a Zs 2 Shee $ i fore ite a Pee SCA aa Hayxt teen het Hs Hee ¥ Pidety he ea fx 4th, 3D id, le ei debate tbe oo o z ie es tty Ho od ae a 4 \ ‘“ iv Nhe Ries Mr Cn Ae ae 44 a8 ath beat ORey 2 aa y a ny re rt BRO ase es as as RC Sd eRe Ze we Pb, iy) has ads athe ee hae 44 PARC ES Bale y . 4 * Ayres 4, SPOR G. ES ot ENS NS ; RRO idaak HO RSUEESr ORE FOR EDVCATION HORS SCIENCE LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY JOURNAL ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. VOL. LXV. PART I. (HIStory, ANTIQUITIES, &C.) Nos. I tro [V.—1896: (wits 18 Puarss). EDITED BY THE JIONORARY PHILOLOGICAL PECRETARY. ‘Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science in different parts of Asza, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” SIR WM. JONES. _~ CALCUTTA: PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, AND PUBLISHED BY THE ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET. 1896. Vi acd ek Ra: Le eid ECU GRA SAGE Waa ioe ; SAN 1 enw ion 8 Date SUD EL nesta aaa! tilda yileos ya datiinuwds Reiner: wauaae pak WSS rninOR wel : EIST OF PLATES IN JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vou. LXV, Parr I. FOR 1896. Plates I-II (p.6#.) Copper-plate grant of Vicvaripa. Plates III-IV (p.213 ff.) Coins supplementary to Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli. No. VI. Plate V (p. 220 ff.) Rare Mogul Coins. Plate VI (p. 223.) Rare Kashmir Coins. Plate VIL (p. 226 ff.) Nimroz Coins. Plates VIII-XVIII (p. 229 ff.) Grant of Nrsimha Déva II of Orissa, 1217 Caka. naa! danas. aie FF) a a eveee Veh Bri neate fitks il Ea) Pet we MMO) 5 SOREN lay sincere: By Phe Top eae Ne We CONTENTS OF THE JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vout. LXV, Parr I. ror 1896. _ Pace. No. 1, (issued May I4th, 1896). On Irregular Causai Verbs in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.—By G. A. Grierson, C.I.H., Pu.D. ‘o On a Copper-plate grant of Vievarupa, one of the Sena Kings of Bengal. (With Plates I and II.).—By Nacinpranatua Vasu Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal.—By NaGiNDRANATHA * Vaso a The Jesuit Mieeicns to the aporon Ansan —By E. D. Mecaneuiy C.S. a notes recorded by The late General R. Maclagan, No. 2, (issued September 3rd, 1896.) The Origin of the Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet.— By NaGENDRA- NATHA VASU ... The Later Mughals (1707- 1808). —By aaertar iteaaae, Bengal Civil Service (Retired) . Supplement to Thomas's aiereelae of Dp Pathan Kir ings of Dene, No. VI.—By Cuas. J. Ropcers, Honorary Numismatist to the Government of India, Honorary Member of the Numismatic Society of London, etc., (With Plates III and IV.) Rare Mughul Coins— By Cuas. J. Ropgers, me Numismatist etc. (With Plate V.) a3 Rare Kashmir Coins.—By Cuas. J. iPower, Honorary | Namnesneateat etc. (With Plate VI.) . Coins of Nimroz.—By Ouas. a Donen, Peaties iteemateet etc. (With Plate VIL.) .. nee 38 114 iv Contents. Pace. No. 3, (issued February 17th, 1897). Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II, of Orissa, dated 1217 Cuka.— By Nacinpranarua Vasu. (With Plates VIII— XVII. eae abc to eee On two Unrecorded Seulpturces in the Haste Cave, Khanaupee — By ALEXANDER H. Cappy 272 A Tibetan Guide-book to the lost Sites of Buddha’ s Birth and Deatie —By lL. A. Wavpett, M.B., LL.D. 275 On the Kagmirit Vowel System. i) G. Ne ‘Ciomametia C. 1H, Le S. 280 No. 4, (issued April 13th, 1897). A list a eee Verbs.— By G. A. Gritrson, C.LE., 1.0.8. ... 306 Index .. ae 390 dss oe hee JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. Part IL—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &ce, No. I.—1896. On Irregular Causal Verbs in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.— By G. A. Grizrson, C.LE., Pu.D. [Read March, 1896]. In the Modern Vernaculars of Western and Central India, certain causal verbs insert ad, anv, an J, or an 1, before or after the causal sufix. As an example I may quote the Hindi causal verb di-l-ana, ‘to cause to give, derived from dénd, ‘ to give.’ The following is a brief summary of the distribution of these, so- called, irregular forms. NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY. Sindhi. In verbs ending in 1, or th, and certain others, e.g., / sikh ‘to learn,’ r is inserted after the causal @. H.g., ,/ ddi, ‘ give,’ causal, ,/ ddid-r; ./ sikh, ‘learn,’ causal 4/ sikha-r. Jf a root ends in @, r is inserted before the causal a. Kagmiri. Many verbs insert an before the causal Gv; e.g. ,/ pak- an-Gv from 4/ pak, ‘go.’ Monosyllabic roots in k, m, 1 and sg, insert r before the causal dv, thus ,/bal-r-dv, ‘heal,’ from ,/bal, ‘ be convalescent.’ Western Pavjabi. Several verbs insert an J before the causal av e.g., / sikh-l-dv, ‘teach, ,/ pi-l-av, ‘cause to drink,’ from 4/ pi, ‘drink.’ Sometimes the 7 is inserted in the middle of the root as an infix,e.g., from / samh ‘sleep,’ caus. / samlah, from ,/ bah, ‘sit,’ caus. / balhav. Sade. 2 G. A. Grierson— On Irregular Causal Verbs [No. ], CENTRAL FAMILY. Wesr Centrat Group. Eastern Panjabi. Here in many verbs the causal suffix du is changed to lau or @l. H.g., / sikkh, causal, 4/ sikkha-l or Jf sikkh-l-Gu (also spelt sikkh-a-1 sikkh-l-@u). Gujarati. When the root contains any vowel except a or a, the causal suffix becomes d@-d;e.g., ./ bés, ‘set,’ causal, bes-d-d. If sucha root ends with a vowel or h, the causal suffix is vd-d, e.g., / lé, ‘take,’ causal, le-va-d. Rajputanz. Certain monosyllabic roots, ending in a vowel take y-Gv as the causal suffix; e.g., ,/ dé, ‘give,’ causal ,/ di-r-av. Hindi. Monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel change the causal suffix to la; e.g., »/ dé, causal 4/ di-l-a@. Soalso / sikh, causal 4/ stkh-l-G or 4/ sikh-G-l (dial.) (Old Braj ,/ sikh-a-r). These irregular forms do not occur in the Northern Group, nor in the Hastern Family (including Marathi). The origin of these forms has hitherto been considered obscure. Beames (Cp. Gr., ii, 81) says that they start ‘I know not whence, but - probably from a method in use in early Aryan speech, which has only been preserved by the classical language in a few instances.’ He then suggests that it is not impossible, and indeed it is highly probable, that the forms are connected by an interchange between the two semi- vowels 1 and v. Hoernle (Gd. Gr., 320) says, ‘the origin of these strange forms is very obscure.’ He rejects Beames’ hypothesis, but gives none of his own, beyond pointing out that certain Prakrit causals insert the letter d. Before proceeding to suggest an explanation, I must add another parallel form which has not been noticed by writers in this connexion. In the Marwari dialect of Rajputani, certain verbs insert an 7 before 7j, the suffix which forms the passive. Thus the passive of lénd ‘to take’ is li-r-7jnd, and of dénd ‘ to give’ di-r-77nd. In Sanskrit, many verbs add consonants (usually nasals) to their roots to form the present stem. This, mdeed, is not peculiar to Sanskrit, but occurs throughout all Aryan languages. In Sanskrit, however, some of these consonantal root suffixes or infixes are formally recognized by grammarians, and are then called class suffixes (na, n@ and nu), and serve as the basis of arrangement of the verbal conju- gation. Examples are, (suffixes) kri-nd-ti, ‘he buys,’ sv-nd-tc, ‘he squeezes out,’ (infix) yu-na-k-tt, ‘he joins.’ When na is suffixed, the verb is not considered to belong to any special class, but is conjugated in the Ist or 6th class, thus vé-na-ti (Cl. 1), ‘he is anxious,’ pa-na-té 1896. ] in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, 3 (Cl. I), ‘he bargains,’ mr-na-te (Cl. VI), ‘he kills.’! Frequently this nasal suffix gives a causal meaning; e.g., from / mr ‘die,’ we have marati (Vedic), ‘he dies,’ but mr-na-ti or mr-na-ti, ‘he kills.’ Sometimes the suffix takes the form ana. Thus from the root krp, ‘have pity,’ we have for causal, krp-nya-ti or krp-@p-aya-tr, ‘he is weak,’ and krp-ana-té, ‘he is a suppliant.’ Again 4/ 7s, 7s-a-té, ‘he escapes,’ ds-ya-ti or is-na-ti ‘he impels,’ is-ana-ya-té, ‘he excites.’ So also, we have another group of verbs which take anya. H.g., krp-anya-ti, ‘he is a suppliant;’ 7zs-anya-ti, ‘he excites;’ twr-a-ti or tur-anya-ti, ‘he hastens ;’ bhur-a-ti or bhur-anya-ti, ‘he is active;’ di-dhés-ti, ‘he sounds,’ dhis-anya-t (pres. part.) ‘desirous to praise;’ rés-a-ti or rig- anya-tt, ‘he injures,’ ruv-a-ti (Ved.) or ruv-anya-tt ‘he utters a harsh noise ;’ hvay-a-ti or huv-anya-ti, ‘he cries out.’ Most of these (espe- cially those with ana and anya) are recognized by native grammarians as denominative verbs. But, as Brugmann (l. c.) says, all these nasalised verbs are denominatives; kri-nd-ti, su-nd-ti and yu-na-k-to, are as much denominatives as vé-na-ti (from vé-na, ‘anxious’) or krp-ana-té (from kpp-ana, pitiable). Thatis to say, in Sanskrit, verbal roots can take as suffixes (especially in the case of Denominatives and Causals) certain suffixes which are generally used to form nouns, before adding the personal terminations. The suffixes hitherto examined in regard to this, are na, nd, ana, anya and nu. These are all well-known nominal suffixes. If these nominal suffixes are added in Sanskrit, it need not surprise us to find others similarly used in the old Vulgar Aryan speech of which we have survivals in the Prakrits. For instance, there is the Prakrit pleonastic suffix ala, alla, alla or ulla (H.-c., 1, 164, 165, 166, 173; iv, 429, 430). This can be added to a noun without changing its sense, and, by parity of reason, can also be added to a verbal root. Two instances of the use of this suffix attached to verbs occur in Sanskrit. The 4/ pa ‘protect, has two forms of conjugation, viz., pa-ti and pa-l-aya-ti, “he protects.’ The latter form is said, by European writers, to be a denominative derived from pdla, ‘a protector;’ but that, if the truth, is only half the truth. It is just as much a denominative as vé-na-tt, and no more. So also the ,/ lz or Ja,* ‘to adhere,’ has for its causal 4/ la-p-aya-tt, li-n-aya-ti or la-l-aya-tit. Here there is no ques- tion of the verb being denominative, It is a pure causal formation. Other pleonastic suffixes added in Prakrit to nouns are da (H.-c,, iv, 429, 430), and ka (H.-c., ii, 164; iv, 429, 430). There is no reason 1 Brugmann, Grundriss, ii, 972, 973, 979, 986, 1089. These references are made once for all, and will not be repeated. 2 I quote from Benfey’s Grammar, Second Hdition, p. 41, The Siddh. Kaumndi, ii, p. 193; Pa, 7, 3, 39, gives 4/ la. The point is immaterial. + G. A. Grierson—On Irregular Causal Verbs [No. 1, why these should not be added to verbal roots, as we have seen to be the case with na and lu.! A remarkable instance of this has survived in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. There is an Aryan root der, ‘run,’ which appears in Sanskrit as drd-ti, ‘he runs.’ To this root, pleonastic suffixes have been added even in Sanskrit times, so that we also find the forms dr-ava-ti and dr-ama-ti, he runs,’ and even with more than one sufix dr-ava-s-ya-ti, ‘he attends upon a person.’ This root appears under the following forms in the modern Indian languages :— Kacmiri, dért, ‘he will run.’ Western Panjabi, druké, ‘ he runs.’ Sindhi, déré or doké. Panjabi, dauré. Gujarati, dédé. Rajputani, dodé. Hindi, dauré, dhauwré. Central Pahari, not noted. Naipali, duguré. Baiswari, déré. - Bihari, daug4, dhaugé, dhauré. Marathi, daudé. Bengali, dauré. Assamese, not noted. Oriya, dauré. Here we have the following groups :— (1) druk, dak, daug, dhaug,* (2) ddr, dor, daur, dod, dhaur,* daud, (3) dugur. The first, or k, group shows that the root has taken the suffix ka, and druké, &c., must be referred back to a low Sanskrit * dr-ava-ka-ti. 1 It must not be supposed that the nm and J forms are the only cases of Sanskrit ‘roots with nominal suffixes. As Brugmann (ii. 1020 and ff.) shows, there are many parallel instances. H. ¢., / bhas (bha-sa-ti) ‘shine’ is really a denominative, based on the 4/ bha (bha-tt), with the nominal suffix sa. So also many other rootsins. Again stems in cch (e. g., gacchati, ‘he goes’) are old denominatives, with the nominal termination ska (prakritized to cch) added. Thus gacchati is for ga-ska-ti. Again many roots in ¢ are denominatives formed from nouns in ta. Thus from 4/ ci (ci-nod-ti, ‘he sets in order,’ also a denominative form), we have the past participle ci-ta, and also the root ci-t (cé-ta-ti, ‘he understands);’ so also from 4/ yam, we have the present ya-ccha-ti (i. e., ya-ska-ti), or (Vedic) yam-a-ti, ‘he supports,’ the past participle ya-ta, and the denominative verb ya-t (ya-ta-té, ‘ he connects’). 4 The dh in this form is due to confusion with another root, dhav having the same meaning. 1896. | in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 5 H.-c., iv, 398, especially authorises the retention of the r in druk in the Western Paijab, where Apabhramga was spoken; and in iv, 396 allows the k to be retained, or changed to g,! instead of the elision which we should expect in Prakrit. The second or d group, shows that the root took the suffix da, so that dauré, &c., must be referred to a low Sanskrit *dr-ava-da-ti. Finally, the Naipali form dugur, is an instance of both suffixes, which (H.-c., iv, 430) may be used together in the same word. Duguré, represents a low Sanskrit form * dr-ava-ka-da-tt. Other instances of these pleonastic suffixes occur in Prakrit, in forming causals. Thus we have? bhamadéi (beside the regular bhama- - ver) causal of 4/ bhram ‘roam’ (H.-c., iii, 151; iv, 30, 161), tamddai, ‘he causes to roam’ (H.-c., iv, 30), dharnsdidai, ‘ he looses’ (H.-c., iv, 91). We also find them in the case of other modern vernacular verbs, as wellas ,/daur, though the lessons obtained from them are not so complete. Thus modern / thahal or thahar, ‘wait’ (Skr. ,/stha@), ./ langar, ‘limp’ (Skr. / lang), »/ ghapat ‘spring upon’ (Skr. ,/ jhamp), and many others in which a pleonastic J, 7, d, or even ¢ has been added (Cf. Hoernle, Gd. Gr., 178). The above remarks make the origin of these irregular causal suffixes, and also of the irregular Rajputani (Marwari) Passive in r-7j, clear. These suffixes are specially common in Sanskrit in the case of Denomi- native verbs, and, the close connexion between Causals, Denominatives, and Passives need not be insisted upon. The pleonastic character of the suffixes is shown by their use in the I. A. V’s. They are most com- monly added to monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel, i.e., the roots which are weakest in form, and require the strengthening given of a consonant. In other cases, their use is almost optional. H.g., H. has / sikh-Gas well as 4/stkh-l-d, ,/ dikh-G, ‘cause to see,’ as well as dikh-l-G, and so on. Finally their apparently capricious use, sometimes preceding, and sometimes following the true causal suffix, is strongly characteristic of their pleonastic character. As regards the derivation of each of these modern suffixes, I con- “nect the J with the Pr. lla. The Kacgmiri ana, may be the Skr. anya (used for forming denominatives), or it may be derived from the Pr. lla. The d and r forms, are naturally to be referred to the Pr. da, from which, moreover, it is possible that the J forms are also derived. 1 Cf. Skr. dag (da-ga-ti), gamané. @ Also quoted by Hoernle, Gd, Gr., 321. 6 N. N. Vasu — Copperplate-grant of Vigva-ripa. [No. 1, On a Copperplate-qrant of Vicva-ripa, one of the Séna Kings of Bengal.—By NacinpranatHa Vasu. (With Plates I and IT.) [Read December, 1895. ] In the village Madanapada, Post Office Pinjari, Parganah Kotali- pada of the Faridpur district, a peasant whilst digging his field found a copper-plate and made it over to the land-holder, who kept it in his house. This plate was made over to me by Pandita Laksmicandra- samkhyatirtha, in 1892, and I noticed the contents of this inscription and published a facsmile of the whole plate in the Vigvakésa.! But this is the first time that I publish the whole text. The plate measures 125 inches in length, and 10 inches in breadth, with a thickness of 3th ofan inch. It has a curvature at the top, bearing a ten-handed image of Sadagiva, similar to that in the grant first brought to notice in the Society’s Journal by J. Prinsep in 1838 (Vol. VII, Part. I, p. 42).? The size of the letters is about 1’. The characters may be des- eribed as Bengali of the 12th or 15th century A.D., and they resemble closely the characters of the Déopada Inscription of Vijaya-séna. The only letters deserving of notice are @,k, t, dh, n, bh, r, s, and h which have a much more modern look than those of the Déopada inscription. It contains 60 lines on both sides. The language of the grant is Sanskrit: Except the opening words Om namo narayanaya, the inscrip- tion is in verse as far as line 31. From there to the end, the formal part of it is in prose, with the introduction of some of the usual bene- dictory and imprecatory verses in lines 54 to 59. As regards orthography, the only points calling for remark, are, that 6 is throughout denoted by the sign for v. Besides it may be noted that. the letter 7, which before another consonant is denoted by the 1 See Vicvakésa Vol. IV., Art. Kécava-séna-déva. 2 See also Prinsep’s Useful Tables, Ed. Thomas, p. 272, note 1. 1896.] . N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-riipa. 7 superscript sign, is written on the line in the conjuncts rgq, run, rnn, rpp, rvv, mm, @.g., in durggam line 23, vargga, line 27, nirnnikta, line 8, raniyamita, line 9; and that the sign of the avagraha is employed thrice, to indicate the elision of the vowel a, e.g., vandé ’ravinda, line 1. The inscription opens with an invocation of the God Narayana, of the Sun, and of the Moon. It then relates that :— From this famous lineage (of the Moon) sprung Sudha-kirana- Cekhara (the moon-crested Civa), in the shape of Vijaya-séna, the touch of the nails of whose feet made kings cheerful (L. 8). From him was born a very powertul king named Ballala-séna. In battlefields, torrents of blood used to flow from the bodies of his enemies (L. 11). From him sprang a son named Laksmana-séna, who possessed extraordinary prowess, and whose charities obtained renown like those of the Kalpa-druma (. 13). During his reign sacrificial posts were erected to celebrate victories achieved by the king on the coasts of the southern sea, where exist the images of Musaladhara (Balarama) and Gadapant (Jagannatha), also in Vicvégvara-ksétra (Benares ), at the confluence of the Asi, the Varana, and the Gayga, and also at the T'rivéni (near Allahabad), where the lotus-born (Brahma) performed the sacrificial ceremony (L. 19). His wife Citala-dévi (?) earned the ¢ri-varga, 1.e., virtue, wealth, and all objects of desire (L. 21). As Cakti-dhara (Kartikéya) was born from Caci-cékhara (Viva) and Girija (Durga), so was born from the king, and his queen, the crest-jewel of the rival kings, Vigvariipa-séna-déva (L. 22). The inscription then records :— In the victorious camp pitched at the village of Phaleu (L. 31), Gaudécvara Vicvariipa-séna-déva, the most devout worshipper of Mahéevara, the Lord.of the Acva-pati, Gaja-pati and Nara-pati, meditat- ed on the feet of the illustrious Laksmana-séna-déva (L. 35), in the presence of all the Rajas, Rajanyas (lL. 38), queens, and all the officers of thé Court (L. 40), declares that in Vanga, included in the kingdom of Paundra-vardhana, within the limits of Vikrama-pura (L. 42), bounded on the east by the village-boundary of Athapaga, on the south by the village of Varayipada (L. 43), on the west by the village of Uftcakatthi, (. 44), and on the north by the village-boundary of Virakatthi, and situated in the village of Pifjakagthi (L. 43), certain lands are presented by this copper-plate grant, with the hope of the future reward known as Bhimi-dana mentioned in the Civa-purana, to the Cruti-pathaka (reader of the Védas), the illustrious Vi¢variipa-déva-carman! of the Vatsa-gotra, of the Bhargava, Cyavana, Apnuvata, Aurva, and Jamadagnya pravara, 1 He was a brother of I¢vara-déva-garman the donee of the other grant by same king, dated érd year. 8 N. N. Vasu-—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-ripa. [No. 1, a great-grandson of Paracara-déva-carman, grandson of Garbhé¢vara- déva-carman and son of Vanamali-déva-carman, in a proper manner and im accordance with the rules in force, stamped with the mark of Sadagiva in the month of Bhadra of the 14th year (L. 38-51), effected by the illustrious Kopivisnu, the chief officer for peace and war in Gauda. (Engraved) on the Ist Acvina of the year 14 (L. 60). Of the places mentioned in this inscription Pinjakasthi, the village granted by it, is evidently identical with Pinjari, a postal village in the Parganah Kotalipada, near the village of Madanapada, where the grant was found. The other important point for notice, is the distinctive titles of the four Séna kings mentioned in this inscription, and which have, I think, hitherto escaped the attention of the antiquarians; thus :—Maharaja Vijaya-séna-déva was styled as Vrsabha-cankara-gaudécvara, his son Maharaja JBallala-séna-déva as Nihcanka-cankara-gaudé¢vara, his son Maharaja Laksmana-séna-déva as Madana-Cankara-gaudégvara (L. 35), and his son Maharaja Vi¢vartipa-séna-déva as Vrsabhanka- cankara-gaudecvara. The contents of the grant published by Prinsep as that of Kécava-séna, agree closely with those of the grant under review, with a slight exception. The place where the name of the pseudo Kécava- séna occurs in the grant, is in such a state as to show that, originally there was some other name, in the place of which, that of Kécava-séna had been putin. This circumstance led Prinsep to believe that at the time of the copper-plate being engraved, Kégava-séna’s elder brother Madhava-séna suddenly expired, hente his name was erased for that of his brother’s. But in the face of the copper-plate grant under review, Prinsep’s inference can scarcely hold good. The reading, moreover, of Prinsep is not correct. The 10th verse of his published reading gives :— waald waa fegaytuaaaAat | farenafafaraattaaaag Siferaet zu: | (J. A. 8. B., Vol. VIL, Pt. 1, p. 44). The correct reading of it according to the facsimile published by him, of the original grant of the drd year, and as shewn in the newly discovered grant of the 14th year (9th verse), is as follows :— wawg WIAA feyasTTSAaT | frenafafamrsaticcnaq Ateaeut =: | It is evident from the above Cloka that both the plates have the name Vicva-rupa. In the 10th verse of Prinsep’s facsimile and in the 1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vieva-riipa. 9 9th of the copper-plate grant under review the name Vicvaripa is perfectly legible and in large characters, but in other places in the former as well as in similar places in the latter (line 22 and 38) the name appears in small characters. Prinsep’s fac-simile not having been in clear print, the above name in small characters does not appear very legible, whereas these small characters in the lines noted in the present copper-plate give the name most clearly. Whuat Prinsep calls marks of erasures, are not so, I think, because where they appeared to him to be such, in the very same places occur the small characters. I regard these in both the grants as Royal sign-manuals. a1. | Sf Fat ATTTAUTS qresefqreqaqiarqaayate- mlaittagyataag Asda | varataeate- De Oe. atfaau aaa qaraagaan farazae |i (1) aeenfentaat aaa faanfaqaiaay qaagaataa- ie 3. ALAS TAS AU | Sigafeananl ufafaar feanfart: aaa TSAI VHMATRTM TAAL L. 4. | WHAT | [2] Tawq fatanntasindt calacaraat- famatiwdedifaagare wyat aft | aaray- Bo... 5. faa-efannaaeaaaiga- mee fatazarqgaaatal Acwaew: | [3] waraceyraqa aefa as eq: oc, 6. qa gufawatant faraea caveat | aéfqreniatomfcanltaa: ares zunegatafaeaa fae- Me i 10 10. 11. 12. 13. 14, N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-rupa. fat faaaam | MARTE M Ul aTHAG Aiefeatt- arti saaatifa auufenitty aqq a aq | fafaaraafaatts acagqaaa Sfeai TATA ZATS aat altaan Bata | xafateta- altace fanfaaa eas za- gtd qerata yaafeat wreat se UST | saint faatet ae fea- HTT TAMA Zuaitaataraata fenfata artes: | Baquygranasaaaratey- qusqt- WHI aHAAl MISHA SA: | Teal ateraite wttaaatceragarai eat: aaaitey- aactefarantaiy atefsra: | Satta 7 Aaa atarat qabqctarade qa, Aas: wenfataety UtRSTTTTT! | ataiest he + frat: ufcaceiciterterga- Sa aMUe MARAT ATAA: l yaa fuses fiafaasataytayat AUS AAMT THALES TAITAUTLS: | ere aufaanfaatts- 15. TTUARTAyA aaratte fatuqmecaeat qe Fees aa: 9 Qo ~ Tet THUS Bfautant ausy afaa- [No. 1, [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] (9) 1896.] L. 16. 17. 18. 19, 20. 21. 22. 23. N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-riupa. qa aa garteiat quMAT we Tae | wawg eS. feqauduaraaaat feaqratatagtaat- faxwaq stfereutar: | aq WATS We Wace: A AARC Ta RUITIGt a faqae ta Sqursit fasafa aa waraatzartS aaa ease fata aa frac wrcfaae- UT AATTS ee | aag fru TaERAAT Ts ate raat ae FACIE 3 waar Wares ai fata ufasorfacaaeur: watat faret- tai ow fata qeqatadiad sarag | a@iacta aifearts face ae: aaal AST 11 [10] [11] [12] tral Stars! 2fa? aees afeat arafaamfaar y [13] carat ufTtT- cafarafaa aa wise | Aifsreuereafaueguraggeata: | SRA RA aR TearaW- amu famy dhofasqae cfm | 4¢ Aefaey Ate afd Sat ofa aa Ferree [14] 1, Iam very doubtful about this word: metre requires NASM or WAT! %. Read aay | 3. Read WUQW | 12. 24, 25. - 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. o2. N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-rapa.. feeufanufratalagiaas |) RUUASAAAN as RARGveeutattaqa tata ufsatnatfa a ufz- way TATA Il waateuatasutata srafaarnset farata waatafaetigrnaatens: | fanatefa famargtaastaaratast- faritfeafaege: THTATATSTAT | uur ufuatfaat ofaaaitea- TaqT Tat: S UMATTGITATRTARAT ZU? | wqiaata a eta aaa Va AAAS | areata at Fa zetaa- HATA | WUgMrasreieaaE AHeATTi qari: ufe faexa: Westaff: | aratqaaa- aafad fae ) . 587. 1 Jarrett, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II. p. 146. 3 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, p. 2J. A. 8. B. 1888, Pt. I. p. 3. 4 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, p. 28 N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. [WNo. }, relying on the prophecy, left the capital and went to Jagannatha (Puri), Hast Bengal, and Kamariipa (Assam). Aba-l-fazl has made mention of Laksmana-séna’s son Madhava-séna having reigned after him for a period of 10 years. Madhava-séna does not appear to have ruled Bengal after Lakgmana. It is likely that during the reign of Laksmana-séna, he was either nominated as Prince Elect or that he ruled the kingdom as regent. In the Sakti- karnamrita by Cridhara-dasa, son of lLaksmana-séna’s favourite Mahasamanta Batu-dasa, some of Madhava-séna’s poetical writings have been inserted. I am inclined to believe that, following the example of the Panditas and others, Madhava-séna also left Bengal and went ona pilgrimage to Kédara-natha. This is borne out by the facts given below. Ata place near the city of Almora in Kumaun, within the Himalaya regions, there is a temple dedicated to Yogécvara. ‘This temple contains a copper-plate grant of Madhava-séna, Moreover, inside the Balé¢vara temple, in the Kédara tracts, there is a copper-plate grant dated 1145 Caka (A. D. 1223), im which the words ‘ Vangaja-Brahmana’ appear. The name of Rudra-carma, Bhatta-narayana’s descendant, is also inscribed in it. ! It can be inferred from the above that Pandits belonging to Bhatta-narayana’s family accompanied Madhava-séna when he left Ben- gal on pilgrimage. A careful perusal of Minhaj’s account of the invasion of Bengal by the Turks, quoted above, would lead to show that prior to the event, the officers of the kingdom had made a conspiracy, and that the Musal- mans bribed the Pandits of the Court to help them in forwarding their cause. Had this not been the case, the Pandits of the Court would not have mentioned to the king a prophecy, which did not exist in the castras, and advised him to leave the kingdom. But the king showed his manliness by not following the advice of the Pandits. He was never- theless forced to relinquish it under the following circumstances : — When taking his dinner, he suddenly heard of his palace having been attacked. He came to know also that, prior to this, his principal Counsellors had left the Court. It might have occurred to him also that the attack by the Turks was the result of a plot made by those officers. Driven to desperation, he knew not what to do at such a juncture. Left by the Counsellors and without any means of defence, what could an old monarch like him do? He could think of no other alternative than to quit the palace by a back-door. It has been stated by some that he went either to Orissa or to Hast Bengal, and established a kingdom 1 H. Atkinson, Kumaun, p. 516. 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 29 there. But the old broken-hearted and depressed king appears to have gone to Jagannatha on pilgrimage. During my travels in Orissa in the year 1893, I was informed by the inhabitants of Kua-pala in the District of Katak, that Laksmana-séna had resided at that place and that he had built a temple there. In the extract given above from the Ghataka-karika by. Hari-migra it is plainly stated that the fear of a Musalman attack forced Kégava-séna, the son of Laksmana-séna to leave Gauda, and in Edi- micgra’s account, it is mentioned that Kécava-séna lived under the protection of a Raja. It may be inferred from this, that Kégava- séna ruled Gauda as regent or governor, when Laksmana was too old to rule, and that on hearing of an attack by the Musalmans he fled towards Vikramapura. Sixty years after the invasion of Nadiya, Minhaj wrote thus:—‘ His (Laksmana’s) descendants up to this time are rulers in the country of Bayga.’! From this we can draw the inference, that even at that time Banga (Hast Bengal of the present times) was not conquered by the Muhammadans. It is therefore probable that after leaving Gauda, Kegava-séna took the protection of some other Séna king. The accounts of the Ghataka-karika do not however state plainly who this king was. Iam of opinion that he was no other than Vicva- rupa-déva, who is mentioned in the newly-discovered copper-plate grant. The historical portion of the facsimile of the copper-plate published by Mr. Prinsep in the name of Kécava-séna agrees exactly with the newly- discovered plate. The Pandit who deciphered it made a mistake in taking Kécava-séna for Vieva-ripa. It is much to be regretted that Dr. Rajéndralala, Sir Alex. Cunningham, and other antiquarians en- dorsed Mr. Prinsep’s statement, so that the mistake made by him remains uncorrected. From what has been stated above, it is evident that the copper-plate discovered by Mr. Prinsep, bearing the year 3 Samvat, and, that lately discovered by me, bearing the year 14 Samvat, were granted by Vicgva-rupa.?* The copper-plate grant of Vicgva-ripa referred to above gives the name of Ballala-séna, the son of Vijaya-séna, that of his son Laksmana- séna, and that of his son Vi¢va-riipa; but the name of Madhava-séna or Kécava-séna does not appear init. It follows from this that Kécava- séna, after Laksmana-séna’s departure to Orissa, did not rule. And who can say that the Musalmans did not pursue Kécava-séna up to Vikrama- pura? It is likely that, at that time, Vicgva-rapa protected Hast Bengal from the attack of the Musalmaus. 1 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Na@siri, p. 558. 2 Vide the facsimile of Vigva-ripa’s copper-plate grant of 14 Samyat, and the article on that subject. Ante pp. 6 and ff. 30 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. | No. 1, Minhaj writes :— ‘The parts around about the State of Lakhanawati, such as Jaj-nagar, the countries of Bang, Kamrid, and Tirhut...... the whole of that territory named Gauda.’ In another place he says, ‘The territory of Lakhanawati has two wings on either side of the river Gang. The western side they call Ral (Radha), and the city of Lakhanor lies on that side, and the eastern side they call Barind (Varéndra)’ 1 From the account given by Minhaj, it appears that at the period under notice, Mithila, Utkala, Radha, Varéndra, Banga,and Kama-riipa were included in the kingdom of Gauda. The Séna kings of Bengal ruled over these territories, and for this reason the rulers were called Lords of Gauda (ateqx). Even after the conquest of Bihar and of Laksmanavati (Varéndra) by Muhammad-i-Bakhtiar, the other terri- tories comprised in Gauda were ruled by the Séna kings. Minhaj writes :— ‘When the latter (i.e, Muhammad-i-Bakhtiar) led his troops towards the mountains of Kamriad and Tirhut, he had despatched Muhammad-i- shéran and his brother with a portion of his forces towards Lakhanor and Jaj-nagar’. He states in another place —‘Ali-i-Mardan proceeded to Diw- kot and assumed the Government, and brought the whole of the country of Laksmanawatt under his sway.’ ® And prior to writing this, he had stated thatit was this ‘Ali-i- Mardan who in the year 602 Hijra, (1205 A.D.,) killed Muhammad-i- Bakhtyar. Some time after this he went to Ghazni accompanied by Sultan Kutbu-d-din Aibak. After remaining thereas prisoner for some time he.came back to Sultan. Kutbu-d-din Aibak in Hindistan, and the latter made over tohim the territory of Lakhanawati. It is evident from the above that the whole of Lakhanawati, comprising Radha and Varéndra came into the possession of ‘Ali-i-Mardan at least 4 or 5 years after the murder of Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, 7, e., A.D. 1209—1210. Minhaj states that Muhammad Shéran had gone to conquer Lakhanor, 7. e., Radha and Jaj-nagar, the northern portion of Utkala; but up to 1209-1210 the Mussalmans did not succeed in conquering the whole of Lakhanawati It appears from this that Muhammad-i-Shéran was defeated by Vigva-ripa. After defeating the Musalmans Vicva-riupa assumed the name of ‘ Garga-yavandnvaya-pralaya-kala-rudra (The terrible destroyer of the Yavana Dynasties, who sprang from Garga), and as at that time a portion of Utkala was under the sway of the kings of Bengal, they held the titles of Agva-pati, Gaja-pati, Nara-pati Raja-trayadhipati, &c. 1 Raverty’s Tabaqdat-i-Nasir7, p. 485 and 588. 2 Raverty, Tabaqdat-i-Nagir2, p. 578. 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. 31 From what has been stated above it may be inferred that in his old age Laksmana-séna made Madhava-séna the Governor of Radha or Nava-dvipa, and Kecava-séna that of Gauda (probably Varéndra). And in this manner Vicya-riipa obtained the sovereignty of Hast Bengal. If the statement made by Edi-micra is to be taken as correct, we can infer from it that Kécava-séna, after repairing to Hast Bengal took shelter under Vicva-ripa, who I believe, formally ascended the throne in A. D. 1200-1201. In Caka 1019, z.e., A. D., 1097, Nanya-déva of the Karnataka dy- nasty ruledin Népal. Dr. Kielhorn has shown that Vijaya-séna defeated this king, and I accept the Doctor’s statement as most probable. I have already shown that his (Vijaya-séna’s) son Ballala-séna was installed in the year A.D. 1119. Such being the case, Vijaya-séna must have ruled Bengal for (at least) 24 or 25 years. After him Ballala-séna ruled 50 yéars, and his son Laksmana-séna 27 or 28 years. Abia-l-fazl has made mention of one Sada-séna! who ruled after Kécava-séna fora period of 18 years. I think that this Sada-séna probably ruled after Vicva-ripa. Itis not improbable that like the other rulers of Bengal, Vigva-ripa also lived to anold age and reigned for many years. Abiu-l-fazl further says that after Sada-séna Nauja? ruled Bengal. Harimigra has also made mention of a powerful king named Danauji-madhava. There is not the least shadow of doubt that Abu-l-fazl read Nauja in place of Danauja. In the work named Tarikh-i-Firtz-shahi, this Danauja-madhava, is described as Dannuja Raya. Dr. Wise has thus written of Danuja Raya:—‘ This is pro- bably the same person as Danuja-madhava, who is believed to have been a grandson of Ballala-séna.’ This Danauja-madhava was not the grand-son, but the great-crandson of Ballala-séna, In speaking of Kécava, Hari-micra thus writes :— UIScHad UA SAMA | SATTATES: TAU STATA: | Va SAAT FSI AAAT ATSIAT ALT: | AAYUaAaAl sttaataget gar | sag uUTeaia: fata aaa | aaa FATIH Hed BULTSaT: |) *** Ua Va ASTANA: VAT AIT q | tree Statsat: wet SATS IRTGTAT: | 1 Jarrett, Ain-i-Akbarz, Vol. II. p. 146. 