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OF THE 5

““ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

VOL. XXXIv.

PART I:

2. Nos. I. to. FV:—2865.

EDITED BY

. » THE PHILOLOGICAL SECRETARY.

y *.

“Ttewvill flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men
of sci in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,
and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such

‘communications shall be long intermitted: and it will die away, if they shall
entirely ceage,”’ :

Sm Wu. Jones.
~*

* Re
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a CONTENTS.

OOO

No. I.
(Published 19th June, 1865.)

Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund, Benares.—
By the Rev. M. A. Suerrine, LL. B. and C. Horyz, Esq.
C. 8., Judge of Benares. Illustrated by Plans and Litho-
Meelis, Ne

Ancient Padi Weights.—By E. oie Esq.

On some Siamese Inscriptions.—By Dr. A. Bastran, ry

Notes on the Eran Inscription, being extracts from a letter to the
Editor.—By Professor F, E. Hatt,

"Literary Intelligence, ...

No. II.
(Published 22nd July, 1865.)
Ancient Indian Weights, No. I11.—By E. Tuomas, Esq.,
Description of a Mystic Play, as performed in Ladak, Zaskar, &c.
—By Captain H. H. Gopwin-Ausren, Surveyor, Topogra-
phical Survey, F. R. G. §.,.
Some Account of Ancient Remains at Saidptir and Bhitari, Ene
the Rev. M. A. Suerrine, LL. B., and C. Hornz, Esq. C. S.,
Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language.—By the
Rev. H, A. Jazscrrxe of Kyélang, He
Notes on the Garjat States of Patna.—By Mision Ps: ieee:
Depty. Commr. of Sumbulpore, oh an
Literary Intelligence, ves

?

Page

51

111

fy 3 Contents.

he fsa BO
(Published 23rd September, 1865.)

Coins of the Nine Nagas, and of two other Dynasties of Narwar
and Gwalior.—By Major-General A. Cunninenan,

On the Sena Rajas of Bengal as commemorated in an Inscription

from Réjshéhi, decyphered and translated by C. T. Mer-
CALFE, Esq. C. 8.—By Babu Raszenprarata Mirra,

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the
Government of India for the Season of 1862-63, (Part IL)
—By Major-General A. Cunnincuam, Archeological Sur-
veyor to the Govt. of India, nas 53

No. Jn.
(Published 1st December, 1865.)
Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the

Government of India for the Season of 1862-63—By Ma-

jor-General A. Cunnineuam, Archeological Surveyor to
the Govt. of India, _... ese
Notes on Boodh Gaya.—By C. Hoan’ Esq. 0, 8.

ee

Page

115

128

155

.
-
«*

ay *

, LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, &c. IN PART I.

Plate.
I—II.— Ancient Buddhist Temples at Bakarya Kund

near Benares, ao ahs = to face page
T1I.—Groups of stones brought from Bakarya Kund, *
IV.—Buddhist remains from Jounpore, .., a . *
V.—South end of the Tank in Kund, .., Re 7
ViI.—West Bank of Kund, cae SP Se
VIL—VIII.—Ground plans of Bakarya mn aa 7
TX.—Hindu Punch coins, ut Gide nee ”
X.—Stone inscription from Cambodia, _.., re i
XI.—Symbols on early Indian coins, ets >
XII. to XVL—Scenes i in Mystic plays Re siaceaed in

Ladak, . Fae pi ies ad
XVIL.—N. Sbacralile or niné pitiiets, mae a a
XVIII.— Coins from Gwalior and Narwar, As ”
XIX,—Sketch of the Ruins of Delhi, .., os a
.

12
ab,
ab.
ab,
ab.
ab.
14
28
55

74
90
120
155

aveat } he

<e oe

Pee xX TO PART. L

—>)—
Page
Ahichhattra, or Rimnagar, ... oe as Pee 10.4
Ajudhydé or Saketa, en of, . as seNigh cer elesoe
- Ayuto, Se “ee Oe fer, 20
Axsar, Copper coins in the reign 1 of, Sala taomiaee> 24
, the standard coins ditto ditto, Ae = 16
~an inscription on the Kosambi Pillar in the 1 reign of,... 231
Akshaya Bat Tree, (The) ae eel
ALEXANDER taught India how to coin money, refuted, ba ae 59
Allahabad or Praydga, Antiquities of, .,. ees Grif ee
Anarchy and Cenfusion in Patna, ... Aas P aenien tg yg EL
Ancient Indian Weights, ar aa Pe .- 14,51
Ancient Remains at Saidpir Bhitiri, ae Bate Ae 80
Asokapura or Hatila, Antiquities of, as ee vee, 248
Atalla and Juma mosques at Joanpur, nee A eee 9
Atranji-Khera or Pi-lo-shan-na, — des bed be.
Ayomukha or Hayamukha, ete oat hei Net, aLe
Ayjtto or Ajudhy4,_... es os eae i, 2kG
Barun Deo 2nd, Mahérdjth, Lee Suen 208
Bakerganj, Plate, Copper, from, Noticed, tes beat, i chow
Bakhariya Kund, Description of, ote ee aria , ome 3
— , Buddhist Buins Ere tr = if
Balai Khera, Antiquities of, ee ace ait eet! te
Bausra Suna, aie ee aie a a ody ee
Baragan, As a1 Mh cenh ena
Barikhar or Vairatkhera, Antiquities of,. aC crete peek
Bastian, Dr. A., On some Siamese Inscriptions, it sah PY
Remarks on Sukhottai Inscription, . an 36
Bzerror, Burial of, nae san 49
Benares, Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya K Kund, ae 1
Bengal, Ou the Sena Réjas of, . a ooh “hbOs
Buaxutyar, Mohammed, ae ce Bat ysutia ae
Bhitari, Some Ancient Remains at, oe A oie 80
, Description of, set Bae mila 82
Peopraphical Dictonary, Ebn Khallikan’ 8, ee ana 46
Brerampit Deo, Mahéaraj,.. sec Stipa. 265
Bodhi tree of the Coins of Krananda, ‘On the, “4 = 66
Bodhi tree at Gaya, a 5 Ais Wave =S32 1
Boodh Gaya, Notes on, ves see eas city oa CAL i
Borasambur, .... a “Oe emer, 105
Bowniye, Sir Joun, On Siam, aes oF aa bess 27

a te ee a

ii Index.

Buppua Saxya Mount, Date of,
, description of a statue of,
, a rude statue of, in Bhitari Remains,.
’ his residence in " Ajudhya,
’ his tooth-brush tree, i
Buddhists, Art of coining among the, is
Buddhist ruins at Bakhariya Kund, Benares, ~.
antiquities from Hazara, “
statue of Sultangunge sent to Burmingham,
Bundah or ghostly ladle in Mystic Play,
Boreon, Mr. On the development of the art of coining money
in Western Asia, . : pee
Brocxuavs, On the ‘ Religion of the Zoroastrians,”
Burial of Begitfot, ae 030 SS
Cambodia, Inscription from, 5% ae vee
Caste of the Sena Rajas_ of "Bengal, :
Cause of the decline of power and prosperity of Patna,
Cuakra, reign of, a Bs
Cudwaxva, his for ging of coins,
conversion of ancient coins by,...
Coinage, The earliest Indian,
Coins of the Nine Nagas,
- of the kings of Gwalior,
——- of Pasupati,
——- of the kings of Narwar,
__.. of the ancient Buddhists,
——- of the Chohan series, weight of the,
——- of the time of Manu, es
-——- of Ceylon,
——- of pee a
- of Gobad,.. :
CsoMA DE Koros, ¢ on Tibetan dialect,
CunNINGHAM, Major- General A., on ditto,
ae —_——- “his opinion on date of Bhitari

Ruins,

Coins of the Nine Nagas,
——_——_— ——— Report of the Proceedings of
the Archelogical Surveyor to the Govt. of India for the
Season of 1862 & 1863, : si ots, aoe
on Jumma Musjid,

———— on Tower at Sarnath,

Chhatak, Indian Weight, .& 505 oe
Dancing on holidays in Ladak, ase ies a
Dates of the Sena Dynasty of Bengal,

Decline of power and Bere of Patna, Cause of:

Delhi, : ,

Deo Narayan Sine, Rah, ai

Dron Sagar, ; ae

a

eae a ee Pa

Index.

Deoryia, Antiquities of, ... te
Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Be ikhariya Kund,
— of a Mystic Play,
— of the Gonpa or Monastery of Himis,
- of Saidpur, ,
——— - of Bhitari, :
— of the present area of Patna, :
Deva Darra, the Cousin and enemy of Buddha,
Dewal, Antiquities of, ee
Dhopdpapura, Antiquities of,
ae the derivation of the word,
Dictionary of the Tibetan Language,
Dinar, Discussion on the origin of ‘the wor d,
Dynasty, of Narwar and Gwalior,
Egyptians, Coins of the, ;
Exxior MSS. publication of the, R
Eran Inscriptions, Notes on, by Prof. F. E. Hall,
Fa Hray, his visit to Benares,
, to Mathura,
Sankisa, é
-—— the Great Stupa of Asoka at Kano), .
Sravasti,
Fereusson, On Jumma Musjid of Kanoj,
Foundation of Patna, aa
Garea Risxt, village of,
Gobad, Coins of,.
Gopwin-AvstEN, Captain H. HH. , Description of a Mystic Pla ay,
GoLDSTUCKER, Prof. i Discussions on the origin of the wo ord
Dinar, ...
Gond, Gurjat States of,
Gosisa (present Gopsahasa) village of G: arga,
Govisana or Kashipur, Antiquities of,
Gurhs of Patna, List of,
Gurjat States brought under ‘the direct supervision of the
British Government, a tes :
Gurh Sumbul, Rajput Rajihs of, wes c
Gwalior dynasty, ; vat ae
—— ,, Coins from,..
Gya, Bodhi tree at, ;
Hawasan, a renegade Hindu,
Hardvopma, prime minister "of Lakshman Sena,
Hatt, Prof. F. H., Notes on the Eran Inscriptions and his criti-
cisms on Col. Cunningham’ s Archeological Survey Report,
Have, Prof. M. On the religion of the Zoroastrians, sc
Harsna Varpuana, Raja,... Ze te
Hatild or Asokpir, Antiquities of,
Hayamukha or Ayomukha, “a
Hizdrd, Some Buddhist antiquities of,

——

eo

- Index.

Page
Hester, Bisuor, on Kashipur, : ae sae, LTD
Hemanta SENA, om ani at oe .. 145
Himis, Monastery of, sea ie: wo eee TL
Hopasoy, Captain, On Ahichhatra, See OTe
Horne, C., Ese. Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya Kund, Benares, 1
—_—_- on Ancient Ruins at Saidptir and Bhitéri, 80
excavations into some of the mounds of
Bhitari, ee x os a 5 halite 83
— — his Report to Government on Bhitéri
Ruins, a oor ao ae Be ae 84
notes on Buddh Gaya, aoe fo 278
Horomper Siu, tt tae en! SLOT
HuvisuKa, the ereat Indo- ‘Scythian king,... aM, mp db
Hwan THsana, his visit to Benares,... = fo Mae 2
- on Mathura, ee ia af toe Reh) IBS
——-——— on Khulsi or Srugna,... ie 7 Oekees PS
| ——————— on Madowar or Madipur, ... wet et «
-———-—— on Kashipur or Govisana, aoe ee aeee i
—————— on Ramnagar or Ahichhatra, ae pee LT
——-——— on Ahichhatra Temples, zon ws eee REL
—_ -——— on Soron or Sukurakhetra,... wee ao, LSS
——_—-—— on Piloshana, ier sis wot gee” LOE:
———~——— on Sankisa, a: mn ae ©) EOS
——___————_ on the empire of Harsha Vardhana, Ss Wee 2 204
~— on Ancient Kanoj, me tes oa aE
——— his visit to Ayuta, oe nae ty
OS on Akshaya Bat of Prayéga, we 9 220
—— his description of the city of Visakha, wer 238
—- on Sravasti, . sag -s0) eee
Isw Knariican’s Biogr aphical Dictionar y; a 46
Impry, Major H. B., on the Gurjat State of f Patna, tes 101
Indian Weights, Ancient, ») 3 wt 14, 51, 46
Inscriptions. from Rajashahi, ast ae Soa) 02 142
Siam, a sy oo eee 27
——— Cambodia, : ov) 28
—— Sukhothai, Translation of the, “bf cia 31
ae on Allahabad Pillar, “i waa} Veal ee
on Kosambi Pillar, nie au we Bal
———— on a statue of Buddha, 260
JaEscuke, Rev. H. A., Translation of a MS. on n Dancing o on the
10th and 15th day of the 5th month in Ladak, oe 77
—————— Notes on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan
language, as sie a wee eh 2,
JAYA ‘CHANDRA, R4ja, ads aha so > GE
JERAWUR Wazier, Dogra army under, cs 71
Jetavana, one of the most celebrated Buddhist Monasteries in
India, ; a aes 2 wid sei BOD
Jogi-bir Mound,... uae a? in sie eee 6

oi
acca

Index. Vv
Page
Judnpur, Atali Musjid in, aoe nae aah oa 84 °
—, Mosques at, 9
Jungnas, Thlogan Pudma, ‘the principal deity in Mystic Play
of the Tibetans, Ae ee 74
Kabar or Shirgarh, Antiquities of, aa ae aise) ‘ae ce eae
Kaxsnivat Rishi, oe is Pe wan ee 18
Kaurpas on Kosambi, oe. a =e eet tizee! | same
Kawnanpa or Krananda, ae or at a 60
Kanoj, one rate See aaa AS
Rérsha, Copper transformed, y. eee re 14
Kasapura (present Sultanpur) Antiquities of, . 234
Katinchun, a set of maskers in Mystic Play that make. up the
court of ‘Indra, sins oh the te i 75
Kashipur or Govisana, sie eae ee aie! gre ETS
Katheei, king of,. 4 46
Kesava Deva or Keso Roy, shrine of, pulled down by
Aurungzib, ... wee 33 oe kde Oe 3g
Kesava Sena, ae oe PE Bate i7e bs
Khalsi ov Srughna, PP es a i een SON
Khobagurh, chiet of, ae oa ae can LOR
Kialan or Sacred Monasteries, oe. nie ger 3
Kosam, the village of, ic wa cee rei, eee
Kosambi, Antiquities Gk. axe a vee cate a. mee
Krananpa, a coin of, se ant te ae 24
Kumara Gupra, epoch Oct na Sat ae 80
- name of, stamped on 1 bricks, av aa 87
Kusamba, founder of the city of Kosambi, .. rast dae aE
Kusapura, we ure i aoe
Ladak, Mystic Play per formed i Thy in aes as ake (i!
, MS. obtained in, 2 Pel oe aie 77
LAKsnMana Srna, me a aah Get eoee
Laxumantya, the story of his birth, Sy ee eet MS
Language, Pronunciation of the Tibetan, ane aeey ae 91
Lhatos, or, small square built-altars, oe aE + 72
Literary Intelligence, ad oe ae Bey eee BL
Madawar ) Archwology of, BOO & Ot shee iff
Madipur, dae a8 42 Sauer Cae Te
Mahanudy River, ots aoe ae Pa vere LOL
Maharattas, inroads of the,. ee oe iD
‘their aid to Raee Singh Deo,... Pi: aw! 13209
Manv on Copper Coins, ... iA a ges 16
- on Gold Coins, wee <a OE 14
—- on Ancient Indian Weights, one ade Rene ions 14
Masavpr, Arabic text of, quoted, ee wie hae 60
Mathura, legends of, idl ae ron SSR mCOF 23 .
, description of, 2 a H Ber ee LOD
, invasion of, by Mahmud... af wean.) LOO
, Bactrian Greeks i in, Sie ae Son ray,
EE a eae ee

SS EE

vi Index.

Mercatre, C. T. Esq., Translation of an inscription from
Rajshahi,

Mitakshara, f

MoHAMMAD-BIN Toanax, Re- -adjustment of the Coinage i in the
reign of,

Multan, Temple of the Sun at, .

Mynpore, Gurh Sumbul near,

Muir, J., On Vedic Theogony and Mythology,

Nagas, Coins of the Nine, . 4

Nérwar, dynasties ot,

- coins of,

- or Padindvati, o- ix

Nature and form of the Siamese writing,

Nimsar, .

Nine Nagas, List of the,

Oaths, On rings for taking, F

PAninr’s Grammar, notice of coinage in,

Pasvpatt, coins of, ...

Patna, the Gurjat States of,

the Maharajas of,

- extension of, Se

cause of the decline of power ‘acs:

Anarchy and confusion in,

Parasua Kot, Antiquities of,

PEARSE, Major, Extract of a letter from, on Buddhist antiquities
of Hazara Valley, ... ee

Puaya Ruane, Siamese king, meena of iSiamacté alphabet, ae

Pi-lo-shanna or Atranji Khera,

Prayaga or Allahabad, Antiquities of,

the derivation of the word,

Pritur RAss,

Pronunciation of the Tibetan language, Note on the,

Puranas (Silver Coins,) : ‘

Purvararém Vihira, ...

Rage Siveu Deo, the 21st Mahar ajah of Patna, on

his attempts to regain the Guddee of Patna, owe

RAsenpRALALA Mirra, Babu, On the Sena Rajas of Bengal,

Rdjmahal, the rivers of, :

Rajshdhi, an inscription from,

Ram CuunpeEr Deo, ..,

Raman Dao, :

Ramnagar or Ahichhatra,

Remains, (ancient) at Saidpir and Bhitari,

Reports of the Proceedings of the Ar cheeological Surveyor to
the Government of India, for the season of 1862- 63,

Ruins, Buddhist at Bakhariy akund, Benares, :

Rig Veda, Cowell's Continuation of Wilson’s Translation of the,

Rings for taking oaths, on, aa =

Index. Vii
Page
Sahet-Mahet or Sravasti, see 250
Saidpur, Description of, oat Fig 80
Bhitari, te. oa Ha ite 80
some ancient remains at, 80
Saka era, ... a a 119
Saketa or Ajodhya, Antiquities of, ... 238
Saxya Moni, his reference to ancient coinage, das 1
Samman, Shaik, a Mahomedan faqir, 82
Sanchi, Great Tope at, 87
Sankisa, a aa ie 195
Sarnath, near Benares, Buddhist Ruins at, 2
Saraswati river, 15
Sél; river, ... eae 101
Sena Rajds of Bengal, 5 ae Be 3 fg 128
Shah Nameh, notice of ancient Indian Weights, in the, 60
Suan Deo, Hixvvr, the 2nd Maharaja of Patna, 109
Suan Jeudy,... re a ae e: ae 55
Suzrrine, Rev. M. A., L.L. B. On Buddhist ruins at Bakha-
riyakund, Benares, .. a3 oe “i 1
= On ancient remains at Said-
pur and Bhitari, Fe 80
Shirgarh or Kabar, antiquities of, 217
Surr Suin, bee xP 26
Siamese Inscriptions, 27
writings, nue a5" 28
Sruapirrya, the great king of Malwa, oy 88
Srixnvs, statue of, described by James Prinsep 165
Skanpa Gupta, ... oe a ’ 87
Soron or Sukara-Kshetra, aa are 188
“ Spao,” youthful dancers in Mystic Play, 75
Sravasta Raja, iy sae Se: 252
Srughna or Khalsi, 167
Suna Sena,... nee 130
Sumanra Sen, 130
Sumbulpur, origin of, ... 103
Sukara-kshetra, or Sorou, ... 188
Sat Tila or seven mounds, . ... 158
Synopsis of early Indian Coins, aah 56
Svane’s translation of Ibn Khallikan, 46
Sornyrss, coins of, 46
Sopxrruss, coins of, a 46
Sveapers, Travels of, “i 48
Travels of King Svegders, 48
‘anda or Tadwa, Antiquities of, 207
Tadwa, ... es dvd 267
Tharu Rajas of Ganda, Genealogy of, Se aia? 20
Tuomas, K., Esq., On Ancient Indian Weights, ~... ... 14, 51
Tibetan Language, Note on the Pronunciation of the, 91

ot

;
| vill Index.
:

Page
Transcript and Translation of an Inscription from aie wee 142
Tsam Chut, or Maskers in Mystic Plays, S Peis 72
TuGHLAK, Mounasep- -BIN, Re- -adjustment of coinage in the
reign of, ae ie ae 26
Types of coins of the Nine Nagas, ae ee al ZG
Tomar Dynasty, kings of the, see ae it Sedes EOD
Theology and Mythology, Vedi, aes is i! 46
Ujain, coinage of, ; wee Sie roc Gee 55
Umarpatt Misra, a ee ake pote “AD
Vairatkhera or Barikhar, Antiquities of, Hic meee TO
VicramApitya, king of Sravasti, pas a seca wr253
. his visit to Ajudhya, ay oeeie se DAZ
| a “‘ Parameswara,” ees wee wen: | 204
Visaya Sena, ... one i Soc ~cethies — eal:
Vira SENA, .. as a seca 30
Vis«xuf the noble maiden, stor y “of, ae ait ee) see
Vishnu Purdna, Sb: aes seca || LLG
Vedic Theology and Mythology oe oe eS 46,
Wazier Jerwar, Dogra army Beit “Be mt rg
WEBER on money weights, wae ao nt See 20
Weights, Ancient Indian, eis ap eed 45D
Witson, ’Prof., on coins of the Vedic age, wae a, wir
Translation of the Rig Veda, ... Rte oy 45
Writing, Siamese, ... : es bias += 29
YAINAVALKYA, On copper coins, - = sae 14
Zaug Bukha, or copper mask in Mystic Plays; as ve TL
Zaskar, Mystic Play performed in, ... : oer 71
Zovoastrians, Religion of the, ... as os nee 45.

OOOO

JOURNAL

OF THE

merA Tih COSOCTrET Y.

en)

Part I.—HISTORY, ARCHAHOLOGY, NUMISMATICS,
PHILOLOGY ann LITERATURE.

AR enn Rarer

No. 1.—1865.

eee

Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund, Benares-—By
the Rev. M. A. Suurrine, LL. B., and C. Horne, Esg., C. S.,
Judge of Benares. Illustrated by Plans and Photographs.*

[Received 15th April, 1864.] [Read 4th May, 1864.]

The fact that Benares is the birth-place of Buddhism and that in it
Sakya Muni first ‘‘ turned the wheel of the Law” or in other words
promulgated the peculiar dogmas of the Buddhist creed, is generally
believed to rest’on good historic grounds. This circumstance alone,
independent of the concurrent testimony of Hindu writers, gives a
high antiquity to the city. If, as there is reason to believe, Sakya
Muni in the early part of the sixth century, B. C., inhis own estima-
tion attained to the mysterious and mystical condition of Buddhahood
under the Bodhi tree at Gya, and thence proceeded to Benares, we
may fairly imagine that he did so because it was then a city of much
influence, if not also of great sanctity, among the Hindus, especially
the Brahmins. In this case the true epoch of ancient Benares must
date from an earlier period still.

Had the Hindus been imbued with the desire of recording the
memory of themselves in huge buildings of brick and stone, as the

* Copied in the lithographs issued herewith.

2 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No.1,

Buddhists confessedly were, they would not have left their most sacred
city, and one of their most ancient, without some irrefragable proofs in
column or cornice, of their residence there prior to the Buddhist reform-
ation. In the present state of ignorance respecting the archxological
remains in Benares, it would be hazarding too strong a conjecture that
no such proofs actually exist; but this much may be said, that the
probability of their existence is exceedingly small.

As the habits of the Buddhists on this point were, as just observed, so
contrary tothe practice of the Hindus, we are inclined to believe that a
strict investigation instituted in places where Buddhism was once famous
and poweriul, would in most cases bring to light certain relies which
they have left behind them. New discoveries of Buddhist remains are
continually being made in various parts of Northern India, every
instance of which is a fresh illustration of our conviction that Bud-
dhism has preserved the footprints of itself in all places wheresoever it
eminently flourished. That it existed in Benares during many
centuries and was the dominant faith professed there, casting into the
shade the elder creed, and asserting proudly its triumph over it,
admits not of the smallest doubt. It is therefore highly interesting
to inquire, what Buddhist remains are yet traceable in the city,
whereby its historical position as one of the chief seats of Buddhism
may be tested. Strange to say, until very recently, few or no remains
in the city proper had been discovered, but the reason of this, we fully
believe, was, that they had never been sought after. It is true,
extensive ruins have been found at Sarnath, and have been frequently
described, but these are three miles distant from the present city,
although it is possible, and indeed probable, that they were once
situated in, or were adjacent to the ancient city itself.

Now while the hope of finding any buildings of the early Buddhist
period in Benares might be pronounced too sanguine, yet, on the
other hand, he would betray a singular ignorance of the massiveness
and durability of Buddhist architecture, who should venture to assert
that it was otherwise than exceedingly likely that portions of buildings
of the later Buddhist period were still existing, waiting to be discovered.
Even as late as the seventh century, A. D., when Hinduism had regain-
ed much of its ancient prestige and influence, at the time that Hwan
Thsang visited Benares, there were then in the city, according to the

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 3

testimony of that keen and accurate observer, upwards of thirty Kia
lan or sacred monasteries,—to most or all of which, temples were pro-
bably attached—and with them about three thousand priests and
disciples were associated. It cannot be for an instant supposed, that
these monasteries, which were unquestionably built of strong material,
have all been swept away with the lapse of ages, and have “ left not
a wreck behind.” Indeed the existence of the Sarnath ruins, which
are mostly of the later Buddhist period,—some of which were seen by
Fa Hian in the fifth century, and nearly all by Hwan Thsang in the
seventh, is a strong argument for believing that portions, more or less
considerable, of some, perhaps of most of these edifices, are still
discoverable. We must not imagine that in any instance they are
existing in their original integrity, but on the contrary, that where they
exist at all, they have been appropriated by Hindus and Mohammedans,
and principally by the latter, for their own purposes, and that therefore
they have become blended with other buildings from which they must
be disintegrated. The use of numerous pillars: in the cloisters of
Buddhist monasteries, which were mostly on a uniform pattern, greatly
aids the identification of the remains of this ancient period.

A careful examination of Benares will reveal those portions of the
city which contain buildings, or parts of buildings, or sculptured
stones, or other objects of undeniable antiquity. Such ancient remains
are for the most part, we believe, only to be found in the northern
division of the city, and among the narrow streets on its eastern
border, running parallel with the Ganges, in a thin band, as far as the
Man Mandil Observatory.

Under the conviction that Buddhist remains were to be met
with in Benares, a search was made for some of them in the course of
the year 1863. On the very first day of the search the ruins at
Bakariya Kund were discovered, which we shall now proceed to
describe.

These ruins are situated at the north-west corner of the city in the
Alaipore Mahalla, and are visible from the Raj Ghaut road leading
from the cantonments to the Ganges. The path conducting to the
tank or Kund leaves the main road a short distance to the west of the
420th mile-stone. The tank commonly known as Bakariya Kund, is
about 300 yards distant from this road, and upon the summit of its

4 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

banks the ruins are for the most part to be found. In the hot season
very little water remains in the Kund, but in the rains it contains a
considerable body of water. It is about 550 feet in length and 275 in
breadth.

On approaching the tank you pass along the foot of a high mound
on its northern side, on the top of which lie several blocks of stone.
Proceeding to the western bank you perceive a massive breastwork
formed by large stones, bearing upon them various masonic signs, some
of which are similar to those inscribed on the stones at Sarnath, and
sustaining a solid platform or terrace, which runs by the side of the
Kund to a great distance. This terrace is 20 feet above the tank, and
supports two others of smaller dimensions, one above the ocher, each
of which is girded by a breastwork of huge stones. The lower terrace
is 130 feet broad, and 270 feet long on its western face, and 330 on its
eastern face overlooking the tank. It was originally held up by the
wall of heavy stones just alluded to, but this wall is in many
places much broken down, especially towards the Kund, the great
blocks lying in disorder at its ancient base. Nevertheless extensive
portions are still standing. On the northern face about 70 feet are
visible, while the western wall, which extends to 267 feet, is almost
continuous throughout. The height of the terrace is constant, but the
height of the wall varies greatly, owing partly to its being in a state
of ruin, and partly to the circumstance of its forming in one place the
flank of an old edifice, where it attains a height of at least 30 feet,
measured from the ground on the western side; which is on a higher
level than the tank. Two small windows or doorways open through
this part of the wall, and over each a single stone projects, forming its
eaves. The bare appearance which the wall would here have presented
to the eye, is obviated by a broad moulding half-way down, a foot in
width, and by a noble cornice parallel with it above.

Ascending the terrace, you come to the building itself, which is
occupied by Mussalmans, one portion being partitioned off and used as
azenana. The beams and slabs constituting the roof are in some
cases 9 feet in length, and the roof is supported by three rows of
immensely thick stone columns, the capitals of which are in the form
of across. The cornice decorating the walls is not of modern narrow-
ness, but is twelve inches deep, and is ornamented with carvings of

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 5

various elegant devices. As the building is divided into two distinct
sections, and moreover as the spaces between the pillars are in several
instances filled up with a mud wall, it is impossible to gain a correct
idea of its original grandeur. The outer wall on the "western side is
strengthened by a huge buttress of stone, 14 feet wide and 15 feet
high.

With pillars, breastwork, and buttress, of such prodigious strength,
it seems not improbable that formerly there were several stories above
this lower one, but this point is merely conjectural and is not easy to
be decided. Moreover it is not unlikely that other structures once
existed along the border of the terrace throughout a considerable
portion of its extent, not only on its western side, but also on its
northern and eastern sides.

Directly in front of the ancient building just described, are two
other extensive elevations of the ground or terraces, one over the
other, as already stated. The lower elevation is 86 feet long by 624
broad, and about 4 feet in heighth. The upper is 484 feet by 24,
and is crowned with an ornamental cornice, which runs in an unbroken
band throughout a large portion of the circuit of the terrace, but
this may possibly be of comparatively modern date, the Mohammedans
having selected this spot for a mausoleum, and in many cases adopted
the prevailing forms of ancient ornamentation. The breastworks of
the two terraces by which the enclosed soil is sustained, although they
have been evidently at times extensively repaired, nevertheless appear
as ancient as the neighbouring building.

Beyond the two upper terraces is another raised terrace, which in
all likelihood was originally connected with one of them, but is now
isolated from them. On this possibly stood a Buddhist shrine, con-
nected by a cloister with a building on the main terrace. A short
distance further on also, are remains of the foundations of probably
another, but the traces of this are almost obliterated.

On the eastern side of the Kund is a mound 220 feet long by 90
broad, running parallel with it, which might be taken for a mud
embankment thrown up from the tank, were it not for the circumstance
that layers of large Buddhist bricks, lying zn sitw, crop out from its side,
and that upon its summit and slopes are numerous blocks of sculptured
stones, symbols of bygone glory. One brick measured 20 inches in

6 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

length, and the bricks of an entire layer were 32 inches in thickness.
Among the stones was an enormous segment of a kalas or jagged
circular stone found on the pinnacles of temples. The original kalas
of which this segment is exactly the fourth part, was not less than 9 feet
in diameter, and of proportionate thickness, and must have belonged
to a temple of vast strength and dimensions. Several small kalases
are lying not far from this segment. Hight of these were counted at
one time. Excavations into the mound would probably throw some
light on the buildings formerly standing here.

To the east of the mound is a small round structure called Jogi-bir,
on the site of which, we were informed, a devotee buried himself alive.
It is made of earth, but on the top is a hollow circular stone, the
exterior surface of which is divided into sixteen equal sections, each
of which exhibits the sculpture of a man, with one leg turned up, and
the hands apparently grasping a garland which encinctures and connects
together all the figures. The stone is in a reversed position. A ,
portion of one similar to it found at the foot of a tree, was afterwards
removed, and forms one of a group of sculptured stones taken from
Bakariya Kund and photographed. Both of these stones were pro-
bably capitals of highly enriched columns.

To the south of the tank is a ghaut, the stones of which are scat-
tered about in great disorder, so that looking at it from a distance, it
has the appearance of an utter ruin. And such it really is. But it is
nevertheless a comparatively modern structure, for the stones of which
it is composed, judging from the elaborate and finished carvings on
many of them, have been contributions from fallen edifices in the
neighbourhood.

At the south-west corner of the tank is a water-course, depressed
considerably below the ground on either side. It is not improbable that
formerly this was the main source of water supply to the tank. To the
south of this water-course, overhanging the Kund, is a huge breast-
work of stone, on the top of which is a spacious courtyard and a
Mohammedan Dargah or place of prayer. It is difficult by reason of
the carved stones used in the foundations, the underlying mortar and
the evident frequent repairs, to say whether any portion of this breast-
work or of the buttress jutting out at its base, is really ancient, al-
though some portions seem to be so. The buttress is continuous with

the stone ghaut, and merges into it.

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 7

To the east of the Dargah is a small mosque, 37 feet long by 194
feet broad, open to the east, and supported by three rows of pillars,
five in each row. The pillars in the second row have deep scroll
carvings on their sides, with ornamented corners consisting of lotus
seed-pods, one on another. Each pillar is 7 feet 9 inches high, includ-
ing the capital, and the latter is 2 feet 6 inches in length and 2 feet
4 inches in width. The capitals of the outer pillars are somewhat
larger than those of the inner, and are in the form of a cross, the
extremities being rounded off; while the upper surface of each limb
exhibits a convex curve, the line of which rises higher in proportion
as it recedes from the extremity. The architrave is about a foot in
thickness, and on it the flat stone roof rests. Seven niches are placed
at intervals round the three walls of the room. The entire building
is of stone. The western wall, on its outer side, is strengthened by a
buttress, at the base of which runs a beautifully carved band, 11 inches
broad, which projects a couple of inches from the wall, and below it is a
cornice 10 inches in width and 7 in depth, bearing on its front a broad
band of exquisite carving. Some parts of this building are certainly
original ; and there can be no doubt of the antiquity of the pillars,
which belonged to some Buddhist cloister, or of the fact of the
modern character of the enclosing wall.

A few steps off, is an enclosure in the form of an irregular parallelo-
gram, a wall being on either side, and two small Buddhist buildings
at its extremities. That situated at the northern extremity is in some
respects like the mosque just described. Its carvings, however, are not
all the same, and its ornamented band is of a very ancient type.
There is a small building used as a Ranza attached to its north-west
angle, and sustained by ancient pillars and modern walls. The building
is surmounted by a low cupola of primitive construction. It is not
unlikely that originally there were cloisters on this bank of the Kund,
and that the three small buildings just described were all at one time
connected together.

The edifice at the southern extremity of the enclosure well displays
the old Hindu and Buddhist method of making a roof by the imposi-
tion of stone beams, one upon another, cross and corner-wise until they
met in the middle. The roof of this building exhibits a mass of such
beams piled upon each other, exactly like the roof of a house which

8 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

children build with their little wooden bricks. A second object of in-
terest here is a cut stone screen, which serves the place of a window.

Nearly a hundred and fifty feet to the east of the last mentioned
buildings, is another which has evidently been erected with old materials,
and is of doubtful antiquity. It has four pillars, two outer and two
inner, exclusive of others imbedded in the walls, and has five recesses
on its three sides. The carvings have been to some extent obliterated
by the whitewash with which the mosque is bedaubed.

Still further on eastwards, at a distance of 75 feet, is a terrace
walled round by a stone breastwork 48 feet long by 36 broad, on
which stand four exquisitely carved columns, sustaining an ancient
roof, the remains probably of a chaitya or Buddhist temple, or of its
innermost shrine. Its position is exactly opposite the Buddhist temple
to the west, yet to be described, from which it is distant 550 feet.
The columns are 7 feet 7 inches in height including the base, and
are elaborately ornamented; in which respect they differ from the
pillars of the other temple, which, for the most part, are destitute of
ornamentation. The four sides of the base display an elegant carving of
a vase with flowers drooping low over the brim—a device always found in
these parts in Buddhist shrine-pillars. The well-known representation of
a face with a floreated scroll streaming forth from the mouth, eyes and
moustache, is repeated four times on each column, and above it runs a
band of beads, each of which is nearly an inch in diameter. An are
of the sun’s disk rests upon this band, and higher up, the column
becomes octagonal. It then becomes quadrilateral again, and on each
side is an exquisite design, exceedingly well executed, of an overflowing
vase. The pillar is crowned with a capital, beneath which is a broad
double moulding. The cornice above the architrave is also beautifully
cut. But the ceiling of this shrine, consisting of overlapping stones
built as before described, is perhaps its most striking feature. Each
stone is richly carved, and was originally coloured, while representations
of suns and lotuses are depicted upon them in bold relief. Taking it
altogether, this little remnant of antiquity is a charming piece of art,
and is in itself a proof of the delicacy in taste and expertness in
chiselling of the architects of those times, and is also a proof of the
sad degeneracy of their posterity.

This Chaitya seems to have been the eastern extremity of the

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 9

range of ancient buildings under notice. Leaving it, the boundary
line took a southerly direction and probably included several buildings
similar to those on the northern side, very faint traceg of the found-
ations of which, at the most, are visible. The boundary line, however,
on its southern side takes in a remarkable structure, consisting of a
massive stone breastwork, 130 feet long, 90 feet wide, and 5 feet 4
inches high, sustaining a terrace now used as a Mohammedan burial-
ground. The breastwork is in some places in decay, but to a great
extent is in good condition. Its stones, especially where exposed in
the foundations, have masonic marks upon them, and some have as
many as three symbols in a row. It is surmounted by a fine cornice
six inches deep. Ascending the terrace no buildings besides Moham-
medan tombs are visible, but it is probable that an extensive Buddhist
edifice stood on this spacious area. On the western side, exactly in
the centre, is a projecting buttress, originally the Singhasun, round
which the moulding also runs. On this spot may have stood a gigan-
tic figure of Buddha, visible to every one entering the court—for such
we hold it originally to have been. Indeed the large terraces which
have been described, may all have been cloistered courts, where dis-
ciples and devotees congregated for religious purposes. An inspection
of the Atallah and Juma mosques at Jaunpore, formerly Buddhist
monasteries, confirms this view.

The most remarkable of these Buddhist ruins yet remains. This
is the temple, to which allusion has been already made, and of which
a separate Ground Plan has been drawn. The Mohammedans have
appropriated this temple and capped it with a dome, and now use it as
a mausoleum. It stands on forty-two pillars, all of which are in good
order with the exception of one in the southern portico, which has
been twisted by the fall of a large tree upon it. Formerly, there were
evidently two pillars more than there are at present, sustaining the
heavy entablature of the southern portico, so that the whole number
of pillars originally, was forty-four. Of these, thirty-two supported
the temple proper, and four the roof of each of the northern, southern
and eastern porticos. To the west, there is no portico, but simply a
sort of projecting buttress or Singhasun, on which probably the chief
idol stood, and was at once seen by persons coming in through the

main entrance on the east. The northern and southern porticos are
2

10 ~— Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

15 feet long by 10 wide, while the eastern is only 12 feet by 10.
The inner part of the temple is 18 feet square. Round the whole of
the exterior of the temple, above the capitals of the columns, and sup-
ported by their external limb, runs an eave-stone nearly 3 feet in
width, and, as at the Atallah, Juma Musjid, Pan Dareba at Juanpore,
this eaves-stone has been made to imitate wood, thus confirming
Fergusson when writing about this class of structures.

Each column is 84 feet in height, of which the quadrilateral shaft
between the capital and the plinth is 44 feet. The capital is in the
form of a cross, each limb consisting of two portions, the lower being
bell-shaped with an ornament in the corners. The columns in the
temple proper stand two or four together, and the abacus or square
stone upon them, between the capital and architrave, is 13 inches deep,
and is beautifully carved. The architrave has a rich double band
sculptured upon it, which passes all round the temple including the
porticos. Above this is a flat stone, and above it again a row of
niches which are probably of Mohammedan origin.

Viewing the temple from the outside, a practised eye soon distin-
guishes between the ancient portion and that added by the Moham-
medans. Above the portico, all below the octagonal breastwork is
undoubtedly of Buddhist workmanship, and the remainder of Moham-
medan ; but the Mohammedans, there is reason to suppose, availed
themselves of old materials. At the termination of the breastwork at
each corner, rests a small kalas, about two-thirds of the circular disk
of which is exposed, the remainder being inserted into the wall.
Although so many ages have elapsed since this temple was erected,
and although it has been exposed to the alternate ruthlessness of
Hindu and Mohammedan fanaticism, nevertheless with such wonder-
ful skill have its proportions been designed and its blocks of stone
been joined together—yet without cement of any kind—that at the
present moment, in spite of its aspect of hoary antiquity, it seems
almost if not quite as durable as on the day on which it was finished ;
and it is unquestionable that if it be not barbarously damaged by
uncivilized hands, it will continue to stand for centuries to come.
The simplicity combined with the great strength of its parts, and the
symmetrical arrangement of the whole, give to the building, notwith-
standing the general scantiness of its ornamentation, an appearance which

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 11

the most fastidious must pronounce to be of no mean order of beauty.
A small cloister was originally connected with the south-west corner
of the temple, as is shown by the continuation of the ancient basement
moulding, a moulding which surrounds indeed all Buddhist buildings
in these parts. This was probably the vestry or retiring room of the
officiating priests. Some of its walls are still visible.

It is greatly to be regretted that a large portion of the site of these
ruins is in a disgustingly filthy state, so that none but the most ardent
investigator would care to visit a place so foul and abominable.

As to the date of the buildings which have been briefly described,
some of them at least must have been erected as early as the large
tower at Sarnath, which General Cunningham considers was in exist-
ence in the beginning of the fifth century of our era, and was then
seen by the traveller Fa Hian. They formed probably one of the
thirty monasteries referred to by Hwan Thsang, to which allusion has
already been made. When looking upon these extensive ruins, we
cannot fail to recall the time when they were frequented by crowds of
priests and disciples of the Buddhist faith.. Then probably the tank
was surrounded on three sides by a lofty terrace of stone, while a large
ghaut or flight of steps was on its southern side. Around the edges
of this terrace, both to the south and west, ran cloisters, and to the east
there must have been massive temples capable of carrying such caps or
‘kalases,’ one of them nine feet in diameter, as have been referred to
in this description. It is a matter of much inteyest to the archeologist,
to try and save from total oblivion these few traces of the past, when
the Buddhists, who long ages since were expelled from the country,
were still famous, if not powerful, and were already engaged in that
tremendous struggle with the Brahmins, which eventually terminated
in their own utter extinction in India.

We propose shortly submitting some notes relating to the numerous
symbols found on the stones at Bakariya Kund and _ elsewhere,
commonly known as mason’s marks, and would invite correspondence
with any parties interested in the subject. A comparison of symbols
found in various places would be curious, and would render our paper
more complete.

In illustration of the foregoing paper, there are herewith submitted
two Plans, one representing this entire locality, and the other the

12 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

Buddhist Temple still standing ; and in addition three Photographic
Plates, of which the description is as follows : —

Plate, No. 1, shews the Temple before alluded to, a full account of
which has already been given.

Plate, No. 2, exhibits the remains of a Buddhist shrine consisting
of four handsomely carved pillars, standing on an ancient platform, with
the usual Singhasun facing to the east. The ceiling, which has been
described in another place, is unfortunately concealed from view in the
photograph. ;

Plate, No. 3, represents a group of stones and pillars brought from
Bakariya Kund. To the right and left are two exquisitely chiselled
_ shrine pillars, which are in many respects alike, but the grotesque
faces on the four sides of the apex of each pillar, are in no two cases
the same. The two bases also are different, for on the pillar to the
right, one-half of the chakra is depicted, the symbol from which
Buddha derived his title of Chakravarti, while the left pillar displays
in this position a deeply compressed human face. Above these
portions of the base, the columns become octagonal, and at each angle
is a comical face, half on one side and half on the other, with flowing
scrolls proceeding from the same. Over the faces a beaded band
encompasses the columns, upon which rests the are of a disc on each
of the eight sides. Higher up, the columns again become quadrila-
teral, and exhibit flattened urns in bas-relief, overflowing with wreathed
scrolls, a device exceedingly common on pillars of this age, (about
500, A. D., as we imagine). The uppermost portion of the pillars, on
which the human faces are represented, is somewhat larger in circum-
ference than the base. The dimensions of the pillars are as follows.
Height 2 feet 8 inches, each face at apex 13 inches.

Between these pillars are two large blocks of stone, which, like the
topmost stone of the group, appear to have formed portions of a frieze
running round some sculptured chamber, but as they are of different
proportions, they probably belonged to different structures. The
figures appear very bacchanalian. In the top stone, the man rests his
left arm on a large wine jar of a Grecian pattern, whilst with his right
he lifts the wine-cup. The other two figures are in nearly the same
attitude. A narrow band, beaded or plain, ran round the figures, and
by drooping between them, connected together all the portions of the

Vol: XXXIV. Part 1

Lith: by HM Sma, $. Gv. Caleutta, April, 1865.
On Stons froma Photograph by HL. Frazer J

ANCIENT |BUDDHIST- TEMPLE AT BAKARYA KUND NEAR BENARES.

Vol: XXXIV. Part. J. Pl:

Bengal.

ne froma Photograph by HL. Wrazer Inth-by HM Smith, 5.6.0. Calcutta June 1865.

AU Dh hoa TEMPLE Ne 2
BAKARYA KUND
(BENARES.)

As: Soc: Bengal. ae: 3 Vol:-XXXV. Part.1. Pl- M1,

{. Smith, $.&. &. Calcutta June 1865.

from a Pholograph by H.L. Frazer. meas Weathetiy Et

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GROUP OF STONES

BROUGHT FROM BAKARYA KUNG 1864

Vol:XXXIV PRI. PL: 4,

Journal As Soc: Bengal.

ON STONE FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY H.L. FRAZER. LITH: BY H.M. SMITH, S. G. 0. CALCUTTA, MAY, 1B65-.

* BUDDIHST REMAINS FROM JOUNPORE

; Vol: XXXIV. Pt I. Plate V-

Soc Rens

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Vol:-XXXIV. P* I. Plate VI.
Pha! As. Soc. Bengal :

tone from a Photograph by H. 1. Frazer

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1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 13

original frieze. Beneath the loop of the drooping cord is the repre-
sentation of a gem carved in the stone. Many figures similar to those
now described, have been lately found among the ancient buildings in
Jaunpore. Plate, No. 4, which represents a group of stones taken
from these buildings, is added for the sake of comparison, as it
pourtrays strikingly this similitude. In the College grounds in
Benares, are some magnificent sculptures brought from Sarnath, one of
which is a long frieze, cut with great boldness, the figures of which
are connected by a narrow band or garland. A photograph of this
frieze may perhaps at some future time be sent to the Society. The
length of what remains of it is 263 feet.

The topmost stone shews the projecting position it occupied, by its
under-cutting, but it is hard to say in what part of the building this
found a place. The next stone beneath it consists of a circle, formed
by a narrow band, and surmounted by an elegant ornamentation indi-
cating the central position which it originally occupied, which was
probably the crowning decoration of a niche. In the circle itself a
very merry face is depicted, by no means that of an ascetic. The
large circular stone below this, represents eight human figures standing
in most uncomfortable postures and supporting a cord or garland.
This was probably the capital of an ornamental column; and there is
reason to think that it must be assigned to a later date, on the ground
that ancient Buddhist sculptures rarely if ever exhibit any distortion
of limbs, while the Jains and modern Brahmins twist and distort their
figures in every possible manner. The other half of this circular stone
lies at the College, and as Major Kittoe is stated to have taken stones
from Bakariya Kund until stopped by the people, may have been
brought from this place.

In addition to these Plates which have now been described,
Mr. Tresham has kindly taken two others, one representing the south
end of the Kund, No. 5, and the other a portion of the retaining wall
on the western bank, No. 6, copies of which are also forwarded.

ON er ee re en

14 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

Ancient Indian Weights.—By E. Tuomas, Esq.
(Continued from p, 266 of Vol. XXXIII.)
[ Received 28th September, 1864,] -

I concluded the first portion of this article with a suggestive recti-
fication of the reading of a passage in Manu, tending to prove that
coined money was in use at the period of the compilation of the text
of India’s earliest lawgiver. Any question that might have remained
on this subject may be satisfactorily set at rest by the testimony of the
published Sanskrit version of Yajnavalkya,* the commentary on which,
known as the Mitdkshard, defines the Karshika as “ measured by a
Karsha” (Karshenonmita) ; while the copper KArsna itself is described
as Tdmrasya Vikdra, or “copper transformed,” 7. e., worked up from
its crude metallic state into some recognised shape.; This proves, in the
one case, that the interpretation of the term Kdrsha, as a coin, or
fabricated piece of whatever description, is fully authorised ; and, in the
other, that the copper Karshdpana, as Manu’s text would imply, con-
stituted the ready referee of weight, which its general currency as a
coin of the period was calculated to ensure. Indeed it is curious to
note how near an adherence to very primitive customs this state of things
discloses, in that the original idea of the use of definite and subdivided
weights of metal for commercial purposes, is still so closely identified
with the secondary function these fixed units had come to fulfil in the
guise of money, as circulating measures of value, while they retained
their hereditary acceptance as bases of the metric system.{ This
duality of function remained so essentially associated in the minds of
the people, that the revised scales of weights of the British Govern-
ment, in compliance with local predilections, were adapted and adjusted
under a similar system,—the current Rupee recommending itself as the

* Mitékshara, i. 364.

+ Professor Wilson missed the full force of this explanation in adhering to
the old translation of Manu—where “ Kdrsha or Pana” are given.—“ Ariana
Antiqua,” p. 404; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. 53, note.

+ An early example of the use of the Karsha as a weight is given in the
Buddhist Legends (Burnouf, Introd. Hist. Bud., p. 258), where one Kdrsha
weight of sandal wood is stated to have cost “500 Karshapanas.’”’ The custom
of employing current coins as measures of weight appears to have become
subsequently so much of a recognised system in Hindustan, that Sikandar bin
Bahlol extended their metric functions into tests of measures of length—414

diameters of his copper coins being assigned to the Guz or local yard.—Num.
Chron,, xv. 164,

HINDU PUNCH COINS.

Engyaved by Shaik Munneeroddeen W2ll Waterloo Street.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 15

initial datum and “foundation of the Ser and DMan,’* and as the
criterion and handy test of the higher weights.

To the most casual inquirer, perusing the precepts and enactments
embodied in the Statutes of Manu, the existence of some conventional
means of meeting the ordinary wants of commerce and exchange, in-
cident to the state of society therein typified, would be, so to say, self-
evident. The scale of fines, the subdivisions of the assessments of tolls,
the elaboration of the rates of interest, and even the mere buyings and
sellings adverted to, so far in advance of any remnant of a system of
barter, would necessitate the employment of coined money, or some
introductory scheme of equable divisions of metal, authoritatively or
otherwise current by tale,t without the need of weighing and testing
each unit as it passed from hand to hand. We need not attempt to
settle the correct technical definition of coined money, or what amount
of mechanical contrivance is required to constitute a coin proper,—it is
sufficient to say that we have flat pieces of metal, some round, some
square or oblong, adjusted with considerable accuracy to a fixed weight,
and usually of an uniform purity, seemingly verified and stamped anew
with distinctive symbols by succeeding generations, which clearly
represented an effective currency long before the ultimate date of the
engrossment of the Laws of Manu. The silver pieces of this class, the
Purdnas, are found in unusual numbers, and over an almost unlimited
extent of the entire breadth of Hindustan: from the banks of the
sacred Saraswati; under eighteen feet of the soil which now covers
the buried city of Behat;{ down the Ganges to the sea; on the
eastern and western coasts; and in the “ Kistvaens” of the ancient
races of the Dakhin.§ That the silver coins should have been pre-
served to the present time, in larger numbers than their more perishable
and less esteemed copper equivalents, was to be expected, especially
looking to the reconversion of the latter into newer dynastic mintages,

* Prinsep’s Useful Tables, ii, 95, 104-6; “Jour, As. Soc., Bengal,” 1834,
Appendix, p. 61, &e. See also “ Jour. As. Soc., Bengal,” i. 445.

+ One example may suffice. “The toll ata ferry is one pana for an empty
cart; half a pana for a man with a load; a quarter for a beast used in agri-

culture, or fora woman; and an eighth for an unloaded man.”—Manu, viii.
404,

{ “Jour. As. Soc., Bengal,” iii, 44. Prinsep’s “Essays,” i, 73. For range
of localities, see also A. Cunningham, “ Bhilsa Topes,” p. 354.

§ Caldwell, “ Dravidian Grammar,” p. 526. Walter Elliot, “ Madras Journal
Lit. and Science,” 1858, p. 227.

16 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

and their proverbial absorption for the construction of domestic utensils.
But with all this, the relative proportions of each, which reward modern
collectors,* would seem to indicate that, of the joint currencies, the
silver issues must have already constituted a large measure of the
circulating media of the day; and this evidence is by no means un-
important, as showing that while the standard of value was, from the
first, copper, the interchangeable rates of the two metals must have
been in a measure recognised, while these imperfect currencies were in
the course of formation and reception into the commerce of the
country.

