India, will also guide us safely through the shoals with which our administration is beset here, finally landing us in that safe haven, a well-governed peaceful country, to which we have every reason to look forward most hopefully. Cuaprer II. Government, Religion, and Manners. From what I have stated, it will doubtless have already been gathered that the Angamis have no regular settled form of government. With them might is right, and this is the only form of law—or rather the absence of all law—heretofore recognised among them. Every man follows the dictates of his own will,a form of the purest democracy which it is very diffi- cult indeed to conceive as existing even for a single day; and yet that it does exist here, is an undeniable fact. In every village we find a num- ber of headmen or chiefs, termed Petimas, who generally manage to arbitrate between litigants. The Nagas being a simple race, their quarrels are generally of a description easily settled, especially as owing to the fearful effects following a feud once started, they are chary of drawing first blood, and yet at times the most petty quarrel developes into a most serious feud. The actual authority exercised by these Peamas, who are men noted for their personal prowess in war, skill in diplomacy, powers of oratory, or wealth in cattle and land, is, however, all but nominal, and thus their orders are obeyed so far only, as they may happen to be in accord with the wishes of the community at large, and even then, the minority will not hold themselves bound in any way by the wishes or acts of the majority. The Naga Petima is, in fact, simply primus inter pares, and often that only pro tem. The title, if such it may be called, is indeed really one of pure courtesy, and depends entire- ly upon the wealth, standing, and personal qualities of the individual himself. Theoretically, with the Angami, every man is his own master, and avenges his own quarrel. Blood once shed can never be expiated, ex- cept by the death of the murderer, or some of his near relatives, and although years may pass away, vengeance will assuredly be taken some . 1875. ] J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 315 day. One marked peculiarity in their intestine feuds is, that we very sel- dom find the whole of one village at war with the whole of another vil- lage, but almost invariably clan is pitted against clan. Thus I have often seen a village split up into two hostile camps, one clan at deadly feud with another, whilst a third lives between them in a state of neutrality, and at perfect peace with both. On the subject of religion and a future state, the Angami appears to have no definite ideas. Some have told me that they believe that if they have (according to their lights be it remembered) led good and worthy lives upon this earth, and abstained from all coarse food, and especially have abstained from eating flesh, after death their spirits would fly away into the realms above, and there become stars, but that otherwise their bodies would have to pass through seven stages of spirit-life, and eventually become transformed into bees ; others again, on my questioning them, have replied with a puzzled and surprised air, as if they had never given the matter a thought before, that “ after death we are buried in the earth and our bodies “rot there, and there is an end; who knows more?” Still from the fact that they invariably bury the deceased’s best clothes, his spear and dao, together with much grain, liquor, and a fowl, with the body, I think we may safely infer, that they certainly have some vague idea of a life hereafter, the thought of which, however, does not trouble them much. It is at quitting the actual pleasure of living, which he has experienced, that a Naga shud- ders, and not the problematical torments to be met in a hell hereafter, of which he knows nothing. And as to religion, such as it is, it may be put down as simply the result of that great characteristic, common to all savages, “ fear’. All his religious rites and ceremonies, his prayers, incanta- tions, and sacrifices, are due to a trembling belief that he can thus avert some impending evil. But he is utterly unable to appreciate our feeling of awe, reverence, and affection towards an Omnipotent God. I have known a Chief, on the occasion of the death of his favourite son from an attack of fever contracted whilst out shooting Giral* in the neighbour- hood of his village, don his full war-costume, rush out to the spot, and there commence yelling out his war-cry, hurling defiance at the deity who he supposed had struck down his son, bidding him come out and show him- self, impiously cursing him for his cowardice in not disclosing himself, Intense superstition is of course only the natural corollary to this kind of belief in a god in every hill and valley, a devil in every grove and stream, Undertakings of any importance, such as the starting of a war-party, the commencing of a journey, the first sowing out, or gathering in, of the crops, &e., are never begun without the previous consultation of certain omens, by which they pretend to be able to foretell, whether a successful termination * A species of wild goat, QQ . 316 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, may be anticipated or not. Among the most common forms of consulting the oracle, one is that of cutting slices off a piece of stick and watching which side of these bits turn uppermost as they fall to the ground; ano- ther is, to lay hold of a fowl by the neck and throttle it, and if it dies with its right leg slightly crossed over its left, it is pronounced favourable to the accomplishment of the undertaking whatever it may happen to be. I have known of a large war-party turning back immediately, because a deer crossed their path,—a most unlucky omen. A tiger calling out in the jungles in front is a very lucky sign, whilst if heard in rear, it is just the contrary. In like manner there are several birds whose song if issuing from the left hand side is lucky, but if from the right the reverse. They have several very curious ways of taking an oath. One of the commonest, as it is one of the most sacred, is for the two parties to lay hold of a dog or fowl, one by its head, the other by its tail, or feet, whilst the poor beast or bird is severed in two with one stroke of a dao, emblematic of the perjurer’s fate. Another is to lay hold of the barrel of a gun, or spear-head, or tooth of a tiger and solemnly declare, “ If I do not faithfully perform this my promise, may I fall by this weapon” or animal, as the case may be; whilst a third, and one generally voluntarily offered after defeat, is to snatch up a handful of grass and earth, and after placing it on the head, to shove it into the mouth, chewing it and pre- tending to eat it, one of the most disagreeable and literal renderings of the metaphorical term “ eating dirt” I have ever witnessed. A fourth is, to stand in the centre of a circle of rope, or cane, and there repeat a certain formula, to the effect that, if they break their vow, which they then repeat, they pray the gods may cause them to rot away as the rope rots, &c. - One among their many strange customs is that of “ kénnié”’, cor- rupted by the Asamese into “ génna,’’ a description of tabi singularly similar to that in vogue among the savages inhabiting the Pacific Islands. This tabi is declared upon every conceivable occasion, thus at the birth of a child, or on the death of any individual, the house is tabied, generally for the space of five days, and no one is allowed to go in or out except the people of the house. Again, any accidental death, or fire in the village, puts the whole village under the ban. ‘In like manner before commencing either to sow or to reap, an universal tabi has to be undergone, and is accompanied by propitiatory offerings to their several deities, and no man dare commence work before. If their crops have been suffering from the attacks of wild animals, a ‘“ kénnié” is the remedy,—in fact there is no end to the reasons on which a “ kénnié” must or may be declared, and as it consists of a general holiday when no work is done, this Angami sabbath appears to be rather a popular institution. If a man has the misfortune to kill another by accident, he is com- 1875. ] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagis. 317 pelled to abandon home and retire into voluntary banishment to some neigh- bouring village for the space of three years. They have a singularly expressive manner of emphasising messages. For instance, I remember a challenge being conveyed by means of a piece of charred wood, a chilli, and a bullet, tied together. This declaration of war was handed on from village to village until it reached the village for which it was intended, where it was no sooner read, than it was at once despatched to me by a special messenger, who in turn brought with him a spear, a cloth, a fowl, and some eggs, the latter articles signifying their subordination and friendship to me at whose hands they now begged for protection. It is perhaps scarcely necessary for me to explain that the piece of burnt wood signified the nature of the punishment threatened (2. e. the village consigned to flames), the bullet descriptive of the kind of weapon with which the foe was coming armed, and the chilli the smarting, stinging, and generally painful nature of the punishment about to be inflicted. And only the other day a piece of wood, with a twisted bark eollar at one end and a rope at the other, used for tying up dogs with on the line of march, was brought in to me with another prayer for protection. The explanation in this case is of course obvious, namely, that a dog’s treatment was in store for the unfortunate recipients of this truculent message. ‘Two sticks cross-wise, ora fresh cut bough, or a handful of grass across a path, declares