2 Do. Do. # BJ. A. §. B., 1874, Pt. I. p. 88. ” 32. N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1, After this sprang Danauja-madhava from the Séna dynasty. All kings of his time made obeisance to him. Several Brahmanas, sprung from 22 families, and adorned with many good qualities, came to his court, and with the view of out-stripping his grand-father, Danauja- madhava established them in his kingdom, giving them wealth and the title of Kaulinya...... They were all established already at the Court of Laksmana-séna. I have not been able to ascertain from the genealogies of ancient families whose son Danauja-madhava was. ‘he Karika of Hari-mic¢ra plainly shows that Kécava-séna was not his father, Iam incliued to conjecture that Danauja-madhava of the Séna family was the son of Sada-séua. According to Edi-micra, Hari-migra, Dhruvananda, Mahéevara and other genealogists, as also the old account of Kulacaryas of Edilpur, itwas Danauja-madhava who reorganised Kulinism among the Brah- manas and Vaygaja Kayasthas. Some of these Karikas give the name of Danauja-madhava-déva slightly altered, such as Danuja-~madhava- déva, Danuja-mardana-déva. But whether he was called Nauja, Danuja Raya, Danauja-madhava, Danuja-mardana or Danuja-madhava, there is no doubt that they all refer to the same individual.! According to some of the Karikas of Kdilpur, this Danauja-madhava or Danuja-mardana issued orders about Kulinism from Candra-dvipa, and again the Ghatakas of Vikrama-pura say that the proclamation was made from Vikrama-pura. Moreover there is a tradition extant that a person named Danuja-mardana, after leaving Vikrama-pura went to Candra-dvipa and there established a kingdom with the help of his spiritual guide. Dr. Wise has thus written of this dynasty :— ‘It is not improbable that the founder of this family is the same person as the Rai of Sunarga0, by name Danuj Rai,? who met the Emperor Balban on his march against Sultan Mughisu-d-din in the year 1280. It is not likely that the Muhammadan usurper would have allowed a Hindu to remain in independence at his capital Sunargao. If the principality of Candra-dvipa extended to the River Meghna, the agreement made with the Emperor that he would guard against the escape of Tughril to the west becomes intelligible.’ ‘The chief event, however, of his reign was the organisation of the Vaygaja Kayasthas. He appointed certain Brahmans, whose descendants still reside at Edilpur (‘Adilpur), to be Ghatakas or Kulacaryas of the Kayasthas, and he directed that all marriages should be arranged by them, and that they should be responsible that the Kulina Kayasthas only jntermarried with families of equal rank. He also appointed a Svarna- 1 See Vicva-kosa, article ‘ Kulina.’ 2 Elliot's Muhammadan Historians of India, Vol. III. p. 116. 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 33 matya, or master of the ceremonies, who fixed the precedence of cach member of the Sabha or assembly, and who pointed out the proper seat each individual was to occupy at thefeast given by the Raja. These officers still exist and the holders of them are much respected by all Kayasthas.! , j It seems evident from the above that Laksmana-séna’s grand-son, Dananja Rai or Danauji-midhava of Vikrama-pura, having been greatly annoyed by the Musalmans, went to Candra-dvipa and established a kmgdom there. From the Karikiés of the Ghatakas of Candra-dvipa, it would appear that after Danauja-midhava, his descendants Rama- vallabha-déva-riya, Krsna-vallabha-déva-raya, Hari-vallabha-déva-raya and Jaya-déva-raya ruled Candra-dvipa one after another.2 The last of the Séna kings of Candra-dvipa (Jaya-déva) had no male issue. The oldest of the karikas of the Ghatakas of Candra-dvipa thus says :— ATMA BA ULAR: | a Alas: Hal ATeat ASAT | axa aust 2aamaqga: | Rams Ia a fe aa: wqeaATa: | UAT VTA SHAT I Paramananda the wise was Bala-bhadra’s son, and the valiant Jaya-déva was the grand-father of Paramananda on the mother’s side. Jaya-déva belonged to the Déva-family and was the king of Candra- dvipa. On his demise, Paramananda, as heir to the throne, ruled the kingdom. A question may here arise that if Jaya-déva and his predecessors belonged to the Séna family, how is it that in the books of the Ghatakas of Candra-dvipa they are spoken of as having sprung from the Déva- family ?? But the question is easy to answer. Im all the inscriptions discovered from the time of Vijaya-séna to that of Vicva-ripa, the title ‘déva’ is attached to the names of all the Séna kings, and this accounts for the statement made by the Ghatakas. In all the karikis of the Ghatakas of Edilpur, it is mentioned, that Paramananda-raya, the first king of the Vasu family of Candra- dvipa, son of Bala-bhadra-vasu, a first-class Kulina of Dehurghati, was Raja Jaya-déva’s daughter’s son. All these show conclusively that the 1J. A. 8. B., 1874, Pt. 1, p. 206-7. 2Dr. Wise gives a similar Table, except that he omits the name of Hari- vallabha-déva. J. A. &. B., 1874, Pt. 1, p. 207. 3 Déva means here divine or illustrious. ete 34 N. N. Vasu-—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1, kingdom of Candra-dvipa came to be ruled by the descendants of the daughter of Jaya-déva.! Abi-l-fazl thus writes of Candra-dvipa, 7. e., Sarkar of Bakla :—‘ In the 29th year of the Divine era, a terrible inundation occurred at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, which swept over the whole Sarkar. The Raja held an entertainment at the time. Heat once embarked on board a boat, while his son, Paramananda-raya with some others climbed to the top of a temple and a merchant took refuge ona high loft. For four hours and a halfthe sea raged amid thunder and a hurricane of wind. Houses and boats were engulfed, but no damage occurred to the temple or loft.’2 It would appear from Abu-l-fazl’s statement that Paramananda’s father also was a king of Candra-dvipa, and that Paramananda escaped from the flood that took placein the 29th year of Akbar’s reign, i.e. 1685 A.D. There isno doubt as to the deluge having occurred in the year quoted above ; but according to the account of the Kulacarya- karikas of Candra-dvipa, Jagadananda-raya was theruler at that time and the life of his son Kandarpa-narayana was saved on the occasion.® Especially, in the year after the occurrence of the deluge referred to, we, 1586 A.D., Ralph Fitch, who came to this country, saw Kandarpa-narayana, the grandson of Paramananda on the throne.* Under such circumstances, more reliance should be placed on the genealogy of the royal dynasty of Candra-dvipa than on what has been mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbar?7. According to the rules of inheritance, Paramananda was heir to Jaya-déva and not his father Bala-bhadra. It is probable that at the time of Jaya-déva’s death, Paramananda was too young to take up the reins of government, and that in consequence his father directed the affairs of the state on his behalf. According to the Tibetan author, Taranatha, the close of the Séna dynasty must have taken place in A. D. 1300. In my opinion, in that year the Séna kings were only driven from Sunar-gio by the Muham- madans. We see Danuja-raya of Sunargao helping Balban even in A.D. 1280. Under such circumstances it is more probable that 20 years from 1 J. A. S. B., 1874, Pt. I, p. 207. 2 Jarrett’s Atn-i-Akbar?, Vol. II, p. 123. In the karika written by Dhruvananda-micra, Court-Poet of Raja Préma- narayana of Candra-dvipa, it is stated :— AMA Heal: BISHVAT: | THY SYR GRA F SNA: | Aaas GUAM ASST AA KAT | Wl A Bat Aaa TT I areaiqagaat sweraealasi: | * Hackluyt’s Voyages, Vol. II, p. 257; and J. A. 8. B., 1874. Pt.1, p. 207. 1896.) N.N. Vasu— Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 30 that occurrence, Danuja-raya, being driven from Vikrama-pura or Suvarna-grama, founded the kingdom of Candra-dvipa. In page 473 of his account of Bengal, Tieffenthaler adds that after Raja Nodja (Danauja) there reigned seven Hindu princes whose names are not known and who ruled for 106 years. But I have already pointed out from the genealogy of the kings of Candra-dvipa that after Nodja or Dananja four of his descendants ruled one after another, and the son of the last king’s daughter inherited the kingdom. In all likelihood this change took place between the years 1440 and 1460 A.D. After seven members of the Vasu family had ruled Candra-dvipa, the kingdom passed into the hands of the Mitra family, the sister’s son of the last king having ascended the throne. At present the descendants of that dynasty are living at Madhava-pacga.! A genealogical table of the kings of the Séna dynasty and of those of the Vasu and Mitra families that sprung from it, is given below :— Hémanta-séna. Vijaya-séna-déva, (circa 1097 A. D.) Ballala-sena-deva, (1119 A. D.) Beebe aeriatiads (1170 A. D.) ( eee ee | (at Vikrama-pura) Madhava-séna. Kécava-séna. Vigva-riipa-séna-déva Sada-séna. (?) (Circa 1200-1235 ? ) J = eas, AG Dananja-madhava-déva (1280 A. D.) [ Founder of Candra-dvipa | (At Candra-dvipa.) Rama-vallabha-déva-raya. Krsna-vallabha-déva-raya. Hari-vallabha-déva-raya. Jaya-déva-raya, [ Who had a daughter married to Bala-bhadra, of Vasu family, his son] Paramananda-raya. 1 For a full account of the Candra-dvipa-raja-vamea, see Vigvarkosa, Vol. V article ‘Candra-dvipa,’ and Babu Braja-sundara Mitra’s History of the Candra-dvipa- Raja-family. 36 -N.N. Vasu— Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. {WNo. 1, - Paramananda-raya. Jagadananda-raya. Kandarpa-narayana-raya (1586 A.D.) Rama-candra-raya. Kirti-narayana Vasudéva-narayana-raya. Préma-narayana-raya. Daughter (married to ; Mitra family.) ap iky | 7 Udaya-narayana. Raja-narayana. Civa-narayana. Jaya-narayana. Nrsimha-narayana. Virasimha-narayan (adopted), Dévéndra-narayana (adopted). Son (stall living). Before we conclude this subject, we must clear up one point with regard to the Séna kings having belonged to the Vaidya caste. There is a tradition extant that Ballala-séna of Vikrama-pura was a Vaidya. This tradition has sprung from the fact of there having been a Vaidya king of the same name. Gdopala-bhatta in his work, ‘ Ballala-carita’ thus speaks of him :— FqAMaatsa ARASH: | aaa Halas aeIaafea BA | masta @ ARIAT Fi | FAUAIA FatHaacranwangy | aay efaa ae ufafialaatea | This shows that in 1300 Caka, .e., 1378 A.D., Gopala-bhatta, teacher of king Ballala-séna of the Vaidya family, wrote by order of the king a book catled Ballala-carita.” It is well known that Ballala-séna, son of Vijaya-séna, lived about 250 years previous to this, and that in the year 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. BY) 1378 almost the whole of Bengal came under the Musalman rule, It is also stated in the ‘ Ballala-carita,’ that Ballala of the Vaidya family, fought against a Musalman Faqir named Baba Adam.! This shows conclusively that Ballala of the Séna family of Ganda was a Kayastha or a Ksatriya of the Lunar Dynasty, and that Ballala of Vikrama-pura, who lived long after him, was a Vaidya. The latter, probably, was a Zamindar of note, who at the time of dismemberment of the Kingdom of Bengal rose to some eminence. POSTSCRIPT. After I had finished the above article, I obtained from an old Ghataka of Faridpur, a Vameavali of the kings of Candra-dvipa. This Vameavali in a verse clearly describes Jaya-déva the 5th king of Candra- dvipa, as descended from the Séna dynasty. The Cloka runs thus :— AQ AlaaE: Hat AAeat API | WHat AUT Sai wAg_ga: | From the above, there. can be no doubt of Danauja and his des- cendants being descended from the Séna dynasty. Moreover I have heard from the old Ghataka, that Danauji and his successors styled. themselves Rayas of Candra-dvipa. 1 Cunningham, Rep, Arch. Sur, Vol. XV, p. 135: J. A. S.B., Vol. LVIII, Pt. I, pp. 18-19. J ee OS 38 | K. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar.—By EL. D. Maclagan, C.S., from notes recorded by the late GennRaL R. Mactacay, R.E. [Read April 1896. | Almost all the historians of the reign of Akbar have discussed in some form or other his religious views, and in histories written by Europeans attention has naturally been paid to the attitude which he assumed towards Christianity, as put before him by the Jesuit Mis- sionaries at his Court. The records of these Jesuit Missions are not, however, very easy of access, and few of the published histories do more than refer in the briefest terms to the remarkable incidents which these records set forth and the interesting picture of the times which they present to us. In order to supply this defect it was the inten- tion of the late General Maclagan R.E., to prepare a sketch of the religious views of the Emperor Akbar, which should have special re- ference to the history of his attitude towards Christianity, and the present writer has come into possession of the notes and references which General Maclagan from time to time recorded with this object in view. It is unfortunately impossible to prepare from these notes any complete sketch of the nature originally contemplated, but it may be of some interest to reproduce in one place the substance of the chief original authorities on the subject of the Jesuit Missions at Akbar’s Court, and the scope of the present paper is limited to this. What the general histories tell us is shortly as follows. That from about A.D. 1580, till his death, or at any rate till the year 1596, the Emperor Akbar held the most unorthodox opinions, culminating for a time in the promulgation of a form of natural religion entitled the Tauhid-i-llahi or Divine Monotheism, in which the worship of the Sun and of the Hmperor himself formed a prominent part. That during this period he assumed a tolerant attitude towards all religions and made constant enquiries into the tenets and customs of the Hindis, Parsis and Christians; and that at his invitation three separate special missions were equipped and despatched to his Court by the Jesuit authorities at Goa. The first of these missions was sent in 1080, under 1896.|. E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 39 the guidance of Father Rodolfi Aquaviva who remained at the Court of the Mogul for three years. The second, under Father Edward Leoton, arrived in 1591 and after a short stay was somewhat hastily withdrawn. The third, under Father Jerome Xavier, a nephew of St. Francis, persevered in its labours from the date of its commencement in ‘the year 1595 to a time considerably later than the death of the Emperor. It is of these three missions that the present paper treats. A narrative of all the three missions is to be found in Hugh Murray’s ‘Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Asia,’ Edinburgh , 1820, vol. IT., 82-96, but the narrative is brief and is disfigured by some unfortunate misprints of dates. So again in the Rev. James Houeh’s ‘ History of Christianity in India,’ London, 1839, vol. IT., 260- 287, there is a history of the missions to Akbar, which is taken almost entirely (mistakes and all) from the History of the Mughal Empire issued in 1708 by the Jesuit Catrou: Catrou’s work was compiled from the Portuguese manuscript of Signor Manuchi, a Venetian who was physician to the Mughal Court in Aurangzeb’s time, and Manuchi pro- fessed to base his history on Persian records in the Mughal capital, but his translator, Catrou, confesses to having added to the original history, and the account of the Jesuit missions in Catrou’s work is obviously taken from European sources.!. Even in the ‘Kaiser Akbar’ (1880) of Prince Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein (Count von Noer), where an admirable account, based on Du Jarric’s history of these missions will be found, there is a certain want of completeness owing to the fact that the writer had not apparently seen the last volume of Du Jarric’s work which treats of the missions after the year 1600.2 It is advisable, there- fore, to leave our modern authorities and to go back as far as we can to the original records of these missions. Notices by native historians.—Before, however, examining the Jesuit records attention may be paid to the passing allusions made by native historians to the Christian proclivities of Akbar and the doings of the priests at his Court.® We are fortunate in finding among. 1 See also ‘The Portuguese in Northern India,’ Calc. Rev. v. 279-284, (1848). 2 See Kaiser Akbar, I., 440. A short notice of Akbar’s connection with Christianity will be found in Bohlen’s ‘Alte Indien,’ 1830, vol. I., 104-105. Attention may also be directed to Dr. Ireland’s romance called ‘ Golden Bullets,’ Edinb., 1890, in which the Jesuits at Akbar’s Court play a large role: and to the sketch of the missions in Max Mullbauer’s Geschichte per katholischen Missionen in Ostindien, 1852, pp. 133-149. _ 8 The quotations made below are all collected from translations and English works and cannot claim to be exhaustive. Reference may be also made to Asad Beg’s amusing account of the introduction of tobacco in Akbar’s Court, and the Jesuit Father’s support of the tobacco smokers (Elliot, VI., 167). 40 K. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, contemporary writers two historians who had exceptional opportu- nities for knowing the facts of which they wrote and who treated those facts from two entirely different points of view. On the one hand, we have ‘Abdu-l-qidir Badauni, the trenchant champion of orthodoxy at Akbar’s Court, whose Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh carries the history of Akbar down to the year 1595. On the other hand there is Akbar’s. abettor and favourite minister, Abi-l-fazl, the author of the Akbar- nama which contains a history of the same period down to the year 1601. Badauni’s work first notices the introduction of Christian influence in treating of the year 1575, and according to that author the ra- tionalizing tendencies of Akbar’s Counsellors Abii-l-fazl, Abi-l-fath, etc., were due partly to the fact that ‘there came’ (presumably about that time) ‘a great number of Portuguese from whom they picked up doctrines justifiable by reasoning,’ ! The practise of Christian ritual followed soon after, for Badaduni tells us* that ‘the ringing of bells as in use with the Christians, and the showing of the figure of the cross, and the cunabula [kanabalan] which is their time of mirth, and other childish playthings of theirs were daily in practice.’ The words Kujfr shai’ shud, or ‘ Heresy became common,’ express the Tarikh’ (A. H. 985. A. D. 1577-8). The first Missionary at Akbar’s Court arrived in March, 1576, but the first organized mission was in 1580, and it is to this that Badauni refers in the following passage. In the course of his explanation of the reasons which led the Emperor to renounce Islam, he writes? :— ‘Learned monks also came from Europe, who go by the name of Padre. They have an infallible head, called Papa. He may change any religious ordinances as he may think advisable, and kings have to submit to his authority. These monks brought the Gospel and mentioned to the Emperor their proofs for the Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion, and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murad to take a few lessons in Christianity by way of 1 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) II. 211 (not 281, as printed in Blochmann) quoted in Bloch- mann’s Ain-i-Akbari I. 163. The fact is noted in treating of the year 1575, and if the Portuguese mentioned in the text came that year, they were probably private indivi- duals (artizans, &c), for there seems to be no record of a regular embassy between that of 1572-3 (Elliot, Hist. Ind. VI, 42) and that of 1578 noticed below. From Lowe’s translation, however, there seems no need to fix the arrival of the Portuguese in any particular year. 5 2 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) II. 301 (304) quoted in Blochm. Ain I. 493. See also Blochm. Ain I. 618 and Progs. Beng. As. Soc., May 1870, p. 146. 3 Bad (Bib. Ind) IJ, from Blochm, Azn I. 182. | 1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Himperor Akbar. 41 auspiciousness, and charged Abit-l-fazl to translate the Gospel. Instead of the usual Bismillahi-r-rakhmani-r-rahim | the following lines were used. Ai nam-i-tu Jesus 6 Kiristo, [O Thou, whose names are Jesus and Christ], which means: ‘O Thou, whose name is gracious and blessed!’ and Shaikh Faizi added another half, in order to complete the verse Subhanaka la siwaka Ya hu. [We praise Thee; there is no one besides Thee, O Ged. ] These accursed monks applied the description of cursed Satan, and of his qualities, to Muhammad, the best of all prophets—God’s blessings rest on him and his whole house !—a thing which even devils would not do.’ In a different place* Badauni describes the introduction of an organ, but not apparently in connection with Christian worship. In another passage, * however, there is a somewhat obscure allusion to the Emperor’s Christian proclivities. At a discussion carried on in Akbar’s pre- sence Haji Ibrahim asked Mirza Muflis ‘How is Mésdé declined? and what is the root of the word?’ to which no satisfactory answer was given: whereupon the Emperor asked the Qazi’s son Shukr, ‘ Why do you not join in the discussion ?’ to which Shukr replied: ‘If Haji Ibrahim were to ask how to decline ‘Js@ (Jesus), what answer should I give?’ And His Majesty, we are told, very much applauded this speech. In describing the events of the end of the year A.H. 989 (17th Feb. 1580—5th Feb, 1581) the same historian says* :— ‘ At this time his Majesty sent Shaikh Jamal Bakhtiyar to bring Shaikh Qutbu-d-diné of Jalésar who, though a wicked man, pretended to be ‘attracted by God.’ When Qutbu-d-din came the Emperor brought him to a conference with some Christian priests, and rationalists, and some other great authorities of the age. After a discussion the Shaikh ex- claimed: ‘Let us make a great fire, and in the presence of His Majesty I shall pass through it. And if any one else gets safely through, he proves by it the truth of his religion.’ The fire was made, the Shaikh pulled one of the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him: ‘Come on, in the name of God.’ But none of the priests had the courage to go. i The formula used by school children before beginning to read from their books. The words Ai xdm, etc., are given above in the form adopted by Professor Blochmann from the version of the story given inthe Dabistén: the edition of Badauni used by Blochmann has ai nami wai zhazho Kiristd. Cf p. 51 below. 2 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) IL. 269. 3 ditto II. 187. 4 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) II, 299. Quoted by Blochm dfn I. 191. 5 In recounting his version of the story Fr. de Sousa (Oriente Conquistada 1710 II. 170) gives the name as Mola Xequeria (Malla Zakaria). J.1 6 AQ E. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. [No. 1, ‘Soon after this the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bhakkar, together with other faqirs, as His Majesty was jealous of his triumph.’ We shall note later on the Jesuit version of this episode, Mean- time let us see how Abi-l-fazl describes it! :-— “One night the Ibadat-khana was brightened by the presence of Padre Radalf? who for intelligence and wisdom was unrivalled among Christian doctors. Several carping and bigotted men attacked him and thus afforded an opportunity for the display of the calm judgment and justice of the assembly. These men brought forward the old received assertions and did not attempt to arrive at truth by reasoning. Their statements were torn to pieces and they were nearly put to shame: and then they began to attack the contradictions in the Gospel, but they could not prove their assertions. With perfect calmness and earnest conviction of the truth, the Padre replied to their arguments, and then he went on to say: ‘ If these men have such an opinion of our Book, and if they believe the Quran to be the true word of God, then let a furnace be lighted, and let me with the Gospel in my hand, and the ‘wlama@ with their holy book in their hands, walk into that testing place of truth, and the right will be manifest.’ The black-hearted and mean-spirited disputants shrank from the proposal, and answered only with angry words.’ In narrating the events of the 35th year of the reign (A. D. 1590-1) Abi-|-fazl says® :— ‘At this time Padre Farmalitin*® arrived at the Imperial Court from Goa and was received with much distinction. He was a man of much learn- ing and eloquence. A few intelligent young men were placed under him for instruction, so that provision might be made for securing translation of Greek books and for extending knowledge. With him came a number of Europeans and Armenians who brought silks of China and goods of other countries, which were deemed worthy of His Majesty’s inspection.’ The same historian informs us of the arrival of a large caravan from Goa, containing several learned men known as Padres, on the ]9th Ardibihisht 1903 [28th April, 1595].5 In another passage he states® that 1 Akbarnama (Bib. Ind.) IU]. 254. Elliot Hist. Ind. V1. 60, cf. p. 51 below. 2 This is Prof. Blochmann’s reading (Ain I. 168): the MSS. have Radif, Rawig and Raunaq. Although the passage occurs in the description of the events of the 28rd year of the reign (1578-9), the reference is almost certainly, to Padre Rodolfi Aqnaviva who arrived at Fathpur Sikri in Neb. 1580. 3 Akbarnama (Bib. Ind.) I1L. 577. Elliot Hist. Ind. VI. 85. 4 Or Farabatun. Perhaps some corruption of ‘Duarte Leoton’ or possibly ‘Grimaleon’ sc. Leo Grimon (see p. 60 below). Beveridge in an interesting article on Jerome Xavier in this Journal suggests ‘Fra Hmmanuele’ sc. Pinheiro, but Pinheiro was not a‘ Fra’ nor did he go till 1595. J. A. S. B. 1888, p. 34. 5 Akb. (Bib. Ind.) IIT. 669. Beveridge in J. A. S. B. 1885 p. 34. Xavier arrived at Lahore on 5th May, 1595. 8 See Rehatsek in Cale. Rev, Jan 1886, p. 3. S90], ED: Maclagan —Jeswit Missions to the Himperor Akbar. 43 malevolent persons had spread the rumour of the Emperor's hatred to Islam and of his having become a Brahman, but they were refuted and put to shame by certain Christian philosophers in a public disputa- tion held for that purpose. But he ascribes no permanent influence to these Christian philosophers, for ina further passage! he writes :— ‘The Emperor conversed for some time onthe religious information he had obtained from Christian priests, but it appeared after a short while that their arguments had made no great impression on his mind so that he troubled himself ne more with contemplations about asceticism, the allurements of poverty and the despicableness of a worldly life.’ So far Badauni and Abu-l-fazl, In the Dabistan which was written about sixty years after Akbar’s death, we find a curious account? (how far exact we cannot tell) of a discussion which took place before Akbar between a ‘Nazarene’ and a Muhammadan, and of another between a ‘Nazarene’ and a Jew. These appear® to be based on Xavier’s dialogues in the Ama-i-Hagg-numa, which will be noticed further on, and are not worth reproducing here. Jesuit authorities.—Turning now to the Jesuit accounts of the missions, it will be convenient to note shortly the chief published origines available :— lL. The Annuxze Litere or Annual Reports of the doings of the Society throughout the world, which were circulated to the various Jesuit centres, pay little or no attention to Upper India. Ont of the reports available in the British Museum, wiz., those for 1582-3, 1586-7, 1592—5, 1597-8 and 1600—5, these for 1582 and 1597 alone contain in- formation regarding the Mughal Missions. 2. Practically our only authority for the second mission consists of two letters with enclosures from the Provincial at Goa, which were published in Italian by the Jesuit father Spitili at Rome, in 1592. A Latin translation of his work was published at Antwerp in 1593 and called: ‘ Brevis et compendiosa narratio missionum quarundam orientis et occidentis excerpta ex quibusdam litteris a P. P..... datis anno 1590 et 1591.’ A French translation followed at Lyons-in 1594. 3. A valuable authority is John Baptist Peruschi, a Jesuit who ia 1597 published at Brescia, a little book called ‘ Informatione del Regno e stato del gran Ré di Mogor.’ French translations appeared at Besancon and Paris in 1597 and 1598 respectively : and the book was also translated in 1598 into German and Latin at Maintz. The Latin 1 Akb. (Luckn. litho. ed.) III. 208, taken from Rehatsek, Cale. Rev. Jan. 1886, p.3. 2 Shea and Troyer’s Translation, ILI. 65-9. 5 See Dr. Lee’s prefacé to Martyns, ‘Controversial Tracts,’ p. 87. 44, EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. (No. 1, translation which is the version most easily available is entitled ‘ Historica Relatio de potentissimi Regis Mogor, a magno Tamerlane ori- undi vita moribus et summa in Christianam Religionem. propensione.... excerpta ex variis epistolis inde acceptis anno 1582, 91 et 95.’ The letters of 1595 are quoted in full and an extract is given from another which may bear the date of 1582 though the date is more probably 1580: but there is no trace of the letter of 1591 unless it is in the account of the Mughal Empire which professes to be based on letters of 1582 and 1592 (? 1591). Peruschi devotes only two lines to the second Mission of 1590-1, but his history of the first Mission of 1580—83 remains the basis of all subsequent accounts of that Mission. 4. In 1601 two letters written by the mission at Lahor in 1598-9 were published by a Jesuit called John Oranus at Liége, in a col- lection of papers entitled: ‘Japonica, Sinensia, Mogorana, hoc est, de rebus apud eas gentes a Patribus Societatis Jesu anno 1598 et 99 gestis. A P. [oanne Orano in Latinam linguam versa.’ 5. Another version of the same two letters was published in i601 at Maintz in a book called: ‘ Recentissima de amplissimo Regno Chinae, item de statu rei Christianae apud magnum Regem Magor.’ 6. ‘id est benedictio Domini super vos, adding that he was going to send an ambassador thither and that they had better go with him. Xavier notices also the circumstance that three sons of the king of Badakhshan, who was living in India, had been pupils of the mission and that their brother was now ruling in that country. * Pimenta also reports that Xavier had asked the Emperor’s leave for the admission of further priests to minister to the congregations in Lahor and Agra: that Akbar had granted a ‘Diploma’ or sanad accor- dingly, and that this sanad also gave privileges to the church at Cambay. The sanad had not been signed when Xavier wrote, but a copy was to be sent to Goa as soon as it had been signed, The following account of a conversation held with the Emperor on the 16th July 1599, is then quoted from Xavier’s letter :— Father Xavier said to the Emperor that with his permission he wished to speak to him on a matter privately. The Emperor, having moved apart and dismissed the bystanders, remained standing and asked him what he wanted. Xavier, who for two years previously had received instructions to this effect, began as follows: ‘Sire, we have received the following orders from our Superior. ‘As it isnow more than four years since you began studying the language, the Emperor can now doubtless understand you thoroughly, where- fore now beseech you His Majesty that, having called us to him to acquaint him with the Gospel, he should now see how he stands, so that I too may ! Sultan Murad died near Daulatabad, 22nd Urdibihisht 1599. (Elliot VI. 97.) 2 Sultan Daniyal. In 1609 his three sons were baptized by the Jesuits under the names of Philippo, Carlo and Henrico, and in the same year another grandson of Akbar’s was christened ‘Don Edoard.’ Herbert’s Travels (1688) p. 75. Accord- ing to Roe they reverted to Islam on finding they could not get Portuguese women as wives (M. Thevenot, Relations p. 78.) 3 Rahat az khuda or Rahmat-i-khuda ?P 4 See also Pinheiro’s letter of 3rd September 1595 (p. 70 above) and Xavier’s of 1598 (p. 78.) ; -1896.] HE. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. 81 know what order to give concerning you.’ ‘In truth,’ said Xavier, ‘it is very irksome to us to stand idle. Wherefore, Sire, do you not listen to us as you said you would listen: you that profess yourself a wise man and a searcher after truth?’ ‘I admit,’ said the Emperor,’ ‘that I called you in order to hear the truth, so that I might adopt whatever course appeared most consistent with truth and reason, but now I go toward the Deccan and shall halt near Goa, where I shall go to hear you at leisure.’ He continued the conversation for some time, repeating the same language. ‘I called you,’ he said, ‘to speak to you and listen to youin private. What? When the Muhammadans wererulers would any one have dared to say that Christ was God? He would at once have been put to death. Now he is safe.’ I agreed that this was so, and thanked the Hmperor, saying that if he would listen to us some time it would be a great benefit to him as well as a consolation to us. He promised to do so and closed the interview.’ ! The Provincial then goes on to say that he proposed sending com- panions to help and solace the Fathers. And he concludes this part of his report with an account of some incidents which had taken place in connection with the mission at Lahor :— ‘This year at Christmas the Fathers at Lahor prepared.a magnificent representation of the manger in memory and honour of Our Saviour: to which thronged so great a crowd of all ages and classes that for twenty days continuously some three or four thousand persons might worship the image of the Child Jesus. One of these, a nobleman, whose wife had borne him ason atthe same day and hour as that on which Christ was born, brought him to the Fathers, and allowed him to be baptized, himself and his wife becoming catechumens. Not so blessed was the fate of another Muham- madan mother, though that of her new born child was still more blessed. Her child had been baptized with her consent and at her request, but she was unable to bear the taunts of her relations and on the day before Ascension Day she placed poison in its milk. The poor child after seventeen hours of terrible torture bore testimony to Christ not in words but by death (Christum non logquendo sed moriendo confessus), and expired before the altar, on the feast of the Ascension, forty days after its birth and eighteen days after its baptism. Father Manoel Pinheiro writes that after the child had surren- dered its soul to Christ, its face still shone with so unwonted a grace that the glory of its blessed soul which it had attained on rising to Christ appeared to be reflected on its features below.’ The Father Provincial’s Report of 1st December 1600. Our next original authority is the annual report ® written by Father Pimenta, as Visitor, to the General of the Society on Ist 1 It has been suggested by Bohlen (Alte Indien, I. 105) that in] his refusal to ‘adopt Christian views Akbar was influenced by the report of the cruelties of the Inguisition at Goa, and Prince Frederick of Schleswig Holstein (Noer. Kaiser Akbar, I. 486) has repeated the suggestion, but € do not find anything in any of the records to show that he had heard of the Inquisition. @ “Hremplwm Hpistolae’ (Maintz.) see p. 44 above. Bi fie UL 82 E. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Himperor Akbar. [No. 1, December, 1600. The report begins with an account of a journey made by Pimenta northwards from Goa. In January 1600 he put into Chaul and there met nine young men who had been sent by Pinheiro from Lahor by the Sindh route, Some of these were left at Bandora ‘to learn from the best masters to play on all kinds of instruments for the new church at Lahor.’ A fifth became a Jesuit and what happened to the rest is not stated. From these youths the Visitor learnt some details not stated in Pinheiro’s letters. For instance how a young Catechumen was defending the faith against certain adversaries and how in the middle of the debate the leader of the BLES was by an unseen hand felled to the ground ! At Daman, whither he afterwards proceeded, Pimenta received from Xavier a letter and a copy of a book which he had written ‘ against certain sects of the unbelievers, more especially that of the Muham- madans,’ and had dedicated to the Emperor. It was called ‘ Lignum Vite’! and was in Pimenta’s opinion a work of great erudition and detail (pereruditum et prolixum). Father Xavier, who had learnt to speak Persian with fluency and idiom, was at the time preparing in conjunction with native scholars, a Persian translation of his work. Goes had also written to the Provincial describing among other things the fortifications of Burhanpur which Akbar was then besieging.? The Emperor, it must be observed, had by this time reached the seat of war in the Deccan and had brought Goes and Xavier south with him, In order, therefore, to help poor Pinheiro at Lahor, who was now ‘six hundred miles distant from Father Xavier at Burhanpur,’ the Visitor sent one Father Corsi,* with instructions to see Father Xavier on the way and to obtain from him the necessary information and guidanee. Father Corsi reached Cambay at the beginning of March (1600); there he was shown the order* issued by Akbar for the protection of the Fathers journeying to Agra, Lahor and Cathay, and was treated by the Governor with great courtesy. After some delay he left this city, but on the 12th May he wrote to say that he had with 1 Du Jarric, III. 27, gives it the name of Fons Vite, and says that Akbar was introduced in it in the character of a philosopher seeking for truth. The book in question was doubtless that which was ultimately called ‘Speculum Veritatis’ or ‘ Aina-i-Haqq-numda. See p. 111 below. 2 See Elliot, Hist. Ind. VI. 99. Akbar arrived at Burhanpur on 30th April 1599. Noer, II. 480. 3 When Terry was in India sixteen years later, Corsi was about 50 years old. He is described as a Florentine and ‘(if he were indeed what he seemed to be) a man of a severe life and‘yet of a fair and affable disposition.’ Terry’s Voyage (Ed. 1717) p. 422. @ 4 See p. 80 above. 1896.] EH. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 83 great difficulty passed through the bands of brigands that infested the roads, by way of Sambusar (Jambisir) and Broach. On the 4th June 1600 he reached the Mughal camp and on the 4th August he reported to the Visitor that he hoped shortly to start for Lahor and meantime was diligently studying the Persian language. Events of 1600-1603. We have no original letters available between the Ist December, 1600 and the 6th September, 1604, and our main authorities for this period are Du Jarric’s History and the Relations of Guerreiro on which that history is almost exclusively based. It will suffice here to give a short resumé of the information supplied by Du Jarric.! The personnel of the mission altered somewhat during these years. Corsi whom we left at Burhanpur proceeded to Lahor probably before the end of 1600. Inthe spring of 1602, Xavier returned with Akbar to Agra, while Goes proceeded on a mission to Gea. Pinheiro joined Xavier either at Agra or before his arrival there, and was at Agra in the spring or in the hot weather of 1602, when Goes returned to that city bringing with him a new missionary, Father Antony Machado.? Not long after this, Pinheiro departed for Lahor and Goes seems to have followed in October 1602. Early in 1603 Goes left Lahor for his adven- - turous journey through Thibet,? and for the rest of that year, the mission was carried on in Agra by Xavier and Machado, and in Lahor by Pinheire and Corsi. We are told that when the Emperor moved from Burhanpur and laid siege to Asirgarh, His Majesty ordered Xavier to write to the Portuguese for guns and ammunition, and that the Father refused on the plea, that such action would be contrary to the Christian faith. ‘In my opinion,’ says the chronicler, ‘the real reason was that the Emperor's enemies were in alliance with the Portuguese.’ Be that as it may, the Emperor became extremely angry and bade the mis- sionaries depart to Goa at once: but his anger soon blew over and they remained on as before. When the fort was taken, Xavier was instru- mental in saving the lives of some half-caste renegades among the . prisoners and re-converting them to Christianity. Itis said, moreover, that during this Deccan campaign some seventy persons were baptized, including some who ‘departed incontinently to enjoy the glory of 1 Vol IiJ, 30-85. 2 Of Machado nothing further,seems to be known. He is buried in the old cemetery at Agra, where he died in April 1635, and his name can still be deci- phered on the tombstone. Fanthome, Reminiscences of Agra, 1895, p. 63. - 8 See Yule’s Cathay and the Way Thither, 11. 53%, 84 BE. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, heaven.’ Among the latter was a little female infant picked up from a dung-heap and the incident at once suggested the quotation: ‘ De stercore erigens pauperem ut collocet eum eum principibus.’ In the spring of 160]1,! the Emperor returned to Agra and with him went Xavier. While in the Deccan the Emperor despatched an embassy to Goa on some purely political object, and allowed Goes to accompany this embassy. They arrived at Goa in May 1601, bringing many costly presents, but the most precious of the presents, says Du Jarric, was a band of half-caste children who had been taken prisoners at Burhanpur and who now, after some instruction, were baptized at Goa into the faith of their fathers. While at Goa, Benedict de Goes received the orders to start upon his Thibetan journey. At the same time a Jesuit Father, Antony Machado, was appointed to take his place with Xavier, and the two set forth, arriving at Agra (if we may judge from the description of the heat) in the spring or early summer of 1602. Meantime the Lahor Mission had, since Pinheiro’s letter of 1598, experienced some vicissitudes of fortune. , At the first, things went on well. The Viceroy was in every way favourable to the mission. Pinheiro succeeded in obtaining from him the pardon of prisoners condemned to death. Fugitives from justice took refuge in the church. The Father’s intervention was constantly soucht, Even great feuds such as one that broke out between the Juge-mage and the Emperor’s treasurer ( ? the Qazi and the Diwan) were com- posed by his arbitration. When this Viceroy died and was succeeded by his brother,? efforts were made to discredit the mission, but the only result was that the maligners of the mission were imprisoned. About this time, however, a determined effort was made by some bad characters to rob the Fathers, and the detailed account of the attempted robbery, as set forth in the pages of Du Jarric, gives usa curious insight into the manners and habits of the mission. It will suffice here to note that an outsider, having brought himself into the house as a possible convert, put datura into the food, and when allthe household was stupified called in his accomplices and broke open the Father’s store room, taking away such money as there was and some relics which the Father prized more than money. The thieves apparently were not discovered, but the Viceroy and the Kotwal came in person to the Father to offer their sympathy. At Christmas in the year 1600, Pinheiro again appealed to the I Elphinstone, Hist. Ind, Hd. 1857, p. 458. % The two friendly Viceroys appear from Pinheiro’s letter of 1605 to have been Xumaradin (Qamru-d-din) and Xenc&o (Zain Khan.) Zain Khan Koka was Viceroy at Lahor just before Akbar’s return to Agra in 1602. (Blochm. Az I. 340.) 1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 85 eyes of the unbelievers by preparing a representation of the manger and the Magi, with pictures of the Prophets and Persian copies of the chief Old Testameut prophecies of the birth of Christ. A passion play was also enacted in two scenes. In one appeared Adam crushed by sin, whom Simeon consoles with hopes of a Messiah: to them enters a Philosopher with whom Adam discusses the doctrine of the Incarnation. In the other Mercy and Justice dispute regarding Adam’s sin: an Angel then appears announcing Christ’s birth, and a Shepherd follows with the same news. Similar scenes were prepared at Haster, and on both occasions the Viceroy attended. Conversions were not as frequent as had been hoped, but we are told that Pinheiro baptised on one occa- sion 39 persons, on another 20, and on another 47. Details are given as of several individual cases, including one of a young man of the holy race of Xaques [ Shaikhs] and one of a Chacata [Chughatai] lady who was of the blood royal. We learn incidentally moreover that the chapel services were conducted in Persian: and that the Fathers occasionally extended their ministrations to the villages in the neighbourhood. They also converted several Armenians, and Pinheiro got hold of the books and property of the Armenian ‘archbishop,’ who had died in trying to reach India through Persia. We learn too that the Fathers were accused of eating human flesh, of kidnapping children and of killing young men to make drugs from: and when these accusations brought them into trouble, they received the protection of the Nawab or ‘ Jugemage.’! After Corsi’s arrival, sometime in 1601, Pinheiro took the opportu- nity of travelling to the Hmperor’s head-quarters to confer with Xavier. The two Fathers went immediately to pay their respects to the Emperor taking with them a pen and ink sketch, on paper, of the Virgin Mary. The Emperor received them well, but had the sketch taken away to his private rooms at once. Thinking that he was displeased with the nature of the offering, the Fathers went again next day, and presented a picture of our Lady of Loretto on gilt metal (calaim doré)* which the Emperor treated most reverently ‘goiqnant les mains fort belle- ment. He explained at the same time that he had sent the sketch away because it was unseemly that he should be sitting above on a high throne while the Virgin was below: and when Pinheiro stooped to 1 In the course of a case described at some length by Du Jarric, the Nawab says, ‘Thama Theogoda c’est a dire La Benediction de Diew soit sur cette femme.’ How should the original words be restored ? [ ? Ghanimat-i-Khuda] In the same case mention is made of certain Hindu judges called Cateris (Khatris) and of the Coxi (?) ‘ qui est comme le Vicaire General dw Prelat souverain des Gentils. 2 *Tecalaim est wne espéece de metail, qui vient de la Chine, semblable & Vestain, combien qwil ne le soit pas, ayant beaucowp de meslange de cwive: mais il est blanc et on en faict dela monnaye en Inde: on le dore aussi come Vargent. Du Jarric, III. 36. 86 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No, 1, kiss his feet, he laid his hand on his shoulder ‘ which he does not do save to the great captains, and his special favourites.’ He enquired about the manner in which the Emperor in Europe saluted the Pope, and it was explained to him, that the Pope had a cross marked on his foot, which showed that it was only in his character as Christ’s repre- sentative that he had his feet kissed by the Emperor. The conversa- tion turned then on the sign of the cross and a pupil of Pinheiro’s was made to show how it was done. The Emperor asked Pinheiro if he had done it properly, and was told that he had. He also enquired why the sign of the cross was made on the forehead, mouth and chest, and a fitting explanation was given him. During the earlier part of 1602, Goes and Machado arrived at Agra from Goa and Pinheiro went out several miles to greet them. Mean- time news came from Corsi at Lahor that the previous Viceroy haying died, his successor, a bigotted Muhammadan, who had as governor of Gujrat, imbibed a hatred of the Portuguese,' had commenced ill-using the Christians and endeavouring to make them renounce their faith. The Fathers at Agra, therefore, presented themselves to the Emperor (bringing with them this time pictures of the great Albuquerque and of the Viceroy of Goa, Ayres de Saldagna) and made two requests. First that Pinheiro might have leave to go back to Lahor, a request which the Emperor granted much to their surprise, as Pinheiro was a favourite with him. And secondly, that a written order might be given to them under the Emperor’s seal, expressly permitting such of his subjects as desired to embrace Christianity to do so without let or hindrance. This also the Emperor agreed to, but then further difficulties began. The eunuch who had charge of the drawing up of the firmdn hesitated to include so sweeping an order and consulted the ‘ Maitre d’ hotel,’ but this latter was a nephew of the Viceroy of Lahor and interposed every possible delay : so that the Fathers in despair made use of a young cour- tier, a favourite of the Emperor and a former pupil of Pinheiro’s, who drew the Emperor’s attention to the matter and pushed it through in spite of the further objections of Agiscoa® [ ‘Aziz Koka, | the Grand Chamberlain, whose duty it was to seal the firmans and bring them to the Emperor to sign. The Fathers were delighted at their success, and 1 Quly Khan who had served in Gujrat in 1578 and 1583 (cf p. 58 above) was made Governour of the Panjab in (circa) 1009 AH=AD 1600-1; and is probably the Viceroy here alluded to: see Blochm. Ain J. 34. 2 He is elsewhere described by the Jesuits as the Hmperor’s foster brother, and they say that his son and daughter had married the Emperor’sdaughterandson WM?r2é ‘Aziz Koka, Kkhan-i-A‘zam, was Akbar’s foster brother: one of his daughters married Prince Murad and another Prince Khusrau (Blochm. Ain I. 325): and he is undoubtedly the person meant in the text. 1896.| E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 87 when Pinheiro ultimately went to take his leave of the Emperor, he was treated with great kindness and presented with a horse for the journey. Before Pinheiro left Agra, Xavier had laid before the Emperor a book describing in Persian, the life, miracles and doctrine of Christ.! With this the Emperor was so pleased that he frequently had it read to him by ‘Aziz Koka, and ‘Aziz Koka himself asked the Fathers for a second copy. The Emperor also asked that a similar work might be ' prepared to describe the lives of the apostles. Considerable excitement was caused about this time by a copy of the picture of the Madonna del Popolo at Rome,? which the Fathers had with them. Although the picture had been in their possession for two years they had not dared to show it in public for fear of the Emperor taking a fancy to it. At Christmas time A. D. 1601, however, they let it be seen in the Church and immediately great crowds pressed to see it, including many Muhammadans. Among those who came were the brother and nephew of the king of Xhandar (Khandesh),* a son of the king of Qandahar® and other courtiers. The Emperor heard of the picture and expressed a wish to come, but, as the Fathers’ house (though in the city) was a good half league from the palace, he bade the Fathers bring it to him. While Pinheiro was fetching the picture, the Emperor presented Xavier with a rich kind of waterproof and des- cended five steps from his throne to put it on his shoulders. When the picture came, the Hmperor treated it with all possible respect, and kept it for a day to show it to his zanana. After it had been returned, the Emperor sent for it again as his mother who had not seen it before had expressed a wish to see it. It was brought back, therefore, and the Hmperor lifted it up himself and took it into the zanana and stood by it, allowing none to come near. After it had been duly seen 1 The Dastan-i-Masih : completed in 1602 (see p. 110 below). In describing Akbar’s character the Provincial at Goa in 1607 wrote as follows (see Dre: Neue Relationes): ‘When once he had listened to the Life of Christ written by Jerome Xavier in Persian, he began to reverence highly the pictures of Christ and to speak more respectfully of Christ himself, though several of the Muhammadans tried to persuade him that Christ’s miracles were not due to any supernatural power, but to Christ’s exceeding skill as a physician, dealing with natural methods.’ 2 Which was apparently done. See p. 118 below. 3 The painting of the Virgin onthe high altar of the Church of S. Maria del Popolo is one of those attributed to S. Luke. Forbes’ Rambles in Rome, p. 4. 4 Bahadur Khan who had been besieged at Asir and who was now a prisoner at Gwaliar. Hlliot, VI. 146. 5 Muzaffar Khan had died in 1599-1600 and this probably refers to his eldest son Bahram Khan (Blochm. Ain I. 314). Guerreiro (p. 52) adds that the king had been driven out by ‘Abduxam [ Abdulla Khan] Rey de Husbec,’ apparently con- fusing him with the king of Badakhshan. 88 E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. [No. 1, inside, it was sent out by a eunuch to the Fathers, who then showed it publicly to a large crowd of courtiers amid ‘marvellous silence.’ After it had been taken home, it was once more sent for by the Em- peror to allow of his having it copied by lis own native painters aud this time it remained several days in the palace. After this, the Fathers would not let it out of their possession, except on two occasions. On one of these it was sent to the house of ‘Aziz Koka with the result that this powerful officer was thereby won over to the Jesuits’ side. On another occasion it was sent to the King of Qandahar and returned with much politeness and with offers of bakhshish, which the Fathers refused. The Fathers meantime busied themselves in various good works. They were able to rescue from slavery, a number of half-castes who had been made prisoners in the war in the Deccan, and to baptize them after instructing them in the faith. Some other cases of baptisms are also narrated, In Lahor, Pinheiro baptized two sons of the king of Persia’s ambassador, Manuchiher, a Georgian who had been in the country six years, and was then returning to Persia. Healso found means to get possession of a young Hungarian slave from Buda Pesth, who was accompanying a Turkish embassy, and to send him to Goa.!_ More- over when a Native Christian woman who had been kidnapped in her youth and sold to a Greek who had afterwards married her, was claimed by her parents, Pinheiro was able by showing the Emperor’s jirman to obtain for her the right to remain with her husband. Some time during the year 1602, Xavier was able to obtain the release from durance of some 50 shipwrecked Portuguese who had been seized by the Governor of Cambay and sent to the Court. During this same year the relations between the Emperor and his son, Salim, became very strained : and it is interesting to notice the care which the Fathers took to stand well with both parties. Salim, we are told, wrote to Xavier with his own hand, superscribing his letter with across. Xavier took care to have the letter read in the Hmperor’s presence and to reply in Portuguese. He had an agent with the Prince in the person of Giovanne Filippo® through whom correspondence could pass. The substance of this correspondence, as described by Du Jarric is of some interest and the position adopted by the Prince towards Christianity about this time is 1 Cf. p. 98 below. 2 Cf. p. 90 below. Dnu Jarric, III. 79, implies that they arrived at Lahor and that Xavier interceded for them there. It does not appear, however, that either Akbar or Xavier had gone to Lahor this year. 5 If this be not the Italian mentioned on p. 91 below, it may possibly be John Philip de Bourbon, the husband of Juliana mentioned in the note on p. 53 above: but I have no information regarding de Bourbon beyond what is given in Col. Kineaid’s article there referred to. ; 1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 89 somewhat striking, if the Jesuit authorities are to be believed. We are assured that he wore a gold cross round his neck: that he said to his captains that in time of danger he should call on none but Christ: that he wrote to Goa asking for a separate mission of priests to be sent to his Court: that he had a golden crucifix made for himself: that he had a figure of Christ on the cross carved on a large emerald! and wore it on a chain: and so forth. He also read from end to end the book written by Xavier to which the Emperor had given the title ‘Mirror of Purity :’ and had given a large sum for the building in Agra of a church, which should equal in size that which his father had allowed to be built at Lahor. Father Jerome Xavier's letter from Agra, dated September 6, 1604. Our next authority is a very long letter written by Xavier from Acra on September 6, 1604. The original manuscript is preserved in the British Museum (Marsd. MSS. 9854, foll. 7-19) and as the letter has never before been published and has not apparently been utilized in Du Jarric’s history, some fairly full quotations from it will perhaps be pardoned. The letter begins with a description of the religious life of the Fathers and their congregation :— ‘Fathers Pinheiro and Fr. Corsi are in Lahor; and Father Ant. Machado and myself are here in Agra. We are allin good health by the goodness of God. We occupy ourselves as well as we can in the exercises of the Society, keeping up the custom of daily meditation and examination and that of the renewal of vows, &c. We endeavour to confirm our con- verts in the faith they have adopted, and ina fitting way of life. To this end, on Sundays and on ordinary feasts, there is always a sermon, and when the Portuguese prisoners were here, there were two sermons, one for them in Portuguese at the second mass, and one for the natives in their own language. At the principal feasts, numbers of both men and women come to confession and receive communion, which you will learn to your consolation and to ours. At Christmas there was a fine procession as is customary every year, which moves the Christians to great devotion. Many Muhammadans and heathens who came hither, seeing it, returned praising the customs of the Christians. This is a good opportunity to explain our religion to them, and as their own has such a slight foundation it is easier to convince their understanding than their will, their lives being so far from the strictness and perfection of the Evangelical law and the happiness it brings to its followers. Our Christians keep Lent very well, with the full rigour of fasting and abstinence from all milk food. We gave them leave to eat butter, but many did not avail themselves of it. All through Lent nothing is conceded: even 1 See p. 91 below. 2 See p. 111 below. The work was not completed till 1609. Deets, 2 90 E. D. Maclagan— Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. (No. 1, _ to those under age. We do not extend to them the usual dispensations because it is well that being new Christians they should, from devotion, imitate in something the austerity of the early Christians. There will be no lack of opportunity hereafter for their availing themselves of the con- cessions which will be made to them in the course of time. Also we have regard to the Muhammadans, who hold our fasting in great contempt seeing that we eat twice a day; and to those Christians who were formerly Muhammadans it would seem as if they did not fast at all, so that ‘sieut exhibuerunt in membra sua servire in iniquitate ad iniquitatem, having observed the Muhammadan fast with such rigour ‘ita exhibuerant ila servire justitie in sanctificationem. Every Friday evening in Lent, we have a sermon to the Christians: at the end we show them the crucifix which is placed, covered, on the* altar, after which the Litany is recited, and then as many men as the Church can hold (for here in Agra it is very small) take the discipline, while the Father recites the ‘ Miserere. When these have finished others take their place, and so on till all have taken their turn. They take the discipline across the back, according to our custom - so do nearly all the Christians, old and new. When we have alarger Church there will be recom to conduct these exercises with greater solemnity. The offices for Holy Week are simply recited, but the other ceremonies are carried out with all solemnity. The washing of the feet is performed fully with great devotion and consolation. All go to confession during Lent; and on Maunday Thursday and Hasterday more than forty persons of both sexes who a few years ago were followers of Muhammad, received Holy Com- munion. The mystery of the Supreme Sacrament is preached to them individually and in general, and the privilege of approaching it is highly prized whenever we give them leave. May God keep them and advance them in perfection every day. Amen.’ ; Many of the congregation were however sadly in want of tem- poral aid. Some of the Portuguese captured at Asirgarh had imdeed’ been enlisted by Akbar as ahdis, ‘i.e., soldiers with two horses apiece,’ but there were many others who were entirely dependant on the alms of the Fathers. The case of the fifty shipwrecked Portuguese captives! gave the Fathers much trouble. They besought the inter- cession of the Prince Salim, and even of ‘Aziz Koka (‘ whose son had sent them here’), for the purpose of obtaining the Emperor’s permission for the return of these captives to Goa; but Akbar insisted on the payment of a large ransom. This the Fathers said was impossible and at last the Emperor suddenly gave in. The Portuguese were greatly delighted and came to make their salam, while Xavier thanked the Emperor saying: ‘My Lord, you have liberated fifty captives and in so doing have made fifty thousand Portuguese your servants.’ Shortly afterwards Akbar made them shoot ata mark before him and ‘ those who did so, hit the white at almost every shot.’ ‘That same afternoon 1 See p. 88 above. 1896.] HE. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 91 he caused many guns to be brought before them and bade them pick out the best for his chiefs. He received all of them that night, showing them great familiarity and presented four of them with a gun apiece.’ At the beginning of December [ 1603] they started southwards and a certain Armenian called Iskandar through whose villages they passed supplied them with a few rupees each, which enabled them ultimately to reach Goa, travelling by way of Ahmadabad and Cambay. Two of them returned in the hope that Akbar would show them favour, but he ignored them, recognizing ‘how worthless they must be to leave the service of their king so lightly.’ Father Jerome, then, having tried unsuccessfully to get leave to go to Lahor, turned his attention to some Armenians and others in his neighbourhood. Ten leagues from Agra, an Armenian landholder re- turning one night to his home ‘was beginning to drink when he was surprized by death and rendered his soul to his Creator without so much as time to cry “Jesus”:’ and the Father forthwith set out to comfort his relations and to help in settling his affairs. On his way he passed Fathpur Sikri where Prince Salim was then residing :— ‘Qn the way,’ he writes ‘there is a city which used to be the court of the Emperor Akbar when Father Rodolfi was here, which is called Fatehpur : we might say of it “here stood Troy,” for it is totally demolished; but afew edifices made by the Emperor still stand firm. The Prince was there at the time and I went to see him. He was much pleased at my visit and entertained me very well, and when his second son,! who was with him, took no notice of my salutation, he said to him. “Ho there! the Father is saluting you,” and the young man then obeyed him.’ While with the Prince, Xavier was able to do a good turn for an Italian servant? of his whose pay was in arrears, and also for the widow of an Armenian goldsmith whose property had been seized. This Armenian, like his compatriot above mentioned, had died from drink: he had offered before the Prince to drink 5 or 6 goblets of spirits; and instead of drinking, like the Prince, from small cups he insisted on draining a large china bowl, with the result that he ‘died next day without recovering consciousness. On his return Xavier again visited the Prince and found him having copper made from peacocks’ tails in his presence, such copper being an excellent antidote against poison! The Father continues his account as follows :— ‘That same day the Prince showed me a crucifix carved on an emerald,* very well wrought. He told me he had had it made to take with him. The 1 Sultan Parwiz then sixteen years old. 2 Perhaps the Filippo mentioned on p. 88 above. Xavier in the same letter says that this Italian and his wife entertained him at Fathpur. 3 cf p. 89 above. 92 EH. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, emerald is about the size of one’s thumb and the crucifix is very well carved upon it. (I had seen it in Agra, when it was made, a little while before he left). It is a fine piece of work, encircled with gold, pierced with a hole by which it can be hung on a gold chain. I remained two days longer, and when I took my leave, the Prince gave me five hundred rupees for the church. His seat was slightly raised and when I would have bent down to touch his feet, he raised me in his arms as he might a beloved brother and begged me to recommend him much tothe Lord Jesus. He then, pursued his journey to Elahabac (Allahabad) from whence he came, refusing to return by Agra where his father was, so as not to fall into the snare again.t After he had been two or three months in Allahabad, he said to his ~ Italian servant abovementioned: ‘‘ Write to the Father that you see how I carry about with me this image of the Lord Jesus” (which I take to be the aforesaid crucifix). He also sent me another five hundred rupees for the church? and said that he would order everything necessary to be given to me. The son of an Armenian Christian was in the Prince’s service and I asked the favour here in Agra that he would make him his soldier with three horses, and show him favour in future. The young man remained in Agra some time on necessary business and then went to the Prince in Allahabad, who asked him what faith he followed: he replied that he was a Muhammadan and the Prince indignantly cast him off, refused te admit him to his service and said he had a mind to cut out his tongue. The wretched young man has been in disgrace for eight or ten months. To show favour to some Portuguese who had arrived, the Prince asked them if they would like some pork to eat, and they said they would. The Prince ordered a pig to be fetched and when it was brought, he gave it to a young Christian and bade him take it to his master, but the young man was ashamed and let the pig eseape. At supper, the prince remembering the pig, asked the young man’s master if he had received it, to which he answered: ‘‘ No, my Lord, and I have neither seen nor heard anything of it.” The Prinee thereupon sent for the young man and rated him soundly as a disgrace to his religion, dismissed him from his service, took away what he gaye him for his daily maintenance, and ordered that two or three months’ arrear of pay owing to him should be forfeited. These things show at least that he is not averse to our Holy Faith,’ When Father Jerome returned to Agra, he shortly found himself in unwonted favour with the Emperor and was able to commence building his new Church. The following is his account of the matter :— “The Emperor has sent for me since, very often, once a week at least when we have finished our prayers, to come and spend the night with him, 1 Salim’s previous visit to Agra is described in Noer, Kaiser Akbar II. 548. 2 Fanthome on p. 29 of his Reminiscences of Agra 1895, quotes a short jfirman of Akbar’s prohibiting interference with the building of this Church: but he does not say where the firmadn comes from. 8 A similar story is told by Coryate. Kerr’s Voyages and Travels, IX. 481. 1896.] E. D. Maclagan— Jeswit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. 93 as he wishes to hear us speak and praises us highly for it. This is a favour only granted to certain chiefs and others whom he wishes to honour. We remain nearly all night in conversation with him, relating many things of Christ Our Lord, and His Saints. Onone of these occasions I gave him a book in Persian, containing sayings of some of our philosophers and many curious things, which he had asked me for. He and his chiefs enjoy it very much and it is in great request.l When I returned from my visit to the Prince we commenced the building of our church,? and the first stone was laid with great solemnity. Many Muhammadans were present, and were greatly edified by the cere- monies which Christians use on these occasions. These works are not so expensive here as in other places, being made of bricks, lead, and a great part of clay, which is made of a certain kind of earth. The chapel will be well finished, though perfect workmanship may be wanting. It will soon be finished, please God. It is badly needed as the Christians are very crowded in our present small Chapel.’ There were, however, troubles in store and the Father now launches out into a long account of a malicious slander circulated by a dis- contented Portuguese to the effect that ‘we had killed so and so, and so and so, that we were spies and traitors to the Emperor whose salt we ate, that we stole whatever we could lay hands on, and other things much worse: non erat malum in civitate which was not our doing, especially mine.’ The little congregation and more particularly the Armenian part of it began to look with suspicion on the Fathers: but the most interesting phase of the business to us is the fact that ‘an Kuglish heretic, here, also took part in the affair, stirring up the Portu- guese to say many things and then repeating them to us and inciting us to complain to the Hmperor.’? The Fathers were in great doubt as 1 Possibly the incomplete ‘Atna-i-Haqq-numa. See p. 111 below. 2 The new Church was apparently completed in Jahangir’s reign and a College was added which was built ‘in litterae Z specimen’ (Botelho in Marsd. MSS. 98538, Brit. Mus). The Church according to one story was pulled down to appease a Muhammadan tumult and the Jesuits then built a less sumptuous one inside their College (ib.) According to Tavernier, an Armenian friend of Shah Jahan’s who lived near the Church objected to the bell ringing when he was ill, so Shah Jahan had the bell removed and hung round the neck of his elephant: but as it was somewhat heavy it was ultimately taken off and deposited with the Kotwal (Tav. ed. 1676, II. 70). Bernier says the tower as well as the greater part of the Church was pulled down by Shah Jahan (Amst. ed. 1728, II. 80). According to Fanthome (Rem. of Agra, 1895, p. 30) the Church was added to in the Highteenth century by Sumri and Filose and is substantially the same as the present Chapel. Col. Kincaid in the Asiatic Quarterly for Jan. 1887 says, ‘the building now occupied by the Catholic Mission Press is said to have been the first Christian Church [at Agra] and according to family tradition was founded by the Lady Juliana.’ (cf. p. 53 above). 3 The English heretic was John Mildenall of whom Orme in his ‘ History of the Establishment of the English Trade at Surat, p. 341, gives the following account : 94 E. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, to the action which they should take. At first they were for laying the matter before Akbar, but they failed to obtain access to him, having to wait for hours while he disported himself in his Mahal. Then on re- considering the matter they decided to do nothing: ‘but the aforesaid Englishman seeing that he was losing this great opportunity of making mischief, went about aggravating matters and insinuating that we dared not appear before the Emperor, but the truth should be brought to light.’ It seems however that the discontented Portuguese, having -on the eve of the feast of St, John! sent a most intemperate letter-to the Fathers, suddenly repented and next morning came and threw ‘himself at their feet beseeching them by the wounds of Jesus to pardon his false calumnies. Whereupon the Fathers were again of half a mind to tell the Emperor the whole story and— ‘Many incited us to do so especially the Englishman and his partners who pretended great zeal for our honour, but God made it clear that * Latebat anguis i herba,’ for if we had taken the matter before the Emperor it would have bred some coldness and disaffection towards us among the Portuguese even if they did not believe the slanders, or would at least have thrown discredit on those who whether truly or falsely had said such things of their priests. The Hnglishman and others had determined to take this occasion of presenting a petition to the Emperor that he would allow their people to come into his ports and give them what they asked for, without having anything to do with the Portuguese, so that the whole thing was a diabolical plot, and when we refused to appeal to the Emperor, the Englishman was very disappointed at losing the opportunity, for he and his partners, who were most forward in persuading and assisting us to appeal to the Emperor, were now obliged to seek other means of furthering their ends. Did not the mercy of the Lord appear in thisP Fecit hac tenta- tione tantum proventum, discovering a thousand things against us and “He was bred a merchant and was employed whilst the establishment of the Company was under adjustment, to bear a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Mogul, Achar, requesting the freedom of trade in his dominions. He left Aleppo in July 1600, but did not arrive at Agra until the year 1603, where he was much thwarted by the friars ; but after a residence of three years obtained a phirmaund, Acbar being dead, from Jehangire, with which he returned as he came through Persia, and _was at Cashin in October 1606 ...... The rest of his story is very obscure. He returned to Persia, if not before, in 1610, with some commission, in which two Others, young men, were joined; whom it is said he poisoned in order to embezzle the effects committed to their common charge, with which he repaired to Agra, where he turned Roman Catholic, and died himself of poison, leaving all he possessed to a Frenchman, whose daughter he intended to marry.’ Mildenall’s own account of the business (which is too long to quote) will be found in his letter of 1606 at pp. 114—116 of Vol. 1. of Purchas’ Pilgrimes. 1 Jerome says: ‘1t was the eve of St. John and our children and the Christians were jumping the fires.’ Beltam Fires—on June 28rd—at Agra! 1896.] HE. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 95 the Christians, which they had tried to obtain in favour of the English. One who was on their side now made known that he had been heavily bribed to prepare matters with the Emperor, ! but after all this he turned against them, broke the agreement he had made, and in our presence tore up the paper each had secretly prepared. All this came of the previous persecution which the Lord Jesus brought to such a happy issue....... The Englishman tried by means of heavy bribes to obtain a firmdn from the Emperor allowing his people to come into the ports, promising much profit, and many tried to procure it for him, but ‘dominus dissipat concilia princupum, and, as ‘cor regis in manu Domini, the Emperor would never grant the request, though the Englishman persevered in asking it for two years, and we trust in our Lord God that many more may elapse before he obtains it. It is no small favour which our Lord does us in preventing a thing so prejudicial to the State and our Faith.’ At the beginning of March [1604] there had arrived in Agra from Lahor a ‘distinguished and learned Florentine Jo%0 Battista Vechiete’? ~ who had travelled ‘in many eastern lands, through Hgypt, Mesopotamia and Persia,’ and who was much favoured by the Emperor. An interest- ing account of his books is then given :— ‘He has much friendship for us, in proof of which he gave us a book of the Holy Gospels in Arabic with the Latin at the foot, printed in the Vatican, which we value very highly. He had also with him the Psalter of David in Persian, which he obtained with great pains and at great cost from a Jew who had it in Persian, but in Hebrew characters. It was translated two hundred years ago by an eminent Jew of Persia. We gave ourselves to the transcribing of these books with much delight. While the Italian was here, he copied in Persian character the Books of Proverbs, Canticles, Heclesiastes, Judith and Hsther, which he had in Persian, but in Hebrew character, ® and gave them to us freshly copied into the Persian tongue and character, but though the characters are new, the translation is more than two hundred years old: he obtained them from some Jews in Persia at a good price. We gave him the book of the four Gospels in Persian, which he greatly desired, for he said that they had the Gospel of St. Matthew in Persian at Rome, but would like very much to have the other three. Last year we sent to Rome another book of the Gospels in Persian, the translation of which is more than 300 years old. God grant I According to Mildenall the Jesuits had not been behind hand for they ‘had given to the two chiefest counsellors that the king had, at least five hundred pounds _ sterling a piece that they should in no wise consent unto these demands of mine,’ i.e. his demands for trading privileges for the English. 2 Heis probably one of the merchants referred to by Mildenall in his letter of 1606 from Qazwin in which he says: ‘I would have come myself when I wrote this letter save that there were two Italian merchants in Agra that knew of all my proceedings whom I doubted, as I had good cause lest they would do me some harme.’ 3 The regular custom among Persian Jews. See Ind. Antiq. XVII. 115. 96 E. D. Maclagan —Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [WNo. 1, that it arrived safely. Weare now arranging the same Gospels in Persian with the corresponding Latin at the foot, which God willing will be much esteemed in Europe.’ Meantime Father Corsi came from Lahor to Agra for a two months’ stay. ‘He has learnt Persian,’ says Xavier, ‘and commenced Hindistani, the language of this country: and by his capacity and desire to learn I think he will soon master Arabic as well.’ On one and the same day the whole party left Agra; Corsi and Joao Battista to go to Lahor, Xavier and Machado to accompany the Emperor towards Bengal. The Hmperor was in reality advancing against his son Salim who lay at Allahabad and only turned back on hearing of the mortal illness of his mother: but when Xavier wrote, the object of the journey was kept in secrecy and Akbar had not as yet left Agra more than a march or two behind him. The Father concludes this part of his letter by reporting the con- versions of the past year. ‘They had been few indeed,’ he says, for ‘the Muhammadans are truly unfit to receive the Holy Gospel, and we are certainly unfit instruments for the conversion of such hard hearts!’ Including Portuguese and others, there had been during the year eight marriages and 25 baptisms. Then follow details regarding the baptism of two native infants and the conversion of a woman who was employed about the church. Xavier then turns to describe the progress made at Lahor. The Governor in those parts was ‘a great enemy of our faith,’ but though he was ready to persecute the Christians he was favourably inclined towards Pinheiro personally. The poorer Armenians in Lahor made their livelihood by selling wine, ‘for which they often get into trouble as the Viceroy holds their trade in detestation (though he drinks well himself),’ and it was only when Pinheiro had persuaded these Arme- nians to desist from this calling that they were safe from the persecu- tion of the Viceroy. Owing to Akbar’s Firman the Christians might practice their religion quite openly :— ‘The feasts of Christmas and Easter are kept at Lahor with great solemnity, and the church being so large and beautiful, everything can be well carried out. Jo&o Battista, the abovementioned Italian, was present at one of these feasts and wept with joy to see these things done openly in a land of Muhammadans. When he was with us in Agra he was overcome with surprise at the sight of the funeral of an honourable Armenian, when the Christians accompanied the funeral carrying lighted candles, the cross uncovered borne before them, the children singing the Creed, and the Fathers reciting prayers bringing up the rear.’ All the chiefs and principal persons of Lahor, we are told, were on very good terms with the Fathers: ‘So are the Viceroy and the principal - 1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 97 magistrates who set many free at their request even though they be Muhammadans or heathens, and often send them the Christians who are brought before them to be dealt with as the Fathers think fit.’ Troubles however were not wanting. A nephew of Abdulla Khan ‘(who died lately), the king of those parts of Maronhar [ Mawaran-nahr } and Samarcand, which used to be the realm of the great Tamerlane,’ was listening to a sermon in the Church, when one of his followers ‘rose up and brandished his scimitar above the head of the Father who being deep in the sermon did not perceive it, but he was prevented by his fellows from cutting the Father’s head off. The Fathers also found themselves in a difficult position before the Viceroy, who ‘is very zealous for his faith, and thinks himself learned beyond all past and present, looking down even on Aristotle.’! Accordingly when the Fathers supported their creed and ‘contradicted the doctrine of Muhammad,’ the Viceroy would burst into a frenzy calling them vagabonds, &e. But he knew at the same time that they had Akbar’s license to preach, and when Father Corsi went to Agra he began to fear that an ill report would be made of him and, having called for Pinheiro, said to him: ‘Father, I am a friend to you and to the Lord Jesus: no one knows Him better than Ido. He had the spirit of God and neither prophet nor angel could speak as he spoke.’ He failed however to gain the con- fidence of the Fathers, as the following incident shows clearly enough :— ‘One day when the Father visited him he was preparing a drink com- posed of sugarcandy and rosewater, as a refreshment in the great heat. He drank of it himself and so did some of the chiefs, and he went on pre- paring it and handing it round. He offered some to the Father among the first, asking if he would drink some of it. The Father could not excuse him- self seeing the honour done to him by giving him the preference before the “Gazi” who is like the Bishop among us, and all the priests and learned men. But remembering that a few days ago the Viceroy had threatened to cut off his head, if he persisted in declaring the Divinity of Christ, and the hatred which the Viceroy has for all Christians, he was almost afraid to taste it, but in order to show no want of confidence and to meet his advances frankly he said: “ Why should I not drink, when it is specially prepared by your hands?” He made the sign of the cross over it openly and drank. But the Father will not often trust himself to these honours, except where it is necessary to accept them in testimony of our Faith.’ Some days after the Viceroy’s wife came to the Church, bringing an offering to Our Lady, and making a vow for the amendment of her son. This son we are told was ‘given to evil courses and abandoned zn 1 ‘Qulij Khan was a pious man and a staunch Sunni: he was much respected for his learning. As a poet he isknown under the name of Ulfati: some of his verses may be found in the concluding chapter of the Mirat-uValam.’ Blochm, Aim I, 34n. Ale gin le 98 BE. D. Maclagan—Jesuwi/ Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, moribus. His mother’s advice has no effect on him, nor his father’s punishments even when heavy and publicly adminstered.’! Several gifts were made to the Church; among others ‘several pieces of silver plate, 7.e., a beantiful thurible, a silver holy-water basin, and a stick for the holy-water sprinkler, and silver cruets and plate beautifully chased. ’ An Armenian merchant being nigh to death called in the Fathers and confessed to them and ‘ begged with much feeling that the passion © of Jesus Christ should be read to him.’ ‘He was buried very different- ly from other Armenians, to show how the Roman Church honours, even after death, those who have been obedient to her in life.’ . We also hear again of the Hungarian :-— ‘A young man from the realm of the Emperor [in Europe] captive to a Turk who made him prisoner in the late wars, came hither with his master, who set him free, but even when at liberty his fear of being re-taken was so great that he trembled at every step. The Fathers sent him to us at Agra and we received him and placed him with Joao Battista Vechiete who will take him back to his own land. This Hungarian knows the Christian doctrine and prayers in Latin and is going on well.’ ' Then follow some accounts of baptisms: and the letter con- cludes :-— ‘Few new Christians have been made this year at Lahor, because of the fear they have of those who govern there. Some are being catechised. God give them strength to accept the way of Salvation. We all pray your Reverence and our beloved Fathers to assist us with your prayers and holy ministrations, to which we greatly recommend ourselves. From Agra the 6th Sept. 1604. Jerome Xavier.’ Father Pinheiro’s letter from Lahor, dated 12th August 1605. Two months before Akbar’s death Pinheiro addressed a letter to the Provincial, Manoel da Veiga, which continues the history of the mission at Lahor. The original of the letter is among the Marsden MSS. No, 9854, in the British Museum, and though evidently utilized by Du Jarric in his history, has not previously been published. The letter is occupied almost entirely with an account of the ty- rannies exercised by the Viceroy Qulij Khan, and his supporters and of the retribution which ultimately overtook them. Qulij Khan, we are told, besides being a persecutor of the Christians, whose name was ‘as much feared in Hindustan, as were formerly those of Nero and Diocle- tian, was a tyrant even to his own people and thought no more of putting a man to death than of drinking a cup of water. 1 Regarding the evil deeds of Mirza Lahauri, son of Qulij Khan, see Blochm. Ain I, 500. 1896.] HE. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 99 ‘Once when I was with him’, says Pinheiro, ‘some men were brought in, a person of some importance among them, and thinking they were sent by the Prince [Salim], whose enemy he openly shows himself, in less than an hour, without further enquiry or confession from them he had them hung,—and they were afterwards found to be quite innocent. His sons! were doing their best to imitate him: ‘one of them ordered a man who was going through the bazar occupied in his own business to be hung, simply because he wished to see how it was done.’ At the same time Qulij’s enmity to the Prince Salim rendered him indispensable to Akbar in those disturbed times :— ‘The Emperor does nothing in the whole kingdom but what is pleasing to the Governor, having need of him to govern in these parts in case of a war with his son, for he is the Prince’s open enemy and publicly declares to the Emperor that he is his only faithful subject...... They looked on Calichao as a second Emperor and feared him as a magician, and through his arts the Emperor had been induced to put many chiefs to death, some of whom I knew, among others our friend Xencaio (Zain Khan Koka)? the prince’s father-in-law and the defender of our religion.’ We have already seen from Xavier’s letter how concerned the Governor was at Corsi’s departure for Agra, which took place in June 1604: and Pinheiro’s account shows with what difficulty Corsi was able to get awaj. ‘The Nawab [Qulij Khan] was displeased when he heard of his depar- ture because, after he had given him leave, he told me not to let him go and sent me word tothe same effect by his son. But in obedience to the order of Father Jerome Xavier and not to disappoint Father Corsi, I managed to arrange matters and let him go, although the time seemed ill-chosen, for many reasons, such as the dispute we had with the Nawab about the Divinity of Christ which he denies.’ | The Governor’s opposition was however mainly instigated by the Hindis, and their enmity is ascribed by Pinheiro to the pertinacity with which he, Pinheiro, attacked their notorious immorality and to the anxiety with which he attempted to dissuade them from the com- 1 This tallies with what Blochmann says of Mirza Lahauri (Azn I. 500): Chin Qulij (of whom more below) seems to have been better. Pinheiro says that a married daughter of Qulij Khan used to come to the Church, as well as a young daughter of hers, and show great devotion. ‘Iwas surprised,’ he says, ‘that such a noble lady should send her young daughter to the Church, for they are kept so retired by thé custom of the country, that it is not possible to see them even in case of illness. But by the goodness of the Lord Jesus, they all hold such a high opinion of the Fathers, that they send their wives and daughters to the Church, assured that they are quite safe’, 2 Zain Khan’s daughter was married to Salim. ‘ His death in 1602-3 was due,’ says Blochmann, ‘ partly to excessive drinking.’ Ain I. 340. 100 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1, mon crime of infanticide. The heathen accordingly took counsel together against him as follows :— ‘As concerns the Nawab, it will be sufficient to accuse the Father every day of grievous things which even if they are not believed will be enough to throw discredit upon him. We can do this the more easily that his friends the Nawabs Xamaradin [? Qamru-d-din] and Xencdo [Zain Khan] are dead,! and the present Nawab Calichic&o is hostile to him, as he has shown on many occasions because of the religion he preaches. So we shall get the Father driven from Lahor and the church, which we hate, destroyed.’ For the time being Pinheiro was able to re-assure the Governor, but shortly afterwards the Hindis, obtaining the aid of a young man who was a favourite of the Governor’s,— ‘Gave him a rich present from the heathen who were the Father’s ene- mies, together with a defamatory libel: the best things contained in it were that the Father ate human flesh, fattened up young men and sent them away to be sold in Portuguese lands, murdered people and had killed a tailor’s wife not four days ago: that he was a great wizard and by his spells made men renounce their religion and adopt an unknown one, and so he had done to the son of a pandit,’ &c. The Governor was still afraid to seize any Christians in the city in case the matter should come to Akbar’s ears, but he determined to seize any whom he could find in the Fort. A Portuguese was thereupon arrested inside the Fort and after much beating was induced to say the Kalma, ‘ their cursed Muhammadan creed,’ after which he was kept under guard but well treated. Pinheiro at once went to confront the Governor, but could not see him ‘as he was occupied with a visitor of whom a great deal is made by some because he is learned and a son of a great master among the former Kings of Camarcaio [Samarqand], by others because he is the son-in-law of the King of Maivenar (Mawaran-nahr) and Camarcao.’ When Pinheiro gained admittance, he protested against the Governor’s conduct, but Qulij Khan swore by Martes Alli (Murtiza ‘Ali), by the Prophet’s head and his own, that no compulsion had been used to make the Portuguese turn Muhammadan. Pinheiro had to go away in sorrow, but on his way through the city saw the man being negligently guarded, where- upon, he says, he ‘drew near with unutterable joy and taking the lost sheep upon his shoulders bore him out of the city’ The Portuguese having been sent off to Agra and his wife and children having been put in safety, Pinheiro was able once more to confront the Governor and submit to examination. ‘ When asked,’ he says, ‘what had become of the man, I answered that he had not been to my house nor to his 1 See p. 84 above. 1896.] HE. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. 10¥ own, since he was taken prisoner.’ Whereupon ‘a dark cloud fell upon the Nawab and his followers and no more was heard of the Portuguese who had turned Musalman.’ A greater trouble took place in connection with certain houses which Akbar had granted to the mission. These houses had belonged to a Hindt called Pan [? Pannt Ram] who defaulted to the Emperor to the extent of 3 lakhs and was dispossessed of his property: and the Fathers used them asa shelter for married Christians. The Hindis offered the Governor ‘2000 rupees beside other things of price’ for these houses, and Pinheiro was forthwith ordered to vacate them with- in five days, which he did, saying that ‘the law of Jesus Christ forbad him to enter into strife for houses or lands.’ The Governor at first ordered the Kotwal to give Pinheiro other houses in exchange for them, but he subsequently revoked the order and the Hindis were triumphant, thinking that the church also would now soon come into their hands. Pinheiro meanwhile had written to Xavier about all the troubles at Lahor and action was taken at Agra :— ‘IT informed Father Jerome Xavier more than once of what had happened, but he did not think it proper to speak to the Emperor at that time, because he was very sad, firstly because his mother who is over 90 is at the point of death, secondly and chiefly because he is at variance with his son who is making head against him, But although the Father did not wish to add to his sorrow by these tidings, he spoke to him about the houses, which had been taken from us, because our credit greatly depended on it, and if they were returned to us it would be clear that the Hmperor favoured us and considered us above the Governor. As soon as Father Francis Xavier informed the Emperor of the matter, he ordered a letter to be written to Calichc&o to return the houses to the Fathers. The letter was written by the Emperor’s Wazir, and the following is a translation of it! :— “ Beloved and fortunate chief, live and prosper under the protection of God. After compliments. I would have your Excellency know that by order of him whom all the world obeys, the houses of Pan were converted into a Church and dwelling houses for the Fathers and their people. 1. fata atfaateat (ata: aatteT | [9] aratgiatamua fafaaa ants feuefea: atta efi] We 2, Rarattaticy oat atag: fara | a: ATAU aratagE fay! aa Tne ferararan- 1 Read ge | She te Ol 238 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. L. 8. ee) 10. AY SenA FATAL EE | quate afata fart aha ase Wa mawity HTS fa afa at wa aeerata | aifaqiRRAeTgaastieatyat fax AMAT Welase aat WHT FIRES | aaaeeMAATA AAWITAS EA? | zafa wautatat aaa: wrataRaw: 4 Wiea- afatsaatateneratat aatfaaafcataneqaan: | sraeatstu ataayaar[waret al- wieaaraet yfa waza | a aaa: HaTaUatsty a aseulantayary: | at aq| ee |- eye: Ulyar- agmagntad 4az: | RISA TA awe fearanaes wes [sterat] afeia rey yaa eaenfeat | farctufaermugues: Hawa sI- s aitaeata Ut Ute sfearatateat sear | afeat AFA Ae Wes ata faatfaat: | TSA AAEa Ast Alaa: | a asast fea- [No, 3, [10] (11) [12] [14] [15] [16] 1896. ] N. N. Vasu— Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT, 239 Ee 12. UHR aT gaged Tatts | SATAM RACAL: afanraay- 18. aaal ara: | [17] AMAAS AIS AAAI | aMiaTaades seas g Ufeat | [18] qaAwAT- Per 1A: HYSIBTSAFT ALT | aie watatee atarq Fast Ta | [19] ual Te Teal aaHsAA eed. aaq ulaaly TTACSAAAUITAT: MASAF: TA | agacate: ae frgwat Trey ATER ie. 16: RU agate: ae ufcata: fete ate Te | [20] hat feamre[t terrane saa lis, 17. zw atx. cS CALC CAL wlafata faa aisisace | aa et aug: way yaa g- die 18. queat afaagy ete asta aa za aetan sate) = =— (21 walta'e RL BWAasMtaHAA- ie 19. Fate | | aa waqe atte mo: sofas =a [22 ufaencmaats trary fra- 3fucaata- Hee 20). _ feat waged | fasax| wa |neteatiatyea- TRAUMA SZISH TF? | [23] q- 1 Read weilta | 240 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva If. (No. 3, Plate-leaf II, reverse. L. 1. Fx ufeyansametgauatya- aa: wee ufsarat Sat: wa wtxa: | aalatetaur- SPE Q. zat feqaateaeq atta itera gata aeeUaTife fasta wa | [24] mtataateqed altata a- Ss cetaea eae” aqqugatequatataazataTaastes | aq val aueaanfatadt Sq Ta- lin 4h Ta Ait 3 way uta achantaatayasigat saz | [25] frraaamtaaare AGA: TTA aL L 5. walfiguat wart walicareai Algefraranstard tates a vfaat: fatat cax- fin? 6: AUT TARSAL: | [26] met aw mA aafesas aatfer: ta tara Lavan Zek- : fa a alzat | Trae Geatuae zafa: at aa ad wH- aagsAIfAaAs TRY AFVE: |) [27] L. & samttraud waitfafecel aantaaw fate- arate wae yeaa xfa alofearenraya fafaa: gxat- 12: aa: Va teaeslaataaal- GagieTat fuewerq sia satetfaat | [28] [a] aratfe- i Read @q | * Read eaa | 3 Read @@ | 4 Read qyt 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiwha-déva IT. 241 10, qataa wate at as daa ata fFExaAT GAVAT AAWS ATG Ha | a Be 1k agitautde faacstatsraetaat fesrtty WaTSTGEY ATA TAA ie Boe al aqHATe I [29 | TEM aU alagaawsaaTAsta grareraayeay- im “13. wfaat AFIacwIAa: metedfa sa aaTARTAATSaTATa- wrerifuntamat cay- a 1A, at TH ATAA! |) [30] FaAueleteay afarzer far a at urfat saataaasr sata: ay- iy 5. waa aT az | fatarfcars! aifaaaaere satus aT feat at Haataa wfaue aHT AS- i. 16. ae Il [31] qatut safe alataantraraTg | fesaaarg oatererg fauratarg aaa: | [32] fa- z L. 17. am afeatt antfacqasndicaga a aFeququtaufaaag: aafarattet | L. 18. =afae: vfaatufa: saattafaa eet aryat cagarnft @avat TaTEATaAT | (33] at L. 19. wzradtats anafaaraate: RAMapaanensey Te: | auuamfaaaa amquta- 1s Read gvq | 242 -N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrstiha-déva If, [No. 3, i. 20. te at IDR 1 Pee GAs i 6 ie 6 lp de S- attr: aeIFH ULTRA TA | IFWET faqusyay gufeueutantentan: | Plate-leaf III, obverse. . [Taare FATT] a alae: Ral aaaarsty | | TINS WEY seat waafefar | qed whe ase fas araTaateS |) FeuMAaHIaaHTA THAT (Fz aaa ete aaa |- fa feuy [waa straqa] | atest titra suacaaa Beata TAT Staq araraaxt aa |- gafe[< aazrae]aat | auuaeata saHata aTat AAW AT TRA GTaTHT | ait faa |- outa aeaifeat a fauaet waa I Teafatae frag feels [Ra fa]- Haare taate aaa fyasfasaate aqataanan| sg wtf + als] 1 suefcagat aafaat ad Hatefea- aagae q fafa wyuat|twar] [34] [35] [36] [38] [39] 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nreimha-déva II, 243 L. 8. father afta fraser aiftastaadt- amMasarigtauaat ura: Bateeerg | [40] Wer L 9% wiqa fecgaant sta Asa Ge- aad saefa & a aeaaratta- i. 10, RETA | Ss g Qa aa aa fexaamARtg ATTA TAA aug afaa a[a|- Hit. qa xe Tara: ofa | [41] anmaet fafacfaace atalRarzet|- fi. 12. mut aes aaala aefy ware ahaesy ATE | BIST AAT aay: az] L. 18. fa[squat fae ja: qapatz- wataearattaa [afa] (axa jateargerary y [42] [aMes aatat|- : Te YA. aw faestaaatet | SUMAN HAMAS ala! | [43] Rasigerd| atest Aat| lng ae ~at- awfext cfaqutgaursagat arate uqauatata a- (oul MGMATaya Basalt | a@laraaaeg Atg- | Eo Zwart (96] qa aquugia sefaraetatar | iwdwagent eal atcn- His 8. Stae | (97] TUTFASILS TS ATTA TAT | aia HUT sa Wa Alea RAAT L. 4. a tl [98] aa ed farting: art Wawra | asians ertifs SAAT AAT | - [99] L. 5. feeftetaaudt fierentutsa utatacentetacarentfaaiteee | L. 6. vafifalfajfacteeca atemetutsa: TIUTAMULIa: HaNIT WaAtALlat- Me 7 far | [100] afar carafe ya: FATT: IEE CEIGICEICUC UIE ATEN ea- ia 28. Hatataat ante | fambhaaaasia Haas | (101) qateat wafatasfa qeetat- L. 9. wittaaaexit yfa ats we | SRA yeTa eats RETA i .10. fa axataaatta a | [102] aT UyumRATE (LUA ATAT- ATeaaeyeaA- J. 1, 30 204 Up N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiinha-déva IL. II. 12, 13. 14.,, 15. 16. 17: 18, 19. id ° BaALt VATA | BeaqeqayansTs STATA AAA AE | Tea aay fafarrentfarent faerie wa aret ou faqa- agqutear aifasrstza: | Tata faa feacinagqetfesfaai yeusgai Uaal- aeafaata frzafeaaaa Fa | qaseeuary fart sq Gata: ae SS5G RTAMARALATS: FATA: | wralaAgsasta wT TaweTe Tarerat fe- aafaarra sat acataate: wes! fea | afer GAM TRE MATS [No. 3, [103] [104] [105] adeuygattureantetaactant faciara: | sttateare- fastaasuta: quasar fiuasfteart feesaqugi staat tga Tey qraade’ farraay eal Tets- qeaa agiatuaanfagmaig waa VHTTGCSTMA AAA ATA SITATT Plate-leaf VI, obverse, HO WWaTacrs Aaa HUME fas HALAS UTS Hasse afta 1 Read @za | 2 MACS T | 8 AIWITGAIT | 1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inseription of Nrsimha-déva LI. L. 2, Ugiwlatfenmsea sufsqaaaatat Usa UetsttacatqscreaaaA Ta- Tawa SALA: AMUAA SLA WISI Ae TAG- TMT WMA e eee sfaUTaSe | ufsaa: area aalt tata wfsadisaiae fayfaret Tata Fister Vat Ara wae AT ata Seagate aisaatntan eraafeow- atfearrmg gat aarquaty wWet< MIAH featatararnfuang’ afore frre see etia anarntun safacwetfeat ufefad | qa STI- Gfaaatett aatestaa aearty TATAT ia | ufgaa: | wtamaauuefsata ews aretaal aRRfeoMtatt A wtetatea Toate | efaqua: FUSS AT WISAIey astute DASatA- TWIST WIM Aah Vetta saewmarntan zafaswatent wag Tea Saarel- 255 amity me moe wafeatada aremfun eu afar ateya agwetaa Al aauifan aatfasate afeat wer fradtaa- wewmamuansatan anate- 1 Read o@t | 8 Read °% | 256 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-deva If. [No. 3, L. 12. qrarerermqy wages vaslaat Aa Ufsaa: |) ARTE a TRE L. 18. qeamarey Tettmay ae aesarafe VarMlas | SALA: BATRA ATA L. 14. waawaesaatiag | Fest oatewia CY Jesaatsqchaquaare || Tr a- L. 15. a Warner wew aeerAMtiars-arat- fun anafeattad afeoqe farane Eicel| Gwyn ete AT- L. 16. atta duew afar ufefad | wd oA fafa freane ugraattent ufefaa |) aara- Qa AS TST L. 17. afea armada oterq || * | Shea AGT vefeegemret ufaara wats MIATA TII- L. 18. aanrerifattaregrearaad mreattuataatgat aeaat || ° N ATT RTET PEMCoIE] : L. 19. afearsg i ol sa waearm’saat | efau alsewTAY I(?)wata alae AE SStaTs L. 20. waa Sfeqa TWA Sferatic | aAwufsesta atqtan Heed Tettway ANI frTaat | L. 21, fartat | ° | seteuregtametargare FATE | ol TUCHUATNAR GRE ASTEATAT |} © I Plate-leaf VI, reverse. L. 1. aemnafagy aaafesa | wat ufcuTents wUTTaRATER | ALZUILATA YASTta UT- 1 Read o@t | ® RIT 3 Read o#| 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 257 Bey 2 faa | eealefan TU WS ATAUTTAT | SeUIL AA AAT TSE | 3 Hetataadi Be: etatq Batg- Ea & Wat | ATMACMAN Al FLA AGATE | afasai afauat fet: ae waa | : fatg sat SR ae 4, alexa fea: | amauy fe aaa 4 ext saa | Ta GUA a YACASAGS | | SLACRATAT- Date oy Bard! fa qaeraaaag | marty water: mreattat aattafa: | mata fe Ws wig wa: Waa we faa | u- L. 6. eewat weartufaraer at auiiaaaret ata atfaaar: | % uwatea an uafae aaw- =a Ta- at faafartafate af i «1 At at St st St Tt ho TRANSLATION, Om! Adoration to Narayana ! Verse 1. May the lotus-like fect of Laksmi grant you prosperity :; her feet, whose nails emitting hundreds of brilliant rays, shine like the petals with filaments, and distinctly reflected on the nails of which her lover (Krsna), bowing down to her for offence committed to her play- fully, looks like a black-bee sitting upon a lotus, 2. When the ocean of milk was churned by the Dévas and Daityas, the beautiful Rama sprang out of it, and although Civa, Brahma, Indra and other gods of renown, present on that occa- 258 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3, sion, looked longingly after her, she recognised the lotus-navelled Visnnu, the delighter of the three worlds, as her husband: just as in a garden of various blooming trees, the bhramara (black-bee) has recourse to the mango-tree only. 3. From the lotus-like navel of Vignu sprang Brahma; from Brahma, Atri; and from the eyes of Atri sprang the moon whose rays illumined the universe. He, although equal to the sun, in his power to devour the darkness potent enough to eat up the three worlds, surpassed him in transparency, because darkness is seen through his person in the shape of the black spot apparent on his surface. 4. He being a brother of Lakgmi gives delight to the universe ; being a friend of nectar destroys the poison-like darkness; and as a younger brother of the celestial tree Kalpa is enjoyed by all the Dévas. But having all these blessed qualities combined in him, he defeats each of them by unfolding his purity before the universe. He reigns supreme. 5. Several kings were born in his dynasty. Their glories, partially delineated in the puranas, did not stop there. Then they became themes for several kavyas; and now, as if assuming living forms, they are, travelling throughout the world, halting in the ears of the hearers. 6. Where on the face of the earth is so many-tongued a person, who can proclaim the great military exploits of every king of the Lunar Dynasty? ‘The description of the glories acquired by the prowess of one of the members of the family (Arjuna) has taken up a Mahabharata. Therefore only the names of the kings of this dynasty are here given in the order of precedence. From Candra sprang Budha, from Budha Anala, from Anala Purii-ravas, from Pururavas Vayu (Ayus), from Vayu Nahusa, from Nahusa Yayati, from Yayati Turvasu, from Turvasu Gaygéya, from Gaygéya Virdcana, from Virdcana Sa&imbedya, from Sambedya Bhasvan, from Bhasvan Datta-séna, from Datta-séna Saumya, from Saumya Acva-datta, from Agvadatia Sauranga, from Sauranga Citrangada, from Citrangada Ciradhvaja, from Giradhvaja Dharmaisi, from Dharmaisi Pariksit, from Pariksit Jaya-séna, from Jaya-séna Vijaya-séna, from Vijaya-séna Vrsa-dhvaja, from Vrsa-dhvaja Pragal- bha, from Pragalbha Gakti, and from (akti sprang Kolahala known as Ananta-varman. 7. There was a famous city named Ganga-vadi. It was wealthy, prosperous and fit to be the abode of gods. Ananta-varman became its first king. He and his successors were known by the title of Riipa- ganga. 1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 259 8. Because the adversary kings, (while he was fighting) at the head of the battle, raised a tumult (Kélahala) and (went to) the abodes of the gods, his (capital) became equal to the abode of gods and was named Kolaihala. In that city several kings reigned in succession. 9. When the eldest Narasimha is reigning what shall we do here— we who delight in forcibly carrying away the goddess of prosperity by conquering the world with our prowess. Let the creeper-like sword in our hands exercise in the forest of the necks of our enemies. Let the ereeper of our glory ascend to heaven. 10. Of the Lords of men, they with Kamarnava as their fifth, while roaming over the world with the object of conquest were in some places honoured by their enemies, in others, they had to destroy the families hostile to them. In this they reached not only Kalinga but along with it Udra also. (When they reached there) the Tortoise Incarnation of Hari rose, as it were, from the sea to see them. 11. What more can be said in praise of these kings belonging to the Ganga Dynasty than that, at the time when, in battle, they snatched away by force all the lands belonging to the Kalingas, and the fortune long enjoyed by others ; the divine tortoise, the three-eyed Civa at Gokarna as well as on the Mahéndra, the sea, and the sun and the moon in the sky, all bore witness to the occasion. 12. Among them, Kamarnava the ruler of the world was the progenitor of a line of kings. His sons and grandsons were kings of renowned arms. 13. From Kamarnava sprang Vajra-hasta as the thunder- holder on earth, a renowned king throughout the world and devoted to the teachings of the Gastras. He was a destroyer of his enemies and provided all the means for supplying the wants of the needy ; and by his pure way of living, he was like an ascetic of the first order. 14. The king of Tri-Kalinga was not only Vajra-hasta in name, but in his deeds too he was like the Holder of the thunder-bolt. Except Indra the Thunder-bolt-holder himself, who is there upon earth, who ean resist the falling thunderbolt, 7. e., the attack of Vajra-hasta P 15. His fame, pure as the moon, spread through all the directions of the horizon, and gladdened the whole world. The riders of the elephants supporting the eight quarters of the world perceiving this, painted the frontal globes of their elephants again and again with thick pigment of vermilion, 16. As Parvati was of Pinakin (Maha-déva), so Nangama was his beloved wife: By her, Vajra-hasta had a son named Raja-raja the valorous king. 17. King Raja-raja was handsome like the moon. His glories 260 N. N. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT. [No. 3, were as innumerable as the heads of Ananta. He lowered Kuvyéra by his wealth and Indra by his prowess. 18. Like Laksmi of Narayana, and Rohini of Candra (the moon) Raja-sundari was his first queen. 19. From R&aja-raja and Raja-sundari sprang Céda-ganga to deprive the rulers of the earth of their means of strength; as formerly the ‘thunder-bolt’ issued from Indra to lop off the wings of the supporters of the earth (7.e. of mountains). 20. Surely Sarasvati, the goddess of learning, was his nurse, as that Arya-boy sucked up from her all the milk-like learning even when very young. Otherwise how was it possible that he should acquire such keen insight into the Védas, such well versed knowledge in the Castras, such wonderful poetical genius, and such superior ingenuity in the fine- arts, and what not ? 21. Excepting the Dik-palas, he brought under his control, all the kings of the earth; and the gems that adorned the heads of the kings unfriendly to him shed radiance on his feet. This is not speaking too much in praise of king Coda-gayga. For the full moon, thinking that (the disc) his whole body, owing to its similarity with the white umbrella of kings, would be carried away by king Coda-ganga, has, through fear, ceased to expand his body. 22. Asan aged person takes the kara (hand) of a woman daly married to him, he (the king) exacted kara (tribute) from all the land between the Ganga (the Ganges) and the Godtama-ganea (Godavari) disregarding the powerful warriors who looked on in amazement. 23. In duels, before the blood, flowing from the wounds inflicted upon his body with the weapon in the antagonist’s hand reached the ground, king Ganga with the sword held in his hand cut them to pieces and made them lie prostrate upon the ground. 24. When the terrible flame of Gayga’s prowess burned the capitals of the unfriendly monarchs, the smoke rising in clouds from these cities ascended the heavens; and the dévas thinking that the Khandava forest was again on fire got frightened for a moment. But soon their fear was assuaged, when they came to know the real fact from the enemies of Ganga, sent to heaven by the sharp edge of his sword; and surely the dévas then began to praise his valour. 25. With elephants in fury appearing like masses of clouds, their temporal juice flowing in torrents and rendering the battle-field inac- cessible, the effulgence of the waving swords appearing like flashes of lightning, and the clash of the nda@raca arm roaring like thunder, his army was very similar to the appearance of the rainy season. Trildcana- vibhu saying that no hero could venture to conquer Ganga, was bound in agreements with him. 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT, 261 26. Defeating the king of Utkala as if churning another sea, Gay- gécvara obtained the moon of expanded fame, Lakgmi-like kingdom (dharani), thousands of maddened elephants, tens of thousands of horses and gems innumerable. What shall we say? Is this the excellence of the ocean or the person who churns it ? 27, What person is there who is capable of erecting a temple fit for the dwelling of that great Being pervading the whole universe, whose feet are this world, whose navel is the firmament, whose ears are the ten directions, whose eyes are the sun and the moon, and whose head is the yonder heaven ? In consideration of this it seems that the kings who preceded Coda-ganga did not take in hand the erection of a temple to Purugdttama: but Gangéevara built it. 28. The sea of milk is the birth-place of Lakgsmi. Persons who know the value of self-respect consider it derogatory to their honor to live in the house of their father-in-law. It seems that taking this into consideration, Laksmi-pati (Jagannatha) surely felt greatly mortified, whilst dwelling there: but as soon as the temple was erected he left his former abode and has been residing in it (the temple) with great pleasure. Lakgmi too, leaving her father’s house, is living in that of her husband with great delight. 29. Now, thou, O Kirmadhipa (king of the tortoises), run not thou - away; thou, O Vyaléndra (king of the serpents), have patience; thou, O Earth, be still; and, thou too, O Universe, be immoveable ; for the lions brought enchained by Gayngée¢vara in his several hunting excur- sions by their furious roar filling the whole universe with the echo may terrify the Din-nigas to flight, which will make the world tremble, which may also happen sometimes under the weight of his feet. 30. Hotly pursued by Gangégvara the king of the Mandara first fled from his capital whose ramparts, walls, and wide gates had been already destroyed by the forces of Kalinga and then again from the battle-field on the banks of the Ganges, his body all the while receiving wounds, and appearing like the body of Radhéya (Karna) thickly pierced by the arrows of Partha (Arjuna) in battle. 