The tenor of the entire text of Manu conclusively demonstrates that
the primitive standard of the currencies of the Indians, like that of the
geographically less isolated, though equally independent originators of
their own proper civilisation, the Egyptians, was based upon copper, a
lower metal, which, however it may astound our golden predilections
of modern times, was clearly in so far preferable in the early conception
of interchangeable metallic equivalents, that it necessarily constituted
the most widely distributed and diffused representative of value, brought
home to the simplest man’s comprehension, and obviously in its very
spread the least liable to sudden fluctuation from external causes, such
as would more readily affect the comparatively limited available amounts
of either of the higher metals. Hence, in remote ages, under an im-
perfect philosophy of exchange, copper may be said to have been the
safest and most equable basis for the determination of all relative
values; and so well did it seemingly fulfil its mission in India, that as
civilisation advanced with no laggard pace, and foreign conquest brought
repeated changes of dominant power, and whatever of superior intel-
ligence may have accompanied the intrusive dynasties, the copper
standard continued so much of a fixed institution in the land, that it
was only in Akbar’s reign (a. p. 1556—1605)} that it even began to

* Col. Stacey’s collection contributes 373 silver coins of this class to 30
copper pieces (“ Jour. As. Soc. Bengal,” vol. xxvii. p. 256; 1858). The British
Museum cabinets show 227 silver against 2 copper punch coins. Of the former
57 are round; the rest are square, oblong, or irregularly shaped.

+ The revenues of Akbar’s magnificent empire were all assessed in Déms; a
copper coin weighing about 324 grains [N. C., xv. pp. 163—172]. The total
demand of the state in a.p, 1596 is given as 3,62,97,55,246 déms. The payments
in kind, in the province of Kashmir, are consistently reduced into equivalents in

dams, and the single exception to the copper estimate occurs in the Trans-Indus
Sirkdér, of Kandahar, where the taxes were collected in Persian gold Tomans and

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 17

lose its position as the general arbiter of all fiscal and mercantile
transactions. With the accumulated increase of wealth, its cumbrous
volume made an opening for the silver Rupee, which established itself
permanently in its place, and as time went on, gold Muhars had an
exceptional and temporary acceptance ; but, like the rwpees of that mon-
arch, they were left to find their own level in the market, as certain
inexperienced servants of the East India Company discovered, to their
astonishment, to be still the ruling idea of the community at large,

when, in subsequent times, they incautiously declared gold a legal
~ tender.*

T have already extracted from the ancient Sanskrit code the contem-
poraneous definition of the weights of metal in use “ for the purpose
of worldly business.” I will now examine how much of an approxi-
mation to the conventional notion of a money currency had been reach-
ed, at the period of the composition of the Vedas and other archaic
writings.

Professor Wilson was under the impression that he had discovered a
reference to coined money in the Vedas, where, in the enumeration of
the gifts bestowed upon the Aishi Garga, mention is made of “ten
purses” of gold ;+ unfortunately, the contents of these “purses, bags,
or chests,” or whatever may have been the intentional meaning of
kosayth in this place, do not figure in the original text of the hymn,
but form part of the conjectural additions of the commentator
Scyana.{ As such, it is useless to speculate further on the passage ;
but the words dasa hiranya pinddn, “ten lumps of gold,” in the sue-
ceeding verse, seem to have a much more direct bearing on the general
question, and would almost in themselves establish a reckoning by
tale. Had the text merely confined itself to the expression “ lumps
of gold” in the generic sense, crude and undefined fragments of metal
Dinars [Gladwin’s “ Ayin Akbari,” ii. pp. 3,107,110. See also i. pp- 2, 3, 4,
35, 37,39}. Ido not lose sight of the fact of the long-continued use of an
intermediate mixed silver and copper currency, which filled in the divisions
between, and co-existed with higher and lower coinage of unalloyed metals | N.
C., xv. pp. 153, 163; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” Useful Tables, p- 71]. Dédms, like
So, Karsha, were also occasionally used as weights (See Ayin-Akbari
*S Sir James Steuart, “The Principles of Money, &c., in Bengal.” Calcutta,
1772, p. 26 ; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” Useful Tables, pp, 73, 76, 77.

tT “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” iii. pp. xvi. and 474.

ft “Rig Veda,” text, vol. i, p. 699; Max Miiller, Sce also Wilson, “R. V.
8.,” i. p. xlix. and iii; and note 4, page 474,

3

18 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

might have been understood; but the deliberate enumeration of ten
horses and ten lumps of gold,* would seemingly enforce the conclusion
that those lumps were fixed and determined sections of the metal of
habitually recognised value, or precisely such divisional portions of
gold as we see in the parallel cases of the silver and copper of which
Manu speaks, and whose extant survivors find a place in our medal
cabinets.

In addition to this allusion to what I suppose to have been Swvarnas,
the Vedas, on two occasions, distinctly name the Nishka. The first
reference to this money-weight is to be found in a hymn by that most
mercenary Rishi, Kaxsuivat,t devoted to no deity, but to the glori-
fication of a mundane prince dwelling on the Indus, whose beneficence
is eulogised, in an extended play upon the number of his gifts, among
which the Rishi confesses to having “ unhesitatingly accepted 100
Nishkas, 100 vigorous steeds, and 100 bulls;” evidencing, as in the
previous instance, a numerical computation by pieces of recognised
value—much in advance of the primitive test of scales and weights.
Again, ina subsequent Suikta, Grirsamapa, a Rishi of some celebrity,t
in addressing the divinity Rupra, says, “‘ He shines with brilliant golden
ornaments.”* * ‘‘ Worthy thou bearest arrows and a bow; worthy
thou wearest an adorable omniform necklace.’’§

The medieval scholiast substitutes the word hdra, a necklace, for
the Nishka of the original text,|| an interpretation which is followed
by the modern translator. It would seem that one of the derivative
meanings of the word NW ishka, as in the parallel instance of Dindra,]

* “Rio Veda Sanhita,” 4th Ashtaka, 7th Adhydya; “ Sukta,” xlvii. verse
23—*I have received ten horses, ten purses, clothes, and ample food, and ten
lumps of gold, from Divodasa.”

I should prefer the substitution of “cakes or balls” of gold for the “t lumps”
of the translator. Mr. W. Elliot mentions that ‘the Canarese gulige (Sanskrit
gutika) was the ancient name of a class of small spherical coins.” See figs. 3,
4, 5, pl. vii., vol. iii, ‘“‘ Madras Journal” (1858). Whence, also, the gold A’dal
Gutkah (Gutka) of the “ Ayin-Akbari,” i. p. 32.

+ Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,”’ ii. p. 17. See also i. 312, 316, &e.

t Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” ii. p, 207.

§ Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” 2nd ashtaka, 7th adhyaya. Sikta xxxiii. vol.
li. p. 291-2. :
wy s ! te . ! . ! . los ° ! =~ 2

ae rantt areata earefaa gad feyeq | wefad cae fowae a
aT SISA Wafer ll Re I

|| Max Miiller, “ Rig Veda,” ii. p. 579.
4| Max Miller, “Sanskrit Literature,” p, 247.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 19

came in process of time to apply to “an ornament of the neck,” the
component elements supplying the designation in either case. From
the passage in question we may reasonably infer that the Nishka of
the Vedas had, even then, attained so much of a definite and unvarying
form, and partial ornamental fashioning, as to be suitable for decorative
purposes in its current shape; a deduction which would further imply
that the piece itself was understood, or admitted to be of a constant
and uniform make, and that, in effect, it carried its description in its
name.

Tt is a question whether it is not also necessary to amend the trans-
lation of the adjective, Vis’wa rupa, from ‘‘omniform,” to the more
intelligible ‘“ pervaded,” or covered “with forms” or symbols,* a
rendering which would singularly accord with the state in which we
find the silver money of the period. Should any difficulty be felt at
the supposition of the adornment of a god with so obvious a work of
man’s hand, it may be said that bows and arrows are scarcely divine
weapons; but the inherent tendency of lightly-clad, imperfectly domi-
ciled races to wear on their persons their more valuable and easily
portable wealth, would naturally suggest the notion that the deities
followed a similar practice; and the expression instructs us that the
people among whom it was uttered were in the habit of hanging round
their necks sections of the precious metals, even as their successors in
the land for ninety generations have continued to do; having thereby,

* This rendering is in complete harmony with Burnonf’s ‘“ Dindras marqués
de signes” (lakshandéhatam dindra dvayam), two dinars impressed with symbols.
A difficulty has been felt about the supposed Latin origin of the word Dindr ;
but, if the passage quoted by Burnouf truly represents the tabric of the earlier
mintages, it does not matter what term the original recorder or translator
applied to the piece itself; he may well have used the conventional word of his
age for gold coin, without damaging the authenticity or antiquity of the legend,
or losing sight of the character of the old type of money he was then describing,
and which must have been still abundant in the land. But apart from this,
Colebrooke, in his Algebra of the Hindus (p. exxxiii.), has affirmed that Dindr
“is a genuine Sanskrit word,” the derivation of which Professor Goldstiicker
explains by dé (preserved in didi, and kindred with div, dip), hence the participle
dina, “ shining,’ with the affix dra, implying “pre-eminence,” As regards the
term Nishka, Max Miiller has thrown out a suggestion that it may be in some
way associated with the name of the Indo-Scythian king Kanishka (‘ Sanskrit
Literature,” p. 332). Professor Goldstiicker, on the other hand, thinks that the
word may be satisfactorily derived from nis, “out,” and ka, “splendour” (from
kan, “‘to shine”), Nishka occurs in Panini, v. 1, 20; v. 1, 30: v. 2, 119.

See “Introduction a THistoire de Buddhisme,” p. 423; Max Miiller,
«Sanskrit Literature,” p. 245; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i, 246, note 3; and “Jour.
As Soc. Bengal,” vi, 459,

20 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

in many instances, undesignedly preserved to history the choicest and
most interesting numismatic memorials of olden time.

Dr. Weber has collected from the Sutras and later Vedic writings,
a number of references to money weights,* the most interesting of
which are the notice of the silver Satamdna by Katyayana (xx. 2, 6),
and the mention of a “ yellow-gold satamana’”’ (hiranyam suvarnam
s‘atamdnam) in the Satapatha Braéhmana (xii. 7, 2, &.), showing that
the term s’atamdna, which is given by Manu exclusively as a weight
of silver, had come to be used indifferently with its coincident metric
denomination, the Nishka, which, in earlier times, specially implied a
measure of gold,y The quotation of Swvarna S'aldkdni from the
Sruti,} is also of importance, the S’aldka identifying the gold piece
directly with the parallel issue of silver, the residuary specimens of
which retain the name to this day in the South of India.§

Having obtained from the Vedas themselves so much of an indica-
tion of the use of circulating monetary weights at the very early period
to which those hymns are now admitted to belong, my task in proving
an obvious advance upon the rudimentary phase of the science of money,
under Manu, will be simple; especially as so much has already been
incidentally brought forward, tending to dissipate any remaining doubt
as to the existence of a coimed copper currency, much anterior to the
epoch, when the customs and usages of preceding ages had to be
acknowledged as the practical basis of, and as far as might be, conciliated
in, the new code which was to make Brahmanism absolute.|| As I
have already stated, there is no direct evidence to show what technic
art had achieved in those days, or what form or finish was given to
the current money; but, as with the copper, so with the divisional
parts of gold and silver, in the table quoted from Manu (viii. 131—137) ;
their classification represents something more than a mere theoretical

* « Zeitschrift,” 1864, p. 138-9.

+ See also the quotation from “ Yajnavalkya,” section i. sl. 364; Num. Chron.,
1864, note, p. 56.

{ Madhava in Kalanirnaya.

§ Walter Elliot, “ Madras Journal of Lit. and Science,” 1858, p. 224. Salaku
(Telugu), “A dent or mark on a coin denoting its goodness.”—Wilson,
*¢ Glossary.” The leading meaning of the Sanskrit S’aldka is given as a dart, an
arrow: one of its derivative meanings is “an oblong quadrangular piece of
ivory or bone used in playing a particular game ; a domino.”—Wilson, “ Sanskrit
Dictionary.”

|| “No greater crime is known on earth than slaying a Brahman.’—Manu,
viii, 381.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 21

enunciation of weights and values, and demonstrates a practical
acceptance of a pre-existing order of things; precisely as the general
tenor of the text exhibits these weights of metal in full and free em-
ployment for the settlement of the ordinary dealings of men, in parallel
currency with the copper pieces; whose mention, however, is neces-
sarily more frequent, both as the standard and as the money of detail,
amid a poor community. Their use in the higher totals would seem
to refer to an earlier stage of civilisation, or to a time when the inter-
changeable values of the different metals were less understood and even
more imperfectly determined. There is no attempt to define these
relative values, and the omission may, perchance, have been intentional ;
though some such scale would soon settle itself by custom, and the
lawgivers may wisely, in their generation, have abstained from attempt-
ing, like our own modern statesmen, to fix the price of gold for all time,
to give permanency to an ephemeral balance, or otherwise to swerve
from the ancient simplicity of their own copper standard. Neither
need there be any distrust of the contrasted passages, as representing
different stages of national advancement. The collection of a code of
human laws would necessarily embrace the progress and practical
adaptations of many. generations of men, the older formule being
retained in the one case, side by side with the more recent enactments
and their modified adjuncts. In a compilation of this kind, the retention
of such apparent anomalies would indeed be a negative sign of good
faith ; and as we have to admit considerable uncertainty as to the exact
epochs of the origin, application, and classification of these laws, and
astill greater margin of time to allow for their versification and ultimate
embodyment in writing, it would be as well not to lay too much stress
upon their internal evidence, when all the legitimate deductions we
seek can be established from external testimony.

~The next contribution to the history of coinage in India is derived
from the unexpected source of the Grammar of Panini, in the text of
which pieces of money in a very complete form are adverted to.* That

* Professor Goldstiicker has been so obliging as to examine P4nini for refer-
ences to coins, and to furnish me with the following note on the subject :—
_ ©That Panini knew coined money is plainly borne out by his Sitra, v. 2, 119,
ripad ahata. . . . where he says, ‘the word rzépya is in the sense of “ struck”
(Ghata), derived from répa, ‘form, shape,” with the taddhita affix ya, here
implying possession ; when riipya would literally mean “ struck (money), having

22 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

nominal terms should appear in the grammar of a people would, at the
very least, imply that the object designated had attained extensive
local recognition. Without touching the higher ground, as to how
soon in a nation’s linguistic progress fixed grammatical definitions
may become a religious, intellectual, or material need, it cannot but be
conceded that if the name and description of a coin find a place among
rules for the formation of words, this should be evidence sufficient to
prove that such a product of mechanical art must long have passed
into the dealings and commercial life of the nation at large ere it could
have become incorporated in the conventional speech, and been sanc-
tioned in the teachings of the schools.

Admitting these inferences, it remains to decide upon the date of
the grammarian himself. Professor Goldstiicker conceives that he has
lately obtained most important confirmatory testimony that Panini lived
before Buddha Sdkya Muni (8.c. 543).* Accepting this period for the
record in writing of the passage in question, I am satisfied to leave the
limit of the anterior currency of the coins open to free discussion.

The allusions to money in the sacred literature of Sakya Muni are
so frequent, in comparison with their rare occurrence in the Vedic
writings, as to have led one of our modern inquirers to infer that the
Buddhists understood and employed the art of coining long before their
Brahman adversaries ;+ a more simple and satisfactory reason may be
assigned for the apparent data, in the fact that the Vedas and their
supplemental rituals refer to an ideal polytheism, while the Buddhist
scriptures are based on the personal biography of a man living in the
flesh among the people of India, whose manners and customs are thus

a form.”’ Katyéyana and Patanjali make no observation on these words, but
the Kasika-vritti says that ‘form’ here means ‘the form or shape of a man
which was struck on it;’ and considering that riépa, ‘form,’ is in this Sitra
used without any addition—or emphatically, the ellipsis of pwrusha, ‘ man’—is
perfectly natural and justified. As to the date of the Kasikavritti, nothing
positive is as yet known of it; it is certain, however, that it is much later than
the Mahabhashya; but even without its interpretation, I hold that no other
sense than that put by it on this Satra could rationally be attributed to it.”

* While on the subject of dates, I may mention that since the publication of
the earlier portion of this article, a paper has been presented to the Royal Asiatic
Society, by Dr. Whitney, “On the Jyotisha Observation” (adverted to in Note
14, page 255, “Journal As. Soc. Bengal,” 1864) questioning the accuracy of the
results of previous calculations. The utmost possible limit of error, however,
is admitted to lie between 1120 and 1187 B8.c., instead of within the 1181 and
1186 B.c., already quoted.

+ Spence Hardy, “ Eastern Monachism,” Lond., 1850, p. 66.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 23

incidentally portrayed. So that the Vedas proper, as might be antici-
pated, furnish but few references to money, and Manu confines his
notices to the formal letter of the law, though that brings within its
circle even the definition of the lowest rate of wages, which is fixed at
one pana a day, with an allowance of grain, &. (vii. 126). The
Buddhist legends, on the contrary, abound in illustrations of every-day
life, including ordinary commercial dealings, frequent mention of
charitable donations and distributions; and in one instance they have
preserved a record of the quaint item, that the Anonyma of her day,
in the ancient city of Mathura, estimated her favours at 500 puranas
(about £16). Burnouf, who cites this anecdote, has further collected
in his “ Introduction 4 1’Histoire de Buddhisme,” numerous passages
mentioning swvarnas, purdnas, kakini (vatis), and kdrshdpanas,* and
among other things he reproduces a tale which exemplifies the curious
custom of the women of the period indulging in the habit of ornament-
ing the skirts of their garments with karshipanas. The notice of
Dindrst has already been referred to, but the most important passage
under the numismatic aspect, in the Buddhist literature, is to be found
in the text of the “‘ Mahéwanso,”’ where it is stated that the Brahman
Chanakya, the adviser of Chandra Gupta, ‘“ with the view of raising
resources, converted (by recoining) each kaha pana into eight, and
amassed eighty kotis of kahdpanas.’’}

If the Buddhist legends are to be taken as in any way correct ex-
ponents of the state of civilisation existing at the period to which they
professedly refer, it is clear that the act of recoining, and by conversion
and depreciation making each kdrshdpana into eight, would imply
unconditionally, not only that the art of coining had reached its most
advanced stage, but that the ideas and customs of the country had been
already trained by long usage, to identify the regal stamp with the
supposed assurance of fixed intrinsic value—a fallacy that was very early

* Pp. 91, 102, 103, 145-7, 236, 238, 243, 245, 258, note 329, note 597.

+ Ibid, 423.

{ Turnour’s “ Mahawanso,” Ceylon, 1837, p. xl.: and M. Miiller, “ Sanskrit
Lit.” 289. The Ceylon writers wrote according to their own lights, as unlike
the people of India Proper, who seem to have reserved the term Karshapana
for the copper coinage. The inhabitants of Ceylon and the Western coasts
appear to have coined both gold and silver into Karshdpanas, Mdshas, and
other established weights ; though the generic term Karshdpana in books and
inscriptions usually indicates copper coin in the absence of any specification to
the contrary.

24 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

taken advantage of by the ruling powers. For, while the primitive
currencies which bear no royal impress, were endued with, and retain to
the present, a remarkable uniformity of weight and fineness of metal, as
in the very nature of things it was necessary for them to be full measure,
that they might exchange against full measure in return; on the other
hand, from the moment true coins, in our modern sense, make their
appearance, irregularity accompanies them, so that in the Indian series,
in one of the first completely fashioned mintages, that of the silver
Behat type, bearing the name of Kunanda,* the weights of fully-
stamped well-preserved specimens vary from 29 to 38-2 grains.

The Ceylon annals casually illustrate the subdivisions of the kdrshd-
pana, as they may be inferred to have existed under Manu (viii. 404),
in the descending scale as 1, $, 4, 3. The Bhikkhus of “ Weséli”’
(Bassahr, north of Patna) asking alms, in 443 B.c., say, “ Beloved!
bestow on the priesthood either a kahdpan, or half, or a quarter of
one, or even the value of a mdsa.”+ Without insisting upon this last,
which would constitute =), of the kdrshdpana, I may notice once again
the permanency of Indian institutions, in the fact that Akbar’s copper}
coins were retained under the original and simple division of 1, 4, 4,
4, in the presence of, and associated with, the most curious complica-
tions of the weights and values of the currency of the precious metals.

There is little else that will immediately serve our purpose in the
notices of Ceylon coins.¢ Nor do the more promising inscriptions of
the Western Caves throw any particular light on the primitive coin-
ages of Northern India. They contain numerous records of donations
of kdhdpanas, and in one place notice a Kahdpan Sdla, or Hall for
the distribution of kdrshdpanas.|| Hins{] and Padikas are often cited

* Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 203, pl. xi., fig. 16; vol. ii., pl. xliv., figs. 2, 3, 4;
“ Aviana Antiqua,” p. 415, pl. xv., fig. 23.

+ Mahawanso, J. A. 8., Bengal, vi. 729.

{ “ Ayin-Akbari,” i. 36.

§ Other references to money are to be found, “ Mahdwanso,” pp. xli., 10;
Spence Hardy, “ Manual of Buddhism,” pp, 119, 218, 219.

|| ‘Bombay Jour. Royal Asiatic Soc.,’ 1853; Dr. Stevenson’s “ Kanheri
Caves, Inscrip.” No. x. p. 9, and the revision by Mr, E. W. West in 1862, p. 1,
et seq., See also “ Nasik Cave Inscriptions,’ 1853, p. 3; and “ Sahyadri
Inscriptions,” 1854, p. 1.

| The mention of Huns thus early is of some value in this inquiry, as showing
the age of the name, associated with the near coincidence of its authorised
weight with that of the old Purana, Mr. Elliot derives the word from pon,

“gold ;’ Canarese honna, The Varaha, or modern Pagoda, being merely a
double honna of 32 gunjas.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 25

and special respect seems to have been shown to a currency called by
the local name of Nandigera.

In attempting to ascertain the relation of the weights of ancient
and modern days, and to follow the changes that time and local custom
may have introduced into the static laws of India, the capital point
to be determined is the true weight of the ratz, as it was understood
and accepted when the initiatory metric system was in course of form-
ation. Two different elements have hitherto obstructed any satisfac-
tory settlement of the intrinsic measure of this primary unit—the one,
the irregularity of the weight of the gunja seeds themselves, which
vary with localities and other incidental circumstances of growth ;*
the other, the importance of which has been rather overlooked, that
the modifications in the higher standards, introduced from time to
time by despotic authority, were never accompanied by any rise or
fallin the nominal total of ratis which went to form the altered
integer. From these and other causes the rate of the rati has been
variously estimated ast 1°3125 grains, 1875 grains, 1953 grains, and
even as high as 2°25 grains.

We have Manu’s authority for the fact that 32 ratis went to the old
silver dharana or purdna, and we are instructed by his commentator,
in a needlessly complicated sum, that the kdrsha was composed of 80
ratis of copper. We have likewise seen that this kdrsha constituted a
commercial static measure, its double character as a coin and as a
weight being well calculated to ensure its fixity and uniformity in
either capacity within the range of its circulation. I shall be able to
show that this exact weight retained so distinct a place in the fiscal
history of the metropolis of Hindustan, that in the revision and read-
justment of the coinage which took place under Muhammad bin

* Colebrooke, As. Res. v. 93.
+ Sir W. Jones, “ As. Res,,” ii. 154, “ Rati—1,§ of a grain.” Prinsep, U. T.
(180+96) ; Jervis, “ Weights of Konkan,” p, 40; Wilson, ‘“ Glossary.” sub voce
Rati. Col. Anderson, working from Akbar’s coins, which were avowedly in-
ereased upon the old ratios, made the rati 1:94 (Prinsep’s “ Essays,” ii., U. T.,
p. 22). We need have no further difficulty about Shir Shah’s or Akbar’s coin
weights now that we know the bases upon which they were founded. Indeed,
the determination of the true value of the kdrsha enables us to explain many
enigmas in the numismatic history of India; why and whence Muhammed bin
Tughlak adopted his new 140 grain standard; why the unequally-alloyed billon
coins of Firoz and others were all kept at one determinate weight, &c , &c.; N. C.,
xv. 136, and notes, pp, 153, 163.

4

26 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1

Tughlak, in a.v. 1325,* this integer was revived in the form of silver
coin, and was further retained as a mint standard by his successors,
till Shir Sh&h remodelled the currency about the middle of the
sixteenth century. In the same way I have already demonstrated
elsewhere,} in illustration of an independent question, that a coin retain-
ing with singular fidelity the ponderable ratio of the ancient purdna,
was concurrent with the restored kdrsha under Féroz Shah (a.p. 1351—
1388) and other kings. And to complete the intermediate link, I
may cite the fact that when the effects of Greek and Scythian inter-
ference had passed away, the 32-ratc Purdna reappeared in the Punjab
and Northern India, as the silver currency of the local dynasty of
Sya’ta and Samanta Deva,} and furnished in its style and devices the
prototype of the Dehli Cuoua’n series of ‘‘ Bull and Horseman” coins,
the Diulliwdlas, which were retained, unaltered in wieght, by the
Muhammedans, in joint circulation with the silver double Dirhams of
174 grains, of their own system.§

Extant specimens of Sydla’s coins in the British Museum weigh
544 grains and upwards.

If this double series of weights, extending over an interval of time
represented by 24 or 25 centuries, and narrowed to an almost identical
locality, are found not only to accord with exactitude in themselves,
but to approach the only rational solution of the given quantities, the
case may be taken as proved.

The ancient pwrdna hall-marked silver pieces range as high as
55 grains; copper coins of Rdmadatal| are extant of 137.5 grains; and
other early coins of about 70 grains ; while, in parallel exemplification,
the later standard weights, under the Muhammedans at Dehli, are
found to be 56 and 140 grains. Hence—_

140+80 ratis = 1°75 grains.
ooo, ,, Sa 75 ga,

* © Coins of the Patan Sultans of Hindustan,” Num, Chron., 1847, coin No
87, and vol, xv., No. 24, page 130.

+ Num. Chron., xv., notes, pp. 138, 153, &c. In the minor subdivisions, the
84°5 and 17°4 of coins Nos. lix. and lx., p. 155, singularly accord with the weight
required for the 4 and 3 kdrsha. 1

t J. A. S. Bengal, iv. 674; J.R. A. S,, ix. 177; Ariana Antiqua, p. 428;
Prinsep’s Essays, i. 313.

§ N. C., xv. 136; Prinsep’s Essays, U. T., p. 70.

|| Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 216, pl. xx., figs. 47, 48.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 27

and this is the weight I propose to assign to the original rati ; there
may be some doubt about the second decimal, as we are not bound to
demand an exact sum of even grains, but the 17 may be accepted with
full confidence, leaving the hundredth at discretion, though from pre-
ference, as well as for simplicity of conversion of figures, I adhere to
the 17. Uuder this system, then, the definition of each ancient weight
by modern grains will stand as follows :—

2 Ratisor 3°5 grains.

1 Masha
Suver. .4 1 Dharana, or Purdna BBs, 4/5; 4 660

1 Satamana — 320 boll. ash REO a
1 Masha —— ee ee eS ye ee

; 1 Suvarna Soul, 140:
Goxp if Palasor'Nishka’”) ==¢ga9~7 0? peor)?
1 Dharana = 8200 ,,_ ,, 5600 ”
Correr . 1 Karsha == 80) i 2 240 oe
Se 3 = 40 ” ”? 70: ”
Subdivisions of Kdrsha .. 44 == 20 , 4, 35 -
$ = 10 ” ” 175 ”

On some Siamese Inscriptions —By Dr, A. Bastian.
[Received 12th May, 1864.—Read 1st June, 1864.,]

Of the Indo-Chinese alphabets, the most interesting one is that of the
Siamese. The others, as those of the Cambodian, the Lao, the Shan,
the Talein, &c., are all derived, more or less directly, from the Pali
characters, which connect them with the circular alphabets of South India
and the vernacular Singhalese. The Siamese flows more immediately
from the Sanscrit and has, for instance, preserved the three sibilants,
whereas there is only one in the Pali and its cognate languages. For
a great many of those terms, which all the Buddhistic literatures of
eastern India have purloined from the Pali, the Siamese possesses two
forms, one taken from the original Sanscrit, and the other modified by
its passage through the medium of the Pali. In writing the sacred
books of the Trai-Pidak, the Siamese do not employ their vernacular
letters, but have borrowed the Pali ones from the Cambodians, and
call them therefore Akson (Akkara) Khom or Khamen letters. The
Birmese use only one alphabet, (with the single exception of the square
characters), whereas the Laos and Cambodians have varied a little the

28 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

forms of their Pali alphabet for profane uses, but have never employed
two distinct alphabets, as has been the case in Siam. The introduction
of the Pali alphabet in Ultra-India, is connected everywhere with the
arrival of Buddhaghosa, the Brahmin of Maghada, who visited Ceylon
to translate the Atthakatha, but the invention of their vernacular
alphabet is ascribed by the Siamese to their favourite king Phra-
Ruang, whose exact date is a great point of controversy amongst them.
In the Phongsavadan Muang niia, or the history of the northern towns,
it is said, that Phaya Ruang, (who was carried by his kite to foreign
lands, like the Raja of Dewaju), invented for the nations, subjected to
his rule, the Xieng thai (Siamese strokes or letters), the Xieng mon
(Peguan letters), the Xieng khom (Cambodian letters), and the now
unusual employment of the word Xveng (inclined or oblique) seems
to have reference to the straight and angular shape of the Siamese
letters, (recalling the ancient alphabets of the Bugis and Battas in the
Eastern Archipelago), in contradistinction to the circular one of the
Pali. But without going farther into the claims of Phaya Ruang to
the invention of the alphabet, a subject which would require a disser-
tation by itself, I shall lay before you the translation of an old stone-
inscription, found at Sukhothai, (the ancient capital of Siam during the
reign of Phaya Ruang and before him,) and placed at present in the
palace of Bangkok, by the order of the reigning king. You will see
that the king mentioned in it under the name of Ramkhamheng,
assigns to himself the honour of having invented the written character,
which he, (a very interesting cireumstance,) calls Laz-sé. The present word
for books in the Siamese language is Nangsd, pronounced by a fanciful
whim and against all rules of Siamese grammar, as Nong-si. Nang-st
means verbally the writing on skins (nang), and thus illustrates in a strik-
ing way, the old traditions of the Lawa, Karen, &c., regarding the former
existence of parchment books, and it appears that the Siamese, a
people of quite recent growth, as they could not understand the reason
for the appellation, gave intentionally a different pronunciation, al-
though they retained the original spelling, a manner of proceeding,
which could be illustrated by many similar examples in the Siamese
language. The other term Lai-si “‘ would, according to the same
analogy, mean writing in (various) colours, or writing in stripes.” A
Chinese officer who visited Cambodia in the year 1295, says of the —

32 aQrrerertG

KCC eo aB2zV “7.
ec CUML EOS EE

eae WOus NO[ Ld HOSNI ANOLS 9ON
youmr LDS LICH ayyo
nun oYyporU ok atuos al

wyp oNDyy? YpDy UEMAY VED SI
nawyg mddnyry © punuvyp IK

*qaau9 qwolLsinaand JHL JNINIVLNOD WVIS NI |QaHO-VWWOH LWd yaoovd 3HL
woud YWaLOVEVHO Wd GILVNOILNY NV NI ‘NOILAIHOSNI JNOLS G oN

eb HE TF

“GNIM YSHLONV + oN

PUIHOYAY, |,

vy dle 23

“GNIN YSIHLONV € oN

‘a pe ydoy e

LIAS £2 oF WI. WHS

“GNIN «WRHLONV § ZaN

eo CC [ais vwo

viqogwy) WOH4 NOILdIYISN! JNOLS “LoN
yeSusg 20g sy UInor

ter scav00 vs
—

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 29

literary sect, which, according to his accounts, then existed in the coun.
try, “ Their books and public records are written on buck-skin dyed
black, and cut into the required dimensions. They work down a paste,
resembling the China white lime. Of this they form little sticks, and
taking one into the hand, like a pencil, form characters, which can
never be effaced.’”” He must mean the black books, still in use, amongst
the Birmese, Siamese and Cambodians, on which they write with a
soft chalk-stone. In the convents they employ wooden tablets, cover-
ed with a black varnish, on which the writing of the boys, who trace
the letters for exercise, can be easily blotted out, and the same material
is used afresh. For documents and memorials, these black books are
at present made of vegetable substances like the white paper books,
and afterwards covered over with a black varnish. The writing is,
however, far from being indelible, and can be effaced without difficulty.
If the book is written full and not required to be kept, the leaves
(folded up in zigzag,) are rubbed over with a preparation of burnt peas
and charcoal, and then used again, as if new. In especially valuable
books, the letters, for appearance’ sake, are traced with a yellow dye,
a preparation from gamboge, on a smoothly varnished surface, but
gradually crumble off and become illegible, because the fluid does not
enter into chemical composition with the material of the substratum.
The white books are written on with Chinese ink. On the leaves of
the Talipoin-palm the letters are traced with an iron style. The
change from parchment to paper took place very likely in the rigorous
times of Buddhism, when the pious priests would not allow the killing
of animals to carry on its fabrication.

The inscription, translated here, is written in an ancient kind of
character, differing from the present one. The vowels are still written
in one line with the consonants, and the diacritical points of the mo-
dern alphabet are mostly dispensed with. The complicated system of
accentuation in the Siamese of to-day, has developed itself only gra-
dually, and can be traced back in old books to that simplicity, which
still reigns in the ruder dialects of the Laos, and makes them unintel-
ligible to the polished ear of the low-landers. I was enabled by the
help of some learned friends in Bangkok to extract the antiquated
alphabet of the inscription, but have not brought it yet to the state of
perfection, which would be desirable for publication. The first lines

30 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

in the commencement of the inscription, are to be found in the book
about Siam by Sir John Bowring, to whom the king had sent it, and
as the form of the letters can be looked for there (Vol. I. p. 278), I
abstain from giving specimens.

Two other stone-inscriptions from the neighbourhood of Xiengmai,
which were obtained by me in Bangkok, are written likewise in an
ancient character, related to that of the inscription of Sukhothai,
although differing in many particulars. Both speak of royal offerings
and the deposition of relics to establish the sacred period of 5000 years,
in terms similar to those employed by the Birmese king Mentara, but
T have not yet advanced far enough in the explanation of the cha-
racters to translate the whole of them. Even the present translation,
which I offer here, is still a very imperfect one, but whenever I was at
a fault to make out a satisfactory explanation, I was sure to find the
best informed Siamese in the same predicament. The inscription of —
Sukhothai covers the four sides of a conical stone, and in the same
court of Vat Keoh in the royal palace at Bangkok, is placed at its
side, another stone, which was brought from Kampheng-phet and bears
a Pali inscription. Besides these, stone inscriptions are found in the
Siamese province of Ligor, and at the old pagoda of Pathomma-chedi
at Nakhon-Xaisi, where also brick medallions are disinterred, resem-
bling those of Tagoung and other localities, and containing the con-
fessional formula of the Buddhists.

Ihave added for comparison, a few specimens of several inscriptions,
which I copied at length from the stone monuments in Cambodia.
The ancient characters, called Akson Mihng, abound chiefly at Nakhon
Tom, but are found also at Nakhon Vat, intermixed with inscriptions
of modern date. They are believed by the natives to be wholly unintel-
ligible, but seemingly without real foundation, as I have already suc-
ceeded, by consulting the more intelligent members of the priesthood,
in decyphering the names of gods, kings and towns, mentioned in them.

Some characters in ancient Devanagari, (resembling the Bengal
inscriptions of the 12th century,) I found at the side of Cochin Chi-
nese letters on a sepulchre in the plain of tombs at Saigon, a town
which belonged for some time to the kingdom of Chiampa. The
sepulchre was that of a priest and the Cochin Chinese Buddhists
on such occasions, sometimes mix their writings with fanciful letters of
their own invention, and intersperse them with Chinese characters,

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 3l

TRANSLATION OF THE SuKHoTHAr InscrIPTIoN.

“My father was called Sinitharatthija, my mother, lady (nang) Stang,
my elder brother, Ban-Miéang. I had of the same mother (womb),
five brothers and sisters, three being brothers and two sisters. Of my
elder brothers, the eldest died and departed at a time, when I was still
young. When I became large and grown up to about nineteen, the
chieftain (Khun) Samxon of the “ myang’’ (town or country) Xot
came up to the place of “myang” Tak. My father went to attack
Khun Samxon and fight him on the outworks of his camp. Khun
Samxon does not delay, he comes forth from the camp. Khun Samxon
spread out his troops, covering the open plains of the fields and chased
my father, who fled hastily, being defeated. Ido not fly. I (ku)
mount the elephant, rushing onupon the army. I push on before my
father; I close with Khun Samxon; I myself throw down the elephant
of Khun Samxon, mounted on which he had come up to the town,
Khun Samxon is defeated ; he is beaten and takes to flight, jumping
on ahorse. My father then raised my title, I was called Phra Ram
Kamheng (the courageous Lord Rama), because I had thrown down
the elephant of the chieftain Samxon. All the time of my father’s
life, I gave support to my father; I gave support to my mother; I
procured the flesh of stags and fishes ; I brought them up to my father.
I procured fresh areca, sweet areca, which I had tasted myself to be
savoury, tasted myself to be good; I bring this up to my father. I
set out against the savages, the tribes provided with elephants, to
obtain slaves for my father. I fall on their villages, on their towns.
I get elephants, get tusks; I get males and females; I get silver; I get
gold ; I bring it all up with me and deliver it over to my father. Then
my father dies. There is still an elder brother. I give support to my
elder brother, in the way, as I had supported my father. My elder
brother dies. Now the towns come to me, all the four towns. Of all
these towns of mine, of me, the father-benefactor (Pho-Khun) Ram-
khamheng, this town here, the town of Sukhotay excels. The waters
are full of fish, in the field grows rice. The Lord of the town does
not exact any duties, he does not tax the people. Undisturbed they
go along the roads, leading oxen to trade in them, mounting horses to
trade in them. If they wish and desire to trade in elephants, let them
doso. They may trade in them in the same way, as they are used to

32 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

trade in horses or in cattle. If they should like to trade in silver,
trade in gold, trade in slaves, they are free to do so. Let them fearlessly
transact their business before the face of the lords, before the host of
princes and young nobles. If death occurs, the property of the father
goes to his sons, of whatever it may consist. His children, his wives,
his servants, his slaves, the fruit-gardens of betel and areca, all and
every thing, what the father possessed, is inherited by his son. When-
ever disputes arise between the common people and members of the
nobility, they will be examined into and decided with justice, both
parties being equally regarded as subjects. The judge must not side
with the person who clandestinely steals and defrauds. He must not
harm the property of the litigants and take from it by his greediness.
Whenever traders to buy or sell come in companies to visit the town,
let them come. Such as wait for me at the northern frontier, requir-
ing my assistance, shall have it. If they are in want of elephants, or
of horses, or of slaves, or of money, it will be given tg them. After
the goods have been stapled* up in the town and stored, there will be
made an election of slaves and a rejection of slaves. Such as are
clever in spearing, clever in fighting, shall not be killed, neither shall
they be beaten. There is under the portico a bell hung up for the use
of the people, the royal subjects, in the centre of each village, in the
centre of each town. If in quarrels or injuries of any kind, they wish
to speak their mind before the lord or complain to the nobleman, it is
not difficult. They go and ring the bell, which has been hung up
there for them. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the father
(sovereign) of the country, takes it up, he has the matter enquired
into and the names of the parties searched out.

“Furthermore in this city of Sukhotay there are planted orchards
of areca-palms and betel-vines, all over the town. On every place
there are groves of cocoanut trees in great abundance. In this town
are parks of the resin tree and plenty of them. In this town are mangoes
and plenty of them. In this town are tamarinds and plenty of them.
In this town there is liberty to build and plant for whosoever wishes.
In the middle of this town of Sukhotay there is a stone basin with
a bubbling fountain, the water is clean and clear and good to drink
without being distilled, clear like the water of the Ganges (khongka).

* Sic in MSS. Query [secured] P—Eps.

a

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 33

There is a river, which surrounds this town of Sukhotay in three
windings, even at the dry season, two thousand four hundred fathoms
in extent. The people in this town of Sukhotay are addicted to alms-
givings, are addicted to observe the precepts, are addicted to make
offerings. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the sovereign of this
town of Sukhotay, he with all his ladies, with the host of lords, all
men and women, the whole of the princely race, the sons of nobles, all
males and females, as many as there are, the whole multitude, all of
them, persevere piously in the religion of Phra-Phuth (Buddha).
They keep the precepts during the time of Lent, every one of them.
When the rainy season is concluded, they celebrate the processions to
throw presents to the priests during one month, and then it is finished.
To solemnize this festival, they contribute artificial fruits; they collect
the fruits of areca; they bring flowers ; they bring cushions ; they will
reap the fruits of meritorious rewards. Those who present cushions,
will sleep on @ostly canopy couches. The variety of the presents in
multifarious patterns, heaped up by royal command and by the com-
mon folks, are innumerable, glittering in such quantities that they
cannot be counted ; they block up all places, filling every spot. The
lines of presents extend in piles beyond the precincts of the town till
to the outskirts of the jungle. If they have to be transported inside
the palace, there is one uninterrupted mass of goods stretching around,
before and behind, from the jungle outside. Then in praying and
ejaculating pious words, the air resounds with the clashing of voices,
with the echo of voices, in the passing and repassing of voices, with
singing voices. According to every one’s liking, he who feels inclined
and wishes to gamble, may gamble; who feels inclined to play, may
play ; who feels inclined to promenade, may walk about. In this town
of ‘Sukhotay there are excellent singers with melodious voices. At
the height of the festival the people use to come in in crowds, jostling
each other and eager to look on, how they light up the fire-works and
let them off. This town of Sukhotay contains a gong, split in halves,
This town of Sukhotay possesses a temple ; possesses a statue of Bud-
dha, 18 cubits high; possesses a large image of Buddha; possesses a
holy convent ; possesses aged teachers; possesses a high priest. To the
west of the town of Sukhotay there is a jungle-monastery (of hermits).
The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng bestows alms on the high priest
5

34 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

(Maha-thero or the great Thero). Amongst the aged teachers there is
a learned one, who has read through the Pidok in all its three parts.
He is the head of the tribe of savans, excelling above all others in this
town of Sukhotay, and there is none like him, from the town of
Svithammarat to here. In the midst of the jungle there is a monas-
tery. It is very large and roomy and exceedingly beautiful. At the
eastern side of this town of Sukhotay there is a monastery with vene-
rable professors; there is a royal lake; there is a forest of areca-palms
and betel-vines; there are fields aud cultivated tracts; there are home-
steads with gardens ; there are houses, large and small ; there is a forest
of mangoe trees; a forest of tamarinds handsome to look at and care-
fully kept. At the south of the town of Sukhotay there is a market
and a school-room ; there is the palace; there is a forest of cocoa-palms,
a forest of thorny areca; there are fields and cultivated tracts; there
are homesteads and gardens; there are houses, large and small. To
the north of the town of Sukhotay, there is a convent with the cells
of venerable teachers, who live by alms; there is a pretty lake with
plenty of fish; there are plantations of cocoa-palms, plantations of
resin trees, plantations of mangoes and tamarinds; there is water in
acistern. There is also the lord Khaphung, the demon-angel, who
is the mightiest in that mountain and above every other demon. In
this country every one of the nobles reverences the town of Sukhotay,
and observes the rules of adoration in his worship, paying homage.
This town is an upright one. This town stands well with the demons.
Ti mistakes are committed in the worship, if the sacrifice is not correct,
the demons in yonder mountain do not guard and protect the town ;
they disappear.

When the era was dated 1214, in the year of the dragon, the father-
benefactor Ramkhamheng, the sovereign of this country (town) of
Sisatxanalai-Sukhotay planted a palm tree, and after nineteen rice
crops had gone by, he ordered the workmen to prepare the smooth
surface of a stone, which was fastened and secured on the middle of
the trunk of the palm tree. In the days of the dark moon, at the
beginning and at the end, for eight days, and on the days of the full
moon and the quarters, the assembly of the aged teachers and the
priests ascend the surface of the stone to rest ; and the whole circle of
pious laymen accomplish the holy law in remembering and observing

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 35

the victorious precepts. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the
sovereign of the country of Sitxanalai-Sukhotay, ascending to the
surface of the stone, sat down; and the host of the lords and the sons
of the nobles, the whole multitude, paid homage to him for their vil-
lages, paid homage for their towns. On the first and the last day of
the dark moon, on the extinguished moon, and at the full moon, the
white elephant was adorned in its trappings of costly gold, as it has
always been the custom to do. Its name is Ruchasi. The father-
benefactor Ramkhamheng, having mounted on its back, proceeds to
worship the image of Phra-Phuth in the jungle. He has brought
forth the engravings from the town of Xolajong, to place them in the
foundation, together with the glorious relics, the jewels holy and
splendid from the cave on the source of the waters, the cave on the
river’s bank, from the precious fountain in the middle of the palm
forest. Of the two halls, the one is called the golden, the other
the strength of the protecting Buddha. The flat stone, called
Manang-sila, in the form of an alms-bowl, is placed (as Dagob) above
the relies, to close the foundation formed by the stone. Then all men
saw and acknowledged, that the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, son
of the father-benefactor Sinitharathiya, had become king in the coun-
try Sri Satxanalai-Sukhotay and over the Ma-kao, the Lao and the
Thay ; over all towns, below and above, under the vault of heaven.
All the inhabitants of the mountain U, the dwellers on the banks
of the river, were called out in the year of the pig, when the era dated
1209. They were ordered to dig and take out the holy relics. Hav-
ing come upon them and seen them, they made offerings and worship-
ped the holy relics. At a favourable day of the sixth month, they
took them out and brought them, to be buried in the centre of the
town of Sisatxanalai. A pagoda was placed upon them and _ stone-

towers were erected in a circle around the holy relies.

Then three years went by. In former times there was no written
aracter of the Thai. When the era dated 1205, in the year of the
orse, the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, having consulted with the
rned teachers, established the letters of the alphabet for the Thai,
hich exist since that time, when the king arranged them for use.
hen it was, that the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng became verily
king and royal lord to all the Thai, because then verily he became

36 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1

their teacher and instructor, enlightening the Thai, that they might
know truly the merits and understand the law. But amongst the
people, living in this country of the Thai, there is nobody equal in
regard to firmness and boldness, in regard to courage, pre-eminence
and strength, equally powerful to overcome the host of enemies.

The country stretches far and wide, being enlarged by conquests.
On the side of sunrise, it extends to the royal lake, stretching in two
lines through the low grounds along the banks of the river Khong
(Mekhong), up to Viengchan and Viengkham, which two forts have
been placed there to form the boundary posts. On the south side it
comprises the people who inhabit thé district Phrek in Suphanna-
phumiratburi, the boundary line being marked by Petchaburi and
Srithammarat on the shores, which are washed by the waters of the
sea. On the side of sunset, it extends to the countries of Xot and
Bangkapadi, and there are no frontiers along the waters of the ocean.
In a northerly direction it comprises the town of Phleh (Pre), the
town of Nahn, the town Phlua, stretching to the banks of the
large river, where the country of the Xava (Xao) constitutes the
boundary. There are eatables cultivated in this territory, that the
multitude of villagers and citizens may be provided with food, as it
is right and just, according to the laws of line men.”

The discussion of the many important points, alluded to in this in-
teresting inscription, I must leave for another occasion. It has been
remarked above, that this truly enlightened king, under whom, the
people might with more propriety than now, have been styled “the free”
(Thai), appears to be identical with the famous Phra Ruang, (at least
with one of the different representatives of this name). The Siamese
chronicles place his reign generally in the seventh century, but the
Peguan history confirms his having reigned at about the epoch here
mentioned, which has to be reckoned most probably in the Mahasak-
kharat : if not, as the era appears to be counted backwards, it begins
with the holy period of 5000 years. The first king of Siam makes
the date of the inscription 1193 of the Christian era. The town of
Sukhothay is one of the oldest capitals of Siam and continually cele-
brated in the Phongsavadan muang nua, where one of the Brahmini-
eal ancestors is called by the name of Satxanalai. The town of Tak

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 37

lies now in ruins, in the neighbourhood of the present Rahein, and
belonged to the kingdom founded in Kampengpet. The mentioning
of the ocean, in defining the frontiers there, recalls the traditions of
the Taleins; and Sukhothai itself is said to have been formerly a sea-
port. According to the Siamese legends, Phra-Ruang sailed from it
to conquer China (Krung Chin), in the same year in which the Chinese
historians (616 P. D.) speak of a tribute brought from Siam. The
mythic traditions of the Damdukban place the residence of Phaya
Ruang in Nophburi or Lophburi, the ancient capital of the aboriginal
occupants of the soil, before the emigration of the Thai. The demon-
worship, mentioned in the inscription, continues still in various forms
in all Buddhistic countries, and the processions to make presents to the
priesthood may still be seen repeated every year at Bangkok, in the
way here described. The presents are called Kathin, on account of
their variegated components, in remembrance of the checkered gar-
ments of the monks, which, according to the founder’s institution, had
to be sown together in incongruous patchwork. The royal custom of
hanging up a bell, which might be rung by complainants seeking access,
occurs also in the history of Hongsavadi and is known all over the
orient. From the remark, that the stone placed over the relics had
the form of an alms-bowl (batr), one would have to conclude, that the
shape of the Dagoba is only indirectly connected with the lotus it is
supposed to represent. In Cambodia, one often sees pots with bones
and ashes of priests, placed under the Pho-tree, the peepul. The town
of Xalang is perhaps Jonk-Ceylon (the shipping of Ceylon), a place
formerly in intimate connection with the island of Ceylon, where
relics were cheap as mushrooms. The places mentioned to define the
boundaries of the kingdom, are all stillin existence, and can be easily
traced by the directions given. The kidnapping of the mountaineers
to carry on the slave-trade is still continued at the present day by the
Laos. The northern trade, the inscription speaks of, may have been in
the hands of Chinese merchants, and the king promises them, (as pro-
tection for their valuable cargoes), a safe conduct through the territory
occupied by hostile and predatory tribes. The years are counted by
erops of rice, as it is often done by the present Siamese, who at other
times employ the enumeration of the yearly inundations in their
reckonings. The names given to the years are those of the Dodecade.

40 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1,

avowed object of correcting the errors of such a scholar as Prinsep, it
is naturally expected that he should take some precaution to ensure
accuracy, and not blunder even in those places where the unfortunate
subject of his criticism happens to be correct.”* This is directed at
me ; and I reply to it.

Where have I come “ forward with the avowed object of correcting
the errors of such a scholar as Prinsep” ? Are the words of such an
avowal producible? Or can it be inferred, from anything I have put
on paper, that my purpose was that here alleged? Adverting to the
Eran inscriptions, I have expressed myself as follows, concerning their
original decipherer : “‘ Had Mr. Prinsep inspected the documents, in
discussion, with the advantage of the facilities I have been able to com-
mand, it is beyond question that his conclusions respecting them would
have differed, as on matters of moment, so as to points of unimport-
ance, from those he has recorded. Writing under obligation of the
reserve impressed by this consideration, I shall stay to expatiate on
but a few of the discrepancies, touching secondary details, which, on
collation of our results, the attentive reader will discover. At the
same time, I have weighed these cases, one and all, with my best
diligence.”+ My chief aim, as to the Eran inscriptions, was to read
and to translate them anew. That, all along, I studiously aimed,
wherever it was practicable, not to provoke comparison of my own
work with that of my predecessor, will, I believe, strike most of my
readers.

The Baba, on the other hand, has thus delivered himself with
respect to ‘such a scholar as Prinsep,” ‘the unfortunate subject of”
my “criticism :” “ Prinsep, notwithstanding his untiring diligence
and splendid critical acumen, was obliged, owing to his own want of
familiarity with the Sanskrita, to depend upon his interpreters; and
they, blind to the importance of the work upon which he was so
ardently engaged, neglected their duty, and trifled with him in all
matters in which he could not readily detect the imposition they prac-
tised upon him. Hence it is, that his translation of the Eran re-

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 394.

+ Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 16.

Mr. Prinsep was guided solely by Captain Burt’s facsimiles; and I had
pored for two whole days on the incised originals.

1865.] Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. Al

cords * * is sadly defective in many respects.”* To this I need not
add one word of comment.

Before passing to other things, I take occasion to say, that, contrary
to what has been intimated, not in a single instance that has been
pointed out, have I “ blundered” where Mr. Prinsep “happens to be
correct.” And was “such a scholar” correct only by hap?

At the end of my “ Note on Budhagupta” are these words: ‘“ My
paper on the land-grants of Hastin, and that on the Hran inscriptions,
as I did not see the proof-sheets, abound in errors of the press, to say
nothing of other faults. The more important will here be rectified,
and a few comments interspersed.”+ Referring to me, the Babi says :
“T must, even at the risk of being tedious, adduce my premises for
the errors [s¢c] in his reading of the Ivan inscriptions, to which I take
exception. Dr. Hall has attributed most of them to the printers ; but
it is difficult to conceive how those scape-goats are to be responsible
for the word sanswrata, which Dr. Halk altered into sanswrabhw with-
out any authority. ** Regarding the elegant simile of a king
electing his wife like a maiden her husband, the Doctor says,”’t &c. dc.
* My “ bulky” list of corrigenda and addenda, as the Babi styles it,
takes up just twenty-one lines ; and within that space, I set sdnka
and Surdshtras, for s‘anka and Surdshtra, to the account of the printer :
and this is the entire foundation for the charge that I have attempted
to disown my errors.

The Babi’s clause bearing on sanswratam certainly stands in need

of readjustment. The word was Mr. Prinsep’s, not mine.
_ And now for the “ elegant simile,” which is altogether the Babi’s
own property. I first printed: “ Who, by the will of the Ordainer,
acquired, like as a maiden sometimes elects her husband, the splendour
of royalty.” This I corrected to: “ Providentially preferred by Royal
Prosperity, as it had been a maiden who elects her husband.” No-
where have I spoken of “a king electing his wife like a maiden her
husband :” and whence does it appear that I took “ the splendour of
royalty” for anything but an unfleshly personification ?