it to be closed. But of such signs and emblems the number is legion, and I therefore need only remark that it is curious to observe how the “green bough” is here, too, as almost every where, an emblem of peace. The Angaémis invariably build their villages on the very summits of high tabular hills, or saddle-back spurs, running off from the main ranges, and owing to the almost constant state of war existing, most of them are very strongly fortified. Stiff stockades, deep ditches bristling with panjies, and massive stone walls, often loop-holed for musketry, are their usual defences. In war-time, the hill sides and approaches are escarped and thickly studded over with panjies. These panjies, I may here explain, are sharp-pointed bamboo skewers or stakes, varying from six inches to three and four feet in length, some of them as thin as a pencil, others as thick round as a good-sized cane, and although very insignificant things to look at, they give a nasty and most painful wound, often causing complete lameness in afew hours. Deep pit-falls and small holes covered over with a light layer of earth and leaves, concealing the panjies within, are also skilfully placed along the paths by which an enemy is expected to approach, and a tumble into one of the former is not a thing to be despised, as I have had good reason to know. ‘The approaches to the villages are often up through tortuous, narrow, covered ways, or lanes, with high banks on either side, 318 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. [No. 4, lined with an overhanging tangled mass of prickly creepers and brushwood, sometimes through a steep ravine and along the bed of an old torrent, in either case admitting of the passage of only one man ata time. These paths lead up to gates, or rather door-ways, closed by strong, thick and heavy wooden doors, hewn out of one piece of solid wood. The doors are fastened from the inside and admit of being easily barricaded, and thus rendered impregnable against all attack. These doors again are often over- looked and protected by raised look-outs, on which, whenever the clan is at feud, a careful watch is kept up night and day ; not unfrequently the only approach to one of these outer gates is up a notched pole from fifteen to twenty feet high. The several clans, of which there are from two to eight in every village, are frequently divided off by deep lanes and stone walls, and whenever an attack is imminent, the several roads leading up to the village are studded over with stout pegs, driven deep into the ground, which very effectually prevents anything like a rush. On the higher ranges, the roads connecting the several villages, as well as the paths leading down to their cultivation are made with considerable skill, the more precipitous hills being turned with easy gradients, instead of the road being taken up one side of the hill and down the other as is usually the case among hill- men. Their houses are built with a ground-floor, the slopes of the hills being dug down to a rough level, no mat covers the bare ground. They are generally placed in irregular lines, facing inwards, and are constructed after a pattern I have never seen anywhere except in these hills. These houses have high gable ends whose eaves almost touch the ground on either side, this I believe to be a precaution against high winds. The gable in front, which, in the case of men of wealth or position, is often decorated with broad, handsome weather boards, is from 15 to 30 feet high, and the _ roof slopes off in rear, as well as towards the sides, the gable at the back being only about from 10 to 15 feet in height. In width the houses vary from about 20 to 40 feet, and in length from about 30 to 60 feet. In many of the villages each house is surrounded by a stone wall, marking off the ‘‘compound” so to sav, wherein the cattle are tethered for the night. Half the space under the front gable, is often walled in with boards as a loose stall, and bamboo baskets are tied up under the eaves of the house to give shelter to their poultry. Pig-styes also, in the corner of a compound, are not uncommon. The house itself is divided off into from two to three compartments according to the wealth or taste of its owner. In the front room, the grain is stored away in huge baskets made of bamboo from 5 to 10 feet high and about 5 feet in diameter. In the imner room, there is a large open fire-place, and around it are placed thick, broad planks, for sitting and sleeping upon, and the back room of all generally 1875. ] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 319 contains the liquor tub, the most important piece of furniture in the house in the Naga’s estimation. In this they brew their “dza”, a kind of fer- mented beer, made of rice and other ingredients, composed of herbs found wild in the jungle. This liquor is the Angami Naga’s greatest solace, for strange to say never indulging in either opium, or tobacco (as many of his neighbours do), he may be seen sipping this “dzu”’, either through a reed (after the manner of a sherry cobler), or with a wooden or bamboo spoon out of bamboo or mithan horn drinking cups, from morn to night, Close to their villages, on either side of the road, as well as within, sometimes not acouple of yards from their houses, they bury their dead, raising over them large mounds, square, round, and oblong in shape, the sides being built up with large stones; sometimes an upright stone, or an effigy cleverly carved in wood, is added. In the latter case this grotesque caricature of the “human form divine” lying below, is decked out in a complete suit of all the clothes and ornaments worn by the deceased in- eluding a set of imitation weapons, the originals being always deposited in the grave with the body. In one instance I remember coming across a grave by the road side several miles away from any village, and on en- quiry, learning, that it had been purposely placed there, exactly half way between the village in which the deceased had been born, and that in which he had died, and had passed the latter portion of his life. This was done, I was told, so as to enable his spirit to revisit either. Huge monoliths, or large upright stones, which have been the sub- ject of so much remark elsewhere, and which are to be met with all over the world, exist here too, and are not only to be found as remains of the past, but their erection may be witnessed almost any day at the present time. These monuments are erected, either singly, or in rows, and are meant to perpetuate the memory, sometimes of the dead, when they are in fact no- thing more nor less than simply tombstones, sometimes of the living, in which case we may look upon them much in the light of statues. Thus J remember being considerably astonished some three years ago when the villagers of Sakhaboma were pleased to raise such a monument to my hum- ble self, a great compliment which was repeated last year by another vil- lage east of the Sijjo. These stones, which are often very large, and have sometimes to be brought from long distances, are dragged up in a kind of sledge, formed out of a forked tree on which the stone is levered, and then earefully lashed with canes and creepers, and to this the men, sometimes to the number of several hundreds, attach themselves in a long line and by means of putting rollers underneath they pull it along, until it has been brought up to the spot where it has been previously decided finally to erect it. Here a small hole is then dug to receive the lower end of the stone, and the sledge being tilted up on end, the lashings are cut adrift, and the 320 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, stone slides into position ; some leaves are then placed on the top and some liquor poured over it. This done, a general feast follows, and the ceremony is complete. The average Angdémi is a fine, hardy, athletic fellow, brave and war- like, and, among themselves, as a rule, most truthful and honest. On the other hand, he is blood-thirsty, treacherous, and revengeful to an almost incredible degree. This, however, can scarcely be wondered at when we recall what I have already related regarding revenge being considered a most holy act, which they have been taught from childhood ever to revere as one of their most sacred duties. The “ blood-feud”’ of the Naga is what the “vendetta” of the Corsican was, a thing to be handed down from generation to generation, an everlasting and most baneful heir-loom, in- volving in its relentless course the brutal murders of helpless old men and women, innocent young girls and children, until, as often happens, mere petty family quarrels, generally about land or water, being taken up by their respective clansmen, break out into bitter civil wars which devastate whole villages. This is no “ word-painting” on my part, for I am here speaking of actual facts and a most deplorable state of affairs which seems to have existed from time immemorial, and is to be seen in full force up to the present day, a terrible check not only to the increase of population, but also a fatal barrier to all moral progress. I must confess it is not a little disheartening to think how long and how arduously we have striven, and yet how little we have done towards improving, civilizing, and weaning from their accursed thirst for blood, this otherwise noble race. But it is simply the old, old story, precept and example, the only means we have heretofore employed, worthy tools though they be, are perfectly powerless before the traditions of untold ages of anarchy and warfare. Thus we even find Nagas, who have acted for years as Dobhashas (Interpreters) at Samagiting, others as Policemen in Naugdéon, some as Sepoys in Dibra- garh, and not a few who have been educated under the parental care of kind missionaries, and have spent several years in the plains, where they have been taught to read and write, and have doubtless had very carefully inculeated into them the lessons of virtue and peace taught by our Chris- tian religion, returning to their native hills not, as we should at first suppose, to render us any assistance in our good work here of endeavouring to secure peace, but rather on the contrary to indulge again and take part in all the scenes of rapine and cruelty going on around them, until at last it is difficult to say whether their evidently superficial, skin-deep education has not rather tended to enable them to out-Herod Herod in their wily plots of deep-laid treachery, or as they would call it “skilful strategy”; . scratch the Dobhasha and you will find the Naga. In height, the Angami as a rule is somewhat taller than the average 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. 