31. Places even beyond the concave of the world were plastered over with the nectar of hisfame. People who in their first distress came to him for relief got heaps of gold from him equal to their expectation. The capitals of his enemies were burnt by his prowess. 32. The valorous king, after making the Dik-palas on all sides as his gate-keepers, enjoyed (ruled) the world for seventy years, 33. All the qualities of the queen Kastirika-m6dini were of such a nature as to elicit the praise of the gods. It was owing to his unparalleled devotion to the gods that Coda-ganga was blessed with J. 1. 84 262 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3, such a wife. A king, unless he is inspired by Visnu cannot prevail ; and so the ruler of the earth was not different from Visnu born to save the world, and Laksmi herself seeing Visnu born in the shape of Céda- gaynga took birth in the form of Kasttrika-m6dini. 34. By her Coda-ganga had a son, named Kamarnava. He was the only valorous king in the whole world and there was none charitable like him, and his fame for glorious deeds done was spread throughout the world. He with his fiery strength defeated the sun and with spotless purity surpassed the moon. 35. Justly the prince Kamarnava was called Kumara (Karti- kéya), for both of them were the sons of Gangéga (Civa and Coda- gayga), both protected the Vibudhas (Dévas and Panditas), and both were wielders of Cakti (spear and the regal power) capable of 7 ing arrogant enemies. 36. It is well-known that the sea swells at the sight of the moon: but never the reverse. But it is strange that at the appearance of Kamarnava (the sea of desire) the Kirti-candra (moon of fame) began to increase. 37. Inthe Caka year measured by the Védas (4), the seasons (6), the sky (0) and the moon (1), (2.e., 1064) when the sun was in the sign of Sagittarius (Dhanu), when all the planets were exercising auspicious influence, and the enemies had all been destroyed, the prince . the illustrious Kamarnava, son to the great king Ganga, and the only lord of the worlds was anointed king, at which all the universe rejoiced. 38. The story runs that the crescent-moon was born out of the sea of milk. But from Kamarnava sprang both full-moon-like fame and sun- like prowess. They too, like a couple, shone over the world, and em- braced the adverse kings though they had no liking for them. 39. In the battle-field, the pearls issuing from the temples of the enemies’ elephants broken by Kamarnava’s sword, and moistened with blood gushing forth from the wounds, sparkled like stars in the morning and evening sky. 40. In a quarrel between the sword and the prowess of Kamar- nava, one saying ‘I have devoured the puissant armies of the enemies,’ the other contradicting, ‘No not so, I have eaten them;’ the king’s pure fame would come as a mediator to settle their dispute and say ‘J shall tell you after consulting with the great,’ and would thus respect- fully reach the ears of Brahma. 41. People speak excellently of another world having been created, in former times, by Mahéga along with the Hiranya-garbha (golden egg-born Brahma). But now their speech is stopped, because king Kamarnava before the eyes of all the living beings made the world 1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsisha-déva II, 263 eome into self-existence long before, (Hiranya-garbha) full of gold (riches). 42. The earth is already burdened with the weight of the seven seas, and trembling often calls for the help of Nagécvara (king of the snakes) and Kurmécvara (king of the tortoises). But the Creator (Dhata) again burdened her with another Sea of Desire (Kamarnava). He too on his part, being unequalled in kindness, takes upon himself the excess of the earth’s burden by often ascending the balance and * weighing himself with gold. - 43. King Kamarnava ruled his kingdom for ten years. During his reign his kingdom was full of happy and well nourished people, and was very attractive on account of several learned Panditas dwelling there. 44, Maharaja Coda-ganga had another queen named Indira, daughter of a king of the solar-dynasty. In beanty she was like the moon-faced Indira (Laksmi) born herself, who is still regarded by Brahma as the model of beauty. 45. Her beauty, character and deportment being delineated in most laudable terms have set forth the daughter of the mountain (Durga) as a simile. This was not blamable; and as in this world Maharaja Coda-ganga was not different from Hara (Civa); he married Indira proud of her supernatural beauty. 46. By her Cdda-ganga lad a son the illustrious Raghava. He was king of kings and crushed the pride of the adverse rulers. All the kings frightened at the news of his coronation trembled in their hearts. 47, When the illustrious Raghava became king, all the other rulers of the earth attained the ultimate object of their body by sham. pooing his feet. But it. is strange that though rendered destitute of their téjah (power and heat) they became mutras (t.e., feudatory kings and the sun). 48. In ancient times Arjuna was held the typical example of one who possessed hands strong and capable of striking down formidable enemies in several ways; but now Raghava possessing hands playing with the heads of the enemies like balls in the arena of the battle- field, is looked upou by all the wielders of the bow as their only model. 49. Was he a second Paracu-rama born in the world! Because like Paracu-rama he too uprooted the lines of enemies, made all the world obey his commands, devoted his hands to the donation of the Kegiti (earth or landed properties), and, like Paragu-rama, he killed impetuously his formidable thousand-handed enemy (Daca-catabihu). 264 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3, 50. Cutting asunder troops of mountain-like elephants in battle, king Raghava’s sword drank in a moment the water-like blood, and then having become loaded with white fame, like the moon adorned with pleasing lustre, gloried victorious. ol. Wherever kings were unfriendly to him king Raghava with his overwhelming power was like the dava-dahanu (conflagration) to their forts, like thunderbolts to the mountain-like kings, and like the lion to the troops of maddened elephants of the enemies. 52. The king of the world the illustrious Raghava, who was the crest-jewel of the sovereigns of the earth, ruled his kingdom unrestrained for ten and five years. : 53. As Aditi was of Kacyapa, the illustrious Candra-lékha was the favourite wife of the illustrious Céda-ganga, the king of the globe. She was as a bulbous root to the creeper-like extension of the king’s dynasty. Of her was born Raja-raja who defeated the sun by the force of his splendour, aud filled all the sides of the horizon with the fame of greatness derived from crushing kings. 54. When Raja-raja set out on his expedition to subjugate the world, the force with which his troops struck the earth raised a large quantity of dust which covered the firmament. The horses of the sun thinking it reproachful to touch the earth used to uplift themselves towards heaven and the celestial elephant began to strike the earth with his tusks. 55. The son of Coda-ganga was of unrestrained valour. He was famous under the name of king Raja-raja as he was the king of the kings. 56. Having in his early youth taken upon himself the protection of the world, what extraordinary things happened to him whose body was like the Himalaya (O Ye honest hear!). The earth acted as his seat, the heaven as his ensign, the mountain as his palace, the Dik- palas as the representatives of his fame, and the verses in his praise as his bards. 57. O illustrious Raja-raja, surely your fame gave pleasure to the minds of those who could appreciate higher excellencies, and created desires in the innocent minds of the needy. On the other hand, the same fame on reaching the ears of the enemies mortified them like a dart in their hearts. Nowhere are the followers of their free-will seen to act uniformly. 58. The illustrious Raja-raja the king of the world was the possessor of the Royal fortunes of the rulers of the earth, and his thunderbolt-like hands were always busy in wielding his victorious bow. He, after a reign of twenty-five years in this world, rose up from 1896.] NN. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 265 his throne, shining like pure snow, his fame extending far and wide, and Indra singing his glorious deeds. 59. After him‘his younger brother Aniyanka-bhima was installed on the throne. This king was competent in work and a lover of good poetry. He was pure in religion, free from any impurity of the Kali age, and his eulogy surpassed those of his ancestors. 60. On the summit of the mountain of battle, endkiiiled with warriors, echoing with the sound of conch-shells, filled with heaps of pearls issuing from the gigantic elephants’ temples pierced with spears, and burning with his excited fiery prowess, king Raja-raja reaching the heads of his adverse kings robbed them of their royal fortune. 61. When churned, the sea of milk highly agitated by the com- bined hands of the Dévas and Asuras produced only a half-moon which adorned (the forehead of) Mahadéva alone; but in the battle-field the single strength of thy arm produced from the rain-water-(dhara-jala)- like sharpness (dhara) of thy sword such a mighty moon-like fame that it embraced all the eight Dik-palas (protectors of the eight directions of the earth.) 62. The dust rising at the time of his setting out on expeditions filled the sky, and so soiled the body of the kings of oo (Aira- vata). 63. This heroic prince SHEN un subjugating all his enemies ruled the earth for ten years. 64. The valiant king Ananga-bhima was of unrestrained power, and as the family abode of the goddess of Danda-niti (Administration of Justice). His conduct was most elegant, being purified by truth- fulness, right observances, and correct judgment, and the sole object of his life was virtue. His other half was the pattu-mahist Baghalla- dévi; in love, that knew no bounds, she was like the goddess Laksmi herself. 65. Her son was the king Raja-raija, who equalled his father in all his excellent good qualities, possessed superior valour, and assumed the reins of government in his youth. His lotus-like feet were coloured reddish by the effulgence radiating from the jewels on the crests of the kings bowing down to him. 66. His marching war-horses impetuously striking the earth raised such a cloud of dust that it completely obscured the bright rays of the sun, and being spread far and wide by the incessant flappings of the ears of the raging war-elephants, resembled the veils on the faces of the eight Dik-gajas. 67. When, after subjugating all his enemies, the chief of the princes, namely the illustrious king Raja-raja, ruled the whole earth 266 NN. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3, girt by the seven seas, with superior political abilities, even Madhava began to consider the king’s sword sharper than his own discus, Vidhi acknowledged his cleverness in the matter of studying the Castras, and nowhere was the word -Kali (quarrel) heard except to denote the yuga. 68. His sea-like fame, having swollen greatly, inundated the world. When small and twinkling stars appeared in the firmament, it seemed that the foam springing up from the sea had spread over it. 69. This valorous king Raja-raja was like Karna in benevolence, like Arjuna in power, and like Yudhisthira in truthfulness. - 70. King Raja-raja after enjoying his royal prosperity in this world for ten and seven years went to heaven. 71. This king had a queen named Maykuna-dévi. She was descended from the Calukya Dynasty, and in beauty was like the coast of the sea of beauty. 72. Of her was born king Ananga-bhima of extraordinary valour and great personal beauty. His eulogy shone forth on the walls of the horizon washed with the waves of nectar-like fame. 73. The prowess of his arms having rooted out his enemies, the tears from the eyes of their wives used to inundate the earth. It seems that Visnu, who is always anxious to go into the sea of milk, seeing’ the tremendous waves, has twisted his neck in shame. 74. Who art thou? Iam Kali. Why dost thou look sorrowful ? Who is there by narrating to whom my condition, I can cross this ocean of sorrow? ‘Tell me,I am myself Hari. Dost thou notknowme? On hearing his reply, Kali used to say, that if thou art thyself Narayana, then hear what I say. In the Ganga dynasty, a king named Ananga- bhima has taken his birth. He has almost dispossessed me of my- rights. That king is the sole cause of my anguish. 75. The Original Being embracing his lotus-like tender heart fragrant with perfume of great delight arising from deep meditation, and sweetened by the honey of love to God, played the part of a black bee. 76. His splendid sword serving as a harem-keeper for the protec- tion of the goddess of Royal Fortune, likewise assuming the appearance of arope for strangling adverse kings, and displaying many feats of dancing in the arena of the battle-field was regarded as an unparalleled beautiful dancer. 77. He by his great prowess earned a mighty fame. His libera- lity was so great that even the liberal Ka@ma-dhénw and others were surpassed by him. In fine, he was regarded as another Hiranya- garbha: and on hearing this, the great Padma-yoni (Brahman) felt 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiha-déva II. 267 ashamed, and as a result of this, the eyes in his four heads began to move in vacancy. 78. He was endowed with the three-fold regal: powers and ob- served the tula-purusa-dana.! The possession of the whole world did not give him so much pleasure as he derived from granting several pieces of land to pious Brahmanas. 79. Attracting the hearts of deer-eyed girls, and crushing those of the enemies, the king, who was anxious that learned men should know the meaning and construction of his name most appropriately assumed the title of Ananga-bhima. 80. The king Anayga-bhima the beloved of his servants, after ruling the earth by force of his mighty arm, for thirty-four years, went to the abode of the gods. 81. From Aditi-like illustrious Kastira-dévi and the Kacyapa- like king Ananga-bhima, was born on the earth the warrior Nara- simha, (Visnu)-like Narasimha, the saviour of the world and the des- troyer of the sinners, . 82. The king Nara-simha was always engaged in benevolent deeds. Seeing his boundless charity, it was thought, as if Nara-simha (Visnu) himself had been born in this world in order to wash with the water of profuse charity, his hands formerly polluted by the blood of the king of the Asuras (Hiranya-kagipu). 83. He was fanned from both sides with two white camaras, ;, and a white umbrella was spread above his head. The room in which he sat was built of white elephants’ tusks. The sight of it led a visitor to believe that the Goddess Bhavani thinking him to be his own son had taken him on her lap, and for this reason his feet are always rested on the victorious lion-seat. 84. Nay, Ganga herself blackened for a great extent by the flood of tears which washed away the collyrium from the eyes of the Yavanis of Radha and Varéndra, and rendered waveless at his extraordinary deeds, was (I think), for that time transformed by ots Brings into the Yamuna. 85. The eight mountains and the eight Auer of the quarters which bear the burden of the earth all lie upon his hand. So when he weighs himself against gold in the Tulapurusa ceremony, where shall the single golden mountain, Suméru, the abode of gods be P 86. Shining day and night, and making Meéru over to the Brahmanas in pious gifts, namely, tulapwrusa, king Nara-simha built at Kona-kona (a place of great renown) a temple for the sun to live in with the other geds. 87. Whose fame pleasing to the sight after traversing the eight 1 Presents of gold, jewels, and other ornaments equal to a man’s weight. 268 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva 11. [No. 3, sides of the earth and feeling hungry, consequent on the fatigue sustained in the struggle, used to drink water from the Lavana (salt) and Iksu (sugar-cane) seas. But this proving insufficient, she used to cross over the Suré (wine) sea. Then partaking of the health-giving Sarpi (clarified butter), tasting Dadhi (curd) and satisfied with Dugdha (milk) (from the seas bearing these names), she appears washing her hands and mouth in the various seas. 88. The king surpassed all in his strength of arms, and crushing his enemies all over the earth, enjoyed the unsurpassed pleasure of his kingdom for thirty-three years. He relinquished all attachment towards earthly affairs (snéha), and just as a lamp when its oil (snéha) is exhausted, is extinguished by the fall of a great fly, so death extinguish- ed his flame of life. 89. By Sita-dévi the daughter of Mala-candra, the king had a son the illustrious Bhanu-déva, like the Bhanu (the sun) himself, who brought good days to the world. As the Bhanu (the sun) opens the Padmas (lotuses), brings languor to (1.e., shuts) the Kairavas (water- lilies), destroys the intense Vrtra (1.e., darkness), and places his feet upon the summits of the para-dharani-bhrt, (1.e., principal mountains namely: Udaya-giri and Asta-giri), so king Bhanu-déva diffused Padma (wealth and prosperity), brought languor to the Kairavas (enemies) destroyed the hostile Vrtras (enemies), and placed his feet upon the heads of the para-dharani-bhrt (other kings). 90. For the welfare of his kingdom, he kept sixteen ministers well versed in politics, capable of destroying enemies by feats of strategy, of virtuous character, and of unfailing resolution. That illustrious and fortunate king used to govern the empire with their advice. 91. He whose weapons although kept closed in his hands is Nirbhara-data (i.e., capable of killing all the enemies or very much bountiful), although trembling, is good in fighting capacity, and al- though of fierce attitude, is Kysna-carira (7.e., of attractive appearance like Krsna.) 92. Continually partaking of havis (clarified butter) in his inces- sant sacrificial ceremonies, Hari, suffering from indigestion, sleeps a long and profound sleep in the sea. Agni (the fire-god) vomiting smoke had recourse to the salt-water (as a remedy for indigestion) in the form of Vadava (sea-fire); and Civa though he safely drank the Kala-kita (fatal poison) was attacked with Cula (7.e., acute internal spasm.) 93. What shall we say of him? he crippled very much the fame of other kings for liberality. Having conquered their wealth, at the advice of his ministers he gave away Kanakacala (the golden mountain), Kamadhenu, and Kalpadruma to them. 1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsivwha-déva II. 269 94. The unrivalled kmg granted, with proper ceremonies, to good Crétriya Brahmanas, one hundred pieces of land highly decorated with large and beautiful edifices, shaded by ntimerous gardens of mango, cocoa-nut, plantain and several other trees, after having the gifts inscribed on copper-plates. 95. When King Bhanu-déva had reigned for eighteen years, Dhata was perplexed with the question as to which of the four donors, namely, the Cinta-mani, the celestial tree (Kalpa-druma), the Kama- dhénu and the king Bhanu-déva was the best, and summoned the king to appear before him for judgment. 96. As Lakgmi is of Narayana, Jakalla-dévi of the Calukya, dynasty was the beloved wife of Bhanu-déva. 97. By her was borne the valorous and illustrious king Nrsimha, destroyer of all his enemies and the saviour of the Ganga dynasty. 98. (He acquired fame) hike Arjuna in handling weapons of war, Vrhaspati m Castrik knowledge, Karma in making presents, Bhima in valour, and Kama-déva in beauty. 99. In obedience to his mother, he issued one hundred Casanas to Brahmanas, and also other presents of great value. 100. When the most valiant and illustrious Nrsimha-déva as- cended the throne, his feet dazzled (the beholder) with the light emitted from the gems that adorned the crowns of other kings. All the adverse kings, frightened, broken-hearted, and intent only on saving their lives, betook themselves to mountains. 101. When he began to rule the world, the Kulacala, the Kirma- raja, thé Naga-raja and the elephants of the quarters umburdened them- selves of the load of the world and took rest; and the disorder of their heads having disappeared, they reposed happily and blessed the king. ‘ 102. When the king sets out on elephants to battle, what hero is there on earth who would bear the weight of fighting, when we see that a single ereeper-like sword held in his rain-bow-hke hand spreads terror on all sides ? 103. He was fierce by reason of bis sword, and, violently robbing the hostile kings of their immense wealth equal to that of the Kalpa- taru, presented them to Brahmanas, with his sproat-like hands which were as ornaments of the earth, and shone beautifully wetted by the water of charity. 104. He placed his lotus feet upon the heads of all the kings of his time. What description can we give of the glory and. prowess of the king? When the Dig-gajas, om hearing, from the lips of Kimnaras, songs ef his fame, used to cease undulating their ears, the large black- J. 1. 35 270 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva I. [WNo. 3, bees sitting comfortably, drank the ichor Sse from the heads of the elephants. ; 105. Being resolute, his prowess never received any check. The kula-parvatas, at the time of his sacrificial ceremony seemed like cooked flesh placed on bars, and the four seas looked like caldrons. Hven the sun, the giver of a thousand rays, becoming bewildered, was seen wandering about in every direction. (Pt. v. Rev. L. 16-19) Hail Fortune! In the Caka year 1217, decorated with all the epithets such as the Lord of the fourteen worlds, &c., the illustrious king Vira Nara-Simha-deva, in the twenty-first year of his reign, on the sixth day of the bright fortnight of Simha (Leo), Monday, in the city of Rémuna, at the merry time of a new conquest, in order to grant 50: vatikas of land, out of the several pieces of land set apart by Hali Prahlada Mudala for granting to pious Brahmanas, (Pt. vi. Ob. L. 1-21) while on the banks of the Ganges at the time of a lunar eclipse, to Kumara Mahapatra Bhima-déva Carman of the Kacyapa gotra, Kagyapa, Apasara, and Naidhruva Pravaras, and a reader of the Kanva-cakha of the Yajurvéeda, gave the two villaves; namely: Hdaragrama within the boundaries of the Déra-Visaya, and according to the Nala-measurement of (ri Karana Civa-dasa lying from the (half danda ?) boundary line of the village Ma@l6-pura on the north to the drinking-water-supplying reservoir of Talanga-grama, and from the western bank of the pond of the village Sihasapura on the west to the’ embankment (Hida ?) on the boundary line of the village of Vibhiti- pada on the west. Out of the 42 vatikas, 16 manas and 12: gunthas of land contained within these boundaries deducting 8 vatikas and 9 manas as already granted to gods and Brahmanas or comprising cow-grazing fields, ponds, &c., the remainder 34 vatikas, 7 manas and 12. gunthas. Secondly :—The village of Sunaila within the boundaries of Svanga- Visaya according to the Nala-measurement of the above-mentioned Giva- dasa and lying from the boundary line of Bhima-narayana-pura on the west, to the boundary of Khanda-sahi village on the east, and from the half-boundary line (?) of the village Véda-pada& on the south, to the boundary line of Ghoda-pala village on the north ; out of the 33 vatzkas, 13 manas, and 6 gunthas, deducting 10 vatikas and 12. mdanas as already granted to gods, and Brahmanas or comprizing grazing fields, drinking ponds, &c., again from the remainder 23 vatikas, 11 manas (?), and 6 gunthas, deducting 7 vatikas, 8 manas and 18 manas (gunthas ?) according to the measurement of Candra-dasa Karana, and lying from the Vata tree on the boundary of the village Ka-il6 on the west, to the Vata tree at the middle of the field of village Sunailo on the north, to the Vata (Ficus Indica) tree on the boundary line of the village of Véda-pada 1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IIT. 271 on the south; the remainder 15 vaftikas, 12 md@nas, and 13 gunthas. These two villages together making up 50 vatikas of land free.of any obligation, are granted by regular deed of conveyaiice including every thing, land and water, with shades and marshes, &c., for as long as the sun and the moon endure: In this granted portion of land named Ganga- Narasimha-pura one vatika is granted to the Sévaita Allala-natha arman of the Putimasa gotra, reader of the Cakala-Cakha of the Revéda; half a vatika to the copper-maker (Tamra-kara) named Nadi. As a part of this grant,—Nori Crésthi son of Purai ¢résthi, son of Komati Manku Grésthika of Ucada village in the middle of the South Jhaida-khanda; Dhittu Vélali, grandson of Maha-déva Vélali a Tambiuli of the village of Kanta-padi-hatta; the Tamra-kara named Amnai of Purusdttama-pura Usthali; and the Kamsa-kara named Madai of Véda-pura Usthali. (Plate vi. reverse, L. 1-6). In order'to reap the harvest (gain the fruit) of my gift and of preserving it, O you future kings! obey this my religion, as long as the moon and the stars endure. O Ye Kings, suspect not it to be fruitless because granted by another; there is greater virtue in preserving the grants of others than in making grants -oneself. O Yudhi-sthira! the, principal of the intelligent, keep care- fully the grants either by yourself or by others; for preserving gifts is .far superior to granting them. Whoever forfeits lands granted either by himself or by others becomes a worm ;in excrement, and there rots - with his ancestors. Those who take away the land become black serpents in the hollows of dried up trees in a forlorn and waterless wilder- ness. He who robs a single cow, a single gold coin, or even half a nail of land, remains. in hell until the final deluge. The religious acts performed even by an enemy are respected by the high-minded ; because the enemy only is their enemy, religion is enemy to none. Of the future kings of this world whether born in the dynasty of my own or in the dynasty of any other king, ‘whoever with mind unstained by vice, maintains this my religious act, I bow before them with my palms held side by side and raised to the forehead. 272 A. B. Caddy—Ananta Cave. . [No. 3, On two Unrecarded Sculptures in the Ananta Cave, Khandagirt.—Ly ALEXANDSR H. Cappy. { Read, February, 1896. | During my visit to the eave-holding hills of Orissa, the sandstone outcrop of Udayagiri ard Khandagiri, some twenty miles south of Cuttack, I had an opportunity of making a eareful search through the yarious eaves for objects of interest which might have escaped the scrutiny of previous visitors, and I was surprised to find there were still Art and Archeological treasures which had been unrevealed to Fergusson and his emissaries, to Mr. Locke and his troop of students, to Dr. Rajen- dralala Mitra and his men, and all the later visitors, official and other- wise, who had been to these hills. My own mission was to bring away casts of Acoka inscriptions found among the eaves, the Aira Raja’s inscription in the Hathi Gupha, and such dedicatory tablets in Acoka character as were to be found in several of these caves, and which were mostly figured in Cun- ningham’s Corpus Inseriptionum Indicarum. I was also eommissioned to photograph whatever of allied interest came in my way. It oeceurred to me as very curious that no success had attended repeated visits to this cave in discovering the subjects represented on two of the four tympana between the arches over the lintels of the three doors and one window that opened into the inner sanctuary, seeing that more than half of each tympanum was there. ‘T'hey were sculptured but unintelligible. The grime of centuries and successive incrustations from the cells of the steel-blue hornet had sufficiently obscured them to make it hopeless for the casual observer to make anything of them. It was now an easy matter to set workmen on the tympana to clear out the resinised wax with bamboo scoops and presently the sculptured surfaces were exposed. In the meantime I had devised a preparation which would facilitate the photographing of this intensely blackened stone. A ley of clay and soap, passed through a muslin and applied with a flat brush, much as a painter applies the ‘drag,’ shows up a low relief with great effect. I photographed the newly exposed sculpture after using the preparation. 1896.} A. E: Oaddy—Ananta Cave. 273 The Ananta Cave temple had been explored with great care. Hvery inch of it had been measured and recorded by men who looked upon it as one of the most important caves in Orissa. Some effort, too, had been more recently made by Fergusson, who had visited Orissa nearly half a century ago, to discover the subject these tympana bore. At his request the then Commissioner of Orissa sent Mr. Phillips specially to examine this eave and report on these tympana—unsuccessfully evidently, for we find Fergusson at last driven to surmise, writing thus in his and Dr. Burgess’ book on the caves of India. * From our knowledge of the sculpture of the Bharat tope we may “safely predicate that in addition to the TREE and the image of SRI “the remaining Tympana were filled, one with the representation of a “ WHEEL, and the other of a DAGOBA. The last three being prac- “ tically the three great objects of worship both here and at Sanchi.” - Tam sorry my facts do not substantiate this surmise, The series of sculptures on the semicircular tympana begins at the left with the apotheosis of the four-tusked elephant, or Gaja-raja, followed by Sarya in a quadriga, the worship of Cri, and the tree, thus :— fi the fi tie s Wary Cr : —~ - Gaja-raja. 4 5 ai hi uadriga. sue Tree. We haye here then for the first time the unique lotus- worship offered to the lordliest of elephants. The four-tusked one occupies the centre, huge but ungainly. The sculptor has set himself the task of representing in low relief«every limb and feature of his great bulk en face, The left-hand corner of the tympanum bears a sun image and a well drawn female elephant, in profile, trailing a lone lotus stalk, whose flower she is holding up to the Gaja-raja. A lotus on the right of the elephant is held up similarly, but the female elephant is wanting. In the Museum on a medallion, now on the centre table in the long southern gallery, there is a representation of a many-tusked elephant Bodhisattva. Here a hunter sent by queen Culla Subhadra. (one ef the two queens of the Chadanta elephant in her former life) treacherously wounds the elephant king from a pit. Being discovered by the six-tusked elephant, the hunter throws a yellow garment over himself, but to no purpose. The magnanimous one spares him and learns his mission,—to saw off his tusks and carry them to Culla Subhadra. Being desired to proceed with his task, he does so with difficulty, whereon the king of elephants takes the saw in his trunk, completes the severance, and then dies. 274 A. E. Caddy—Ananta Cawe. [No. 3, The Bharat medallion represents the six-tusked elephant near the centre to the right of a banian tree, whence he has advanced to the right margin. In this second figure is seen the arrow which has wounded him in the navel, also the hunter plying his saw, but the portion of stone which should have borne the tusk is chipped off. A female elephant his queen Maha Subhadra, stands by him during the great crisis. The birth story, which is admirably told in Dr. Anderson’s catalogue, concludes with the narration of how queen Culla Subhadra died of grief and misery for the cruel destruction of her former lord. In the Orissan sculpture of the apotheosis of the elephant king he is represented with four tusks only and both his wives are in atten- dance. The second tympanum figures Sirya in his quadriga. The ‘‘ seven bay steeds’ or “‘ seven lucid mares” give place to the Western idea of four horses drawing the Sun-chariot, whose front suggests the shield so frequently used as a Buddhist symbol in these caves. He stands in the centre of his chariot attended by his two wives, Samjiia and Chaya. An umbrella covers him. To his right is figured the Sun, and on his left we see the Moon in her first quarter. In the corner is Rahu with his Thyrsus and Amrta Vase. The supporting figure on the opposite side and the better portion of two horses are missing. This subject occurs among the Bodh Gaya sculptures. It is figured on one of the rail pillars now in the Mahant’s house ; and this gentle- man kindly let me make a mould from it last January. I did not then know there was a cast in the Museum already, the gift of Dr. Mitra, from the same source. Sirya here stands in a large chariot, the front of which resembles the carapace of a tortoise. His attendant wives shoot ray-arrows from the chariot. An umbrella covers him, while halo-like rays emanate from his person. The quadriga here more closely resembles the Western model. The composition does not admit of accessories as the semicircular tympanum does. Note.—This representation of Surya in a quadriga was also in vogue in Gandhara and Udiana. A small group in the museum represents him thus; while two large capitals of Indo-Corinthian Columns found by me in the Swat valley show the remains of a very fine sculpture of Surya in his quadriga. A. E. C. 1896. | L. A. Waddell—The Buddha’s Birth and Death. 275 A Tibetan Guide-book to the lost Sites of the Buddha’s Birth and Death.— By L. A. Wavpett, M.B., LL.D. [Read, August, 1896]. I am surprised that no one seems to have noticed that the Acgoka- edict-pillar, which was found three years ago in the Nepalese tara by a Nepalese officer on a shooting excursion, has an importance far beyond that of its own mere inscription, interesting as that is, for it supplies a clue to the hitherto undiscovered birth-place of Gakya Muni, which after Bodh-Gay&a was perhaps the most celebrated Buddhist shrine, and which at Hiuen Tsiang’s visit in the 7th century A.D., contained magnificent structural remains including several inscribed Agoka-pillars and a monastery with 3,000 monks; and its exploration must throw a flood of light on the origin of the Cakya race and other problems of those almost prehistoric times in which Buddhism had its first begin- ings. This pillar of Konakamana in the Nepalese tarat, appears still to be fixed in its original position; and that most trustworthy topographer, © Hiuen Tsiang, records that the ‘city’ of Kapilavastu lay within seven miles or so to the north-west of this very identical pillar.1 ka Hian also states that that town lay one ydjana (about 7 miles) to the west of the stupa of this pillar.? This important indication which this new Acoka-pillar affords, struck me at once on reading Professor Bihler’s translation of its in- scription in the Academy of April 27th of 1895; butI find that the full official report on the pillar contains no reference to the indications which this pillar supplies us with in regard to the site of Kapilavastu and its suburbs. It is true that General Cunningham and one of his most incompe- tent assistants, some years ago claimed to have discovered this long lost city in the village of Bhuila in the Basti district of the N.-W. Provinces ; but that this identification was altogether false, like the General’s identi- fication of the not far distant Kasia as the site of the Buddha’s death, must 1 Beal’s Si-yu-ki, II. 19. 2 id., I, xlix. 276 L. A. Waddell—The Beddha’s Birth and Death. [No. 3, immediately be evident to anyone who takes the trouble to look into his reports on the subject and to compare these with the accounts of Hiuen Tsiang and Fa Hian, which are our chief guides on this question. Not only are its position, topography, and surroundings quite out of keeping with the recorded description, but no characteristic structural remains were obtained on digging. Now, however, we seem to have in this Nepalese pillar a guide to carry us to the very spot. This pillar of the shrine of the Buddha Konakamana lies in the Nepalese ¢arai near the village of Nigliva, thirty-eight miles north-west of Uska on the Bengal ‘and North-Western railway, in the north of the Gorakhpur district of the N.-W. Provinces. The ruins of the town of Kapilayastu ought therefore to be found within about 6 or 8 miles to the north-west of this pillar, (30 lc to the S.-W. and thence 50 li to the N.) The Lumbini garden should lie a little to the north; and about 5 miles (3012) to the south-west should be found the old town of ‘ Napiki’ with the relic-stupa of the Buddha Krakucchanda, which also has its inscribed Agoka-pillar. ! ake In this connection, I have found in the possession of a Tibetan Lama, a guide-book to the Buddhist shrines of India which also places Kapilavastu near the hills on the frontier of Nepal. This guide- book is in MS., Tibetan, and its author has apparently not visited India himself. It is compiled, he says, partly from the records of Hiuen Tsiang and the Indian ‘ Gau-pan,’ and partly from hearsay narratives of pilgrim monks. But its chief value lies in the fact that it gives the re- latively modern names of towns and rivers en route. It has no date, probably it is not more thana few centuries old. I here extract the paragraphs bearivg upon the sites in question :— “Going from that place (Banaras) not far to the north-west is the country of Kosala, now called: ‘Tikga’ or ‘ Ayodhya,’ situated on the bank of the riyer named ‘ Dhou-ha’ (? Dewa) or ‘Sarjapu.’ Here in this country was the great city of Cravasti, # containing the palace of King Prasénajit, but now traces only remain of the fort, which is called Koésala-puri. Inside the fort are traces of the stupa built over the seat of the Guide (the Buddha) when he preached here, and - also several other stupas founded by the faithful ones. On ‘either side of the eastern gate of the city, isa long stone about fifteen fathoms. % A little further off is a gilded brass* image of the Guide in a great brick building, but I have not heard clearly whether it still exists. To the south of the city about four or five hour’s walk there is the i Beal id., I., 18. $ Qear "Dom. aur 2 HQHYUs’ mNan-yod. & gSer-bzay. 1896. j L. A. Waddell—The Buddha's Birth and Death. 277 Vihara of Jétavana where the past Buddhas preached. Near that place is a well where the Buddha washed his hands and there is also a dwelling where the revered Cariputra humbled the pride of the miracle- worker Maudgalyaputra. “Three or four hours journey to the north-west of Jétavana, is a dwelling called ‘ the eye-seeing shrine’! where traces of the Guide and of the revered disciples are said to remain up tillnow. To the north-west of that place and north of Ayddhya is a great fort called ‘Kha-nou.’ In the eastern portion of the Jéta forest is a shrine where the Buddha preached to the infidels, and several other shrines at each of which king Acdka is said to have built a stupa. “From here, eight or nine days journey to the east, stands the city of Kapila, the birth-place of our Guide. It was called ‘ Kapila’ or ‘the tawny colored town;’* at present it is called ‘ Jaya-sipata ’ or ‘the dwelling of victory. One (to reach it) goes through a country where there is a new city called ‘ Shi-kanta-pura’ on the bank of the river Rohita which flows from the north-east to the south-west. On the northern (or to the north of the) bank of the river Rohita are the towns called ‘ Kachi-li-bin,’ and ‘ Bal-po-garh’ (which literally means the Nepalese fort, but it may be intended for ‘ Balaul-garhi’ or ‘Pal-pa’ of the Nepal sub-Himalayas due north of Gorakhpur), and the hill of the ‘Thag-po’ country.4 Not far from that hill is a small city called ‘(r) Do-na-ko-ta’ (or ? Gilanakota),> from which after two or three hours walk to the west, are the traces of Kapila city. (2? now) called Kapila-di (? dih), which is described by Gau-pan and in the travel-records of Thay-ziy (Hiuen T'siane) and in several sétras. “In the middle of the city are traces of the palace of Cuddhodana, with an image of the king. Near the palace is also an image of the queen Mahamaya (? now) called Maha-yogini. Near that place is the dwelling where the Guide was born, with his image. North-east of that place is a stupa erected by Acdka where the king was given a name by the Rsis. In each of the four gates of the city is an image of the ‘ Youth Siddhartha,’ © with a picture of the miseries of birth, old age and sickness, and of death, and of the (happiness of the) ascetic. In the north-west of the city is a shrine where the Cakya (youths) were drowned” by - ¢Viridhaka.’ The many hundred and thousands of the stupas of their bones as described by Thay-zin were seen by some Acaryas. Outside the southern gate of the city is a stupa erected at the spot where the Buddha 1 ABy HN EQ’ 4" Mig-mthon-bahi-gnas. 2 Ser-skya-i-gron. 4 Thag-po-ynl. 6 Don-grub. 8 rGyal-bahi-gnas. 5 »Do-na-ko-ta. 1 sNub, J. 1. 36 . 278 L. A. Waddell—The Buddha's Birth and Death. [No. 3, when young disputed with the Cakya tribe. Near that stupa is the ‘ Elephant-pit,’ beside which are images of king Siddhartha, Yagodhara, and prince Rahula, as described in the register. And lately the traveller Lalagi has visited them, and seen feasts held there by the people every eight days. “Not far from the city, towards the south is a great temple with a stone image of the Yaksa, ‘Increase’!, in a standing posture, this was visited by some Acaryas. “One morning’s walk to the south of that place is a well which is now called ‘ Bhagavan-suvadi,’ in which it is said whoever batlhes is freed from disease. “ Half a day’s journey to the south of that place are the shrines of the previous Buddhas Konakamana and Krakucchanda where they were born, as described by Than-zin (Hien Tsiang). “Again” from the above-mentioned Bhagavan-suvadi, haif a day’s journey to the north-east is the ‘ Lambuna’ forest, not far from which is the ‘ Acvo-tha’ tree which was held by the right hand of the Guide’s mother when he was born. “North-east of that place is a farm called ‘Sahapara’ by the Nepalese, beyond which a little farther is a small country, thought to be ‘ Kaputa.’ ” “From that place, north-east is a thick-forest called ‘ Jahri-ban,’ beyond which after a httle more than one day’s march is Camalla- desh ’ or ‘ Baliya-d颒” or ‘the powerful country.’ In the north-west of this country is the river ‘ Jahrena’ on the bank of which is the Sal forest under the shade of one of the trees of which the Guide died, in a lying posture with his head directed towards the north, as described by Than-zin (Hinen Tsiang). “Not far east of this is the relic of the Guide which the Indians call ‘ Krayata.’ Here is an extensive tract of ground of a yellewish- earth where the faithful ones sometimes find pieces of relics about the size of a small grain as described by the Indians. “To the north of Kapila and ‘ The Intestine ’* country and near Népal is the city of ‘Mu-kham-bu-ra’ where there is a fortress called ‘Mukhyi-drava,’ from which, I am told by Lakshinara Singh, (the countries of ) Kapila and Magadha may be seen. . “Further east is the country of ‘ Bhidhiya’ (=Bettiah), where in the city of ‘ Janakapuri’ isa bow and arrow of king Rama. To the east of the palace of the king of this country, after about three days journey, we came to a road which leads to Népal or ‘ Nam-khu.’ 1 Tibetan ’P’el.Skt, Vardhamana. 4 T. gYod-yul. 1896. ] L. A. Waddell—The Buddha's Birth and Death. 279 “Not far east from the country of Vaigali, is the country called Tirhut which is the permanent residence of the King of Vaicali. To the north of that country, but slightly south of Népal is the city of ‘ Mulkara,’ te the south-east of which is the ‘ Mourang’ (=Morang the Nepalese fara to the North of Purneah) where abound elephants, pea- cocks and the rudraksa!-trees. Hast of this isa great city called ‘Sahesa-ganj’ (Saifganj formerly a large town in Purneah District founded by a Muhammadan governor named Saif) which is near to the country of Sikhim.? East of that place (Saifganj) is the river Kaucika (the Kusi), beyond which is Koch Behara (‘ Kuch Bihar’ ).” I believe that Kusinagara, where the Buddha died may be ulti- mately found to the North of Bettiah, and in the line of the Aczka- pillars which lead hither from Patna (Pataliputra). 1 Hleocarpus janitrus, the warty seeds of which are used for Sivaist and Lamaist resaries. % *bRas-mo-ljoys, or ‘the country of rice.’ 280 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-Systen. [No. 3, On the Kaemirit Vowel-System.— By G. A. Grinrson, C.LE., LCS. [Read November, 1896. ] The only serious attempt to grapple with the intricacies of Ka¢miri pronunciation is that contained in Major Leech’s grammar of the language contained in pp. 397 and ff. of the J. A. S. B., Vol. XIII, for 1844. For its time Leech’s grammar was a wonderful production, but it has the disadvantage of being entirely written in the Roman character, without any definite system of transcription. He gives lists of words classified according to their vowel sounds, and extending over eight pages. These lists (and I have tested every word in them, in the mouth of a Kacmiri Pandit) are in the main accurate, but it is generally difficult and sometimes impossible to identify the words he writes, or to reproduce them in either the Persian or the Nagari character. Kagmiri is written both in the Persian and in the Carada alphabets. The latter belongs to the family of which Dévanagari is the best known member, and will be represented (for convenience sake) by Dévanagari in this paper. The Persian characteris used by the Mu- hammadans (who form about 93 per cent.), and the Carada (Dévanagari) by the Hindis (who form, say, 6 per cent.) of the population. Carey in his Serampur translation of the New Testament (1821) used the Carada character, but since then Missionaries have used either the Persian or the Roman character. The Persian character, with its facile omission of vowel-marks is not suited for representing the intri- cate vowel-system of Kag¢miri. And, indeed, to one whois not familiar - with the pronunciation of the language from practical experience, it would be impossible to gain merely a faint idea of the correct pronuncia- tion of most Ka¢miri words, even from a fully vocalized Persian trans- eription. This is forcibly illustrated by the late Dr. Burkhard’s Essays on Kacmiri. He transliterated rigidly from the Persian character, and hence, as a means for giving a practical colloquial acquaintance with the language, his papers are of little value, though of great value in other respects. 1896. ] G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. 281 The various systems of transliteration into the Roman character with the help of diacritical marks added to the vowels, are based on the Persian method of transcription, and have most of its faults. For ins- tance Wade in his grammar represents three distinct a sounds viz., ii, ai and @ by one signa. Another a sound, viz., a", he represents by o: and at the same time uses the same sign to represent the 6 in cob, an alto- gether different sound, The Carada (Dévanagari) system of writing Kagmiri has the ad- vantage of using fixed definite signs for fixed definite sounds. To those accustomed to the simpler, if less perfect systems hitherto in vogue, it, no doubt, looks clumsy, but, after considerable hesitation, I have come to the conclusion that, whether for the purposes of science or for the benefit of learners, the only satisfactory way of transcribing Ka¢miri in the Roman character is to follow the Carad&a system with a few minor modifications. The Carada system is based upon actual facts of the lancuage. Kaemiri differs from other Indian languages in using vowels at the end of a word which are either silent or nearly so, but which modify the pronunciation of the vowel of the preceding syllable. To an Hnelish- man or Russian this is a commonplace of spelling. An Englishman pronounces the a in the word mar, in a certain way. By adding an e, he gets the word mure, in which the final e is silent, but modifies the pronunciation of the preceding a. In Kagmiri these silent (or nearly silent) vowels are called by Hindi Grammarians, madras, and there are three of them, w2z., i-matra, u-matra, and %-matra which are represented in the Carada character by the ordinary signs for 7, u, and @ respectively with the sign for vir@ma appended. The mark’ is also placed over the preceding vowel to show that itis modified. In the Roman character - they are conveniently represented by a small *,” or #, above the line, a dot being placed under the preceding vowel to indicate modification. Examples are ate kart, they (mase.) were made; ae kar, he was made; and aS kar®, she was made. Speaking very roughly, the first may be said to be pronounced something like the English pronunciation of Kyrie (in Kyrie eleison), the second something like core (Huglish mute e), and the third something like kiir (German i). In the Persian character, 2 99 the first is written ys kar‘, the second yS kurv, and the third indifferently no kar or 9S kir. Mr. Wade transcribes the first kar‘, the second kor, and the third kar. Of these md@tra@s it may be said that w and @ are asa rule abso- lutely silent, while 7 is just heard, 282 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. [No. 3, The history of these modified sounds is evident enough. It will suffice to take u-mat7v@ as an example. The Skr. @a: krtah, done, became in Apabhramea Prakrit af. tyd®rr, sheep (masc.) RY krirt, krarr, a well (masc.) cay ari, Followed by 1-matra, The base Wre- poth- (fem.), makes its Nom. Se. ufy pathi (for poth") (pr. puithi), a book. But the Nom. Pl: is Wey pathy (pothé). So also Dat. Se. tifa pa (pr. po'tht), in which the final 7 is fully- pronounced. Base are bdl-, Bess ; nom. sg. af bali (for bal-') (pr. built) The 4/ atst b0z, hear, makes the Pl. Mase. of its Past tense af bizi (for boz-*) (pr. baz), but Pl. Fem. qjsz boz*. The vowel @ is nota matra-vowel. / = 3 = vid" (for rdz-")(pl. rudd) a/ €ra don, card wool, SoS gs Sa din (for dén~*) (pr. dunn) Followed by w-matra. Base art kor—, a girl. Wom. se. it formed by adding u-matra) Fe kier® ' (for kar-7) ; but nom. pl. ara kary% (kore). Base wit lar-, a stick. Nom. sg. ae liv® (for lor-*) / @s1_boz, hear, Past tense, Fem. sg. (formed by adding u-matra) ax. buz® (for bdz-*) (pr. buzz). EN / Ta 762 remain, Past tense, Fem. sg., oi. ruz® (for roz-*), (pr. vUz2Z). / ata don, card, Past tense, fem, sg. ul din® (for don-*), (pr. dunn). It will thus be seen, that G never appears followed by i-matra, or by w#-matra; and that ae it appears followed by w-mdatra it i 1s not ‘original, but represents an original a. 1896.) G. A. Grierson—On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. . 303 The pronunciation of aw is the same as in Skr. and Hindi, wla gauv, he went. Brg tk ee khyauv, we ate. ata pyauv, he fell ata myauv, mew of a cat. q cyauv, we drank. And many other past tenses. When the syllable ya follows a consonant, the y is as a rule fully pronounced, as in the following examples. Elmslie, in his dictionary, ‘and Wade represent ya by é (short), but my pandit assures me that the y in the following words is quite fully pronounced. Mr. Hinton ‘Knowles’ Musalman Munshi pronounces all these words with é& The difference is probably one of religion: and, as 90 per cent. of Kagmiris are Musalmans, it would be more generally correct to spell aid there ‘words with & As, however, this article is written with more special reference to the Hindi grammar of I¢wara.Kaula, and the words are written in the Nagari character. I write them as follows :— we pydkh, thou wilt fall. a khyas, eat for him. w= dyad, mother. By vydth, name of the river Wa myas, a water-root. - Jhelum. | =a cyas, drink for him. _ wee khydath, having eaten. Sy cyath, thought. Dict ryakh, a fowl’s dung. qa dyakh, angry. -@Fa chydkh, thou art (fem.) se isyad, patience. wea khydkh, thou wilt eat. “~—q isyal, squeezing, shampooing. aa dyal, skin, peel. aa hyal, dirt used as manure. sy zyal, cream of tyre. wx lyad, horse-dung. wa dyak*, forehead. ga vyas, a woman’s confidante. In the following, the ya is pronounced yu, owing to the influence of the following u-matra. az lyal*, proneunced lyull, a ceneel for cocking rice. ag byann*, | byunn, separate. ay pyal, pyull, a testicle. ae dyal*, es dyull, a soft grass used for ee and matting =e tsyal, tsyull, squeezed. tyath", tyutth, bitter. hyal*, hyull, a lake weed. ag x Wy q e tshyat”, tshyutt, leavings. ug pyan", pyunn, to fall, or the act of falling. ] ey khyan*, khyunn, to eat, or the act of eating. 304 G. A. Grierson— On the Kaemiri Vowel-System. [No. 3, 2a zyan", pronounced zyunn, to be born, the act of being born. SI cyan, cyunn, to drink, the act of drinking. So, a tsytn”, tsyunn, & pillar. aa mytn™, myunn, measured. When, however, ya is followed by 7 or y in the next syllable, it is pronounced as a short é, (as in ebb), and as such I write it in translitera- tion, So also a final ya (y%) is pronounced é&. In each case a very faint y sound is audible before the é when the speaker speaks slowly. Thus, it would be more absolutely accurate to represent wfaa by Wélis, than by lélis, but the y may be omitted for practical purposes. A final 5 fia is treated as if it was ny*, and is pronounced 7é or nyé. The following are examples :— wfag lélis, a vessel for cooking rice (acc. sg.) (masc.) wfe lél', do. nom. pl. Cf. lyal” in the preceding list. ata bénni, separate (masc. pl.) ufea peélis, a testicle (acc. sg.) (masc.) ata pél’, do. nom. pl. afte dél', pl. of dyal* (dyoll) in the last list. safe tsé7', squeezed (masc.pl.) afte téth?, bitter (masc, pl.) safe hél’, lake-weeds (mase. pl.) gfe tshéti, leavings. aq pace, tablets (fem. pl.) Wieq pothé, books (fem. pl.) ay karé, they (fem.) were made by us. ag tohé, you (obl. pl.) So also ast byan*, pr. bényé, a sister. When the ya in this case commences a word, it is pronounced yee Thus afaa yémis, whom. As regards wa. I have already pointed out, under the head of wu page 294, that it is often pronounced as 6 (short). This is how- ever, complicated when u-matra follows, in which case wa is pronounced like a before u-mdatra, the sound of which I transliterate by o. It is almost identical with the vowel in the Irish pronunciation of “ gun.” Tf, however, the wa is followed by i-matra, the wa is pronounced d as usual. é v4q gon", pronounced gonn, a stack (masc.) l Ae vata gon, goin, stacks. 24 dob, dobb, a washerman (masc. ) fa dovi, l s ek woth, afta woth, dob’, washermen, wotth, arisen (masc. sg.) woth, arisen (masce. pl.) 1896. ] On the Kagmire Vewel-Sysiem. 305 zy hokh', hokkk, dry (masc. ) ay kéb+, kobb, a hunchback (masce.) BY tshop", tshopp, silent. eg hot, hott, spoiled (masc.) eq lot, lott, light, not heavy (masc.) ez hod, hodd, plain boiled rice (masc. ) aie tohi, totht, ye (nom. pl.) wa phot, phott, a basket (masc.) The fem. of ey tshdp" is ey tshop", and ig pronounced {shzpp, and so for the others. : J. 1. 40 306 G. A. Grierson-;A; List of Kagmirt Verbs. [No. 4; A List of Kaigmiri Verbs—By Grorcn A. Grimrson, C. 1. H., 1. C.S. [ Read December, 1896. ] The following list of Kagmiri Verbs, is founded on the dhatu-patha of Icvara-kaula’s Kacmiri Grammar, entitled the Kagmira-gabdamrta. The verbs are quoted under their root forms. In the dhatu-patha they are all given as ending in a or rather in %, and I have followed this in the Déva-nagari list. In the transcription in the Roman character, I have followed the usual custom of European scholars in dealing with modern Indo-Aryan roots, and have omitted the final vowel. There are two conjugations of Kagmiri verbs, which differ only in the tenses formed from the Past Participle. The First Conjugation consists of Active and Impersonal Verbs, and its terminations (in these tenses) are formed by the addition of pronominal suffixes of the Instru- mental Case. Examples are; (Transitive Verb); karu-n he made (him), literally, he was-made-by-him; (Impersonal Verb) ; asu-n, he laughed, lit. it-was-laughed-by-him. Impersonal Verbs only appear in the third person masce. singular. Active Verbs occur in all genders, numbers and persons. Thus kar®-n, he made (her) (lit. she was-made-by-him); kari-n, he made (them) (lit. they [masc.] were-made-by-him) ; karé-n he. made them (fem.), (lit. they [fem.] were-made-by-him). The Second Conjugation consists of Neuter Verbs, and its termina- tions (in these tenses) are formed by the addition of pronominal suffixes _ of the Nominative Case (which, however, are omitted in the third person singular and plural, and in the first person plural). Thus paku-s, I went, lit. gone-I. The verb agrees with the subject in gender and number. Thus pact-s, I (fem.) went. In the accompanying list, Active Verbs are marked (in the first column) with the letter q, 7.e., karmani prayoga, or passive construction. Impersonal Verbs are marked Ul, 1.c., bhavé prayoga, or impersonal construction. Neuter Verbs are left unmarked. This information is taken from the Kagmira-¢abdamria. Three simple tenses are derived from the Past Participle; the Past, the Aorist, and the Pluperfect. In the masculine, the characteristic . 1896.] G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 307 letter of the Pastis w, of the Aorist is yau or yo, and of the Pluper- fect ya. The Past tense describes something which has happened lately, e.g., karu-n, he has (just) made. It is formed directly from the Past Participle. Only a small number of verbs of the second conjugation possess this tense. As arule, Neuter Verbs employ the Aorist to express the idea conveyed, in the case of verbs of the first conjugation, by the Past Tense. The following verbs (according to the Kacmira-gabdamrta) are the only ones of the second conjugation which have the Past proper. Thak, pak, samakh, hokh, tag, lag, gong, k* ts, khots, pats, rots, vyats, hots, gatsh (be proper), wépaz, daz, roz, phat, phut, rot, bod, wat, woth, tshyann, sapan, wup, grap, pray, lay, way, khar, tar, phar, phér, mar, sor, gal, tsal, dal, dol, phal, pholl, mél, bov, rav, dés, pos, mas, ros, as, khas, phas, bas, las, lds, was, byah. ‘These verbs, which I shall in future “ Listed Verbs’ form a class by themselves, and, in the treatment of the final consonant follow the example of verbs of the first conjugation. Before u-matra@ (1.e., in the fem. sg., Past), and before y (7.e., in the fem. plur., Past, and in the Aorist and Pluperfect), in the case of verbs of the first conjugation, and of the abovementioned listed Neuter Verbs, certain final consonants of the past participle become palatalized: as follows :— : k, kh and g, become c, ch and 7, respectively. Thus— 3 Mase. sg. Past. . 3: Fem.sg. Past. 3 Masc. Aorist. thak”, he was weary thac® thacyov lyukhun (/ lékh), he wrote lich*n léchyon dagun, he pounded daj*n dajyon t, th and d, become c, ch, and j respectively, but not before a-mdatra, only before y. Thus— phat”, he was split phat® phacyov math | ,/ mas| he was forgotten math® machyov gandun, he bound gand®n gaijyon t, th, d and 1 become fs, tsh, z, and 7 respectively, in both cases, Thus— katun, he spun kats*n katson woth, he arose wotsh® wotshov ladun, he built laz®n lazon ranun, he cooked ran™n ranon 308 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. [No. 4, Verbs in J change it to 7. Thus— polun (./ pal), he protected paj?n pajyyon tsal“, he fled © tsaj# tsajyov These changes do not occur in the case of verbs of the second conjugation which are not mentioned in the above list. Thus, from the ,/ zéth, be long, we have the Aorist zéthyauv, not zéchyauv. Note that 4 is elided after ts, ish, z and #, ands. It is also — in the case of the verbs pz, ‘ fall’ ( pyane not pi-y-awv), and gatsh, ‘go’ (gauv not gyauv). It is, however, retained in the case of the following Neuter Verbs. © K+ts, be wet, grdts, be splashed out, tsdts, be without employment, tshéts, be empty, téz, be sharp, paz, be fit, rdts, be pleasant, vyats, be eontained, braz, shine, bawaz, be pleasant, lyats, be weak, ¢rdts, be pure. Thus, grdtsyov, not grotsdv, he was splashed out. [It is also retained in the following verbs ending in s, dvas, dos, tsas, tras, ras, 7s, lis, vis, wolas, wés and optionally in ee das, bas, mus, and ss]. The vowel changes in these verbs are caused by the presence of matra vowels in the final syllable of the masc. and fem. sg. and mase. plural of the past. There are no vowel changes in the fem. plural, as it never ends in a md@trd-vowel, or in the Aorist or Pluperfect. These changes have been explained in my previous paper on Kacmiri pronun- ciation.! They are given briefly in the following table, which applies to all verbs of both conjugations. 1 Vide supra, pp. 280 and ff. 309 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemiri Verbs. 1896.] essa ‘UWtZ,Ng ‘Ivey "U0z0g ‘waz0g ‘ad ) ‘uzng n “Un 2g n ‘unzng m 04 ‘unzoq | °° 0 ‘pouiny oq saohuayd ‘auayd ‘day 2 «tty 1 Cunhiyd nh 04. ‘unaayd | *** 3 ‘wig.ny) | pecueyo posuvya posuevyo ‘qoa uohan) ‘#gon7 by "ad) ‘eajny -un ‘Un in} -unl ‘unjny -un | 04 ‘unjnp |” n B (wang | pesueygo pesueqo pesuvyo| ‘qoaed “uozng ‘uDzng =: “ad ) ‘wazng -un “Wn 2NQ -un ‘unzng “un |03 ‘unzng | °** n ee 6 410 5 9zoaenbs wohuno ‘u9trd e *watno 2 “Ub ld 2 ‘uninha nh oy ‘wnsno | *** 1 de ; (unanhy ‘teqse,d -uohary ‘ughan B ‘wiry 2 ad) ‘unary |\(mhad)2| ‘unanhy nh 03 ‘unary | °° a | (w2.n0U (un0ou TET “uohanm “pup ad) ‘upapu| p jad) ‘uytpm) —® ‘unuoue 9. {03 napus | — p ‘W9t} ‘19 ‘uty epeur oy epeml oy opel oy (U2 4yDy : (unin y (un soy - eee ‘op “wohany ‘u94Dy ‘ad) ‘uudy| o Id) ‘unlD4 D id) ‘wunioy D 03 ‘unupy | °** D oe (ased ‘qd (qed (-qsed °3s “OSCUL ) ‘OS “Wz ) “OSeUL) 6 ° A ul Ul sy ® feud td Ul SY ‘eayeur-t Ul SV sano rey emia hs miei) (2) e10jzaq 910J9q ea0zoq CESS | ere er ph e10zoq ‘ | saoong eS F = ek 310 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemirt Verbs, [No. 4, . The Aorist, expresses past time indefinitely, with no reference to proximity or distance, e.g., karyd-n, he made. In the second conjuga- tion in most cases it is, however, used instead of the Past Tense, and then the Pluperfect is used for the Aorist. It is formed in the masculine singular by adding yaw or yd to the root of the verb, and then affixing the pronominal suffixes. The termination is generally written at yau, but is always pronounced @ yd. A Kagmiri Pandit makes no distinc- tion in pronunciation between au and 6. In those verbs which have a Past Tense, the base of the Fem. Plur. Past, is the same as that of the Aorist. Thus pyk”, he went, Fem. pl. pacya or pacé, Aorist pacydv. The Pluperfect expresses remote time, and is formed in the mascu- line by changing the yd of the Aorist to ya. Thus, karydn, he did (a long time ago), he had done. It-is the tense of narrative. Thus sakhariyav, (in telling a story), he went. Those Neuter Verbs of the second conjugation, which use the Aorist for the Past Tense, also use the Pluperfect in the Indefinite sense of the Aorist. If they end ina consonant, they form a new Pluperfect by inserting 7 before the yd. Thus zéthiyav, he had been long, but zéthyav, he was long (not zéchyav, as the 4/ zéth is not one of the listed verbs). ) te The above rules are those given in the Kagmira-gabdamrta. As the Past Tenses form one of the chief difficulties of the Kagmiri Verb, and, moreover, present irregularities which are not referred to in the above abstract (especially those which occur in the formation of the Past Participle), I have given in the fourth column of the accompany- ing list, the third person singular masculine, of the Past and of the Aorist of every verb mentioned. These have been carefully tested in each instance by my Pandit, and. by myself, independently, with the Cabdamrta, and may be, I believe, taken as correct according to the teaching of itsauthor, Here and there my Pandit has given me a form not sanctioned by the Cabdamrta. In any such case I have inserted it in square brackets. es; _ Dr. Elmslie’s Vocabulary contains about four-hundred verbs, while this list contains about double that number. It may, therefore, be con-: sidered a somewhat important contribution to Kagmiri lexicography, I have compared Dr. Elmslie’s Vocabulary with this throughout. I have found in it (after excluding a number of perfectly regular causals) about a dozen verbs which were not in the Dhdatu-patha. Most of these my Pandit condemns as Panjabi-and as not Kacmiri, but two. or three have passed his test, and have been inserted between square brackets. An asterisk is inserted in the fifth column in the case of each verb occurring in the Vocabulary. 1896.] G. A. Grierson—A List of KGemiri Verbs. 311 The fifth column in the list contains the meaning of the roots in English. These meanings are not translations of the Sanskrit mean- ings given in the third column, but are based upon them. Hach mean- ing inserted has the express sanction of my Pandit who is a Kagmiri born and bred. To conclude, the following are the full conjugational forms of the three Past Tenses of the Kacmiri Verb, according to the Kagmira- gabdamrta. First Conjugation. Transitive and Impersonal Verbs. = ae (uaate) Past Tense, I made. He was made | She was made J aey HERG.) aay Cee) ss a ; were made | were made by me aeq karum aeq harm afcy karim aaa karém+ | ng ‘ by thee | @&¥W karuth REE, kar™th afce kavith aay karéth by him HU karun RET kar" aifcat karin aaa karén | ee . cS by us RT kar He kart ate kart ay karé (cee os ! by you | wea kar"we qea kar®we afta koriwt | waa karéw* | Fi S = \ ee “6 i ~~ x J % Tae y by them | awe kerukh | qe karvtkh - afc kavikh | aaa karékh - (Brareyaaara ) Aorist, I made. -He was-made | She was made Jhey,(mase,)|.Lhey (em, } | were made | were made faa SRE karyor a Lobe karyéyam ate karyem - RaTa karyeé- J Hae karyaum Ae yam fae wate ON ayaa karyéyath Hae karyeth and so on, ( ae karyauth y same as sin- Rate kunyd aaa karyé een tue : anyon ye yan - . ee: by him | se ery RaTa karyéyan t karyen ayia karyaun nn Bros ~~ = iso = Pa { wets karyov Cop karyeye aya kuryey Ras karyauv by you eile karyow* apa karyeyaw* aaa karyéw COREE karyauw by cee { mate karyokh ear karyeyakh aaa karyekh mare karyaukh | See 1 Pronounced haryem. % Pronounced aaa and so throughout. 312 G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs. [No. 4, ( quapeate ) Pluperfect, I had made. They (fem.) He had been She had _ | They (masc.) had had been made been made been made made by me aaa karyam aay kavéyem same as in same as in by thee | wqtw karyath | Aorist HUY kaveyeth Aorist by him | aula karyan MtAq kareyen by us mata karyav Cre) have yey by you | wala karyaw* Raq karéyewt by them wae karyakh | MCAIq karvéyékh Second Conjugation. Neuter Verbs. Neuter Verbs. Except in verbs specially listed above, the Past does not occur. One of these listed verbs is Ya, pak, ‘go.’ ( aaate ) Past, I went. Masculine. Feminine. l | Jd! pele gee I went WHY pakus WIS pac*s They wentest we pakukh | 9a pac*kh | = He went ay pak Vy pact We went ofa pak* Wy pace} You went ofa pakiw Qwyaq pacéw* They went afar pak’ Ty pacé 1 Pronounced pacye. a 1896. ]} G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 313 Aorist ( aratauaara) in the case of listed verbs. Past ( aaata ) in the case of non-listed verbs. qa wuph, fly, is a non-listed verb. Masculine. Feminine. I flew qnie wuphyds qHaY wuphyeyas Thou flewest | quite wuphydkh qHTe wuphyéyakh He flew qn or qty wuphyov | qa wuphyey* or wuphyauv We flew qe wuphyey GRY wuphyey* You flew qua. wuphyew* qa wuphyew* They flew qn wuphyey Gay wuphyey Pluperfect ( TUATHA ) in the case of listed verbs, and in the case of non-listed verbs ending in vowels. Aorist (3lulqaqadata ) in the case of non-listed verbs ending in consonants. L flew. Masculine. Feminine, 1} gale wuphyas qray wuphyeyas, &e., as Singular ... 2| gqwTa wuphyakh in the Past. 3 | gRTa wuphydav 1! gaa wuphyay Plural 2| gwmTa wuphyaw* 3 gra wuphyay Pluperfect ( quyAare ) in the case of non-listed verbs only, which _ end in consonants. LT had flown. Masculine. Feminine. 1 | gfwaTe waphiyas qraaaa wuphiyéyas Singular ... 2 qtware. wuphiyakh qtaare wuphiyeyakh 3 | gfaare wuphiyav qtr wuphiyey* 1 | gfwara wuphiyay qtasa wuphiyey* Plural Droste qtwara wuphiyaw* qtaaa wuphiyew* 3 arate. wuphiyay qrnaa awumhiyery® J. 1. 41 [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 314 *0F4TP ‘dn pnojo *pjoyue ‘dn dvim TIE ea EA ‘OWEP “ystuy “BUI y “qSIOUL OYVULy “¥SIOUL OG *910A08 -zed ‘ssejzamod aq “BOM OQ "19}M9y. “ONINVOJ, HSLTONG unvhanwogn Jo {lel bib ‘00.6090 bBiy bk Unvhoqd lel ible ‘unlngD ievbe unvlisogn b\ebly ‘unsvgn bbls anphipwn jp) ists unoha e ~ Ne. ‘¢ 5 = Ne “Dl pZUD UN201,2U0 WEIDER Dip joel > Eis 2 EE 0S oe Aa Ne UnDhs pZUD belies Sunt~ZUo b2Bis . e ee A Uunvun jo | te Ba ‘UnuUd Jojoks = | unvhansepd le{tel> ke ‘unaolppD BEDS anvohsppd ble ole anphipp ‘\toB anDnYys{D by mk ans bib ‘LSIMOW ONV LSVq ‘SauaA HO LSIT breil I> bl 5) hm veh) Sls b irlan}s Bb Is RE Teh “ONINVG LIYASNVG AD4qD bi> be pq 2bla ansnqn ‘soqv ‘bm biPbis ‘Bbiy | PUD Yoo . Ne ADL yZUD bb Eis A Ne lpZUD LEts be}. BJS uw bib ‘uD bk WbypD bbe 4opd »Si po Ske ys]D mb 37D bia ‘LOO G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirit Verbs. ' 315 1896.] ‘AreNqeoo A SSSA ‘Iq Ul punoy y OHVIP *puvy] UAO 9.900 qjtm dceyjoue poo}y ‘uosaed v@ qsurese jem Ur o4eqtpem OFT Px ‘dn deoy ‘x1my, "0} paqoaap aq ‘eorgovad “Inouoy ‘TSU y *0}41p *o(quies14 ‘aaou "eYRYS ‘eindesut oq alley “ULB9 unnhavsodn eit bits ‘wna9 dy BB > ble unohuodv ie eblis ‘unwbdw bdhi unvhspjD bela ‘UnleiD belle unohaniepp Tetel> 2 lim “UNAOLypD BELA le unvhsp pd SENT ‘unde pD Dale UNDhLDzD leleiolis ‘UNnLZ2D benef UNDUDYSID lelic 1s “UNnUubYs4D Leie's Ite unnjoyD Je\rak, “unpbyn iba unpsp je) phy ‘wnst Bia unvhan.0p bite Bis ‘wnavnjo BL» Dh = : 6 2 4 unohsop bipBis ‘unwijp ion anphyp bp) teats unvhandwo PCALY: ‘unnod.sn BBl hm eee os & uUnnzrD0 Joliet “UneLD teleste. b DIBBYh ba DIB2) 1h) & B bbl} Dib} bikib> mp ebbdJ}h Bb phe bI>i2b Blit}b kim EbIh piss avwody bi>hi ke A0dD >»bits - toiD delle ADLypD bale dopb 2lke 4o2D piel UDysiv emi joyD Dale SD Bip 001070 bl> RBs AD/D >Ris 70 Be and.wo bibs PAYY) ib © © © ©€ © & © eC te ie [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A Inst of Kagmiri Verbs. 316 urdsy wns} ps Te) awe ‘unos Be paper *qno Srp ‘yno SULA y wnvli (oy je) neve ‘wn poy Baw pb) bale} ‘70/8 POTALY A 0 anvh.ah bie y BRIS “STA y unoysquh joj es ‘unysqah bas bibles ‘gooord 09 atquunzo anpfisoay bi tebl te I>Rb} "2q [posn you anvhsy bi tela] 180 ATS bikibe 0341p unohapivan jolted bike ‘unaownay BED bi b *10A00 unphwoav Hel teb) ‘unwban Hobbie B& m>biis ehile “a1OYS OY} IBoU BOG Be: 8 Sutaq ‘4foye [Aty My unvhanjo JoeB ‘UnavyD BBAlie b ebb>Ijhile MPRA "4B JYsiVtys ULE unvhavfiv Jeeta ‘unavhn kB p> biorekeh ‘YBNOL OVUL wnphianiy je\te ris ‘wnab.o eB >is > |>dh ‘o7 VI] TOU09 unnznuy Ye\he >be ‘wnpy.up eS) RID “peq oy} toy eduvyo anvhunwo ‘bike bli fee ‘ONINVAJ HSITONG ‘LSIUOW GNV LSVq ‘ONINVO, LIMASNVG 704 bib poy 2% wh > ysquh Bs svuoD Bbile& So Bll aniniy bi>b) Rs 4000 »bIB an7D BR iB anhn bhi Qvi0 b> poi =>) UnuUD we) ‘LOOY le le ce &€§ & 6 ee LR 31F G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “OF, ‘quinp 0q *eyVU ‘OPy *0}71Dx “uve "0991p -*(-090 ‘saqyoya) yo “0F4Tp *poystzoaoduit oq (Moy peyontd @ se) osuts *s90I[S UI yn ‘Kreynqvoo A 8 OSM “IQ Ul punoy » anvhapyny blab unnsDy we) Bie ‘unsby ew unl DY ba nw ‘unsby lek anphjpy ib \ti\e unvhavy lel “wnioy ebb unoha “DunUdy We\telebe ‘wnaguowpy LBL ebb wnvhanupy eltebe “unadupy bBpw unwojpdpy Bi Ph uniodny beh unphia “Dili yZUDYH lee Ew “UNNO.LyZWOy LED Ew ._ + PE ee UNDA peUDY bh Bip ‘UNL ZUDy Eth eee Ges UnNDZUDY ie) Be ‘UnZUDY 2 Bw unohanqoy le|eb we ‘unwby09 bbe Seen — mblh ebb? ? 2 bRsnib pla weke glehbyh bee AY 0% >Re SDY Bie Spy Ine 1D] Bie DY >ib ADUDUDY blis ie QUID bw\e anjpdpy bieh» jodvy 2h» WbyZUD4 bb Ewe bpZUDy »Ew l zuny Ee 40704 >bip Ik e © bf [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. 318 ‘qSTOUL Oq ‘(yataenb v “6:a) 0} dojs v gnd ‘oawys y. SHOEI TNE ‘ssopromod oq "Azey (F19s -9u0) ayer +727 Azey aq ‘a]qure.14 *pozonb -m00 oq ‘pofe-au0 oq “[ERSEAGT he “A[g01008 rezTId 03 “(SIA ‘Lume oq ‘ONINVG, HSIIONG anwhuugy We)Ll re 3 wnofisvy We) Pie ‘wnsoy leslie anvhagavy bl ebie unvhunsy Beli ‘wnsoy emi anphuphiny bl itelwe unohhoy ej rete ‘wnhioy Joke\ We anvlidwuny ‘bial te anpfiwpy jp) tee anvhyjny b\tel\e unohoby We) lele ‘unjoy } Pll unvhiyopy We\tele 117/007 Jel anvhwsqny biebe ‘ESIYOY GNV LSVq Bele tie fo fe oh Ll Sn BS bbe les blab elie tails} rey NS heb B giti>h bbe {mie Bites MAB hikizslb ERRLE Sh} ‘PNINVO]L LIYASNVS wupohy Bre SDy4 Bile 04 dbl ie 04 }\Ne phony >te\e fy tele dwpy hele Ups jo). Yyivy Bie iby BI yoDy wie Lvsjoy » BI Ne ‘LOO 319 ‘qoM OYVUL "99M OQ “por oq ‘(uosaod v) pnewutooer “sovyq em009q *(SAOSSIOS T}IM) 9M y “Urq? eq) "9010 OQ ‘MOT}epUNOF OTT} wody Uesoo], ‘yno {[nd ‘qno [nd G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. ‘IOpUd} 9q y [‘pexoeq young oq ‘Arsae oq 1896. ] ‘SSOL4SIP Ul Od » eLrynqeood GSlswmypy ‘IT UI punoy » unvhians} oy le\tebw ‘unads7 oy BBB anvhs}r4 bikie ‘nioy bie anvhjoy b\eal\e unvhanyoy Hepeele ‘unadyoy bEwl'p anvhuny ix bien unvhd.ix ie {fa 8 undix baie anvhjn1y B\teus ‘annhj.ig bib ~ \> anvhiny biel unohiny beinlk ‘ununy bee unvhiyny BBB ‘wnyny jesiB anvhyowny b\w anvhqoy ie) fel anvhdny Te\a's anphiyjiny ‘bre ‘Len >We ~ {Bay JE pibale} iba) EPRI AB Pa Ye bite bipauja W034 ny b Bib 340y Bb 19% Bie 0104 bible Upysy wale dis bie joly ois ‘ji aie yny a6 qowny Bee 994 bie] dny bie yiny 2b [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A Inst of Kagmiri Verbs. 320 *[sostio, qsvd ut pesn Ayuo ‘puods sO. uUnvhdnwbyy iol Pr “NO ,uDYYy bbb “aS00] 04 annfyoyy bb) Gee. "Ox 1[SIp anvhvoyy bie ‘niyy 2B ‘prey onpvorq » unohunyy doje ‘unumoyy bip ‘ATpeq yow unvhdnyy lela ‘undiyy bee ‘BIp » unvunyy bisa unubyy Lip unoha ‘O741p “Diopiiiyy lel tel>srB ‘Unnodppubyy Bi yen ‘SOLVYS OFUL Opratp | unvhsppuoyy le eenb ‘UU puoyy bab [B00 wnnhiooyy Iejkap ‘unjoyy bem ‘LOJ SWOT unvhisary le\ieeus ‘undnfhisy leferis ‘prey oq anvhyjany biteus ‘ayeul ‘op unvhav.y delle ius ‘unao.ty Ie Bius 1199 x UNDUpY Wlicle ‘unusy bb ‘ONINVGYY HSITONG “LSIMOY ANY LSVq pinine) while bit piear Reve lie Dw gh\ueey ‘ONINVGYY LIYASNVG Only BB] 104% RE 404) 2B, UDY3 WE | le doy be | it woys we | w AD! ppubyy biyap {opudyy >nB OY 2B e¢ ¢€ bt Jaiy TRus yiowy Bus apy pits | Ww ny wie | & 321 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. 