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 268.
+ Journal As, Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 149.
t Journal As. Soc, Beng., 1862, p. 394.

2

42 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1,

The Babi, animadverting on my rendering of the Eran inscriptions,
says: “He translates qawefgzat: into the unmeaning* ‘ derived
prosperity to his race ;’ when he should have followed Prinsep and

799

given ‘ for the prosperity of his race. On turning to the version
of Mr. Prinsep, I am not at all startled to discover that he has not so
translated @dwefaeat:, an epithet of Harivishnu. He has not trans-
lated the expression at all. It is lower down, in the column inscrip-
tion, that the words occur to which his “for the prosperity of his
race” are meant to correspond.; Differing, there, from Mr, Prinsep,
in deciphering the original, I have given ‘with purpose to advance
the merit of his father and mother.”

When I called fraqaasiaT “a hoary solecism,” I should not
have done so,—as I wrote near two years ago,—f{ if I had had access,
at the time I so characterized it, to a respectable Sanskrit Dictionary.
The Babd, with all the air of a discoverer, magnanimously taunts me
with this mistake, notwithstanding my voluntary and explicit admis-
sion that I had erred. Who shall say that, but for his ploughing with
my heifer, I might not here have eluded the Babi’s penetration ?
However, my translation of the aforesaid expression, ‘‘ the counterpart
of his sire,” is quite correct. The Baba, with intent to make me out
wrong, refers to Dr. Goldstiicker’s Sanskrit Dictionary. Dr. Gold-
sticker authorizes me to say that my explanation is quite as good as

his own.

* More literal than my “ who derived prosperity to his race” would have
been “ cause of the prosperity of his race.” Only I wished to make promi-
nent the devolution which is implied by the Sanskrit.

The verb “ derive,” as employed by me, has been in the English lan-
guage for several hundred years; and it is not yet obsolete. Within a
short time I have met with it, in the acceptation which the Baba pronounces
to be “ unmeaning,” in three living writers.

“The term, indeed, is derived to us from the Schoolmen ; and so far they
are chargeable with having perplexed theology with the disquisitions arising
out of it.’ Bishop Hampden’s Bampton Lectures, third edition, p. 181.
Also see pp. 153, 184, 331. ‘ ‘

“The king’s power of assent is a power derived to him from the whole
body of the realm.” Gladstone ; The State inits Relations with the Church,
second edition, p. 9. Also see the same author’s Church Principles, &c. p.5

It is proper to state that I forego any advantage which could be derived
to my argument from the idea of abstract right, as a thing independent of —
utility.” J.S. Mill: on Liberty, pp. 23, 24. Also see the same author's
Considerations on Representative Government.

+ Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1838, p. 634.

t Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 139.

1865.] Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. 43

Commenting on the Babi’s decipherment of an inscription, I said :
* The third line shows an wpadhmdniya before ay. In the teeth of
all grammar, this, as lately edited, had been turned into a repha.’’*
To this the Babi rejoins: “ The wpadhmdnéiya is a printer’s blunder.”
The Sanskrit scholar cannot fail to discern that there is, in this reply,
a blunder incomparably worse than a printer’s,

Again, I objected to the Babi’s aratfaqear. The reply is: “My
mitdpitustathd is quite as correct as the suggested mdtdpitrostathd ;
the one being an ¢taretarasamdsa, and the other a samdhdra.”

Th passing, matdpitustathé would involve, not, as is here implied,
an itaretarayoga compound, but a samdhdra. A compound of the
sumahdra description must be a neuter singular; and that “ mother”
and “father” can be thus combined, the veriest tyro in Sanskrit
should know to be impossible.

These specimens of the Babi’s want of accuracy and scholarship
might be greatly extended. But I shall have said as much as I care
to say, after mentioning that he has credited Mr. Prinsep,+ instead of
myself, with extracting a full date from the inscription of Budha-
gupta. This is a trifle; but it is characteristic.

T had written thus far in April last, but laid my letter aside, with
the intention of withholding it. Owing, however, to Babi Rajendra-
lal Mitra’s paper on Bhoja, in the second number of this year’s Jour-
nal, I have resolved to forbear no longer. It would make a long list,
if I were to resume the facts of my own finding out which the Baba
there appropriates as though he himself had first brought them to
light. Where, too, he assails me, in connexion with the name of
Colebrooke,} he knows full well that I was not professing to correct
that great scholar as to the meaning of the word dala. When re-
translating a passage translated by another, it is no just conclusion
that I regard as wrong, whatever I do not think fit to copy from his
renderings. It was a matter of misreading and metre, in the instance
in question, where I showed that Colebrooke had slipped.§ For the

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 128.
+ Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 396.
Journal As. Soe. Beng , 1863, pp. 106 & 107.
i Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. VII., pp. 31 and 45;

and Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 210,

44 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1,

rest, the word dala signifies “ petal” as well as “leaf.” I am told
that “it is only on the leaf of the lotus that water is tremulous, and
not on its petals.” Indeed!

In preceding volumes of this Journal,* I have stated that Babi
Rajendralal Mitra has interpolated an inscription, and thereby created
a new king; and this myth, Mahendrapdla II., has been adopted asa
reality, in Professor Lassen’s Indian Antiquities.+

Your obedient servant,

F. E. Hau.
King’s College, London, Nov. 9, 1863.

P.S. Colonel Cunningham, in his Archeological Survey Report,
published in your Journal for this year, writing of the year in which
the inscription naming Skandagupta is dated, says: ‘‘ Professor Hall,
on the authority of Baptii Deva Sastri, the learned astronomer of the
Benares College, prefers the era of Vikramaditya.” I have never
expressed any such preference ; and I have never appealed, on the
subject, to Pandit Bapt Deva. Colonel Cunningham was thinking of
the inscription of Budhagupta. I have explicitly said: “ Not to my
knowledge, is there one particle of proof that Kuméragupta preceded
Budhagupta, or that Skandagupta did, whether immediately, or after
an interval.’’{ The year 141 in the inscription that speaks of Skanda-
gupta I have not suggested to place either before or after Budha-
gupta’s year 165.

By the by, the Udayagiri inscription is not dated in S’ravana, as
according to Colonel Cunningham’s decipherment, but in A’shadha,
and very distinctly. I read the word on the spot in the spring of last
year.

* 1861, p. 199; 1862, pp. 5 and 15.
+ Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. II1., pp. 827 and 1169.
{t Jowrnal As, Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 388.

1865.] Literary Intelligence, 45

Lrrerary INTELLIGENCE.

The large bronze statue of Buddha which was exhumed at Sooltan-
gunge by Mr. Harris and which has been figured in this Journal, has
reached England and been presented by Mr. T. Thornton to the town
of Birmingham.

Capt. Lees was under a misimpression when he announced at the
last August meeting that the Elliot MSS., now under publication in
England by Mr. E. B. Cowell and Dr. Reinhold Rost, were being
published by our Society. The offer of assistance, which, on the
recommendation of our Philological Committee, our Council sent to
Lady Elliot in June 1863, through our Honorary Agent in London,
Mr. E. Thomas, was not at once accepted, and in the mean time,
Mr. Cowell’s return to England enabled her ladyship to make other
and to her more acceptablearrangements. The historical materials left oy
Sir H. Elliot, are to be published in 3 volumes, edited by Mr. Cowell,
under the title of ‘ The History of India as told by its own historians,’
while M. Rost is to bring out a complete edition of the Glossary
under that of ‘Memoirs on the history, philology and ethnic distri-
bution of the races of the N. W. Provinces of India.’ The History is
not to contain any oriental text.

M. Jules Mohl in announcing its projected publication in the Journ.
Asiatique, makes the following remarks.

“ Jenesuis pas, en général, grand partisan des ouvrages posthumes ;
mais je suis heureux de voir que l’on sauve de l’oubli tout ce qui peut
se publier des matériaux préparés et élaborés par un homme aussi
distingué par le coeur, l’esprit et le savoir, que Sir H. Elliot, qui
était certainement un des hommes les plus remarquables parmi le
grand nombre des savants que le service de la Compagnie des Indes
a formés. On ne leur a jamais rendu en Angleterre la méme justice
que sur le continent, et je crois qu’il en sera de méme des ouvrages
posthumes dont je parle ici.”

Mr. Cowell, we hear, has also undertaken the continuation of
Wilson’s translation of the Rig Veda.

Brockhaus has undertaken to publish M. Haug’s ‘ Religion of the
Zoroastrians,’ which is to be in two volumes, the first to contain the

46 Literary Intelligence. [No. 1,

history of Zend and Pehlevee literature, accompanied by translations
and grammars of these languages, the second to explain the
Zoroastrian dogmas, and to give an account of the origin and develop-
ment of this religion and of its relations with Vedism.

The Royal Asiatic Society have commenced a new series of their
Journal, the first part of which contains a paper by Dr. J. Muir on the
Vedic Theogony and Mythology. This is to be followed by others,
the Author’s object being to examine the religious ideas of the
Rig Veda and ‘to compare them occasionally with the corresponding
conceptions of the early Greeks.’

The Oriental Translation Fund Committee are, we regret to see,
unable to proceed with any new publications for want of funds.
They propose, therefore, to complete, as soon as practicable, De Slane’s
translation of Ibn Khallikan and to close their labours.

The following is from General Cunningham, dated October last.

“The coins of Sophytes to which Captain Stubbs refers, have only
been found in the N. W. of India, as far as I am aware: and I am
therefore inclined to assign them to Sophites, or Sopeithes, or
Cuphites, the king of the Kathi, who was contemporary with
Alexander. The coins themselves appear to be of the same age as
those of Alexander and Seleukos.

“ Thomas’s article on Indian Weights promises to be interesting —
I have been collecting materials for the same subject for nearly
20 years, and Ihave made many curious discoveries—I see that he
quotes Sir William Jones as fixing the weight of the Krishnala, or
Rati seed, at 1,5, grain: but I am satisfied that this is a simple
misprint of Jones’s manuscript, for 1% or 1.833 grain, which is as
nearly as possible the average weight of thousands of seeds which I
have tested. The great unit of medieval and modern times is the
taka of not less than 145 grains, of which 6 make the chha-téka, or
chhatak, equal to 870 grains, or nearly 2 ounces—and 100 make the
setaka or ser, the derivation being sat-tdka or 100 takas—For conve-
nience I have taken, in all my calculations, the rat: seed at 1.8229
grain—Then 80 ratis, or 145.832 was the weight of the tangka of
copper, and also of the golden swvarna, which multiplied by 6 gives
874.99 grains, or exactly 2 ounces for the chhatdka or chhatak. One

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 47

of the most curious facts connected with ancient oriental Numismatics
is that sim in Persian means both “ thirteen” and “ silver,” which
confirms the statement of Herodotus that in the time of Darius gold
was 13 times the value of silver.”

_ Extract from Capt. Stubbs’ letter to Mr. Grote :—

“T shewed the gold stater of Diodotus, which you may recollect my
having, to Messrs. Vaux and Poole at the British Museum, and they
held a Committee on it, the result being a clear verdict in its favour :
so Mr. Thomas writes me word. They were much pleased with a
Sophytus which I gave them,* and Mr. Vaux agrees with me in thinking
that General Cunningham’s attribution of the name Swduros to the
Latin suifes and the Aramean—ppy is objectionable.”

Professor Holmboe of Christiania, in a letter to Babu Rajendralala
Mitra, gives the following summary of certain memoirs lately pub-
lished by him on the relation which formerly existed between Asia
and Scandinavia.

“A présent je prends la liberté de vous envoyer ‘trois petits mé-
moires archéologiques: 1. Om Eeds-Ringe c. & d. sur des
anneaux & serment. J’y ai prouvé, que les anneaux, dont se servaient
nos ancétres payens, pour y poser la main en prétant serment, ont eu
la méme forme que les anneaux, qu’on voit entre les mains de quelques
personnes dans la procession sacrificale sculptée aux murs 4 cété
(les escaliers du temple de Pesepolis. J’ai tiché de prouver, que
Vusage de préter serment sur an anneau ait été en usage chez les
anciens Perses; particulitrement sous la dynastie der Sassanides,
dont les sculptures & Nakhchi Roustam et & Nakhchi Bostan ne
representent pas, comme ona cru, la remise solennelle du symbole
de la royauté au nouveau roi, mais le prétement de serment du
nouveau roi sur un anneau, qu’au nom de Dieu lui présente le
grand mobed (mobedi mobedén), ce qui démontre assez clairement la
tenure de la main du roi. Sur la pl. I, j’ai donné les dessins de deux
anciennes monnaies celtiques, dont l’obvers represente la juris-
diction par un homme tenant |’anneau & serment, et le revers de l’une
represente le sacrifice par [d’ ?] un quadrupéde, sur le dos duquel on

* It is considered a better one than Major Hay’s..

Pi

48 Literary Intelligence. : [No. 1,

voit le mauteau sacrificial. Le résultat, que je tire de mes raisonne-
ments, c’est que le rite de préter serment sur un anneau, comme tant
d’ autres rites, a di passer de 1’ Orient dans le Nord de |’ Europe.

2. Kong Svegders Reise c. 8 d. le voyage du roi Svegder.
On lit dans l’histoire de Norvége par Snorro Sturlason, chap. 15
de histoire des Ynglings, qu’ un roi de Suéde, nommé Svegder,
lequel, vu la série des rois qui ont regnés jusqu’au temps ou nous
avons une chronologie certaine, a di vivre au 4me siécle de
Vere chrétienne, fit deux voyages pour aller & Godheim ou
Asaland, ot il espérait trouver Odin (Bouddha?) Le récit rap-
porte, que dans son premier voyage il visita le pays des Turcs, le
grand Svithjod c, 4d, la Russie actuelle, et Panaheim c, 4d. le Ta
Ouan ou grand Quan sur les bord de Jaxartes (Lir devger,) dont
parle le Chinois Lee’mutsien dans le Laéki. Le voyage dura cing
ans. Aprés avoir resté quelque temps &la maison il fit un second
voyage dans le méme but. [Il traversa de nouveau Svithjod, et
ayant passé sa limite [?] de l’Est il arriva & un lieu, nommé Stein,
ou ily avait une pierre (ste en Norv. signifie pierre,) grande
comme une grande maison. Ja, sortant le soir d’ une maison, ot
lui et sa suite s’étaient endormis, [?] il observa sous la pierre, un
dverg (petit étre mysterreux de la Mythologie des anciens, demeu-
rant sous terre, mais en sortant le soir et la nuit,) assis sous la
pierre. Alors le roi et sa suite se mirent & courir vers la pierre,
mais avant d’y arriver, il vit le dverg debout dans la porte, 1l’appel-
lant et l’invitant & entrer s'il desirait voir Odin. Il entra, la porte
se ferma, et on ne le vit plus.

Voila le contenu du récit. Je suppose que la pierre ait été un
Stoupa au Tope, dont l’exterieur bien platré lui ait donné |’aspect
d’une pierre, d’une masse solide. Le dverg assis a di étre une
statuette de Bouddha assis, telle qu’on les voit quelquefois dans
les niches de la base des monuments bouddhiques; et la porte
a pu étre la porte d’une chapelle réunie au tope, telle qu’on
voit par exemple au dagobah de Pollanarua 4 Ceylon (p. 11,
du mém.) Un des gardiens du monument a di l’appeler ainsi,
pour semparer d’un homme, dont il craignait violence contre le
sanctuaire, et sachant qu‘il cherchait Odin (Bouddha,) il lui dit,
qwil était la-dedans, ot, peut-étre, quelques reliques de Bouddha

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 49

étaient déposées. Le récit doit done sortir de la classe des fables,
et étre reputé historique dans son fond.

3. Thorolf Begifots Begravelse c. & d. l’enterrement de Thorolf
Begifot. Dans une histoire d’une province de l’Islande nommée
Hyrar, concernant les derniers temps du paganisme, on lit d’un
homme, nommé Thorolf Begifot, lequel, revenant un soir d’un voyage,
s’assit sur son sidge d’honneur et y resta jusqu’au matin, lorsqi on l’y
trouva mort. Son fils étant appelé, enfonga le parois derriére le dos
du défunt, et emportale corps par l’ouverture. O’est, & ce que je
sais, le seul exemple en Scandinavie, d’une manidre si singuliére
de faire sortir un corps mort, Mais en Asie on en trouve plusieurs
exemples. Marco Paolo raconte, qu’en Tartarie, les astrologues
conséillaient vers quel point de l’univers les morts devaient étre
retirés et s'il n’y avait pas de porte dans la direction indiquée on
faisait une ouverture dans le parois, et retiraient par li le mort. Le
Rev. Pallagoix raconte, qu’i Siam, au lieu de faire passer le cer-
cueil par la porte, on le descend dans la rue par une ouverture pratiquée
au murail. Et M. Pallas raconte, qu’un lama des Kalmuks étant
trouvé mort sur son siége d’honneur, on renversa sa demeure par
derriére [sic.] Ce exemples éveillent la supposition, que la maniére,
dont on retirait le corps de Th. B. était une trace de Bouddhisme.

Ayant été enterré dans une vallée, le méme Th. B. causait
comme revenant tant de malheurs, qu’on se crut foreé de transporter
son corps dans le désert, mais arrivé & la sortie de la valleé, le corps
devint si Jowrd, que 14 hommes ne pouvaient pas l’emporter plus loin.
J’ai comparé ce récit avec celui que rapporte Mr. Schmidt dans ses
notes au Scanavy Lectren, & propos de l’enterrement du conquérant
eélébre, Dchingis-Khaghan. Etant mort au Tohet, son corps fut trans-
porté & sa demeure. Arrivé la, le corps fut si lowrd, qu’on s’efforca
en vain de descendre le cercueil de la voiture. On se vit obligé
de’éléver le tertre sépulcrale au dessus de la voiture. Voila un nouvel
exemple de l'influence de croyances orientales sur celles des
Scandinaves.

JOURNAL

OF THE

-ASTATIC SOCIETY.

—_—e-—

Part I1—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

eee

No. IJ.—1865.

RAR RRR eee ee

*
Ancient Indian Weights, No. I1I.—By Hi. Twomas, Esq.

[Received 15th March, 1865. ]

THE EARLIEST INDIAN COINAGE.
- So many questions connected with the earliest form of Indian money
have been incidentally adverted to in the examination of the weights
upon which it was based, and from whose very elements as divisional
sections of metal, all Indian coinages took their origin, that but little re-
mains to be said in regard to the introductory phase of local numismatic
art, beyond a reference to the technic details, and a casual review of the
symbols impressed upon these normal measures of value. The con-
trast, however, between the mechanical adaptations of the east and
west may properly claim a momentary notice, with the view of testing
the validity of the assumption I have previously hazarded respecting
the complete independence of the invention of a metallic circulating
medium by the people of Hindustan.*
_ Many years ago the late Mr, Burgon} correctly traced, from the then
comparatively limited data, the germ and initial development of the
art of coining money in Western Asia, describing the process as ema-

-* Num. Chron., N. 8., vol. iii note, p. 226; and more in detail in my edition
of Prinsep’s “ Wssays’’ (Murray, London, 1858), vol. i. p. 217,
7 Numismatic Journal, 1887, vol. i, p. 118.

“I

52 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

nating from the Eastern custom of attaching seals, as the pledge of
the owner’s faith in any given object. This theory satisfactorily pre-
dicated the exact order of the derivative fabrication of coins, which
may now, with more confidence, be deduced from the largely-increased
knowledge of the artisan’s craft and mechanical aptitude of the ancient
inhabitants of Mesopotamia, the relics of which the researches of
Layard, Loftus, and Botta have recovered in so near an approach to
their primal integrity. The universal employment of clay for al-
most every purpose of life, including official and private writings, with
the connecting seals that secured even leather or parchment documents,
extending down to the very coffins* in which men were buried, natu-
rally led up to marked improvements in the processes of stamping and
impressing the soft substance nature so readily hardened into durabi-
lity, and to which fire secured so much of indestructibility. If moist
clay was so amenable to treatment, and so suitable for the purpose of
receiving the signets of the people at large, we need scarcely be un-
prepared to find yielding metals speedily subjected to a similar process
—tor the transition from the superficially-cut stone seal to the sunk
die of highly-tempered metal which produced the Darics, would occupy
but a single step in the development of mechanical appliances. In
effect, the first mint stamps were nothing more than authoritative
seals, the attestation-mark being confined to one side of the lump of
silver or gold, the lower surface bearing traces only of the simple con-
trivance necessary to fix the crude coin, In opposition to this almost
natural course of invention, India, on the other hand, though possessed
of, and employing clay for obvious needs,} had little cause to use it as a
vehicle of record or as the medium of seal attestations ; if the later
practice may be held to furnish any evidence of the past, her people
must be supposed to have written upon birch bark,} or other equally
suitable substances so common in the south from very remote ages,§

* Mr. J.E, Taylor, “Jour. Roy. As. Soc.,” xy. 414, Loftus, ‘* Chaldza,” p,
204.

+ Wilson, “ Rig Veda.” vol. iii, p. xiv. “ Arrian,” lib, v. cap. xxiv., and lib.
vil. cap. x. Hiouen-Thsang, “Mémoires,” vol. i. p, 333, &e.

{ The primitive Persians “of the north-east also wrote upon birch bark. Ham-
za Isfahani, under the events of 4, H. 350 (a. D. 961), adverts to the discovery
at Jai (Isfahan), of the rituals of the Magi, all of which were written, in the
most ancient Persian language, on birch bark. See also Q. Curtins, viii. 9, §
15; Reinaud, “* Mém. sur I’Inde,” 305; “ Ariana Antiqua,” pp. 60, 84; Praia
sep’s “ Essays,” i ii. 46,

§ “ Arrian,” viii. 7. “La Vie de Hiouen-Thsang,” 168,

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 53

while the practical advance from ever-recurring weighings towards fix-
ed metallic currencies was probably due to the introductory adop-
tion of lengths of uniformly-shaped bars of silver (Plate XI. Figs. 1,
2), which, when weight and value gradually came to require more
formal certificates, were adapted designedly to the new purpose by
change of form and a flattening and expansion of surface, in order to
receive and retain visibly the authoritative countermarks. One part
of the system was so far, by hazard, in accord with the custom of the
west, that the upper face alone was impressed with the authenticating
stamps, though the guiding motive was probably different, and the
object sought may well have been the desirable facility of reference to
the serial order of the obverse markings—each successive repetition of
which constituted a testimony to the equity of past ages.

The lower face of these domino-like pieces is ordinarily indented
with a single minor punch, occupying as a rule nearly the middle of
the reverse. The dies, though of lesser size, follow the usual symboli-
cal representations in vogue upon the superior face. There are scarce-
ly sufficient indications to show if the dies in question constituted a

projected portion of the anvil ; but I should infer to the contrary : nor

does the isolation of these symbols, in the first instance, prevent repe-
titions of small punch-marks over or around their central position ; in
some cases—though these form the exceptions—the clear field of the
reverse is ultimately devoted to the reception of the obverse or larger
devices: which anomaly recurs, of necessity, to a greater extent with
those pieces which have continued long in circulation, and more es-
pecially is this found to be the case among the residue of this descrip-
tion of currency in Central India and the Peninsula, where ancient
customs so firmly resisted the encroachments of foreign or extra-pro-
vincial civilisation.

As far as the typical designs in themselves, when compared with
later Indian symbolical adaptations, are concerned, they would seem
to refer to no particular religious or secular division, but, embodying
primitive ideas, with but little advanced artistic power of representa-
tion, to have been produced or adopted, from time to time, as regal
or possibly metropolitan authorities demanded distinctive devices. It
would be useless, at this stage of the inquiry, to attempt to decide
hether these discriminating re-attestations appertain primarily to

54 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

succeeding dynasties, progressive generations of men, or whether they
were merely the equitable revisions of contemporary jurisdictions.
Though more probably, as a general rule, the simple fixed weights
of metal circulated from one end of the country to the other, in virtue
of previous marks, only arrested in their course when seeming wear or
dubious colour called for fresh attestation : or incidentally, when new
conquerors came on the scene and gratuitously added their hereditary
symbols. The devices, in the open sense, are all domestic or emble-
matic within the mundane range of simple people—the highest flight
heavenwards is the figure of the sun, but its orb is associated with no
other symptom of planetary influences, and no single purely Vedic
conception. So also, amid the numerous symbols or esoteric mono-
grams that have been claimed as specially Buddhist,* there is not one
that is absolutely and conclusively an origination of, or emanation from,
that creed. The Chaitya other Scythians had before them ; the Bodhi-
Tree is no more essentially Buddhist than the Assyrian Sacred Tree,}
the Hebrew Grove,{ or the popularly venerated trees of India at
large.§

Equally on the other part Vedic advocates will now scarcely claim
the figure of the objectionable Dog,|| or seek to appropriate to Aryan
Brahmanism ploughs, harrows, or serpents. In brief, these primitive
punch-dies seem to have been the produce of purely home fancies and.
local thought, until we reach incomprehensible devices, composed of.
lines, angles, and circles, which clearly depart from Nature’s forms ;
and while we put these aside as exceptional composite designs, we may~
accept unhesitatingly as of foreign origin the panther and the vine,
engraved in a style of good Greek art, which overlays the mixed im-
pressions of earlier date and provincial imagery, and appears only to-
wards the end ofthe career of the punch-marked coins, in their north-
western spread, before they were finally absorbed in that quarter by

* Sykes, “Jour. R. A. S.,” v. 451; Cunningham, “ Bhilsa Topes,” p. 351,
plates xxxi., xxxii. B. H. Hodgson, “Jour. R. A. S.,” xviii. 393.

+ Gosse’s “ Assyria,” p. 94; Rawlinson’s ‘“ Ancient Monarchies,” ii, 235.

{ Smith’s “Dictionary of the Bible,” article “ Grove,’—doubts are raised
regarding the correctness of the translation of the word Ashérah as a grove.
See also note in Gesenius, sub voce Ashérah. 7

§ Wilson, ‘“‘ Megha Dita,” ver, 157. Ward’s Hindus, iii. 204. So also Tul-
ast,—* Ocymum sanctum,” or ‘Sacred Basil.”

|| Manu, iii. 92, iv. 208, x. 51, 91, 106, etc. Max Miller, “Science of Lan-
guage,” ii. 481.

o

on

~

x

On Stone byDinonath Nath.

ome Ve, AEST Sy a] (Ue fae]
cups
gatlas pies TP Don ea GB) EX Ase apy ¥
Pai as ae ? a]
NA Es AB ie ete Are a |
& Wome Bey R @ eh
a) ; ln
Sf oe 24,),@ 8 BF
aif a6 ®) @® © 2 g st “ale Ns
SEAR Se F ya Re ES

Jurnal As. Soc. Bengal.

soh09 So he w GI

Gab Guth ame aes mi |

RS OL ch ge aah > ERS |
-

Finn

ee shy le UP ace Prat

a) oe? of B Re Be iG se

SYMBOLS ON EARLY INDIAN COINS.
LITH! BY Ho M. SMITH, SURY: GE ’S OFFICE

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 55

‘the nearly full-surface die-struck money with devices of an elephant
and a panther ;* which class in turn merge naturally into the similar
though advanced fabrics of the mints of Agathocles and Pantaleon, of
square or oblong form,+ a shape the Greeks had not previously made
use of, but which when once adopted they retained without scruple,
whatever their early prejudices might have been—possibly out of re-
spect for local associations, a motive which weighed sufficiently with
their successors and other Bactrian Hellenes to induce them to per-
petuate the square indifferently with the circular coins. The excep-
tional, or in this case indigenous form, found favour in later generations
with the Muhammadan conquerors, who sanctioned unreservedly square
pieces in common with the circular forms, up to the time of Shah
Jehan (4.p. 1628-58). But though these unshapely bits of metal ran
on in free circulation up to the advent of the Greeks, this by no means
implies that there were not other and more perfect currencies matured
in India. The use of the time-honoured punch survived in the Penin-
sula till very lately, but no one would infer from this fact that there
were not more advanced methods of coining known in the land. In
fact, like other nations of the Hast, the Hindus have uniformly evine-
ed more regard for intrinsic value than criticism of the shape in which
money presented itself.

Many of these ancient symbols, more especially the four-fold Sun
(17, No 1, Plate XI.) are found established in permanence on the
fully-struck coinage of Ujain,{ of a date not far removed from the
reign of Asoka, who once ruled ag sub-king of that city; the pro-
bable period of issue is assumed from the forms of the Indian-Pali let-
ters embodying the name of U’suninq, the local rendering of the later
classical Sanskrit Ujjayiné. Associated in the same group as regards

* These coins are still mere compromises, being formed from: an obverse
punch, with a full surface reverse, ‘Ariana Antiqua,” pl. xv. figs. 26, 27;
Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. pl. xx, figs. 50, 51, page 220; Cunningham’s pl. i., &.

While upon this subject, I may-notice the discovery of the name of Agathocles
in Bactrian characters ona coin of similar fabric. His name, it will be re-
membered, has hitherto only been found in the Indian-Pali transcript of the
Greek (Num. Chron. N.S. iv. 196). The piece in question has, on the obverse,
a Chaitya, with a seven-pointed star, and the name Akathakayasa (possibly
Ankathakrayasa). The reverse bears the conventional’ sacred tree, with the
title Maharaja strangely distorted into Hi,rajasa,me or He,ragasa,me.

7 A. A., pl. vi. figs. 7,8, 9, 11; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” pl. xxviii, 8, 9; vol.

ii. pp. 179, 180; “ Jour. des Sav-,” 1835, pl: i. fig. i.
ft “Jour. As, Soc, Bengal,” vol. vii., pl. lxi., p. 1054,

56 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

general devices, and identified with the apparently cognate mintages
of similar time and locality, there appear other symbolical figures
which no predilection or prejudice can claim as exclusively Buddhist ;
indeed, whatever hostility and eventual persecution may ultimately
have arisen between the leading creeds of India, it is clear that at this
period, and for long after, the indigenous populations lived harmoni-
ously together ;* like all things Indian, old notions and pre-existing
customs retained too strong a hold upon the masses to be easily re-
volutionised ; and if at times a proselyting Buddhist or able and am-

bitious Brahman came to the front, and achieved even more than pro-

vincial renown, the Indian community at large was but little affected

by the momentary influence; and it is only towards the eighth or ninth

centuries A. D. that, without knowing the causes which led to the re-

sult or the means by which it was accomplished, we find Brahmanism

dominant and active in persecution.

T have now to advert to the symbols embodied in the Plate. (No. XT.)

I shall notice only those of more moment in the text of this paper,
leaving the engraving to explain itself under the subjoined synopsis.

A. Heavenly bodies ... 1 Suns.
B. Man and his members... LY GR,
Animals Rise «+s ee 3 Hlephants.
3 ; ee - 4 Dogs
ah aes : » ee © Deer, Cows, &e.
5 ose vet .-- 6 Leopards.
Bish y'... ay g. de Ger
Reptiles ad woe oS
C. Home life ee = ‘79° Ploughs:
i oe .-» 9* Cups, vases, &e.
F eeti=se Rac sas ios wel inkiannowa:
4 : 11 Wheels.
ree Sis .«« «+. 12 Bows and arrows.
D. Imaginary devices So ... 13 Chaityas.
5 fh add ae i. eee. 4 alliirees:
2 So Aer --» 15 Ornamental circles.
sr eee os see aes 16 Magic formule.
FE. Reverse dies ... ay eee Alih

* Stevenson, ‘ Journal Bombay Br. R, A, Soc.” Hiouen-Thsang, passim,

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 57

Under class A appears the single representation of the Sun : no other
planet or denizen of an Eastern sky is reflected in early Indian mint-
symbolisation. In examining the general bearing of these designs,
the first point to determine is,—does the sun here, as the opening and
deepest-sunk emblem, stand for an object of worship ? Savitri or Surya,
undoubtedly held a high position in the primitive Vedic theogony,*
and it is a coincidence singularly in accord with its typical isolation on
these pieces, that the Indo-Aryans, unlike their Persian brethren,
dissociated the Sun from all other planetary bodies. But with all this,
there is an under-current of evidence that the Scythians had already
introduced the leading idea of sun-worship into India, prior to any
Aryan immigration ; for even the Vedic devotion to the great lumin-
ary is mixed up with the obviously Scythic aswamedha, or sacrifice of
the horse.f Then, again, arises the question as to whether this Sun-type,
which appears the earliest among all the mint dies, and is so frequently
repeated in slightly modified outlines, does not refer to the more direct-
ly Indian traditionary family of the Surya Vans‘as,{ who eventually
are made to come into such poetic hostility with the Chandra Vans‘as,
or Lunar branch. Neither one race nor the other is recognised or
alluded to in the text of the Vedas; but abundance of reasons
may be given for this abstinence, without implying a necessary non-
existence of children of the Sun before the date of the collection of
those ancient hymns. However, looking to the decidedly secular nature
of the large majority of the figures in subsequent use upon this class
of money, I am content for the present to adopt the popular rather
than the devotional solution ; or, if the latter alternative find favour,
it must be conceded that the Buddhists incorporated the symbolism of
the early worship of the Sun into their own system, which in itself
may fortuitously have carried them through many sacerdotal difficulties,
even as, if we are to credit resemblances, the Hindus successfully
appropriated the Buddhist adaptation of an older form in the out-
rageous idol of Jagannath, or secured as a Brahmanic institution the
ancient Temple of the Sun at Multén.¢ Whatever may have been

* Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” vol. i., pp. xxvii. xxxii.; vol. ii. p, vii.; vol.

ii. p- x.
+ Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” vol. ii, p. xiv.
{ Prinsep’s “ Essays,” vol. ii. U. T., pp. 232, 236,
§ Reinand, “ Mémoire sur Inde” (Paris, 1849), p, 97,

58 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

the course in other lands, it is clear that, in India, it was primarily
neediul for the success of any new creed, to humour the prejudices, and
consult the eye-training of the multitude, as identified and associated
with past superstitious observances.

Among other figures of very frequent occurrence and very varying
outlines, a leading place must be given in this series to the so-called
Chaityas. There is little doubt but that the normal tumulus originally
suggested the device, for even to the last, amid all the changes its
pictorial delineation was subjected to, there remains the clear ideal
trace of the central crypt, for the inhumation of ashes, or the deposit
of sacred objects, to which it was devoted in later times.

Much.emphasis has been laid upon the peculiarly Buddhistic cha-
racter of this symbol. It is quite true that its form ultimately entered
largely into the exoteric elements of that creed, but it is doubtful if
Buddhism, as expounded by Sdkya Sinha, was even thought of when
these fanciful tumuli were first impressed upon the public money ; and
to show how little of an exclusive title the Buddhists had to the chattya
as an object of religious import,* it may be sufficient to cite the fact
that, so far as India is concerned, its figured outline appears in con-’
junction wtth unquestionable planetary devices on the coins of the Séh
kings of Surashtra,f who clearly were not followers of Dharma. But,
as the Buddhist religion avowedly developed itself in the land, and
was no foreign importation, nothing would be more reasonable than
that its votaries should retain and incorporate into their own ritualism
many of the devices that had already acquired a quasi-reverence among
the vulgar, even as the Sun reasserted its pristine prominence so cer-
tainly and unobtrusively, that its traditional worshippers, at the last,
scarcely sought to know through what sectional division of composite
creeds their votive offerings were consigned to the divinity whose
“cultus” patriarchal sages, here and elsewhere, had intuitively in-’
augurated.

Many of the singular linear combinations classed in the Plate under
D, as Nos. 15, 16, which it would be difficult otherwise to interpret,

* Prinsep, “Jour. A. 8, B.,” iv. p. 687.

7 “Jour. Royal Asiatic Society,” xii. p. 1, Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i., p. 425;
ii. pl. xxxvii, p. 84, “Jour. As. Soc. Bengal,” vi. 377; vii. 347. Prinsep’s
reading of his coin (No. 11, p. 354, “ Jour, A. 8. B.’) as Jinadémd, © votary of
Buddha,” was an error; the name is Jia Dama,

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 59

may reasonably be referred to the independent conceptions of primitive
magic ; as, whatever may have been the religion of the various grades of
men in its higher sense, it is manifest that even the leading and more
intellectual rulers of the people retained a vague faith in the efficacy of
charms ; almost all the tales in Persian or Arabic authors bearing upon
Alexander’s intercourse with the unconquered nations of India, turn
upon their proficiency in the black art ;—traditions sufficiently war-
ranted by the probability that he, a Greek, would readily seek revela-
tions of this kind, even as he sought the knowledge of the art of the
Chaldees.

So also with their own home legends—-one half of the revolution
wrought by Chandra Gupta’s advisers is placed to the credit of magic,
and the Nandas, whom he superseded, appear to have been special
proficients in sorcery. If this was the state of things in India in
those semi-historical times, may not we adopt the parallel of other
nations, and assume that, as so many crude hierarchies grew out of
archaic divinings, these Indian symbols, in their degree, may well
have been emanations from a similar source, and have run an equal
race into the higher dignity of representing things held more sacred ?
—as such, their later reception into a series of the typical adjuncts of
a faith formed vn situ, need excite no surprise,

In concluding these papers on Indian Weights, and completing
somewhat hastily the illustration of the introductory system of Indian
coinages, I am anxious, as the inquiry may end here, to furnish a final
and, I trust, a convincing argument against those who affirm that
Alexander taught India how to coin money—by meeting them on
their own ground, and producing a very perfect piece of an Indian
king, a manifest emanation from the gradational advances of indigen-
ous treatment, minted contemporaneously in a part of the country
Alexander did not reach. Additional interest will be felt in these
coins, when it is known that there are strong grounds for believing
that they bear the name and superscription of Xandrames, the king
of the Gangetic provinces, who was prepared to meet Alexander
should he have ventured to advance towards the Jumna.

The first suggestion for this identification only occurred to me a few
days ago, on reading the newly-published French translation of the

8

60 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

second volume of the Arabic text of Masaudi,* where mention is made
of Alexander’s having, after the conquest of Porus, entered into corre-
spondence with one of the most powerful kings of India, who is in-
cidentally stated to have been addicted to magic, named Kand (9),
Masaudi is not very lucid as to the exact position of this potentate’s
dominions ; but the Arabs of his day (330 a,n,) had but limited know-
ledge of the geography of India beyond their new home on the Indus.
This king, however, I believe to be no other than the Kananda (pro-
perly, it will be seen, Krananda), monarch of the sacred centre of
Brahmanism and the valley of the Ganges, whom I have already had
occasion to refer to, under the numismatic aspect, as having been un-
scrupulous in the measure of the value of his coins} (a reproach I shall
perhaps now be in a position to relieve him of). The same name of
Kananda, obscured under the three letters of Semitic alphabets, re-
appears in the Shah Namah as oS, Kaid, “the Indian ;” and long
stories are told of him and his mystic powers in connection with
similar traditions of Alexander.{ Tbe triliteral designation is preserv-
ed in other original authors as o4S, with the necessarily imperfect
transcription§ incident to the Semitic conversion of Indian words, and
the systematic ignoring of short vowels; but the name occurs, as a
nearer approach to the apparent original, in a work entitled “ The
Mujmal-al-Tawarikh,”’ compiled | about 520 a.u., at the court of Sanjar,
wherein the letters appear as o485\|| a mistake uionEbi for oh33, Kan-
anda, where the ear perhaps designed to do more in the first instance
to restore the true pronunciation, than the hands of succeeding copyists
knew how to follow.

Before proceeding to examine what the Indians say of themselves
on this subject, I will revert casually to the incidental references in the
Greek authors. The leading passage, which contributes the name of

* Macoudi, “Les Prairies d’Or,” par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de

Courteille. Paris, 1863. ‘ Aprés avoir tué Porus, un des rois de l’Inde,
. Alexandre . . . aprit alors que dans les extrémités les plus reculées de

VInde il y avait un roi, plein de sagesse, trés-bon administrateur, practiquant la
p été, équitable envers ses sujets. Il avait vécu plusieurs siécles, et il était
supérieur 4 tous les philosophes et & tous les sages de Inde. Sonnom était —
Kend,” Vol. ii. p. 260.

+ Num. Chron. N.S., iv. 128. See also Num. Chron, iii. p. 230, note 8.

t Macan’s “ Shah Namah,” i ii. p. 1290—1296, &e.

§ Ibn Badrin, quoted in Masandi, French Edit., iil. 452.

|| Reinaud, “‘ Fragments Arabes,” p. 44, and “ Mémoire sur l’Inde,” p, 63.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 61

the king of the Gangetic provinces, occurs in Diodorus Siculus, to
the effect that Xandrames was prepared, with an overwhelming force,
to oppose Alexander in his progress beyond the Hyphasis.* Quintus
Curtius has preserved the designation in sufficient integrity as Aqgrames,
and attests similarly the reputed power of the monarch in question.¢
Arrian does not mention the names either of king or people; but after
alluding to the autonomous cities{ to the west of the Hyphasis, goes
on to remark, that the country beyond that river was reported to be
highly productive and well cultivated, and to be governed equitably
by the Nobility.§ The earlier classical critics were inclined to think
that this testimony of Arrian’s conflicted with the assertions of Diodo-
rus, &e. ;|| but if I rightly interpret the evidence of the native authors
Tam about to notice, and its special bearing upon the coins, these
seemingly opposing statements are not only reconcilable in themselves,
but mutually aid and assist in the single solution that it would be
possible to draw from the independent data they are here cited to
illustrate.

The materials available from indigenous sources for the illustration
of this section of Indian history, though promising, in virtue of the
importance attached to the dynastic changes involved, are proportion-
ately meagre in detail and distorted in substance. So that, in pre-
ference to relying upon purely local chronicles, we draw our most
consistent testimony from the Ceylon annals, which, though they had,
in the first instance, to embody foreign events, and possibly to arrive
at much of the necessary knowledge through oral channels, have even-
tually remained intact, unassailed by hostile revision or reconversion
for sectarian purposes into simulated Pauranic prophecies, or equally
unscrupulous scriptural fabrications. Not to encumber the text of this
paper with quotations, it may be sufficient to state the general purport

* Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. 93. Mpaiclwyv nal Tavdapidav evos, rovrwy b& BaciArcbew
Eavdpduny

+ Quintus Curtius, ix., c. 2:— § 2, Percontatus igitur Phegelam qua noscenda
erant, ‘xi. dierum ultra flumen per vastas solitudines iter esse’ cognoscit: ‘ ex-
cipere deinde Gangen,’ maximum totius India fluminum. § 3. Ulteriorem ripam
colere gentes Gangaridas et Pharrasios; eorumque regem esse Agorammem,
xx, millibus equitum ducentisque peditum obsidentem vias.” See aiso Plutarch
(Langhorne), iv. 405.

{ Arrian, Hist. v. cap, xxii. See also Diod. Sic. ii, cap. xxxix,

§ Arrian, v. c. 25. pbs yap Tay aplotav upxecbar Tovs moAAovs, Tovs dé

ovdéy Zw Tod emieikods eényeioOat

|| Roorkes’s ** Arrian” (London, 1729), ii, p. 54.

62 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2°

of the information obtained from the Mahawanso and its subordinate
commentaries. It would seem that there were nine Nanpas, the pre-
decessors of Chandra Gupta, who ruled conjointly,* forming a co-equal
brotherhood similar to those of lower degree, so common amid the still
existing village communities of India; designated in the vernacular
dialect, Bhaiydchdrd, proprietary fraternities.f |The Brahmanical chro-
nicles, though they do not directly confirm this statement of the
contemporaneous sovereignty of the Nanpas, incidentally support such
a conclusion, as in the expressions, “the Brahman Kautilya will root
out the nine Nandas;’’{ and in the southern legend, quoted in the
introduction to the Play of the Mudra Rakshasa, the king is represent-
ed as consigning the kingdom to his nine sons.§_ I advert to this point
the more prominently, as one of the great difficulties has hitherto been
to explain or reconcile the apparent anomaly of Krananda’s designating
himself in the coin legends as “the King, the great King, Krananda,
the brother of Amogha ;” and the question naturally arose, if Amogha |
had no title, and no apparent position in the government, what was
the object of his brother’s claiming relationship in so formal a manner
upon the state coinage ? The coincidence may now be satisfactorily
accounted for, by supposing Amogha to have been the eldest living
brother in the family oligarchy, a position recognised to this day,
while Krananda had already justified, by his talents and administrative
ability, the choice of the brotherhood, who had apparently elected him

* Mahawanso, p. 21. “ Kalasoko had ten sons; these brothers (conjointly)
ruled the empire, righteously, for twenty-two years. Subsequently there were
nine; they also, according to their seniority, reigned for twenty-two years,”

Mahawanso, p. xxxviii. [from the commentary, the Tika]. ‘“ Kélasoko’s own
sons were ten brothers. Their names are specified in the Atthakathéa. The
appellation of ‘the nine Nandos’ originates in nine of them bearing that pa-
tronymic title. . . . inaforetime, during the conjoint administration of the (nine)
sons of Kalasoko. . . . His brothers next succeeded to the empire in the order
of their seniority. They altogether reigned 22 years, It was on this account
that (in the Mahawanso) it is stated that there were nine Nandos.” See also
J. A. S. B. vi. 714, 726 (Buddhaghoso’s Atthakatha) “the ten sons of Kalasoko
reigned 22 years. Subsequently to them, Nawanando reigned 22 years.”

+ Wilson derives the chara from the Sanskrit dchdra, “ institute.’ I should
prefer the local chdra, “ pasturage,” especially as the associate Bhaiya is in the
Indian form of the classic Aryan, Bhrdta.

{ Wilson’s “ Vishnu Purana,’ p. 467. See also note, p. 468, for various read-
ings from Bhagavata, Vayu and Matsya Puranas.

§ The Mudra Rakshasa, in Wilson’s “ Hindu Theatre,” vol. ii. p. 144, For
other notices of the Nandas, see “ Asiatic Researches,” xx, 167 ; Rev. W. H. Mill,
J. A. 8. B. iii. p. 343. Wilson’s “ Essays on Sanskrit Literature,” i. 174, 178;
Burnouf, “TI. 359 and Lotus de la bonne loi,” p, 452; Max Miiller, “ Sanskrit —
Literature,” 275.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 63

“ Primus inter pares ;’’* but necessarily with much larger powers and
functions in dealing with kingdoms than the ordinary title would
carry with it in the mere management of village communities.

I now have to refer to the coins themselves, but as introductory to
further details, it is necessary to indicate the leading locality of their
discovery, and the epoch to which they should, on independent grounds,
be attributed. I have so lately, and so entirely without reference to
any present theory, reviewed the chief sites of the discovery of this
class of money, under comparatively careful systems of geographical
record, that I had better confine myself to a recapitulation of those
results, pure and simple. The conclusion I arrived at was, that the
kingdom for the supply of whose currency these coins were designed,

had “its boundaries extending down the Doab of the Ganges and
-Jumna below Hastinapura, and westwards beyond the latter river to
some extent along the foot of the Himalayas into the Punjab’’+—the
division of the entire country probably the most advanced, at that

* General Cunningham, many years ago, guessed, in virtue of a portion of
the name, that Kunanda was one of the nine Nandas, but as he has not ventured
to support his conjecture, I conclude that he has abandoned the identification,
( Bhilsa Topes,” p. 355.) Max Miiller rightly divined that Xandrames might
be “the same as the last Nanda” (“ Sanskrit Literature,’ p. 279); though,
Wilford, in 1807, had already enunciated, to all intents and purposes, a similar
theory. (“ As. Res.,” ix. p. 94.) Notwithstanding that he had previously so far
compromised himself, as to advocate the interpretation of the Greek Xandrames
as a synonym of the Sanskrit Chandra Gupta (As. Res. V. 286).

[Referring to priorities of publication, I see that General Cunningham has
another grievance against me (J. A. 8. B. 1864, p. 229). It seems that in ex-
amining General Abbott's coins, in November, 1859, I noted a square piece of
Epander, as that of a “ new king.” The Memoir in which this statement ultimately
appeared, had avowedly been laid aside, and after two years’ delay was inserted
in the Journal of the R. A. 8. (yol xx. p. 99, July, 1862). In the mean time, as I
now learn, General Cunningham had announced to the world that he was the
owner of a bad coin of the same king (J. A. S. B. 1860, p. 396). But if I of-
fended the General’s susceptibility in this very open date of discovery, I must
have afflicted his sensitive and exclusive ideas of patent rights still more acutely,
when I again published Col. Abbott's coin as “ wnique” in the Numismatic Chro-
nicle of September, 1864 (p. 207, vol. iii. N. S.)

Though, in truth, I was, in either case, altogether innocent of intent, and to
bring this home to the General’s own peculiar feelings, I may state that had I
seen the notice he refers me to, I should not have given him credit, in the same
article, fora discovery he confesses to be due to Mr. Forrest. And, on the
other hand, I should have been most anxious to have been able to cite the con-
junction of the names of Antiochus Nikator and Agathocles on the same piece,
which so specially bore upon the subject matter of my paper. }

t Prinsep’s “Essays,” i. 204. General Cunningham says, “found chiefly
‘between the Indus and Jumna,.’ Mr. Bayley’s experience coincides with
my own in placing their centre more tothe eastward. These coins were first
brought to notice in 1834, on the occasion of Sir P. Cautley’s discovery and
excavation of the ancient city of Behat, on the Jumna, 17 feet below the pre-
sent general level of the surrounding country. See J, A. S. B, iii, 43, 221, Prin-
sep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 76.

64 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

period, in material wealth, as it was in intellectual development, claims
that it has upheld with singular tenacity, under many adverse influ-
ences, through more than twenty centuries, until European Calcutta,
at last, superseded the Imperialism of Moghul Delhi.

I have a more onerous duty to perform in satisfying my readers in
regard to the date internal evidence would assign to these issues. I
have previously confessed a difficulty, and admitted that the data for
testing the age of this coinage by the style of the letters on its surface
were somewhat uncertain, and in a very elaborate examination of every
single literalsymbol employed on the varying representatives of the class,
I came to the conclusion that if certain more archaic forms of letters
might take the whole series up in point of time, modifications, approach-
ing to modernisations, might equally reduce individual instances to a
comparatively late date.* I was prepared to disavow any adhesion to
the old theory that the fixed lapidary type of Asoka’s inscriptions was
to constitute the one test of all local time and progress, and the sole
referee ofall gradations in Paleography, though I was not in a condition
to cite what I now advance with more confidence—both the exception-
al and stiff form of a lapidary alphabet, per se, as opposed to the writ-
ing of everyday life, which last the numismatic letters would more
readily follow ; but I subordinated the fact that Asoka’s alphabet was
designed for all India, and although it condescended to admit modified
dialectic changes, all the inscriptions are supposed to have emanated
from one official copy, which, however perfect at Palibothra or impos-
ing at Ganjam, may well have been behind the age in that focus of
learning to the eastward of the Saraswati, where not only must Indian-
Pali have been brought to unusual caligraphic perfection, but from its
contact and association with the Semitic alphabet on the same ground
and in the same public documents, may be supposed to have achieved
suggestive progress of its own, and to have risen far above the limita-
tions of the writing of ordinary uninstructed communities in other
parts of India; so that, whatever doubts or hesitation I may have felt
in the once discouraged notion that any approach to perfection existed
in India prior to Alexander’s advent, I have been forced into, and now
willingly acknowledge, diametrically opposite convictions, and concur
in the surprise expressed by the Greeks themselves that the Indians
were already so far and so independently advanced in civilisation.

* Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 207.

1865. | Ancient Indian Weights, 65

Silver. ‘Weight 29-0 grains. B. M., J. A.S. B. vii. pl. xxxii. figs.
2, 3, 4, 8.

Obv.—A female figure, holding on high a large flower,* and appar-
ently in attendance on a fanciful representation of a sacred deer.+ The
animal has curiously curved horns, and a bushy tail like a Himalayan
Yak. Monogram 4.4

Legend, in Indian-Pali [a similar flower to that in the field is re-
peated at the commencement of the legend] :—

Rédjnah Kranandasa Amogha-bhratasa Mahdrajasa. (Coin) of the
great King, the King Krananda, the brother of Amogha.

Rev.—A Chaitya surmounted by a small umbrella, above which ap-
pears a curious symbol§—a serpent is seen at the foot of the Chaitya.

* This is probably intended to represent a lotus, a favourite object of rever-
ence with the Buddhists, One of the Nandas was named Mahé Padma, “ great
Lotus,” (Vishnu Purana, 467. The Padma-chenpo of Tibetan writers. J. A. S. B.
i 2.) “'The distinctive mark” of one of the four principal classes of Bud-
dhists (the Réhula) was also “ an utpala-padma (water-lily) jewel, and tree-leaf,
put together in the form of a nosegay.” I may as well take the opportunity of
noting that the symbols of the remaining three classes of Buddhists were the
© shell, or conch” for the Kdshyapa: a “ sorisika flower” for the Updéli : and “ the
figure of a wheel” for the Kdtdyana. (Csoma Kérdsi, “Jour. As. Soc, Bengal,”
vii, (1838), pp. 143—4,)

+ The deer was typical of the Pratyeka Buddhas. Deer were the authorised
devices for the signets of the priests (‘‘ Jour. A, 8. Bengal,’ 1835, p. 625, As.
Res. xx. 86), and deer were from the first cherished and sacred animals among
the Buddhists—‘‘ The Deer Park of the Immortal,” at Sarnath, near Benares,
was an important feature in connection with the celebrated Stipa and religious
establishments at that place. (“Foe Koue Ki,’ chapter xxxiv. ‘ Mémoires,”
Hiouen-Thsang, i. p. 354.)

t{ Iam unable to offer any solution of the meaning of this sign. It may
possibly be an older form of the Tree.