321 of hill races, and is generally well proportioned, especially as regards his legs, the large muscles of the thigh and calf being remarkably well developed. His complexion is comparatively fair, though among them, as among almost all the Indo-Chinese races, we meet with various shades of brown, from the almost ruddy and light olive to the red-Indian and dark brown types. I do not, however, ever remember seeing a black Naga, I mean a black such as is common in Bengal, except in one instance, and then further enquiry elicited the fact that he was not a pure Naga at all, but the son of an Asamese captive who became naturalized, and was afterwards allowed to take unto himself a daughter of the land (of his involuntary adoption). In feature also there is great variety, but high cheek bones predominate. The men of the upper ranges are really often almost handsome, and some of the women might almost be called pretty. But as regards the latter, hard work and exposure, coupled with the trials of early maternity, soon tell a tale, and J have been quite surprised and grieved to see how soon they age. In little more than six years I have seen mere children develope into comely lasses, and these latter again into sturdy matrons, whilst I have watched wives and mothers, whose youthful looks at first surprised me, ehange suddenly into wrinkled old women with scarcely a trace of their former good looks about them. I confess, however, that beauty of form is not the rule in these hills, Whether it is that the more or less lavish display of such charms asthey possess, enables us the better to exercise a discriminating judgment upon the beauty, or want of beauty, their forms display, I cannot pretend to say, but this much I do know, that here we may seek, and seek in vain, for any of the soft contours and lovely outlines which give shape to the persons of the women of other races. At the same time I must add that I have not failed to notice that hill women all over India, from the fair dwellers in Kashmir to their dark sisters inhabiting the uplands of Bengal, all fall off in this particular, and are very rarely indeed, if ever, able to boast of a good figure. As with the men, so with the women, I think they are certainly taller than the average of other hill-women, and their features more regular. They are chaste, faithful, merry, and—unlike their brothers—never to be seen idle. Their duty it is to fetch the wood, draw the water, cook the food, and brew the liquor, besides working in the fields and weaving cloths at home. It will be observed that among the characteristics of the women I have placed chastity, and it may be as well perhaps for me to explain that by this term I do not for a moment mean to say that they are exactly chaste according to our ideas, but simply that they are true to. and act up to, theirown principles with regard to that virtue. The relation- ship between the sexes, and the exact footing on which it should stand, is, and everhas been, one of the world’s most difficult problems, and the most 322 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, civilized and advanced among nations (whether ancient or modern, Christian or heathen) have found how difficult is the task of sailing between the Scylla of a Puritanical strictness which would keep the sexes almost wholly apart, and the Charybdis of a laxity to which it is difficult to put bounds. Here we have got a primitive state of society which, although it would not for a moment recognize, or even allow to exist, that plague euphemistically termed a “ social evil”, and although it punishes any serious breach of the marriage contract with death itself, yet never dreams of con- ceiving it possible that perfect continence on the part of the unmarried (or free portion of society) is to be either demanded or even desired. It may be asked, What are the consequences? I reply—Prostitution is a thing unknown here, and all the foul diseases that follow in its train, are evils to which Naga flesh has not been born an heir. Here no Naga Lais plies her shameful trade. A Naga woman would scorn to barter for her person. And woe betide the mercenary lover who seeks to gain his end by other ways than those of love. Young men and maidens mix together with almost all the freedom allowed by nature’s law. Incontinence on the part of the married however is rare, and an unfaithful wife is a thing almost unheard of, but then the penalty is death. Marriage and divorce are among the simplest of their rites, and sad to say, often follow each other within the year without comment orsurprise. ‘‘ Incompatibility of temper” is here quite sufficient for either the man or woman to demand a divorce, and to take it. Although strictly monogamous, both sexes can marry and remarry as often as they please. Such offspring as require the maternal aid follow the mother, and are tended and cared for by her until able to look after themselves, when they return to the father. Men may not only marry their deceased wives’ sisters, but they may likewise marry their brothers’ widows. On the other hand, it is altogether forbidden for cousins to intermarry. Parents may advise, but never attempt positively to control, the choice of their sons and daughters. Marriage is usually solemnized by a large feast, and the bride- groom, when he can afford it, makes a present to the bride’s parents. Divorce necessitates a division of all property held in common, such as grain, household furniture, &c., and all property derived since the two became man and wife. In any division thus made, the late wife or divorcée gets one-third, whilst the man takes the remainder, and the woman then either returns to her own parents, or lives apart in a separate house until she marries again. On the death of the father all property, excepting the house, is divided equally among all the sons alone, the youngest always receiving the house in addition to his share of the whole. Neither the widow nor daughters have any claim to aught except their clothes and ornaments, but they are generally supported by the sons until death or marriage. The only national, offensive weapons, used by the Angami, are the spear - 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas, 323 and dao, but of late years they have managed to become the proud possessors of a considerable quantity of fire-arms, to obtain which is just now one of the keenest desires they have; in fact, an Angémi will give almost anything he has for a gun, andif he cannot get it by fair means, will run almost any risk to get it by foul. In several cases of gun thefts, some of which have been accompanied by murder, they have certainly proved themselves wonderfully bold and dexterous. The spear is generally a very handsome one, and at close quarters, or when thrown from an ambuscade, is a formidable weapon, well calculated to inflict a most dangerous wound, At anything over thirty yards, however, it is but of little use, and is not very difficult to dodge even at two-thirds of that distance. ‘The spear-head is of iron, varying from 18 inches to 2 feet in length, and from 2 to 3 inches in breadth. Its shaft is generally from 4 to 5 feet in length, and is usually very picturesquely ornament- ed with scarlet goat’s hair, here and there intermingled with a peculiar pattern of black and white hair; sometimes, though rarely, the whole shaft is beautifully worked over with scarlet and yellow cane, and it is always tipped at the bottom with an iron spike of from three inches to over a foot in length, used for sticking itinto the ground. A Naga would never dream of leaving his spear against a wall. It must be always kept in a perpendicular position, either by being stuck upright into the ground or by being suspended against one of the walls of the house, so as to keep it perfectly straight. On the war-path every Angami carries two of these spears. The ddo isa broad-headed kind of hand-bill, with a heavy blade about 18 inches in length and only edged on one side. This dao is in- variably worn at the back of the waist in arough sort of half scabbard made of wood. The only article of defence they possess is a large shield from 5 to 6 feet high, 2 feet broad at the top and tapering down to about a foot in breadth at the bottom. ‘This shield is made of bamboo-matting, and is covered with either the skin of some wild animal (elephant, tiger, leopard, and bear being among the most common), ora piece of cloth, generally scarlet. In the latter case, or even without the cloth, it is de- corated with pieces of skin cut so as to represent human heads, and tufts of scarlet goat’s hair, whilst-on the inside is attached a board, so as to make it spear-proof. From each corner of the upper end of the shield spring two cane horns from 24 to 8 feet in length, decorated with the long flowing tresses of human hair taken in war—probably the locks of some unfortunate woman butchered at the water hole—intermingled with goat’s hair dyed scarlet; and from the centre rises a plume about 3 feet long of