1896.] “(trey ‘Aypeteds o1om) yond "IBOJ "IBZ y. *(saoqyvoz ‘atey) yourd ‘(yoe) uodo “MOTOG WOIF Stp "10}BM ur sutyydue ysea *(9043 8 JO) MOT[OY eq ‘Aquesorse ye "489 . ¢ Oster FUNOM 04 OSB, *(a.1094ed ® Y3IM) 4ueueUI0 . ¢ pueose “yunow y “AIBNGBOOA 8,ONSMTT “TC UI punoy, y UNDS yYH PaTs>5 ‘UNseYyH Lob h 3 annhiioyy piele annsoyy bibIB ‘327 BB = ON ~ So unnzunyy Wi BB ‘unzunyy bES ae NO : unnhiinyy js\beB. ‘ungnyy ab es 1B} {Biete > >Ip MAI > 1b DolEb) So1/] BB L043 »iB> 5707 BAB ZUnyy Bb ~~ 124 Bee qnyy Dee A0]0Y4QYY bie B ADYYOYUY 2EBr 4524 SBEr} oY Bel LY >1Be yoy BB spyy BB ik J. 1, 42 [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 322 ‘tog AT -198ve Yortves ‘A[0zB “WOIJOOYV LOGQULOULAT » 0991p ‘s19y30 Aq 310A. §,0U0 UI peqingsip eq (-quou) 4[0Ur » 404 04 "[VJOUL FIOM y “OVNP & ‘4unod y ‘[Su0r4s oq ‘(sprnb I] JO) Ory? owt000q y “purq ‘Ot} » ‘-tedoid oq ‘05 “ONINVAT, HSITONAT unvhunB Telelte ‘wniob belie anvhjvbp.b b [diel anvhjobnb pi talelie anvhilob ikaw »j0b Be anohwsv0b ‘bi ele unvhiob bikie UnLOB jorrie SS 1 unoha -pip2tO6 lapel Be wnaoiszud6 BB Be | = | unvohs,zuob Pipe ie ‘unugzudb lew id ie io ss | 2 \ anvhuvb bh bele ~ ©) unohilunh wit. unpuob leant anvhob 6 mle It (ueRIWR) fanvb be ‘ISINOY GNV L8Vq [& Dh ] B1bb nar ebRLBB ret Bb & BbRIwR jpie ‘DNINVG LIXUSNVG 406 »\ ie 106p16 miele (0605 wei 706 wie wmsob bie 06 die AD.ty2U0b boi lezuDb 2B upb we} puvb me y5q06 mie "LOO 323 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896. ] ‘punorins “ouIYS ‘Ygnou 944 Ut [[Or "peinojoo arey oq “fois oq ‘£Avay 003 0q SRE =P a iks}0 c2)9) ‘aut, ssved *[9902 ‘109904 “SUIS y ‘qnoqe [ALA “T8948 eae Aa] Aeid y "(@atqow) 4] OUT » 2 .. unoh.wab bible ‘uninhb jewke anvhyob b\tabe unvhavjynb le [epie ‘unanynb eBale anvhjnunb bide anvhunwnb b {bets ie anohqob b\tebe unvhidnB Yelinie ‘undn6 ieBit unozunb bi Bie ‘unpunb YoSeie : e : . A unohap.n2zn6 je) telvigie ‘unno.voznb WB yisle anphurb ‘ble ue unvfiagb Weltere ‘unavib ieBre unvhanyb We\remrw) ‘wnadjrb BEDI} anohjnwohb ‘bike unnzurb be Bey ‘unpunhb Je'ofer unohifob We\rene ‘wo6 EB “£aqvjnuqvood S,ol[sSWpy ‘Iq UL punoy y Ih} bl We PARE [eibtw rye] 2 Ue { bikib>BR )] BR ele Bb hbk p)Ahm genie Jeiaius pins ab die yO6 Dive ann bai joinb erie uvwunbB pete 996 bbe dnb wie punb role apwo2nb diet 4b dhe avhb bre any pir) jowohb pure purb ele} 706° wile | ik [No. 4, G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 324 ‘ouIYS costuad *PULIS » *[OSsoA e utr pinbiy oxBys» "099tp ‘Suruter do}s ‘9389 "IBOLT ye “19.A0 [10q ‘(sprnb “11 Jo) guoqe yse[ds , *(oFVMB Ajysnosz0yy SI 90 eiojoq) pe -ueyea Ajueppus oq ‘QuOTIB] ‘[oxol] ‘Ave avy oq ee oe “ONINVGT\, HSITONG anpliynuuno bi pee, unvhavyno Bbielbb ‘un10j0) BLP b wnos,b Jelrmie ‘wnysb jessie anvlis}016 telat unoha -plpdbsb left ins ‘UNADb yd DAB eB Leitle UNDA Lp SDLB ie einle ‘unde D006 ievinls ~ . . ~ & unnz040 bl ick Sunzo.ub iets anohyn.1b bh bbs anohupaob bible unmhwob Yeltelie “ununb edie ~ ar [unjnib jet BIAKA) ‘anviijab pj “EISIYOY GNV LEV biki@bp>)1mieRelh rs Bb ebBJ2 MAb else tLe b) 1 hee Bs PPaIs} bibe} [& BIRAS] itlteb) ‘ONINVOTY LIYASNVG YOU) whe 0700 Bibby Yrb Ble 590.06 Exte WD 4y5D.0B bIditlte bpdDLb dinlts [: 20.16 io 90.16 eh 0006 »b\ie 06 die 126 Be ‘LOOY Ik ik G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 325, 1896.] (gaseq @ WOAF OUI[[V} UVLO ‘“f-a) SSVUl @ WOIF [VF feigag ss etl ‘OPI OFVUT 0741p *104} BOS » *1094808 ‘701000 oq Aqryrumy AOS ‘a10Foq a[quiny oq, ‘ootad & xy "(y90]9) SulIm do ozoonbsy AIPIEP % ‘JULIP 0} OATS y “ATAY9814 014 ‘Arepngvoo, §,o1jstitty ‘aq ttt punog anphuwnyd tp) tere anvhanyo bith unvha “DilpSQOYI jepely be ‘UN ADL ySFDYO Elbe unoha Db pYDY9O ele be UWNAOLnYDYO Bl pbs UNDALyYDYO lel ibe “Unley DYO lebibe unvhionys w\tae “unyoy9 Be annhwoyynno bi RBI b unohiwns Jo| et ‘unumno 2 Bn unvhapyna Je pele ‘wnaoyno YeB\we E So wnphiid We\re\ be ‘ynsnho iors S unoha ej wnpfians je\telb, ‘wnago bBLb “unnhs09o eli ‘Unw0d JeDlb | eS b bb ibble eblee bikipi|> fut Bale tafe ¥S| mie} glh bib ere2 Pb UDYD lee 7049 BB ADdS}0Y9 bi 2B UWLyyDYD ble Ap 4BYO dee YDYO See LOY 209 2 Ble wno Bb aynd ble 29 2 Be w by Qn9 bib 09 »)\ Be ie iF es & b [No. 4, GAR Grierson—A List of Kagmirz Verbs. 326 *(9AT}OV) YSVAL *po.1099808 aq *pnoad oyvur *pnoad aq *pogidnys oq ‘aye ‘apyutids y 9B MOY ‘esn ‘19.dUv UI 491008 OSOTOSIP “THT “QJIS ‘UIB19S y ‘TB9[D ‘YS y *[00}8 09 OS ‘oqenovAdy ‘euu1y ssed ‘1040 ssed 07 ULV JOT 41VM y “ONINVAT, HSITON | unohanyoyd lee “unadyoyo Bes anphynyoy0 bites unoha “Dlyityo W\elrybe) ‘unaot,2070 WBlrbey anpliarys ‘p\tem) unvhs ppuryo eieeew) ‘unsepunhyo jen belm undhovyo jel) ‘unynhiyo Bim unvfayys je\tele ‘unagys Bie = unohonya lela ‘unjoya aie uUnvuUnys Jejiete ‘unuoyo ree (yo I ‘unjpdyo lab unvhiloyo lei hew “unjdyo be unohapyo bike ‘unsDYd bop unvfidnys je\ine ‘wndiyo leis ‘ISIUOY GNV LSVq bAlieb| bie PAT YET ->le ph bale Bb BAB pbb & mh Ielehs ithe by 11.8 ia ius B pve pbWd Pay ISTEP ES.) bb :lePibale ‘ONINVAYY LIISNVS ADYOYD bw 109Y9 Bee ADLy 10) bldbe} any? bey bepunyo pb} 4249 Seay QDYo bie ao WOYd bole 10Yo RDB MOYO 2B dpyo be ‘LOO’ U5) 1h rr OOOO ee eee_—_—e 327 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] 7N9 5 *(Osnoy TAO §,9WO UL) FIO 10 dATOS ‘spamol YqTAL qos ‘Leput ‘(esnoy MMO §,9U0 UL) FAOAA IO aAdos ‘sstustp ‘dn oAis y "99 LIT ‘(sqeys 049 Sur -yeoq Aq) urers yseryy o74Tp *puods *poonpot oq 097IP *(9A1}08) donper *AryNgvood SOysmpy ‘tq ur punoy y unvhavsy bib ‘UniDsy bei = =<. _ unvhont ie} is ‘unit Jarre unvhanl ieee ‘unui! lebis unohiyoo! joi tere ‘unyyol lebie . ~.v unvhioya bible ‘uninyo be unvhuayo bibs ‘wnunhya hole unvhqugyo w\teB ‘unguoyo rae) unoha ~p.lndoyo bebe ‘wnn0.t »doya bBIyhB unvhs,doyo bi bbe ‘wnt,doyo bRhs anvhuugys pitBs unoha “D4 pl QY9 e{el> ie ‘UNAO4 pUOYD eB\> le B | unvha puoyo ieleis & ‘unssWoyd Weish ] 705] 2b snl die tol die Yyyol Bis 40Y0 2B 4279 2B Quigys bee WDplQY9 bl>bB todloyo ¥he wuUoyo BB QL UOYo bIpisé o¥oy0 XisB [No. 4, G. A. Grierson —A List of Kaemiri Verbs. 328 ‘ernpuo ‘req TEOTIOO "MILD ‘9VO y "UL SUIT y ‘AT pNoy Woney ‘edvosa ‘Aume 08 y ‘Ads "W19y ‘qIVq yseg ur pesn AyUQ ‘(ueuI0M 8B Jo) Tusqgeim AT preaut oq ‘O8BO.10UL "O[RYS 0q y. ‘(eat}08) 07 pooy fed ‘04 pusqye (Z) OZIS UL esvetoop (T) ‘ONINVAT HSTTONGT unvhlosy Je) Ret “O84 jet unvh.nsy le\relby ‘wnlory bla unvhdnst do [ni ‘undos} ke Alb, UNnDUDs Ielielb, ‘Unw0s] jee unvlisps5 be ‘unsDsz ai anvhifos} bi heb, ‘1054 BE UNDS4U0S4 PNAS “UNSFLO34 bBS (ures) 2v057 EY anvhinsy bi eb anphiyjowns; p\tetb anvhgun sy bbe “LSIYOY GNV ISvqg [ike [>] plie:mems RBhA Bhibh B pith Ebnibdta ‘ONINVGTY LIYSSNVG S A PF e «© bk yjnwns] Seb WO) be "LOO G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemirt Verbs. 329 1896.] [geo ARSENE Ako SUVOUT JUOTOTFNSUTOARY, ‘plojanoy oxvur “O}7TP ‘AISwe oyvut ‘amos oq ‘Arsue oq y. “0991p ‘ISIS @ OUI “AT -JUI[OIA Sur104ue Lq qany ‘£1}WOTOTA 103090 "M1008 OM0S YIIM 48 yooT ‘s0r0lod y “A[pnoy ysney ‘ArvnqeooA 8,Ol[SWpy ‘Iq Ul punoy y anohs7os4 bib unoha -1U,bosF Tete leit ‘unagunbos} wBisie& unvha Dip YOR} Tojkel> ee “wnaowvy 084 BED we unphiros4 Yelbeiee “unnyost ienibb, annhyox9 ‘BL bbe. unoha “Dy fF } lejtet> bela UNA0.1p W154 BBD |b _» Undid yUL57 | lel fis |b ‘UN WNRS] ledbe be unohtlas5 | Je} beeien, ‘wn Oh5F I iefife, een unohoyas4 ielebie. “Uni OhSF leben unohlunasy t do {LE fen ‘unbaohsy } jel unohloyyohs, We) heprle, “unjoyyohisy iehple ghiite [eS {bh beh) te “Inpho ab ] eRebe! Ab MRE bRE AA bo oN v Helbel fe r Anup bos4 biwirk Ln 959 bivibb. tp 4OS7 Yb si cs bg Dhisq dble bQvhsa Ske qoyyvhsy Re ik it J. 1. 43 [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 330 “yoros y unnhidysy epee “npors] ie Ste nite ti pays] Bie) we ‘9A LOOP wnvlloy sh Ieper ‘wndys) bie pRB 1057 Bee |[ w | -£qdue 09, anphiny 3] Bibs beRiw>} 0 5} ie *MOUUTAL unvhovy 34 bee ‘unjoys) we 2B DhebA joysj 22 | wb eae \ eer “SONS y UNDS y SF deeb. ‘UnYyss? ws hb Yoo}? BE | wb | : epee “OSLOU YALTM PULA FBO unnnoN es ley ‘unjnsy Is ey [2einlel his] ee: ie ius} 2B | wb . (“ules f e Ws ‘ = = ut posn A[WO) jouuenb cee uphahans4 kee ‘Wn NS] bbb AR» . ans] bE | tb ‘04 pusq4B S 0} osned ‘asve.1o0p unvha : OYVU | -YLpULo O.Lp UO Ne | Ble Pe bake ADlyWOS7 bIXRER | wb 03 osnvo ‘sSe] 9% Dy tlQ 5} e\tel te “YUNAD. Vy WhQS4 BBR Bb b> Wb| Veh hte | h olQs] BIDE ‘oao0q ‘eor01d y unvhquo sy Je jeep, “Unquiosy Jefe BRE Quiosj be | wb “ONINVG] HSITONG “LSIUOW ANV LSVq ‘ONINVOT, LILUSNVS “LOO4Y 331 G. A. Grierson— A List of Kaemiri Verbs. --1896.] *q10YS8 OY VUL ‘qIOYS 0 x *(q[nz Apgue1ed -dv ysnoyy) ole ‘UNnA01, ab hy 54 BEL y ble unvhienray sy lel tele ‘unagrohy si lene anpnhaays} b {tele - : Posen tA annUUey Ss] Biesls ‘,wwihy sy Ble “unoha -D.ippbhy 4 le} tel elas ‘WNa0ly phy sy bBlyale unis pjay 54 bikele Cunasho hye pale annhioys bl bie anvhuny sy by sh ‘bleep wnolituoys| wie ‘unpidys, wen ~ # wnoliny 5} lel bele ‘unpoys] wale b In) STE ie ebhlsiil bile b p= Mnf 0Y 5 Y2B 4043} 2B ADinVohy sh i> ple Ip ohys] » tle anhys} bie uunhys> Ble WDdoidhy 34 biyale loi bhysh dele johys4 2ke woYy S104 sh bale punys? re Poyst Sle [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 332 03 Apvoa ‘dn asco anohanzo2 te\ Rise M0202 PLobe ‘071p anohwobloz bikBbe Jobloz >be “UIT Oq anohavblrz biksis} Wnblire » sie) ‘T10q 04 y ‘annie b\relis ‘an blis az iny “Tang unvhifoz lel balie ‘wn707 bdlis 102 Bile ‘MOU y wnownz lellelia ‘ung? keblic Rl bbky uve wits unpilng Je\ belie ‘wnboz eitlio Bes p) 5 602 ielis anohzoz b\eais “TBOC wnohuoz lees “wnubz vis aR Wz dis ‘[NFTOPEA Od, bebl>IPbpaie 7 yoz wis “IOYVM OFT] 93SEC} x ‘Lead unpvhdoz bi nis ‘undbz iefia: bhia dpz his ADbyz dIS i ~~ ‘ored unohanlyz bikisis ‘unsDlyz bepicis DPPp ‘eyyoyo ‘anod y unoyunys} alee ‘ununy =] labo bs uUnys) ioe unoha ‘Q40YS ORVUL | -D1o)0y 5} el tele2B ‘unaoinioys} WwBlees ODL} 0YS] bived ‘ONINVE]T LIUXSNVG ‘LOO ‘ONINVOPL HSIIONG ‘ISTUOY GNV LSVq 303 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “Krenqvood 8,Or[swma[y ‘Iq Ul punoy » i uggs "QATT 07 OSTIRO "OSIOU OM} UL O9Iq unnhovj bias ‘uny bi bbe ‘ored y unohilyz We) boise ‘unys2 bie "1BOq UnDhiavipz loli be “UNADLy2 BBD Is "0941p unvhaninaoz le\telyblia “1001p007 Bl >b\ ie . soe ~ *Y}A0F SULIG UNDAd_Q0z Wel bMS ‘Unt,Anz je dele “OULYS w anvhjoz ‘(lb is - ° . On. ‘Tonbu0d » wnDuer tele le ‘wnwihz Joie Ke “BUOT oq anohiyje | eis unoha ‘0741p “Diy leltely alia ‘wnadiyi7 wBl> pis pee set Ey ND UN Dhl YjrZ ble pls ‘untayinhz wreaks 4 = e ¢ J . y.snoo wnnsgz Ie\ Be ‘nsoz bebe . ~ . ~ & 0491p unohaosvanz biel pis ‘Unno.ip~n2 WB\> bis Songer sa @ "QAl] 0} OSTEO UnDhtpana Wipe ‘Untprnz pple "OAT] anphans bee lob Bale Bb Polk Ne Be Lelia J = mrbyee Bib b moblplen eels 40} Se 1% ie AD1p2% byl 004,002 b\> bls 9002 > bits 402 wiis uaz Iola yjaz Bis ADInY ie bly alia bY iit 2BLs S02 Bbe - c& ADA,ANZ b\>b Io an Ande »bIS ang bin ee & & & Ee [ No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 334 ‘posvoyd oq (om ‘tomoy wv ‘saka) asojo RIM N68) SUVOTE JUOLOTFUSUT OAVY "4UI B OXT[ O.10q “saveddesip 03 osnvo *OULULVY ‘UL SUITJOULOS ezoenbs See ie ‘Q0UO.TOF -jJIpur qjim Avme os “1e0d 10 Ard pnoy e 41UL9 ‘pesueyoxe oq eleed §euo pulyeq owmreq ‘ONINVGT HSTTONG . anohyjo} bible unnhans ee? ‘unan} BBE anvhjo} te\teB unohkon} belne ‘unynj Be unnhanyoj ejtews ‘wnadyo7 bBwe anvhquig} teste unolida) Ie\rabe ‘undih} bf anohyjaj ‘bl teh ~ = & unohloj je | bale ‘unj0) wie unvhily} lejbsle ‘unbo} ieee : anvh)n} Bae unvhdnj lejtne Sunda) fiz “ISIUOW ANV LSVg geRieD pb bA pi LbdJs ee MblkdJhEI>h ‘ONINVGT, LIMISNVG yjoj Bie oN anj be joi 28 TEN Yny we A030} bes quinhj bebe doh bbe yivhj ete 10} Ble 70} R2 dvj he “LOOY. ik Ik 339 1896.] G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirit Verbs. ‘ATenqevooA S,o1swpy Iq UL punow, y “yor BSB Yous ‘gzoddus v uodn uve] ‘079TP ‘uodn puodoep ‘QsIOU B YITM orp fang ‘Aju. purys 0741p *£inq -do4s "@ATO00p “poateoap oq ‘OF4Ip ‘10309 A][qToT0F 07 esNeo “ULL y unphany yop wl ers ‘unanyyDp BPs >|. IR1>bsy> unoha “Dl Y Op betel bs ‘UNAOLyY YO kBD BS b UNDA YYDP bikes ‘unsnyy Op bvba >>I hl is Ee, bias ‘unydp we a plbp»sie unohonys le lie'p ‘unynys 6S beebA anohyiy) pl pb\e {pie} unvsnyi be ple 10 unvhisyy) wiieie ‘unsoy) bBSip b unvhiony) lela ‘wnyor) bi keebA anvhanyny} bipae bi ieB unnhanboys Je eliee ‘unaoboy; wBliee blir. annliboy) bleep eRe UNDUDS pj} bejieke ‘unubsy}) hepe b UNDSy)| BRE “WNss) Be bhle Le fe | anvhynj blbbe bbik Q0Y3DP BE & ADL YYOP bDBS ny yop 2S Yop ws s © ynyj »e 24) wele SY} Ble yoy} wie L0yny} »»2 anbnyj bine boyj we UDSy} BRE Spi B2 Yo) wa EX Gewb ic VF iF [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 336 ‘posnun oq ‘008 ‘SOOT y *(Apoq oy Jo) 4u0q oq "dooms y “o}VIp “(90¥) [Jory “OATp ‘(Apoq 019 Jo) 4u0q oq ‘OVS oq ‘asueyoxe “078 “I0A0 ssed y. "TBOT y “ONINVGT HSITON anvhlop p\ bls ; wg RNS nf2P BX unohyoop bies ‘unyjinhp lebih anvhsop bie S unnhanp ie\teS ‘unanp BS aunolia -punjnp Jeptolems ‘wnaounjnp WBlwwS unnlanjnp lelteaS ‘unadynp LBA anvhqnp Palco > anohyop bi be& anohiap b\ tet» unolilop je{ hols ‘unjop bbs oe = : .° av unohobp lejela ‘unjinp 2s anvhlop bikes ‘nop ia anohaop bike ‘ISIYOY GNV LSVq ‘ONINVA], LIYASNVG 1/0) Bis Sap h& sop B& a) ON anp bs anun np blpRa anjnp pa qnp Ba ‘LOO’ 337 "Aas "SSO10 x, ‘(Aol a0 Jolls Usppus uto.z) pulut g,oU0 oscURYd y "YULIe AA JO OYVS 049 A0F oyvy UY} OF » 70] Oy 0341p “UY O>euH roared y G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. OFAID 4 ‘404 oxeut ‘W5Ty oq ‘eTOp 94 07 Moy uMOmy eq forqrssod oq 1896.] “AIVTNGVOOA 8,O1[SUA] HE “Tq Url punogy » = S s, ® unnh (04 lelkab “un o) bhp annh.ng bike “ndD) bb anph quip) piekep hd} J ‘undo, | unohdn} jejinp ‘unddiy bhp anohwny bikeb annhyny biep wnnhansyuny bile p UNAM WO4 BB pic» : a: a < e bt “e@ UND pwoy bites BUntoyo] welsp wnohyop) elke ‘unyon, BEp Unvdhavly 540) ble Bp “UNA0.Ly 5909 BEDE UNL 5404 lel bp ‘Wil S4D) Dep annhbhing bits anphling bikep ‘604 ite EIb tell ial te ant oes BERIRD b DrwiBrb} ae | B& phip Blip SSO bikipkep 10] BR 407 2B 70910) PEs dn} bh Un) joo 70) Bb ADU} BIdIsR Uo} DSB yon) BB Db 540] bD BR bp S94 2Bp bling Sb 62 le IG ul oe Ge J. 1. 44 [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 338 ‘ppoo oq ‘gjoy ‘dn gos, *( 109400 ayy) Sar B puvdxe ‘porodwmey yoy oq ‘]IO FO o4SBy pVq BOABY *094rp ‘joy ‘aodavys A] 419.589 YOO] ‘OY pod oYVU “Qvot] y ‘du qos (gow) roAo ssvd y “Ajrasue yoroad -o1 “Yum Aisue oq "4SvOd anvhwi) bikp SI unohiing io\WeB ‘unjn) rays) unohgquwoy deiierin Ungwuoy iebein anvhpung tbe B annhwo24 bl heh |p = se ¢ ms se UnvhaDlyZ24 Jelkel> Lele “1nagen@i4 BB o|p me ~ ~ ew unvh.in24 bl eis|e ‘UNdyZNh) week anmliquuag tp\teate unvhan} bielp ‘unao) Bly = ~ fA wnolifny jo \pele ‘1n707 owl a ¢ > unohony Bele “2.107 bolp [unoh poy bible | winhifn, bikelp “unpo; bale unvhang bier ‘yunavy BBP bbe bie bhis > bE) bap bbR{ D2 |b elawhkeay b any wD Qulo7 kph» pung cord oy wnp049 hep Wb) bids |p bn] iO B quivh, beh 07 blip 70) Bip 07 dle po}? Sip QD) bp “ONINVAT HSITONGT ‘ESIUOY GNV LSVq ‘ONINVAT LIYNSNVS ‘LOOY 339 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. 1996. ] *Arv[UGvooA 8§ o1[SM][ Ay ‘Iq UI punoy y “AVoOF OF SSHVD “ACOT PlOf-981y3 exeur ‘pavy oyeul ‘paey oq ‘peyses aq *099Tp “LOM 90104 B UL YOOT y. "YSIOM x. ‘om ‘sopdmid jo “181s 09 (( om ‘oTIuy B ‘uvul @ jo) daeys oq “poo eq unvha “Dly G04] Wl tel PB UNA, S714 IeBlp Bes anvhs40..9 p jente unoha -DUpbD.L) beltelviee ‘UnaoUnbv.0g LB Loire unvha -DLDY DAY bi tel be ‘unaownyb.i7 JeB\ >be annh.nynt] blk be = [semestonane bielp] ‘anvfiyjor biely ‘[nying SB) unvhan«nany Je|tel> bl “wna0.000) Bi >b\p unnhiao, wikble ‘wn1007 iedblp S ~~ ~“ unolhiloy je} be) ‘unig RD annie) b\e anvhzey ‘bie anohibnwns ‘bilo B bbl bk > telnieey prbUree Beebe AD by SYD} bbe 590.47 Be ADU, bDAY biiwite ADL0YD.L) b\> be LDYDL) pipe $0) blk 00.1000) b\>b\P 40007 bib 10) Bip 12) Bp 70) lop uvi2) Th» B [No. 4, G. A Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 340 ‘PSTY oy Vu UNDA y2DY) ili UML ZZDY) basa fp) Me | EA Mp tDY4 2B i) “£IVOM OF ‘beta ‘Bra ke DY) Nola (os ‘Troq, pottodo ; ue jo) pouopavy oq anph.so.t4 bles Ripla)lelwmby 0.0) dle “paxvy oxvUL renevfy.tn5Q47 Wt Cunaoino4j7 BBO In} tb} 2 2} Wtp01) bine | w *paey oq anvhso.14 b {pee bbaiep ie 5019 ME ‘oUIp | wnvhanqgwo.r4 Wite bee ‘unabqwo.4 bBpe b angwo.t? bbe | w syorad unnhquow Tefen “Unquios} TeBe Pipl es quvo.4 bee Xb ‘geo ‘seoetd 07 4m9 unphonw9 rane ‘ung ne) WB Bb bP b> Sc yng eb | w "08 491» unvhan4 bel ‘unaow) Ele tele Api bia | & “BOF 0} OSNBO UNDAADA SD. Biteb be “UNNO.bpSD.14 BEBE bP apni) phe tb ‘IVO} annhisn.vg bab RR sp.l7 BE ‘OF 1P —unvhindny ieee ‘unundni, wee bh indnwy >A | we -osoo ‘dn 19A00 unohdnw4y bime ‘undd..4 bh go>) a) hs dn. e tp ‘ISIUOW AONV LSVq ‘ONINVA LIUNSNVG ‘LOOM “ONINVGY, HSTTON 341 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] *(s2oqjod jo pasn ‘god v) ula40f y, “gids ‘ders ‘yvaq “49B0q ‘ATasTRE JJOsouo ostead y. 0491p “ATINY & Ul oq ‘OFFTP x ‘dn gos ‘soqOURIg TITY ‘eT quie14 "4901 48 0G “YSTY Od ‘Yory eyeur . *ArvpNqeoo A 8,o1[su]y “Aq ut punoy » = tay - 6X unohiny) wirere ‘wniny) eta aie ; : unnhooy4 delleba “Wnyouy ie\Bke unvhdiy} wiley “undnhy Bka unnhoayy ble te ‘unybhyy Ble anvhaoy4 bi felta annh.woyyyy bi elalta unvhany? ie\telte ‘wnaoy) BB\ te unolhanys delete ‘unanyy Be hiloyg unjby) ib unohioy? e\ Rela “wn Dy} Bea anvhwoy) birt SS anvhiwoy) b\ Reta anplipoyy bp) te te unpha é “DbpZOY 4 eftel> eta UNADM 2D 4. BB sa tay NY] die 7947 Soke diy? bia} yohyy Nee 04) die w0yyDyy dale bbjwe p)s avy7 bla any? ble 70Yy7 Re ADY7 die Woy) Bh poy? 2a WA pZOY 4 bi>leta [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 342 "qOoYor “1apPTSMOD SEEM “UNIT y ‘sooord UL 1¥94 “ApvVoys oF VUL “Sururea doys (@) ‘10q, “mote (%) ‘Apvaqs oq "(914 WO PUM Jo) Tvor ‘punois ey} 0} UMOp ssoad “tap1o ‘ARs y, "BOA eye ‘pojseM OUT {TIN 04 ‘punod ‘4voq x “ONINVAY, HSITONG unvhspwpp bi kisl> ‘UNL WOY brel> UnnsDp B{BS 10 wndlisnp WLS ‘unsip LBS - (1, ° =: unohanp is\es ‘unanp BBS 5 GandnsB unolilop w\kse “wnpbp bine unolisvop wie» ‘wnivop bes = N anvhiwp bike unohiuop biked ‘unwop bBe S unohangop bite b> ‘wnaiqup bBb> unohdvp bind ‘undbp bib unvhavsypbp elle ‘UNA0Lypbp ED SS anuznp ble ‘npop Ss unvlifop elas ‘unbop bite bite bbl 1 piel |te Mdl2b} bib HAL bypbb yb} fete :Le one fe} bP Up bElesie b bial |telitiis >on a kebiele bik dywop del> spp BS ap be op Be LL0p 22 Lop »B wnp BS avgvp bb> dop h> ADLy pop bipSe Z0p a> bop k> ik “ISIYOY GNV LS8Vq “ONINVAT FIMASNVSG 343 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmivi Verbs. 1896. ] . ‘0991p -oqyvredes O)B Py ROes ss *099Tp “‘punois ayy ur opty ‘Aang » ‘q02 03 OSD Oris IMOD ‘(urea18) ysuy "OAL y ‘OATS 0} OSTIVO ‘fouow puey ‘eovyd y ‘qooHod ‘tepisuoo *AIYNYCOOA SPST “IC UI punog » unvhane -YySqump biel med ‘wnadd yy Siunp wl» weS unohaoy Sump bi hEeb ‘unesySiunp weed anvlisop pime ‘sop bB unofifiop likes ‘unhop he unvhaniqop le\lel>pB ‘UNAO.Ly9 OP BBIb be unnlisnqop bikbe ‘wnlngop bbbe unohaninpop wl tel>>® ‘unagwop op RBI >B anvhwopop bkkee unvhanunbop ielrelisie® ‘unaou,bop Blwire wiphiavbop jel tere ‘unanbop bBiee unvsqup Jel b>} ‘ungnhip De wnohanp w\tel> ‘un2op wB\> “unohwvp PiRi> ‘UnLOp BBl> unola -pis\ip WYeblEe ‘unagiyip wBQEL> b p)Bhabes bbl pAlb Bb gbsi bene eel jnie n> e\ nie) bP bis tLe >I 11a B ADLnysuNp bi>eed loYSunp eed Sop he hop ke HORT XE) op bDBE nq Op 2bB apiopop bi»>B A0pop »2B AvUpbop biisire anbop bee 2p Bl app bi wop »1> Wy pibisl> 6« &© & & i [ No. 4, 7 Verbs, agmir G. A. Grierson—A List of K. 544 *poxeu oy vur “QOULP » “paxvy oq ate] q ‘oATSTOd x9 ‘Tvep oyeUL ‘aatsuodxo “Ivap oq “Avid "qo1sod ‘OF}IP -osaod. “SIp “QSnp quo oyLys y UNE y. 09409 pAVd y ‘queqstp 4 Uunnhipuvu bike ‘UNlpUudU je fate u or u = = oa ~ & UNDSIDU bb) bbe ‘UNSqDU job \ anvhy jap ‘pie UNDRADASyp wLelbS ‘wnaoisyp WBiK > wnolia | “Dininup WwhieirieS ‘wnadt,bnup WwBLrp{es anvhibnup ‘bike unohanwp belle’ ‘unynup WBS unolifirp dette’. ‘unhisp RS UNDAADUyD Iw) ele S ‘unadu,p PBS p 1g ~ ~ & UNDUyp Biss ‘unusp eS S anpoh.sop bik \> -~ °¢ = fy unnuop bilele ‘ununp ia anvhinp bike M>RhUO>d) 1b ebibpiie bbIbh} eeRLe “ONINVOTAT HSITONOT “LSTUOY GNV LSVq ‘ONINVG]Y LIYMSNVG bp lou dele s]pU bbe yi2ip Bs ADIS,p bik > wsybnup pivie® bnap es Yn wis hop RS WUyp beS Upp BS lop 2 uop whe inp »B lk “LOOY 349 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] ‘oFFIp *Lomsop *ystjod ‘uveyo “ourys "BHO[JINAT OC 03 dos @ gnd (SUrqtIM) 998.1041[GO y -avoddestp ‘MOT OG ‘BATSSODXO OQ "ALO “pued raqtaq ‘poyeu oq ‘aACM ‘OxBYS 07 OSNVd ‘OQ UIO.TY y ‘poyxeu oxeur eLIvpNQVooA 8, Sl[sSM[y “Iq UL punoy y unvha -YbpSDU delle) vine ‘UNAO.Ly IDI BBL inie unohuod pu ‘bi Rinle ‘Unl,5DU 1K ia S| | unohanw dejtele “wnaow Be anvhdbu | pu buobe anohyjbu ‘pielis unvhanyou e\telale “unaoyou BELA anphisow ‘b\Rele ‘[ xin Bb | anohanu bleep annhunu bike unvhdou ej ‘undobu bh anvhunw ‘b {leeks unvhavin}Ou b{elrae ‘UNAOLy {DU BED 2s anvohjou ‘bib unolha “i - Ne ¢ 3 - ~“ “Din Ou w\telebete “unngss you BB) pie ue ebi|Bthale} bibles nei b Jbibble bbalbine}a pbRiBl eT bene {ehote bale ANLydDU bl>ipiie bp dDU >inlis anu piis anynt bial Snu Re anu be Qu0U wis dou hp UDU we ADLyOW birale jvu 2a ADLypUnU birisis ik J. 1. 40 [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 346 *044tp ‘OATSSOOXO OX VU ere "ALOG 0} OST1BO y. ‘anyq ewo0eq *sSOIppe ‘(S[RUIIUv) IBOySy "MO]TTVMS ‘OFFTP » ‘sooord 0} 3vo.iq *][VUs 9TL000q y. “ORF “ONINVE] HSITONG a SSS unoha “Vl pLOU Te[tel > bbe ‘UNAOLyVOU EL» bbs cal UNDILpvOU lel pbbe ‘UNdZLOU je webe wnoha Duby Wu de}ol eile ‘UNADty WOW WEL» Pb» SI Undhipwou isle ebe UNL; WOU jews So _ anol a) te \ te unneonohu belie ibke ‘unzoaolhin bial phe unosiohu blake ‘ungohu Bhs unohitobliinfin w\hehe ‘unjobanhu eb Bhs l unoha “Dili ‘eel vibes ‘UNAOL DY VU BE) wis) unvhitny vu ro bie 12) ‘unsgynrhiu pd ibhe anpliyiw bp) pple) unohiow Bibb} ‘unhiu Joke ‘LSIUOW GNV LsvVg b Dbl eed te rs fp ble kebab >)a eEeb} bab Th n>itle} ‘ONINVA CIUNSNVG Wtp_0v0U bl} ble Wp QOU > bbe | ADL WOU BI) Bhs bp Wlou ditbe 72U Be zomvhu loibke qohu bbe qobavliu WEke QDlyY VU bl>Velo} YU die} Yiu wb} ww Bb} ‘LOO’ 347 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] ‘ond} oq 07 MOYS on.ay 9q 09 yno many “4Qy oq "099Tp ‘(Sutmos ur) moy & {ay “UROT B W4IM 4sn74 ‘OZ1TL3 000 ‘QO1001 ‘05 y. *e87 0} osnvo "oF;tp ‘enpliqe ‘howay sqe “T4105 08 ‘ ‘TULepoord "AreNGe00 A SOlSM[T ‘Iq Ul punoy, » UNDA Lp zOd ‘bibith “undp Zod bbb anvhzod ‘bi beh unvhavnty bod ‘e{tel>ieh ‘wnaotolid BBD eh unvhty lod ‘bikioh ‘uns, bid bbish anvsjod bibh ‘nsiid Eh Ss unoupyond W)ieleh ‘wnuoyond jshe\%eh Un -hanyoyond b}telbeh ‘unaojnyovd bB\pph anohood bleh 14 Da Bh unohanhiu Ye\relke ‘unaghw wB\ pe unohia “Dp Wou Jo} tee)» Fe | te ‘UNQOL, WOU beB\ >We aa CASE NG UNDhAp MoU ie | eel te ‘WNLzWUnW ohh anohio.up bibs ‘Anup bis unohanyoou | “UnnbyoaU WB») 92 Me | tote yoo eBay n> tka b} ep Bb bIRbIIMOR ber wh B kelp [ete Bikbjn2s PBA blbiPb Into Eh znd inh ani lod bipish ln lid deh sjod Bh unyovd wieBh anjnyond pip eh 300 Neh avhu bike ADL, WOU bi>Fr lie bp Wow >a sau 2b ADYIIU bBe [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 348 ‘OZIUDODOT y “4804 "pvod y ‘(sqoqtq) wang ‘(corp ‘spTBjou) ysBoat ‘mod1t *puIM yBo1q “0991p ‘soysy gue ‘avelo -oyotd -wi0o Ajjnyzsseoons eq ‘O0 meaucsTeQo) *ondy 9G OF AMOS “ONINVO TAL HSITONT - ° e e - WA. unnunzivd blisioh ‘unupeuod beistoh unohanyyiod a) telah ‘wnaoyy.iod BBLEh unvhiwod jalbeh ‘unwdd enh SS \ - ¢ O = & unvhhod Jo\ heh unhod Joh anvhdod ‘b{oh unvhifod e\beh ‘wnpdd Sh unoha -pipyjod bite 2h ‘UndoLpYyiod ‘BBL Ph unvhspyjod bik2h ‘uniayjod “HRPh anvfiyjod ‘pith unvhayind W\elah ‘wnagind Blah anolhind bj Beh unvhantpzod ‘efile h “UNAOLpZDa BBLIEh “ESTIYOY GNV LSVq bEBAbA Bikim)oh beh eh >) 1b)1 kk wim>}h ee phyB b LIB DA b bRitDIele 2p upzvod wish anyyod b\ih od >h find kh. dod hh pod >h aDntnyjod bI>2h doyidd »2 h BilB py yind 2h zie avjod bieh {Bis jod 2h bh ADlpz0d bbbith ‘ONINVG]N LIVUSNVG LOOUF 349 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaiemiri Verbs. 1896.] "T19F ‘[[VF 0} OSNV y ‘q0040ad ‘OM ‘S.GUIUUT UB IOF S80} “AVY O49 91} y ‘auto0eq ‘aq ‘TOIT YNO SULIq "O00 y (‘u100-dod) ureas ysvoa ‘drap ‘T{UFMOIIOS OFBUI ‘gosonbrjep ‘4,our ‘[HyJesn oq ‘Ajoqeatad oar ‘OFFIp ‘OZIUGOIOL y “£TVNGVIOA 8§,OlSWTY ‘Aq Ul punoy, » unohand betel ‘unaod Bib unnlilind we\belh ‘wnjod Rb unohwod wikih ‘unsod je>\h SS anohiyzod ‘pl tain unohzod de\keih ‘unzod eia[h unohanyod Je feel unanynoad eB iblh anohiunyod tp) te Ne lp annhdsnd b\tmbh unohsod rWay.1 unsod bYkh anvhinjiod bi ebb ‘Tnyoyod 2h | - ° . ~o anvhznod ‘p\iswh ‘| 200d Pb] - ¢ 75 unoh tod Je boh unjpod beh unoynznid W\telak ‘unubzod Joe lols unola . ° ‘ - -punzv0d je \teleleh “wnaguozwod bBlelsh > kbl@inh >| nbie' elbp fh>1P:2} bbh ~ elhdI121UBb} fb) 2. elbb} bbnlbs BbiklbRhA BI>RiP B and bib qod Bib Wd »ih yqod falh zd Iain anyod bibih wnynd je\blh dspd tah dvd teh qojod 2®h znj0d jah q0d Bh wunzvid wiak anunzvod ‘bleish [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 350 ‘Aroddrys ‘qjooms oq *PULIS y “IOAO [LOG “GPO oq “SUIYOOD TOF vay 4Y SI] *£OATOD ‘DALITV OF OSNVO ‘4¥ OATIIe ‘aTqIssod oq ‘JO JUVSTU.GOD oq ‘yooqoard ‘qUOMLLT 07 osnvO ‘qUOULV] TIPS *0#4Ip Zeherdy ce) “SONINVE], HSITONG anwhard bibl wnohdrd leleehy ‘unynlid esi anphsid b\ehy anphiynsid b\eyRhy unvhaad ‘bh ten ‘unabhad BB unounpd biemhy ‘unwdpad beban) anohprd beh} annlipad bp) tata unvhwogohd bien ‘unungohad bepln unvhavinjad tel deh} “wnAdtyjrd BEL» eh) unpfiord je\eby ‘unjinhd bala anohd bia unohavipsbd e}el> lh “Unao.tysod BED BD Ih unvhipsod bei th ‘UnlgsDd wBBih ‘LSIUOW GNV ISVg M>Aile}Ay i Jetelh beh aiRh He> tte bere LN Lh his {Bis hikipsys bh Doble b2dJh bbh b mR} ‘DNINVOY IIYUSNVG iad >\b yaa Bhy sid Bh) qodid mYRh} anhd bm unpid web) pid Bhy pohd > Lnjohid »pia WWyjid biyeh\ hd 2h) ad hy ADlyspa bDBlh dps pd Bh ‘LOO’ ik Ik 301 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “qa OVUL “drys.t0a ‘O}FID ‘(emo Aue 0}) Joao oxVuUr » “ROM Od *9Z90US ‘(osanoe Jo) onz4 ouL00 ‘sooord 03 “om ‘stoMoy yontd ‘(sunok) reoq *0741P ‘9010 4e Jona4suL pus oume[q ‘ATLTVOM 4VVAA ‘Are|nqevoo A 8,Al[Sw[y “Iq Ul puuog » ae i SS unvhiyyjind bik eh ‘untzyind k»oh show) ~ ov unoznd Bligh ‘wnznd Woh unoha -Dlbndnd eLtelyinb ‘UNaADLydnd Bloith unvhs,ond ieieigh ‘und,ond jo»inh anolijod ja \esR unvlifuod witkR ‘wnpuod book anvhund ‘Lbef ‘[nund ich] unowosind blichh ‘unupsind lob f unohanud J | ¢ purd 3 ad jelteblh ‘wnavur ieBlelh wnoha “Dbyy jad bejtel> Blh UNADM DY Rd BED 2b x 5 S pe ~~ unohsny iid bh e2\h ‘uninyjinhd je» er anohijrd (pba \b bhEbjs BiRp DE |e 1S = ~w JoYind 2h znd ish Wynd bi>ieh pond deh 79d BR puUod xR und wR unsind wah aourd pie\h Andey {1d bi» Dh Loy hid »2\p fd 2\p [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaigemiri Verbs. 302 [‘ourys *074tp *9Z1U.G000L "qSOJTUvUT Og “SNOLt ¢ -OJOIA “Quajedutod aq » ‘ssoiddo ‘Lap aq ‘ya0qyed m09 0q Hens SGI "ULOP® y, ‘OpUXd y 1d “qUy Oy VUL anohynenid bi Bio unoha -vuvz0id Je\eleiak ‘wnaounznid jeBi eink ~ Ho unnyvznid wlisias ‘unudzned Jeleiok annhiny bid Biba . s . ay annlisod b\talh ‘sed hh unnhaniod je\terlh ‘unabuod BBD! bh. anvhsod bihelh anohyjod bith unohnod keleh ‘unwvoad dh anvhpad ‘b\toh eS) ENS unohiond ielteh ‘unund beh unoha = .» i ~ “Dl yind biel eh ‘unaol,yind WB Sh ‘ONINVAYY HSITONG “LSTLOW GNV Isvg bib teh eTR Leh geniele messy S ‘ONINVG JT LIUYSNVG jozdid waiok | anwoznid piielok wozD.0d sink, joyyoud 2Bk Sod bih aniod by\h vod ih yjod 2\h vod 2h pad Sb ond yh .’ ADLpYINd bix Dh “LOO 303 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] "7UO[[O0XO oq ‘197M OFUT YUIS ‘(quejd v Jo) ynoads (‘qneu) (poom fo) 41,ds “SULMOYO q99y@ gyno gids (AT -jensn) ‘2770s 4a (4) ‘pues SS ‘qovoader pre 0 TES Le Oe “SIp "MIOG Od » ‘posvord oq ‘OUI M PUB THETO oq y *krejuqeooA 8,osul|y ‘Iq ul punoy y anvhiqnyd b\ eth anphanyd bieth ‘nibyd 2h unyoyd bib unnzuid bey unzunhad WEYR unoy sid wieby ‘unysinhsd Sh unnursd bysk} ‘uninhad lente unnhavid je\tel ‘unao.id BBLs anphwoud ‘bibl ‘[ntoud DL | anohivnid bitalis unvhovud de{alis ‘unjoud Pik avhd bin anvhhnud bikets ‘hoad bs anvhuoud “bi bek bbe b hd) lito be) “In| El -Bil ena le hRw>)!Pp n>é quyd bY joyd 2% yoyd Yeh *zuad By ysqud By urd Ib) anid bis wpad di anid Dib joid ei sold BK fnad kis unid ws | e« &© b& Kk J. 1, 46 [No. 4, 304 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs, “£7]0909 Leaw Laxvo *“MOUL ‘(merpyiyo fo) Aud- *pavy eq "0991p ‘044Tp ‘sutqy hue ut yoywo ‘elcueqyue ‘4y.snvo ‘pelcuezue oq [Deu ge Xe ‘qinay reoq ‘( seyy}OTO JO) plo 9emo00q y ‘ogamnbue ‘Sut -Uvell 04} OFUT ombud ‘0 SSOT JO - esned @ oq ‘UeTO4S oq unnunyd Tele tth ‘unwoyd Ye faith unvoiilpyd je\belte ‘unboyd bleh anvhanynyd b\kah unoha -piospyd bel bith ‘UNnadlyspyd BD Plh unvhsosdyd JelreBlt ‘unigspyd e>Bih S | | unvohs,sbyd iejebtn ‘unwgsbyd b2bh annspyd BiB ‘asbyd Bh anphifoyd ip\keta ‘nybyd Ba wnphavy.ioyd do) te| eth “unaoyuoyd eB leth anvh.uoyd bith ‘oy bh > bl Sb bbRISb Bibielebithi® bi Usk elshhttak be v~ woyd te) boyd ei th woynyd » th aplpspyd BIB Ith ipsDyd 2Blth ApsDyd Bh svyd th qoyd Bh any.ioyd bp\\bth unyd 2h ‘ONINVS TL HSTIONG “LSIUOY GNV LSVq “ONINVEYY LIAISNVS ‘LOOY Ite 390 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896. ] "LOI "UdYOIG ody. ‘Josue ut yeods *(aanq qt oyvuL 07 YInOm 8} WIM) og @ Moy “OF OY} 0 sdry 044 ory OAT] ey} qo sdiy 044 yor ‘punod 08 03 osnvo ‘19y30ue 0} [9SSeA 8u0 woz aInod ‘zoueut 04 [vo ‘(sesud) aeao uanyy ‘Qa0.105 (40%) (poom) 41ds “AIVTUQeVOO A 8,Sl[SU[ ‘Iq ul puno,y, y unvhspinyad leleath ‘untainyd wee bE anohanyd blh anya 2h BH unohunynyd Tel elibth ‘unsoynyd Yoel Noth b1B1h| we unvhonyd Tellath ‘unynyd eB bh SK >I bs unvhisayd tihirem ‘undnfyd Jettin b unvhisgyd e\Rebh ‘undihyd Tekh ba b>))1B lt unvhanaryd jolie rth) ‘unadaryd bE th} DRlk bbb . = © unohuyd Ieiethy ‘uninfiyd jeekh | ->Jh Uelsniieiabhbh ‘Ajgo1008 oxeq |unvhansqohyd biebkh ‘unadszofiyd BBBPh b> 2Bhk Lanvhsqyd b\fethy] anvsjryd b\bthy @> Mb} unohianjppyd We\temik ‘wnatpoyd BEAU BEAB Iie "y10Mm Aue rox 44 oq anvhynydbyd ‘b{eth ith seblaerLfeleue) Lyinyd ver inyd 2 my ny > Neth nya wh dayd Yah dohyd yeRh an.ivyd b>th} “aya wih) ansjvhyd bbkh syd Bib} avpoyd bR\th qoydbyd Bihith [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. B56 ‘ow “yo ur Lay *“ATITSUV yeods ‘[Mors ‘yreq ‘yy BeAq Jo ynO eq ‘A[yUeTOTA YZvEAq “UIB.19S “raatnb *pop.TOAUI 0q ‘ggaSo0a “40a ‘punod 08 425 yor p * *[jeuus :073°p -fasue ATP Mut oq ‘(qoMoy @ Jo) puedxo, "H{BO.1C , ‘ ¢ unvfupbog jelelele uniobog jad\teb t 1 Saaana | unvhiong je\kab ‘wnybq Bb ‘unohrnanyd fella ‘unydinyd eth unvhunhyd el elkh ‘unwohyd je»\Ph anphioyd bifelth ‘T nunyd bh] anvhuayd bibth ‘nhyd ehh unvhonyd Te {lath ‘unynyd my anohynyd PY anvhsnyd yaaa) anvhilloyd ‘p\ ieee nf}04d fs unoha -DApinyd Ietely eth UNADLyi nya BB ah NINVAT HSTTONG bei tba o> \ meess BRB -hiLIBhPbRIPb DBR DIK ike bite; es bq Leb 09 Sb yp.oyd eth wohyd >iPh Loyd >t ay th ynyd Yotn ynyd 2th dnya akth 211940 BIR < ~ & ADtyinyd bi»yBh lk ik “ISIUOY GNV LSVq ‘ONINVA, LIYASNVG “‘LOOVy 357 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896. ] ‘gouesqe ut ourd ‘Ty »y 0791p [4[deoyo [19s] ‘opratpy "0d x ‘peorq oyeq TONED ‘asvedo “UI 4Va1d 9q 0} OSNvO ‘ystnsuryxo (40%) ‘jenb (yneu) ‘ody ‘q¥0I8 0q ‘09 y ‘om “Tro ut Ary ‘oats y ‘qooj0ad ‘advosoy “ATeNGvoOA 8,S1[SWM]y ‘Iq Ul punoy » unvhong blk ‘unig ebb unoha “Dl pZUBY ieLet Be ‘UNA0LpZUvg BEDE . . Ne a - Ne UNDA pZUBQ bikBp ‘UntgZUdg Le Eb | l annfiwng b\ ke. unoha “Diophq ete Se ‘unaotoptq ‘BlySp unohanippdq be ap “WNADLyPDY BEDAb unvhtppog Piha ‘WNL gpDQ bab unvhanpog Jo} tel Sfp ‘unaopng eB) Sb anvhpog b\ts unnzng bin ‘unzvq Jeibb unoha “Dln00q allele ‘210001009 Bly bp annhong 'p Jest > ~) bm hebitlb) ph BRE 2 ‘Leb bigb jie Bep) le b BAP Jtlbp DE} >llkk hlklppaler 09 db WLyZUDQ bE dpZU0g 2B upg bb AWDLypdg bib Wlppvqg bab lp pdq sab appng bisb prq Sb *20@ isp QWD4p90Q bly} 909 Be [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. 358 anoha ‘OW}IP |-Dly ldq ‘betel ‘wna 0lnlbg BBL isle ‘O}4IP ‘0741p DUN ‘WdyVISIU oq QACIG OG “mood oq ESO es "0741p ‘dino ‘QAT] ‘ZUOOS9[VATIOD Oy *[[@yF 07 OSNVO ‘ONINVOY HSITONY unoha -p.ipbbq eerie) b ‘Und. 6 bg BBD ile unvhsrlng bieislls ‘un. 609 bdisle unvitnbog iol ele) ‘wn, bog bediel annhuny304q ‘bh kB anvh.nyod blbeb 2 anvhupsng b\ bsp annsp] blab ‘S09 Bie unvhay.ty)0q Jeltel> ie ‘UNA0Ly) DQ BBA wndhisypDQ bie e ‘unt s10Q pp annfiyng jp \teals unvhany10q Je {tells ‘unaoy.vg bBleb Bb Bb bisikb} BABYS Mh >We [etl > He b els Rel> iis bbth “LSIYOY GNV LSVq “DNINVGE YL MLOSNvg Aly log bi piel ADL bDQ blpitlb 4fbQ 21slb tnbDQ ithe UDYy{0Q BE\b oyng »Ab upsng BA’ sDQ Bb ADLy]BQ bbe 4p)0Q 2B 70q Bb ADyLog bbb LOOT 309 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] Roe “FITS y "9[vqS oq ‘ageredes oq *074TP (0%) ogvaredes ‘uodo "poytods aq ‘qUepTAd ‘IvEe[o eULO0Deq ‘ywods “(pox Ajjeusn) poaroyzord oq "por 04 eyoAep ‘“suMOT}UEZUT 8,9U0 orepDep ‘Moys y “soinb oq ‘{njzeMod oq “karvypnqeoo A S,Sl[sU[y “Iq ul punog » unvhyong Je lle ‘unyong eis (ots) annfiyoa9 b\eb ‘nyjnlq bite anvhiliag bike) anohuuag bl fe he unvha “D4nv2q le\telpishe “wnaoin¥eq IeBl pists undhsnWaq lle istes ‘UnleWag edicts anvhunbrg biteleb} anvsng bial ‘annhisngq bls ‘T S09 Bib] unvhising We\ral ‘wnsoq lee anvhzvnng bbe bl wnphiang le\tels ‘wna0g Bib anphongpg bleblb Lanpfipy.g bbls) ‘anviipyg b\tels Helele sie eiRehA Rhjbh bbRIBM) b b b>b' ER) m>bb} plep} Mhib> M>tegb) hells ty} he bikie eehiees yong ab yohq Bke fq bb} uuvhq Bhs D139 bi} tehe 4pUaq disks Whig dirs svg Bib $09 bib Z0MDq lob\b ang bib 0909 »bLb [ powg Dis] pq Blk [No. 4, G, A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 360 ‘prorstury, “pvolstur *go[O.II0 UL punol O38 ‘ourys *£asue oq, ‘79.903 O49 WGI YOuUeTO *(sparq jo) yxods ‘curs "IBOY, *00q ‘Lofue ‘MOIS ‘TIOG 0 BIC 29h "YUIS “OATD “(areas ) qored y “ONINVE], HSIIONG unvha “Dl plB.lg bel bls UNA pUD.LQ ieBl pies UNDA pUDLg bibs UNL UWDAQ levieis anvhwn.g bi kels anniizosq bets -unvhovag Bpbals Sunyd.49 wiBls unofilog Telhele ‘unjng eB UNnDz0q bjisie ‘unzng Jelnp wnphiysed ta\teb ‘unyoniq leks unohiing Tejheb cunbng jeire anvhaog blteke £009 “Bis annhpng bbb anohitoq b\ kobe «np0q Ske - « 6 ¢ ~ GA unveng bis “unzng bifb mabye ADL UDO bi>his Lp Wag dbs UW0LQ Weis zn1g ists 90.19 Seis 109 Bib 209 nlp yoaq Be bnq ir 20q bre png ab p9q sks 2 & znq io ‘ISIMOW GNV ISVq “ONINVOETL LIGQOSNVS 361 G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “AIepNGvooA 8,Ol[SM[y ‘Iq Wi punoy » 0341p Sr “mip ‘yooy10du1 oxeUr ‘uoszed Arsuv uv wupeo ‘uanyo “4yeaq ‘punod y “YST[OOF “peur oq» ‘urope ‘Uey} Uvelo PUB ezFOs 09 TojVVM UL soqj0[0 proux, ‘alos -009 ‘UI[BO “JoAoT oY vUL eo PE SD bee *[O0J B oq "quote] ‘(Arse 9q 07 40wW) "47904 OF YALA ToUso unoha 5 . wo A ~ se | “DipZUbu jolie Ewe ‘wnags,zunrU BBD Be | | a - Ne . ~ Ne UnvhsgZUowU bik Be UNLgZUoUL Ep | wunphanunu je | tele ‘unanunuU bBle unDnYy STU Ie \ey ‘unysnU ofa anvhynow bie unohlunw bipep ‘unpuUubum Baw | unvh.uoyjou bikie ‘UNLOY{OUL Yl 2b | unolia Dl SVD UL Te}tel> ble “UNAOLy S70 W 1eBln Be unol Cwou bie ‘unbaiw Se ; annliyja.g bites UnDdYs7249 elie) “unysinfiag eer unnlisd..q ie{iels ‘undb4g ietkts b ADiyzUOU b> Be - &e lp ZUDul Eb Jerphih |e ADUDW bee beh YyzOUW ae Dies | InUL De sei eRe Sb) pivw BP Bb bbb IP mb eh yin 2iph dedi ies ADL SFDUL bI>b . bbl banw Se bbe ee yiaig Bis sebenyh S99 Bis) b 9049 Inks J. 1. 47 [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 362 me dete) fa) eyvm ‘modn yuoyur oq ("40%) eyquan.to "OFFI "ya.0L0F 07 OSNvO "JOGLOTy. ‘oodmvys ‘quay. ‘gjduaid 0 10g, % qna ‘yngygera ATpavaur oq ‘r0y4 -950} urlof ‘ezrun ‘erp ‘(quir] & yO) deojsv oq » ‘POMVYS oq », ‘uinyo ~ NJ . ce unozpul jo) tele ‘unzou joke) unoh.uoyou biel» ‘Unsoynul Lab anoha -DbpS DU bely be naAddpSO Uw LB pal UnvDhtpSBUW Jolin ‘UnspSHUL jd! D jolie D baa = 4 a anohyouw » ‘SnyIoU 2h yonw lias ‘you = ~ # unohlow » SUnjoW oR ow eet “wn ! unvhavpsmwm ‘wnaop.sow BBD» WMDsiLDW PILE ‘ b} Plee anphow blebt ‘(oqran ‘unuput) ‘oip ‘npnu ( iebb bhlke ) Sh anvhyowpw bUaBR annhyoopunus bb) feeb - & oO ~ fH UNnDZUDW beh “UN PUDU bse ] “ONINVOT HSITONG ee ‘LSIUOW GNV LSVq b Pais Jblb> mp n> ‘xine ba nD 1b} ‘Leis hb) RAIDS ep ale Bieeb he ~ ‘ONINVGP LIYMSNVS ZpU) bo) MY DU 1B be Wd pS DU blyhle dpSOUL +h Svw be q0UW RB Mp p.louU bi>b sJu0w be Ny ADU > qouUrnu RHE YIVPUDUW Bro PUD Yoke ‘LOOW 363 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896. ] AKG OG "MOA 8 039]dUI00 “OTD ‘asoposip ‘(40") uedo, ‘9A0GB PUBAAAO ULBMOL “posvolad ody ‘OFTP *aq1Un ‘xXIty TIP Lx ‘SSofuod “QIuIpey *peouy ‘(40u) opoututy "OM ‘S[RJeT WeoTO “BSOFMOO OF OSNVO “AremqvooA 8,ol[suT” “Aq UL punog y anphjowu b\ be ~ ~ unvhyonw Je | ‘unyonw Jax fs unolia -D.0SGnuUL bled bB ‘unaowsinw BB BB unvhovsinw bie B “UnsosynU beB AanvDsqzowW bl bbe ‘| JOU bee | 6 SGOUW bbe anphypyout je \teYebe unpha “DUD 2 Ue Je | tel eo} “UNAOWOIVU bELPeRH) unvhanjirw I Bb) ‘wnandjuw BER [vu Je) tee Bo Li Bl b} unoh.vou Teltele ‘wnvow Job le &. LE unown Jeliele ‘wud Welle ~ —~ #\ unohfpw bel bele “unpow josie unoh Up ww ie} bale ‘wnlow jeloiy unolia “Diy WouUn ie{tel dil ‘unaglypu WBi> ele b ¥lnlee 21 fh>b| 2SteRs bbb Dik WN) b> JOU 2be yoni, wi ADLUSINW bib B WOSINU 2B.B 57oUw bbe 104.91 Bebe ADUDIIW bile B1) AD]2UW be) UL dle wow jel pow sie Cow ole AWD.bpUDul bidlelt e & b& b& & -Ajaodordut 4%90 [No. 4, *[R048 ‘SUIqy ~ jo ood we of990S ‘(o1t) punod © "JOOMS OYVUL » “QOOMS OQ 1074Tp “‘Surposead yo ywsneo eos ‘poyyap “gunq oq 0991p G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemiri Verbs. *(Sarqroq Aq) YOY oyVul “yey ox/Bur “ONINVAT, HSITONG 364 UNDSNUW 2 eB 10 wnvhsnrw bab ‘unsniw jh . - . -~ #0 wnohsnu Jota Suns jo unnhanjow je\tebbs ‘unadjoue Bebe ~ e ~ & UnDUNW AREA ‘Ununw joie fr unoha ~DiinpQu We\tel>Sabe “Unao4npous bBI>S be anvhippow bite bbe unpha “Diinptous W\telysnbe “1004, puow eB losnbe- UNDAdppPuouw lel eenbe ‘unippuow je»snbe anphpuow b\tsne unnha “DinjQu je\telyabe ‘wna0tojouw wEIyebe gl UnDhinjou kikpbe ‘UWNtpjOW Jow»pee aa l “ISTUOY GNV LSVq - Mh Hehe fe inal Th) Wb) feBe 2} D¥ Jee hel bbe behDRB b > tblen'B gene’ rs ‘o Db) AR ‘ONINVEYY LIYISNVG snw BB sn be 00101 bebe Uni wh ODLypOW bi>Sbe | uppouw >be ADL,puouw bl>snbe ipptQu dbs | puow Snbe WiyjQW bi» pbe lpi de ba ‘LOOW 365 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] ‘poumvo. oq, *qOOUL » O.INSVOU » "JOOMS 04 x ‘ya ‘(om ‘sved) jjoys ‘TLIO ®@ 0% yoofqns oem ‘mV B 07 yoolqus oq ‘044TP TEAS “aATADOp ‘0941p ‘uodo “AIe|UGRoOA §,Sl[SMIH ‘Iq UI punoy » anvhsou bl ele gu E Ake annhilaw bl pe ‘nh mke S | ete F ~ av unowaw je) iste ‘wnwn hue ieleke anpliyjaus b\ Poe unvhinu el ee ‘Unwie joke unohansgnr Jo| tele Ye ‘unaounw Ble ke ~ ~ &. unnhegnur jo |e Be ‘UnLgnW Joe Ee unvhany sh -UnuL Je [tel mele UNADIDYSIUNU J2B\> m2 ¥e unos -pysjunw belek ‘Und y Spun lop beP [unohiynu AB] ‘unnhsnu bie b ‘unyniu Josh fs unpoha -DLDsnuU je {tel bp B ‘unaowwsnu wBI> a unohiosnw bl Reb UnWOSnU wep l Bhi beRORB & hb bial} |e in) telah Bele bb [i>] |wRieee b L Our die jou Be ual Woh Yyjau De unus »¥e apunu bie Ye Lym eee WDADYTIUNUW byes Pe LOY sUnus dieeke ynw aR apuosnil bi > Pfs Wosniw >» BB ik ik [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaigmiri Verbs. 