§ Chaityas, or more properly Stipas (Sanskrit “ a pile of earth’), are also call-
ed Ddgobas in the Mahawanso, a, name stated to be derived from Dhdtw and
gabbhan, “ Womb ofa relic.” (Mah, p. 5.; see also Prinsep’s ‘ Essays,” i.
165.) The monogram which surmounts the Stipa on the coins eventually came
to be recognised as a symbol of Dharma; its outline has much in common with
the representations of the idol at Jagganath. (Stevenson, J. R. A, S. viii. 331.
Cunningham, “ Bhilsa Topes,” pl. xxxii.) The device in question recurs fre-
quently on the later Bactrian and Indo-Scythic coins. (Num. Chron, xix, pl.
p. 12, No. 166, “Ariana Antiqua,” pl, xxii, 156. Burnout, ii, 627),

66 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

In the field are the Bédhi tree,* the Swastika cross,} and a later form
of one of the devices under No. 16 of the old series of emblems. Le-
gend, in Bactrian-Pali :— '

Rajah Kranandasa Amogha-bhratisa Mahdérajasa. The concluding
title of Mahéraja is separated from the rest of the legend, and placed
independently at the foot of the reverse.t

* This tree is another chosen emblem of later Buddhism; but, as I have
before remarked, it did not appertain exclusively to the Buddhists in early times,
as it is to be seen on a very ancient coin implying a directly opposing faith, in
the fact of its bearing the name of Vishnu-deva in old Indian-Pali characters,
(J. A. 8. B. iii. pl. xxv. fig. 1, and Prinsep’s “ Essays,” ii. 2, vol. i. pl. vii. fig. 1.)
So also Q. Curtius, in his notice “ Deos putant, quicquid colere eceperunt; arbores
maxime, quas violare capitale est” (viii. 9, § 34), refers to Indians in general, and
not to Buddhists in particular). Another suggestive question is raised by the
accompanying devices on the surface of this piece, one of which represents a
half-moon—a totally exceptional sign, which in conjunction with the name of
Vishnu, may be taken to stand for a symbol of Brahmanism as opposed to
Buddhism, a coincidence which may be further extended to import the pre-exis-
tence of Chandravansas, in designed contrast to Surya Vansas ; and an eventual
typical acceptation of the name in combination as Chandra-Gupta Vishnu-Gupta
(Chanaky a)—all evidencing an intentional hostility to the “ Children of the Sun”
of AyopHya, with whom Sakya was so immediately identified. I may as well
take the opportunity of adding that the remaining objects on the obverse of
this coin consist of the triple Caduceus-like symbol, under D 16 in the Plate,
together with a deer above the half-moon, and a reverse device of a horse.

+ Let the primary ideal which suggested the cross of the Swastika be what it
may, the resulting emblem seems to have been appropriated by the Buddhisis
as one of their special devices in the initial stage of the belief of Sakya-Muni.
The Tao szu, or “‘ Sectaries of the mystical cross,” are prominently noticed by
Fa-Hian. (cap. xxii, xxiii.), and their doctrine is stated to have formed ‘‘ the
ancient religion of Tibet, which prevailed until the general introduction of
Buddhism in the ixth century.” Mr, Caldwell has instituted an interesting in-
quiry into the ancient religion of the Dravidians, which bears so appositely on
the general question of the rise of subsequent sects in India, that I transcribe
the final conclusion he arives at :—‘‘ On comparing their Dravidian system of
demonolatry and sorcery with ‘ Shamanism’—the superstition which prevails
amongst the Ugrian races of Siberia and the hill tribes on the south-western
frontier of China, which is still mixed up with the Buddhism of the Mongols,
and which was the old religion of the whole Tartar race before Buddhism and
Muhammadanism were disseminated amongst them—we cannot ayoid the con-
clusion that those two superstitions, though practised by races so widely sepa-
rated, are not only similar but identical.”—Dravidian Grammar, p. 519
See also Mahawanso, p. xly.

{ Panini enumerates the Swastika among the ordinary marks for sheep in use
in his day (Goldstiicker, p 59). It eventually became a symbol common to’
Buddhists, Jainas and Brahmans, The symbols of the 24 Jainas are enumerat-
ed by Colebrooke, (As. Rs. ix. 301) as follows, No.1, A Bull; 2, an Hlephant ; 3 a
Horse ; 4, anape; 5, a Curlew; 6, a Lotus; 7,a Swastika; 8, the moon ; 9, Makara;
10, a [four-petalled] Sriratsa ; 11, a Rhinoceros ; 12, a Buffaloe ; 13, a Boar ; 14, a
Falcon; 15, a thunderbolt, 16, an Antelope ; 17, a Goat ; 18, Nanda varta [an ara-
besque figure, seemingly designed to repeat the Swastika as often as possible
in its component lines]; 19, a jar; 20, a Tortoise; 21, a blue waterelily; 22, a
conch; 23, a Serpent ; 24, a Lion,

Kuyera’s treasures or nine Gems, also illustrate the history of Indian symbols,

1865.) Ancient Indian Weights. 67

It has been usual to read the name of this king as Kwnanda, and
tested by the limitations of the Indian Pali alphabet proper, the initial
compound should stand for Ku and nothing else; but as some of th
lately-acquired specimens have furnished, for the first time, an approx-
imate reading of the name in the counterpart Bactrian character on
the reverse, giving the indubitable foot-stroke to the right, which
constitutes the subjunct 7, appended to the x, there can be no reasonable
doubt but. that. Krananda is the correct transliteration. The apparent
anomaly of supposing that the Indian P4éli borrowed this form of
suffixed 7 from its fellow alphabet is disposed of by its use a second
time in this legend, in the Pali Bhrata. With similar licence, the
Bactrian writing, to supply its own deficiencies, appropriated the Pali
gh in Ragha, corresponding with the Rajnah of the obverse.

The copper coins of this class follow the typical devices of the silver
money, varying, however, in shape and weight to such an extent as to
indicate a. very general. and comprehensive original currency. A
peculiarity in which they depart from the parallel issues of silver, is
the total omission of the counterpart reverse legend in Bactrian Pali,
occasionally so imperfectly rendered even in the best designed mintages,
and the superscription is confined to what we must suppose to have
been the local Indian Pali character, in-which mint artisans and the
public at large were probably much. better versed.

The ninth, or one of the nine Nandas, seems to have been-popularly
designated Dhana Nanda, or the rich Nanda,* and certainly, if the
extant specimens of the money bearing the impress of the name of

Wilson (Megha Dita, verse 534) has the following note on the subject, ‘The
Padma, “ Mahapadma, Sankha, Makara, Kachhapa, Mukunda, Nanda, Nila,
and Kharva, are the nine Nidhis.”
_ “Some of the words bear the meanings of precious. or holy things : thus Padma
is the Lotus; Sankha the shell or conch. Again some of them imply large
numbers; thus Padma is 10,000 millions, and Mahapadma is 100,000 millions,
‘&c. but all of them are not received in either the one or the other acceptation,
We may translate almost all into things: thus, a lotus, a large lotus, a shell, a
certain fish, a tortoise, a crest, a mathematical figure used by the Jainas [No.
18, above ?] Nila refers only to colour; [No’ 21 supra ?] but Kharva, the ninth,
means a dwarf.” See also As. Res. xx. p. 544.

There is a very full list of Buddhist symbols in Captain Low’s paper on
“ Buddha and the Phrabat,” in the Transactions of the R. A. S., vol. iii. p. 57,
which has been commented on, in detail, by M. E. Burnouf, in his “ Lotus de la
bonne loi’ (Paris, 1852), p. 626.

* Mahawanso (Tika), xxxix. “Vishnu Purdna,’’ note, p. 468. Max Miiller,
“Sanskrit Literature,” p. 281.

9

68 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

Krananda are any test of the activity of his mints and the amplitude
of his treasure, he must have truly deserved the title.

Whatever mythical conceptions may have first determined the out-
lines of these various coin devices, or whenever they were incorporated
into that religious system, it is clear that they one and all eventually
came to be regarded as typical emblems of the Buddhist creed.* As
such, there can be no hesitation in accepting their combined evidence
as conclusive, that the kings who set them forth in such prominence
two centuries after the Nirvana of Sakya-Muni, must have been votaries
of the faith he originated or reformed.

If the faintly preserved similarity of the names of Xandrames and
Kand fortuitously led to their association in the person of Krananda,
and an almost obvious sequence connected him with one of the nine
Nandas, and alike the issuer of the coins bearing this designation, it
was reserved for the coins themselves to contribute the most important
item in the entire combination to the effect that these Nandas were
Buddhists, and in this fact to explain much that the whole written his-
tory of India, foreign or domestic, had hitherto failed to convey—the
exact record of the State religion at the period, thus obscuring the
right interpretation of the then impending dynastic revolution, com-
menced and accomplished, as it would now seem, for the triumph of
the Brahmanical hierarchy over the representatives of the more purely
indigenous belief.

These considerations, however, open out a larger area of Oriental
national progress than the legitimate limits of the scope of the Numis-
matic Society may justify my entering upon, though history must once
again, in this case, admit a debt it owes to the archeology of money.
And as antiquaries, we ourselves may frankly recognise the aid confer-
red by the determination of the correct epoch of these coins, in justifying

* The association of these symbols with a somewhat advanced phase of
Buddhism is shown in the retention of the deer, the Bodhi-tree, the Chaitya and
the serpent (which is placed perpendicularly on some specimens) on the reverse
of a coin, the obverse of which displays the standing figure of Buddha himself,
having the lotus and the word Bhagawata, his special designation, in the margin-
allegend. (J. A. S. B. iii. pl. xxv. fig. 4., Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i, pl. vii. fig. 4.)

There seems to have been a current tradition in the land, regarding the real
faith of the Nandas, signs of which are apparent in Hiouen-Thsang’s notice,
“Les hommes de peu de foi raisonnaient entre eux 4 ce sujet: Jadis, disaient
ils, le roi Nan-tho (Nanda) a construit ces cing dépéts pour y amasser les sept
matiéres précieuses” (vol, ii. p. 427). '

865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 69

the arrangement of so many prior and subsequent series of the subor-
dinate mintages of a country whose early annals were so largely per-
verted or sacrificed to sectarian hostility.

I have still two purely numismatic questions to advert to before
concluding this paper. Reference has already been made to the adop-
tion by the Greeks of the Indian or square form of money, but if the
period and personal identity of the Krananda of these coins are rightly
determined, the Greek Bactrians must have condescended to appropriate
further oriental mint developments. Alexander the Great, Seleucus,
and all those invaders who might have influenced Indian art, had their
nominal legends arranged in parallel lines, or at the utmost on three
sides of a square, on the inner field of the reverse.

Diodotus, Agathocles, Huthydemus, Demetrius, and other Bactrian
Hellenes, who came into closer contact with India to the westward,
retained the same practical arrangement of legends. So far as the
existing numismatic data authorise a conclusion, Eucratides was the
first to commence any marked modification of the practice, and to lean
towards the filling up the complete outer margin of the coin with royal

names and titles. Ofcourse, if Krananda came after all these Bactrian
Greeks, he may have imitated their customs ; but if, as it would appear,
he was a contemporary of Alexander, ruling in a distant and unassailed
part of the country, it is clear that local art was thus far independent
and in advance of that of Greece, and that the Bactrian and Scythian
interlopers* borrowed circular legends from India.

In contrasting the equitable adjustment and full value of the early
punch-impressed pieces, with the irregularity in these respects, to be
detected in the mechanically improved and more advanced specimens
of Indian mintages, 1 was lately led to instance the identical coins of
Krananda as proofs of what unscrupulous kings might do, even in the
very introductory application of ideas of seigniorage, towards depre-
ciating their own currency. The results in question were cited to
exemplify the statement in the Mahdwanso, where the Brahman
Chénakya is accused of so operating on the coin of the realm as to

* The mention of these later Scythians recalls the curious coincidence of
many of the subordinate members of the ruling families designating themselves,
somewhat after the manner of Krananda, “ Brothers” and even “ Nephews of
the King,” &c. See Num, Chron, vol, xix, Nos. xxvii. class B, and xxxiy.

70 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

convert every one into ecght.* When I quoted the tradition and the
numismatic fact in juxtaposition, I little surmised how much more
closely the two might be connected, or that instead of the latter afford-
ing a mere illustration of the former, that the surviving metallic
witnesses would suffice, with the slight introductory testimony, to put
a man’s memory on ‘trial for forgery twenty centuries and more after
date. But so it would seem: the Brahman Chanakyat+ confesses,
through his own advocates, that in his desire to subvert the rule of the
Nandas, he seduced sons ‘from their father’s palaces, and ‘“ with the
view of raising resources,’ to have had recourse to the more than
questionable expedient of depreciating, or properly speaking forging,
coins of the ruling monarch, which, however, under the ultimate test
of the old money changers, would soon have found their level. The
copper coinage of the day was probably beyond any very ready power
of transmutation, but ifthe silver currency is to afford a modern “ pix,”
the Brahman must have worked to advantage, as there may be seen in
the cabinets of the British Museum, at this present writing, a piece
purporting to be of Krananda, with fair legends and full spread of
surface, though of tenuity itself, which should in ordinary equity have
weighed somewhere over 40 grains, but which on trial barely balances
17:7 grains Troy.t

* Num, Chron. N.S., iv. pp. 127, 128.

+ Mahdwanso, p. xl. ‘‘ Opening the door [of Nanda’s palace at Palibothra]
with the utmost secrecy, and escaping with the prince out of that passage, they
fled into the wilderness of Winjjhad. While dwelling there, with the view of
raising resources, he converted (by recoining) each kahdpamam into eight, and
amassed eighty kétis of kahdpand. Having buried this treasure, he commenced
to search for a second individual entitled (by birth) to be raised to sovereign
power, and met with the aforesaid prince of the Mériyan dynasty called Chanda-
gutto,”

+ This of course is an extreme instance, but it is not a strained example; and
although the piece, which I refrained from quoting previously, is damaged, and
has lost its oxydised film, it is by no means worn, or anything like a coin which

we might legally refuse for want of the king’s emblems. The best coin of the
class still weighs 38-2 grains. (Num. Chron. N.\S., iy. p. 128.)

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 71

Description of a Mystic Play, as performed in Ladak, Zaskar, &e.—
By Captain H. H. Govwiy-Avsten, Surveyor, Topographical
Survey, F. R. G.S.

[Received 21st October, 1864]. [Read 2nd November, 1864].

These Mystic Plays of which I am about to give an account, are
performed on certain feast days in all the principal monasteries of
Ladak, about twice in the year, in spring and autumn. They are also,
I have been informed, enacted at Lhassa and Bhootan, but I did not
see one when in the latter country. I can give no information as to
their origin, and must here state that not being a Tibetan scholar, I
cannot vouch for the true orthography of proper names written down
at the time vivd voce, and which are very difficult to catch. The Play
hereafter described, I saw performed in the fine old Gonpa or Monastery
of Himis, which is situated in a lateral ravine that joins the river
Indus a day’s journey above Leh on the left bank of that river. From
its secluded position, this was one of the few religious houses that
escaped destruction on the invasion of the country by the Dogra army
under Wazier Jerawur. At that time much curious and interesting
property and valuable religious writings were ruthlessly destroyed.
The theatrical property, consisting of silk dresses, masks, &., are
therefore seen in greater perfection at Himis than at any other mon-
astery in the country. On entering the court-yard onthe day of
performance, we found the head Lhama with all the gylongs (monks)
of the establishment were assembled, the musical instruments were
arranged ready under the little verandah to the proper right of the
large Prayer Cylinder which stands under the centre of it, and every
thing betokened the coming scene.

Before commencing an account of the strange performance, it will
be as well to roughly describe that portion of the building where it is
enacted. The principal entrance to the monastery is through a mas-
sive door, from which runs a gently sloping and paved covered way
leading into a court-yard about 30 x 40 yards square, having on the
left hand a narrow verandah, in the centre of which stands the large

Prayer Cylinder above mentioned, The larger picturesque doorway

72 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

the entrance of one of the principal idol rooms, is in the extreme right
hand corner, massive brass rings affixed to large bosses of brass are
affixed on either door, the posts of which are of carved and coloured
wood work. The walls of the main building with its bay windows
of lattice work, enclose the court-yard along the right hand side, the
roof is adorned with curious cylindrical pendant devices made of cloth
called “ Thook ;” each surmounted with the Trisool or trident, painted
black and red. On the side facing the main entrance, the court-yard is
open, leading away to the doorways of other idol rooms. In the centre
space stand two high poles “‘ Turpoché,” from which hang yaks’ tails and
white cotton streamers printed in the Thibetan character. Innumerable
small prayer wheels are fitted into a hitch that runs round the sides
of the court-yard. A few large trees throw their shade on the
building, and above them tower the rugged cliffs of the little valley,
topped here and there by Lhatos, small square built altars, surmount-
ed by bundles of brushwood and wild sheep horns, the thin sticks of
the brushwood being covered with offerings of coloured flags printed
with some muntra or other. All preliminaries over and the actors
ready inside the building, the musicians,* wearing curious head-dresses
and robes, red being the predominant color, took up their position in
the verandah facing the monastery. Their instruments consisted of
enormous long trumpets, that draw out like a telescope to 8 or 9 feet ;
these issue a low, mellow, bass sound, the mouth-piece is of peculiar
form being a large flat disc against which the lips are pressed ; a narrower
trumpet globe-shaped at lower end; flageolets, drums and cymbals
completed the set. The drums are peculiar, being fixed to a long handle,
the end resting on the ground, they are struck with a bent piece of
thin iron, the point of which is covered with a leather button. The
musicians commenced a wailing sort of air accompanied by a low chant,
to which the drums and cymbals beat a regular tune, but very subdued.
Then came, trooping out of the idol room, a set of maskers in the most
extraordinary dress it is possible to conceive; they were called Tsam-

* See Captain Melville’s photographs, No. 10. This same costume is worn
by the musicians of the Deb and Dhurm Raja at Punakha in Bhootan, and it is
as well to mention here that the monks of Himis, as well as a few other monas-
teries in Ladakh, are of the same sect as the Buddhists of Bhootan, viz, the
**Dukpah” of whom the spiritual head is the Dhurm Raja,

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 73

Cuvur,* and in single file led round the flag-poles in the centre of the
yard, with a sort of quiet and most laughable dance, slowly turning
round and round themselves, and coming to a sudden halt at the end of
each bar of the music, which the drummers notified by a louder stroke.
Thus the circle moved round the poles while they tossed their arms about
and waved the coloured flags they held in their hands. The dresses
were all of China silk and Kimkab, the apron embroidered with the
face of a hideous demon, the head-dress was a large conical hat with a
very broad brim, edged with black wool; from the hat several wide
ribbons of different gay coloured silks hung down the back, extending
nearly to the heels, but the most extraordinary and striking part of their
costume, was the device of a death’s head, the eye-sockets, teeth, We.
worked in silk on a white ground. This was suspended from the neck
and hung down to just below the breast.

Tn the left hand they held a sort of spoon having for the bowl a piece
of human skull, cut out of the forehead portion, and round the edge of
which were attached narrow streamers of silk and some plaited ends of
hair. This ghostly ladle is called ‘“ Bunpan.” In these spoons, the
portions into which the enemy is cut up, are carried away and thrown
up into the air as an offering to the gods: of this enemy I shall speak
further on. These maskers hold in the right hand a short little stick
with red and blue streamers of silk; these and the spoons majestically
waived about as they go round in their solemn dance, had the most
curious effect I ever saw. Pantomimes and extravaganzas floated
round one during the whole performance, yet this was a real mystical
religious pageant having some curious and bygone origin, which
none of the party knew or could get explained. This dance came to
an end at last, and as the troop ascended the steps to the large door-
way, the same number, but in a different disguise, came out. The tune
was now changed and seemed to be the repeating of a number of stanzas
of the same length, the maskers held in the right hand little drums
and in the left, bells. To the first, the drums were attached a short string
with a small ball at the end, so that when moved quickly backwards and
forwards it may strike both ends of the drum. At the end of each stanza
they gave arattle and aring at the same time, moving round in the same
way as did the first set, only stopping to make an obeisance to the

* See Photographs, No. 1,

74 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

centre when they used their drums at the end of the intonation.
These were also dressed in gaudy China silks, both wore gilt masks
with apertures for eyes and mouth, the top of the hat was conical
with silk streamers on the sides and a large loose scarf behind. These
masks were named ‘‘ Cury-Bep’’ or from their copper coloured masks,
“ ZANG-BUKH, lit. copper mask.* These had no death-like insignia
as the first maskers wore. After these had retired, a short delay, and
another more imposing group marched with great dignity out of the
monastery. These all wore very large masks of different forms and
colours, still all of the same type as the heads of deities, their great
peculiarity being the third eye in the centre of the forehead. The
principal of these deities was “ Turogan Pupma Junenas” or “he
born of the lotus” over whom was carried a large umbrella. Among
the other attendant maskers of consequence wast Stner’ DranpRox,
Dorse’ Troione, Sanesea Kurevo (Brahma), Zarn-Sxrone or Eswara.
These are, I believe, intended to represent emblematically the six classes
of beings subject to transmigration, viz. 1, gods; 2, demi-gods; 3,
men ; 4, animals ; 5, ghosts; 6, the inhabitants of hell ; for although we
did not then see the mask of the bull’s head, it should have been among
the maskers,—perhaps the monks did not take the trouble, and thought
us none the wiser,—now this would well represent No. 4 of the above
classes; and in another monastery I afterwards saw masks made to
represent stags. Attending on this principal group were another set
of maskers, who carried the long handled drums and the bent striker.
Their dresses were of the same type, long petticoats of rich China
silk, but the head-dress a kind of crown with six points, gilt, rising
to a high point in the centre, while streamers of silk hung down from
the ears to the waist.{| On each of the six points were the following

1 2 3 4
syllables in the lLantsa character, viz. OM, AH, SHI, HUNG,
5
TRANG.§

* See fig. 2.
} See Photographs, Nos. 4, 5 and 8.
t See No 6 of Captain M.’s photographs.
§ Hach of these syllables have some mystical connection with the centre and
cardinal points of the compass, thus—

7 j ?
,

«*

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. » 75

The whole of these last named Maskers marched round the Flag
Poles in solemn procession, the band still playing; they then sat down
ina line on the ground; Tutocan Pupma Junenas in the centre.
Then with shrill whistling, made by putting the fingers in the
mouth, several boys came rushing out of the monastery, and running
up made obeisance to the chief in the centre, and danced wildly about
round the Poles. They were called ‘‘ Spao,” warriors, and wore short
skirts, and streamers of silk hung from the waist, round which was
a belt carrying small round bells (Gungaroo, Hind.); the same were
also attached to the ancles. Their masks were green with a broad
face on them, and from the centre of the crown rose a stick with a
triangular red flag ; they held a bell in the leit hand, and a large handled
drum in the right. With these also careered about two jesters, one
of whom had two small kettle-drums tied on his back, on which the
other would occasionally thump, and play other practical jokes for the
amusement of the crowd, salaming also in mock respect to Pudma
Jungnas and his attendants. There were also another set who made
up this court of Indra, of which it may be a representation ; these
were called Katincuun,* wearing a red mitre-shaped hat, silk capes

ah (north)

é (centre)
(west) Shi om ———— hung (Hast) and each of
these points is
again supposed
to be the dwell-

ing of a god.
trang This curious
(South) system is seen

drawn out on the walls of some of the monasteries, in a complicated sort of
labyrinth, called MiskyopPa DKYILKHAR, the cirele of AKSHOBHYA in Sanscrit,
T once saw one in process of construction on a square with sides quite four feet
in length. The deities assigned to the different parts are numberless, but of
the principal I may name,—North, Tonytit thibba, West, Nam-’wa-ta-yas, Hast,
Dorjé Sempspa, South, R. Zingsten J ungldan, Centre, Nang-per-nang-'l'sat.

See Hodgson, on the Literature and Religion of the Bhuddists, note, foot of
page 117. ‘In niches at the base of the hemisphere are frequently enshrined
four of the five Dhiani Buddhas, one opposite to each cardinal point. AKSHOBHYA
occupies the Hastern nitch; Ratna SamBuava, the Southern ; Amrra’BHA, the
Western and AmocHastppHa the Northern, VairocHana, the 1st Dhyani
Buddha, is supposed to occupy the centre invisibly. Sometimes, however, he
appears visibly, being placed at the right hand of AksHosnya,

* See No. 3 of Capt, M.’s Photographs,
. 10

76 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

and petticoats, and carried bells and small hand drums ; they sat in a
solemn row opposite the gods, and may have been intended to repre-
sent dewans of the court. After the jesters had danced about and
played various antics, both with the actors and the lookers-on, they
rose and marched back into the monastery. To these succeeded a
set of Numxrnas with red masks and Tsaxines* with brown, who both
carried the long handled drum, and from their head dress rose a tall
stick with a triangular flag, with a narrow brown silk border and a
device of three eyes painted on the centre. The two sides named
above, faced each other and with a kind of hop dance, advanced
towards each other and then retired, striking occasionally in time to the
music, not of their own drums, but of those of their wis a vis ; altogether
it was the oddest and most curious spectacle possible to imagine. What
this strange masque was intended to represent is more than I can say,
and the priests of the monastery seemed to know as little of the
matter, or perhaps could not explain it, mixed as the subject must be
with theological Buddhist mysteries, the ridiculous grafted upon it
for the amusement of the populace.

I will wind up my account by a description of the masque
which last appeared upon the scene and ended the performance.
The reader must now bear in mind that these last characters
hold a place in another and different day’s festival, so that we
were merely shown the costume. I saw afterwards, on my return
to Leh from the Chang Chenmo, this play acted throughout at
the monastery of GAwun, an account of which I will hereafter give.
But to return to the actors, those that we last saw, were got up
in the most wonderful way to represent skeletons, their clothes being
tight fitting and white, the fingers and toes, loose and long, the mask
being a really artistic model of the human skull, the lower jaw being
moveable. These men danced a slow weird pas, grinning at each
other, and knocking together their short staves, which at the top were
carved into death’s heads. The band played a subdued solemn chant
while this ghostly dance went on. ‘These men take a part in the
festival, when the supposed enemy, an effigy of whom is modelled in
dough, is cut up and carried away by these ghostly bearers who are
intended to represent the dwellers of the burial-grounds.

* See Photograph, No. 9.

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 77

Translation of a MS. obtained in Ladak regarding the Dancing on
the 10th day of the 5th month, a great holiday.—By the Rev.
H. A. Jarscuxs, of the Moravian Mission, Kyclang, Lahoul.

“ Dance Boox or tue 107TH.”

(After some preambulatry lines which I do not thoroughly understand,
it continues as follows) :—

The time for the first meeting on the 10th having arrived, the
performers put on their attire and a nether garment* folded in many
beautiful plaits. The leader in front, they enter running quicker and
quicker, according to the measure, and form a circle for the dancing
called.....+ Mustard seed is distributed among the dancers. Then
making the sign of the Trident{ the following steps are gone through
ales ee at the words§ ...... the right hand, and at the words......... the
left is stretched out. (This motion I cannot clearly understand.)

Then the leaders turning to the right, and the last in the line to
the left, both advancing towards each other, the circle is again closed
or formed. (Steps and dancing). Again making the sign of the
‘Trident they retire.

Now enter the Libators of Chang.|| With bells and fans in their
hands, and slowly advancing form a circle (dancing ...... ) at the words
ag tas: they take the offering of Libation to all the beings of the six
classes] in the whole world. Hach one* prays for whatever wish he
desires to be fulfilled. Now, after a signal from the cymbals, the large
trumpets, (about 8 or 9 feet long), thin trumpets, globe trumpets,
kettle-drums, pipes, &c., and the whistling with the mouth (that
extremely shrill kind, which is produced by putting two fingers in the

* Part of the clerical dress, very like a petticoat.
+ Here occurs a considerable number of names of different motions, paces,
and gestures, often repeated in this little paper, which cannot be translated
nor can I properly describe them, as I am not acquainted with the terms used
in dancing in the English language.

{ Viz., with the hands.

§ These refer to the words of the song which accompanies the dance.

|| This word seems to comprehend all sorts of fermented liquors; thus in
Lahoul and Kulloo rice-chang is most common; in Ladak barley-chang, a kind of
‘malt liquor without hops; in Koonawur they make a grape-chang or wine.

G The six classes of beings subject to iransmigration are cha deo (gods) ;
Chamyin (asura demigods); mi (manusha men): dudro (animals): yidags

Oba... 0.0... ) nyal wapa (or daitya the inhabitants of hell).

* Viz. of the Lhamas present.

78 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

mouth), all these instruments concurring to make one loud noise, the
performers one after the other sounding his bell, hand-drum, or other
instrument, and blowing the air thrice with his face, mentally* sum-
mons the noxious enemy+ as nobody can do so in reality (dancing).

The time having arrived to put down the venomous (enemy),
with dancing, a circle is formed and each performer must successively
hit him with his instrument ;{ then follow different steps and words of
incantation and exorcism.

Three signals with the cymbals having been made two ATSARAS,§
coming out of the large door of the monastery, post themselves on
either side of it, with one arm a kimbo, and blow their hautbois
twice gently, twice vehemently, and then two Gylongs|| and one terrible
person, holding a skull, having performed a series of steps, finally
make the sign of the Trident and retire again. After them appear the
persons of the burial-ground (ghouls), and after performing many
gestures with their arms, retire.

This concludes the 10th day’s act.

On the 11th day of the same month, in the first act,—here follows
what I am unable to explain; in the second act, adoration is paid to
the king ;§ in the third act, mustard seed is thrown on the enemy
after some singing and dancing, and the ceremony of fixing the nail is

performed,** and hitting the arms, legs and heart of the figure. Now

* Performing things mentally when circumstances will not allow of it in
reality, is permitted to a great extent in the Buddhist religion, e.g. when a
person dies without riches, the family may imagine themselves to offer gold,
precious stones, &c., to any extent to Buddha, who will condescend to take it,
as if it were really given. Living Lhamas do rot let their flocks off quite so
easily.

t any being, man or demon, adversary to the religion or to the country, &c.

t{ A small figure moulded in dough, representing that enemy, or venomous
or noxious person, lies on the ground in a triangular enclosure, and each of the
dancers has to hit it, with the sword dagger, or other arms or emblem he may
carry.

§ ArsaRa is derived from the Sanscrit Acharya teacher, spiritual guide;
but according to what I was told, it is now rather used like Yogi or holy
mendicant, a Hindoo fagir. Besides this, it must also denote a sort of demon
or spirit, as I have met with the word in this signification in books ; J am not —
quite sure which it is here.

|| Gylong, a degree of the Lhama priesthood.

€{| No name is given in the text, it was said to be some deity. (THLocaNn
Pupma JuNGNAS ?)

** A nail or peg, in shape of a dagger and often beautifully ornamented,
isa magic instrument, occurring very frequently in books, as an emblem of
deities, as well as used in exorcisms, &c. often by a gesture of the hand
symbolizing its use. By its use, demons are supposed to be bound and enemies
killed,

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 79

the rulers of the burial-ground* proceeding with dancing, take up the
corpse,} making the gesture of the trident. Heruka, a god holding in
his right hand a lance with a flag, and in the left a man’s heart and a
snare, { enters attended by the Lady mother (HrrvxKa’s wife) having in
her right hand a club (KmaromxKa, Sanscrit Kuarwanaa) and in her left
hand, a skull.

Four incantations with bells and faces; four women, who carry a
snare, a little child’s corpse,§ a heart, and a cymitar; their dress a wide
human skin, a potka, and leopard skin petticoat. Dancing and music
continue, while the last that enter are four Tiger coats, (warriors with
bows and arrows).

In the 4th act, the dancers are four Libators of Chang, and eight
other performers ............ (some unintelligible words here follow.)
A mask named “ Large mouth” with a censer, another with a drum
and Hashang with his children|| now come on the scene and the
MS. concludes with a number of cyphers indicating the number of
the steps in each dance.

* Viz. two male and two female demons,

+ Lying on the triangle-shaped framework.

{ A magic rope for catching noxious beings.

§ Such things as the little child’s corpse and the human skin are not real,
the former is a small figure, the latter a loose counterfeit made of silk or other
stuff.

|| HasuHane was originally a Chinese priest whom I find mentioned in Tibetan
historical books as a preacher of heretical doctrines, Here in this play, Hashang
seems represented as a sort of school-master masked asa very old man and
attended by a lot of masked children,

80 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitart. [No. 2,

Some Account of Ancient Remains at Saidpix and Bhitdri.—By the
Rev. M. A. Suzrrine, LL. B., and C. Hornu, Esq., C. S.

[Received 4th January, 1865.—Read 1st February, 1865.]

Some account of the remains found at Bhitdri has been already
inserted at various times in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal. This refers for the most part to the stone pillar standing
there, and to the inscription upon it, dating from the epoch of Sri_
Kumara Gupta. General Cunningham, in his interesting and valuable
Report, printed in a Supplementary Number of the Society’s Journal

objects at Bhitéri. Yet there are several very remarkable relics of
the past which, so far as we have ascertained, neither this indefati-_
gable investigator nor any other archeologist has hitherto described,
It is our purpose to give a succinct description of these relics.

It is necessary to draw attention to the circumstance that Bhitari
is usually spoken of in the Society’s Journal as Saidpér-Bhitari
whereas Bhitéri and Saidpir are distinct places, the one being about |
41 miles distant from the other. The high road from Benares toy
Ghazeepore passes close to the large town of Saidpar, while the’
village of Bhitdri lies several miles away from this road. Its
proximity, however, to Saidptr, is no doubt the reason why the two.
have been associated together; besides which, there is good ground
for believing that in ancient times both contained large Buddhist
structures.

SAIDPUR.

This is a flourishing town of ten thousand inhabitants, chiefly
Hindu traders, many of whom, judging from the multitude of well-
made houses adorning the streets, are living in comfort, if not in
affluence. Two large Hindu temples have been recently erected im
the town, which, together with the Government Tahsili school, are
situated on the left bank of the Ganges. Passing down the main
street to its extremity and thence diverging to the right, you come
immediately upon the outer wall of an enclosure, on entering which
you observe three separate buildings appropriated by the Mahomedans |
for sacred purposes. One of these is a modern structure ; the remain-}

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. 81

Bins two are of undoubted antiquity. These latter we shall proceed
to describe.
The first is a small domed building sustained by four stone pillars,
the bases of which rest on a platform twelve feet square, raised a few
inches above the ground. The shafts of the pillars are square, and
the capitals are cruciform, each limb being one foot ten inches in
length, and having the usual Buddhist bell-ornamentation. The pillars
on the north and east quarters exhibit a groove about 15 inches in
height, which evidently once contained a pierced stone railing. The
eaves stones above are apparently original, and have a projection of
| 15 inches. These eaves are strikingly characteristic of the architec-
ure of the early period to which this building must be assigned, and
e often of great size and solidity. In ancient Buddhist structures
both in Benares and in Jaunpore, as well as in this instance, they are
nt on the upper surface to resemble woodwork. Some persons will
ye reminded by this circumstance of Akber’s stone roof at Futteh-
ore Sikri, cut in imitation of tiles, and of the carved beams in the
ves at Elephanta.
The second building is 26} feet long by 23 broad, and is upheld
y at least 34 columns disposed in the following remarkable order,
amely, 6 at each of the north-east and south-east corners, 9 couples
et intervals in the circumference, and 4 single pillars in the centre,
forming a square. The two clusters of six pillars have been united
y stone slabs into two thick ones, each 23 feet square. This curious
ma gamation is, in all probability, the work of the Mahomedans,
though from what motive, it is hard to conjecture. The building
‘was already strongly supported, and the alteration considerably de-
1 re cts from its native simplicity. he space between the side pillars
‘is 5 feet 9 inches, between the side and centre pillars 6 feet 4 inches,
and between the centre pillars themselves 5 feet 1 inch. The height
| of each column is 6 feet 11 inches, of which the base is 9 inches,
the shaft 4 feet 8 inches, the stone upon it 10 inches, and the capital
ot 8 inches. The innermost line of columns is built into a wall
olid masonry composed of ancient stones, and is of more recent date
n other parts of the edifice. The roof is of long stone slabs, but
in its centre there is a primitive Buddhist ceiling consisting of four
stones placed diagonally upon the architrayes and crowned by a flat

.
>

82 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. [No. 2m
a

stone ornamented with a lotus blossom. Each corner stone also :
exhibits this flower in relief. The existence of the original eaves —
stone on portions of three sides of this structure, is sufficient proof
that it could not have been any larger than it is at present; but the
great strength of the supports above alluded to, would appear to
indicate that it once possessed a second or even a third story. Upon 4
the roof is a diminutive chamber of comparatively modern construc-_
tion, sustained by four ancient pillars. The shafts are octagonal, and
the capitals and rounded bases are richly carved with the bell and ©
leaf pattern. These pillars have been doubtless taken from old build-
ings which were formerly situated in this neighbourhood.

We are of opinion that these two edifices were separate chaityas
attached to a vihar or monastery, traces of which, owing to the short
time at our disposal, we did not attempt to discover. The preservation —
of these interesting remains is to be attributed to the circumstance ~
of a Mahomedan faqir named Sheikh Samman having taken up his |
abode in one of them, and having been buried in it at his death.
The second chaitya contains the tomb of Makhdum Sah. It would
be worth the while for any one having time at his disposal to explore —
thoroughly this locality, which abounds with Mahomedan tombs, —

Buddhist remains.

BHITARI. J

This village is situated on the Gangi river, an affluent of the
Ganges, and is called Saidpur-Bhitari, from which Rajah Deo
Narain Singh, late member of the Legislative Council of India,
derives his title. Its appearance in the distance is that of a long low
mound, which, on nearer approach, displays a reddish hue on account
of the large quantity of brick rubbish entering into its composition,
Tn form it is nearly rectangular, the measurement of its four sides
being as follows :—

East Face, .........-...-. 500 yards. y |
South ditto, ............ 525 ditto.
Westidittoy hit 685 ditto.
INorthudittoy ise. os 700 ditto,

7 1865.] Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. 83

A mound rises at each corner, and another half way along each

face, and many more are within the enclosure itself. There is also

a spur running from the south-west angle. The general aspect of the
- site is that of a fort with projecting towers at the corners, connected
- together by a low embankment or wall; whilst the debris scattered
about in every direction and the numerous mounds, would seem to
indicate that formerly extensive buildings existed upon it.
F On the spur is a recently erected Imambara, under the foundations
of which a hole has been made into the mound on which it stands,
‘revealing the original foundations of a very ancient edifice lying in
siti. The bricks are of exceedingly large dimensions, some being 19
‘inches long, about 1 foot in width, and 3 inches in thickness. It
would be interesting to lay bare the whole of these remains, and to
trace as far as practicable, without injury to the Imambara, the extent
and nature of the earlier structure.

Tn the year 1863, Mr. Horne was requested by the Government
f the North-Western Provinces, at the suggestion of Major-General
Cunningham, to make excavations into some of the mounds at Bhitari.
Strange to say, although trenches were made into several mounds, yet
othing of importance was discovered. It by no means follows, how-
ver, that because no ancient relics were brought to light in those
tumuli which were then laid open, that a further and more complete
investigation would be fruitless. It is only natural that the changes
Which have taken place through many generations among the build-
ings which the successive inhabitants of Bhitari have erected, having
“recourse to the ancient structures for their materials from century to
century, rather than to materials of their own manufacture, should
ave occasioned the formation of some, perhaps of many, of the exist-
ing mounds ; and therefore it is no matter for astonishment that Mr.
Horne should have found only vast masses of earth, pottery, brick,
anc other rubbish, especially as his excavations were mostly carried
on in the immediate neighbourhood of the inhabited portion of
Bhitari, His decided conviction is, that if excavations were conducted
‘on a more extensive scale, and embraced not only the larger tumult
in the interior of the enclosure, but likewise those lying at various
distances in the outskirts, it is highly probable that discoveries of

| great interest to the archeologist, shedding light on the antiquity of
AG

84 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Blutdri. [No. 2,

this entire region, might be made. It is the opinion of General
Cunningham that the Bhitari ruins date from the Gupta period, or
from A. D. 100 to A. D. 300, and that they are amongst the oldest
Brahmanical remains known to us. He is wrong, however, in the
implied supposition that they are altogether of Brahmanical origin,
as we shall presently show.

Judging from the relics of tombs and religious houses dispersed
over the village and its suburbs, Bhitari must have been a place of
some importance during the Mahomedan rule in India. The few
inhabitants still residing in it are, for the most part, followers of the
prophet. The bridge over the Gingi below the village, was erected
by the Mahomedans. It dates from at least two eras, and the origi-
nal structure, General Cunningham considers, ‘ consisted of only two_
small arches,’ to which two others have been subsequently added.
The bridge has been altogether built with cut stones taken from other |
buildings, and in one place the figure of an animal, such as supports
the brackets in the Atali Masjid in Jaunpur, is inserted into the
wall. A mason-mark found on one of the stones, is indisputably of
the age of the Guptas. Although in a dilapidated condition, the
bridge nevertheless possesses considerable strength ; and its thorough
repair, which is very desirable, might be effected at a comparatively
small cost. 2

In the enclosure itself, the most noticeable object is undoubtedly
the famous column with the Gupta inscription upon it. The column
rests upon a roughly hewn stone, and is 284 feet in height. This:
includes the base which is 10 feet 2 inches high, of which, between
five and six are below the level of the adjacent soil. It is out of the
perpendicular, and the cause of this, as well as of the injury to the
capital, is attributed by the inhabitants to lightning with which, they
say, the pillar was struck many years ago; but it is just as probable,
perhaps more so, that both results may have been effected by the
Mahomedans, who, failing in their attempt to throw down the column,
may have mutilated the capital, as is commonly reported they did, with
cannon-shot, and destroyed the figure of a lion, which, it is with om
reason conjectured, formerly crouched upon it.

In his Report to Government, Mr. Horne says :—“ TI laid bare the
east face of the foundation, as the column slopes to the north, and

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Blutare. 85

found that. the base was 3 inches off the foundation-stone on the south
side, (Vide woodcut in the morgin) ;
that there were two iron wedges
driven under as indicated ; and that
WWW at some remote period, stone-work
(uuu ui) )) of a massive character had been
placed around to prevent further
declension. I then cleared the mound away which abutted on the
column, hoping to find some traces of foundations at least, of the
| building: to which the monolith may have formed an adjunct. This
mound rose from 10 to 12 feet, and extended some distance, and, as
far as I could ascertain by cutting a trench and levelling, consists
entirely of broken bricks and earth.”
__ There is no doubt that during the Buddhist period in India, several

i temples and one or two monasteries flourished in Bhitari. In a mosque
in the village, of modern erection, are thirty stone pillars, seven of them
being elaborately carved. These must. have been taken from buildings
situated here in ancient times, for they present. similar characteristics

to the columns of Buddhist shrines and monasteries, of which remains
are still found in Benares and elsewhere. In asmall uncovered brick
‘enclosure we discovered several old sculptures, among them a rude
‘Statue of Buddha in excellent preservation. The entire stone is
‘+5 feet in height, but the figure measures only 2 feet 4 inches.
Buddha is seated in contemplation, and is devoid of ornament ;
nd on the palm of his hand the chakra symbol is engraved.
He is attended by two chauri-bearers and two kinnaras or cherubs,
and is seated on asemi-circle, below which are four diminutive figures,
‘two representing. animals, and two Buddha. The statue has the
red corona encompassing the head, embellished on the upper part
Indian-corn and leaves, and must have been a prominent object
one of the temples formerly standing here.

| Of the other sculptured stones found at this spot, we will only
= two. One of them exhibits the figure of a man seated on a
. prancing ram, which may possibly be intended to illustrate one of the
signs of the Zodiac. The other is a small octagonal pillar in a niche,
and on either side of it is an erect human figure. In the middle of
| the village is a well, by the mouth of which is a collection of old

86 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. [No. 2,

stones picked up in the neighbourhood at various times. Some of S|
these are of Buddhist, while others may be of Hindu type. Amongst —
them are two heads alluded to in the note, and also two very curious
stones, one representing the front portion of the human skull, and
the other a human hand clasping a shell. There is likewise rather a 9
large statue of the god Ganesh, referred to by General Cunningham —
in his Bhitari Report. It is plainly of modern date, and is not worth —
even an allusion. Portions of cloister pillars, square below and —
octagonal above, may be here and there seen. These were manifestly —
first cut down and rounded by the Hindus, to serve as lingams, and —
when the Mahomedans became dominant, were then used by them as
head-stones for their graves, the chirdgh or lamp being placed on the
top instead of in a small niche which it is customary to make for the
same. Some of the massive stones of the mosque now used as archi-
traves and pillars were evidently taken from ancient edifices; and it —
is not difficult to trace roofing stones of old cloisters in some of the
stones in the pavement and in the covering stones of the graves.
General Cunningham also partially describes a remarkable stone
found not far from the column, respecting which we would make a i
few remarks in addition to his own. His account is as follows. —
“There is also a large slab,” he says, ‘‘ with a half-size two-armed —
female figure, attended by another female figure holding an umbrella —
over her, both in very high relief. The figares in this sculpture are |)
in the same style and in the same attitudes as those of the similall
group of the Raja and his umbrella attendant on the gold coins of —
the Gupta Princes. This sculpture, I believe, represents a queen on
her way to worship at the temple. The group is a favourite one
with Hindu artists, and, as far as my observation goes, it is never
used singly, but always in pairs, one on each side of the door-way of
a temple. The age of this sculpture I am inclined to fix as early as
the time of the Gupta kings, partly on account of the similarity of
style to that of their gold coins, partly also because the pillar belongs
to one of that family, but chiefly because some of the bricks found
in various parts of the ruins are stamped with the name of Sri
Kumara Gupta.” To this interesting information concerning this curious
stone, we would add, that seven human figures are sculptured upon it
in bas-relief. Of these the chief female figure or queen stands upon a

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. 87

lotus blossom, and another is remarkable for being seated on the head
of a non-descript animal, partly of human form and closely resembling
the figure carved upon a stone of the Gangi bridge before described.
The figure is decorated with a double necklace, from the centre of which
hangs a large pendant, and on its back and beneath its feet runs a
band of elaborate scroll-work forming the lowermost division of the
sculpture and springing originally from a cherub who has a wonderful
head of hair, and whose feet are like the talons of a bird. This
peculiar ornamentation is perhaps the most singular feature of the
entire sculpture, inasmuch as it fixes the wxra of the slab, and also the
religious sect from which it proceeded. On the face of the large
Buddhist tower at Sarnath is a similar scroll-work connected with a

; similarly carved cherub. As this tower was most probably erected
“in the Gupta period, the conjecture of General Cunningham becomes
almost a demonstrated fact, that the slab must date from the same
epoch, but it is of Buddhist, and not, as he imagines, of Hindu origin,
“unless it be that the Hindus and Buddhists of about the same period
adopted the same style of ornamentation, a supposition which although
‘possible, it would, in the absence of proof, be very hazardous to follow.
" It seems evident therefore that the ancient remains at Bhitari are
* of Buddhist and of Hindu origin, though it is hard to say
‘precisely which preceded the other. The pillar was erected by Skanda
“Gupta, of whom, the inscription says, “in the spirit of his own dread-
ful deeds,” he “‘ danced in the fierce dance,” and was possessed of a
dear insight into the profound wisdom of the Tantras.”’ He was
consequently a worshipper of Shiva, and was an enthusiastic admirer
‘of the Tantric mysteries and abominations. But Kuméra Gupta,
(whose name General Cunningham found stamped on bricks lying
‘about at Bhitari,) who preceded him, and was most* probably his
father, was certainly not a Shaiva, for in the inscription reference is
maze both to him and to his father, Chandra Gupta, the second, as
worshippers of the “Supreme Bhagavat.” It is just possible that
this term may mean Vishnu; if so, they were both Vaishnavas. But
it is exceedingly probable that the allusion is to Buddha, inasmuch
as, one of the titles most usually ascribed to him is that of “ Bhaga-
vat.” Moreover, the inscription of Chundra Gupta on one of the
railings of the Great Tope at Sanchi, sets forth that a sum of money

88 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Blutari. [No. 2,

was given by this monarch “ to the followers of Dharma in the great —
monastery.” It is difficult to believe that he would have extended —
his patronage to this Buddhist monastery, had he not cherished the —
Buddhist faith. We are strongly inclined therefore with General ‘
Cunningham to the opinion that Chandra Gupta and Kumira Gupta, —
father and son, were Buddhists. The ninth king of this dynasty, —
Buddha Gupta, corrected the rabid Hindu tendencies of his predeces- —
sor Skanda Gupta, and in histurn became a zealous disciple of Buddha. —
Respecting the remaining kings of this dynasty, it is not known of 9
what creed they were; but it is not a little remarkable that Siladitiya, J,
the great king of Malwa, who vanquished the Guptas and took pos- —
session of their vast empire, was attached to the Buddhist religion.
The conclusion, therefore, at which we arrive, is, that ancient
Bhitari was alternately in the hands of Buddhist and Hindu monarchs
during the Gupta period, who severally embellished it, according to

their distinctive religious views. The twofold character of the dis- —
covered remains tends to the corroboration of this opinion, and we |
have no doubt that further research would only more fully confirm it, |
It is remarkable that the sculptured fragments of a shell grasped by |
a hand, and also of a skull, the former a symbol of Vaishnavism, and
the latter of the Tantric form of Shaivism, should both have been —
found among the same ruins, showing that both these rival sects of ‘
Hinduism were once prevailing there. We hope that excavations on a |
a more extended scale than has yet been attempted, may one day be
carried on both within the elevated Bhitari enclosure itself and amongst _
the outlying mounds. f
The iconoclastic zeal of the Mahomedans is too well known to need re- —
mark; and as the value of the monolith at Bhitari on account of the
historical information it affords regarding the Gupta dynasty is indis-
putable, it is of considerable importance that the Government remove
it to another place, say the Queen’s College, Benares, for greater
security, to which it would be an interesting architectural ornament;
the more so as we have laid out an archeological garden in the grounds
of that institution.
Note.—We subjoin a Lithograph, (Plate XVII.) of avery curious group found

at Bhitari and supposed by us, in consequence of other similar groups at the
Vishnupad at Gaya and there described as such, to be a portion of the “Nau-

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur ond Bhitars. 89

_ graha” or nine planets, This may perhaps be the stone alluded to by General
_ Cunningham in his Report.

We also found other very curious remains viz, 2 heads (alluded to before), a
‘bust with head, and a sitting figure. The nationality of the parties represented
‘we cannot determine, They are all females and the hair is drest in a very singular
‘style, being drawn up from the face and bound with a fillet, from which depend
elegant ornaments, and then gathered in a mob on the top of the head. The
hair over the centre of the forehead is carefully parted, and there is a fine
jewel in the centre; over the forehead and in the ears are very large heavy
earrings,

Might not these be representations of noble foreign ladies, who having visited
this noted spot, had vowed and erected temples, in or near to which in niches
‘were placed their statues in memory of the founders P—Amongst the articles
found by Major Kittoe at Sarnath and described by Dr. Butler, is a similar
representation made in burnt clay. This head-dressing must not be confounded
with that as shewn in the Bhilsa figures of ascetics, who like many of the
_fugeers of the present day did not cut their hair, but gathererd it in large bunches
at the sides of their heads or plaited it.

t

=

*
'
i (Received 20th January, 1865.)

<
oa
l

¢ Since the above paper was written, I have paid another visit to

Saidpur. On this occasion I examined the country to the west of

the town, which I had not done previously. About three quarters of
a mile from Saidpur, on the high road, is the small village of Zuhar-
ganj, between which and the river is a mound regarded by the people

as the remains of an old fort. Bricks are cropping out of its sides,
and for some distance along the banks of the river round to the main
road beyond the village, the soil is strewn with broken brick, showing
that formerly buildings of this material were standing here. To the
h of the road, but almost close to it, is a mound called Rim
fawakku, rising abruptly from the plain on which are also numerous
fragments of broken brick. To the north, about a mile from the
public road, is an immense terrace raised from 30 to 40 feet high
| above the surrounding country. Its length is 420 paces, and its
breadth 190. The terrace is thickly covered with broken brick, and at

one corner there are likewise fragments of stone. This enormous

90 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhatari. [No. 2,

mound is of an irregular shape. There is little doubt that extensive
buildings lie buried here, which, judging from the quantity of brick
rubbish found above, are for the most part probably of this material.
The people say, that the habitations formerly situated on this spot,
fell in; hence, in their estimation, the origin of the mound. Close
by, are two other tumuli, and further off are apparently others. Were
these mounds, especially the largest, to be excavated, I feel satisfied
that the result would amply repay the labour and expense bestowed
on the undertaking. ,
About half a mile beyond Zuharganj, a few steps from the road,
is a stone chabutra or platform, on which are two figures, one repre-
senting the Boar Incarnation, and the other Krishna with his milk-
maids. Both are old and in excellent preservation. The ornamenta-
tion of the stone representing the former figure, is curious. The
carving exhibits a pilaster in bas-relief exceedingly similar in detail t
the shrine pillars of Bakariya Kund, Benares, which, strange to say,
are undoubtedly of Buddhist origin, while this pilaster belonging to
an incarnation of Vishnu is of Hindu origin. Around the base of
tree standing a few steps off, is an assemblage of mutilated sculptures
of ancient date. They are not worshipped by the Hindus. I brought
away several heads, and a fragment of a seated figure with a short
inscription in front.M. A. §,
\

ARARARARRAARARARRIAARDA CAAA

ime aur pue sjaueTyT ¢ 10 eyeTZAoy cungeyussaide. v jo UoTyIod & ag 0} pesoddng

‘eggT aany eyin ej 0°9'S Wms WH Ag AQ 1S oa eG

_ 1865:] Note on-the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language: 91

_ Note on-the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language:—By the Rev. H. A.
JanscuKE of Kyéelang.