scarlet goat’s hair, tipped at the top for about 4 inches in depth with white goat’s hair, and along the top edge runs a fringe of white, downy feathers, Along the inner edge, a string of lappets, made of feathers of various RE 324 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angém Nagas. [No. 4, hues, white, black, blue, and .scarlet, wave to and fro most gracefully, at every motion of the shield. Besides the spear, dao, and shield, I must not omit to mention that, when proceeding out on a forray, they invariably take with them several bundles of “ panjies”, with which they rapidly cover the path on retreat, so as to disable and retard any party that may start in pursuit, The only implements of husbandry they use, are the déo described above ; an axe common to almost all the tribes on this frontier, notable for its small size; and a light hoe, especially remarkable for its extraordinari- ly crooked handle, which necessitates a very bent position, in order to use it. The handle of this hoe is only about from 18 inches to 2 feet in length, and the iron tip from 6 inches to a foot in length, With these very sim- ple articles they do all their tillage, both in their terrace cultivation and in their ‘jhams’. The soil of the terraced lands is extremely good; and from being kept well manured and irrigated, by means of artificial channels, along which the water is often brought from very long distances by means of aqueducts, ingeniously constructed of hollowed out trees, and sometimes bridging deep ravines, it yields a very large return. The rice for the terrace cultivation is generally sown in March, transplanted in June, and reaped in October. The rice in the jhtiims—a system which, it is perhaps need- less for me to explain, entails fresh land being taken up every three or four years—is generally sown broad cast in April and harvested in August. Besides rice, of which there are several sorts, the Nagas grow a kind of coarse dal or field-pea, Indian-corn, and several varieties of small grains, such as that which the Asamese call “ koni-dhan ”’, not to mention various kinds of yams, chillies, ginger, garlic, pumkins, and other vegetables, as well as cotton, which latter, however, is restricted to the lower ranges and low valleys. With regard to domestic animals, the Angami breeds cows (of a far superior kind to those met with in Asim), pigs, goats, dogs, and fowls, both for the purpose of food as well as for sale and barter. Roast dog is considered a great delicacy, and is supposed to be a particularly good diet for certain diseases. As may be easily understood, they are not nice feeders, and I believe there is really scarcely any single thing that walks, crawls, flies, or swims, that comes amiss to their voracious stomachs, and I have often been astounded to see the filthy carrion they can devour, not only with impunity, but with evident relish. And yet strange to say, good fresh milk is entirely repugnant to them, and they pretend that its very smell is enough to make them sick. Finally, as regards the dress of the Angami, I do not think that we can easily find a more picturesque costume anywhere than that of the men, but it requires to be seen to be understood, and I am afraid no amount of description can adequately represent the vivid colours, and general get- 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. 325 up ofa well-dressed Angami warrior, flashing about in all his gala war- paint, as he goes bounding along, making the hills re-echo again and again with his peculiar ery, which when taken up by several hundred voices has a most extraordinarily thrilling effect, sometimes going off into deep bass- tones that would do credit to any organ accompaniment, at others running into strangely fiendish, jackal-like yells. The Angami’s chief article of attire, and one which distinguishes him from most other Nagas, isa kilt of dark blue or black cotton cloth of home manufacture, varying from 34 to 4% feet in length, according to the size of the man, and about 18 inches in width, decorated with three, and sometimes, though very rarely, with four, horizontal rows of small white cowrie-shells. This kilt passes round the hips and overlaps in front, the edge of the upper flap is ornamented with a narrow fringe, whilst the under-flap having a string attached to its lower corner is pulled up tightly between the legs, and the string, which generally has a small cowrie at- tached to the end of it, is then either allowed to hang loosely a few inches below the waist belt, or is tucked in at the side, and thus the most perfect decency is maintained, forming a pleasing’ contrast to some of their neigh- bours “ who walk the tangled jungle in mankind’s primeval pride”. I do not think that any dress that I have ever seen, tends so much to show off to the very best advantage all the points of a really fine man, or so ruthlessly to expose all the weak points of a more weedy specimen as this simple cowrie-begirt kilt. Thrown over the shoulders are generally, loose- ly worn, from two to three cotton or bark, home-spun cloths, according to the state of the weather. Some of these cloths are of an extremely pretty pattern, as for instance the very common one of a dark blue ground, with a double border of broad scarlet and yellow stripes on two sides, and fring- ed at both ends. When out on the war-trail, or got up for a dance, these cloths are worn crossed over the breast and back, and tied in a knot at the shoulder. I may here note that, like our own Scotch Highlanders, every Naga tribe uses a peculiar pattern of cloth, and thus any individual can at once be easily identified by his tartan. The Angamis cut their hair short in front, and either brush it off the forehead, leaving it parted in the middle, or let it hang down straight, com- ing to about an inch above the eyebrow, after the manner of Cromwell’s Round Heads. The hair on the top and back of the head is left long, and is tied into a peculiar knot, very like the chignons worn by our ladies in England a few years ago. Round this knot rolls of snow white cotton are bound, and on high-days and _ holidays into the base of this top knot they insert plumes of feathers according to the taste of the wearer. The favourite feather assumed by the warrior is the tail feather—white with a 326 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angam Nagas. [No. 4, single broad bar of black at the top—of one of the numerous kinds of Tou- cans, or Horn Bills, that inhabit the dense forests of the Barrail mountains. So much are these tail feathers sought after on this account, that a single feather will fetch as much as from 4 to 8 annas. Some again wear a wreath or coronet of bear’s hair round the head, whilst others frizzle out their own natural hair @ Ul’ Impératrice. In their ears they wear several kinds of ornaments, but among the handsomest is the one formed of a boar’s tusk behind the lobe of the ear fixing on, and forming the sheath to, the stem of a peculiar button-like rosette worn in front of the ear. This rosette is about an inch and a half in diameter ; in the centre are two emerald green beetle’s wings (from the Buprestis sternicornis), round which are acirele of long shiny, white seeds, and on the outside of this again an en- circling fringe of scarlet hair, whilst from the lower portion flows down a long scarlet streamer of goat’s hair. The tusk is generally ornamented round the base with very pretty red and yellow cane-work. Another ex- tremely becoming ear ornament is made from the blue feathers of the jay. Brass earrings are also very common; but the most curious ear ornaments of all perhaps are the huge bunches-of white cotton, sometimes as big as a man’s fist, which some of the Nagas wear, giving a most queer monkey-like look to an otherwise not bad looking countenance. Strings of various coloured beads made of stone, shell, and glass, decorate their throats, the blood-red cornelian of a long hexagonal shape, and a peculiar yellow stone being among the most valued. Behind and on the nape of the neck is invariably worn the white conch shell, cut and shaped so as to fit properly, and sus= pended by a thick collar of dark blue cotton threads. A few also wear a queer barbaric-looking collar or scarf—for I have seen it worn both ways,— made of long locks of human hair intermingled with tufts of scarlet goat’s hair and dotted all round with cowrie shells, from the bottom of which is suspended an oblong piece of wood, about 6 inches in length and about 4, inches in breadth, covered with alternate rows either of cowries, or the long, shiny, white seeds already referred to as used in the ear ornament, and black and red hair, and having a broad fringe of scarlet hair all round it. Each arm is decorated either with a broad ring of ivory, being simply a slice about 2 inches wide cut off an elephant’s tusk, or with very pretty looking bracelets about 3 inches wide, made of yellow and red cane, which are sometimes embellished with cowries and hair. All these armlets are invariably worn above the elbow. On the legs just below the knee, they wear a number of bands of very finely cut cane dyed black, whilst a few wear leggings made of very fine red and yellow cane-work, extending from below the knee to above the ankle. These are usually worked on to the leg, and are left there until they wear out, which happens I am told in about three months. 1875.] J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. 