366 “ORY y unvhon.e doje» “UnjD.e bad bok jut 2» | w& unolia ‘0991p ~DlpY SDL Jollet > “UNAM DY SFDL Bly e> bh WilyY3]DL biyey | ww ‘topao oyoTduroo ur ynd UND py SOL Te}feie> UNb py SFDL boe> bP ibkep bY SDM 22> Np ‘qooqord » unvhyoos wife» ‘unyobs By hiki>> yoo ®> | we ‘ofp ‘(-408) Inojoo » unoliluns Wit» ‘unbads iB» LE> bins > | & “OULAGOM < is IOF PVoly} ours » unohah bike ‘ununhh js» PIP Rds p wah »e | we "QULOO y. 0 bik Hel ie ah bey elie pave) (eyo) unohsoh bl bite ‘unwoh Je»\ be Palcoys§ oh dlp | we ‘opeadod anvlifinh Bb) ratte {Bite dpf bik ‘oyvIp | wnvhansyoh ie\el>be ‘Wnd0tyioh BED BR b ansnzoh bipbee v3 ‘aTqe oq unvhsy Dl ielteDhe “Unlegoh bobk quer Lng Dh 2bk Me “(moey Ur : : pesn Ayuo) ured aveq wiohansoru jo\te rly “wnan..ou JeB> le RAIS |p av.ouw b>ie | tb -oNINVEY, HSITON ‘LSIUOW GNV LSVq ‘ONINVAP, LIUYSNVG ‘LOO’ 367 7 Verbs. acmir G. A. Grierson—A List of K 1896.] ‘porreyoard oq “(-qox) guepd ‘[quourey] | JJeseu0 SuMIOpe UO FU94UL oq *Aj01008 odvose “0991p ‘OS0[ » "GSOT OO ‘aorl Jo T[nF oq ST eae ec “0741p “ATC. 04 9ACT MOYS ‘posvotd oq "31000 “£rV[NGVOOA S,SI[SWT ‘Iq Ul punoy x anvhsjou biel ‘ST ul bS wnnhans belted ‘unan., LB» . ‘ - i unphars o\te>) unanha BBR DZUIL Wiley) ‘wnadzu.w bBE> unohavzurt lek >) g By unoh -wsDUDd de|tel>b)> ‘unaowpans j2B\>b\> unvhuwvavs kelebI> ‘UndDADL iebbl> anphans Bb \ tel £001 “BD anvhsnw b\ie> anvhiqup. b\ ibe» unwha “punzp. Ie\tole> ‘unaguozwo. Bel» unohanzuns bee > “UNaAanZUDns BED anvhzwon rad =) - i ~ 6 UnDU OL Wehbe» “Wnwt bee D>b|@e Lehi bbHIp>P Bikinie b ein b iel> JPlis Yel Ml byl anzurs bE») anwnavs bl>bl> L004 »bi> wou bi» spt B> quot ke» AnUOZUDL bil wi> anzup. b> gun. E> UDL o>» [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmivi Verbs. 368 "OS ‘OTQBIIMS OQ OMB] oq 3 “45 ‘ated aoyus ‘q{IM oq ‘OPISUL GUTIq ‘0.0 *qn0 TIOA OG "poos oq “MOT[OF ATZUO}sIS10d ‘punote oy} cuOTe dep “£IGUB 9q y. ‘poddoqs oq “‘puvys ‘doqs » | “ONINVOT, HSITONG unvhavjn) W\teleb ‘wnaojn) Blas annz0) jp\iebs unvhtun) iit ‘unblny bekp | filo Te\hem ‘By te anohitp) Vrs ] eh unoliyoo) Je\hab ‘wnryyb bb > UNDSpl Je Lb> ‘uns, wD> anphittns pita > anohyps bike> andhpys bite» = Unpfiany ot We\tele> ‘wnady rt lB» anvhyoon blll > ‘nYine 22 [anvhjou bi Pe) >] ‘annhoou bbe l> “aims 22 AnDzZOU bli ‘npns ta “ESIUOWY GNV LSVq PNclsicacy pete th b ®EwIA Ieisth SB Behe lebe te joe leben lbh] balb bei 2e bre lien te | {en teBble ety “ONINVAT LIMMSNVS anjp) bia» 20) > bin) SR 6p) eR YP] Be Spt 'B> Upt Td Jol D> Pot => ADYnt bie» S04 bi> 70 2i>» 200 [o> ‘LOOW tk lk 369 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.1 ee a ‘oyIun ‘4vVAa “19[N9 “oovyd ‘oqeqiuty, ‘os—ud yvom wv oavy “OUO] OATT y "40904010 ‘qSBOIG SOO 09 9904 y "YJIOM oq ‘SCIP y 905 Duy y ‘outs dn pura ‘proy ‘ester “pying “puos ; ‘Ouv]q SOE ‘404 Ul osn ‘qq.0y ‘Are|NqeVooA SSlSMIT “Iq UL punog » unoltn) je\beime ‘unboy roan anphaoyn) a) te Bs . ee aY anny 370) BelJB1B ‘yjsr] Babs unvhanyny bea ‘wnaiyn] LEaR anphhvy bi keps ‘hd) ats unvhwny Jol hep “wnw) BBB unohqn) je\kem ‘wngdy Bea By nie een wnnzd) iia ‘unpdy) bop unohinyn) ie} elpe ‘UN.4090) je%\ Jom unohangny } ‘unanyo) | 7D] ley ‘unadyo) BB pd unohappo) We\elad ‘wiaopo, jeBi ss unohitn) le\bee “unpa bab heBhB -h}@b>d 1k? bits PASTA STENTS ‘ebuecken bBlh Bie ine SD Inte ta Rls b hee “DIE tLe) bd wel ba “inijeejeiarr inh Rb pekyte Plalpp DIAKB lay Bk “ bv) lel UDYD) bap SD] BR 0b]0], PRE fn) be ULD) Wp q?] BR pe) Be 41090) »tpRr 0070) bpp appv) bis pv] SR a eee ee . Bay ie le ie) le AS I, [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 370 “AUST OC x ‘posvatd oq “SPOTL x -reqse{d *MOT[OA O3BUT “MOTI 0G ‘poronbuoo oq “‘4.11p UI LO qsup ot} UI yuogY svIp 10 qua “VOM OY "OPLIM y. "ysipod ‘ssoy[oF “YONOF x ‘g0Ue4SIP B OF MOIG} “OMFS x annfijo) iets anblisr) bey unohagy Ww) tele ‘wnavl bE wnphar) jelrem) ‘unanli) racy anolhia ~pippoliy Bel Sa unnolppoh) wEI>Sw anvhiopay bie Se anvhpay B {tote unvhanyy) witeaby ‘unady)2) BBtay annsqoh) b\ tbe unohyor wimpy ‘unyy nip bbe unvhan) rays ‘wn.o7) ool unnhhy) Jel feel Be ‘unfion Tee bala BhikiPBBs bab Soo prwlela b> =: lbh Bel) eB fun) tb {Pj jebaiele anne b bBb plblis 10] BER $1] BR} anhy be ay) ey aniypohy b> tppoh) >See poh) SB anyiy) bad} Soh] BB Y42] BR} 0] 21 Av) bid ‘ONINVOY HSITONG a “LSINOY GNV LSVq “ONINVS TAL LIMUSNVG ‘LOOYW 371 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kadgmiri Verbs. 1896.] "0941p ‘qUOlOyNS oq ‘qUeloyep au000q “£IBVOM 2q » ‘duary TBS NG "O} LIM ‘aMOp yoouy ‘Lo13s9p ‘SNOIISep 9q ‘repuntd y, ‘Kavpngeo0 A Sosa “Iq Ul punoy y annliyn) rarewss anvlifin] Bh tebe anvh..o) Bite annso} blpLa “nS2) NS =e ~ av UNDYO) kolbel Be ‘217100120) Jobe anohyo) jp) |B unvhiyre) well ‘unyy nip eb SNS) 4 unvhany lee ‘Unn) wre anvhqny jhe unolion) Teja ‘unjn) edb "[eus oyvur | wnvhavsoyn7 e}tel vied ‘UNA0byY 2) BED "(ood 19949q 8 499 04 Lopzo UL 4say 4e Surya wv 1[98 04 o8nzo.rt 0g ‘a"2) Touoysno' e yyim Avtd wnohila) e\rebs ‘uno ToATES ebhle bee b Pbihb) >| aeb} PNT) (ay hen Dw|EB Bibi sshs Yo) BB fin) RB 40] 21 Bs 50] BLS bb\e bys 19] BES U0) oie 40) Sele 412] BR ~~) LY) 2B ADL YN) bid 19] BES [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaigmiri Verbs. 372 *(TOUTOM jo) snzoyo Ur SUIS ‘ ¢ Aes ‘yeods y. “doo » ‘OFUTP x ‘qno prords ‘0491p -£anq ‘dn guys ‘dn ploF x “U94SLOUL *(quoUIn.t4sUL worsnul B JO) PUNLOS x ‘ein JOO] ‘Suruodia ABlop unvhavunm joltebb ‘wnadwnm Bee u = ~ . . ~ & unpnuna be) teb “YUnUunmM j2»b % \ wnpzpa Ie\iob ‘wipvar ebb unoha -pLnyjON Ie\teldab ‘unaouyjnm BB) >lab il ee ; Bean a unohiwy pon blab UNLDYJON bab unvlhiavdy pba bjtedSe ‘UNA0LypdM BBI>Db Smeg — unvhep pdb b\kap ‘Uunuppbar jos opdm jel eae ppba boap - . ~ unvhopm j2\rab ‘unjin bab j wnohanznar bel teinp ‘unabzva Blab a eS UNDZOM jo\tob “UNZ0N job \ ~ e ° ~ & unnunyyna 'o\ te Br b ‘UnUbY YON jw\2Beb j anvhiunyr) bike abs “ONINVET HSITONG ‘ISIUOW GNV ISVq do} tels Bou) | > inblt jo>l> <— = DBs bee) ae inde 518 bBb1b bet) Lhe y pile} h “ONINVGY, LIMMSNVG ADUDM blab : WOM op pvn Sb apnlwyinn biytab L0YJDN deb ADLppvn bhab Lp pom 2b 70M 2b avznN biab 20M jab UpyyonN bb WOY py) I ap “LOO. 6 96 6 te Siew I Ie i a 373 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. 1896.] (om ‘sorp) AVAe OATIP “OATIIV y. ‘aqrun “qvayo sOTAED *( a) ¢ Hg) Bg) AeMe IALIp “yno prazads ‘pus0 “Sop ‘MOP 9100 y “ULB *MOS ‘J[9SeUO SSoap *19A00 y. ‘es00yo "qims “TFL 90158 “480 0} 4 Ody ‘OJOAep *AIVTNGVOO A H,OISUIA ‘Iq UI punoyT » unvhunm recat ‘unwuon Bib ks et ers anvopa bi blb “170M Y\b unolionn je|blb ‘unjom bel unvsjon bl ele “wnsqinm mWNS £ | E 5 unoha “DIDYDN j\elylab “unaoumyon BB>1Ab unvhinyon biplab ‘UNLOYON je Rb Sak z a anny som b ‘'nYI0N Bb (54700 Phebe ‘nt/) ! . ~ aue ~ & wnohsom je tab “Unsom jab = | unvhavm jo feb ‘“unadm Bp | . ¢ 6 ~ 4 unohilon je \kob ‘unjbn 2p ! Bs : unoli.wom Bikb “unsom bbe Ss anohhnm ble b finn fb ~ 0 -~ # unnzunm lol Bb ‘unpumar lezeb ind Le bP> | baie bhi bhikB bEb “= b b Ddleh lbh} hl Pb} DADbR ee behib Jo) Ite db bbe eh DIBA wnm Bib 70M Bib AD.OYDM b1>1ab LOYDM »l&b SDM Bb Sum hb QvM bb 10 Bb ADM db hom kb Puna 22 b 6 6 6 & [ No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 374 aunnha - se - “Ne “O}FTP |-loW2d Jol tel> tele “WNL y UA BB piste ‘oqeaedos *099Tp ‘9Aoud "(om ‘TOOA\) gno osvo3? ‘azvredes ‘oyu yy ‘opeadod y ‘oploep ‘aaprsuoo a Rees ‘(arer jo) I[ey ‘pusosep 07 osnvo ee @ Mod *(quotANASUL yeoisnur &@) MOG y ‘(0s ‘sor ) ABMB CALIP ‘ONINVO HSIIONG unvh.tpuaa biiste “2m pUad bvicle unoha -Dly2blia belle ‘UNADIyZ0hA WEI» Le ke | Unvdhinzoha Ei Riste ‘UndpZDha jowlele S| 1 unouny sz oha bicep ‘unubysjoha pb de l anvhsjanr [fete ‘nsqvha Ws S \ Saces jae eset. unoh.uoszua bel Bb) wnwosjia b®\ bb) anohjvbra pYeeb) . ~ fh unvhfom We\belp “wnjom web unohhom betel b “wnhoar bib unolisom Bi bib “Yndon js>\b iS Lt “ISIMOY GNV LSVq DD 'BRabRs b owe| puis m>bb bap PBB} Bite} Bb pih2j2 mpl b. bib ib | ls Leith b ‘ONINVAT LIMNSNVG AD.1y AA bly keke | load 2 kote \ Wl ZONA bi >teke \ bpzoha iste Unyszoiia Ioreke s7oha bie 05720 dbp) qoboa wir) 707 Rib fin tele wpm yilb ‘LOO? 375 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] 0991p ‘0941p "1094808 ‘I9pIoO FO NO os “079TP opvaded 03 esnvo ‘epearod "OLOAOL ‘BALOS y ‘QS00T OYVU “yovys ‘asooy, 9q oWIP "yey O/BUL "GUE Ody *AIVINGVOOA S,OI[SW[W “Iq UI punogy » unoha -plprvbha Jetel>ble ‘ynaospabha BEB lpbte : - unvhspaaa B\eble ‘unsparbha able ~ unovhaga W\ rete ‘wnabha Bie anvhivyoha bie Ble unnha -plpdvha io|tel hte ‘unnoLpdoha BB ithe unvhspdoha bh ehte ‘untpAbha jad phe S| anphdaa bi tale uoha jo\ Bre ‘unpubhia ed unpzuoha jolts *wnp tezele unoha -Dippohia Jetted > Sle ‘wnaotppoha BBS anvhippaa bi te-ole unvha Dany jdha ie{tel> Ble ‘UndLyYyjohia bBl> ple unvhsnYyjaa bie ete ‘undpyjoha bpble anohyjad bp \teke ERB DD ble 2b |Dlajin) Rae aphspavha bl>pke bpvoha ble avha phe L0jpha > Rte AWlypdbha bl phie tpdbha hie dvha hile pubha Yoke ansopvha bIp Sle lppbdlia »Ste l awDlyyiwha bly Pie lnyjoha ple yivha 2tp | [No. 4, G. A. Grierson— A List of Kaigmiri Verbs. 376 “‘quanq oq ‘(Sop & Jo) xarVq ‘4Q 9p GB LOAODI.T ["Ao]]TByS oq “O}FIp ‘uMop opisdn uin4 ‘poyooro exe *"payoo1o oq ‘aseo “sip wor ured eyns ‘posvetd oq (‘a1nof & JO) opey ‘pouma oq » “ONINVOY HSITONG [annlisjna b\eB) ‘annsjna b\ eB unohiiynm Ves ‘unblanm BEB unolia -Dlphnm Je tel pie B ‘Unaot,bnm BB lpi anvhunbhom biketebe S unoha -D.010Y900 Yel te > Babe ‘Unaowny 9000 ToL» Bebe unohsoyyoa bl kB be ‘unwDYy yon je>Erbe 3 ] unoha -D.bp 40M je lteld eb ‘UNA0LpYNM WB» BB anvhisnynn Te\reweB anvhiyon p\ppbe anolisra jp\ te by anohunsoha bile beh RED bok ABD) bnze bbeelba b Db Ripa idle lebi{ue BikI@bdibl> Bee ERK Bue} “LSIYOWY GNV LSVd ‘ONINVAY, LIIISNVG sin bB banm $B Aplphnm birieB wobom siebe | ADLDYHYON bi\>B be ADYYON PE» be AWDLnyNN birieB LpYNN YB YON Spb sea Rel uvsvha »Ple *LOOY 377 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirz Verbs. 1896.] ‘OYVMV OPIA OG ‘099Tp “mv9TO Odi ‘dn puvysy "OSTI *9AOUL ‘Xoa4sep 0} osneo AD» ‘(op ‘odor @) 45147 y ‘[qaoa yuopuedeput ue se pesn you] doy "por oq ‘(sutads & WOT 1o9VM se) reed -de ‘oyeMe opIm oq 008 » “£re[NqGvooA 8,O1[SW[T ‘IQ Ul punog » | anvhpna bi eB ‘[ ,pna $5] unoha -D1DYIOM doje) abe ‘unaowy70M bB\>tabe = ¢ J ~ unnhwoyiom bel Rieke ‘uniby 70 Weitabe anny s]0M bles ‘n/jom labs annhypjom b\apbe unviavpnm b\pisB ‘unacpnm bBisB anvhipnm bites unvhyonm \e\eB ‘wnyina PB annhynzom jp\ tris be BREE \eirbR ebb |> b anvunm bls pbh|Wip> i Bis ibpielis - =~ 9 unohyonm \teB ‘unyonm ieeB bak pum 2B ADLDYI0M bidabe | ADYIOM diabe | w YI0M lake 1019 Bp appnm bisB | pnm SB yinm 2B | & 40M 2bke quz0m Bisbe znm inp yonm ®B | wb al aG 49 [No, 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 378 ‘OFUT TIF 991 * (Seygopo) | uo qnd = ¢-(:0%p ‘puyprvs v) SsuLtys unnhinm RB ‘unin eB i S OATIIV anvhhinan bi mB “surd = a -doas qnoygtIA wo Os | - anphwom. 6 ,UW0M bbe 98 qnoyyt gat | feb bee | | | ‘oSvaroUut anvhisnqom biebke ‘[»stiqoa Abe | | ‘poystuy oq | unvhingon eliebke ‘Tunubqom ibe | ‘ORls ox Bul unvhisoydom }e| ethbe unwbydom iebthbe ‘(4{uo sparq Jo) AB x rae es A GY anozndon b\lohbe ‘npodom >be = a anvhdnm b\imB ‘dum php "Ut0q oq y ‘OpPIsuL UNG | "ory oq anvhiynunod bik) bbe ‘SON, peq oavy anphwna bbe “UOIZVAVdES UE MOTOS | anvhanpnn biRSB ‘ONINVOT HSITONG “ESTUOY AUNV LSVq hevihe\ b>) beh anuhydnar bith ‘ONINVGY, LIUISNVG ile Sine bh Dab Meaeyss fiajik jvir IBRIAb) Juma B1RIWEA blelelb> ebitlteb} inn »B finn kB cana Hbe SDQOM Bpbe 40QGOM dbke lvydom > Yh be ydnm we gpdom jahke dum bE JDUUOM PB be UnM BB LOpnm »BB ‘LOOY 379 G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “A£rB[NQeVoOA 8,OI[SM]H "IQ UI punog » SE EN ‘deeays 8,ou0 UL FB, Ped » “OABOM » "OSA y. "(a1g JO) peysincunxe you oq “0991p ‘aedo ‘qonut 3q POUL Mle ‘Tadue ULOIF es “UL0d OY} Jo) pea oq ‘eorofea ‘m10pe ‘1OAO Ssvd. anphjom BU Le unvhson bikib ‘UuninM je» b ee . ~ A wnnwom je) tele “UnUnm jeeb unohanynn bLeaB ‘unabynn BAB anvhynn ras unofiapansnan biebeB ‘wnaoinsnm 2BI>BB | unvhsosnm bike “Uunuosnn boa anplisom bebe anohusnn bitin annhiynsom b\ tia be unnhsvjon b\ewbke ‘unsbjom kB Pte unvhynjom Wie Ppe ‘unjijom Li Bee unohilunjom wi bbe ‘unbaijom LeBbs 7900 Ble 10M %\b uoMm je\b aDynm bxB yn aB anvsnMm bI>BB WDsnM >» BB SOM Bbe usnm Deb 1050" Bipke spjom ARES 1070 RR ke banjo 2B be lk [No, 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 380 ‘oand oq ‘doo]s 07 0.0 ‘UMOP OTT » *0V4Tp ‘poTva.cuoo oq, [‘teyjous Jo snoyvol oq "oyvarq *pjoo oq *IB9q *poyornb oq ‘xts fq Ajdry -[Nu ‘XIS 0JUI OprIAtp "4qnop 0991p [eo OAVYS “ONINVEY HSITONGY anvhyppos BiB. “ i « anvh(wods BiB ‘ablios Be anphiyjitd b\tekey anvhyjs biter) anvhiuyhrds b\ pelea) unvhisnd je\teid, ‘undo5 Jefe anohyoynds jp\eeaie f . : ‘ woe SA unvhsvs je\tair “unsos dealt anvhwos bi kein unvhanu,bos de[teiie in “Uunaou, bos bE unpfioas Je\baia ‘unynhs joBhe unvha - ~ “Dipt0M je\tel>blb ‘unao1,aom BED bl b eee SS unvhspvom isl ble ‘UNd;~NnN b®pb “LSIYOY GNV LSVq b Deb |PPik ‘ONINVEPL LIYHSNVS YPpos ke bloods Ste YI0S Died Yyis Bins aDnuybrs5 blisiein) ] Jd tale q0y0d WAR $o3 bie wos BR anu,bos bitin 195 Sein anleaom bl>b\b #p20M dbp *LOOY 381 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “0771p *(‘o2p ‘[Jam @) doop ox7et "099Tp “(om ‘squnyd) 19jVM do ‘a,yutads "TJ10F Jos 07 orvdo.ad ‘oind oq ‘OSIOU B YAIA YULIp ‘doom ‘dn poyeos oq ‘po -4S0.0Ip oq ‘o7v10dBAd y “IIVdod OTTED *‘[nyI4Nveq oxvuU “TOFINO, OF » “Aie[NqGeooA SSIS ‘Iq Ul punoy y unoha “DlpUds Jol ldieR ‘un a01,Uds PED isp oe Da b ~~] Unvh.tpUds bibiss ‘UNL, UDS od leh ial fz | unvhavuvbos deel ‘unaounbos eB \ tole unvhavbos } ‘unabbos | D S$ blere ‘unadbos LB ie anvhsoyyns biRER anphs}015 o\fe\ke UNDSINAS eink ‘ungnad oP unvhonas Be bakes ‘unybus BBE < 5 Ie anohdnus b {take ‘AD45 his = P = unovhisas bie ip uninhs jodRe unoha ~pingns Toft l>p Pr ‘Unaolaqnd eB >bYR unohisyqnd lel eb Ys ‘unspqnd JedpPE annhqns b\kets ate {alleia ADL WOS bleh . “e 4owis disp apuvnbos blisth avhvs bith ADYYDS YEP 57005 Bike nis bk DUS Woke dps he 425 218 AptpQns bly b¥s Loqnd »bYE qnd bYS lk [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 382 “aTedar y. ‘mosiod v goour ‘moos eq ‘a[qIsTA oUl0deEq y ‘LoTqutosse ] ‘foAeT oq y ‘oWTp MAES ‘ayo, du109 oq “(Comp “qurey ULNIT J[OSoUO OF OOD | Oe | eg oenei| “Lpvor oq i Hl t i t 1 | i | | H i] ‘doop oq ‘eqnoasied y. | “DNINVEYL HSTIONG unvlilyqauns poncN 33 ‘wnpoquups bpp - ; Ql anvhyrvUns: p\RBEP 7/0 U0S BrP ] annus biker nvuvdns bi ‘wba Php anvundns ubdos wods BYiehb ‘n i a anozvdns bilehb ‘podvs >be l eG Rte aN anvzvdns bUsbR ‘ 2vdos l2hB unvhup puns Jel bleh ‘unJopuns je>\>2P unoha “DDD WS We\tel>eeP “UnaowmpUDns WEL sh | undhvpuns jel bP “Uniipups job mod S | as & ro eee Und pZuUds bik BR “UNndpZuds b»ER SS 1 | anohwos reac: unvhanjps Jo {tel p Pe ‘unaojvs BB\PR “LSIUOY GNV LSVq | | } | | beka Seen ee hlitis Rib DNINVATAL LIYMSNVG 10QUW0S Bibb YS DUUS BePePe WDS BR uvdps whe podvs >be zodvs joke LO pups lh ADLVPWHS bi» soP LDPUDS eR lpZUDs 2B a wos br Anjos bipe LOOM if ie i Lk 383: G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896,] ‘qJos euL0D0q *INO]OD pot B OF OSUBTD “4Y.OrVtys eq ‘[nyJsssoons 02 x *(107VM eS Be eg paey & 8B) 9Jos oyvUr “099tp ‘QU. O1Ba48 OFVUL | ‘daoys 03 yndy. : ‘qyonoaq ATTenpeasd Oq “Peqoa][00 oq *[99F y. "400 -1od oxeur ‘qstjduo0008 "MAOIG 9d | ‘eanpue ‘a1veq | ‘TOq UIE WET “AreNGeVoo A: 8,ST[SWM[ “Iq Ul punog x anvhuuas bia anuhsppuas bite pele anpfipas (p\ Pe ke unoha “DupWas le\relrice Suna01Uas BE zis anpha “D.i,2bhs jo\telsie® ‘unaol,zbis BBi piss ST unvhapas bi Rise ‘unapzdhs Wor joe l unnohans bela ‘unaos JeB\P undhis je\beit ‘wnos jh & ib uUnDzDsS jejiolp ‘unpos jeS\B anvhwobps b\ kit ~y \~ wnolidps je\bee “uny ds bap unvhavs bikb ‘un dps ys bebieitlbib zhi {bole :\elobA|belSB} Re b ne ket brits ©“ : high lelieléleb eee LB {ee oie} BAR DP wuuohs BR Lppubhs pS) pohs de QD.1pW9S bl dbo we ‘ Wlyzblis biviale dpzdhs disk QDS kip ps YIP pps dlp wnbps DleLB yvos AR 10S »B [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 384 *(poysmsury -xo oq) ‘posvodde oq anhjos bb) WB bee 108 DB» "(op ‘ory 2) ee unnha we ystnouryxe ‘esveddy |-n1pSFos ie[el> ‘UNA0Ly SFOS LERBB pane ADL S408 bD BE unoha ‘0791p -Dipbo-ts e[teliee ‘unaosybous WB bh ADL bO4S biviee "mo -dvoyo ‘aorad avez xg | unviaviybos Jo kel biel ‘UN20L_608 eB dirb i) b| PB avinbos bi vie ‘0791p anvhibous bib b ous Wie ‘deayo oq anwhbos b\ terBs Pelfel pho) Fe os tebe unoh "0991p -ANUDYYOS Jo\ tele RE ‘unaguoyy0s LBA P b anUDYyYOS biL ER ‘Addey oxvu unohanyyos e\eRBs ‘unabyyos bBaD baz avDY HOS bE» By ‘Loyar ezeonbs | A[peq oavyeq unvhons kikS ‘unyns LES [tetk b> He be] DEH) te yns SF ‘948, NOATO anphars bike ihbR 128 2\B "M048 ‘OAIOS y. unvhars ie|tea} ‘wnanhs BR b hikbjibih bbR 22s BB) ‘ONINVEYL HSIIONG ‘LSIYOY GNV LSVg ‘ONINVEY, LIUNSNVG “LOOYW 385: G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] a CT (‘ostom *ATe[NgeooA S§,OlSMIH “AC Ur punogy » QOYITA) PUI Yeorq | wens,s wiAR Io wnvfiss bee ‘uns55 WBE ‘dip “opjorry “UL PMOTO ‘aInpus ‘1Beq (‘scary Jo) poysnvyxe ‘quods oq (‘op ‘aeu 8) puos y. (:029 ‘poom jo) Lvoop ‘dey souo ur oye} ‘op ‘spuvy o49 uv0]0 "soTse YjIM OSsoA ¥B wvKOTO "MOS y. “Toquouea ‘Q00][00 ‘[OAo] OvULy ° anohawvas bitee UNDEF ps bb ‘unas DB unohlys je) be “Un es Sb anvhiwos BIRIB ‘nuns DB \~ wnnz0s w\iele ‘unzns bia f : anphwnsos B\ RAB unohanjns | ‘unabjns | 1ns lelteaS “unavy LEDS unohs.ros Jel en ‘und.tos ieee unohanuns J “unavans } bled bB>S unvhans Je es ‘unans »BS unph.os ie eB ‘unsos jaeB> . | Unvhiangugs ee bot ‘Unseqmos iebke B bibbks Dbbnjis PONTE NEADS beh Ske (ety (STE eto 1 inj tte | bE mes fen > Wo Wo n> We SoS BR ADAS be Jos bp Pos SB 40S >I 208 be\B A0SOS >PB> anjNS bRS 54058 IRBs anus byP ans b& 0S > Be dip QUu0s dioeBe ik iF iF ee & & Se, ae [No. 4, G, A. Grierson—A List of Kagméri Verbs. 386 *poLireut jaws @ gos ‘yo Aaarvut *poxyoo.ro og “(0013 @ WLOTF SOAVOT yo sv) [ey ‘dtp » -posvodde oq "UBdT Oq *pjoo oxeur "pros oq ‘0}4TP BUC 23 (GU Se AG [0048 04 03 “‘paey oq “ONINVET, HSLTONGT UnS ntBY Yaa 10 Una By ny Baae (ose) wrubyny BRaB annhipoy bie anohwoy bike annhiwny bi te> annhidny bine unoha -0Lppuby ie{tely Sem ‘UnAadtepuby Iepir er anvhippuby ble eee unohansniDYy Je[el>ee UNAOL IBY Blea uUndhsyzoy bel eem “UNLyiDY bea anohiny p\ bee unvhloy } ‘unboy Jele imphtoy Jol be 2 unboy felt annoy ny bie “LSIMOW GNV LSVg Ih} Wal bby hikip ’b sLel2 2 hin> bie ~ feel te SS ‘DNINVG]Y LIVYSNVG ADY DY PRB 10Y RA MY YB uny doy ba AD.LypDY blySea Lppuby bien AWDbyiDY bly2a lpi DYy 2B joy 22 boy wd ‘dy PNR “LOOY 387 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] “ATEINGVOOA S,SI[SWM][ “Iq Ul punoy y “Aq stu oq ‘osuqe ‘eweyq OB are ‘gourd ‘Ang ‘oxe4 » ae TOser "MOUS x "MMOp Moy} ‘petenbuoo oq y ‘[poano "[09 yrep oq] ‘uory -dnao xod-|[eus oavy ‘ppoo oq ‘SSOpJINA oF CUT "SSO[JINAT OG *pjoo JO JuNnO0e UO Yurlazys anohjvy \eey unohlay ~ wipes “unpofy BAB unvhyogy ei eel. ‘unyodhy BEB unnsqohy BIB ‘ungohy Dia unohiogy jell ‘unyohy Be unohaoy lle ‘wnagy BBLa unvhioy bela ‘unsoy wold anvhwowpy pike bla anvhiupy bi kela unoha “Dini dYy wielrele wnaoinyy DY BEIpela annhyy by biel anohyoyby 1 12. bbb Db1H dh bikiph) kb theD Dab {aziz ee tlep1hie} biol [ebb elles) goth bie Win YS 124 BAY pohy SB yoohy wie vy BY yohiy Nore QDY bi& MY YB unUDYy wWEL> woy wid anist(9BY Bld e)e yiby Ble yoy dy Bela e © © b&b & I [No. 4, G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 388 *poqvo -rxojur ‘guecor1e oq *079Tp -asvoddy “90 1L0VS "0}9Ip “ranbuoo “peq 0.0 09 osnvo ‘eoop “peq os y "074 ‘Aap oxeuL “Lip oul090q x. “ONINVOT. HSITON I annhuoy Teel bebileto sy unoha Dd ploy belbbs “UNA0L yp UOY LER RS b Undfuruoy bikRse “UnsrWoy babe re 0.y unvhwny de} est ‘ununy jobs BH) unvhantr9oy e[el> bse ‘UNA OY bE ee b unnhiloQoy bibs ‘UNleQOYy “Bbbhe bif)>h ¢ unvha _ -Dbo5]OY beh bs “UNAOLyS40Y BBDES ind e| Bb} anvsjoy bl ae ‘npoy | ° 570y blbse ‘n70Y Be beh Bb) unohia “Dio 40Y eYlelsese “wn000401/9Y BBD ns & unvhanyyoy bibs ‘Un.l,y you bbbs nb lik nohyooy | : 5 anbhyooy p\ lise cote! Be fa Re “ISTYOY AGNV L8Vq ‘ONINVa]Y LIVSSNVG UOY wid ADM ULOY blpbee Lp lly dhe uUnYy WSs ADL 9 OY bipbse io QY bse ADL SOY bbe 570y Be ADLDYYOY bipbse “of 4QY Bese Y4OY Ese LOO’ «& &§ & & 389 G. A. Grierson —A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 1896.] ‘o}7AIP Oy ‘sop % 9410x0 40 ‘ao e0can “(prryo @ WITH ) ANOGV] UL 9q 0% WISaq ‘@SBOL0UL y ‘Q0SOUINYUL ‘[[OMS » ‘kedoa ‘yovq aAId ‘HInjedy *Arvpuqeoo A 8S1[Sta|| ‘Iq Ul punog y unoha -DUDS pf ielleleb> ‘wnaouns,y eB Re UNDAUDS yf bene “UNQDS yY bEaR anvlilyy pips % ANDY bie annhuny heed unvhwoy ‘Hella ‘un iny \owse fel b} ANUDSyY ble P& ADS BRB 1oY RB bo 2& UpY ba #OY DAB INDEX TO JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vou. LXV, Parr I, Nos. 1-4; 1896. A atd-din, eldest son of Jahandar Shah, 165. ‘Abdu-l-lah Khan Sayyid Miyan, Barhah Sayyid, 176; 179 ff. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, sketch of his career, 164. Abu Bakr Shah, coins of, 215, 216. Aina-i-Haqq-nwmé, 111. Akbar, his attention drawn towards Christianity in 1576, 47. , firman of —, sent to the Fathers at Goa, 48. ————., presented by Jesuit Missionaries with a Bible and Catholic pictures, 50. ——, his attitude towards Christian- ity, 52. ——, sends an embassy to Goa in April 1582, 54. , grants jirman of leave for Padré Rodolfi, 59. [60. —, grants parwana to Leo Grimon, —, letter of —, to the Fathers at Goa, 61. —, holds festival of Holy Assump- tion, 62. ———, keeps Christian images which he lends to the Jesuits at his court, 66, 68. , his new religion, 70. — —.,, expedition to the Deccan, 87 ff. , writes to the Portuguese for guns and ammunition, 83. ——-—, his death on 15th October 1605, 106 ff. *Ala’u-d-din Khwarizm Shah, coins of, 216. *Ala’u-d-din Mas‘ud Shah, coins of, 215, Allalanathagarman, n. pr. of a Sévait, mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Amnai, n. pr. of a tamrakara, mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Anandapura, an ancient name of Nagara, 132, a Anangabhima I., younger brother of Rajaraja II., mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 246, 265. Anangabhima II., son of Rajaraja III., mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 248, 266. Anantavarman, mentioned in Kéndra- pada Plates, 237, 258. Aniyaykabhima, see Anaygabhima I. Aquaviva, Rodolfi, Jesuit Missionary, sent to Akbar’s court, 39, 49. attitude of—, to- wards Islam, 51. —-———_, letter by—, to the Jesuit General, 55. —_____—___—_., remains alone at Akbar’s court, 56. —___——_——-,, obtains temporary leave from Akbar in 1588, 59. ———-, murdered in Salsette, b) 59. Athapaga, n. pr. of a village mentioned in Madanapada Plates, 7, 138. ‘A7imu-sh-shan, second son of Bahadur Shah, 137 ff. , ascends the throne after Bahadur Shah’s death, 143 ff. , his defeat and death, 148 ff. ‘Aziz Koka, grand chamberlain at Akbar’s court, 86 ff. Baxatiyar Khilji, conquest of Bengal by, 27 ff. Ballalaséna, mentioned in Madanapada Plates, 7 ff. ——, became King in 1119 A.D., 25 ff. Barhah, Sayyids of, 174 ff. -, etymology of the word, 175. Bhanudéva, son of Narasimha I, men- tioned in Kéndrapada plates, 251, 268. 392 Bhaumadévalipi, in Lalitayistara, mean- ing of the word, 127. Bhimadévacarman, n. pr.of a Brahmin in Kéndrapada Plates, 254, 270. Bhimanarayanapura, n. pr. of a place in Kéndrapada Plates, 255, 270. Buddha, place of his birth and death, as recorded in a Tibetan guide-book, 275 ff. Capral, Antony, Portuguese embassy under him, arrives at Akbar’s Court, 48. Cabral, Father Francisco, 105. Caddy, A. E., article by —, on two unrecorded sculptures in the Ananta Cave, Khandagiri, 272 ff. Camatkarapura, another name for Na- gara, 122. Christian Art, at Akbar’s Court, 74; see also Akbar. Civapurana, quoted in Madanapada plates, 7, 13. Codaganga, mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 239, 260. Coins of Abu Bakr Shah, 215, 216. —— _ ‘Ala’u-d-din Khwarizm Shah, 216. ‘Ala’u-d-din Mas‘id Shah, 215, Firds Shah, 215, 216, 217. Ghiyasu-d-din Balban, 217. Ghiyasu-d-din Tughlaq I., 218. Ibrahim Sari, 214, 215. Jahandar Shah, 207 ff —_4— Kashmir Meharajas and Snul- tans, 288 ff. Lal Kumwar, 168. Mahmid Shah of Malwa, 215, Mughal Emperors, 220 ff. Muhammad Shah of Malwa, 215. —— Muhammad Suri, 216. Nasiru-d-din Khusrau Shah, 216. Nasiru-d-din Mahmud; Shah, 218. Nasirn-d-din Qarlugh, 217. Nasrat Shah (Delhi), 217. Nimroz, 226 ff. Raziah Bégam, 218. Shamsu-d-din Altamsh, 217, 218. Shér Shah Shari, 214. supplementary; to Thomas’s Chronicles, 218 ff. Corsi, Father, a Jesnit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 82, 96. Index. iD) name of Prince Danyal, 50. Danasagara, quotation from, referring to history of Séna Kings of Bengal, 20, 23 Dastan-i-Masih, 87, 110. Dastan-i-San Pedro, 111. Danyal, Prince, 50. Déra, n. pr. of a visayain Kéndrapada Plates, 255, 270, Dhittu-Vellali, n. pr. in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. | thirties of a place in Kén- _ drapada Plates, 255, 270. Hdu-micra, kdrika by, quoted, 22, 24. Bicins in Kashmir, 72. Farrukh-siyar, Muhammad, early history of, 171 ff. , leaves Patna for Allaha- bad, 181 ff. , arrives at the Jumnah, 194 ff. Firdz Shah, coins of, 215, 216, 217. Crarbhaevaradévacarman, n. pr. of a Brahmin in Madanapada Plates, 8, 14, Ghiyasu-d-din Balban, coins of, 217. Ghiyasu-d-din Tughlagq I. coins of, 218. Ghodapala, name of a village in Kéndra- pada Plates, 255, 270. Goes, Benedict de, Jesuit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 64. ——., accompanies Akbar to Kashmir, 1 Grierson, G. A., articles by, on Irregular Causal Verbs in the Indo- Aryan Vernaculars, | ff. —, onthe Kagmiri Vowel Sys- tem, 280 ff. ———---, on a List of Kagmiri Verbs, 306 ff. Grimon, Leo, a Greek Sub-deacon, sent by Akbar to Goa with letters for the Viceroy and Fathers, 60 ff. Guerreiro, Fernam, S. J., account by, of Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 45 ff ; 83 ff. Guzman, Louis de, S.J., account by, of Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 40 ff.. lB lantanicnactnale, kariké by, quoted 20 ff. Hiatakécvara Temple, in Grigundi, Ah- madnagar, 117 if. Index. Hay, John, a Scotch Jesuit, account by, of Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 44. Henriquez, Francis, a Persian convert, sent to Akbar’s court, 49. ———, withdraws to Goa, 54. Hindi daurnd@, derivation of, and of its equivalents in other Vernaculars, 4 ff. Hindustani, early use of the word to denote the Vernacular, 58, 72, 96. Husain ‘Ali Khan, a Barhah Sayyid, 176, 178 ff. Wan Sarin coin 'or 214, 315: Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, formation of Causal Verbs in, 1 ff. Irvine, W.., article by —, on the later Mughals (1707-18038), 186 ff. letandar Shah, eldest son of Bahadur Shah, 137 ff. ———,, history of his reign, 160 ff. Jahan Shah, 138 ff. , death of, 154 ff. Jarric, Pierre du, 8. J., account by —, of Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s Court, 45ff., 83ff. Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 38 ff. , first mission, 47 ff. » second mission, 60 ff. , third mission, 64 ff. , their result, 106. Jhadakhanda, mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. ni Vowel system of, 280 ff. ———, List of Verbs in, 306 ff. Kaild, name of a village in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 270. Kamarnava I., mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 238, 259. Kamarnava II., son of Cédaganga by KasturikamGdini, mentioned in Kén- drapada Plates, 241, 262. Kantapadihatta, name of a village iu Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Kapilavastu, site of, 276 ff. Kashmir, Xavier’s account of, 72. , coins from, 223 ff. Kégavaséna, ruled over Gauda, 31. , lived under the protection of a King, 25, 31. Khandagiri, Ananta cave, sculptures in, 272 ff. Khandasahi, name of a village, in Kén- drapada Plates, 255, 270. 393. Komati Manku, n. pr. of a Grésthin, in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Konarak, Black Pagoda at, erected by Narasimha I., 234, 251, 267. Kopivisnu, n. pr. of Sandhivigrahika of Vigvarupaséna, in Madanapada Plates, 8, 15. Kusinara, site of, 279. 1 Dratehanenntee, last Hindu king of Ben- gal according to Muhammadan histori- ans, 19, ff., 27 ff. Laksmanaséna, mentioned in Madana- pada Plates, 7 ff. , origin of his Era, 25 ff. , reigned from 1170-1198, 27. Lalitavistara, passage on different kinds of lipi quoted, 125. Lal Kumwar, favourite wife of Jahandar Shah, 166 ff. Leoton, Edward, 8. J., Missionary to Akbar’s court, 39, 63. Machado, Antony, S. J., Missionary to Akhar’s court, 83. Maclagan, Gen. R., and E.D., article by —, on the Jesuit Missions to Emperor Akbar, 88 ff. Madai, n. pr. of a Kamsyakara, in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Madhavaséna, was Governor of Radha, 31. Mahadéva Velali, n. pr. of a tambalika, in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Mahmud Shah of Malwa, coins of, 215 218. Malopura, name of a place, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 255, 270. Mihryan, Persian feast of the Autumnal equinox, celebrated at Akbar’s court, 57. Mildenall, John, English ambassador to Akbar’s court, 98 ff. Mirdtu-l-quds, another name for Dastan- a- Masih, q. v. Mirza ‘Abdu-r-rahim, 104 ff. Mirza Hakim, Akbar’s brother, origin of his revolt, 53. Monserrat, Antonio, Jesuit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 49. , instructs Prince Murad, 50. — , leaves Fathpuir for Agra, 54. Mughal Emperors, history of later —, from 1707 to 1808, 136 ff. —-——., coins of 220 ff. 394 Muhammad Karim, eldest son of ‘Azimu- sh-shan, death of, 165. Muhammad Shah of Malwa, coins of, 215. Muhammad Suri, coins of, 216. Mun‘im Khan, Bahadur Shah’s Vazir, 187 ff. Murad, Prince, later Sultan, Akbar’s son, instructed by Jesuits, 40, 50. , meets the third Jesuit Mission to Akbar’s court at Cambay, 65. Naa, n. pr. of a td@mrakéra in Kéndra- pada Plates, 265, 271. Nagara, name of various places or coun- tries in India, 116. Nagara, name of a tribe near Kabul, dee , mame of certain Brahming in Ahmadnagar, Gujarat, 117. Nagarakhanda, of Skandapurana, quota- tion from, 119. Nagari alphabet, origin of, 114 ff. Nandisi#tra, quotation from, referring to various kinds of lipi, 127. Narasimha I., son of Anangabhima II., mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 250, 267. Narasimha II. of Orissa, Kéndrapada plates of, 229 ff. Nasiru-d-din Khusrau Shah, coins of, 216. [218. Nasiru-d-din Mahmud Shah, coins of Nasiru-d-din Qarlugh, coins of, 217. Nasrat Shah (Dehli), coins of, 217. Nauja or Noja, name of Séna King of Bengal according to Muhammadan historians, 31 ff. Nigliva Edict of Asoka, its bearing on the identification of lost site of Kapi- lavastu, 275 ff. Nimréz, coins from, 226 ff. Nori, n. pr. of Qrésthin, in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. P adré Farmaliin, Persian name of Jesuit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 42. Padré Radalf, Persian for Rodolfi Aqua- viva, 42. Pahari, name of Prince Murad, 50. Paracaradévacarman, n. pr. of a Brah- man in Madanapada Plates, 8, 14. Paundravardhana, name ofa bhukti in Madanapada Plates, 7, 13. Perreira, Julian, a priest, summoned by Akbar to his court, 47 ff. Peres. Dominic, interpreter to Akbar’s first mission to Goa, 48, 56, 57. Index. Peruschi, John Baptist, 8S. J., account by, of Jesuit Mission to Akbar’s court, 43 ff. Phaigugrama, name of a village in Ma- -danapada Plates, 7, 12. Pimenta, Father, Provincial at Goa, his reports, 79, 81. Pinheiro, Father, Jesuit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 64. Pifijokasthi, name of a village in Mada- napada Plates, 7, 8, 13. Plague, in Agra (1597), 71. Prajiapanasitra (4th Updanga of Jainas), quotation from, on 18 sorts of livi, 126. Prakrtacandrika, quotation from, on dif- ferent Prakrit languages, 116. Purai, n. pr. of a Qrésthin, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 256, 271. Purus6ttamapura, name of a place, in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271. Qui Khan, Vicercy of Lahore, his cruelties against Christians, 98 ff. Riatitassh shan) third eeonliee ene Shah, 137 ff. ———, defeat and death of, 158 ff. Raghava, son of Codaganga by Indira, mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 243, 263. Rajaraja I., mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 239, 259. Rajaraja II., son of Oddaganga by Candralékha, mentioned in Kéndra-= pada, Plates, 245, 264. Rajaraja III., son of Anangabhima I., mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 247, 265. Raziah Bégam, coin of, 218. Remuna, name of a place, in Kéndrapada Plates, 254, 278. Rodgers, Chas. J., articles by, on supplement to Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, No. VI, 213 ff. coins, 220 ff. » on rare. Mughal » on rare Kashmir coins, 223 ff. ——> > On coins from Nimroz, 226 ff. Roe, Sir Thomas, on Jesuit Missions to Akbar, 106 ff. Index. See Bengal king, mentioned by Muhammadan historians, 31. Sahasapura, name of a place, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 255, 270. Sa‘id Khan, 104 ff. Salim, Prince, 50 ff. , his attitude towards Jesuits, 66 ff. Samavayasiutra, (4th Anga of Jainas), quo- tation from, on 18 kinds of livi, 126. Sayyids of Barhah, account of, 174 ff. Séna kings of Bengal, chronology of, 16 ff. , not Vaidyas by caste, but Kaya- sthas or Ksatriyas of the Lunar Race, 36 ff. Shaikhji, name of Prince Salim, 50. Shamsn-d-din Altamsh, coins of, 217, 218. Shér Shah Siri, coins of, 214. Sousa, Francisco de, account by, of Je- suit Missions to Akbar’s court, 46. Sunaila, name of a village in Kéndra- pada Plates, 255, 270. Surathdtsava, quoted, 138. Surya, represented among the sculptures in the Ananta Cave (Orissa), in Gaya, and in Gandhara, 274. Svanga, name of a visaya, in Kéndrapada Plates, 255, 270. Talangagrama, name of a village, in Kéndrapada Plates, 255, 270. Tavares, Peter, Portuguese subordinate in Akbar’s time, 47. Tughril Khan, his wars with Jajnagar, 233 ff. Ueaaa, name of a village, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 256, 271. Uiicokatthi, name of village, in Madana- pada Plates, 7, 13. WVoajrahasta, mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 238, 259. Vanamialidévacarman, n. pr. of a Brah- min, in Madanapada Plates, 8 14. Vanga, mentioned in Madanapada Plates, 7, 13. Varayipada, name of a village, in Mada- napada Plates, 7, 13. 395 Vasu, Nagéndranatha, articles by, on a Copper-plate grant of Vigvaru- pasénadéva, 6 ff. » on the chronology of the Séna Kings of Ben- gal, 16 ff. a) OTL the origin of the Nagaras and the Nagari alphabet, 114 ff. On a Copper-plate Inscription of Narasimha- déva II. of Orissa, 229 ff. Vechiete, Florentine Jo%o Battista, 95 ff, Védiapada, name of a village, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 255, 270. Védapura, name of a place, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 256, 272. Vega, Christopher di, Jesuit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 638. Vibhutipada, name of a place, in Kéndra- pada Plates, 255, 270. Vigvarupadévacarman, n. pr. of a Brah- min, in Madanapada Plates, 8, 14. Vicvarupasénadéva, king of Bengal, Copper-plate of, from Madanapada, 6 ff. , ruled in Hastern Bengal, 31. Vijayaséna, mentioned in Madanapada Plates, 7 ff. Virakatthi, name of a village, in Mada- napada Plates, 7, 13. Virgin Mary, picture of, presented to Akbar, 50. Vikramapura, name of a place, in Mada- napada Plates, 7, 13. W addell, L. A., article by, on a Tibetan Guide-book to the lost sites of Buddha’s birth and death, 275 ff. er Jerome, S. J., sent to Akbar’s court, 39, 64. ==, accompanies Akbar to Kashmir, in 1597, 71. , author of Azna-i- Haqq-numa, and other Christian tracts in Persian, 111 ff. , compiles the Dastén-i-Masih, q. v. Aiv-l-figay Khan, 139 ft. Res NAMI sy ARERR S EER FI MAPATNSTA 3 FBS EIS (FSI gawarrissahas & BROIL Spb SIA FAMaAsAas- aos (Meals alaryyy | SMG Sls silage (aa BARANSATIa EF " MBRIDIPIRIESE Pep * BORA oe Gerall (S455 MREDGI|| areimea iqq(Aals= * (BRIER at COM - ; As Soc.Beng. 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