[Received 1st February 1865. Read 1st February, 1865. ]

The Tibetan: language is known to. possess a very rich literature,
though the smaller part of it is original, most of the Tibetan works
being translations from the Buddhistic part.of the Sanscrit literature.

_ The whole is not of an older date than the 7th century, as that king
of Tibet who despatched one of his ministers to India, in order to
learn Sanscrit and create an alphabet for the Tibetan language, was
a contemporary eof Mohammad. It is incredible, of course, that he
should have loaded his writings with a great. many superfluous signs,
especially. when his only pattern was the Sanscrit, with its perfect
ecommodation of the sign to the sound. On the contrary, he is
ikely to have expressed in writing, with a few exceptions perhaps,
ery sound of the language, as it was pronounced at his time. At
esent, however, the Tibetan mode of spelling. differs nearly as much
om the actual. pronunciation in the greater part of the country as
in the English, or rather in the French language, for the discrepancy
ostly rests in the consonants, many of which have changed in
eertain cases their original sounds, or are dropped in speaking, though
ey are, considered etymologically, essential elements of a word,
nd therefore appear in writing, in a-proportion similar to such French
rds as: ils parlent; qu’est cela Wc., e. g. bkrashis, pronounced
shi. In French, the cause and history of this discrepancy is clear,
as we know the Latin mother as well as the Gallic child, and possess
‘specimens from all ages, by. which we can trace the gradual changes,
Th Tibetan, nothing of the kind exists, or at least very little has yet
been discovered ; nor is there much reason for hoping that in their
own literature anything has been preserved. that might.throw light
on the history of the language, since the grammatical as well as the
historical powers of the Tibetan mind seem to be developed to a
very small degree, and the ancient orthography has. been, with few
| 8xceptions, scrupulously left unchanged, since its invention 1200 years
ago. Csoma- de Korés and other grammarians, especially Cunninghan

12

92 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2,

in his work on Ladak, mention some dialectical differences in the —
pronunciation of various districts, which in some instances agree 5
more accurately with the way of spelling, and the latter states that
the more learned Lamas, but these only, pronounce distinctly, though
rapidly, the initial letters which are usually silent. But a closer
inquisition shows the interesting fact, that in the most western ex- —
tremity of Tibet in the province of Purig and the northernmost —
part of Ladak, nearly all the consonants and the ancient pronunciation
of the language, as it was at the period of the invention of the
alphabet, has been preserved by the illiterate, not by a few learned —
Lamas only, in the case of whom we could not be sure whether their
accommodation to the ancient spelling were not merely artificial—a
capricious imitation of what they are trained to revere as the dialect —
of their sacred writings. Let me mention some instances. The f
letters here in question are more especially those compound consonants, —
consisting of two or three elements, which are in Tibetan, as in many —
cases in Sanscrit also, denoted in writing by putting the following ©
consonant below the preceding one. Nowe. g. the letter s as initial,
with a following &, t, &. is spoken distinctly in Ladak, as in skad,
language ; stan, mat; skarma, star; / in the same case is pronounced
even in Lahoul, e. g. ltawa, to look at; lchangma, willow; r in the
same case, in no instance in Lahoul, but in many in Ladak, e. g.
rdowa, the stone, and in still more, perhaps in every word where it
appears in writing, in Purig, e. g. rgyalwa, victorious, or more com-
monly, good, excellent, which is pronounced by Ladakees, and
think everywhere else in Tibet : gyalla ; and so are words as: rdzogs, |
rdza, rdzun, &e Ina similar way a villager of Purig will call a
knife, grz ; washing, khruwa ; rice, bras ; child, phrugu ; whereas even
in Ladak these four words are heard like dri, thruwa, dras, thrugu
in Lahoul and more to the Hast like di, twwa, dai or de, tugu, with
little or nothing of the innate r, and the p and k sounds changed into
é sounds with a more or less lingual pronunciation. Again: those
connected with what would be spelled y in English are pronounced
according to their spelling only in Purig and Balti im all cases, e. g
byang, north; phyag, hand (in respectful language); phyugpo, rich;
these are spoken like yang, chhag, chhugpa already in the southeastern
part of Ladak, and in Lahoul; whereas in the case of the k& sounds,

ae ee tina See -

—1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 93

in words like khy?, the dog, gyelwa, to fall down, Kye-lang, the name
of the village in Lahoul where the Moravian Mission is established,
the correct pronunciation has been preserved even in that province,
and chha instead of khyi is only used by still more Eastern Tibetans.
Upon the whole, it may be said that, if not perfectly, still to a certain
degree, the different changes which the pronunciation of the language
has undergone in the course of upwards of one thousand years, may
be traceable even at the present day in the different districts of Tibet
from Purig and Balti in the west to the capital town of Lhasa near
the Chinese frontier, where the deviation, or we may justly say, the
_ degeneration has reached its highest pitch, in introducing assimilations,
‘ dissolving certain consonants nearly into vowels, dropping others entire-
ly, confounding two or three cognate sounds into one intermediate, and
“mingling the short vowels with one another. Assimilations as in the
‘Latin compono instead of con-pono, are unheard of in the written
Tibetan language, as also in the spoken dialect of the western pro-
inces; the word gompa will in Purig mean nothing but a step;
different idea, that of custom, practice, which the Lahoulee will
“include, being connected with the spelling: gomspa or sgompa. In
the pronunciation of Lhasa two more, gonpa to dress, to put on, and
_gonpa, monastery, are mixed up with the two former, by means of
assimilation of the n. Again: s in the end of a syllable is pronounced
in Parig and Ladak, but dropped in most other districts, not with-
‘out a prolonging or changing influence on the preceding vowel. Thus
he word chhos, religion, law, (dharma in Sanscr.) is pronounced
16s in Ladak, chhot in Lahoul, chhé in upper Kunawur, chhé in Lhasa ;
7 and g, in the end of a syllable, are melted into semivowels or nearly
liquid consonants in a similar way as in Danish (though not exactly
same): skad, the language, loses its s even in Southern Ladak,
in Lhasa it is mutilated into ké’; smad, the nether part, into
’; Bod, proper name of Tibet, the Bhota of Sans., into Bo’; Ichags,
, into chad’, scarcely different in goctandianiés, from ja, tea;
| ‘sringmo, Rte, is pronounced shringmo in west Tibet, singmo or
| Nearly simo in Lhasa; sa and za, shi*and zhi (the latter like ji when
pronounced as in French,) which are as accurately distinguished by
every Lahoulee or Ladakee, as .s in seal and z in zeal, are confounded

|

94 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, i

But all this would leave the linguist hopeless as to the question of —
the historical periods when these changes took place, as it only adds
the a posteriort proof, that the pronunciation has once agreed with
the spelling, to the é priori conclusion which everybody may infer from
the mere fact of the present discrepancy. A step towards the solution —
of this question may perhaps be possible by the study of the languages —
of some frontier districts. An instance of peculiar interest in this
respect is found in the Boo-nan language, spoken in a small district
of Lahoul, and in part of Kunawur, where it is called Tibar-skad, —
Tibar-language. It is the familiar tongue of the Lahoul villages in the
Bhaga valley, just above the junction of the Bhagaand Chundra rivers, §
over an extent of about 10 miles on both sides, whereas Tibetan is
understood and spoken fluently enough in intercourse with genuine 4 }
Tibetans by the adult men, but more or less imperfectly by women
and children, and many Tibetan words, very common in books, and i
generally known in Ladak, are not understood by any one in this
district. The fact of this language existing in two different provinces, 7
like two islands separated from each other by the pure Tibetan
population of Spiti and the pure Hindu nationality of Kooloo, renders
the theory of a wider diffusion, of the Tibarskad language in former
times probable, and agrees with the assertion of the Lahoul people, —
that even within the remembrance of the present generation, its dis-_
trict was greater that it is now, and has been more and more encroach-
ed upon by the Tibetan. Now in this language a great many Tibetan _
words are to be met with, which may have induced General Cunningham
to class this Tibarskad under the head of dialects of the Tibetan -
but I think the great difference of the grammatical structure of both
languages (the Boo-nan being at least as elaborate as the Hindi, the
Tibetan nearly devoid of inflections at all) and even a closer. examina-
of the lexical stock of the language, must lead to a different opinion.
Nearly all the words of primary necessity (an inference against which
Latham objects, Ido not see exactly with how much reason), and
many others are not borrowed from the Tibetan, any more than from
Sanscrit, but have an original character. Here is a small list of words
all of which seem to be original, or at least I know not from what
other language they might be derived.

_ Kati, scissors.

_ Kirti, basket.

Kutulu, bag.
ee ricttang, tub, basin.
_ Kumisi, bow, for shooting.
_ Kurkutrig, ant.
_ Kyugs, ashes.
— Koang gul kwang gul, neck (gul is
; Tib.)
’ Koar, kwar, jug, jar.
| Khu, smoke.
| Khudrub, fist.
~ Khug, meal of roasted barley.
_ Khur, knife.
- Khul, bag.
| Khoartum, khwartum, egg.
| Khoa, khwa, raven.
_ Gara, donkey.
Gogs, spittle.

Gyugs, dust.
. fiyum, house.
‘Gyen, spring (as a season).
Gram, stone.
ing, beam, timber.
Goanu, gwanu, fox.
atram, sickle.

| Tigs, cover, lid, cork.

| Thagadrang, spark.

| AE igt, leather bag, purse.
| opo, drinking cup.
Wan, belly.

| Diptsi top.

Diskar, thirst.

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language.

95

Debu, snake.

Deg, leather.

Deska, lie, falsehood.

Dompa, blacksmith.

Pug, roasted grains.

Peltst, milk.

Phos, garment, dress.

Phyutsi, hole.

Ba, wall.

Bang, foot, leg.

Bitang, door.

Bitsi, thread.

Bed, younger brother,

Betse, twin.

Botri, buttermilk.

Botsi, finger.

Byanja, can, pot.

Byenmo, wile.

Byerbu, trowsers.

Byutst, mouse, rat.

Mashung, wile.

Mir, fat (melted).

Mu, snow.

Mutsa, mustachio.

Me, labs, flame.

Me, lum, fire-place.

(Me, is Tib. and means fire.)

Tsitsi, child.

Tsemed, daughter ; girl.

Tsam, wool.

T'sog, thornbush.

Watsi, clue (of woolthread).

Wal, shovel.

Wampu, yellow bear (the only bear
occurring in Lahoul.)

_ * Monkies are not in Lahoul ; in the Koonawur Tibarskad, Cunningham men.
tions only the terms gonas and brandras :

What may the origin of nyugtsi be ?

96 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No.

Zad, barley.

Yushi, meal, flour.
Rangtsi, sleeve.

Rig, field.

Rindri, lead (plumbum).
Reétsi, ear.

Roang, rwang, hill, mountain.

La, goat ; rock, cliff.
Lama, sheep.
Lala, song.

Lang, dung.

Lan, wind.

Lab, leat.

Las, price.

Lis, ice.

Len, work, action.
Lo, carpet.

Lha, moon.

Lha Kham, month.
Lhe, tongue.

Lhegs, villager ; community.

Shag, birch-tree. -
Sharpa, youth, boy.
Shirti, rain.

Shirped, broom.

Shu, blood.

Shugtst, comb.

Shel, summer.

Shosha, heart.

Shrag, shame.

Shrangs, horse, pony.
Shrig, louse (Tib. shzg.)
Shrim, arrow.

Shoantst, shwantsi, dove.
Sazha, hukka.

* Tt is not ng in sing,
men.

Sagsa, grasshopper.
Sampa, meat, eatables.
Sibi, flute, pipe.

Séshi, friend, acquaintance.
Soti, water.
Skyugtrong, breast.
Sta, vein ; artery.
Stagorwa, neck.
Smutig, flea.

Awa, father.

Ag, mouth.

Amphang, carrot.
Amtsi, road.

Kyui, long.

Khai, black.

Khyei, sweet.

Khyoi, dry.

Gadgad, rough.
Golwei, blind.

Grangi, granv.*

Ngai, straight.

Chung gor, deep.
Chuini, few.

Chhet, warm.

Chhoi, fat, well-fed.
Nyeme, nice (to the taste).

2,

Tai, being, having, possessing,

rich.
Ting, blue.
Tunig, short.

a

Thi, wet, thin (in case of liquids).

Damshi, pure, clean, fine.
Dez, great.

Nui, new.

Noi, much, many.

but the nasalised vowel as in the Hindustani men,

4

Pari, broad.

pny, hot, pungent.

Pétsétsi, little, small.

Phrei, rough.

Byai, thin (of cloth, paper &c.).
5 angt, red.

Wus, moist.

Zhili, bright (opp. dark).

Yui, old (as clothes and other
_ things).

Lai, thin, fine (as thread &c.).

Sil sil, smooth.
Soi, cold.
Ebbo, good.
Gyi, I.

Hantsore, you.
Daltsore, they.
_ all.
Thazu, this.
Thé, that.
Gyo, which).
. Kha, eat i inter].
Tiki, one.
Bi, four.
Kachum, to turn.
Kunchun, to look at,
| Kugchwm, to arrest.
Kyichwm, to wash.

% 865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language.

97

Kyulchum, to rob.

Kyormen, to discharge (an arrow).

Khugchum, to find.

Khyuchum, to cover.

Galchum, to liberate.

Gyagsmen, to listen.

Gyarchum, to fear, be afraid of.

Grechum, to bite.

Goalchum gwalchum, to hang up.

Chachum, to smear, paint.

Chichum, to press, squeeze.

Chhingchum, to rob.

Chhilchum, to select.

Chhurchum, to squeeze out.

Chhuinchum, to bind, fasten.

Tigchum, to cover.

Tidmen, to irrigate.

Toamen, twamen, to mow, cut grass.

Toanchum, twanchum, to borrow
(money).

Thugchwm, to break.

Thichum, to melt.

Thirchum, to send (a man).

Thogchwm, to put off (a coat).

De, is.

Dodmen, to meet.

Ni, is.

Niza, was.

Panchum, to fly.

Pinchum, to fill.

Punchum, to grow.

Phanchum, to sew.

Phochum, to put on (clothes).

Phyamen, to speak.

Bruchum, to wipe.

Tsagchum, to put in,

Tsabchwm.,, to cleave.

98 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2,

Zhedmen, to sit. [istence. Alchwm, to take away.
Yagsmen, to arise, come into ex- Elmen, to go.

Yen, is. Tha, not (in prohibitive and nar-
Richum, to bring. rating sentences.)
Fochwm, to roast. Thazung, tharang, there.
Ligchum, to do, make. Thang, to-day.

Lochum, to say. Thing, thin, (nasal) here.
Shanchum, to rise. Thindzug, thus.
Smyadchum, to touch. Thong, therein, within.
Hirchum, to fall. Nung, there.

Helchum, to carry away. Hya, yesterday.
Hyugschum, to throw. Ire, again.

Hoangsmen, hwangsmen, to go out, Odchi, to-morrow.
come out, flow out, We. Chi, from. ;
Hoanchum, hwanchum, to take out, Mang, in (-men Hind. ?)

bring out, draw out, &e.

The great multitude of Tibetan words, however, which are adopted
in the Boo-nan language can be divided into two classes: 1, those in |
which the present Boo-nan pronunciation agrees with the Tibetan
spelling, 1. e. the ancient Tibetan pronunciation, though this pronun-
ciation is not preserved in the Tibetan of Lahoul itself, in many cases
not even in Ladak, perhaps in some instances not anywhere else.
The Boo-nan people themselves, whenever they speak Tibetan, use the
modern pronunciation according to the custom of Lahoul, which often —
widely differs from the written letters. ~

2. Those words in which the Boo-nan pronunciation agrees with
the modern Tibetan.

To No. 1 belong:

Kres, hunger, in modern Lahoulee, Tibetan unknown.

Khams, appetite, .......... AO. Reisiasihowiedielnesioe | a URREEDS
Khral, tax, —,... ont J aoe BE cating eo thal.
Khrutsi, arm (elbow,) ..+....0002. +006 Pon veresshtoneele (vacat.) -
Kihrui, eabity Ga): ANS. Bt ee a ae Yaniesibiere thu.

Khaspa, wise, skilfal) .2..00 00:8 octecnsstceetivene. topes
Gyogspa, quick, .. 5.08 ides dats: tive dptitons Bb wa. MV ORIOME
Grampa, cheek, @: 22 0) Aer. on casetocea sa dampa.
GROG PONTIVER sNrweteens von acgeee areas Feedster an dogpo.

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 99
_ Ngospo, truth (in Tib. thing, reality,) ............. ngoipo.

Chespa, dear, cherished, ..,....... .es0..005 Let chepa.

Snyingrus, industry, in Tib. courage, ... ........... nyingru

aUCIna Ch COL COTDS) 26h nieces lalsitive cies ctusee. ee nyema,
Dus, time,....... REDE SPOR. STK Rew 2 dui.
PRIMING, RECS INE BEd dle. a daekiibe cube. Albi wet tan.
PENG BOUSAMG Ure. SL aed. adeeb os ae tong.
Spu, hair, ...... rT A, caliper, aeid. It MUP pu,
BB oe ug, u
Phyagphulchum, to make reverence, adore,......... chhagpulwa.,
PRP aNO MCN Us, S8eieev eels. ods Sed ede 8k. Gaede.) Chhugpas
Bratobrao, buckwheat. ........scccsessiegeies sbvsecees dawo.
Brag, rock, cliff, ....1......... ideo. aaah oiler
Brangsa, dwelling-place, habisitions t dhee ds EGER dangsa.
Brichum, to write,...... LAGI od boll Ls eon yiey diwa.
Myangchwm, to state, .........cc0csereccseeees Yanga,
EAS PLES. ice vies se ssa vea ch esbivibls vdeleas wees zug.
Ras right) (notileft,)......ciccccsscatccscessscereeesee aie
Ras, cotton cloth, ..... Uicebcaptar AeeVinloes. 6.20.04 rai,
SRMROMANBON FL de dN tb rered ceeded a” Tig.
Buspa, PRIOR Selt aac HN, 5 ha Taal Eee wi Live ruipa,
Sman, medicine, ...... | A ROS ALS cae ae man,

= To No. 2.
“Tam, cabbage, Tib. literally; kram.
Kad, language, lit. skad.
Karma, star, lit. skarma.
Thim, judgment jurisdiction, lit. khrims.
Du, corner ; ship, lit. gru.
Doi, counsel, advice, lit. gros.
Nyingzhe, compassion, benevolence, lit. snyingzhe,
Tontog, harvest, lit. stontog.
Jungwa, element, lit. byungwa.
Chodpa, behaviour, lit. spyodpa.
| Digpa, sin, lit. sdigpa.
Lobma, pupil, lobpon teacher, lit. slobma and slobdpon.
This would seem to indicate two different influxes of Tibetan words
and ideas, one at a very early period, the other much later,—so many
13

100 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, —

centuries after the invention of the alphabet, that the pronunciation —
was already altered to that of the present day.. It is not impossible :
that a more complete dictionary of this language in both its dialects, —
that of Kunawar and that of Lahoul, and perhaps also of other un-
written Himalayan dialects and languages, situated as they are —
between the great Tibetan and Indian families, might afford more —
than one interesting result with regard to the history of the Tibetan
language and the histories of the people of these countries, in their

political situations as well in their civilisation. If such investigations ||

happened to be aided by the discovery of local records of such a
kind as formed the history of Sikkim, destroyed by the Nepalese
soldiery (v. Hooker’s Him, Journ. I, p, 331) it might be possible to
clear up parts of the history of these countries hitherto very obscure.
It would seem to me as if the collection of words given above,
might suggest the conjecture that the first of the two iruptions of
Tibetan power and influence into these valleys, inhabited by Boonan-
speaking mountaineers, was merely of a political nature, carrying” ;
with it such institutions as taxes, very probably the first thing which —
the small population of a secluded yalley is likely to be taught by a
foreign invader,—some new articles of manufacture (cotton cloth, car- —
pets, &c.), words for the higher numerals, and some others; whereas
the second,—perhaps going on in a more quiet and slow way,—brought -
with it judicial and governmental institutions of a somewhat higher ¥
order, and the religious and philosophical ideas as well as usages of
Buddhism. =

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 101

Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna.—By Major H. B. Impry, Deputy

Commissioner of Sumbulpore.
[Received 18th October, 1864. ]

The following sketch of the history of the Gurjat state of Patna is

founded upon the records, genealogical trees, and traditions maintained
by successive Rajahs. Although there may be errors in the calculation
of periods, and mistakes in the incidence of events, yet, considering
how all natives of pretension or position strive to keep up a remem-
brance of their ancestors through the services of Brahmins, and how
strictly they themselves cherish the links of private history (as for
instance, the custom of the Hindus to religiously pronounce the names
of their preceding generations, while engaged in their ablutions,) it may
be assumed that such records and links, when adjusted by their cir-
cumstantial data, as in this case, will generally form a pretty correct
chain of evidence in respect to main facts.
. Origin of the Mahérajéhs—The Maharajéhs of Patna claim
direct descent from a race of Rajpoot Rajahs of Gurh Sumbul, near
Mynpooree, and count back the individuals of this race for 32
generations. .

Foundation of one state, Patna, from a cluster of eight Gurhs.—It is
narrated that these Rajahs used to be in constant attendance at the
Court of Delhi till the last named Hutumber Singh having intrigued
and run off with one of the king’s daughters, was pursued and killed,
and his family forced to fly. Amongst the wives of this Rajah was
one who, escaping, arrived enciente, in Patna, and found refuge with
the chief of Khobagurh, being one of eight gurhs,* which at that
time, alone formed the territories of Patna, being comprised within
the three rivers Ung, Mahanuddy, and Sel, and bounded on the
west by Khurriar, (a possession then of Jaypoor), and Bindanawagurh

| and the chiefs of which took it in turns, a day at a time, to

* 1 Patna, 5 Sindeehala.
2 Salabhata, 6 Kolagurh.
3 Kongaon. 7 Gooragurh.

4 Jhorasinga. 8 Boomnagurh,

102 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna, [No. 2, ©

exercise full authority, as Rajah over the whole. She was placed in
charge of the said Chief's Brahmin at Ramoor, and there gave birth to
a boy named Raman Deo. The Chief adopted the boy, and subsequently,
on his coming of age, himself being sick and weary of rule, resigned
his position to him, Raman Deo soon after this succeeded in murdering
the other seven Chiefs, and usurping to himself the whole and perma-
nent authority in Patna. Finally he married a daughter of the
Ruler of Orissa, through whose influence and power, he was enabled
to maintain his usurped position.

Extension of territory and donunion to the right bank of the
Mahanuddy.—It would appear that during the time of Raman Deo

and the two succeeding Maharajahs the territories and dominion of |
Patna became extended beyond the Ung river to the right bank of |

the Mahanuddy : embracing—

Ist. Patna Proper, as now, but with the addition to the west, of —
three gurhs, viz. Kholagurh, Goorhagurh and Koomragurh at present
included in the Gurjat state of Khurriar and of 12 villages known

,

then as ‘ Baragam,” afterwards as ‘‘ Borasambeer,’

2nd. As annexed to Patna Proper, all the land embraced within

the Ung and Mahanuddy rivers, and bounded on the west by Phooljur &
and Sarumgur, which now comprises the southern portion of Sumbul- ¥)

pore and part of Sonepore.

As Tributary dependencies the Gond Gurjat States of Brindanawa-
gurh,* Phooljhurt and Sarungurh.}

The lands and estates lying contiguous to the left bank of the
Mananuddy were, it is believed, at that time attached to Sirgooja,
with the exception of the North Western portion of the present
Sumbulpore district known as Chundurpore and Bhortia which belong-
ed to Ruttunpoor.

Subjugation of States and acquisition of territory on left bank of the
Mahanuddy.—The fourth Maharajah, Puthee Singh Deo, subjugated
and made tributary to Patna, the three dependencies of Sirgooja,
named Bamall, Gangpoor and Bamra, and annexed to Patna itself, by
dispossession from the Rajah of Bamra, the zemindaree of Rehracole,

* 3rd. + 4th, t Sth.

and subsequently f
detached as portion of the Gurjat State of that name, and to the |

east in continuation between the rivers Ung and Sel to the Mahanuddy. —

1865.) Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 103

and so much of the lands (now) of Sumbulpore on the left bank of the
Mahanuddy, as were contained between Rehracole and Bamra to the
east, Bamra and Gangpoor to the north, and to the west by the river
Kebe to its sudden bend westward, and from thence by a line running
south, to the spot at the extremity of the present city of Sumbulpore
where now the Jail Bridge stands.

Erection of a Fort in Phooljwr.—Maharajah Bikrumdit Deo, the
ninth Rajah of Patna, erected a Fort in Phooljur at Seespalgurh,
where its remains are said to be still traceable: a proof this of the
unflinching authority then exercised over the Gurjat states.

Acquisition of the “ Gurh” of Chundurpoor.—lIt is probable that
the erection of this advanced post in a Tributary State had for its
aim, as much the extension of dominion, as the maintenance in
security of existing dominancy: for no sooner did the next ruler,
Maharajah Baijul Deo 2nd, succeed to the Guddee, than he advanced
to Chundurpoor, and forcibly dispossessed the ruler of Ruttunpoor of
that “ Gurh” with its surrounding lands.

There still remained, to complete the circle known afterwards as
the “28 Gurhs:”

1st. The three Northern Guwijat states of Raigurh, Burgurh and
Suktee, (dependencies of Sirgooja) ; 2ndly, the centrical tract of land
{mow an integral portion of the Sumbulpore district,) falling between
‘the Eebe and the line drawn therefrom, as before observed to the
present Sumbulpore Jail Bridge, and the Gurjat State of Sarungurh,
{also belonging to Sirgooja,) and lastly the two eastern Gurjat
States of Boad and Atmullrick.

_ It never fell to the lot of Patna itself to include these remaining
States and lands within the scope of its authority or possession.
The completion of the circle was not effected till Patna had retired
from the banks of the Mahanuddy, so far as the mouth of the Ung
river near Binka, and a new state had sprung up under its auspices
(on the north of the Ung,) afterwards known as Sumbulpore. It might
therefore seem foreign to the object of these ‘ Notes’ as touching
Patna, to speak of the rise and power of this second State. Never-
| theless the advance of the latter was so intimately connected with,
| and so immediately the result of, the dominion of the former, and
again the decline of the former so direct an issue of the rise of the

104 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2, =

latter, that it is necessary to trace the history of the extension of
power across the Mahanuddy in so far as the grouping of the once
known “18 Gurhs” shall be concerned.

Relinquishment by the Rajah of Patna of territory and dominion on
the left bank of the Ung River—Nursing Deo, the 12th Maharajah of
Patna, and his brother Bulram Deo quarrelling, the former made over 5
absolutely to the latter, (probably on compulsion,) all such portions of a
his territories as lay north of the river Ung: the engagement between —
the two brothers being that each was to be perfectly independent of —
the other. Bulram Deo, taking possession of his allotment, erected 7
a fort on the right bank of the Mahanuddy, exactly opposite the
present city of Sumbulpore at Chowunpore, (where to this day the
traces of his fort are visible,) and adopted the title of Rajah of
Chowunpore. Shortly after this, he dispossessed Sirgooja of the depen-
dencies of Suktee, Raigurh and Burgurh, and of the remaining por- ¢
tion, as before noticed, of Sumbulpore, and finally included Boad and — )
Atmullick, (now Gurjat States of Cuttack,) among the number of
his territory mehals. After this, he abandonea the Fort of Chowun- —
pore, and crossing the river, erected a mud fort on the opposite —
bank. To this, he gave the name of Sumbulpore, from the number

of Seemul trees that existed there on its site. Then changing ©
his own title to that of Maharajah of Sumbulpore, he founded a —
dominion which soon took the real ascendancy over the parent State
of Patna. = |

The two states of Patna and Sumbulpore were now distinct, and |
the area of the “28 gurhs’” was now fully embraced. But as yet —
this number of Gurjat States with independent chiefs, tributary to —
the two paramount rulers of Patna and Sumbulpore, were not fully
formed. 5

Enumeration of the 15 Gurhs of the Sumbulpore and Patna
growp.—The then existing tributary Gurjat States attached to Sum~
bulpore were Phooljur, Sarungurh, Suktee, Raigurh, Burgurh, Bur-
marr, Gangpoor, Bamra, Boad, Atmullick, and, by admission of the
Sumbulpore Maharajah, Rehracole: to these may be added Chundur-
pore, retained by the Maharajah under his own immediate authority.
In Patna, the only dependency was Bindanawagurh. The total there~
fore of the “18 gurhs” or Gurjat States, during the time of Nursing

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 105

Deo and Bulram Deo, Maharajahs respectively, of Sumbulpore and
Patna, was 15, wanting to complete were Sonepore in the one case,
and Khurriar and Borasamber in the other.

Formation of the 8 remaining Gurjat States.—The necessity of
providing for younger sons, caused the alienation from the parent
states of Sonepore and Khurriar, Thus Sonepore, as far as the left
of the river Ung, (the land on the right to the Sel river, still, as
before noted, belonging to Patna,) its chief town being Binka, was
constituted an independent tributary Gurjat State by the 4th Rajah
of Sumbulpore, who made it over with the title of Rajah to his 2nd
son Muddun Gopaul, And again the 15th Maharajah of Patna giving
over three “
Goorhagurh, and Boomragurh, to his younger son Gopaul Roy, and
the latter obtaining Khurriar as a dowry on his marriage with a

gurhs” of the original eight of Patna, viz., Kholagurh,

daughter of the Rajah of Jaipore, those gurhs merged into Khurriar
and the whole was constituted one Gurjat state with the title of
Rajah.

The last created Gurjat was Borasambur the present chief of
which owes his position to the cunning and power of an ancestor.
Originally Borasambur coiisisted of eight villages, which went by the
name of ‘“‘ Atgoan,” and formed a small zemindaree, part of the inte-
gral state of Patna. It is stated that one of the zemindars of
* Atgoan” having saved the life of a Sambur deer by killing a “ bora”
or boa-constrictor which had attacked it, the name of the zemin-
daree was changed to Borasambur. Notwithstanding the smallness
originally of the area of the zemindaree, the proprietor was a man
of some importance, he was chief of his caste-men, Bhinjwals—and,
on the occasion of a new Maharajah being raised to the Guddee, it
was his especial duty to take the latter on his lap and fold over his
head the turban of state. Again, the zemindar held an important
position: his lands were situated alone on the north side of the range
of hills called Goondmardhum, which form part of the northern boun-
dary of Patna, and thus he could hold the approaches through those
hills to Patna for or against any hostile forces. It would appear that
during the first inroads of the Mahrattas, the zemindar of Bora-
sambur was successful in guarding these approaches. For this service
he was granted an extension of property on the Patna side. What

108 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2,

of its power, the control of its three tributary states,* and thus finally —
fell into a smaller circle of power and property than that which it
embraced when some 600 years before (dating from the usurpation of —
Raman Deo) it had first sprung into powerful existence. ~ *

Such then is the history of the extension and contraction of the
territories and dominion of Patna. Like as at its first sacrifice of ©
ground, and of prospect of further advancement, was owing to family —
dissension, so also was the final loss of the last tract of its former
acquisitions caused by family dissensions. In the one instance, how-
ever, it was left with the substance of conquest, and the opportunities
from arrested ambition of employing such to the development of its
own reserved dominions. But in the other, it was brought ultimately
to entire ruin. A glance at the present features of the country of Patna
and a brief review of the dissensions that occurred during the time of
Raee Singh Deo, and of their results, will serve to explain these last
assertions.

Description of the present area of Patna.—It is calculated that
the present territories of Patna contain 5,000 square miles. Although
they are dotted at distant intervals with a few small hills, yet
it may be stated that they compose a plateau of undulating surface”
so peculiarly favourable for the cultivation of rice, the pulses, oi
seeds and sugar-cane. There are certainly besides the few scat
tered hills, interruptions also of gravelly or rocky rises covered with
jungle and a few forest trees. But making allowance for the deduction
of these from the general area, there remains a vast expanse of cull
turable land, the soil of which is of a good description.

Present condition of the area and indications of past prosperit oe
—Tracts of scrubby jungle have usurped the sites of former fields, |
and wild beasts now hold dominion where once stood the habitations |
of men. The Gurh of Patna is now the centre of such a jungle,
radiating 10 coss or say 20 miles in every direction. Close around,
the “ Gurh,” at distances varying from one or two miles, are about 100)
tanks, and in the surrounding jungle beyond these, at intervals of four
or six miles, are said to be the remains of other tanks, with traces of
villages marked, not only by the general certain evidence of planted

* 1, Brindanawagurh,
2. Khurriar.
3. Borasambur,

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 109

trees, such as the mangoe, but also by the unmistakeable proof of
old broken tiles and brick foundations of houses and temples. Nor
is it alone immediately around the “ gurh” of Patna, that signs of
former welfare and former energetic rule are to be found. Turning to
the southern position of the state in the Kondhan zemindarees of
Lowa and Topa, at Jhoorwace in Lowa, at Titoola and Oodeypoor in
Topa, are numerous ruins of solid buildings, of from one to three
stories high, and generally through the Kondhan lands are the walls of
neglected temples at distances of two or four miles apart. Moreover
to prove in some measure the earnestness which formerly existed for
developing the country, and the respect which is still held for the race

of its once energetic rulers, it is to be remarked that the Khonds of
the oldest Khond settlement at Saintula claim to have been brought
to Patna from Jeypore by Raman Deo, and pride themselves in being
still loyal and Khalsa subjects of his descendants. Further indications
of decayed prosperity and past enterprise might be adduced and not
least, this, the minute respectability and intelligence of some of the
YZemindars and Gountiahs of old families; but enough perhaps has
been noticed to prove that there is just ground for the boast of the
Patna people that their country was once thickly populated and
flourishing to such an extent, that even rich merchants were numbered
in it up to the time when anarchy at first, and the depredations of the
Mahrattas afterwards, compelled them to depart—till the occurrence of
these events, which now remain to be noticed, it is believed, then,
that the attention of the rulers of Patna, 20 in succession, was given

to the welfare and prosperity of their country and subjects.

& Cause of decline of power and prosperity—Hindur Shah Deo,
the 20th Maharajah of Patna, died, leaving two young sons, the eldest
named Raee Singh Deo under the guardianship of his younger brother,
their uncle, Buckraj Singh. This uncle, in view to the usurpation of
he Guddee, murdered the mother of the two boys and intended also to
{kill the latter. But he was frustrated in this intention. For the boys
|Were carried off in security to Phooljur by their maternal uncle, and
\there brought up. Raee Singh Deo, on coming to age, sought assistance
\irom Nagpore, and, procuring a force of Mahrattas, proceeded to regain
his rights. He attacked and killed his uncle, and thus obtained
/possession of his estate. But, however much this was beneficial to

*

110 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2,

himself, and pleasing perhaps to a portion of his subjects, still the
country paid heavily at the time for his restoration. While party
spirit and enmity having now been excited, it was to be expected that,
an occasion offering, conflicting interests might again stir them to a
blaze ; and again, the plains of Patna having now been opened out
to the view of the Mahrattas, it might be regarded as certain that their
greed would spend itself on the first opportunity of home dissensions
in depredatory incursions. And this prospect was indeed brought to
issue as follows. Raee Singh retained his position for many years, but
during this period the roused spirit of discontent and rebellion was
spreading through the land, till ultimately it was brought to burst
upon the unfortuuate Maharajah, then nearly 80 years old, by the
intrigues of his second wife. The story is, that he had three wives,
no offspring by the first, two boys by the second, and one son, the
eldest of all, by the third. The second wife was fearful that the
eldest son by the third Ranee would, as being his father’s favourite,
succeed to the Guddee, unless during the Maharajah’s life she should
take steps to prevent it. The measures she took for prevention were
the exciting a general rebellion which resulted as before noted, in the
flight of the Maharajah Raee Singh Deo to Sonepore. The Maharajah,
however, frustrated the design of his second wife; for he took her
with him to Patna, along with his grandson by his eldest born; and on
his death three years afterwards, appointed him his successor by putting
the regular Pugree on his head. During these three years, the whole
of Patna was in a state of perfect anarchy. The Ranees at Patna
were quarrelling for dominion, and their partizans were pillaging the
country indiscriminately around. Life and property were nowhere
secure. All respectable persons fled to Sonepore and were followed
by numbers of the general population. On the death of the old
Rajah the people acknowledged his appointed successor, who then
returned to Patna. He was, however, but a youth and found none to
advise or assist him, except such as had shared in the outrages of the
interregnum. Even his father, dismayed at the state of general
disturbance and disappointed at the preference given to his son, retired
on a pilgrimage to Allahabad ane there died. The young Maharajah,
Prithee Singh Deo lived only three years after succeeding to the
Guddee. ‘The next ruler was Ramchundur Deo, the captive of the

> =

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 111

Mahrattas, who now had completely overrun and spoliated the country
already so unhappily ripe for spoliation.

It was scarcely to be expected that after an anarchy of three
years and a total disruption of order under the force of subse-
quent events that the Zemindars of the frontier, who had been
so long revelling in wild independency, would soon be brought back
into proper subjection, especially when the power by entire loss
of resources of the succeeding Maharajah (father to the present one)
was almost utterly paralyzed. Still less could it be supposed that within
the short space of the reign of that one Maharajah, the vacuum in the
population would be filled up. Yet it is satisfactory to be able to
state that a move towards a clearance of the jungle, and an extension
of cultivation is certainly being made, and that out of 22 Zemindars
four only are complained of, and of these four, only one is rebellious.

Liverary INTELLIGENCE.

The following is an extract from a letter from Major Pearse, on
certain Buddhist antiquities of the Hazara valley.
“Tn reading the Proceedings of your Society, No. 4 of 1861, page

_ 413, I was much interested by the description of a small crystal figure

of a duck found in one of the topes or Stupas near Shah ke Dehri.
“ Tt reminds me that there is one object I obtained from a tope of

_ Shah ke Dehri, of which I should have published the account in our
_ Journal long ago, but I never did so. It may be interesting still
at this distant date to do so.

ia,

“Tn January 1850, Major Jas. Abbott, Deputy Commissioner of
Hazara, was absent from that district on duty in which I had just
arrived. A zumeendar brought me for sale either an emerald, or a
green piece of glass or crystal about 2 inches in oblong length, 1}
inches broad, and # of an inch thick; the centre of this emerald
was scooped out and in it was inserted a small gold casket, and
in the casket I found a small piece of bone, which I believe, from
subsequent enquiries, to be the bone of the smallest joint of the smallest
finger. The goldsmiths of the country all pronounced the ornament
to be an emerald, If it was so, it was of a bad pale colour with a

112 Literary Intelligence. [No. 2,

great quantity of flaws. I had intended it for presentation to the
British Museum. But the fame of the jewel was so hinted about,
that my own Sikh Guard coalesced and carried off the box in which
the relic was. The theft was proved, the culprits were all punished,
and everything was recovered, but the one great thing; notwithstand-
ing that Major Abbott and myself offered very large rewards for its
recovery.

“You may be aware that whilst in Hazara, I greatly amused myself
in excavating topes, and only desisted by finding it not at all a paying
thing, and besides the natives of the country took to opening the topes
and selling any relics found to Major Abbott and myself. Thus
from living in the country, hearing the legends of the land, studying
coins and books, and from my own explorations, I formed my own
conclusions on these topes, which in the main, I believe all subsequent
theories and discoveries have proved to be pretty correct. The con-
clusion was that such large grand topes as Manykyala and Bulhur
were the Westminster Abbeys of bygone Buddhist cities, at once a
great religious building and the regal burial-place, answering to the
great Rangoon Pagoda, and to the Bodh Nath of Nepal, only that
these buildings are seen in the days of Buddhistic decadence, those
existed in the days of its glory. Around Bulhur and Manykyala are
the easily traceable remains of cities that must once have had 150,000
inhabitants each. Taking Bulhur and Shah ke Dehri, places on the
right and left banks of the Hurroo river and going up the stream ten
miles, you do not go over a yard of what was not, in olden times,
built over. I have gone over every inch of it and was astounded to
find every where building remains. Thus all the smaller topes, I
conclude from the facts already adduced and from what I see of
modern Buddhism, were at once both religious and burial buildings in
the enciente of old Buddhist cities. And further they belonged either
to noble families, good families, guilds, wards, parishes or priests.

“ T went to see the Stupa from which my emerald relic was excavated.
I conceived, judging from its foundation, that when it stood in its
integrity, it.was from 50 to 80 feet high, or such a building as could
be afforded by a Chinese Mandarin or a Thibetan Lama of our time,
and such as still abound in Nepal. I therefore concluded that my
emerald relic had belonged to a noble Buddhist lady ; that it was in

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 113

her lifetime her drop pendant of her forehead ornament, for so all
the Hindoos of Hazara pronounced it to be, and that on her death
the little gold casket was set in it, and her relic bone placed in it
and buried. ‘

“With reference to the duck crystal ornament mentioned at page
413 by Mr. Westropp, it is not a rare figure, but is on the contrary
a very common one.

“From all the topes we excavated there was a perfect similarity of
objects found in all. And all the objects quite similar to those found
by Masson ; the coins were of the same kings. A good deal of Greek,
nearly purely so, and Greco-Buddhistic statuary was found. I ex-
cavated two or three small topes with all the figures of Buddha at the
different sides in perfect preservation, and similar in all respects to the
Buddhist temples of Nepal. From this I always concluded that these
cities did not perish by the hands of the Iconoclast Muhammadans of the
8th and 9th centuries, but had fallen into desuetude centuries before.

* * * * * *

“ Steatite vases or boxes were plentiful enough. I found but one

inscription on a copper-plate, and that I presented the Society with.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

eset AME COROT E TY.

— <p

Parr L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

NN

No. III.—1865.

— Coins of the Nine Nagas, and * two other Dynasties of Narwar and
Gwalior —By Major-General A, Cunniwanam.

[Received 13th July, 1865. Read 2nd August, 1865. ]

The old Hindu coins which are engraved in the accompanying plate,
were nearly all obtained in the Gwalior territory, and chiefly in the
cities of Gwalior, Narwar, and Gobad. Most of them are now pub-
lished for the first time, as only five specimens out of the whole num-
ber will be found in James Prinsep’s plates. These are Nos. 7, 11,
and 12 of the first series, No. 15 of the second, and No. 25 of the third
series. Most of the coins now published are very rare, and several of
them are unique; but Nos. 27 and 29 are common, and No. 7 is so
exceedingly numerous that upwards of 3,000 specimens have passed
‘through my hands, and there are as many more in the Stacy cabinet,
of the Asiatic Society’s collection. Stacy’s specimens were obtained
Gobad, and more than half of mine were found at the same place,
but the remainder were procured at Mathura and Delhi, as well as at

is can only be guessed at by the find-spots of their money. But
he present case I am fortunate in being able to illustrate each of
Me Fibro: different, series by references to inscriptions. The last series

15

116 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

of coins give their own dates, which accord exactly with the dates of
the inscriptions and with a solitary notice in Ferishta.

3. The first series of coins, from No. 1 to No. 14, may be attribut-
ed, I think with considerable probability, to a dynasty of kings whom
the Puranas call the “Nine Nagas,” and who would appear to have
been contemporary with the Guptas. In the Vishnu Purina, it is
stated that ‘the Nine Nagas will reign in Padmavati, Kantipuri and
*‘Mathurd, and the Guptas of Magadha along the Ganges to Praydga
“and Saketa, and Magadha.” Padmavati was at first identified by
H. H. Wilson with some unknown city in Berar, far to the south of
the Narbad#, and afterwards with Bhagalpur on the Ganges, but the
mention of Mathura utterly precludes the possibility of either of those
places having belonged to the Nagas. Both cities should no doubt be
looked for within some moderate distance of Mathura. The scene of
Bhavabhuti’s Malati and Madhava is laid in the city of Padmavati mm
the Vindhyan mountains. As his description of the locality is a
favourable specimen of Hindu poetry, I will not curtail it.

oth ¥

‘“‘ How wide the prospect spreads, mountain and rock,

“Towns, villages and woods, and glittering streams,—

“There where the Paré and the Sindhu wind,

“The towers and temples, pinnacles and gates,

* And spires of Padmdvatt, like a city

“Precipitated from the skies, appear

“Inverted in the pure translucent wave.” :

The Sindhu is, I think the Sindh river on which the city of Narwar

is situated, and the Pdrd is the Pdrbati or Péré river, which flows
only 5 miles to the north of the Sindh. Narwar also is in the midst
of the Vindhyan mountains, and at a moderate distance, about 160
miles, from Mathur4, so that there are no geographical difficulties to
overthrow the proposed identification. On the contrary the subse-
quent mention of the Madhuvati and the Lavana as streams in the
neighbourhood of the city, renders this identification almost complete,
as the first may be identified with the Mohwar or Madhwwar on
the south, and the other with the Ném or Lin to the north. With
regard to the third city named KA4ntipuri, I agree with Wilford in
identifying it with the ancient Kutwal or Kutwdr, on the Ahsin river, —
20 miles to the north of Gwalior. The kingdom of the Nagas there- :

1865. ] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 117

fore would have included the greater part of the present territories of
Bharatpur, Dholpur, Gwalior, and Bundelkhand, and perhaps also
some portions of Malwa, as Ujain, Bhilsa and Sagar. It would thus
have embraced nearly the whole of the country lying between the
Jumna and the upper course of the Narbada, from the Chambal on
the west to the Kaydn or Cane on the east, an extent of about 1,800
square miles, in which Narwar occupies a central and most command-
~ ing position. ,

4. The identification of Narwar with Padmévati, the capital city of
the Nine Nagas, is strongly corroborated by the coins which I am
about to describe, as most of the earlier specimens were obtained at
Narwar, and the remainder at Gwalior. It is also supported by the
Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta,~in which the king
boasts of the extent of his dominions, and enumerates the different
ninees and countries which had become subject to his power. In the
sh he mentions Ganapati-Ndga as one of the nine tributary
princes of Aryavurtta. Now Ganapati or Ganendra is the name of the

4j4 whose coins are the most common and the most widely diffused
“of all these Narwar kings, The legends of his coins are also in the
very same character as those of the Gupta coins and inscriptions. I
think therefore that there is every probability in favour of the identity
of these two princes. My discovery of an inscription of Samudra
_ Gupta in Mathuré itself is sufficient to show that the Nigas must
“have lost that city at an early date. It may also be taken as corrobo-
rative of the decay of their power, and of the supremacy of Samudra
Gupta, as stated in the Allahabad Pillar inscription. It may be
objected that the coins of Ganapati do not bear the additional name of
_ Naga, and that James Prinsep has rendered Ganapati Naga as two
separate names. To these objections I can reply at once that, so far as
_ Lam aware, Naga is never used alone as a man’s name, but always in

conjunction with some other word, either preceding it as in Naga-sena,
Nagarjuna, Nagaditya, Nagadatta, &., or following it as in Skanda-
Naga, Brihaspati-Naga, and Deva-Naga of the coins now under review.
For this reason I conclude that the name of Samudra Gupta’s contem-
porary must almost certainly have been Ganapati-Naga. The omission
he latter part of the name in the legends of the coins is sufficiently
plained by the minute size of the money, which did not afford room

118 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

for a long name. Thus on some of the coins of Brihaspati-Naga the
name is given at. full length, while on others it is contracted to Bri-
haspati and Brihaspa, and even to Briha. Similarly, the name of
Deva Naga is contracted to Deva Na and Deva, while that of Gana-
pati himself is variously rendered as Ganapatya and Ganendra on the
larger coins, and as Gana and even Ga on the smaller coins. A simi-
lar omission of the family appellation may be observed on. many of the
contemporary coins of the Guptas, on which the names of Chandra,
Samudra, Kumara, Skanda and Nara are found alone under the Raja’s
arm without the additional title of Gupta which, as we know from
other coins and inscriptions, certainly belonged to all of them. From
these instances I infer that the title of Naga belonged not only to
Ganapati himself but to every one of the early princes of Narwar,
whose coins form the first series of the accompanying plate.

5. The period to which these princes must be assigned depends
solely on the date of their contemporaries, the Guptas. In 1851,
when I wrote my account of the Bhilsa Topes, I referred the begin-
ning of the Gupta era to the year 319 A. D., but shortly afterwards on
comparing the Gupta gold coins with their Indo-Scythian prototypes,
and the Gupta silver coins with the Sah coins of Saurdshtra, I saw
that the first Guptas must certainly have been contemporary with the
earlier princes of the Kushan Scythians, and consequently that their
date could not possibly be later than the first century of the Christian
era. In 1855 Mr. Thomas devoted a special essay to the determina-
tion of the date of the Guptas, in which the subject was most fully
and ably treated. In this article, and subsequently in his valuable
notes on Prinsep’s essays, he inclines to refer the dates of the Gupta
coins and inscriptions to the Saka era, an opinion in which I fully
concur. But in assigning the Bhilsa inscription of Chandra Gupta,
which is dated in the year 93 to the first king of that name, he must
have overlooked the Udayagiri Cave inscription of the year 82, which,
according to H. H. Wilson, refers to Chandra Gupta’s great-grandson,
the Raja of Sanakanika. The only scheme, as far as I can see, that
will suit all the known dates and other conditions of this dynasty, is
to make Chandra Gupta Ist, the founder of the era. By adopting this
scheme, his great-grandson the Rajé of Sanakanika may be allowed to —
have been reigning in the year 82, and his grandson Chandra Gupta

+

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 119

2nd of Magadha in the year 93. But if we assign Chandra Gupta
Ast to the year 93, we must then allow that he continued to reign for
at of Sanaa years ajter the ageession of his own os yee -grandson the
Raja o to Mr. |

e ‘the pieces that bear the
Ist, and those
ndra Gupta 2nd. We
. of the Saka era was

eprueray over the

om Abu-Rihan r
_attribu ed to a Bebe named Vikra

s. From all Sieve concurring
e Saka era, which began in

> actual era Giant dynasty, and to attribute its
establishment to Chandra Gupta Ist.
6. According to this view the date of Samudra Gupta, and there-
fore a so of his contemporary Ganapati Naga, would be the beginning
of the second century, or about A. D.110. The dynasty of the Mine
Nagas palsy saa be assigned to the first and second centuries of
stian In the following list I have arranged the names of
a kings Pisin to the devices on their coins, beginning
Se types which seem to me to be the earliest on account of the
ancient eo of their accompanying inscriptions. It is
worthy of note, as corroboratory of the date which I have assigned to
the Nagas that the whole of the devices on these copper coins are to
be found on the silver coins of the Guptas themselves, or on those of

hi. acknowledged contemporaries.
re

120 Coins 0 of Nine Nagas.

IV. |Skanda Naga, q “Ditto ditto. :
Ditto, . sess .- Bull recumbent to rig
Brihaspa 1 aga, : Ditto ditto..

VI. |Ganapati,.........0).... Seamer ele
Ditto, Beene
VALE Vyaghra Naga,
Wii [Vasu Naea, se :
IX. |Deva Naga, ..

Ditto, a's dewls co's wcidale oan ones
Ditto, ee hi fa

7. I will now proceed to the more technical d
coins themselves for the benefit of the professed numismatist. The
pieces are all of small size, and many of them are so minute, that their
average weight is only 7-grains each. The whole of them, —

may be readily divided into four distinct. classes, which correspond
with the known divisions of the old Indian “pana or copper. coin of
145.833 grains. These divisions were, “>
. . are ie
The} pauty,, et. eco. eee . T291E

33 ¥ pana, or: hake Oe. i. 2s 36.458 ‘5
Pode. oes. coe nen ottadh ee P
Habart Wala... 0) ee te LE *
As the whole of these coins, excepting only the smallest of 9 grains,

” 3 panda, or

be bole

» Te pana, or

are mentioned in the Code of Manu, the antiquity of the names is

undoubted. In B. VIII, verse 404, the ferry tolls are fixed at the —
following rates :

An empty GATORS. Wit .crcnacpcctdels settee: = enn appa

+ Wrloadedememn; 2.0) Sees otek een eee ss 4

A "WORDEN, "OR'Ox, Eee eee rte -ee eee eee

An unloaded man... Mee Aicaie tage es on eee _.

But the pana was also elle the « copper Reaistiag? and under this,

1865.] ' Coins of the Nine Nagas. 121

name it is mentioned by Hesychius, who lived about A. D. 350 to
380, as kepoa Aciavov vomiopa

8. Of the $ pana, the few specimens that I possess belong to the
Peacock type, but the heaviest weighs only 64 grains. Of the } pana
or kdkini, the specimens are common and of all the types. One
peacock coin of Maharaja Va * * weighs 36 grains, five specimens of
Bhima average 34 grains each, three illegible coins give 34.2 grains,

_ twelve peacock coins of Skanda give 34.1 grains, five Bull coins of

Skanda give 37.2 grains, nine Bull coins of Ganapati average 34.5
grains, and two of Deva Naga weigh respectively 39 and 35. grains.