327 It is strange to note how fond all nations, whether civilized or savage, are of bestowing some outward sign whereby all men may at once distin- euish the man of deeds from the common herd, and thus we here find that the Angdmi equivalent fora V. C., or “reward of valour’, is a Toucan’s tail feather and hair collar, whilst the substitute for a medal, showing that the wearer has been in action, or at all events that he has formed part of an expedition, is cowrie shells on his kilt. The dress of the women, though neat, decent, and picturesque in its way, is not nearly so showy as that of the men, and forms another notice- able instance of the female withdrawing from the contest wherever she finds the male a rival in the same field of indulgence in, and love of, person= al decoration. The most important perhaps, though least seen, portion of a woman’s dress is of course the petticoat, which is usually a piece of dark blue home-spun cotton cloth, about 2 feet in breadth, which passing round the hips overlaps about 6 inches. This is partially, if not entirely, covered by the folds of the next most important article of clothing, a broad cotton cloth, whose opposite corners are taken up and made to cross over the back and chest, thus covering the bosoms, and are tied in a knot over the shoulders. Finally, a second cloth is worn, either thrown loosely over the shoulders, or wrapped round the hips and tucked in at the waist. In the cold weather, they generally add an extra cloth, whilst in the warm weather, or when employed in any kind of hard work, such as tilling their fields, &c., they generally dispense with both these, and drop the corners of the other, or in other words simply strip to the waist. Round their throats they love to load themselves with a mass of neck- laces of all kinds, glass, cornelian, shell, seeds, and stone. In their ears the young girls wear a peculiar pendant formed of a circular bit of white shell, whilst the matrons generally dispense with earrings altogether. On their wrists above their elbows they wear thick heavy bracelets, or armlets, of brass, and a metal that looks like pewter. The young girls until they marry shave their heads completely, a very queer, ugly custom for which I have never succeeded in getting any adequate reason, nor can I suggest one. ‘The married women braid or loop up their hair very much after the manner of the Irish peasantry, often adding a few foreign locks to make up for any deficiency. Brides are generally to be recognized at a glance, from their hair being allowed to fall in waving masses round the head, not being long enough to be tied up. The accompanying admirable illustrations by Lieut. R. G. Woodthorpe, R. E., my able colleague and invaluable companion in the two last explora- tion expeditions into the Naga Hills, will I trust enable my readers fully 828 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. [No. 4, to appreciate the leading features of some of the most interesting races that inhabit this frontier. Plate XIX represents an Angami Naga of Chédéma in his war-dress, with loins girt up, and carrying two spears, ready for action. Plate XX is an Angami woman from Khonoma. Plate XXI, Fig. 1 is a young unmarried lass from Jotsoma, weaving in front of her father’s house. Fig. 2 is the sledge used by the Angémis for dragging up heavy monumental stones. Fig. 3 is the sketch of a well-to-do Angami Naga’s house in Rezami. Fig. 4 are two heads (man and woman) of individuals from Themi- jama (Hastern Angamis). Fig. 5 is the sketch of an effigy over an Angami warrior’s grave at Kohima. Fig. 6 represents the Eastern Angami dao. Fig. 7 is the white shell ornament for the nape of the neck. Fig, 8 is the Angémi ear ornament, mentioned above. Plate XXII is the likeness of Soibang, the Chief of Bormditon (or Chopna). Plate XXIII is the likeness of Phemi, the wife of the Chief shown in the previous illustration, Plate XXIV is a Hattigoria Naga, and Plate XXV is Assiringia, a woman of the same race. I may here observe that several figures have been here introduced merely for purposes of comparison and illustrate Tribes to which my notes here do not refer to at all; I hope, however, should this paper prove of any interest, that hereafter I may be enabled gradually to furnish notes on these races also. CuaptTer III. Journal. Asiatic Society of Benyal, Part I, 1875. , Plate XIX. Surveyor General's Office Calcutta. Photozimeographed at the ANGAMI NAGA of CHEDEMA, Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. : Plate KX. Photozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta, ANGAMI WOMAN of KHONOMA. Journal, Asiatic Society of Ben Fig. 1. UNMABRY Pig, 2. SLEDGE RN ANGAMIS of THEMIJUMA, Protozmen¢graphod ar the Surveyor Geueval’s Office Calcutta, GAMI HOUSE in REZAMI, Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. Flate XXI. Fig. 4. EASTERN ANGAMIS of THEMIJUMA Fig. 6. EASTERN ANGAMI DAO. Fig 1. UNMARMIED GIRL of JOTSAMA, WEAVING, WHITH SHELL FOR NAPE OF NECK s Fig. 8. ANGAMI KAR ORNAMENT. (one-fourth full size) NT Fig, 2. SLEDGE FOR DRAGGING STONES UPHILL. Fig. 5. EFFIGY ON NAGA GRAVE, Fig. 3. ANGAMI HOUSE in REZAMI ¢ t 3 ene gity rnal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. ! Plate XXIII at the Surveyor General's Office | } Plate XX. society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. — Z cena Asiatic Cagis \ SOIBANG VANGAM of CHOPNU, BORMUTAN. : Ree XIII x Plate > Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. Photozineographed. at the Surveyor General’s Office Calcutte PHEMI, WIFE of SOIBANG, J cay. Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. Plate XXIV. Photozincofraphed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta. HATIGORIA NAGA, MAN, Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. Photozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta. ASSIRINGIA NAGA, WOMAN, 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. 829 Cuaprer III. Geology and Natural History. As regards the geology and physical aspect of the country occupied by the Aneamis and their neighbours, I cannot do better than quote from a ‘report from the talented pen of my friend Major Godwin-Austen who states as follows: “The dead level portion of the Dhansiri valley comes to an end a few miles to the west of Dimapdr, and at a very short distance towards Sama- giting. The surface gradually rises over the broad conglomerate deposits, swept down out of the gorges of mountain streams like the Dipht-pani. The first line of hills rise abruptly to 2000 feet with a strike with the strata north-east and south-west, dipping south-east towards the main range at about 30° on the crest, the dip increasing rapidly northwards until nearly perpendicular at the very base, probably marking a great uninclinal bend in the rocks. These consist of sandstones, very thickly bedded in the upper portion, of red and ochre colour, interstratified with thinner beds of an indurated light coloured clay, nodules of which are very numerous and conspicuous in some of the soft sandstones. In exposed sections, such as that near the new tank at Samaguting, the strata are seen to be closely fault- ed in direction of the strike, the up-throw never exceeding a few feet. These beds I should refer to the Siwalik series. No mammalian remains have as yet been found in the neighbourhood. Nowhere is a better and more com- prehensive view obtained of the broad alluvial valley of the Dhansiri and its great forest than from Samagiting. Mile beyond mile of this dark forest stretches away and is lost in the distant haze, During the cold weather this is, usually in the early morning, covered with a dense woolly fog, which about 10 o’clock begins to roll up from the Brahmaputra against the northern slope of the Barrail, and often hangs over Samaguting and all the outer belt of hills late into the afternoon, when the inereasing cold dis- sipates it. The sandstone ridge, on which Samagiting is situated, runs parallel with the Barrail at a distance of 15 to 16 miles, measured from erest to crest. The Barrail rises very suddenly on its northern face, and the intervening country for a breadth of 8 miles is very low, forming a miniature dhun. ‘This intermediate depression continues westward for many miles: the outer range marked by the hills of Phegi and Laikek. It terminates to the eastward on the Kaditba spur, thrown off from the high north-east extremity of the Barrail, and this spur coincides with the great east up- throw of the Sub-Himalayan rocks composing the highest part of that range, and this I believe is a great north-north-west—south-south-east dislocation in the mountain mass, marked by the course and gorge of the Zubja. This dislocation is, I think, also intimately connected with the change in direc- 830 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. [No. 4, tion of the main axis of elevation, which has thrown the line of main water- shed away to the south-east from its normal south-west—north-east direction, which it assumes at Asala. The dip of these tertiary rocks of the Barrail is steadily to the south-eastward throughout the whole distance, but it gra« dually changes round to due west, the beds on the highest part, Japyo, turning up at an angle of 35° west. These higher beds are fine slightly micaceous, ochre grey sandstones, very massive and weathering pinkish grey. From this the elevated out-crop of these sandstones tends to south, and is continuous south of the Barak in that direction right away into Manipur, conforming with the change in the strike of all the ridges, the parallelism of which is such a conspicuous feature of the physical geography. To the north-north-west the great change in this moun- tain system is marked by the broad re-entering arm of the Dhansiri, and the sudden appearance of the granitic series in force in the Mikir and Rengma Naga Hills, seen in the bed of the Nambor, and which becomes the principal feature eastward as far as the Garo Hills. Extensive and thick-bedded deposits of clay and conglomerate are seen in the Samagtting dhun, forming broad plateau-capped spurs. I had no time to examine these closely. They appeared to be nearly horizontal, and may belong to the highest beds of the Siwalik formation or the remains of deposits formed prior to the cutting through of the Dipht-pani gorge. Analogous deposits to the last occur in the North-West and Panjab Himalaya. At the base of the Barrail, proceeding to the depression at the sources of the Zullo and Sijjo, the Sub-Himalayan rocks pass downwards into thin-bedded sandy shales, with a steady westerly underlie. Whether the lowest beds represent num= mulitic or even cretaceous rocks, it is impossible to say. The thickness is very great, at least 3000 feet ; they rest on an older series of rocks with a totally different lithological aspect. There is uncomformability not always apparent, for they partake of a general westerly dip. The strong bedded younger rocks are but little disturbed, and on the east of the Sijjo come in again at Telligo, nearly horizontal, with a slight dip to east on the main ridge towards Kopamedza, marking an anticlinal axis ; their horizon is however lower. ‘The older beds on the contrary are much crushed, and change their dip and strike very frequently, the result of prior disturbance. They are composed of clay slates and very dark blue, friable shales, alter- nating with others of pale ochrey tint. They are saliferous, and veins of milky quartz are occasionally seen. Several salt springs occur near the bottom of the Zullo valley, under Viswemah, where the Nagas evaporate the water to obtain it. A warm mineral spring also occurs here. Evidence of past glacial action is very marked on the north-east side of the Barrail, where its elevation is close under 10,000 feet. Small moraines project be- yond the gorges of the lateral valley. These moraines originally consisted 1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 331 of much earthy matter due to the soft sandstones out of which they are derived. This and long surface weathering has led to their being well cultivated and terraced, but the original lines of larger angular blocks are still apparent. ‘Through these moraines the present streams have cut their channels down to the solid rock, leaving the slopes at an angle of 45°, out of which project great masses of the subangular sandstones. The thickness of the moraine at Kigwéma is quite 300 feet at the terminal slope, and the length of the former glacier would have been four miles to the crest of range at Japvo. At the head of the Zullo, traces of this former state of things are shown by the even height at which large transported blocks of the tertiary sandstones lie up against the sides of the ravine, resting on patches of rubble. No part of the Barrail is more beautiful than that be- tween Kigwéma and Sopvoma, looking up the lateral glacial gorges, with their frowning steep sides running up to the crest of the Barrail, which is for the greater part a wall of grey rock and precipice. Dense forest covers the slopes, but from their steepness many parts are bare, breaking the mono- tony of this dark coloured mountain scenery. Where the steep rise in the slope commences, the spurs are at once more level and are terraced for rice cultivation. Not a square yard of available land has been left, and the system of irrigation canals is well laid out. I have never, even in the better cultivated parts of the Himalayas, seen terrace cultivation carried to such perfection, and it gives a peculiarly civilized appearance to the country.” The Botany of the Naga Hills has still to be described, but this is a speciality only to be undertaken by an expert, to which title, I regret, I am unable to lay any claim whatever. I must therefore content myself with observing that oak, fir, birch, larch, apple, and apricot, are all to be found here, besides numerous other trees common to Asam, Of orchids there is a very great variety indeed. Indigenous tea is found growing all along the low northern slopes at the foot of the Barrail. Among the jungle products I may mention bees-wax, India-rubber, tea seed, and several fibres, besides red, yellow, blue, and black dyes. As with the Botany, so with the Natural History, we require men who have devoted their lives to its study, to do the subject justice. I will there- fore not attempt to do more than furnish the following list of some of the chief among the wild animals that I am personally aware are all to be found in the tract in question. 1. Elephant—Elephas Indieus. These animals swarm throughout the Dhansiri valley, and are found all along the low ranges of the Barrail, but are rare in the high Angami country. 2. Rhinoceros—Lhinocerus Indicus. These two animals are rare, 3. Wild Buffalo—Bubalus Arni. and are only to be met with in the Dhansiri valley, 332 ico 29. J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angam Nagas. [No. 4, Mithan—Gaveus frontalis. ‘These affect the forest-clad shades of the lower hills. Tiger—Felis Tigris. Leopard—Pardus. The black and clouded species of Leopard are also occasionally met with. Hill Black Bear— Ursus tibetanus. Indian Black Bear— Ursus labiatus. Badger— Arctonyzx collaris. Wild Boar—Sus Indicus. Sambar Deer—Rusa Aristotelis. Barking Deer—Cervulus Aureus. Gooral—Nemorhedus goral. Civet Cat—Viverra Zibetha. Tiger Cat—Felis Marmorata. Common Wild Cat—Felis Chaus. Pangolin—Manis pentadactyla. Porcupine—Hystria leucura. Hoolook— Hylobates Hoolook. Langur or Hanuman—Presbytis Schistaceus. Common Monkey—Inuus Rhesus. Otter—Lutra vulgaris. Bamboo Rat—Rhizomys badius. Common Brown Rat—JZus decumanus. Black Rat—/us Rattus. Black Hill Squirrel—Sciwrus macruroides. Common Striped Squirrel—Seivurus palmarum. Gray Flying Squirrel—Sciuropterus fimbriatus. Brown Flying Squirrel—Péteromys petaurista. Among Game Birds I would mention the following :— A. 2. Cs) Peacock— Pavo assamicus (very rare and only in the plains). Deo Derrick Pheasant—Polyplectron tibetanum. Very numerous in the plains, valleys, and low hills, but only where there is dense forest. Derrick Pheasant—Gallophasis Horsfieldit. Argus Pheasant—Ceriornis Blythi (very rare and only on the Bar- rail Mountains at high elevations). Jungle Fowl— Gallus Bankiva (?) Hill Partridge—Arboricola rufogularis. 1875.] J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. Bit Cuaprer IV. Language and Grammar. It is perhaps needless for me to state that the Angdmis have no written language whatever. I have hence adopted the Roman character, and. the plan I have followed for designating the long sound of all vowels has been by placing an accent immediately over the vowel; thus 4 is to be invariably pronounced like the English long a, as pronounced in such words as ‘‘mast”, “ father’, “ask”, &c.; é like the English a in “ fate’, or e in “prey”, ‘‘convey”’, &c.; iin like manner as the French i, or English ee, as in “peep’’, or i as it is pronounced in such words as “fatigue”, “ marine’, &c. ; 6 as the o in notice; and finally 0 similarly to the English long o in “move”, ‘prove’, &c., or 00 as in “ school”, “tool”, “fool”, &. This system, I may also add, is the one I have followed in the spelling of all proper names. I may here premise that laying no claims to philological lore of any kind, but on the contrary aspiring only to the humble position of a worker in the field, whose duty it is to collect and construct the bricks alone, so to say, of that science, I shall not even hazard a guess as to what great family of languages the Angami belongs, but prefer to leave that question for abler pens to decide. I may, however, say that in common with the tongues spoken by most, if not all, other nations in a similar state of civilization, or rather barbarism, the Angami is slightly, though not altogether, monosylla= bic and most simple in its structure, its root words undergoing very little change except for the purpose of symphony. The gender of nouns is denoted by different words for the different sexes, as: “ Thépvoma’’ (often contracted into “themma” and “ ma’), a man. “ Thentima’’, a woman. “ Apo”, father; “ A’zo’’, mother. “‘Nopvo”’, husband; “ Kima”, wife. Also by a change of termination, when the first syllable of the word is dropped ; thus “ mitha”’, a cow generally, whether male or female, “‘ thudo”’ a bull, “‘ thikr’, a cow (female); “tékhu,’ a tiger generally, whether male or female, “khtapvo”’ a tiger (male), “khikr’ a tigress; and often by the addition of the abbreviated forms of the terms “ poshi’, male, or “pokr”, female; thus ‘‘chishi”’ a male elephant, “cha-kr” a female elephant. And sometimes by the addition of the terms “ thépvoma’’, man, and “thenama”’, woman; thus, “nino” a cat, whether male or female, becomes “nano thépvoma” a male cat, and “nino thentima” a female cat. The plural is obtained by simply adding the termination “ ko” to the 334 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, singular; as “thépvoma” a man; “‘ thépvomako” men; ‘‘kéthé” a stick, “kéthéko” sticks. But when a numeral is used, the noun remains in the singular, as “ thépvoma péngt”’ five men, “kéthé srt” six sticks. They have got a queer way of dropping the first syllable, or prefix, of certain substantives, apparently for sake of euphony, when employed in the 1 2 8 body of a sentence ; thus, for instance, a dog is “tefoh”, but Whose dog is 4 Al eae? eS that P is “ Hao sdpo fohk ga”; and again, a spear is “ réngi”, but my spear is “angu”, where it will be observed that the “té” in the former, and the ‘‘ ré’”’ in the latter example, are entirely dispensed with. Cases are not marked by inflection, nor by the addition of any affix, except in the ablative when the particle “ ki’, from, is affixed. Adjectives appear to be invariably placed after the nouns they qualify, and have no change of termination for number, case, or gender ; as “‘ thépvo- ma kévi” a good man; “téfoh késho kénna” two bad dogs; “cha kéza” a great elephant. The comparative degree is formed by the positive adjective being pre- ceded by “ki”, as “keza” great, “ki kéza” greater; and the superlative by adding ‘‘ shwé”, ‘‘ tho’’, or “ péré”, to the positive; as “‘ kéza shwé’’, “ kéza tho”, or ‘‘kéza péré’, extremely great or greatest. The pronouns are as follows: itt A. This Hau. Thou No. These Hauko. He Po. That Lu, or Chi. We Heko. Those Luko. Ye Neko. Who? Sopo? They Luko. Which? Kit? What? Kézipo? The adverbs are “ki?” where?, and “ chénd” now. The cardinal numbers are; 1) Boy, 11 Keérr-o-pokr. 21 Méki-pokr. 2 Kenna. 