_ Altogether these 37 specimens. offer a mean weight of 34.87 grains,

7

llowance for wear, is sufficiently near the standard
ado opted for’ the quarter pana or Kékini. Of the half
simens are very numerous, embracing three Bull coins

which, ma king al

5 ‘of Skanda, all the caine of Brihaspati, the greater number of those of

Ganapati, and two coins of Deva Naga. The three coins of Skanda
give a mean of 16 grains each, thirteen coins of Brihaspati give 18.3
grains, thirty-four coins of Ganapati give 17.55 grains each, and two
of Deva Naga give 18.5 each. The mean of these specimens gives a
weight of 17.76 grains for the half kkeiné, which is within half a grain
of the standard. Of the quarter kdkini, which was the smallest
“coin” of the old Hindu mint, the only examples belong to Ganapati.
Twenty of my specimens weigh 140 grains or exactly 7 grains each,
the heaviest being 114 and the lightest 43 grains. In the original
monetary scheme of the Hindus, the copper pana was equal in weight
to 80 raktikas (or ratis), and in value to a handful of cowree shells.
The average handful was fixed at 80 cowrees a number, which I have
tested repeatedly with cowrees of all sizes as the handful always rang-
ed between 70 and 85 shells. To this circumstance the coin owed its
name of pana or the handful from pdniz, the hand. Both the name
and the value are even now preserved in the Calcutta reckoning of
cowrees in which 4 cowrees make 1 ganda and 20 gandds make 1 pan,
that is 80 cowrees are still equal to 1 pan.
I. Burma Naa.
_ Fig. 2.—5 specimens.
~ Obv.—Peacock standing to left.
ftev.— A horizontal line like a spear-head.
Legend. Mahdrdja Bhima Naga.

122 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 8,
se

Tl) « Kua (
Fig. 1.—Unique—50 grains.
Obv.—Peacock standing to right.
fev.—Two uncertain upright objects.
Legend. Mahdiréja Kha * * * *
This name must have ended in Ndga, as there is room for at least
four more letters. The full name may have been Kharjjura Ndga, as
there is a trace of the vowel w at the foot of the second letter.

¢ TI. Vie
Unique—36 grains. F Ly
Obv.—Peacock standing to right?” Bi
Rev.—Two uncertain upright objects. se

Legend. Mahdrdja Va * * * %
This name must also have ended in Na ga. It =e been Vatsa
Naga, but it was more probably ogee syllables, as Varuna.

IV. -SKANDA Naea.
Fig. 3—12 specimens. Average weight 34.1 grains.
Obv.—Peacock standing to eho
Rev.—As on Fig. 1.
Legend. Mahdrdja ayia Nagasya.

V. Brimaspatr Naga.
Figs. 5, 6.—81 specimens—all half kakinis, averaging 18.3 grains.
Obv.—Recumbent Bull to right in a dotted circle,
Rev.—Legend, Maharaja Brihaspati Naga.

Most of the legends are incomplete in the name, for want of space,
several of them reading Brihaspa as on No. 6, whilst.a few have only
Briha. Tt is to be noted that the uncertain object which occupied the
field of the previous coins has now disappeared. ‘4

VI. Ganapart (NaGa.) (

Figs. 7, 8, 9.—Extremely common :—Kdkinis, } kakinis, and 4
kdkinis.

Obv.—Bull walking to left, in a dotted circle.

Rev.—Legend. Mahdrdja Sri Ganapatya.

The name varies on different coins both in its form and in its spell-

ing. On No. 7, I read Ganapatya,” and on No. 8, Ganendra, both
properly spelt with the central x, On No. 9 the name of Ganendra.

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 123

incorrectly spelt with the dental n. These coins are extremely com-
mon. Mr. Thomas has noted that there are 3,479 specimens in the
Stacy collection, of which I know that by far the greater number were
obtained at Gobad. At the close of the Gwalior Campaign in 1844,
Col. Stacy showed me a bag full of these coins weighing about 4 seers
or 8 tbs. which his coin collector had just brought from Gobad; and as
he had not purchased the whole find, I managed to secure the remain-
der, which were about 2 seers or 4 lbs. in weight, and numbered about
1,750 specimens. Since then on different occasions I have procured
812 specimens at Mathura and 357 at Delhi, besides many more at
other places more especially at Gwalior and Narwar, which altogether
make my number considerably over 3,000.
Unique.—Kiikini of 35 grains.
Obv.—Wheel in a circle of dots.
Rev.—Legend. Mahdraja Sri Gane (ndra.)

VII. - Vya’aura Na’@a.
Fig. VA—Unique. Half kdkint of 18 grains, square.
Obv.—Wheel in a dotted circle.
Rev.—Legend. Vydghra (Na) ga.

VII. Vasu (Na’aa.)
Fig. 12.—Square. Half kdkini of 19 grains, duplicate in Dr.
Swiney’s collection, Thomas’s Prinsep, Plate 34, Fig. 30.
Obv.—Wheel in a dotted circle.
Rev.—Legend. Vasu Naga.

IX. Deva Na’aa.
Figs. 13, 14.—18 kakinis and 2 half kakinis.
Obv.—Wheel in a dotted circle.
Rev.—Legend. Mahdrdja Sri Deva Ndgasya.
Xa. Six specimens—all kékins.
Obv.—Recumbent Bull to right in a dotted circle.
Rev.—A Trisul, or trident, in the field.
Legend. As on Fig. 13.
IXd. Unique. Half kakinis of 17 grains.
Obv.—Trisul in a dotted circle.
Rev.—-Legend. As on Fig. 13,
16

124 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

9. On a general view of all the coins of the Naga series, it will be
observed that the unique specimens of both Vydghra and Vasu are of
square form, and that they also differ from the others in omitting the
title of Maharaja. It is possible therefore that they may not belong
to the dynasty of the Nine Nagas, although their type of the wheel is
also that of Deva Naga and Ganapati. It seems probable that a care-
ful scrutiny of the coins in the Stacy collection would increase con-
siderably the variety of types, and perhaps also might add to the
number of names of these Naga kings.

10. The second series of coins consists of five specimens, of which
no less than four belong to the same king, Paswpati, whose name
occurs in the oldest of my Gwalior inscriptions. In that record he is
stated to be a mighty sovereign, the son of Toramana, who was him-
self first made known to us by the inscription on the great boar statue
at Eran. A single silver coin of Toramana has also been described by
Mr. Thomas, who reads the date as “ one hundred and eighty odd’ of
the Gupta era, or about 20 years later than the Eran inscription of
Budha Gupta, that is about A. D. 263. If therefore we place Tora-
mana between the years 260 and 285 A. D., the date of his son Pasu-
pati will be 285 to 310, or about 300 A.D. The coins of Pasupati
consist exclusively of copper, and are so extremely rare, that, so far
as I am aware, three out of the four specimens now made known are
unique, and of the fourth specimen I have only two examples.

Pasupati.

Fig. 15.—Copper coin weighing 92 grains.

Obv.—Figure of the king seated cross-legged in the Indian
fashion, his right hand holding a flower, and his left resting on his
hip ;—the whole surrounded by a circle of large dots.

Rev.—A vase surmounted by a crescent and star or perhaps a
flower, and enclosed in a circle of large dots. Legend in Gupta
characters in one straight line, Paswpatz.

Fig. 16.—Copper coin weighing 109 grains : duplicate 105 grains.

Obv.—Figure of the king seated in the Indian fashion, holding a
flower in his right hand and a vase of flowers in his left hand ;—the
whole surrounded by a circle of large dots.

Rev.—A vase of flowers, surrounded by the same dotted circle.
Legend in two lines, Paswpatz.

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 125

Fig. 17.—Copper coin weighing 92 grains.

Obv.—A short trident or trisul, on a stand surrounded by a circle of
small dots.—Legend in two lines, Pasupati.

Rev.—A globe surrounded by rays, enclosed in a dotted circle,

Legend disposed circularly, Paswpat.

Fig. 18.—Copper coin weighing 43 grains.
| Obv.—Humped Bull to right with a crescent above, and surrounded
by a dotted circle.

Rev.—Type and legend the same as No. 17.

Fig. 19.—Copper coin weighing 112 grains.

Obv.Figure of the king seated in the Indian fashion on a high
backed throne, and surrounded by a circular line and an outer circle of
dots :—Legend over the head in Gupta characters which are not easily
legible. I read doubtiully Sri Guhila-pati,

Rev.—An elephant to right surrounded by a circular line and an
outer circle of dots.

11, I have added the last coin to this series because it corresponds
both in weight and in fabric with the specimens of Pasupati’s mintage.
The type of the obverse also agrees so closely with that of the first
example just described that I have little doubt that this coin belongs
to some member of the same family. The specimen is unique. I
have added two small coins of Chandra Gupta, Figs, 20 and 21, for
the purpose of shewing that similar vases of flowers were used as types
by the Gupta dynasty which immediately preceded the family of Tora-
mana. Fig. 22 is another small coin with the flower-vase type, but
bearing a different name, Swarga, regarding which I am unable to
offer any remarks save that its type and fabric range it with the con-
temporary coins of the Guptas.

12. The third series of coins belongs to a much later period of
ndian history, shortly after the capture of Delhi by the Muhammad-
ans. The coins themselves are utterly rude and barbarous imitations
of the horseman mintage of the Brahman kings of Kabul ;—but they
are otherwise interesting and important, as they bear legible dates,
from which I have been able to verify two of the names as those of
actual Rajas of Narwar. Of the earliest of these coins belonging to
Malaya Varmma Deva, 1 have seen only 5 specimens. On one of

them, Fig, 26, the date is §, 1280, or it may be 8. 1285 as the unit_

126 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

figure is partly cut off. On a second coin the date is S. 83, and on a
third S. 90 odd, the unit being cut off. Here we see that the last two
dates must undoubtedly refer to the same century as that of the first
coin, because the name of the prince and the fabric of the coins are
precisely the same. Of the second prince named Chdhada Deva, I
have numerous specimens, bearing various dates from 1303 to 1311, of
-which Figs. 27 and 28 give S. 1305 and S. 1311. Of the third
prince, named A’sala Deva, the specimens, though numerous, are always
small and much worn, and the dates are therefore generally imperfect.
Two of the more perfect coins, however, give the dates of 1311 and
1312, and a third has 1330 odd: see Figs. 29 and 30. In illustration
of these coins, [have engraved a curious specimen of the contemporary
coinage of Ala-ud-din Masaiid, Fig. 23, which bears on the obverse
the well known recumbent Bull with the Nagari legend Sri Ala-va-
dina and the date of 1300, inserted on the quarter of the Bull. This
date must certainly refer to the Vikramiditya Samvat as Masaiid
reigned from A. D. 1242 to 1246, and S. 1300 is equal to A. D-
1243.

13. The coins of this third series of Narwar princes are found
chiefly about Gwalior, Jhansi, and Narwar, but a few stray specimens
may be picked up at Agra and Mathura. The obverse bears the rude
figure of a horseman which is only traceable on the coins of Asala
Deva by comparing them with the earlier pieces of Malaya Varmma.
A brief description will therefore be sufficient for this barbarous
coinage.

. I. Manayva Varma Deva.

Figs. 25, 26.—Copper coins weighing from 50 to 56 grains,

Obv.—Rude horseman with no trace of the legend of Sri Hamir
which is found on all the contemporary Muhammadan mintages.

Rev.—Legend in three lines Haass Hss @- URs- Sri-man Ma-
laya Varmma Deva, §. 128 and also 8. 83.

II. Cuduapa Deva.

Figs. 27, 28.—Copper coins weighing from 50 to 59 grains.

Rev.—legend in three lines Hwatsesea F- L204, Sri-Mat Chéhada
Deva, S. 1305.

III. Asata Deva.
Figs. 29, 30.—Copper coins weighing from 50 to 57 grains.

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 127

Rev.—Legend in three lines FHeIaM!|T B- YR{R- Sri-Mad Asala
Deva, 8. 1311.

14. All my researches have failed to discover any trace of the first
of these princes, but I have found the name of Chéhada Deva in two
different inscriptions, as well as in Ferishta’s history. In the year
A. H. 649, or 1251 A. D., the historian relates that Naser-ud-din
Mahmud, the king of Delhi “ proceeded to the siege of Narwar. The’
Raja Jéhir Dew, having lately constructed the fort on the summit
of a rock, prepared to defend it to the last. He accordingly marched
out to oppose the Muhammadans, with 5,000 horse and 200,000 foot.
This immense host being defeated with great slaughter, the place was
invested and reduced to surrender after a few months’ siege.” In

: Dow’s translation the Raja is called Zéhir Deo, and under this name
__ he is entered in Prinsep’s tables, but with the date of A. D. 1251 trans-
posed as 1215, and the name of Narwar erroneously referred to

Nahrwara, or Analwéra-patan, in Gujarat. The inscriptions which
mention Chdhada Deva are dated in 8. 1348 and 1355 or A. D. 1291
and 1298, but the first refers apparently to a younger son and the
second to a grandson.

15. Ofthe third prince named A’sala Deva, I can find no trace in
history, but he is mentioned in the Narwar inscription of S. 1355 as
the son and successor of Chdhada Deva, and I found his name on a
Sati pillar at Rai, with the date of S. 1327 or A. D. 1270, at which
time he was the reigning sovereign. The beginning of his reign is
fixed in the year S. 1311 by the agreement of the date of his father’s
latest coins with that of his own earliest coins. The following table
gives the chronology of these three princes as determined from various
ources :—

Accession,
Samvat. A. D.
1, Malaya Varmma Deva, 1267 1210 Coins S. 1280 odd, 82 & 1290 odd.
. Chahada Deva, ......... 1292 1235 Coins S. 1303 to 1311. Ferishta

A. D, 1251.

3. Asala Deva, ........... 1311 1254 Coins S. 1311 to 1330 odd.
. 1336 1279 Inscription, 8. 1327.

_ Al the inscriptions referring to these Narwar princes, will be duly

transmitted to Babu Rajendralala Mitra in the hope that he will

kindly undertake their translation.

RRA nnn en

128 On the Sena Rajas of Bengal. [No. 38, «

On the Sena Rajas of Bengal as commemorated in an Inscription from
Rajshahi, decyphered and translated by C.- T. Murcarrz, Lsq.,
C. S.— By Babu RAsenprausta Mrrra.

{Received 5th July, 1865. Read 5th July, 1865. ]

Subjoined are the text and translation of a Sanskrit inscription of
some interest lately found in a part of Rajshahi called the “ Burrin,”’
close by the village of Deopdrah, Thinnah Godigdri. Mr. C. T. Met-
calfe, to whom the Society is indebted for the original and the transla-
tion, gives the following account of the place where the monument
was found. “The tank where I found it,” he says, “is some 40
miles from Goa (Gour?); but it stands on the bank of a river which
was the old Pudda bed, and which river now flows 6 miles to the
south, before Rampur Bauleah. The locality is evidently the site of
some temple, and the stone records, I should say the inscription, the
praises of the founder. While making some further examinations
I came to the top of a series of black stone-steps leading underground ;
one monster stone was 1 yard in thickness. In the tank itself are
2 slabs which can be felt with a bamboo and which, a hoary-headed
old man says, were above ground when he was a chokra (boy) and kept
the village cattle, 2. e. some 60 years ago.” The place was of some
distinction, even during the Mahomedan period, for there still stands
a magnificent masjid about 650 years old. Mr. Metcalfe describes it
as “built entirely of stone without a bit of mortar, and put together
like a child’s toy-house, the stones fitting the one into the other.
The carving on it is beautiful.”

The stone slab upon which the inscription is recorded, was found in
a dense jungle apparently away from its original position, but amidst
a number of large blocks of stone half buried under the earth. It —
measures 3 ft. 2 inches by 1 ft. 93. Its material is basalt carefully —
polished on the upper surface.

The letters of the inscription are of the Tirhoot or Gour type, simi-
lar to that of the Bakerganj plate of Kesava Sena, decyphered by
James Prinsep. Bengali MSS. three centuries old, are written in
very much the same characters, and the facsimile of the Yaynadatia-
badha published by Chezy, bears some resemblance to it. It is im fact

1865.] On the Sena Rijas of Bengal. 129

the first transition stage of the Kutila in its passage to the modern
Bengali. Mr. Metcalfe found considerable difficulty in getting the
record decyphered, owing to modern pandits not being familiar with
its style of writing, but I have carefully compared his transcript with
the original and satisfied myself that his reading is perfectly correct.
The language of the inscription is pure Sanskrit, but its style is
highly inflated and hyperbolical. Umapati Mis’ra, the author of it, is
never satisfied with an ordinary comparison. If he has to describe a
high temple, he cannot stop without making its pinnacle stand as
an obstruction to the course of the sun. His kings must upbraid the
heroes of the Ramdyana and the Mahabharata as vain boasters and
insignificant upstarts, and his war-boats, even when stranded on a
sand-bank in the Ganges, must eclipse the glory of the moon. This
style, common enough in oriental writing, was particularly remarkable
in Northern India in the 9th, 10th and the 11th centuries of the
Christian era. Whether at Gour or Benares or Kanauj or Oujein or
Mathura, this straining after bombast was so universal, that no one
familiar with the monumental literature of the period, can mistake it
for a moment, and it may therefore be taken as characteristic of the
time. I have myself met with it so often, that had I no other guide to
ascertain the age of the record under notice, I would have taken its
style to be a conclusive proof of its being of the 10th or 11th century.
The subject of the record is, the dedication of a temple which is
‘described to have “extended to all directions in space, and vied in
loftiness with the Mount Meru round which the sun, moon and the
‘stars run their course.” Its pinnacle of gold, which was shaped like a
water-jar, was equal 1o the Meru in weight. Its locality was the
nargin of the tank where the inscription was found. Judging from the
insignificant remains now traceable in that locality, I believe the edifice
yas by no means a very extraordinary one. Its presiding deity was
radyumnesvara or S’iva as the destroyer of Cupid, a form in which
he is not often worshipped by his votaries in Bengal. This divi-
“nity, who is generally represented as a vagrant mendicant, is said to
| have exchanged, by the favour of the dedicator of the temple, his tiger
skin toga for silken dresses, his serpent neck-chains for garlands of
jewels, his ashes for sandal wood powder, his rosary for pearls, and his

(

human bone ornaments for precious gems.

130 On the Sena Rdjis of Bengal. [No. 3,

Of the dedicator of the temple, Vijaya, the record is, as usual in such
cases, the most lavish in its praise. According to it, he was the great-
est of kings that ever held sway on earth; the most valiant, the most
charitable, and the most virtuous. While describing the hero as a
devout follower of Mahadeva, it does not hesitate to make him even
superior to that dread manifestation of the divinity, for the one, says it,
destroys all alike, while the other, killed his enemies and cherished
his friends. There is, however, very little in the verses devoted to his
glorification which may be taken for facts. The time of his reign is not
given, nor the name of his caste, nor that of the place where he caused
the temple to be erected. He is related to have invaded Assam
(Kamartipa) and the Coromandel Coast between the Chilka Lake and
Madras (Kalifiga), and to have sent a fleet of war-boats up the Ganges
to conquer the Western kings; but nothing is said of the results of
these invasions : the last is, ina manner, acknowledged to have proved
a failure ; for the only thing noticeable in it, was the stranding of one
of the boats on a sand-bank, poetically described as “the ashes on the
forehead of S‘iva, changed to mud by contact with the water of the
Ganges.”

The genealogy of the king includes three names, those of Hemanta
Sena, Sumanta Sena, and Vira Sena. The last was evidently the
founder of the family, for he appears as a descendant of the moon,
without any reference to his immediate progenitors. All the three were
kings of Gour, but their names occur nowhere in history. Vijaya
the last of the series was, according to tradition, known by the name
of Sukha Sena, and under that name he occurs in the Ayin Akbary, as
the father of Ballaéla Sena. His name occurs in the Bakerganj plate — 3
as the first of a series of four kings, the last of which was Kesava —
Sena. Vijaya there appears as the father of Ballala Sena. Again, in
a manuscript of the Ddanasdgara, a treatise on gifts attributed to
Ballala Sena, the author describes himself as the son of Vijaya Sena —
and the grandson of Hemanta Sena. These facts justify the assump-
tion that the three records allude to the same family, and that Sukha ~
Sena was an alias of Vijaya Sena. If this be admitted, the Sena
dynasty of Bengal will have to be extended by the addition of the
three names which occur in the inscription now under notice.

Of the descendants of Vijaya, the most distinguished was, no doubt,

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 131

his son Ballila. ‘‘ This prince,” to quote the words of an able writer

in the Calcutta Review, “was held in such high estimation all over
Bengal, that the most extravagant fancies have been indulged and the
wildest tales invented in order to connect his memory with the mar-
vellous and the sublime.” The same writer continues; ‘ Poets have
invested him with the dignity of a divine original and described
his infantile precocity in the most glowing colours. He has been
represented as the son of the fluvial god Brahmaputra, who had
deceived his mother by assuming the form of her own hus-
band. His nativity is said to have taken place in the solitude of a
thick forest, where his mother had been banished, a few months before
her parturition through the jealousy and treachery of his father’s two

other wives. In these sylvan shades and under the especial protection
of heaven he passed his infantile days, undisturbed by the noise and
distractions of towns and cities, and uncontaminated by the pleasures
and irregularities of riotous society. His divine parent, ‘‘ the uxorious
Amnis,” as Horace would perhaps call him, instructed him in the
different branches of a Hindu’s education, and in the tactics of war
and diplomatic policy. While yet a boy he is said to have exhibited
extraordinary proofs of heroism and strength. He had discomfited
unassisted and alone a whole host of disciplined troops commanded by
princes and veteran captains, and armed with all the weapons of native
warfare.” The whole of this statement, however, is founded upon vague
traditions or modern records of doubtful authority. We may dismiss
it, therefore, without a remark. The Bakerganj inscription of Ballala’s
grandson does not allude to the facts noted in it with sufficient circum-
stantiality to give them any prominence. From what it says, we may take
for granted, however, that he was a great patron of learning and himself
an author of some pretension.—Vedartha smriti safigrahddi purusha,
‘The treatise on gifts alluded to above shews that his reading was
extensive and his knowledge of the s’dstras respectable.* He is,
_* The prominent mention made in the work of the author's tutor, Anirudha,
mld waken a suspicion that, like many other crowned heads in India and Europe,
allila had assumed to himself a credit which rightly belonged to another. How-
had that be, the authenticity of the work is undoubted. It has been quoted by the

author of the Samaya Prakasa who lived several hundred years ago, and Raehu-
_ nandana who flourished at the end of the 15th century, alludes to it in two places

in his Suddhitattva: Wa ST ATRAL VTA SAI gailatita SAA aAT:
Serampore edition, p, 194, Again : BAHT wryitz faaaia,sraraifeaa-
17

<

132 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

however, better known in this country by the system of hereditary
nobility which he established in his court than by his devotion to
letters. The main object of that system was to give preéminence to

wrara <fa areata: | Ibd. 20—3. The work is divided into 70 Sections

and devoted to a description of 1375 gifts, the mode of consecrating them, the pro-
per persons to give them to, the time meet for making such gifts, &e. &e. The
author enumerates in his introduction the different authorities he had consulted
in compiling his work, and as his list gives an idea of the works which were
reckoned as standard authorities in his time, 9 hundred years ago, I quote it
entire.

Purdnas. Vishnu-dharma. Yama.

Brahma. Gopatha Brahmana. Yogayajnavalkya.
Varaha. Ramayana. Deyvala.

Agni, Mahabharata, Baudhayana.
Bhavishya. Manu. Angirasa.
Matsya. Vasishtha. Danavyasa.
Kurma. Samvarta. Vrihaspati ? ?
Adya. Yajnavalkya, Sankha.
Upapurdna. Gotama. Likhita.

Adya, Katyayana, Apastamba.
Samba. Yavala. Satyayana,
Kalika, Sandana. Maha Vyasa.
Nandi. Vrihaspati. Laghu Vyasa.
Aditya. Vrihad Vasishtha. Laghu Harita.
Narasiniha, Harita. Chhandoga perisishta,
Markandeya. Pulasta.

Vishnudharmottara. Vishnu.

S’astras. Satatapa,

S‘lokas are often repeated by panditas, which tradition ascribes to this
prince. It is said that once when his son Lakshmana was long absent from
home, his daughter-in-law brought the circumstance to his notice by writing the
following s‘loka on the wall before the place where he used to dine :-—

udafatad afc cates fufaat Hat |
WY AA: Hara at Saar afcate

*‘The clouds are pouring without intermission and the peacocks are dancing
with joy ; on such a day death or my darling alone can remove my suffering.”
Touched by it he invited his son back to his home with the following stanza :—

aaa CNRARA Barat eafaar fasra
iN ~ ~
aqwaqenaa featafagaiewaat |
VI yEl eaagHE feat yauatatsrat
~ iS 3 ~ Ke ee
IIATUSRIS A TVA SAT Salat Wa i
“O thou who art disposed as the second (the Bull—listen).’’ Alone and op-
pressed is she with the breasts like the eleventh (pitchers-globes) of the elephant,
by the approach of him who has the tenth (Makara on his flag Cupid), even as are
the twelfth (fishes) and the fourth (crabs), on the approach of the shark (maka-
ra). That sixth (virgo), with eyebrows without compare, (lit. devoid of the seventh
libra), who should belong to the royal fifth (lion-prince is suffering from the pangs
of the eighth (scorpio), O, first (aries—my son) hasten and be thou the third

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 1338

the descendants of the five Brahmins and Kadyasthas who had been
_ brought to Bengal by Adis’ira. The particular qualities which were
to characterise his nobles were ‘‘ good manners, learning, humility,
reputation, pilgrimage, faith, fixed profession, austerity, and charity’’*
but as there was no standard measure for those qualities, and it
was difficult to secure them without attaching penalties to personal
delinquencies which could never be enforced, he had recourse to other
and more definite means for their perpetuation. He availed himself of
the popular notion that children invariably inherit the moral qualities
of their parents, and hoped that by maintaining the blood of his newly
created nobles pure and undefiled, he would attain his end. He forbad all
intermarriage between the original Brahmans and Kayasthas of the
country and the newcomers, and ordained various and complicated rules
for the gradual degradation of those families which should permit any
stain to fall on the gentility of their blood. Mis-alliances could not, how-

(gemini).” The play. on the names of the twelve signs of the zodiac in this
s'loka cannot be preserved in the English translation.

On another occasion he was himself absent from home for a long time, having
been detained in a forest by the charms of a lowly born damsel. The scandal
was great, and his son, to stop it, requested his return with the following
verse :—

as =
UY ATA AWS TET aiaifaat aart
fa qa: wiai vata Wee: A GETIT |
’ faa auafa a alge asaifaat aaa
; aeaRaIaa Aais qa: weal frrg we: Il
Generally cool art thou, O river, and transparent by nature. Of thy purity
what can I say ? everything becomes pure by thy touch. What else need I tell in
thy praise ? thou art the life of all living things. And yet strange to relate, thou

flowest downwards and none can withhold thee.”
' To it the king sent the following reply :—

AAT ATITAGI TT HAT Var A Yel Tal
F SQA HARI Hl aA A FUT It
Strafarata ea afcu wer a@ at qfaal

II<aSl BUG CHICUAST WMRITA SISA: I

7 - ©The elephant has not yet soothed its skin nor allayed its thirst; the dust on
its body still remains unwashed, and the tuberous roots of the lotus have hi-
_ therto not yielded it a mouthful of food, much less an entertainment; the lotus
‘remains untouched by his far projectile arm: verily the bees have raised an
‘unmeaning hue and ery by their murmurs.”
The authenticity of these s‘lokas is, however, not such as may be relied upon.
* ANcharo vinayo vidya pratishtha tirtha darsana, nishtha vritti tapo danam
nayadha kula-lakshanam,

134 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

ever, be altogether prevented, and the successors of Ballala somewhat
encouraged them, by raising the social status of those plebeans who
succeeded in securing the alliances of kulinas. Wealthy maulikas large-
ly availed themselves of the opportunity which was thus given them
of rising in social rank, and the cupidity of our nobility has of late
encouraged them by a system of polygamy which has made kulinism
in Bengal, a positive nuisance to society.

The son and successor of Balldla was Lakshmana Sena. The author
of the Bakerganj plate makes him erect altarsand pillars of victory at
Benares, Allahabad, and Jagannath, but ‘it may reasonably be doubt-
ed,” says Prinsep, “ whether these monuments of his greatness ever
existed elsewhere than in the poet’s imagination.” His prime minis-
ter and Lord Chancellor (Dharmadhikara,) was Halayudha, son of
Dhananjaya, of the Vatsya race, a Brahmin of great learning and a
descendant of Bhattandréyana, the author of the Venisanhara. His
eldest brother, Pashupati, wrote a treatise on the srdddha and other
ceremonials under the title of Pashupati Paddhati. His next brother
was a great scholar and professor of Smriti and the Mimafsa; he wrote
a treatise on the diurnal duties of Brahmins which still exists—
Alnika Paddhati. Walayudha himself is said to have written several
works on Smriti, of which the most important is the Brahmana Sarva-
sva. Init, he describes his patron in the usual grandiloquent terms
of his time, but there is nothing in it to shew that he was other than a
prince of mediocre merit. He is said by the Mahomedan historians to
have greatly embellished the city of Gour, and called it after his own
name Lakhnouty or Lakshmana-vati ; but the inscriptions are silent on
the subject, as they are as regards the popular belief of Ballala Sena’s
having built the town of Gour.

Lakshmana was followed successively by his two sons, Madhava Sena
and Kesava Sena. The Rdjdvali brings in a Su or Stra Sena after
Kesava, and Mahomedan writers have a Noujib, a Narayan, a Lakh-
mana, and a Lakhmaniyé to follow him; but no monumental record
has yet been found to prove their ever having existed. An As’oka Sena
also occurs as one of the kings of Gour, but his position in the list is
nowhere defined. Of these therefore I have nothing to say. I shall
make an exception, however, in favour of the last of the series. The
Tabkat 1 Ndsivt of Minhajuddin Jowzjani says that the last king of

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 135

the Sena dynasty was Lakhmaniy4, and this authority must be accepted

as correct, as the work was written within fifty-eight years after

the conquest of Bengal by Bakhtiar Khilijy, and its author had

ample opportunities, during his sojourn in Bengal, of conversing
_ with the contemporaries of Lakhmaniyé who had taken part in that
conquest, and of collecting the most authentic information available in
his time. The account given in that book is as follows :—

eels 953 we & dS ByyS tly tle AU ayer Soy ws
bho ty ATorwy Maing ey) Vide) is? age Slher oi9 5 wy}, luo y
Bae? Shy fle glide woe y a9 Sp! Gt ob als oy? Aroahyed I
6 Sef els yo aes! x glist ¢ borin! ae!) wT wile 5 ako PE9e tO! g
pe Babee co') cyst oyS UR Ls jt WTOY we itl wl»
WIdIA y did ya 9! jyole Uw wiker y Bole gf polo af oo Sob » fan oy jole
WF Nosed dia FS Cyr ce aiddry 6p ais si ty wliot
:. od 2b ea Edy ght Ly Byole 9 daw) Shop dag ei

my aS Qiinl G'ab My Pie) by Sy we G oS &e> |) wa,
Desc oil Loli Ka yo Seog? OBL WoYy Hele Wye Lh rite
cst gl Slew glia woe Sb wads Cele 9 Ot Et i! OF Sipe
ak 997% fy gh G o9yB Okay w= 3! pS= wel ot yale we RCs
| Bis SG go GIL U olodliniy wher 5 KLE T yy ylaigS y ating 92
ails,S 55 ly 9! G 09 Rs oT wody Sy AS HoT ees) Os SrSy 9m y
wf dexinod 31 Ghole oof wey eg - dy walk Ly dab J's y9-
BSS sold als fle glide» aigls Geiy 1) Arig. rbd yy elle

i
: Translation.—Contemporary historians, on whom be the blessings of
¥ God, have thus related : ‘‘ That when the news of the valour and the wars
q and subjugation of kingdoms by Mohammed Bakhtyar, may the mercy
_ of God be on him, reached Lakhmaniy4, the capital of his kingdom
was Nuddea. The Raya was very learned and had sat on the
throne for 80 years. It will not be amiss to mention here an anecdote
of the Raya which has come to my knowledge; it is this: When the
| father of the Riya passed away from this world, Raya Lakhmaniya
‘was in his mother’s womb. The crown was therefore placed on the
‘Womb, and the officers of State all girt themselves and stood round
and behind the mother. The family of this prince was known as the
Raya of Rayas of Hind by the wise men of the time, and reckoned as

136 ‘On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

the viceroys (khalifa) of India. When the time for the birth of Lakh-
maniya approached near, and the mother felt the pains of delivery, the
astrologers and Brahmans were assembled together, so that they may
watch the auspicious moment of birth. They unanimously said that
should this boy be born immediately, it will be unfortunate in every
respect, and he will never attain to royalty. But should he be delivered
two hours hence, he will reign for 80 years. When the mother heard
this from the astrologers, she ordered that she may be hung up by
her two feet as long as the auspicious moment should not come, and
that the astrologers should be in attendance to watch that moment.
When the proper time arrived and the astrologers said that it was -
at hand, she was taken down. Thus was Lakhmaniya born, but his
mother immediately died of the pains she had been subjected to.
Lakhmaniyé was immediately placed on the throne, where he reigned
for eighty years.”

’ Three things may be taken for granted in this statement; first that
the name of the last king of the Sena dynasty was Lakhmaniyda;
second, that he was a posthumous child; and third, that he reigned for
eighty years. It must be admitted, however, that the word Lakhmani- —
ya is very unlike a Bengali proper name. The only Bengali or San-—
skrit word to which it bears any resemblance is the patronymic* Ldksh-
maneya, “a son, grandson or descendant of Lakshmana,”’ and if it be
admitted that the Lakhmaniyd of the Mahomedan historians is a cor-
ruption of the Sanskrit Ldkshmaneya, it would not be too much to
assume that the prince under notice was the grandson of Lakshamana
son of Ballala.

The reigns of Madhava and Kesava Sena were short and inconsequen-
tial, and it is very likely that the Lakhmaniya who succeeded Kesava,
and reigned in Bengal for 80 years, was taken by the Mahomedans
to be the immediate successor of Lakshmana, son of Balléla, who
had a long and prosperous reign of many years. I adopt this assump-

* The affix dhak is ordinarily used after feminine nouns, qa oa Pinel va
iv, I. 120, but under the especial rule s’ubhird-dibhyas’cha (P. iv, I. 123.) Lakhsh- es
mana of the Vasishtha gotra takes that affix. “ Lakshmana sydmayorvdsish- a
the.” I know not whether the Senas were of the Vasishtha gotra, but such niceties —
of grammar were so little attended to in the middle ages that I do not think that
anybody would have objection to its use in the case of persons not of the Vasish-
tha gotra. If such an objection be raised, we must take Lakshmaniya to be a —

matronymic and assume the name of our prince’s mother to haye been Lake :
mana,

ne TERNS eerie . _ ——

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 137

tion owing as much to the names of Su Sena Noujib and a second
Lakshmana not occurring in any authentic early document, as to there
being no sufficient time available between the dates of Ballala Sena
and that of the Mahomedan conquest for the allocation of three reigns,
after making the necessary allowance for Lakshmana, Madhava and
Kesava Senas and Lakhmaniya. It is possible that those reigns were
only of a few months’ duration each, but there is nothing authentic to
support such a theory, and therefore, I feel fully justified in the assump-
tion I have made above.

The inscriptions are very unsatisfactory on the subject of dates.
The Bakerganj plate professes to have been recorded in the month of

_ Jaishta in the third year of the king’s reign, but does not name any cur-

rent era. The Rajashahi stone has no date whatever. But it is not
difficult to find the probable time when the different members of the
Sena dynasty flourished in Bengal. According to the author of the
Samaya Prakds'a, the Danasdgara was written (or completed?) in the
S’aka year 1019* — A. D.1097. Ballala must therefore have lived at
about the end of the eleventh century, and this accords well with the
statement of the Ayin Akbary which makes that prince commence his
reign in the year 1066. Lakshmana, according to Abul Fazel, assumed
the sovereignty of Bengal in 1116, which gives a period of 51 years to
Ballala. I doubt, however, the accuracy of the last date. The date
of Bakhtiar’s conquest of Bengal is well known (1203), and the
testimony of Minhajuddin regarding the eighty years’ reign of
Lakshmaniya cannot be easily set aside. This carries us back to 1123.
On the other side if we allow only three years to Ballila after the
completion of his Daénasigara we come to the end of the 11th century,
leaving only 23 years between 1101 and 1123 for distribution among
Lakshamana, Madhava and Kesava. The exact period of Laksmana’s
reign is not known. Abul Fazel allots to him only 8 years, but Halay-

—udha, his prime minister, suggests a much longer time. He says that

he was in his boyhood made a court pandit, by the king; that in his

(ee ea

_ éarly manhood, he attained to the rank of a minister; and that

*fifescraafraatramaacsd | qu ufe-aa-enfaa wate
SIaaathaa:

138 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

subsequently he was raised to the office of the Lord Chancellor
Dharmadhikdva.* This is not practicable within the space of eight
years, and I feel no hesitation in assigning to him two and a half times
that number of years ; the remaining three years being left for Madhava
and Kesava and possibly for Su or Sura Sena should a prince of that
name be hereafter verified. For the present I am disposed to throw out
a hint that Su Stra Noujeb and As’oka were probably the proper name
and aliases of the prince whose patronymic was Lakhmaniya. Prinsep,
following the Ayin Akbary, takes 1136 to be the date of the Bakerganj
plate, but as that authority makes Lakhmaniy4 begin his reign in the
year 1200 A.D. and fly to Orissa three years after, when Minhajuddin,
who had ample opportunities of conversing with the contemporaries of
Lakshmana, and was himself in Bengal a few years after his overthrow,
assures us that that prince reigned for 80 years, we may without com-
punction reject its evidence as unworthy of belief. The ancestors of
Ballila from Hemanta to Vira Sena were hitherto unknown to history,
and even now the inscription under notice does not name the time when
they flourished. The final settlement of their dates must, therefore, be
left for future research. If we assign to them the usual Indian average
of 18 years to a reign, the Sena dynasty may be arranged as follows :—

* For those who may be curious on the subject I quote a few stanzas from the
Bréhmana Sarvasva. 4

aaa Tal yaaweltad Paar frararaad SATAY |
aml Tan fafaaeews referees faut ll
BH HA VATA gIag: BRaewBragqa-
tea waar fase FAS IAT ABTTTAAT |
WRAG RUST AVIASE WAC Vaima-
afa wufaaaae aaa fates siarita i
gatetad 4 fara aeC wawgarat Paar
FASTA HAA anya arated asa |
a: 9 faaamaR “afeat Raw u: wr fa-
wat ae wala yay Ceca BTS: Il
arg Qilwatisagfwaqe: santa aaq-
RAT TAA ETA TTY IS Zeal aa Araz |
aa Samii afes VAi TTATTIA:
Fale MAUS AS ceVylasa/ wart er |

t
a

{

mn
4

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 139

A. D.
arn Sema Lis es yy, tiie. oes 994
Caomenta Pera ds il toe ns. cedeTl lt. 08 1012
Elemmaritia Senay). iis sivas lect wn sasves wes dionee 1030
Vijaya alias Sukha Sena, ...............00026. 1048
bisa Sensieack I. saskt las waldent Licsiweniast «is 1066
Naileshmanai Sends iisstis cei. ss sede. ast te 1101
MathavealS emai itil... vaatddisvse. 0005. ed oalve 1121
Kesava Sena, ............ i Asses LL22
Lakhmaniya, sli As’ es Bix or Bs Sena, 1123
The last overthrown by Bhakhtiar in ...... 1203

This arrangement brings the age of Vira Sena, probably the first of
the family who settled in Bengal, to very near the time which I have
assigned to Adis’ tira in my paper on Mahendrapala,* and it would not be
too much to assume that Vira was the immediate successor of Adis’ tra.
There is, however, no monumental or any ancient authentic record to
prove the date of A‘dis’tra. The authorities quoted in my paper agree
in bringing him down to the time of Ballala, and must therefore be
rejected as false. The author of the Kdyastha Kaustubha places the
advent of the Kanauj Brahmans in Bengal in the year 380 Bengali or
892 A. D., which would place A’dis‘tra in the midst of the Palas and be
altogether inconsistent with the history of the five original Brahmans
and Kayashtas of Bengal. Pere Tieffenthaler’s authorities carry Adis’ tira
still further back, and place him twenty-two generations away from
Ballala. My date of Adis’ura is founded upon the genealogical tables of
the Kayasthas as now current in this country. Those tables give 27
generations from the time of Adis’ tira, and at 3 generations to a century
the time of that prince is carried to 964 of the Christian era. If there
be any error in the tables, it would no doubt falsify my deduction, but
as long as that error is not detected, that deduction will, I expect,
command more attention than the authorities I have quoted. But be
that as it may, as far as we are at present informed, it must be admitted
that the two princes lived at times very close to each other. It is said

_ by some that Adis’ tira was the father of Ballala ; while others maintain
that he was the progenitor of the Sena dynasty. The first statement

May at once be rejected as inconsistent with the inscriptions and the
* Ante Vol. XXX, p. 11.
18

140 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

Dénasdgara ; but the second may be true, and if so, Vira Sena may
well be taken to be the same with Adis’tira. The name Adis'fra does
not sort either with the Palas or with the Senas. The word s’wra
is a synonym of Véra a hero, and the ddi is indicative of the initial
position which Vira Sena occupies in the genealogy of the dynasty. It
is stated in the genealogical tables of the Kayasthas that when Ballala
established his system of Kula the original five Kayasthas of Ka-
nauj had multiplied to 56 families. Assuming that each generation
of the original Kayasthas had multiplied two-fold, five generations from
Adis’tra to Balléla would give eighty individuals, who may well repre-
sent the alleged number of families. Of the Brahmans the total number
of families that lived at the time of Ballila is not known. But it is
evident that it was not large, for we find that he included only ten
families in the ranks of his nobles, viz. two of the descendants of
Bhattanirayana, two of those of Daksha, one of those of 8’ri Harsha,
three of those of Chhandada, and two of those of Vedagarbha. They do
not suggest a longer period than would be covered by five generations,
It should be noted that the editor of the Venisanhira,* Muktarama
Vidydvagis’a, in his genealogical table of the Tagore family makes
Haléyudha minister of Lakshmana Sena, to be the 16th in descent
from Bhattanarayana; but inasmuch as his statement hhas been con-
tradicted by the author of the Khités a-vaisdvali-charitat who would
have him to be the third in descent from Bhattanarayaya, and both
have been contradicted by Haléyudha himself, who calls his father
Dhanafijaya, whereas the one makes him the son of Nipu and the
other that of Ramariipa, we may well reject his testimony as inad-
missible. It must, however, be admitted that the identity I suggest is
a mere conjecture, and I hope it will be taken as such and no more.
There is one more circumstance in connexion with the Senas to
which I wish to allude, before I conclude,—it is with reference
to their caste. The universal belief in Bengal is, that the Senas were
of the medical caste, and families of Vaidyas are not wanting in the
present day who trace their lineage from Ballala Sena. There is,
however, nothing authentic to justify this belief. It is well known
that a great many of the pedigrees given in Burke’s Landed Gen-
try are utterly worthless, and it is notorious that many families of

* Kd, Calcutta, 1855. {+ Pertche’s Hd. p. xvi.

ae = ‘ "ne

—

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 141

obseure origin have their veins filled with the blue blood of genera-
tions of kings by the opportune help of popular genealogists, and
we feel strongly tempted to believe that the pedigree of the so-
called Ballala’s descendants is no better. The Kulapamjikd of Kula-
charya Thakura describes Adis’tira as the “ sun of the Kshatriya race.”
(Kshatriya vansa haisa) ; the Bakerganj and the Rajshahi inscrip-
tions agree in calling the Senas, the descendants of the moon or
Kshatriyas of the lunar race (Somavansa) ; the latter describes SAmanta
Sena as “a garland for the head of the race of noble Kshatriyas’—
brahma kshatriydném kulos'iro ddma ; and their testimony cannot
be rejected in favour of modern tradition. Nor is it difficult to
account for the mistake which has given rise to that tradition. There
lived in former days in the North-West a race of Kshatriyas of the name
of Ambastha. The Vishnu Purdna alludes to them when enumerating
the several races of the North-West Provinces, (#31 <THTGYIATST: FT-
<faatzaeaat: ) and Panini quotes Ambastha as an example of the
same word meaning a Kshatriya race and a country where they live
(Pépini IV, 1,171.) The Mahabharata uses the word both as the
name of a race of Kshatriyas, and that of a Kshatriya king, and the
Medini, the Viswaprakas’a and the Sabdaratnakara explain it as the
name of a country.* It is very likely that the Senas belonged to this
section of the military class, and in Bengal, in later days, was confounded
with the Ambasthas of Manu who were a mixed tribe of Brahmans and
Vaisyas, and therefore taken to be of the medical caste. Such con-
founding of names and their meanings has been so common in India,
that one need not be at all surprised at finding the Senas degraded from
a military to a mixed caste, from a misapprehension of the meaning of
their name. Abul Fazel in the A’yin Akbary and Pere Tieffenthaler
make the Senasto belong to the Kdyastha caste, and this may beexplain-
ed by the fact that the Kayasthas in the North-West are even to this day
called by the name of Ambasthas. If this be not accepted, tradition shall
have to be opposed to authentic inscription. James Prinsep noticed in
the Bakerganj plate the title of S’ankara Gaudes'wara which, written as
the word s’ankara is with a palatal s, can only mean “ the excellent lord

of Gauda,” unless wRT ‘ excellent’’ be taken as a euphuism of sankara, a

mixed race. There is a temple at Kashmir known by the name of San-

* Goldstiicker’s Sanskrit Dictionary, voce Ambastha,

142 On the Sena Rajis of Bengal. [No. 3,

kara* Gaureswara, owing probably to its having been erected by order
of one of the Sena Rijas. The epigraph of the Ddnasdgara assigns to
Ballala Sena the title of fatwgrtg< which, according as the s of
Sankara is taken to be a palatal or a dental, means “ undoubtedly the
most excellent,” or ‘‘ undoubtedly of a mixed race.” It is very unlikely
that anybody would assume the latter for a distinctive title. This
is, however, a question of so little consequence to the antiquarian, that
I need not dwell upon it any longer.

P.S. As Mr. Metcalfe’s translation does not profess to be literal I have
not thought proper to alter it in any way, except in the cases of verses
4, 5 and 20, which are susceptible of very different interpretations,
one of which would make Vira Sena a king of Dekkan and his great
grandson the first who subjugated Bengal, and another take him to
be only a Southron by race, but a king of Bengal. (12th Sept. 1865.)

Transcript and Translation of an Inscription from Rdjashdhi—By
C. T. Mercatre, Ese., C. S.

ge aa: fara |
aaiqare Cagiaaazarta-
Al VSTSAITATTATT ANTS: |
fqranagtad aafacatta.
. Staraatta efaatta safer wait 1 eI

Victory be’ to the mouths of Shambhu (Shiva), who laughed on
looking through the light of the moon at the shame-contracted face
of Debi who, for fear of the removal of her breast-cloth, turned
aside her head, the garland of which drowned the light of the candle in
the hymeneal chamber.

agian sae faaaceasaaed

UQH ACMA SAAS AAAS |
aaifagaagaacaat afar aaa.
Saat nuaafsactafeatsncra: aa: | 2 |

We bow down before the idol of Harihara (Vishnu and Shiva),
known under the name of Pradyumneshwara, where the Debis, fearing
* Ante Vol. XVIL, Pt. II, p, 283.

1865.] On the Sena Rijds of Bengal. 143

lest they should no longer enjoy the embrace of their husbands, went

inside (the idol) ; and became an obstacle to the amalgamation of the
two deities.

[When Hari and Hara intended to amalgamate themselves into one
form, their wives, being afraid of not recognising their husbands,
became an obstacle to executing their purpose, and the deities instead
of being able to assume a new form, retained half of each. }

ua feiereaataccy WAAMA aca
ugtincagelufeae a aacstHar |
AdqenMas: frafreaeacaca-

eS TY AIMAycat cist Turatfufa: i 2

Victory be to the first king moon, who sits enthroned on the
matted hair (Jat) of Shiva, fanned by a chauri having drops
of Ganges water; the white expanded hood of the serpents which
adorn the head of Shiva, became the covering of his chatta
(umbrella), and the serpents, its handle.

[Here the moon is represented as a king, who has the matted hair
of Shiva for his throne, and the hood of the serpent’s for his umbrella. ]

am awiacelfaancanarefam efama-
ES ES ~ s SS
aii af caanafatuctaa: atfiagay a |
aatfcarafaaafcwagaa: ahead aater:
uiaman faasqugfcacimara yatat: 2 1

In his race, who enjoyed the companionship of the celestial
maidens, and the virtuous deeds of which race were celebrated in
honied verses by Vyasa for the satisfaction of the universe, were born
king Vira Sena and others, who were Dakhindtyas* and famous
everywhere.

afaa Garand vfaquenatareaaaanel
asaaamasifa qafmirea aaa: |
sqlacd atta: eaagefyasraraatay Sar:
RSA ayeae tC gIAaAS aA THAI iy |
* The word Ddkshinatya kshawnindra may mean “a king of the Southern

country” Dekkan, or ‘a king of the Southern race,” in the same way in which
paschdtya, Sdruswat, Drabidu, indicate races. R. M

144 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

In that Sena family was born Samanta Sena, the destroyer of hundreds
of the enemy’s champions. He was a worshipper of Brahma and a
garland for the head of the race of the noblest Kshetriyas ;. and verses
celebrating his heroic deeds were sung by the celestial maidens on the
border of the dam cooled by the agitated waves of the ocean, in a manner
which might even excite the envy of Rama, the son of Dasharatha.

afaa agiaae wie ustuRatey-
ea tq aMatsyam: Gatfaa: ufwat |
Siyataragqacaefatgegrast
qarysacifearafeaceard aca | Cl
He did in the field of battle play with his hands his serpent-like
swords, where the noise of his battle-drums depressed the spirit of his
enemies, and the pearls which fell from the globe over the head of his
enemies’ elephants, unseamed by his sword, are still to be found scat-
tered in the shape of heavy kouries.
wegrquiaag aafa wad WaaT-
eata “aaa wafa ured ute |
futthifcafetsancte tafe.
aeyaafegeelacavwSsay FW: || |
His fame mounting the backs of his enemies’ wives, did travel

from house to house, from city to city, from forest to forest, from
mountain to mountain, and from ocean to ocean.

SeuaaaAfegrataayiesait-
SUA ALAAATATMETTAFANE |
qelequfaeasraataae gaat
emanate a fer efaat Gaara | <1
He didextirpate the enemies who plundered the riches of the Carnatic, —
and the marrow, flesh and bones, (of the dead bodies of his enemies’
troops) to be found in abundance there, has caused Yama not to leave :

the southern quarters up to the present time, becoming himself glad
an inhabitant of the place.

[Yama is lord of the Pretas, a kind of evil spirits or demons, who
live upon human flesh and blood. ]

1865. ] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 145

sqiardyaintrsc fan fers aae-
waacifa wcvacufefaaraqurcaaitea |
audaa 88 aafe vsnararefamacts:
qHagita agufsanfaccaqarsarta |i é |
In his old age he settled himself in the sacred groves of the hilly
forests situated on the bank of the Ganges, where the smoke of the
incense offerings reached to the skies, and young deer sucked the
milk of the wives of the moonies (saints); where parrots have got by
rote the Vedas; and where the slopes of the mountains are filled up by
the saints who resort there on approach of death.
BaALauc a aA AH AleEqI-
fanyaacamerfaarcg aie: |
saacaqalsitgafataaaa-
qutaqeateat Sasa Tas: | ye |

From this king, in his manhood, when he had not devoted himself to
the contemplation of God, was born Hemanta Sena, who was famous
for killing his enemies proud of- their strength, and who did acquire
from his birth all the pure and virtuous qualities possessed by his
ancestors.

qeaegystafwacacs: aaara Awefaat
Ute Bacar: ueyfayaa inca at fang:
aw wy aa waafaates tayen fa SIRT
IsE ATCaaMAAITIAYS ZATF ATTA | WV
He did bear on his head the dust of Shiva’s feet, had truth on his
throat (7. e. spoke truth), had the Vedas in his ear, (¢. e. heard the
Vedas,) had the hairs of his enemies under his feet, (7. e. received ho-
mage from his enemies), and had the scars of bow-strings on his arms.
Such were his ornaments, while the pearl flowers, ear-rings and golden
bracelets formed the ornaments of his dancing girls.
[This sloke is so full of participles that it is difficult to translate it
clearly. ]
aeafafaaraasatafs: wafeharcai
Acai cudisuaauifer ayfasara |

146 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal, [No. 3,

aanlacarfattaanacianacasifesad
aa wfia qufesfaua: aragarentad 1 ee |

The breasts of the heroes, who on account of their fall in bat-
tle with him, being pierced by his spears, which were spiritedly
played by his arms, assumed celestial forms, and were embraced
by the celestial maidens, whose breasts were reddened by good-
smelling red powders, were looked with terror by the Shiddhas, a spe-
cies of celestial inhabitants, (for, on account of their breasts being
reddened by their embracing the celestial maidens, the Shiddhas were
reminded of the time when they fell in battle, their breasts being then
besmeared with blood, pierced by his spear).