12 Kérr-o-kenna. 80 Ser. 8 Sé 13 Keérr-o-sé. 40 Lhi-da. 4 Da. 14 Kérr-o-da. 50 Lhi-péned. 5 Péngt. 15 Kérr-o-péngt. . 60 Lhi-strd. 6 Sard. 16 Keérr-o-stra. 70 Lhi-thenna. 7 'Thénn4. 17 Mékt-pemo-thenna. 80 Lhi-thetha. 8 Thétha. 18 Méku-pemo-thetha. 90 Lhi-thekdu. 9 Thékt. 19 Méku-pemo-théki. 100 Kra. 10 Keérr, 20 Méka. 1000 Nie. 1875. ] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas, 335 The only ordinals in use are ‘‘ kerao” first, “ kend”’ second, and “ sesao’’ third. The Verbs are simple, and appear to have but three tenses, the Past, Present, and Future, thus : Chi—To give. Present Tense. Igive A’ chiéwé. We give Heko chiiéwe. You give No chtiéwé. Ye give Neko chiéwe. He gives Po chtewe. They give Luko chuéwe. Past Tense. Igave A chié. We gave Heko chté. You gave No chié, Ye gave Neko chué. He gave Po chué. They gave Luko chué. Future Tense. Iwill give Acchuto. Wewill give Heko chuto. You will give No chuto, Ye will give Neko chuto. He will give Po chuto. They will give Luko chuto. Imperative. Give—Chitché. They have no names for the days of the week, and their year commen- ces in March. The names of the several months are as follows: January Képha. July Cha-chi, February Khrénié. August Chadi. March Kérvra. September Chéré. April Kéno. October Réiéh. May Kézi. November Théné. June Képsa. December Vi-phe. The following phrases will perhaps best illustrate the structure of the language. Phrases—English and Angami. 1. Open the door. Kikha khrehé. 2. Shut the door. Khikha pha lé ché. 3. Don’t forget. Si motahéché. 4, Besilent. Kémé kri ba che. 5. Don’t make anoise. Méléhe. 6. Make haste. Chimha shé, or chi mhai lé. 7. Come quickly. Mhai vorché. 8. Go quickly. To mhai shi ché. 9. Come here. Haki phir, or Haki vor. 10. Sit there. Chiki balé, or Liki balé. Jl. Whois he? Lia sopo? 336 12. 13. 14. 15. i6. ile 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24, 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 30. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42, 43. 4A, 45. 46. 47. 48. 49, 50. 51. J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, What is thisP Hau kéjipo? They are liars. Luko ketichema 4wé, Who lives there? Sopo chin baia P It is raining. ‘Tir rié. It will rain soon. Péchamo tir vor taté. What do you want? No kéjipo chaiaga ? What do you say ? No kéjipo phaga ? Is that true? Sa ketho mé? ' Who says so? Sopo sidi puaga P Don’t you know ? No simo mé? What shall I eat ? A kéjipo chito P Why do you laugh? No kidi nabiea ? Don’t ery. Kra hé. Don’t strike him. Po va hé. Call some coolies. Kuli mako kéléché. It is very hot to-day. Tha ti lé shwé. There isno wind. Tirékhra moté. Open your mouth. No méko shi. Have you eaten your dinner? No mhaché mé P Ask him. Po ketso shi ché. Tell him. Po ki pu shi ché. What advantage is there in that ? Lu n& kepo vi to-ga P There is no use in that ? Lu nu mhapori jilé injito.- What animal is this? Khtno hat kejipoga ? Whose house is that ? Lu sopo kiro ? You can go now. No ché voléto. My head aches. A tsti chi ba, My stomach aches. () PSL) eeL gees | 68'8 asl (a0) Peel & aes, & fo) oe Fr O *(panurjzuoo)—sjuamainsvayy aovey wayjo pun pwyg fo ajquy, aaynundumog “OILVY, | WANUILG 6) (:)) "80900 8ZT (x) | at] | AT ‘OL | So LT 189) “S| ~" “GT | GBT (SL "9 GL L) °° ee | Ole See G9\GLL) ~° | Got 06 ‘6T 99°E 162 ey 91°06 | TZ°8T | SLL SG gee cel] “L)E8°6T | 98ST | 18° ZT €9°9 SL oe oe oe eo Si etre) es ) @ [ps g/A/E| @ |] & | 2: ee ea || Sy) & ¢ pA By s 2 4 s Sa) ie) oO eae n 8 E “ava 10 HLONGT ae eeeese seeees Geno, *' Pes “qe yy) weompy QGIT | * “yeAueyy) o GIT} ’ “sunmwsy st > B ZI BSOOCHOOUU hiya) a = 6 BOOOOUG ee ZI uvopury J 2 18°81 re LST [uravg Moped soysep OO \PODOGb Or Saiealonnag = cS) ne) 8 ‘“EISVQ ‘MOV fev} 1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. BTA Language.—A few specimens of songs of the Bhils are appended, with some in the Mina dialect of Sirohi. In addition to illustrating the difference in disposition between the two people, they will serve as examples of their languages, the latter being evidently a rough form of Hindi, while the former, although understood (with difficulty) by a Brahman of Jaipur, and as such classing with the coarser variants of this tongue, contains a large number of words and letters of non-Sanskritic origin. It will be noticed that the Bhil contains a majority of words in which the cerebrals € t, & th, ¢ d, & dh, Wn, with the ¢ d and @ dh changeable into dull r, (letters which in Sanskrit itself are probable Scythian) pre- vail. In some words, @ | changes to Tr or ¥ r, as in ‘pila’ to ‘ pira’; in others, q ch to ¥, as in ‘ chaldo’ to ‘salao’—but these changes (as in the Mina ‘Sirohi’ to ‘ Hirohi’, where s and h are permutable) exist in M4rwiri, Gujarati, &c. In Bhil, as in these ruder forms of Hindi, the long vowels o, 4, € (i), U, are most used; kh and sh, kh and ch ¥, j and g, b and Vv or w, are generally permutable—h and s are also. As far as my observation goes, the Bhil uses most words from the lan- guage of the people next to him. His tongue, an unwritten one, varies there- fore with the linguistic frontier, whether Gujarat or Marwar ; he is able to pronounce English words with unusual clearness, a proof that in language he is singularly susceptible to outward influence, and that for him to have retained a distinct tongue, would have been impossible. Nevertheless as he converts into or adopts most readily non-Aryan forms, words, and letters, there is every reason to believe that he once had a Scythic or, at all events, a mode of speech which was not Sanskrit. It will be noted that the Mina, who is more connected with the dweller in the plains, has been linguistically more affected than the Bhil. I append a few specimens of Bhil and Mina names, as these no doubt change less than other words: female Bhil names end in é long (i), the male of which would end in 4 and 0. a Yaa a Vocabulary, Grammar, Se. Man bhabha, 4dmi, manak. Plural, hai admi. Woman bairi. Father Atak, daji, ata, bap, dadak. No plural. Grandfather dadak. Mother ai, ma. Sister bahin, bahinai. Elder sister bai. Younger sisters are known by their names, Boy kaur6, surd, sora. Boys, sara. Girl k4uri, suri, sori. Friend gothiyo, guthiyo, haithi. Enemy bairi, beri. ZZ 372 T. H. Hendley—An Accownt of the Mawar Bhils. Bull Devil Horse (clay) Calf He-goat Sheep Dog Cock Cobra Snake Crow Squirrel Hare Fish Deer, male Head Hair Kye Ear Tooth Hand Foot Nails Arms Knees Horns Blood Bone Leg Thigh Sky Sun Moon Star Water Stone Vegetable River Grass Way Day Night dahé. bhat. Cow, dahi, gaé, go. Female devil, churail. garno. Stone horse, tatha, parano, siro. renru. Calves, renrta. bokarro, bakro, She-goat, chhali. dobi, bhehi, kutro, 4. Bitch, kitri. kakro. Hen, kikri. hap. kot. kagro. khali, kharol, garari. haho. miuthali, masala. doli, haran, hardin. mud, mind, matho, mathin. wal, yar. ankh. kan. dant. hath. pog, paghan. nakh. ban. ouda. hingda. lai, 1ahi. hadka. palli, pag. hathal, pagni, hathor. ablao, abha. daro, vasi, straj. chand, sand, vasi. tara. pano. pana, pano. harno, bhaji. naii, nadi. sar, char. wat. duro. ratur. No plural. 1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. Tree Fire Mountain House Well Basket Bread Shoe Bed Dish Grain Clothes Money Book Flour Salt Bow Arrow Red Blue Yellow To hang » lift up » throw » see a » walk » find Good Bad Warm Cold Great Small Behind Now Near Hither Thither One Two Three rakhrar, rankhro. badi, deuté, dewata. dingar, magro. ghar. kira, kad, naw. kdndli, hunchlo. rota, roto. khayro, juro. khatlo. thamro. dana, naj. selru, labra, katka, chithra. dukra. wahiro, puthi. lot. mitho, lain. dhuni, kamtu. hariyo. ratro. lilo. pira piro. galwahi. hana. darna. bhalna, juwini. dhamo. limdra, limdu. jardhant. halui, ekjat, nagd, han. boda, buda, khrap. uno. tharo, tar. moto. nanlo, loro. valte. ewan. tharmen, imm4a, parme. ek, be. tin, taran, 373 374 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwér Bhils. Four Five Six Seven Fight Nine Ten Twenty One hundred , I, mh, Thou, ta. He, ye ve. She, vai. It, whay, vo. sar. pans. sai, si. hat. ath. nan. do. vi. ho, pansvi. Pronouns. mase., AMO, We, ama. Sem., Gmai You, tama, MASC., Vas They, whi, Fem., Vai Comparison of Adjectives. A good man Hawt manak, A better man than that. Wana se tajo Rag oy mekuzat Son ek zat i hea Best man nape Ye manak bejah haglah. Verb. I give, Mha alén. I gave, Mha aldeda. I will give, What are you doing ? Go there, Come here, Sit down, Mhé albo hun. No other tenses. Sentences. Tama kiankro ho ? Parme jawaju. \ ao. Tuma awaja, [No. 4, 1875.] Are you well? T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. Tama hawt ho ? I am well, Mha hawa hai. Are you hungry ? Tumé bhikhja ho ? To come, A’win, Come, A’yo, ayin, I will come, Mht awe, Thou wilt come, Ta awe, He will come, Ye awe he. She will go, They will go, Ve or peli jahe. Vai pela jahe. » (women) will go, Peli jahe. We Pe sess Umai jaha. To run, Dham va. Run, Dhamo. I will run, Mh dhamhun. They will run, Va dhamhe, 375 Names. Bhil Males. Bhil Males. Bhil Females. Mina Males. | Mind Females. Kana. Rupla. Kehri. Urjan. Phati Dhanji. Khati. Lali. Dinga. Bhiri Khaniji. Bala. Jamli. Chatr4. Deo. Hakra. Pemé4. Manglt. Chott. Kant. Jagla. Umra. Khatri. Birma. Janki Mania. Pinja. Harjia. Rikma Vajia. Hamiji. Barmala. Udi. Lala. Hirji. Mala. Shani. Dala. Manji. Zalam. Lali. Khema Mandripa. Govinda. Jdmri. The names of | Sabo. gods common. Kishni, Habji. Daula. Allthese names,| Salgai. Bult. Manglia. Sabji iftheibechanged| Rakha. Pani. Jewa. Nathé. to 4 or 6, become] Bhoja. Biblan Mog4. Ratwa4. male. Nanji. Kori. Haka. Kauri. Conversely, the} Harla. Kanji. Gokla male become fe-| Panjia. Birji. Kiubera male. Sheola. Homa. Khera Amongst Mehtars, Gujars, and other low castes, a few of these names, or some like them, are found, but more often the people are called after a god. 376 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [No. 4, The Song of a Bhil in which he explains to his Uncle Dold the ap- proach of the British, their power, and wealth, and asks whether he shall join them or not at Khatrward, thew Head Quarters. Ugyani dharti ja tarki awela, Dola kakaji. Ha amware thare awilago, Dola kakaji. Kake ayanko paraw kare, Do.* Lila pira tanbura tanawe, Do. Suna ke rikhati edham karao, Do. Rupa ke ridtre kesawao, Do. Lilaje pira tanbura tanwdo, Do. Yadre parore nagaran bage, Do. Ehan thako parawe uthawe, Do. Ke fojan waro laskar salo awe, Do. Dhindhro dhindhrore khere lo tre, Do. Uggo straj nilogan khojae, Do. Gure laji kheria ure, Do. Gire laji dhumar ramti awe, Do. Untarlan to gagartan awe, Do. Hathiran to hala awe, Do. Awilago khakhri ane sere, Do. Khankhri ano rajanatho jaere, Do. Jakhere jahoje jakhere bhago, Do. Rastere awije mare marenge salt, Do. Fojar lipri ani jaga bharo, Do. * Do. for ‘Dold kakaji’. Oh! Uncle Dola, the Turks are com- ing from the East, Uncle Dola. They have arrived on the banks (of the Som river), Uncle Dola. And have halted there, U.* And pitched their variously-co- loured (blue and yellow tents), U. And have made their golden tent- pegs, U. And stretched their ropes of silver, U. Raise the coloured tents, Uncle Dola. Their drums are beating in the drum house, U. From this place strike their camp, U. (@. €., if you do not approve). Oh, a very great army is coming, U. And is raising dust like the morn- ing fog, U. Which obscures the sun, U. The horses are raising a cloud of dust, U. The horses, leaping and jumping, come, U. Camels grumbling come, U. Many elephants are coming, U. They have arrived at the border vil- lage, U. Having arrived on the border, the Raja has run away, U. If you do not fight, you also must run away, U. They are coming and will kill you on the road, U. The army has halted, go to another place, U. * U. for ‘Uncle Dola’. 1875.] Fojar li topar se rawran bhatran, Do. Ketran than ko parawene kare, Do. Lila pira tanbura tanawe, Do. Sona ke rikhiti ekhe awe, Do. Rupa ke ridore tanawe, Do. Untarlan pidhani Ganga bharo, Do. Untarlan pidha to pihe rawranre- tan, Do. Hathiran pidhani jaga bharo, Do. Hathiran go pihe ranranretan, Do. Gorela pidhani jaga bharo, Do. Gorel4 pihe ranranretan, Do. Rawéa gajelan dasri gdere, Do. Ganri dno rajana geja ere, Do. Ragare nahene rani nahe, Do. Ranire nahene banie nahe, Do. Mathere dupala nesori enahere, Do. Barere barasni khanni mange, Do. Ter barasno dhamo mangere, Do. Nakhere nahone nakhere bhago, Do. Dhamore bharone pasare pharo, Do. Kharni bharo to pasare pharore, Do. Kharni bharani nathare pas, Do. Kharnire barso to pasre pharso, Do. Kharake kharake jak to awe, Do. Kharak mahe to khanro jhagro bage, Do. Jawas men go dola bhumia baje, Do. T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhiis. 377 The army will halt on the bard’s ground, U. They will not halt elsewhere, U. Putting up the coloured tents, Uncle Dola (i. e., if you approve). Preparing the golden tent pegs, U. Stretching the silver ropes, U. They are bringing much Ganges wa- ter on camels, U. (proving their wealth). The bards are shouting on the camels, Uncle Dola. Shew a place for the elephants, U. (af you do not run). A separate place for elephants, U. A separate place for the horses, U. Shew the place, o raja, U. Prepare for all the other animals, U. The Raja of Ganri has fled, U. The raja and rani have fled, U. The queen and merchants have fled,U. Every body with his property on his head has run away, U. They require a camp for twelve years, We They want thirteen years’ tax (that is in the twelve years), U If you do not agree (to pay the tax), run away, U. If you can give the tax, return (in place), U The camp is fixed, then return, U. If you do not agree, do not stay, U. If you agree to the presence of the camp, then return, U. From village to village conquering they come, U. Opposing villages are for ded with the sword, U. In Jawas lives the Thakur Dola (the owner of the soil), U. 378 Hin to mare dola giwajire, Do. Kharake kharke jak to awe, Do. Khairwara mahe ktnre raga baje, Do. Khanro go bhagone paraw kara, Do. Khairwaré men athako paraw ne kare, Do. Jawas mathe bhumi ka raja_ baje, Do. : Jawas mathere dola thakor baje, Do. Khairwéra mahe jae kare bharore, Do. Lila ne pira tanbura tanawe, Do. Sona ke.rikhuti gharwaro, Do. Rupa ke ridore khesayo, Do. Jawas mathe kinre bhimia wajé,- Do. Jawads mathe dold thakor bage, Do. Kharak mathe khanro magro bage, Do. Khanrore bhagone paraw kanrore, Do. Jehan thako bhtri ote bage, Do. Jehan thako paraye ne kare, Do. Thuri k4 marega ganegtiere, Do. Jehan thaki ki jaga bari lidi, Do. Khanrore bhagane paraw ki do, Do. Bhirian to bangla lege, Do. Bhirian apragi ne bage, Do. Bhurian koine gere manrawe, Do. Eware nokari marawe, Do. Bharian eki kanbale, Do. Bigal baje nokari sale, Do. T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [No. 4, What I have seen, I have told, U. Having beaten the villages on the road, they are coming, U. Who is living in Khairwara, U.? Take your sword or fly, U. If you fly, do not stay in Khairwara, U. In Jawas rules the lord* of the soil, U. In Jawas rules Dola Thakur, U. If you agree, go, prepare ahome at Khairwara, U. ~ Raise the coloured tents, U, Knock in the golden tent pegs, U. Pull the silver ropes, U. In Jawas what Lord of the soil rules, U.P In Jawas lives Dola Thakur, U. In the village is a hill fort, U. Fly to the fort and stay there, U. In his own lands he is ruler, U. If you go there, no one can hurt you, UE A small place is necessary for me, U. Prepare a good place in his land, U. Why do you flee? halt there, U. The English have houses everywhere, U. The English have left no place, U. The English to this day have not taken his village, U. Go there and become his servant, U. The English are one caste, U. When the bugle sounds, work begins, U. * The Jawas Chief was pensioned with a view of obtaining his aid in recruiting amongst the Bhils. 1875.] Te age kor nokari ne sale, Do. Malwa nathe kawaj karwaore, Do. Hawa por din sari gasore, Do. Dola kaka bar bethine gdore, Do. Khalak naren nuririan pharangi, Do. Nawre ttarine bharian 4we, Do. Hiungo mare dola jawaéj are, Do. Daria mathe n4we salavi, Do. Nawe mathe gurela tigaro, Do. Nawe mathe hathir agaro, Do. Nave mathe phojar li igdro, Do. Hava khawa bairione baje, Do. Daria mathe nawe Aiyenire, Do. Hundari sdlere bajene nawe salere, Do. Nawe itari ne bhirian awere, Do. Hain to mare kharak gawaja ere, Do. Dola kako thakor bdri baithene jtere, Do. T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 379 No other service is like theirs, U. In Malwa is also held a parade, U. (The Malwa Bhil Corps.) At 10 o’clock go visit them (7. e., af- ter parade) U. Uncle Dola, do you stay or go ? The English are everywhere masters, U. The English come in ships, U. I am speaking, but you are not an- swering, U. The ships come on the sea, U. They put their horses in the ships, U. They put their elephants in the ships, U. They put their army in the ships, U. They blow their music, do not beat, (as with drums), U. A ship full of arms on the sea is coming, U. Hindu soldiers with music also are in the ships, U. Having landed, the English are com- ing, U. I have only a sword, U. Uncle thakur Dola go see and think, U. The same in Devanagari. SHAT ACAt A TTAT HAT TAT ATATsiT BS Baae Sie Hlslaal Sat ATATST RA BAA asta ae Sar AAs MHA WL GTS AMA STAT ATATST ~ QS Bal H Clatl Baa ATAHl CTA AAT QU A LSet Baa STA ALAS MAF MA AIst TMAH STS AAI SS . oS Jet DAS AATAT ATA STAT -AUATSit Het SAM WEA Ssrq Stat HrATsit 2A 380 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwér Bhiis. BWIA Al AARC BA AS SIA HATS BUT AaUIT VT Fl VS Ss AAs SUM GOA AAA BSH Seat AAs US Mist Fai SS Star AAs! US TST YAX cadt WA SUL F ClSTe AMI STAT Aro SSSCT WMATA] WAT wrt Sar Ato SSSU WU Al WIS cracitei Stat ate STMSt MATT AAT WITT STAT Ato SUSI Ti WMS Waccitet Stat Ate TSA HAtat ATT ATT STAT To MASA UTS TisctVst Stat Ate Lal ASIt AST ATH STAT To WAST BlAl LTA TAT AL Sat ato LMS AVA TA aI STAT UM MSA ataisy a1 TTATo ALAS UAT ANAT Balser Stare Wet FLEA] SUl HiT STAT Ato Az ALGAl BAT FIAT STH ate qat ASlaq AL BAI STAT ATo [No. 4, 1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdér Bhils. YAT BUF wate WET Sa Ale BAU ALI AT UTS WAI STATo Rca Vera] TUTTE UTA TTATo FLAME ACA GI Ulat WEA Stake Ash ASH WA Al AF TaTo ASA AS Al AiSl HAT FA STATo FAG F AT SA walat alse STATo S Al AL ETAT TAAST FTATo ASA ASA THR AT BA State BLAIS AS FAL CAT AH Tayo Ast Al Alaa TST WET STATo | FLgISt HW ASA USA A AT STAT TlAtTe BHAA ATG WaT Al LIST FSi TTUTe HAWG ATUL SIT SAT FH STATo LAST AS HTH AT ATT Stare MAG WL AIST TAA State rat F Vests asa Stare SUT H CST Fata State Tala A FAT YAMA ATH STATo HAS Al STAT STHT AT STATO BsE ATA Fist AUT Tia STaTo Aisle Bala UST AAT State Set UA Yat Sra sat STAT SStUAl WS FT AST S1ATe US AT Ata WayHe erate ASTAR Al AAT ALT St State Bist Alaa WSta At ST Stato VAs Al ATT | Frare HOt Hrcuit F WT Sra HOA WRIA TT atsz Stare Hale TH ASIA Stet Ato 381 $82 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. HU Tat ata Tate ques ai TrHat QF Sate @ Bint Ax AH FT ATG STAT ALTA ATT RIA ALA HIT STaTo Sal He fea a Tae State SIT BAT TI SSlA WAIT STaT° BIR Ata AUS WAM Tato alae SATA YUH Big Zao BA AT SA HATH BT STSTe [No. 4, EA ATS MA Bag sare = ~“ ~ AF ATT ASTSA BAIL Stato ala ATE SUS BIT State Ald AT AIAST SAT Stato Wal Wal ACTH FSH Stato ZAM atyY alg HlaCAMe Stato e ~ SSSI ~ =< Stl Alat AHA aq BlSt