[It is represented in Hindu mythology, that heroes, after their
fall in battle, assume celestial forms and ascend to heaven. ]

yvafiqaatraafa ye Wc ag fauat
Cawazes HWATAyEa STALE |

WAC Hf TYAATAIT: SA: FATS BUT-

THI CILAUASIE FEIT Gee Tara | 22 |

Hisarms and his swords could both assume diverse aspects, the one in
acts of benevolence, and the other when killing his foes, both were ingen-

iously employed. One intended destruction to his enemies, and the other _

blessing to his friends; one adorned his friends with garlands, and the
other his enemies with wounds.

aes ae eutfafasra:qeey-

fricasaifacmacfumesemt |

fafa: ard areal aafaaataaiaqaa at

aniea aa faqaaaraafacaa ee |

His queen was of the name of Yasho Debia, who possessed a

delightful figure, was a treasure to her husband, was famous for per-
forming ceremonial rites, and the path of her feet was adorned by the
rays of the pearls stuck on the crest of the diadem,of her friends and
enemies’ Wives.

aafenudactra wastes Saree.

wcfaaniaatsqagacafana: |

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 147

GO RICCRICR OCI Cicect Tal
fafucaaeraa fasataceitafa: i ey
From this king of the world and the queen, was born Vijaya Sena,
the emperor of the earth, who diverted his youthful days by destroying
the strength of his enemies, and extended his conquests to the end of the
four oceans* which girdle the world like bracelets.
Wag WUT: Fl Hadtaraaa
ufafcacaatat & faat at war at |
rq safa faa wu ana Wad:
Teg xfa BuiTt Rat Caw: I r<ea
Who can count the number of kings daily killed or conquered by
him? The moon, being his first progenitor could only retain the title
_ of Raja before him in this world.
[That is, he defeated or destroyed all the Rajas of this earth, and
acquired its possession. |

agian eeaataat sentesigaai

fa tam qara WW IWHATUAT Ulett |

Bat: ey waradfaayatarae aarti
aMAartsad frases aMaRALIIA WIA || Lo |

As he, being armed only with a sword and with no other assistance,
obtained the undisputed dominion of the earth girdled by the seven
" oceans,.can we compare him to Rama, the leader of innumerable monkey
forces? or to Partha (Arjuna) the generalissimo of the Pandava forces ?
[In conquering the earth, Rama and Partha had advantages of large
“armies, while he had none.
_ Partha the third son of Pandu was a famous warrior. In the war
ofthe Kurus and Pandavas, he was the general of the Pandavas, His
heroic deeds are celebrated in the Mahabharat.
~ “ Monkey forces.” . This mention of monkey forces, appears to me
to agree curiously with the scenes in Homer I1. iii. 6. When speaking
of India, he writes—
Avopact Uvypatowcr povov Kat Knpa pepovorat
and he goes on to say. (I forget the remaining lines,) that the king of
India kept an army of 3000 of them as guards. |
* Ceylon doubtless.
19

148 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,
uaaa qia a: ufcad Gut fears
afaswucs tata esas ace Ta |
Re et aS ~ > ~~
ead qua: aa wetauetar sata fear
sugraqaaae @ fCaseea feat: TAT I eet

Of the (three) qualities of the Deity, which manifest themselves
singly, without discrimination, one destroys the universe, the other
preserves, and the third creates it. But this king resembled the
Deity, on account of his having these eminent qualities, and employing
them with discretion, for he destroyed his enemies, preserved the
virtuous, and made his subjects happy by destroying their foes.

ew feaua: ofa fafaworaattacigaat
Areas teahersfacaat WAT WTAT: |
Fa Ud RIAA Jaa HiT faster ay
asrazanauifef wat wy feat aafa: | te 4

He assigned heaven for the residence of his opponent kings, and took
upon himself the dominion of the earth; his sword decked with heroes’
blood, fulfilled this contract. Had it been otherwise, then why did the
descendants of his enemies, fly from the field of battle, where he chal-
lenged them with his sword?

thee *? STR bees

@ araqdietasatfa fac: adtat
FAIA AATSCAACETA: |

WIS HRAR ACU IMAA AKI-

au atagata aacat fara | ze |

“Thou hast no hero to conquer” said the bards. On hearing it,
through a misconception (the words being susceptible of the meaning —
“thou hast conquered no hero,’’?) a deep anger rose and assailed the
king of Gauda who overcame the king of Kamrupa, and forthwith con-
quered him of Kalinga.*

* The latter part of the s‘loka may mean that the king (not the anger)
assailed the king of Gour, subjugated the king of Kamrupa and quickly conquered
him of Kalinga ; or, he assailed the king of Gour who had subjugated the king of
Kamarupa, and quickly conquered him of Kalinga ; or he quickly conquered the
king of Kalinga who hail overcome the king of Kamarupa without the interven:
tion of the king of Gour, R. M, e.

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 149

wiag rae aa fafas © crag Wea
aei wea qy ate facar arate <u
raaqiaaeaniafat: ares WMT
aanltiaeataataataar faxraateaa: | RQ |
O Righava, O Aswineya, O Vardhana, do you boast, calling yourself
a hero? away with your boasting, stop your pride. The cries that arose
day and night among the captive kings prevented the -guards of the
prison-house from sleeping (at any time).

Walaa ay ara
wats eAyarata atfrata |
aig afvaficafa way.
sufeada afefoeaat wari | 22 |

The fleet which he equipped for conquering the western countries,
went up the stream of the Ganges, and one of the ships became stuck
in the ashes which are on the forehead of Shiva, and which have been

- changed into mud by constant mixture with the water of the Ganges,

and being left there, shines as the moon.

[The Hindu Shasters affirm that the Ganges proceeds from the

Jaté (matted hair of Shiva), and hence this sloka means, that this

king having resolved to conquer up to the source of this river, one
of his ships going up the stream became stuck on the forehead of
Shiva, where it shines like the moon. ]

qa! RUA AMCHATAG WAVALAT-
qa eae ca ufcafafuge: gtataciieatara |
Rywageai faafsaqaa: ara ataxia:
feed aa saiciasfanasni afae: Srfaararaieey
Through his favour the wives of the rich Brahmins learned to make

diamonds from cotton seeds, black diamonds from grass leaves, silver
from the flower of long gourds, pearls from brittle cavities of pome-

-granates, and gold from flowers of gourd-creepers and euphorbia.

sarateaifaayaay-
Wala AMIGA: |

150 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

aaraurazg faaqutt-
AUITHATS HIS TD UTA: || RB |}

Though on account of this age, the praise of his virtue is one-legged,
yet, through his power, it has travelled over the world, holding the
sacrificial posts continuously erected by him (on the earth).

[The import of the sloka is, that he was constantly engaged in per-
forming sacrifices, on which occasion posts are erected on the spot
where the ceremony is performed.

Among the Hindus, there are four ages; Satya Yuga is the age of
purity, Treta, Dwapara and Kali. In the first, virtue is supposed to be
four-legged, in the second, three-legged, in the third two-legged, and in
the last one-legged ; thereby showing that the worldis gradually becom-
ing sinful. This is Kali Yuga, and is said to have commenced from
the latter part of the reign of Yudhisthir, king of Hastinapura, the
modern Delhi. ]

HLareagfeay ss eey ISAT
wae qeaifaataaa a @My aay Fy |
SUF: quatanes faaanas Rad

Wah aq vq wa aay fase: Rw tk

Having invited the gods from Meru, which was infested by enemies,
this sacrificer made the inhabitants of the heaven and earth to change
their places ; and by digging deep ponds* and erecting lofty temples, —
he made the heaven and the earth to resemble each other.

[It is supposed that the peaks of Meru are inhabited by the gods. —
When any sacrifice is performed, they are suffered to come down to the
earth to partake of the offerings. ] 4

feAMIBIQIUEe aaa TAA

BAT: VTA yaafafatatiageaae WIL TA |
gaya faysrnaneaite fartiat

ayuda acy” afua agadiaras: Saaz |i ee tl

* The Burrin or high land of Rajashahi is covered with the most enormous
tanks that astonish every body. I do not know of ever hearing of any other dis-
trict with the same number of tanks as this. It is no exaggeration to Say,

that there is a tank measuring 200 to 500 yards in the north of this district, and
some most extensive and beautiful,

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 151

This king of the earth erected a templé to Pradyumneshwar, which
was girdled by the oceans and contained inside the whole ethereal
firmament. It extended to all directions in space, and vied in lofti-
ness with Meru, round which the sun, moon and the stars move. It
became the mid-day mountain of the sun who rises and sets in the
eastern and western mountains.

matea satan efeataeat fewest aur
aarata aafe cfaafen: Fraraareat ata: |
wageraiaaeg far fase asat
arasefa aura aw uedt Saw mfeza | Ro |

O sun! in vain have you obliged Agastya to remain in the southern
quarter ; look, this lofty temple has obstructed the passage of your
horses.* Let Agastya go in any direction he likes, and let Vindya
increase its heights as much as it can, but it shall never be able to
attain the loftiness of this temple.

[According to the Purans, the sun is represented as moving round
Sumeru, a mountain supposed to be situated in the middle of the
earth. This particular honour paid to it, excited the jealousy of Vin-
dhya, another mountain, (the mountains are supposed to possess animal
life), and he worshipped Shiva and obtained the power of increasing his
body as high as he wished. Vindhya did so, and obstructed the passage
of the sun which doomed the half of the earth to darkness. The gods,
having perceived this, were alarmed and prevailed upon Agastya, a
moonie and spiritual guide of Vindhya, to leave Kashi (Benares) and
to prevent his increase. Agastya acceded to their wishes, and went to
Vindhya who, seeing his guru, prostrated himself on the ground.
Agastya, thereupon in order to serve the purposes of the gods, ordered
him to remain in that posture till his return from the southern quarters,

_ where he is supposed still to reside. ]

eu ate wofa ufaaa, qauefawlaaa arta: |

aces: Biquataatea waqaey acfuaw® | R< |
If Brahma, making the earth as a potter’s wheel builds a pot, taking

-asmuch mud as the Sumeru is in weight, then that pot can bear

resemblance to the golden one placed by this king on the summit of
this temple.
* The mythological story of Phoebus and his horses,

“

152 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

fainafanfantageaecage
wcifacuageretcaatfege Ta: |
BS RCIGE qvafem: SATAAUIAIFAL
WAUVATTICHIAPTTTAOA PE |} RE |
Before the temple of Shiva, he dug a pond in which reflected the
rays of the pearls stuck in the diadem of the crest of the female ser-
pent and to which the black bees are attracted by the sweet scent of
the musks applied to the breasts of the maidens who go to bathe there.
[The snakes are supposed to reside in Patal, a region below this
earth. He dug his pond to such a depth, to cause the rays of the dia-
monds over the heads of the female snakes to pierce, through its
waters. ]

sheatfe feaaca THATS HA aifaat
tasgtatateattiacay eat QT Wa Waa! |
Fear yet: waged any araraat
sat ayaaefeanca qa fe Garqa: | se |
This descendant of the Sena family did wisely provide for the poor,
inasmuch as he clothed Digambar (naked) with coloured dresses,
adorned his body with golden ornaments, erected a palace for him, as
he used to live in Shashana (a place where dead bodies are burnt,) and
made him rich, as he maintained himself by begging.
[In the Hindu mythology, Shiva is represented as naked, living in
Shashana, and maintaining himself by begging. He is ornamented,
with serpents. ]

feamitaaen ecafatafeagaeaicis:

HURA cuBaAclafaaagaisgcaraars: |
qaeay aa vsalasar Waa: ATA AT

aug, 7 fafa eafsacaa: AAtTITIAAT || 32 |

This king dressed Shiva at his own choice in the shape of Kalpa
Ka4palika, replacing his (Shiva’s) tiger’s hide by coloured silken clothes,
his serpents by bulky garlands pendent over his breasts, his ashes by
sandal wood powders, his rosary by blue pearls, and his human bones

by gems.

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 153

[A Kalpais a period of 4,320,000,000 of years (constituting a day and
night of Brahma), after which period the universe is supposed to be
destroyed by Shiva, who assumes on the occasion the form of Kapalika,
having a tiger's hide for his dress, serpents round his neck, ashes over
his body, and a rosary of human bones in his hand.

The carpenter in Marryat’s “ Midshipman Hasy’’ was evidently ac-
quainted with the Kalpa theory. ]

ate atafucfediaaaawe ufesias
qataa a atte feafy qa aafeag |
fama feng seaaceiae arta: uz
@ aqsqaaraufsacmaa qaerafa | 82 |
He acquired by his arms the government of the world, and gained
what was good for him in earth by his own powers. He has nothing

to ask for in this world ; but, O Shiva, who hast the half-moon on thy
erest, bless him and give him in the end final absorption into yourself.

geiday ufcaafed aa: WIA
Waal ale UCIMLAAT AT
aelfiqcacfasfanreaa

ara: ufaafaqaa gd a: yaa: || 82 ||

It is Valmika and Vyasa who are able awhile to do justice to his
life ; we have tried this only to purify our words by emerging in the

holy river of his fame.

[Valmika, a saint, is the author of the Ramayana, a famous and
beautiful historical poem, containing a life of Rama.
- I believe Rama to be Bacchus, or rather Bacchus to be Rama. I
have no authority for this idea beyond a curious similarity between the
fables of this country and the fables as told by the Greeks.

Rama conquered the Continent of India,
and
nunc quoque qui puer es, quantus tum, Bacche, fuiste
Cum timuit thyrsos India victa tuos !
Victa racemifero lyneas dedit India Baccho.

Ovid. Art. Amorum 2. 189, 190. Metam. xv. 413.]

154 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

aaseaeafaycadtyys: | qata

masta aaafa aaraaat WaT: |

masa aaafa waistaara fast

alaaei Cwag TA aneare alfa: | Be |

As long as the Ganges will purify the heaven, the earth, and the

Patdla, (a region under the earth, Purgatory), as long as the moon will
become an ornament of Shiva, and as long as the three Vedas (Rig,
Yajus and Shama) impart true knowledge to the virtuous, so long may

his fame, becoming their friends, do similar duties which are done by
them !

faftimtaqaautaarfratat.
anfysaeqaasasate: |

Tal Ha: UcueTqufamicyaE-
qeeafauce afa: safe: | 24 II

This garland of praises, consisting of the gems of the pure Sena family
kings, has been constructed by Oomapatidhar, a poet, whose under-
standing has been refined by study of words and their meanings, (7. e.
by the study of literature).

UMAR AACAAT

Seua: aafcai safe
wala aaaatatearet-
BeaMciaT ZautfM: | es |

This praise has been inscribed (dug) by humble Shulapani, the

head of the Barendra artists, son of Brihaspati, grandson of Manadasa
and great-grandson of Dharma.

i
2 y
t
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:
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.
:
tL
4
Son |

_

Jowrned As. Soc. Bengal Val: XRXiV. Part T

SIRI | OV

or ia Ve
we KOSHAK-SHIKAR
Wes Lrae AIG
: = =

\ aN es IN ys
\ > S22 PURANA-KIL

INDRA- PRASTHA

wis)

3 Ay
Sy nino

ADILABAD J

6 Miles

x £

Lithog: at the Surv: Generals office, Caleutta, Aw

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey, 155

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the Govern-
ment of India for the Season of 1862-63.—By Major-General
A. Cunnineuam, Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India,

[Received 3rd Feb., 1865. ] [Read 1st March, 1865. |
(Continued from Vol. XXXITI. page Ixxxvii.)

IL—MATHURA,

159. In the Brahmanical city of Mathura, in A. D. 634, the
temples of the gods were reckoned by Hwen Thsang at five only,
while the Buddhist monasteries amounted to 20, with 2,000 resident
monks. The number of Stwpas and other Buddhist monuments was
also very great, there being no less than seven towers, containing
relics of the principal disciples of Buddha. The king and his minis-
ters were zealous Buddhists, and the three great fasts of the year
were celebrated with much pomp and ceremony, at which times the
people flocked eagerly to make their offerings to the holy Stupas
containing the relics of Buddha’s disciples. Each of them, says

_ Hwen Thsang, paid a special visit to the statue of the Bodhisatwa
whom he regarded as the founder of his own school. Thus the follow-
ers of the Abhidharma, or transcendental doctrines, made their offerings
to Sdriputra ; they who practised Samddhi or meditation, to Mudga-
laputra ; the followers of the Sautrdntikas, or aphorisms, to Purva
Maitreyani Putra ; they who adhered to the Vinaya or discipline, to
Upali ; the Bhikshuni or Nuns, to Ananta ; the Anwpdsampannas, or

novices, to Rahula (the son of Buddha) ; and they who studied the
“ Greater means of advancement,” to the great Bodhisatwa Manju
Sri or Avalokiteswara, who plays such a conspicuous part in later
Buddhism. But notwithstanding this apparently flourishing condition
of Buddhism, it is certain that the zeal of the people of Mathura
must have lessened considerably since A. D. 400, when Fa Hian
reckoned the body of monks in the 20 monasteries to be 3,000, or
_ just one-half more than their number at the time of Hwen Thsang’s
- visit in A. D. 634.

160. Fa Hian and his companions halted at Mathura for a whole
month, during which time “the clergy held a great assembly and
discoursed upon the law.” After the meeting they proceeded to the

Stupa of Sdriputra, to which they made an offering of all sorts of
20

156 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

perfumes, and before which they kept lamps burning the whole night.
Hwen Thsang describes these processions as carrying flying streamers
and stately parasols, while the mists of perfumes and the showers of
flowers darkened the sun and moon! I can easily realize the pomp and
glittering show of these ceremonies from the similar scenes which
I have witnessed in Barma. I have seen streamers from 100 to 200
feet in length carried in processions, and afterwards suspended from
pillars or holy trees. I have beheld hundreds of gorgeous parasols of
gold and silver brocade flashing in the sun; and I have witnessed the
burning of thousands of candles day after day before the great Stupa
of Shwe-Dagon at Rangoon, which is devoutly believed to contain
eight hairs of Buddha. Before this sacred tower, I have seen flowers
and fruits offered by thousands of people, until they formed large
heaps around it, while thousands of votaries still came thronging in
with their offerings of candles, and gold leaf, and little flags, with
plantains and rice, and flowers of all kinds.

161. From these accounts of the Chinese pilgrims it would appear
that the Buddhist establishments at Mathura must have been of consi-
derable importance, and this conclusion is fully borne out by the
number and interest of the recent discoveries. Contrary to his usual
practice, Hwen Thsang has unfortunately given us but few details
regarding the monasteries and temples of Mathura. This is the more
to be regretted, as we now know that one of the monasteries was
established by the great Indo-Scythian King Huvishka, about the
beginning of the Christian era, and that one of the stone statues,
judging by the size of its hand, could not have been less than 20 feet
in height.

162. The first place described by Hwen Thsang is a monastery
situated on a mound, at 5 or 6 li, or about one mile, to the east of the
city. Cells were formed in the sides of the mound, which was ap-
proached through a hollow, and in the midst was a Stupa containing
the nails of Buddha. This monastery is said to have been built by
the holy Upagupta, who, as we learn from one of the legends of Patale
Putra, was a contemporary of Asoka. The nails and beard of the
holy man were still preserved. :

163. On another mound to the north of this monastery, there was
a cave containing a stone chamber, 20 feet high and 30 feet long,

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 157

which was full of bamboo spikes only four inches in length. These
spikes represented the number of husbands and their wives who had
been converted by Upagupta.

164. At 24 or 25 li, or just four miles to the south-east of the
stone chamber, there was a large dry tank, with a Stwpa on its bank,
which marked the spot where Buddha was said to have taken exercise.
On this spot also, according to the local legends, a monkey had offered
honey to Buddha, which the teacher graciously accepted and directed
that it should be mixed with water and given to the monks. The
glad monkey made a wild bound, and fell into the tank and died ; but
owing to the powerful influence of his good act, he became a man in
his next birth.

165. In a forest at a short distance to the north of the tank there
was another holy spot, where the four previous Buddhas were said
to have taken exercise ; and all around it there were numerous Stupas,
which marked the places where no less than 1,250 arhats, or holy
men, including Sériputra, Mudgalaputra, and others, used to sit in
meditation. But besides these, there were several other Stwpas on
the spots where Buddha at different times had explained the law.

166. The two principal sites described by Hwen Thsang can, I
think, be fixed with tolerable certainty ; namely, that of the famous:
Upagupta monastery, and that of the monkey’s offering. The first
is said to be at 5 or 6 l’, or just one mile, to the east of the city ; but
as an eastern direction would take us to the low ground, on the oppo-
site bank of the Jumna, where no ruins now exist, I feel quite satistied
that we should read west instead of east. This change is rendered
almost certain by the discovery of numerous Buddhist remains inside
the great square of the Katra, which is just one mile to the westward
_ of the old fort of Mathura, But it is rendered quite certain by the
more recent discovery of very important Buddhist remains and old
inscriptions in a mound beside a tank which is situated just three miles
to the south-east of the Katra mound. This tank mound I take to
be the place where Buddha was said to have taken exercise, and where
the monkey made his offering of honey. The direction is precisely
the same, and the distance agrees also as well as can be made out from
Hwen Thsang’s statements. He gives the distance as four miles from
the stone chamber, which was at some unstated, but certainly. short,

158 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

distance to the north of the Upagupta monastery. The nearest
mounds are about half a mile to the north of the Katra, which will
make the whole distance 33 miles, if measured in a direct line by
the British road, which passes outside the city, but which will be fully
four miles if measured by the old road, which goes through the city.
Had the Chinese pilgrim given us the name of the monastery built
by Upagupta, we might perhaps have obtained some absolute proof of
its identity with the site of the Kalra ; but I believe that the very
strong reasons which I have just before given are amply sufficient to
fix the site of the Upagupta monastery at the present Katra.

167. There are a great number of lofty earthen mounds around
Mathura which are covered with fragments of stone and brick. No-
thing, however, is known about them, although every one of them has
a separate name. The numerous fragments of stone which are found
upon them show that they are not old brick-kilns, as might have been
supposed from their vicinity to the city. Apparently, they are natural
mounds such as are found everywhere along the lower course of the
Jumna, and which have usually been taken advantage of for the sites
of forts or temples. Thus the old fort of Mathura is perched upon
a similar mound, and so also is the Jama Masjid in the middle of the
Katra Square. Most of the names of these mounds refer to the Brah-
manical divinities; but there are two of them, such as the Anand
Tila and the Vinayak Tila, that are unmistakably Buddhist, and
which may possibly refer to the two Stupas of Ananda and Updli
(the Vinayaka, or teacher of Vinaya) as described by Hwen Thsang,
Both of these mounds are to the north of the city. To the south
there are seven mounds known as the Sat Tila, which are severally
named as follows :—1, Dhi-ka-Tila ; 2, Sapt Rishi ; 3, Bal, or But,
Tila ; 4, Narad ; 5, Kans ; 6, Kal-jug ; 7, Ndgshesha. Now, it is
remarkable that the number of great Stwpas of the disciples of Buddha
was also seven; but unfortunately as nothing is recorded regarding
their relative positions, we are left entirely to conjecture whether these
seven mounds may possibly represent the seven famous Stwpas of Bud-
dha’s principal disciples. I think that it would be worth while to
make some excavations in all of these seven mounds to the south, as
well asin the two northern mounds which still bear Buddhistical
names.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 159

168. The Katra mound has been successively occupied by Bud-
dhists, Brahmans, and Musalmans. The Kaira, or market-place, is
an oblong enclosure like a Sard, 804 feet in length by 653 feet in
breadth. In the midst of this square stands the Jama Masjid, on
a large mound from 25 to 30 feet in height. The mosque is 172 feet
long and 66 feet broad, with a raised terrace in front of the same
length, but with a breadth of 86 feet, the whole being 30 feet in
height above the ground. About 5 feet lower, there is another terrace
286 feet in length by 268 feet in breadth, on the eastern edge of
which stands the mosque. There is no inscription on the building,
but the people ascribe it to Aurungzib, who is said to have pulled
down the great Hindu temple of Kesava Deva, or Keso Ray, that
formerly stood on this high mound, a most noble position, which com-
mands a fine view of the whole city. Curiously enough, I have been
able to verify this charge against Aurungzib by means of some inscrip-
tions on the pavement slabs which were recorded by Hindu pilgrims
to the shrine of Kesava Ray. In relaying the pavement, the Muham-
madan architect was obliged to cut many of the slabs to make them
fit into their new places. This is proved by several of the slabs bear-
ing incomplete portions of Nagari inscriptions of a late date. One
slab has ‘ bat 1718, Phdlgun,” the initial Sam of Sambat having been
eut off. Another slab has the name of Keso Ray, the rest being
wanting ; while a third bears the late date of S. 1720. These dates
are equivalent to A. D. 1656 and 1663 ; and as the latter is five years
subsequent to the accession of Aurungzib, it is certain that the Hindu
temple was still standing at the beginning of his reign.

169. The greater part of the foundations of the Hindu temple of
Kesava Ray may still be traced at the back of the Masjid. Indeed
the back wall of the mosque itself is actually built upon the plinth
of the temple, one of the cyma reversa mouldings being filled up with
brick and mortar. I traced the walls for a distance of 163 feet to the
westward, but apparently this was not the whole length of the temple,
as the mouldings of the Hindu plinth at the back of the Masjid are
those of an exterior wall. I think it probable that the temple must
have extended at least as far as the front of the mosque, which would
give a total length of 250 feet, with an extreme breadth of nearly 72
feet, the floor of the building being no less than 25 feet above the

160 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

ground. Judging from these dimensions, the temple of Kesava Deva
must have been one of the largest in India. I was unable to obtain
any information as to the probable date of this magnificent fane. It
is usually called Keso Ray, and attributed to Raja Jaga Deva, but
some say that the enshrined image was that of Jaga Deva, and that
the builder’s name was Ray or Raja Kesava Deva. It is possible that
it may have been one of the “innumerable temples” described by
Mahmud in his letter to the Governor of Ghazni, written in A. D.
1017, as we know that the conqueror spared the temples either through
admiration of their beauty, or on account of the difficulty of destroy-
ing them. Mahmud remained at Mathura only 20 days, but during
that time the city was pillaged and burned, and the temples were rifled
of their statues. Amongst these there were “ five golden idols whose
eyes were of rubies, valued at 50,000 dinars,” or £25,000. A sixth
golden image weighed 98,300 mishkals, or 1,120 tbs., and was decor-
ated with a sapphire weighing 300 mishkals, or 33tbs. But “ besides
these images, there were above one hundred idols of silver, which
loaded as many camels.’ Altogether the value of the idols carried of
by Mahmud cannot have been less than three millions of Rupees, or
£300,000.

170. The date of Mahmud’s invasion was A. D. 1017, or some-
what less than 400 years after the visit of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen
Thsang, who in A. D. 634 found only five Brahmanical temples in
Mathura. It is during these four centuries, therefore, that we must
place, not only the decline and fall of Buddhism, but its total dis-
appearance from this great city, in which it once possessed twenty
large monasteries, besides many splendid monuments of its most famous
teachers. Of the circumstances which attended the downfall of Bud-
dhism we know almost nothing; but as in the present case we find
the remains of a magnificent Brahmanical temple occupying the very
site of what must once have been a large Buddhist establishment, we
may infer with tolerable certainty that the votaries of Sakya Muni
were expelled by force, and that their buildings were overthrown to
furnish materials for those of their Brahmanical rivals; and now these
in their turn have been thrown down by the Musalmans.

171. I made the first discovery of Buddhist remains at the temple
of Kesava Ray in January 1853, when, after a long search, I found

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 161

a broken pillar of a Buddhist railing sculptured with the figure of
Méydé Devi standing under the Sé/ tree. At the same time I found
the capitals of two large round pillars of an early date, which are most
probably Buddhist, along with a fragment of an inscription of the
Gupta dynasty, containing the well known genealogy from Gupta, the
founder, down to Samudra Gupta, where the stone is broken off.
During the present year I have discovered the peculiarly curved archi-
trave of a Buddhist gateway, which is richly sculptured on both sides
with buildings, figures, and trees, including a representation of a gate-
way itself. I found also a very perfect standing figure of Buddha,
the Teacher, which had lately been discovered in clearing out a well
at the north-west corner of the temple. The figure is 3% feet high,
with the left hand grasping the drapery, and the right hand raised in
the act of teaching. On the pedestal there is a dated inscription, in
two lines, in characters of an early period. The date is given in
figures and is uncertain, but the remainder of the inscription, which
is in perfect order, is easily legible. It records the gift of a statue of
Sakya Bhikshu to the Yasa Vihdra, or “ splendid monastery,” which
I take to have been the name of the Buddhist establishment that once
existed on this spot. I think also that there are good grounds for
believing that this was the famous monastery which was founded by
the holy Upagupta during the reign of Asoka.

172. In the same well there were found five other pieces of Bud-
dhist sculpture, of which the only specimens worth mentioning are
a colossal arm and hand, and a small figure of Buddha, the Ascetic,
4 with an imperfect inscription on its pedestal in characters of the Gupta
_ dynasty. All these discoveries are sufficient to show that the mound
of Kesava Ray must have been the site of a Buddhist establishment
of much wealth and of considerable size. The inscribed statue proves

—

_ that here stood the Yasa monastery, and the gateway architrave shows
that there must also have been a Stwpa surrounded with the stone

_ railing which is peculiar to Buddhist architecture, and which on that
account I have ventured to call the Buddhist railing. The site is
a most promising one for a discovery, and as the Masjid has long been
disused, owing to many dangerous cracks in both roof and walls,
T believe that there would not be any objection whatever to a complete
exploration of the mound.

162 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

173. The most extensive discoveries at Mathura have been made
in a mound close to the Jail, which, according to the inscriptions,
would appear to have been the site of at least two different monas-
teries, named the Huvishka Vihdra and the Kundokhara Vihdra.
The first of these names I deciphered in 1860 from a cireular inscrip-
tion round the base of a column, and the second name I found early
in the present year, 1863, on a large flat slab of stone which had
apparently been used as a seat.

174. In my notice of the first discovery, which was published in
the Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1860, I identified this Huvishka with
his namesake of the Wardak inscription, and with the Hushka of the
Raja Tarangini; and this identification has since been adopted by all
who have made any reference to either of these records. The ques-
tion is one of considerable importance, as it enables us to fix the date
of the building of the monastery in the latter half of the century
immediately preceding the Christian era, at which period the three
Indo-Seythian princes, Hushka and his brothers, Kanishka and Jushka,
ruled over Kabul, Kashmir, and the Punjab. The bases of about 30
pillars belonging to this monastery have now been discovered, of which
no less than 15 are inscribed with the names of the donors who pre-
sented the columns to the monastery. But as one of these gifts
consisted of six pillars, a second of 25, and a third of 26 pillars, there
still remain 40 columns to be discovered, which will bring up the total
number to 70. The diameter of the circular shafts of these pillars
varies from 17 to 18 inches, and the side of the square base from 233
to 24 inches. They are all very coarsely worked, the rough marks of
the chisel never having been smoothed away.

175. The name of the second monastery, Kwndokhara, refers, I
believe, to the tank which lies immediately to the westward of the
mound. At most of the old Buddhist sites I have found tanks named
in a similar manner, as the Buddhokhar at Buddha Gaya, the Panso-
khar at Nalanda, the Narokhar and Chandokhar at Sarnath, Benares, —
the Buddhokhar at Punawa, and the Chandokhar at Dharawat. All
of these I believe to be formed of Pushkhara, or Pokhar, the well
known term for a tank, added to the name of Buddha, or to that of
the person at whose expense it was excavated.

176. The discoveries already made in the Jail mound, amongst

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 163

the ruins of the Huvishka and Kundokhara monasteries, have been
very interesting on account of their variety, as they comprise statues
of all sizes, bas-reliefs, pillars, Buddhist railings, votive Stwpas, stone
umbrellas, and many other objects peculiar to Buddhism, of a date as
early as the first century of the Christian era. Amongst the broken
statues there is the left hand of a colossal figure of Buddha, the
Teacher, which measures exactly one foot across the palm. The
statue itself, therefore, could pot have been less than from 20 to 24
feet in height, and with its pedestal, halo, and umbrella canopy it
must have been fully 30 feet in height. Stone statues of this great
size are so extremely difficult to move, that they can be very rarely
made. It is true that some of the Jain statues of Gwalior are larger,
such as the standing colossus in the Urwdhi of the fort, which is 57
feet high, with a foot 9 feet in length, and the great seated figure on
the east side of the fort, which is 29 feet high, with a hand 7 feet in
length. But these figures are hewn out of the solid rock, to which
they are still attached at the back. There are larger statues also in
Barma, but they are built up on the spot of brick and mortar, and
cannot be moved. I look forward, therefore, with great interest to the
_ discovery of other portions of the Mathura Colossus, and more especi-
ally to that of the pedestal, on which we may expect to find the name
of the donor of this costly and difficult work.

177. Most of the statues hitherto discovered at Mathura have been
those of Buddha, the Teacher, who is represented either sitting or
standing, and with one or both hands raised in the attitude of enforcing
his argument. The prevailing number of these statues is satisfactorily
illustrated by Hwen Thsang, who records that when Buddha was alive
he frequently visited Mathura, and that monuments have been erected
“im all the places where he explained the law.” Accordingly, on this
one spot there have already been found two colossal standing figures

of the Teacher, each 74 feet in height, two life-size seated statues, and
~ one three-quarter size seated statue, besides numerous. smaller figures
of inferior workmanship.
178. The most remarkable piece of sculpture is that of a female
of rather more than half life-size. The figure is naked, save a
girdle of beads round the waist, the same as is seen in the Bhilsa
sculptures and Ajanta paintings. The attitude and the positions of the
21

164 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

hands are similar to those of the famous statue of Venus of the Capitol.
But in the Mathura statue the left hand is brought across the nght
breast, while the right hand holds up a small portion of drapery. The
head is slightly inclined towards the right shoulder, and the hair is
dressed in a new and peculiar manner, with long curls on each side of
the face, which fall from a large circular ornament on the top of the
head. The back of the figure is supported by a thick cluster of lotus
stalks covered with buds and flowers, which are very gracefully arranged
and boldly executed. The plump face with its broad smile is the least
satisfactory part of this work. Altogether this statue is one of the best
specimens of unaided Indian art that I have met with. I presume
that it represents a dancing girl, and that it once adorned one of the
gateways of the great Siuwpa near the monastery of Huvishka.

179. Three statues of ions have also been discovered, but they
are inferior both in design and in execution to most of the other
sculptures. They are all of the same height, 3 feet, and are all in the
same attitude, but two of them have the left foot advanced, while the
third has the right foot brought forward. The attitudes are stiff, and
the workmanship especially of the legs, is hard, wiry and unnatural.
It is the fore part only of the animal that is given, as if issuing out of
the block of stone in rear, from which I mfer that they must originally —
have occupied the two sides of some large gateway, such as we may
suppose to have belonged to the great monastery of Huvishka.

180. The most numerous remains are the stone pillars of the Bud-
dhist railings, of which at least three different sizes have been found.
Those of the largest size are 4} feet in height, with a section of 12
by 6 inches. When complete with base and coping, this railing would
have been about 7 feet in height. The middle-sized pillars are 3 feet
8 inches high, with a section of 9 by 43 inches. The railings formed
of these pillars would have been 5} feet in height. Those of the
smallest size are 2? feet high, witha section of 64 by 3? inches,
which would have formed a railing of only 4 feet in height. Of this
last size no more than six specimens have yet been found, but two of
them are numbered in the ancient Gupta numerals as 118 and 129, so
that many more of them still remain to be discovered. If we assume
the number of these pillars to have been no more than 129, the length
of railing which they formed would have been 144 feet, or with two ‘

2

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 165

entrances not less than 160 feet. This might have been disposed
either as a square enclosure of 40 feet side, or as a circular enclosure
of upwards of 50 feet diameter. The last would have been sufficient for
the circular railing of a Stupa 40 feet in diameter.

181. No inscriptions or numbers have been found on any of the
large sized pillars, but there can be no doubt that they must have formed
parts of the surrounding railings either of Stwpas or of holy trees, such as
are represented in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, or as wesee them in still existing
examples at Sanchi and Sonéri, Of the middle-sized railing I founda
single broken rail, and also a single specimen of the architraves or
coping stones. In the Sanchi and Son4ri examples the coping is quite
plain, but this Mathura specimen is ornamented on both faces with
semi-circular panels or niches containing figures and flowers.

182. The sculptures on the Mathura pillars are of two kinds;
namely, large single figures on the front, and on the back either small
bas-reliefs in compartments one above the other, or else full-blown
flowers at regular intervals. Both in the single figures and in the
bas-reliefs we find the same mixture of religious and social subjects as
in the sculptures of Sanchiand Buddha Gaya, Qn one pillar we have
a standing figure of Buddha, the Teacher, with a halo and umbrella
canopy, and on the back four small bas-reliefs representing, 1st, a holy
tree with suspended garlands, surrounded by a Buddhist railing ; 2nd,
a pair of figures, male and female ; 3rd, a kneeling figure presenting
an offering to a standing figure ; and 4th, an elephant with rider. One
of the other single figures is a female holding a water vessel to her
lips, and no less than four of the others are representations of Maya
Devi standing under the Sd/ tree, and holding one of its branches, in
which position she is described as having given birth to Buddha. A
specimen one of the large sized Mathura pillars may be seen in the
Asiatic Society’s Museum in Calcutta, where it was deposited by

Colonel Stacy.

183. But perhaps the most curious of all the Mathura sculptures
is that which was figured and described by James Prinsep in 1836
as a Statue of Silenus. The block is 3 feet 10 inches in height, 3 feet
‘broad, and 1 foot 4 inches thick. On the top there is a circular
bason 16 inches in diameter and 8 inchts deep. On the front there is
a group of three figures about three-fourths of life-size, with two

166 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

smaller figures, and on the back a group of four figures of half life-size.
In the front group the principal figure is a stout, half naked man
‘resting on a low seat, with ivy or vine-crowned brow, and outstretched
arms, which appear to be supported by the figures, male and female,
standing one on each side. The dress of the female is most certainly
not Indian, and is almost as certainly Greek. The dress of the male
figure also appears to be Greek. Colonel Stacy describes it as “a
kerchief round the neck with a tie in front as worn by sailors ;’”’ but
as it widens as it approaches the shoulders, I presume that it must be
the short cloak of the Greeks which was fastened in front in the very
same manner as represented in this sculpture. Prinsep agrees with
Stacy in considering the principal figure to be Silenus: “his portly
carcass, drunken lassitude, and vine-wreathed forehead, stamp the
individual, while the drapery of his attendants pronounces them at
least to be foreign to India, whatever may be thought of Silenus’s
own costume, which is certainly highly orthodox and Brahmanical.
Tf the sculptor were a Greek, his taste had been somewhat tainted by
the Indian beau-ideal of female beauty. In other respects his
proportions and attitudes are good; nay, superior to any specimen
of pure Hindu sculpture we possess; and considering the object of
the group, to support a sacrificial vase (probably of the juice of
the grape), it is excellent.” Of the group on the back I have but
little to say: the two female figures and one of the men are dressed
in the same Greek costume as the figures of the other group,
but the fourth figure, male, is dressed in a long turi>, which is
certainly not Greek, and cannot well be Indian. The religious
Buddhist would have his right shoulder bare, and the layman would
have the dhoti, or waist-cloth. The Greek-clad male figure may
possibly be Silenus, but Iam unable to offer even a conjecture as to
the figure in the tunic.

184. The question now arises, how is the presence of this piece of
Greek sculpture to be accounted for? Perhaps the most reasonable
solution is to assume the presence of a small body of Bactrian Greek
sculptors who would have found ready employment for their services |
amongst the wealthy Buddhists, just in the same way as goldsmiths
and artillerymen afterwards found service with the Mogul Emperors.
It must be remembered that Mathura is close to the great sandstone —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 167

quarries which for ages past have furnished materials for sculptors and
architects of Upper India. All the ancient statues that I have met
with in Rohilkhund and Oudh are made of this stone, and there can
be little doubt that the Buddhist custom of making gifts of statues
and pillars to the various monasteries must have created such a steady
demand for the sculptor’s works as would have ensured the continuous
employment of many skilled workmen. Many of the Bactrian Greeks
may thus have found remunerative service amongst the Indian Buddhists.
Indeed, this is the only way in which I can account, not only for the
very superior execution of many of the earliest specimens of Indian
art, but also for many of their ornamental details, such as the fluting of
the pillars in the Western Punjab architecture and the honeysuckle and
; astragal ornaments of Asoka’s monoliths, all of which are of undoubted
_ Greek origin. Jn the great fort of Narwar there still exists a Roman
Catholic chapel, with a burial-ground attached, containing filty tombs
_ of all sizes, of which two only are inscribed. One records the death of
a German, named Cornelius Oliver, in A. D. 1747; the other of a
young girl named Margarita, the daughter of a Hakim or Doctor.

The first is recorded in Portuguese, the other in Persian. That the
fifty tombs are those of Christians is proved, not only by the presence
of the cross on several of the uninscribed head-stones, but by the occur-
rence of letters I. H. S. surmounted by a cross, on the wall imme-
diately above the altar. I presume that these Christians were gunners
who formed the artillery portion of the garrisons of the important
fortress of Narwar. Here, then, we have the clearest proof of the
existence of a small body of foreigners in the very heart of India, who
vere permitted the open exercise of their religion by the most bigoted
f all mankind, the Indian Muhammadans. Such also I think may have
been the position of a small party of Bactrian Greeks amongst the
tolerant Buddhists of the great city of Mathura, about the beginning
of the Christian era, Their very names are unknown, and their occupa-
tions are uncertain, but their foreign religion is attested beyond all
doubt by the presence of a Bacchie altar, bearing the known figure of
the wine-bibbing Silenus.

q

® III.—KHALSI OR SRUGHNA.
185. About 15 miles to the westward of Masuri, and on the right
bank of the Jumna just above the junction of the Tons river, there

168 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

stands a huge quartz boulder covered with one of the well known
inscriptions of Asoka. The inscribed rock is situated close to the
little villages of By4s and Haripur, and about one mile and a half to the
south of the large and well known village of Khalsi, by which name
I propose to distinguish this copy of Asoka’s edicts from those of
Kapurdagiri, Junagiri, Rohitds, and Ganjam. In speaking of Firuz
Shah’s Pillar at Delhi, which we know was brought from the foot of
the hills on the western bank of the Jumna near Khidrabad, I have
already identified the district of Khalsi with part of the ancient kingdom
of Srughna, as described by Hwen Thsang. As my reasons for com-
ing to this conclusion are based entirely upon the statements of the
Chinese pilgrim, it is necessary that they should be given in detail.
186 On leaving Sthdneswara or Thinesar Hwen Thsang records
that he went 400 l, or 66 miles, to the westward, to the kingdom of
Su-lu-kin-na. or Surghna, which he describes as being bounded by the
Ganges on the east, and by high mountains on the north, and as being
watered by the Jumna, which ran through the midst of it. The Capital,
which was 20 lz, or upwards of three miles, in circuit, was situated
immediately on the west bank of the Jumna, and although much ruined,
its foundations were still standing. Amongst other monuments it
possessed a Stupa of King Asoka. The direction given by Hwen
Thsang is undoubtedly wrong, asthe Jumna is not more than 24
miles distant from Thanesar towards the east. But the mention of the
hills shows most clearly that the bearing should be north-east, and as
the recorded distance of the Jumna at the foot of the hills agrees with
the actual distance, the situation of the Capital of Srughna must be
looked for along the western bank of the Jumna, somewhere between
Khalsi and Khidrabad. At first I was inclined to fix the position of
the Capital in the immediate neighbourhood of the inscribed rock of
Khalsi, but I could neither find nor hear of any ruins in its vicinity,
and the distance is besides too great, being, 71 miles in a direct line,
or about 80 miles by the road. If Hwen Thasng’s distance is correct,
the most probable position of the Capital is Paota, on the right bank
of the Jumna, which is 57 miles distant from Thdnesar in a direct line,
or about 65 miles by the road. I believe also that Paota is the very place
from whence Firuz Shah removed the Delhi column, for the name of its
original site is variously written as Taopar, or Topara, or Taoparsuk, any

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 169

one of which by the mere shifting of the diacritical points might be read
as Paotar. It is possible also that the word Suk may still preserve a
trace of the ancient name of Sughan, which is the spoken form of the
Sanskrit Srughna. I propose to explore this neighbourhood during
the ensuing cold season. In the meantime I am satisfied with having
shown that the inscribed rock of Khalsi is situated within 18 or 20
miles of the site of the ancient Capital of Srughna, in whose great
monastery the Chinese pilgrim spent upwards of four months, because
the monks discussed the most difficult questions so ably that all doubts
were cleared up. By the hands of this learned fraternity were most
probably engraved the two copies of the edicts of Asoka which are still
extant, on the Khalsi rock and on the Delhi Pillar of Firuz Shah.

187. Between Khalsi and the Jumna the land on the western
bank of the river is formed in two successive ledges or level steppes,
each about 100 feet in height. Near the foot of the upper steppe
stands the large quartz boulder which has preserved the edicts of
Asoka for upwards of 2,000 years. The block is 10 feet high, and
about 8 feet thick at bottom. The south-eastern face has been smooth-

—<—--

ed, but rather unevenly, as it follows the undulations of the origina,
surface. he main inscription is engraved on this smoothed surface,
which measures 5 feet in height with a breadth of 5} feet at top, which
increases towards the bottom to 7 feet 103 inches, The deeper hollows
and cracks have been left uninscribed, and the lines of letters are un-
dulating and uneven, Towards the bottom the letters increase in size
until they become about thrice as large as those of the upper part.
Owing either to this enlargement of the letters, or perhaps to the latter
| part of the inscription being of later date, the prepared surface was
too small for the whole record, which was therefore compressed on the
ft hand side of the rock.
188. On the right hand side an elephant is traced in outline, with
words Gaja tame inscribed between his legs in the same chayacters
is those of the inscription. The exact meaning of these words I do
t know; but as the Junagiri_rock inscription closes with a paragraph
Bisting that the place is called Sweta Hastz, or the “white elephant,”
I think jit probable that Gaja tame may mean the “ dark or black
elephant,” and may therefore be the name of the rock itself. Amongst
the people, however, the rock is known by the name of Chhatr Sila,

/
|
.

170 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

or ‘the canopy stone,’ which would seem to show that the inscribed
block had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or
perhaps only by an umbrella, as the name imports. There are a
number of squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as se-
veral fragments of octagonal pillars and half pillars or pilasters, which |
are hollowed out or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common
fashion of the pillars of Buddhist railings. There is also a large

carved stone, 7 feet long, 14 foot broad, and 1 foot in height, which
from its upper mouldings I judged to have formed the entrance sae
to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone.

189. When found by Mr. Forrest early in 1860 the letters of the
inscription were hardly visible, the whole surface bemg encrusted with
the dark moss of ages; but on removing this black film the surface
became nearly as white as marble. At first sight the inscription looks
as if it was imperfect in many places, but this is owing to the engrav-
er having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions uninscrib-
ed. On comparing the different edicts with those of the Kapurdagiri,
Junagiri and Dhouli versions, I find the Khalsi text to be in a more
perfect state than any one of them, and more especially in that part of
the 13th Edict which contains the names of the five Greek Kings,
Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander. The Khalsi
text agrees with that of Dhouli in rejecting the use of the letter r,
for which / is everywhere substituted. But the greatest variation is in
the use of the palatal sibilant s, 4, which has not been found in any
other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word
Pdsanda, which curiously enough is spelt sometimes with one s, and
sometimes with the other, even in the same edict. As the proper
spelling of this word is Pashanda, it seems almost certain that the
people of India Proper did not possess the letter sh in the time of Asoka,

190. I made a complete impression of the whole of this important:
inscription. I also copied the whole of the inscription on the left side
by eye, as well as most of the more obscure parts in the front inscrip-
tion. I have since compared the entire text with those of the other
rock tablets, and I am now engaged in making a reduced copy of this
valuable record for early publication. I propose, however, first to
compare it with the Kapuwrdagirt version in the Arian characters.
With good copies of all the different texts before them, the scholars

1865.] - Report of the Archeological Survey. 171

of Europe will be able to give a more satisfactory interpretation of
Asoka’s edicts than has hitherto been made, even_with the aid of all
the learning of Burnouf and Wilson.

’

IV.—_MADAWAR, OR MADIPUR.

191. From Srughna the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to Mo-ti-pu-lo,
or Madipur, to the east of the Ganges, a distance of 800 lv, or 133
miles, Madipur has been identified by M. St. Martin with J/anddwar,
a large old town in Western Rohilkhand near Bijnor. I had made the
same identification myself before reading M. St. Martin’s remarks, and
I am now able to confirm it by a personal examination of the locality.
The actual distance from Paocta on the Jumnato Manddwar vid Harid-
war, is not more than 110 miles by the present roads; but as it
would have been considerably more by the old native tracks leading
from village to village, the distance recorded by Hwen Thsang is most
probably not far from the truth, more especially when we remember
that he paid a visit to Ma-yu-lo, or Mayurapura, now Myapoor, near
Hardwar at the head of the Ganges Canal. But the identity of the
site of Maddwar with Madipur is not dependent on this one distance
alone, as will be seen from the subsequent course of the pilgrim, which
most fully confirms the position already derived from his previous route.

192. The name of the town is written astat, Maddwar, the
Munddwur of the maps. According to Johari Lal, Chaodri and
Kanungo of the place, Waddwar was a deserted site in Samvat 1171,
or A. D. 1114, when his ancestor Dwdrka Dds, an Agarwila Baniya,
accompanied by Katdr Mall, came from Mordri in the Mirat District,
and occupied the old mound. The present town of Maddwar contains
7,000 inhabitants, and is rather more than three-quarters of a mile in
length by half a mile in breadth. But the old mound which represents
the former town is not more than half a mile square. It has an aver-
age height of 10 feet above the rest of the town, and it abounds with
large bricks, a certain sign of antiquity. In the middle of the mound
there is a ruined fort, 300 feet square, with an elevation of 6 or 7 feet
above the rest of the city. To the north-east, distant about one mile
from the fort, there is a large village, on another mound, called
Madiya ; and between the two lies a large tank called Kinda Tal,
surrounded by numerous small mounds which are said to be the re-

22,

172 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

mains of buildings. Originally these two places would appear to have
formed one large town about 14 mile in length by half a mile in
breadth, or 34 miles in circuit. The Kanuwngo states that Iladdwar
formed part of the dominions of Pithora Raja, and that it possessed
a large Hindu temple of stone, which was afterwards destroyed by one
of the Ghori Sultans, who built the present Jama Masjid on its site,
and with its materials. The stones of the mosque are squared blocks
of soft grey sandstone, and as many of them exhibit cramp-holes on the
outside, there can be no doubt that they must originally have belong-
ed to some other building.

198. To the south-east of the town there is a large, deep, irregu-
larly shaped piece of water called Pirwdlz Tal. It is nearly half a
mile in length, but not more than 300 feet broad in its widest part.
It is filled in the rains by a small channel carrying the drainage of the
country from the north-east, and its overflow falls into the Malini
River, about two miles distant. This pool is only part of a natural
channel of drainage which has been deepened by the excavation of earth
for the bricks of the town. But in spite of this evident origin of the
Madéwar tank, it was gravely asserted by the Buddhists to have been
produced by an earthquake which accompanied the death of a celebrat-
ed saint named Vimala Mitra.

194. According te Hwen Thsang Wadipur was 20 li, or 34 miles,
in circuit, which agrees very closely with what would appear to be
the most probable size of the old town. The King was a Sudra, who
cared nothing for Buddhism, but worshipped the Devas, There were
12 Buddhist monasteries, containing about 800 monks, who were
mostly attached to the school of the Sarvdstivddas, and there were
also about 50 Brahmanical temples. To the south of the town, at 4
or 5 li, or # of a mile, there was a small monastery in which Gunapra-
bha was said to have composed 100 works ; and at half a mile to the
north of this there was a great monastery which was famous as the
scene of Sanghabhadra’s sudden death from chagrin, when he was over=
come in argument by Vasubandhu. His relics were deposited ina —
Stwpa in the midst of a mango grove only 200 paces to the north-west.
of the monastery. These two chiefs of Buddhism lived about the
beginning of the Chirstian era, and the Stwpa was still standing in
A. D. 634, at the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit. There is no trace

|
Ez

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 173

now existing either of the monasteries or of the Sfupa, but their sites
can be fixed with tolerable certainty by the aid of Hwen Thsang’s
descriptions. The village of Lalpur, which is situated on a*mound
about three quarters of a mile to the south-south-east of the Jama
Masjid, and which is built partly of old bricks, represents the site of
the small monastery of Gunaprabha, To the north of Lalpur, and
just half a mile distant, is the shrine of Hidéyat Shah, with a Masjid
attached, both of which are built of old bricks, This spot I believe
to be the site of the great monastery of Sanghabhadra. Lastly, to
the west-north-west of Hidayat’s shrine, at a distance of 200 paces,
there is another shrine, or Fakir’s takia, standing in the midst of a
mango grove, like the old Stwpa of Sanghabhadra, the site of which
it represents almost exactly as described by Hwen Thsang.

195. Beside the mango grove, there was.a second Stupa which con-
tained the relics of Vimala Mitra, who, as a disciple of Sanghabhadra,
must have lived in the first century of the Christian era. The legend
relates that on passing the Stwpa of his master Sanghabhadra, he
placed his hand on his heart, and with a sigh expressed a wish that he
might live to compose a work which should lead all the students of
India to renounce the “Great Vehicle” (Mahé Yéna), and which
should blot out the name of Vaswhandhu for ever. No sooner had he
spoken than he was seized with frenzy, and five spouts of burning hot
blood gushed from his mouth. Then feeling himself dying, he wrote
a letter “expressing his repentance for having maligned the Mahd
Ydna, and hoping that his fate might serve as an example to all
students.” At these words the earth quaked, and he expired instantly,
Then the spot where he died suddenly sank and formed a deep ditch,

_ and a holy man who witnessed his end, exclaimed, “‘ To-day this master

of the scriptures, by giving way to his passions, and by persisting in
erroneous opinions, has calumniated the Mahd Yana, for which he

_ has now fallen into everlasting hell,” But this opinion of the holy
‘han would appear to have been confined to the followers of the Mahd
i" Ydna, for the brethren of Vimala Mitra, who were Sarvastivddas, or

students of the lesser Vehicle, burned his body and raised a Stupa
over his relics, It must be remembered, also, that Hwen Thsang, who
relates the legend, was a zealous follower of the Mahé Yana, and this
no doubt led him to overlook the manifest contradiction between the

174 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

statement of the uncharitable arhat, and the fact that his brethren had
burned his body in the usual manner. This legend, as well as several
others, would seem to show that there was a hostile and even bitter
feeling between these two great sects of the Buddhist community.

196. The site of Vimala Mitra’s Stupa is described as being at
the edge of the mango grove, and from the details of the legend it is
clear that it could have been at no great distance from the Stupa of
Sanghabhadra. It would appear also that it must have stood close by
the great ditch, or hollow, which his opponents looked upon as the
rent in the earth by which he had sunk down to “ everlasting hell.”
Now, the mango grove which I have before mentioned, extends only
120 paces to the westward to the bank of the deep tank called the Pirwali
Tél. Iconclude therefore that the Stwpa of Vimala Mitra must have
stood close to the edge of this tank and on the border of the mango grove
which still exists in the same position as described by Hwen Thsang. —

197. It seems probable that the people of Maddwar, as pointed out
by M. St. Martin, may be the Mathe of Megasthenes who dwelt on
the banks of the Erineses. If so, that river must be the Malini -It
is true that this is but a small stream, but it was in a sacred grove
on the bank of the Malini that Sakuntala was brought up, and along.
its course lay her route to the Court of Dushmanta at Hastinapur.
While the lotus floats on its waters, and while the Chakwa calls its
mate on its bank, so long will the little J/dlini live in the verse
of Kalidas.

V.—KASHIPUR, OR GOVISANA.

198. On leaving Madipur the Chinese pilgrim travelled 400 li, or —
66 miles to the south-east and arrived in the kingdom of Kziw-pi-
shwang-na, which M. Julien renders by Govisana. The Capital
was 14 or 15 li, or 21 miles, incircuit. Its position was strong, being
elevated, and of difficult access, and it was surrounded by groves,
tanks, and fish ponds. There were two monasteries containing 100.
monks, and 30 Brahmanical temples. In the middle of the larger
monastery, which was outside the city, there was a Stwpa of Asoka, 200

feet in height, built over the the spot where Buddha was said to have — 4

explained the law. There were also two small Stupas, only 12 feet
high, containing his hair and nails, 7

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 175

199° According to the bearing and distance from Madipur, as
given by Hwen Thsang, we must look for Govisana somewhere to the
north of Muradabad. In this direction the only place of any antiquity
is the old fort of Ujain, which is just one mile to the east of Kashipur.
According to the route which I marched the distance is 44 kos, or 66
miles. I estimate the value of the kos by the measured distance of
59 miles between the Post Offices of Bareli and Muradabad, which is
always called 40 kos by the natives. The true bearing of Kashipur
is east-south-east, instead of south-east, but the difference is not great ;
and as the position of Kashipur is equally clearly indicated by the
subsequent route to Ahichhatra, I feel quite satisfied that the old fort
of Ujain represents the ancient city of Govisana which was visited by
Hwen Thsang.

200. Bishop Heber describes Kashipur as a “famous place of
Hindu pilgrimage which was built by a divinity
named Kashi 5,000 years ago.” But the
good Bishop was grossly deceived by his informant, as it is well known

Vol. IL., p. 246.

_ that the town is a modern one, it having been built about A. D,
_ 1718 by Kashi Nath, a follower of Raja Devi Chandra, or Deb Chand,
of Champ4iwat in Kumaon. The old fort is now called Ujain, but as
that is the name of the nearest village it seems probable that the true
name has been lost. The place itself had been deserted for several
hundred years before the occupation of Kashipur, but as the holy tank
of Dron Sdgar had never ceased to be visited by pilgrims, I presume
that the name of the tank must have gradually superseded that of the
fort. Even at the present day, the name of Dron Sdgar is just as well
known as that of Kashipur.

201. The old fort of Ujain is very peculiar in its form, which may
be best compared to the body of a guitar, It is 3,000 feet in length
from west to east, and 1,500 feet in breadth, the whole circuit being
upwards of 9,000 feet, or rather less than 2 miles. Hwen Thsang
describes the circuit of Govisana as about 12,000 feet, or nearly 24
tniles, but in this measurement he must have included the long mound
of ruins on the south side, which is evidently the remains of an ancient
suburb. By including this mound as an undoubted part of the old
city, the circuit of the ruins is upwards of 11,000 feet, or very nearly

the same as that given by Hwen Thsang. Numerous groves, tanks,

176 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

and fish ponds still surround the place. Indeed, the trees are parti-
cularly luxuriant, owing to the high level of the water which is within
5 or 6 feet of the surface. For the same reason the tanks are numer-
ous and always full of water. The largest of these is the Dron Sagar, |
which, as well as the fort, is said to have been constructed by the five
Pandu brothers for the use of their teacher Drona. The tank is only
600 feet square, but it is esteemed very holy, and is much frequented by
pilgims on their way to the source of the Ganges. Its high banks are
covered with Sati monuments of recent date. The walls of the fort are
built of large massive bricks, 15 inches by 10 inches by 23 inches, which
are always a certain sign ofantiquity. The general height of the walls
is 30 feet above the fields; but the whole is now in complete ruin, and
covered with dense jungle. Shallow ditches still exist on all sides —
except the east. The interior is very uneven, but the mass has a mean
height of about 20 feet above the country. There are two low open-
ings in the ramparts, one to the north-west and the other to the south-
west, which now serve as entrances to the jungle, and which the people
say were the old gates of the fort.

202. There dre some small temples on the western bank of the Dron '
Sdgar; but the great place of worship is the modern temple of Jwala
Devi, 600 feet to the eastward of the fort. This goddess is also called
Ujaini Devi, and a great fair is held‘in her honour on the 8th day of —
the waning moon of Chaitra. Other smaller temples contain symbols of
Mahadeva under the titles of Bulesar, Muktesar, Ndgndth, and Jdgesar.
But all of these temples are of recent date; the sites of the more ancient
fanes being marked by mounds of various dimensions from 10 to upwards
of 30 feet in height. The most remarkable of these mounds is situated ©
inside the northern wall of the fort, above which the ruins rise to a height
of 52 feet above the country, and 22 feet above the ramparts, This
mound is called Bhimgaja, or Bhimgada, that is, Bhim’s club, by which
I understand a large lingam of Mahadeva, Were it not for this name, —
I should be inclined to look upon this huge mound as the remains of
a palace, as I succeeded in tracing the walls of what appeared to have
been a large room, 72 feet in length from north to south, by 63 feet in
width, the walls being 6 feet thick, About 500 feet beyond the §
north-east angle of the fort there is another remarkable mound which — j

is rather more than 34 feet in height, It stands in the midst of a a

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 1i7

quadrangular terrace, 600 in length by 500 feet in breadth, and, as well
as I could ascertain from an excavation at the top, it is the remains of a
large square temple. Close by on.the east, and within the quadrangle,
there are the ruins of two small temples. To the eastward of the Jwala
Devi temple, there is a curious circular, flat-topped mound of earth, 68
feet in diameter, surrounded by a brick wall from 7 to 11 feet in height.
It is called Rdmgir Gosain-ka-tila, or “the mound of Rémgir Gosain,”
from which I infer that it is the burial place of a modern Gosain. To
the south of the fort, near the temple of Jégesar Mahadeva, there is a
third large mound, 22 feet in height, which was once crowned by a
temple 20 feet square inside. The bricks have only recently been
removed, and the square core of earth still remains perfect. To the
_ westward of this last, there is a fourth mound, on which I traced the
Tuins of a temple 30 feet square standing in the midst of a raised
- quadrangle about 500 feet square. Besides these there are ten smaller
_ mounds, which make up altogether 14, or just one-half the number of
the Brahmanical temples which are mentioned by Hwen Thsang.

203. The only ruin which appeared to me to be of undoubted
Buddhist origin was a solid brick mound 20 feet in height, to the
south-west of Jagesar Mahadeva, and close to the small village of
Khargpur. The base of the mound is upwards of 200 feet in diameter,
The solid brick-work at the top is still 60 feet thick, but as it is
broken all round, its original diameter must have been much greater,
probably not less than 80 feet. But even this larger diameter is too small
ra Stwpa of 200 feet in height of the hemispherical form of Asoka’s
time; a Stupa of that early period, even when provided with both
plinth and cupola, would not have exceeded 100 feet in height. Unless

therefore we may suppose that there is a mistake of 100 feet in the text
of Hwen Thsang, I feel quite unable to offer any identification
Whatever of the Buddhist remains of Govisana as described by the
Chinese pilgrim.

VI—RAMNAGAR, OR AHICHHATRA,

¢

204. From Govisana Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south-east
0 Ui, or 66 miles, to Ahi-chi-ta-lo, or Ahichhatra. This once famous
place still preserves its ancient name as Ahichhatr, although it has
been deserted for many centuries, Its history reaches back to B. C,

178 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

1430, at which time it was the Capital of Northern Pdnchéla. The
name is written Ahi-kshetra, as well as Ahi-chhatra, but the local legend
of Adi Raja and the NAga, who formed a canopy over his head when
asleep, shows that the latter is the correct form. This grand old fort
is said to have been built by Raja Adi, an Ahir, whose future elevation —
to sovereignty was foretold by Drona, when he found him sleeping
under the guardianship of a serpent with expanded hood. The place is
mentioned by Ptolemy as Adwadpa, which proves that the legend at-
tached to the name of Adz is at least as old as the beginning of the
Christian era. The fort is also called Adikot, but the more conmon
named is Ahechhatr.

205. According to the Mahdbhdrat the great kingdom of Pdnchéla
extended from the Himalaya Mountains to the Chambal River. The —
capital of North Pdénchdla, or Rohilkhand, was Ali-chhatra, and that of
South Pdnchdla, or the Central Gangetic Doab, was Kdmpilya, now
Kampil, on the old Ganges between Budaon and Farokhabad. Just
before the great war, or about 1430 B. C., the King of Pédnchdla,
named Drupada, was conquered by Drona, the preceptor of the five
Pandus. Drona retained north Pdnchdla for himself, but restored the
southern half of the kingdom to Drupada, According to this account
the name of Ali-chhatra, and consequently also the legend of Adi
Raja and the serpent, are many centuries anterior to the rise of
Buddhism.

206. It would appear, however, that the Buddhists must have
adopted and altered the legend to do honour to their great teacher, fo
Hwen Thsang records that outside the town there was a Ndga-hrada, o
““ serpent tank,” near which Buddha had preached the law for seven days
in favour of the Serpent King, and that the spot was marked by
Stupa of King Asoka. Now, as the only existing Stwpa at this place
is called Chattr, I infer that the Buddhist legend represented the Naga
King after his conversion as forming a canopy over Buddha with his
expanded hood. I think, also, that the Stwpa erected on the spot
where the conversion took place would naturally have been called Ahi.
chhatra, or the “serpent canopy.” A similar story is told at Buddha
Gya of the Naga King Muchalinda, who with his expanded hoo
sheltered Buddha from the shower of rain produced by the maligna
demon Mira.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 179

207. The account of Ahi-chhatra given by Hwen Thsang is
unfortunately very meagre, otherwise we might most probably have
identified many of the existing ruins with the Buddhist works of an
early age. The Capital was 17 or 18 i, or just three miles, in
circuit, and was defended by natural obstacles. It possessed 12
monasteries, containing about 1,000 monks, and nine Brahmanical
temples, with about 300 worshippers of Iswara Deva (Siva), who
smeared their bodies with ashes. The Stwpa near the serpent tank,
outside the town, has already been mentioned. Close beside it there were

four small Stupas built on the spots where the four previous Buddhas

had either sat or walked. Both the size and the peculiar position of
the ruined fortress of Ahi-chhatra agree so exactly with Hwen
Thsang’s description of the ancient Ahi-chhatra, that there can be no
doubt whatever of their identity. The circuit of the walls, as they
stand at present, is 19,400 feet, or upwards of 34 miles. The
shape may be described as an irregular right-angled triangle, the
west side being 5,600 feet in length, the north side 6,400 feet,
and the long side to the south-east 7,400 feet. The fort is
situated between the Rdm Ganga and Gdnghan Rivers, which are
both difficult to cross; the former on account of its broad sands, the
latter on account of its extensive ravines. Both on the north and
east the place is rendered almost inaccessible by the Piria Nala,
a difficult ravine with steep broken banks, and numerous deep pools
of water quite impassable by wheeled vehicles. For this reason the
cart road to Bareli, distant only 18 miles due east, is not less than 23
miles. Indeed the only accessible side of the position is the north-
west, from the direction of Lakhnor, the ancient capital of the Katehria
Rajputs. It therefore fully merits the description of Hwen Thsang

as being defended by ‘natural obstacles.” Ahi-chhatra is only seven

miles to the north of Aonla, but the latter half of the road is rendered
difficult by the ravines of the Gdnghan River. It was in this very
position, in the jungles to the north of donla, that the Katehria
Rajputs withstood the Muhammadans under Firuz Tughlak.

- 208. The ruins of <Ahi-chhatra were first visited by Captain
Hodgson, the Surveyor, who describes the place as “ the ruins of an

ancient fortress several miles in circumference, which appears to
have had 34 bastions, and is known in the neighbourhood by the
23

180 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

name of the‘ Pandus Fort.’ According to my survey there are
only 32 towers, but it is quite possible that one or two may have
escaped my notice, as I found many parts so overgrown with thorny
jungle as to be inaccessible. The towers are generally from 28
to 30 feet in height, excepting on the west side, where they rise to
35 feet. A single tower near the south-west corner is 47 feet in
height above the road outside. The average height of the interior
mass is from 15 to 20 feet. Many of the present towers, however,
are not ancient, as an attempt was made by Ali Muhammad Khan,
about 200 years ago, to restore the fort with a view of making it his
stronghold in case he should be pushed to extremities by the King
of Delhi. The new walls are said to have been 1} guz thick, which,
agrees with my measurements of ‘the parapets on the south-eastern
side, which vary from 2 feet 9 inches to 3 feet 3 inches in thickness
at top. According to popular tradition, Ali Muhammad expended
about a crore of rupees, or one million pounds sterling, in this
attempt, which he was finally obliged to abandon on account of its
costliness. I estimate that he may perhaps have spent about one
lakh of rupees, or £10,000, in repairing the ramparts and in rebuilding
the parapets. There is an arched gateway on the south-east side,
which must have been built by the Musalmans, but as no new
bricks were made by them, the cost of their work would have been
limited to the labour alone. The ramparts are 18 feet thick at
the base in some places, and between 14 and 15 feet in others.

209. There are three great mounds inside the fort, and outside,
both to the north and west, there are a number of mounds of all sizes,
from 20 feet to 1,000 feet inthe diameter. To the north-west, distant
one mile, there is a large tank called the Gandhén Sagar, which has
an area of 125 begahs, and about one quarter of a mile beyond it
there is another tank called the Adi Sdgar, which has an area of ©
150 begahs. The latter is said to have been made by Adi Raja at
the same time as the fort. The waters are collected by an earthen
embankment faced on both sides with bricks of large size. The Gandhdn
Sdgar is also embanked both to the east and south. The mounds.
to the south of the tanks are covered with large bricks, both plain
and moulded; but judging from their shapes, they must all have
belonged to temples, or other straight walled buildings, and not to

1865.] Keport of the Archeological Survey. 181

Stupas. There is nothing to show whether these are the remains
ef Buddhist or of Brahmanical buildings, but from their extent it is
probable that they were the former.

210. According to Hwen Thsang there were only nine Brahmani-
¢al temples at Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 634, all of which would appear
to have been dedicated to Siva. But as Buddhism declined, this
number must have been increased, for I discovered the ruins of not
less than 20 temples of various sizes, of which one is gigantic, four
are large, five are of middle size, and 12 of small dimensions. Three
ef these are inside the fort, and the others are grouped together
outside on the west road. I made excavations in most of these
mounds, ail of which yielded moulded bricks ef various patterns,
but only two ef them afforded sculptares by which their original
purpose could be absolutely identified. These two temples are
marked as Nos. I and IV in my survey of the ruins.

211. The remains of No. I temple form a mound, 65 feet 9 inches
in height above the country, and upwards of 30 feet above the walls
of the fortress. This lofty mound stands inside the fort near the
middle of the north wall, and forms the most conspicuous object amongst
the ruins of the mighty. fortress of Ahi-chhatra. The floor of the
temple is 60 feet above the ground, and at this’ enermous height
stood a colossal lingam, 3 feet 63 inches in diameter, and upwards
of 8 feet in height, which must have been visible from both east
and west through the open doors of the temple for a distance
of some miles. The interior of the temple is only 14 feet
4 inches by 102 feet. The north and south walls are 9 feet 5
inches thick, and the east and west walls only 5 feet 9 inches;
but on these two sides there are open porches outside the two
entrances which increase the thickness of the walls to 19 feet on
the west side, and to 14 feet 11 inches on the east. The exterior
dimensions of the temple are 48 feet 3 inches by 29 feet 4 inches.
From these dimensions I calculate that the temple must have been
about 100 feet in height above its own floor, or 165 feet above the
country. The base of the stone lingam is square, the middle
part octagonal, and the upper part hemispherical. A trisul, ov
trident, is cut upon the base. The upper portion of the lingam

is broken, The people say that it was struck by lightning,

182 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

but from the unshattered state of the large block I am more
disposed to ascribe the fracture to the hammer of the Muhammadans.

212. Mound No. II, which is also inside the fort to the west of
the large mound, is 35 feet in height, and from 5 to 10 feet above
the general line of the ramparts. It shows the remains of a large
square building with along flight of steps on the west side. No.
IIL mound is only 30 feet in height, and is covered with scrub
jungle. There are traces of walls on the surface, but the jungle
prevented their immediate excavation. I will take an early opportu-
nity of exploring both of these mounds, ds I feel satisfied that
they are the remains of large Brahmanical temples.

213. No. IV mound stands about 1,000 feet outside the west
gate of the fort. It is 300 feet square at base, and 30 feet in
height, and has two smaller mounds attached to the north-east
corner. On excavating the surface I discovered the foundations of
a temple, 11 feet square inside, with walls 32 feet thick, and a
long pedestal or raised platform for the reception of statues. The
entrance is on the east side towards the town. Amongst the ruins
I found a seated terracotta figure of Siva, 12 inches in height, with
four arms and three eyes, and one hand holding a large lotus flower.
I found also in red stone a small right hand grasping the hilt of a
sword, and a left hand of three-quarter life size, grasping a large
conch. As the last must have belonged to a figure of Vishnu, it
is possible that the temple was dedicated to that god, but a
projecting portion of the pedestal leads me to believe that it must
have been occupied by a lingam, and if so, the principal figure
would have been that of Mahadeva. There was also a large
quantity of ashes inside this temple, from which I infer that it
was most probably destroyed by the Musalmans in one of their
early expeditions against the Katehria Rajputs.

214. The Buddhist remains at Ahi-chhatra are both more exten-
sive and more ancient than those of the Brahmans. In my survey I
have marked them by the letters of the Alphabet to distinguish them
from the Brahmanical ruins, which are numbered. Only three of the
Buddhist mounds have been excavated, but as most of the others have
furnished materials for the neighbouring villages, it does not seem —
likely that their excavation would be attended with any success. I

—

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey, 183

will, however, manage to have them examined at the end of the
ensuing season.

215. The most important of the Buddhist ruins is an irregular
shaped mound, about 1,000 feet square, from the centre of which
rises a large Stwpa of solid brick-work, which the people call
chhatr. I have already identified this with the great Stwpa which
was built over the spot where Buddha converted the Serpent King.
It is surrounded by eight smaller mounds, of which four would
appear to be the ruins of Stupas, and three of temples, whilst one
only is doubtful. Now? Hwen Thsang describes the great Stupa
as having on one side of it four small Stwpas, which account agrees
exactly with the position of the four small mounds above men-
tioned. Ihave no doubt, therefore, as to the identity of the chhatr
mound with the Stwpa of Hwen Thsang, although I was unable
to discover any certain trace of the tank called the Ndga-hrada,
or “serpent pond” by the Chinese pilgrim. It is quite possible,
however, that a tank may once have existed on the south-west side,
where the ground is still very low.

216. The great ruins called Chhaty is a mass of solid brick-
work, 40 feet in height above the fields, and 30 feet in diameter
at top. The original building was a hemisphere of 50 feet diame-
ter, which was raised upon a base or plinth 15 feet in height. At
some later period an outer casing, 12} feet thick, was added,
which increased the diameter to 75 feet, and the height of the
crown’ of the hemisphere to 52} feet. Allowing two-sevenths of
the diameter for the height of the cupola or pinnacle, which is

the proportion observed in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, the total height

of the original Stwpa would have been 57 feet, and that of
the later Stwpa 77 feet. I made several superficial excavations
around the base in the hope of finding some portions of the stone
railings with which the Stwpa was most probably surrounded, but
without success. I still believe, however, that there must have been
the usual Buddhist railings around this Stupa, and that a further
search would probably bring some of the pillars to light. I found,
however, a number of curved wedge-shaped bricks, that must have
belonged to a circle of between 15 and 16 feet in diameter, and which,

I presume, are the remains of the cupola,

184 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

217. If I am right in my identification of this Stupa with
that which was built near the Serpent Tank, its original construc-
tion must be referred to the reign of Asoka, or about 2505. C.
A strong argument in favour of this date is the similarity of its
shape to that of the Bhilsa Topes, which are undoudtedly of Asoka’s
age. The date of the enlargement of the Stwpa can only be
fixed approximately by inferring from Hwen Thsang’s silence that
it must have been in good order at the time of his visit. Admitting ©
this to have been the case, the date of the enlargement cannot
be placed earlier than about A. D. 400 to 500.

218. The great Stupa attracted the attention of some British
Officer, about 30 years ago, who dug a gallery into it, 21 feet in
length, and then sunk a well for some unknown depth, which I found
filled with rubbish. I made use of this old gallery, and continued it
to the centre of the Stwpa, where it met a shaft which I had sunk
fromthe top. From this point I carried the shaft downwards, making
use of the gallery for the removal of the bricks. At a depth of 27
feet from the present top, or at 7 feet below the centre of the older
hemisphere, I found a low pyramidal topped vessel of common red un- —
glazed earthenware, 8 inches in diameter. Inside this vessel there was a
small steatite box, containing many minute fragments of seed pearls,
several pieces of blue glass, one large bead of red amber, and about a tea
spoonful of little bits of rock crystal. Mixed with these were ten small
cylindrical pierced beads of a dirty white colour like old chalk. They
consist chiefly of carbonate of lime with a trace of some other sub-
stance, and are most probably only the remains of some artificial beads.
The little steatite box is a sphere of 2 inches diameter, but rather
pointed at the top and bottom. Its general colour is white with a few
purple blotches. The whole is rudely ornamented, the top with flowers,
and the bottom with animals of school-boy design. The inside also”
is rudely ornamented, but with simple lines il There is no trace
of any inscription.

219. At 62 feet below the deposit just described, or at 1332 feet
below the centre of the hemisphere, a second deposit was found —
imbedded in the ground immediately under the last course of a globular _
shaped mottled steatite vase, 84 inches in diameter and 6 inches in—
height. This vase has a neck 3 inches in diameter inside and 2¢

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 185

inches in height, thus making the whole height of the vessel 8? inches.
This is divided into two equal portions, the lower half having an inner
lip, which is overlapped by the upper half. The vessel is quite plain,
excepting only a few belts of simple lines which encircle it. The open
mouth was found closed by the lid of a small dark-coloured steatite
vase exactly similar to several that were discovered in the Bhilsa Topes.
Inside there was nothing but a hard cake of earth, 6 inches in dia-
meter, mixed with small stones. A similar earthen cake, but only 25
inches in diameter, was found in the earthenware jar of the upper
deposit. What this cake may be I cannot at present say, but it does
not effervesce with acids.

220. The second Buddhist mound which has yielded important
evidence of its former occupation, is called Katdri Khera. Itis situa-
ted 1,200 feet to the north of the old fort, and 1,600 feet to the east
of the small village of Nasratganj. The mound is about 400 feet
square and 20 feet in height. Close by there is a small pond called
the Maswdse Tal ; but neither this name, nor that of Katéri Khera,
would seem to have any reference to the old Buddhist establishment
which formerly stood there. Unfortunately this mound has furnished
bricks to the neighbouring village for many generations, so that but
little is now left to point out the nature of the original buildings. A

: surface excavation brought to light a temple 26} feet in length by 22
feet in breadth outside, and 11 feet square inside. The plinth is still
; standing 4} feet in height, formed of blocks of kankar, but the walls
have altogether disappeared, excepting some portions of a few courses.
_ The doorway faces the east, from which I infer that the enshrined
statue was most probably that of the ascetic Buddha, who is always
represented seated in a similar position under the holy Pipal Tree of
} Buddha Gaya. I am also led to the same conclusion by the discovery
oi a broken statue of Buddha with two flying” figures over the right
shoulder, which are the usual accompaniments of the ascetic figures of
6 Buddha. This statue is broken at the waist, and both arms are lost;
“but the fragment is still 2 feet high and 2 feet broad, from which I
infer that the size of the original statue was not less than 4 feet in

height by 3 feet in breadth ; and this I believe to have been the prin-
cipal figure of the temple.
. 221.

Tn the same place five other carved and sculptured stones

186 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

were discovered, of which one is an inscribed pillar of a Buddhist railing
of middle age. The pillar is broken, but the remaining portions of the
socket holes are sufficient for the restoration of the original dimensions.
The fragment is 1 foot 11 inches in length, with a section of 83 inches
by 4 inches. The socket holes are 8 inches long, and 43 inches apart, —
which in a pillar of two rails would give a height of 3 feet 24 inches,
or of 4 feet 3 inches in a pillar of three rails. The face of the pillar
is sculptured with six rows of naked standing figures, there being
five figures in the lowest row, and only four figures in each of the
others. On one of the sides there is the following short inscription
in four lines of the age of the Guptas :—

Acharya Indranandi Sishya Mahddari Parswamatisya Kottari.
The last word but one might perhaps be read as patisya ; but the
remainder of the inscription is quite clear. I understand it to record —
the gift of “ Mahddari, the disciple of the teacher Indranandi, to the
temple (Kottari) of Parswamati.” Perhaps the term Kottari may be
preserved in the name of Katdri Khera, by which the mound is now
known. ‘

222. The other sculptured stones are not of much interest. The
largest is a broken statue of a standing figure, 3 feet high by 2 feet
broad, which appears to be naked. The head, the feet, and the right
arm are gone. A second small stone, 1 foot long and 5 inches broad,
bears the figures of the Navagraha, or “ Nine Planets.” On the back
there is a short inscription of only eight letters, of which two are
somewhat doubtful. I read the whole as Sahada, Bhima, Devindra,
but the word Bhima is very doubtful. A third stone, 2} feet long
and 1} feet square, is the fragment of a large pillar, with a lion sculp-
tured on each of its four faces. The naked figures of these sculptures
belong to a somewhat late period of Buddhism, after the introduction
of the Tantrika doctrines, which, as we learn from Skanda Gupta’s
inscription on the Bhitari Pillar, were prevalent during the time of th ;
later Guptas, in the 3rd and 4th centuries A. D. As the forms of the
letters of these inscriptions are also those of the Gupta period, we may
conclude with some certainty that the Kottarz, or temple, of Parswa-
mati was erected before the fall of the Gupta dynasty in A. D. 319. t

223. Four hundred feet to the south of the great bastion, and
close to the south-west angle of the fort, there is another extensive

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 187

monnd, marked D in my map, upwards of 300 feet square, and 35
feet in height above the road. The principal mass of ruin, which is
in the middle of the west side, is the remains of a large temple, 40 feet
square outside. In the middle of the south side there are the ruins
of a small building which may perhaps have been the entrance gate-
way. To the right and left of the entrance there are the ruins of two
small temples, each 14 feet square outside, and 9 feet 4} inches inside,
raised upon a plinth 24 feet square. The contre of the square is open,
and has evidently never been built upon. My excavations were too
limited to ascertain more than I have noted above, but I propose to
continue the exploration towards the end of the ensuing cold weather.
I believe that this mound is the remains of a very large monastery
with its lofty enclosed temple, which could not have been less than 80
or even 100 feet in height.

224. Connected with <Ahi-chhatra is an inscription of the Gupta
period on a square pillar found near the village of Dilwdari, 3 kos, or 44
miles, to the south of the fort. The inscription consists of 14 lines
of five letters each, the letters of one line being placed exactly under

those of the line above, so as to form also five straight perpendicular
lines. The stone is 23 feet long, 1 foot broad, and 9 inches thick in
the middle, but the continual sharpening of tools has worn down the
edges to a breadth of from 7 to 74 inches. The inscription, which is
on one of the narrow faces, has accordingly suffered in the partial loss
- of some of the initial and final letters of several lines. The other
} three faces of the stone are quite plain, and there is nothing whatever

_ to show what the pillar may have been originally intended for.
225. My account of Ali-chhatra would not be complete without a
5 reference to the gigantic lingam near the village of Gulariya, 24 miles te
the north of the fort, and to the Priapian name of the village of Bhim-
aur, one mile to the east of the fort. Bhim-gaja and Bhim-laur are
‘common names for the lingam in all the districts to the north of the
Ganges. I have already quoted Hwen Thsang’s remark that the nine
Brahmanical temples of Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 634 were dedicated to
“Siva, and I may now add in illustration, that only in one of the many
“yuins above the old fort did I find a trace of the worship of any other
divinity.
24

188 Report of tite Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

VIL—SORON, OR SUKARA-KSHETRA.

226. From Ahi-chhatra the Chinese pilgrim proceeded in a south
direction a distance of from 260 to 270 li, from 23 to 25 miles, to
the Ganges, which he crossed, and then turning to the south-west he
arrived in the kingdom of P%-lo-shan-na. His route to the south
would have taken him through Aonla and Budaon to the Budh Ganga -
(or old Ganges) somewhere near Sahawar, a few miles below Soron, both
of which places stood on the main stream of the Ganges so late as 400
years ago. As his subsquent route is said to have been to the south-
west, I believe that he must have crossed the Ganges close to Sahawar,
which is 42 miles from Ahi-chhatra in a direct line. From all my
early enquiries I was led to believe that Soron was the only ancient
place in this vicinity ; and as Hwen Thsang does not give any distance
for his south-west march, I concluded that Soron must have been the
place to which he gives the name of Pi-lo-shan-na. I accordingly
visited Soron, which is undoubtedly a place of very great antiquity,
but which cannot, I think, be the place visited by the Chinese pilgrim.
I will, however, first describe Soron before I proceed to discuss the
superior claims of the great ruined mound of Atranji-Khera to be
identified with the Pi-lo-shan-na of the Chinese pilgrim.

227. Soron is a large town on the right, or western, bank of the
Ganges, on the high road between Bareli and Mathura. The place .
was originally called Ukala Kshetra ; but after the demon Hiranyaksha
had been killed by the Vardha Avatar, or Boar incarnation of Vishnu,
the name was changed to Sukwra Kshetra, or “the place of the good
deed.” The ancient town is represented by a ruined mound called the
Kilah, or “ fort,”’ which is one quarter of a mile in length from north —
to south, and somewhat less in breadth. It stands on the high bank
of the old bed of the Ganges, which is said by some to have flowed
immediately under it so late as 200 years ago. The modern town
stands at the foot of the old mound on the west and south sides, and
probably contains about 5,000 inhabitants. There are no dwellings
on the old mound, which is occupied only by the temple of Svta-Rdmje
and the tomb of Shekh-Jamdl. But it is covered with broken bricks”
of large size, and the foundations of walls can be traced in all diree~
tions. The mound is said to be the ruins of a fort built by Raja
Somadatta of Soron many hundred years ago. But the original

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 189

settlement of the place is very much older, being attributed to the
fabulous Raja Vena Chakravartti, who plays such a conspicuous part
in all the legends of North Bihar, Qudh, and Rohilkhand.

228. The temples of Soron are very numerous, and several of them
are said to be old. But the only temples of any consequence are those
of Sita-Rdmji, on the top of the mound, and Vardhaji to the north-
west of the city. A great annual fair is held near the latter temple
on the 11th of the waxing moon of Wéargasirsha, in remembrance of
the destruction of the demon by the Boar incarnation of Vishnu. It
contains a statue of Vardha Lakshmi, and is visited by crowds of pil-
grims. The temple of Sita-Rdmy?, which is said to have been ruined
by Aurang Shah (or Aurangzib) was restored by a wealthy Baniya,
only four years ago, by building up the space between the pillars with
plain white-washed walls. Internally the temple is a square of 27
feet supported on 16 stone pillars; but the people say that the original
building was much larger, and that it contained 32 pillars. This ac-
count is most probably correct, as the foundations of the walls of the
sanctum, or shrine, are still standing at the back, or west side, of the
temple. There are also 10 superfluous pillars inside the temple, of
which two support the broken architrayves, and eight are built into the
corner spaces of the walls. The style of these columns is similar to that

:

of the set of pillars in the south-east corner of the quadrangle of the
Great Kutb Mosque at Delhi, which bear the date of Samvat 1124, or
A. D. 1067. That this date is not too early for the Soron temple is
proved by the inscriptions of various pilgrims who have visited the
_ shrine. As the oldest legible record bears the date of Samvat 1226,
_ or A. D. 1169, the date of the erection of the temple cannot therefore
~ be placed later than A. D. 1000.

229. ‘These pilgrim’s records are generally short and uninteresting,
but as there are no less than 38 of them, bearing dates which range
from A. D. 1169 to 1511, they become valuable for tracing the
history of the temple. The earliest date after the Muhammadan con-
£ quest is A. D. 1241, and from that time down to A. D. 1290 there are
no less than 15 dated records, showing that Soron continued to be a

tauch frequented place of pilgrimage during the whole period of the
Ghori dynasty, which ended in A. D. 1289. But during the rule of
the next two dynasties, the Khiljis and Zughlaks, there is only one

190 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

inscription, dated in A. D. 1375, in the reign of Firuz. Now, as nearly
one-half of this period was occupied by the reigns of the cruel despot
Ala-ud-din Khilji and the ferocious madman Muhammad Tughlak, it
seems only reasonable to conclude that the people were deterred from
making their usual pilgrimages by the persecution of their Muham-
madan rulers. The next record is dated in A. D. 1429, and from that
time down to 1511 there are 16 dated inscriptions ; but as no less
than 13 of this number belong to the reign of Bahlol Lodi, I infer that
the rule of the Syad dynasty was not favourable to Hindu pilgrimages.
I infer also that the temple must have been destroyed during the reign
of the intolerant Sikandar Lodi, because the series of inscriptions closes
with A. D. 1511, or just six years before the end of his reign. Had
the temple existed during the happy century when the sceptre of India
was swayed by the tolerant Akbar, the indifferent Jehangir, and the
politic Shah Jahan, it is almost certain that some records of the pilgrims’
visits would have been inscribed on the pillars of the temple. For
this reason I feel satisfied that the destruction of the great temple of
Soron must be assigned to an earlier period than that of the bigoted —
Aurang Shah.

VIII.—ATRANJI-KHERA, OR PI-LO-SHAN-NA.

230. The great mound of ruins called Atranji-Khera is situated on
the right, or west, bank of the Kali Nadi, four miles to the south of
Karsdna, and eight miles to the north of Hyta, on the Grand Trunk
Road. It is also 15 miles to the south of Soron, and 43 miles to the
north-west of Sankisa in a direct line, the road distance being not less
than 48 or 50 miles. In the Ayin Akbari Atranji is recorded as one —
of the Parganahs of Kanoj, under the name of Sikandar-pur Atrejt.
Stkandarpur, which is now called Sikandrabad, is a village on the left
bank of the Kdlv Nadi opposite Atranji. From this it would appear
that Atranji was still occupied in the reign of Akbar. The Parganah
was afterwards called Karscna, but it is known by the name of Sahd-
war Karséna, or of Sahdéwar only. The name given by the Chinese
pilgrim is P2-lo-shan-na, for which M. Julien proposes to read Virasa-
na. So far back as 1848 I pointed out that, as both pil and kar are
Sanskrit names for an elephant, it was probable that Pclosana might
be the same as Karsdna, the large village which I have already men~

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 191

tioned as being four miles to the north of Atranji Khera. The chief
objection to this identification is the fact that Karsdna is apparently
not a very old place, although it is sometimes called Deora Karsdna,
a name which implies the possession of a temple of note at some for-
mer period. It is, however, possible that the name of Karsdna may
once have been joined to Atranji in the same way that we find Sikan-
darpur Atreji in the Ayin Akbari. As the identification of Karsdna
with Pilosana is purely conjectural, it is useless to hazard any more
speculations on this subject. The bearing and distance from Sankisa, as
recorded by Hwen Thsang, point to the neighbourhood of Strpura, near
which there is a small village called Pilkuni, or Pilokuni, which is the
Pilukhoni of our maps. It is, however, a very petty place ; and although
it boasts of a small khera, or mound of ruins, it cannot, I think, have
ever been more than one-fourth of the circuit of two miles which Hwen
Thsang attributes to Pi-lo-shan-na. But there are two strong points
in its favour—namely, Ist, its position, which agrees both in bearing
and distance with the Chinese pilgrim’s account; and 2nd, its name,
which is almost identical with the old name, sh being very commonly
pronounced as kh, so that Hwen Thsang’s Pdloshana would usually
be pronounced Pilokhana.

231. In proposing Atranji-Khera as the site of the ancient P2lo-
shanna, I am influenced solely by the fact that this is .the only large
place besides Soron of any antiquity in this part of the country. It is
true that the distance from Sankisa is somewhat greater than that
recorded by the Chinese pilgrim—namely, 45 miles, instead of 33

~ miles; but the bearing is exact; and as it is quite possible that there
may be some mistake in Hwen Thsang’s recorded distance, I think
that Atranji-Khera has a better claim than any other place to be
" identified with the ancient Piloshana. I have not visited the place
myself, as I was not aware of its importance when I was in its neigh-
bourhood. I propose, however, to take an early opportunity of explor-

—

ing it in person. In the meantime I have had it inspected by a
_ trustworthy servant, whose report shows that Atranji must once have
been a place of considerable extent and importance. According to him,
the great mound of Atranji is 3,250 in length, and 2,550 in breadth at
the base. Now, these dimensions would give a circuit of about two
miles, which is the very size of Piloshana as recorded by Hwen Thsang.

192 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

Its highest point is 44 feet 9 inches, which, if my identification is
correct, should be the ruins of the great Stwpa of Asoka, upwards of
100 feet in height, as this lofty tower is said to have been situated
inside a monastery in the middle of the town. Outside the town there
were two other monasteries, inhabited by 300 monks. These may
perhaps be represented by two small mounds which still exist on the
east side of the Great Khera. To the south there is a third mound,
165 feet in length by 105 feet in breadth, which may possibly be the
remains of one or more of the five Brahmanical temples described by
Hwen Thsang.

232. Atranji-Khera had two gates, one to the east, towards the Kali
Nadi, and the other to the south. The foundation of the place is attri- —
buted to Raja Vena Chakravartti. The mound is covered with broken
bricks of large size and fragments of statues, and old coins are said to
be frequently found. All the existing fragments of statues are said to
be Brahmanical. There is a temple of Mahadeo on the mound, and
there are five lingams in different places, of which one is 6 feet in height,
The principal statue is that of a four-armed female called Debi, but
which, as she is represented treading upon a prostrate figure, is most —
probably Durga.

233. The only objection to the identification of Atranji with Pi-
loshanna is the difference between the distance of 200 i, or 33 miles,
as stated by Hwen Thsang, and the actual distance of 43 miles direct,
or about 48 or 50 miles by road. I have already suggested the pos-
sibility of there being some mistake in the recorded distance of Hwen
Thsang, but perhaps an equally probable explanation may be found in
the difference of the length of the yojana. Hwen Thsang states that
he allowed 40 Chinese Ui to the Yojana ; but if the old yojana of
Rohilkhand differed from that of the Central Doab as much as the hos
of these districts now differ, his distances would have varied by half a
mile in every kos, or by two miles in very yojana, as the Rohilkhand
kos is only 13 mile, while that of the Doab is two miles; the latter”
being one-third greater. Now, if we apply this difference to Hwen
Thsang’s measurement of 200 U’, or 33 miles, we increase the distance
at once to 44 miles, which agrees with the direct measured distance on
the map. I confess, however, that I am rather inclined to believe in.
the possibility of there being a mistake in Hwen Thsang’s recorded

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 193

distance, as I find exactly the same measurement of 200 li given as the
distance between Sankisa and Kanoj. Now, the two distances are pre-
cisely the same—that is, Sankisa is exactly midway between Atranjt
and Kanoj ; and as the latter distance is just 50 miles by my measure-
ment along the high road, the former must also be the same. I would
therefore suggest the probability that both of these distances should
be 300 Zz, or 50 miles, instead of 200 7 as recorded in the text. In
favour of this proposed correction I may cite the testimony of the ear-
lier Chinese pilgrim Fa Hian, who makes the distance from Sankisa
to Kanoj 7 yojanas, or 49 miles. At Hwen Thsang’s own valuation
of 40 li to the yojana, this measurement would give 280 i ; and as Fa
Hian does not record half yojanas, we may increase the distance by half
a yojana, or 20 li, which brings the total wp to 300 17, or exactly 50
miles.

234. But whatever may be the true explanation of the difference
between the actual distances and those recorded by Hwen Thsang, there
still remains the important fact that Sankisa was exactly midway be-
tween Kanoj and Piloshanna, just as it now is midway between Kana}
and Atranji. If we couple this absolute identity of position with the
fact that Atranji is the only old place in the part of the country indi-
cated by Hwen Thsang, we can scarcely arrive at any other conclusion
than that the great ruined mound of Alranji is the site of the ancient
Piloshanna.

(To be concluded.)

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

a
Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &.

eee oe

No. IV.—1865.

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the Govern-
ment of India for the Season of 1862-63.—By Major-General
A. Cunninenam, Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India.

[Received 3rd Feb., 1865. ] [Read 1st March, 1865.]
(Continued from page 193.)

IX.—SANKISA.

235. The site of Sankisa was discovered by me in 1842 ; but it was
not until the end of 1862 that I got an opportunity of exploring the
ruins at leisure. The name of the place is written Seng-kia-she by the
Chinese pilgrims, a spelling which is well preserved in the Sankisa of
the present day, and which represents with considerable faithfulness
the Sangkdsya of Sanskrit. Hwen Thsang calls it also by the name of
Kie-pi-tha, or Kapitha, of which I was unable to discover any trace.

_ Sankisa was one of the most famous places of Buddhist pilgrimage, as
it was there’ that Buddha was believed to have descended from the
Trayastrinsa heaven by a ladder of gold or gems, accompanied by the

: gods Indra and Brahma. According to this éurious legend, Wdyd, the
mother of Buddha, died seven days after his birth, and ascended at once

to the Trayastrinsa heaven, the abode of the 33 gods, of whom Indra
was the chief. But as she had no opportunity in this abode of the gods
of hearing the law of Buddha, her pious son ascended to the Trayas-
trinsa heaven, and preached for three months in her behalf. He then

— a)

-——

=

25

196 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

descended to the earth with the gods Brahma and Indra by three stair-
cases, one of which was formed either of crystal or precious stones,
another of gold, and the third of silver. According to Fa Hian, Buddha
descended by a staircase formed of the ‘seven precious things,”—that
is, the precious metals and precious gems; whilst Brahma accompanied
him on his right side by a silver ladder, and Indra on his left by a gol-
den one. But Hwen Thsang assigns the golden staircase to Buddha
himself, and the silver staircase on the right to Brahma, and the crys-
tal staircase on the left to Indra. The descent was accompanied by a
multitude of Devas, who scattered showers of flowers on all sides as
they sang the praises of Buddha.

236. Such are the main points of this curious legend, . which is
believed as firmly in Barma at the present day, as it was by Asoka
2,100 years ago, or by the Chinese pilgrims of the 5th, 6th, and 7th :
centuries of our era. According to Fa Hian, the three staircases disappear- —
ed underground immediately after the descent, leaving only seven steps —
visible. Apparently these seven steps must have existed in the time
of Asoka, as he is reported to have been anxious to behold their
foundations, and accordingly sent men to dig down to their base. But
the diggers ‘‘ reached a yellow spring without being able to penetrate
to the foundation.” The King, however, “ felt sensible of a great in-
crease of his faith and veneration,” and therefore built a chapel over the
three staircases, and upon the middle one erected a full length statue
of Buddha 60 feet high. According to Hwen Thsang’s account, the
three staircases still existed in his time, (A. D. 634), but were com-
pletely sunk in the earth. On their foundations, however, the pious
Kings of different countries had erected three staircases, similar to the
first, of bricks and stones, ornamented with many precious things.
The height of these staircases was about 70 feet. Over them there
was a Vihdr containing statues of Buddha, Brahma, and Indra, who were
represented leaning forward as if about to descend. The Barmese say —
that the descent took place at the full moon of Thadingkyut, (October),
and that the feet of the steps were at the gate of the city of Thing-
ka-tha-na-go, or Singkasanagara. Hwen Thsang adds that the three
staircases were placed in a line from north to south, with the descent
facing the east, and that they stood within the walls of a great
monastery.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 197

237. Close to the staircase there was a stone pillar, 70 feet in
height, which had been erected by King Asoka. It was formed of a
hard, fine-grained reddish stone, and had a brilliant polish, On its
summit was a lion, who was seated facing the steps. There were figures
also sculptured inside the pillar with marvellous art, which were visible
only to the virtuous. This is Hwen Thsang’s account, with which Fa
Hian’s agrees in almost every particular; but he adds a curious legend
about a dispute between the Sramanas and heretics. “Tf,” said the
former, ‘‘ this place ought to be the abode of the Sramanas, let a super-
natural testimony proclaim it. They had no sooner finished this speech
than the lion on the summit uttered a loud roar.”’

238. There were several Stupas at Sankisa, of which the most
famous were the following :—

1st.—On the spot where Buddha descended from the Trayastrinsa
heaven, accompanied by Indra and Brahma. This Stwpa is not men-
tioned by Hwen Thsang, but it is noticed by Fa Hian, and in the
Barmese life of Buddha,

2nd.—On the spot where the four Buddhas had formerly sat and
taken exercise.

3rd.—At the place where Buddha bathed.

4th and 5th.—Two small Stwpas of Indra and Brahma.

6th.—On the spot where the female mendicant Pundarikavarnd
obtained the first sight of Buddha on his descent.

7th.—On the spot where Buddha cut his hair and nails.

239. The only other place of note at Sankisa was the tank of a
Naga, or serpent, which was situated to the south-east of the great Stupa.
Fa Hian says that this Naga had white ears; that he lived in the
dwelling-place of the “ ecclesiastics ;’’ and that he conferred fertility and
abundance on the ‘“‘ country by causing gentle showers to fall upon the

fields, and securing them from all calamities.” A chapel was erected

for his use, and he was said to make his appearance once a year.
“When the ecclesiastics perceive him, they present him with cream in
a copper vessel.”’

240. Hwen Thsang’s account of Sankisa is unfortunately so mea-
gre that we have but little to guide us in our attempt to identify the

holy places of his time with any of the ruins of the present day. The
only spot that can be identified with any certainty is the tank of the

198 Report of the Archeological. Survey. [No. 4,

Ndga, which still exists to the south-east of the ruins, in the very
position described by Hwen Thsang. The name of the Ndga is Kédre-
war, and that of the tank Kandaiya Tél. Milk is offered to him dur-
ing every day of Vaisakh, and on the Ndg-panchami of Sravana, and
“at any other time when rain is wanted.” In a note on the word
Chaurdsi Sir Henry Elliot has given an account of Sankisa, in which
he asserts that this Ndga is the common Nag of the Hindu worship, to
whom the Ndg-panchamz is specially dedicated. But this opinion is
certainly wrong, as the above account shows that the Sankisa Naga of
the present day is propitiated with offerings of mill whenever rain is
wanted, just as he was in A. D. 400, when Fa Hian visited the place.
This therefore is not the common Ndga of Hindu worship, but the lo-
cal Naga of Sankisa, who is commonly invoked as Kdrewar Ndg
Devata.

241. Before attempting to identify the site of the great monastery
with its three famous staircases, its lion pillar and attendant Stupas,
it will be better to describe the place as it is at present, although but
little is now left of the great city of Sankisa with all its magnificent
monuments. The little village which still preserves the name of San-
kisa is perched upon a lofty mound of ruins 41 feet in height above
the fields. This mound, which is called the Kilah, or “fort,” is 1,500
feet in length from west to east, and 1,000 feet in breadth. On the
north and west faces the sides are steep, but on the other faces the slope
is much more easy. Due south from the centre of the Kilah, ata
distance of 1,600 feet, there is a mound of solid brick-work which is
crowned by a modern temple dedicated to Biséri Devi, who is describ- —
ed as a goddess of great power. At 400 feet to the north of the tem-
ple mound there is a capital of an ancient pillar bearing the figure of an
elephant, standing, but both his trunk and tail are wanting. The capital —
itself is of the well known bell shape, corded or reeded perpendicularly, —
with an abacus of honeysuckle similar to that of the Allahabad pillar.
The figure of the elephant is by far the best representation of that
animal that I have seen in any Indian sculpture. The veins of the
legs are carefully chiselled, and the toes of the feet are well and faith-
fully represented, but the loss of the trunk prevents us from forming a
decided opinion as to its excellence as a work of art. Ifwe may judge
from the position of the legs, the animal was most probably represent-_

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 199

ed as standing still with his trunk hanging down. The stone is a fine-
grained sandstone of reddish hue, and has been very highly polished.
The bell-capital is low, its breadth being greater than its height, in
which particular it resembles the Asoka Pillar of Navandgarh Lauriya,
to the north of Bettiah. Taking all these circumstances into consider-
ation along with tlie superior execution of the work, I feel satisfied
that this capital is of the same age as the well known Asoka Pillars of
Allahabad and Navandgarh.

242. Due south from the temple of Bisari Devi, at a distance of
200 feet, there is a small mound of ruins which appears to be the re-
mains of a Stupa. Due east from the temple 600 feet, there is an
oblong mound 600 feet in length by 500 feet in breadth, which is
known by the name of Nivi-ka-kot. Nivi would appear to have been
the name of the man who formerly brought this piece of ground into
cultivation; and Kot, in the phraseology of Saniisa, means simply
any mound of ruins, and is applied to all the isolated portions of the
ramparts. Nivi-ka-kot would, however, appear to be the remains of
some large enclosed building, such as a Buddhist monastery. It is
covered with broken bricks of large size, and a few fragments of stone ;
but I could not trace any remains of walls on the surface. At the
south-east and north-east angles of Nivi-ka-kot there are large circular
mounds which are probably the remains of Stwpas from which all the
available bricks have been removed ; and at a short distance to the north
there is a third mound of the same character.

243. The Kilah and the different mounds of allsizes around the
temple form a mass of ruin 3,000 feet in length by 2,000 feet in
breadth, or nearly 2 miles in circuit. But this was only the central por-
tion of the ancient city of Sankisa, comprising the citadel and the
religious buildings that were clustered around the three holy staircases.
The city itself, which would appear to have surrounded this central
mound on all sides, was enclosed with an earthen rampart, 18,900 feet,
or upwards of 34 miles, in circuit. The greater part of this rampart still
remains, the shape being a tolerably regular duodecagon. On threesides,

_ to the east,the north-east and the south-east, there are breaks or openings

in the line of rampart which are traditionally said to be the positions of
the three gates of the city. In proof of the tradition, the people refer to
the village of Paor-Kheria, or “ Gate-village,” which is just outside

200 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

the south-east gap in the ramparts. But the name is pronounced
Paor, I<, and not Paur, GX, and may therefore refer to the stair-
cases or steps (Paorz), and not to the gate. The Kali, or Kalindri
Nadi, flows past the south-west corner of the ramparts from the Raj_
ghét, which is half a mile distant, to the Kakra Ghat, which is rather
more than one mile to the south of the line of ramparts.

244. To the north-west, three-quarters of a mile distant, stands
the large mound of Aygahat, which is 40 feet in height, and rather
more than half a mile in diameter at base. The name of the old town
is said to have been Agahat, but the place is now called Agahat Sarai
(Agahat of the maps) from a modern Sarai, which was built in
A. H. 1080, or A. D. 1670, on the north-east corner of the mound, by
the ancestor of the present Pathin Zamindar. The people say that
before this, the place had been deserted for several centuries; but as I
obtained a tolerably complete series of the copper coins of the Muham-
madan Kings of Delhi and Jounpur, I presume that it could not have
been deserted for any very long time. The mound is covered with
broken bricks of large size, which alone is a sure test of antiquity : and
as it is of the same height as that of Sankisa, the people are most —
probably right in their assertion that the two places are of the same —
age. In both mounds are found the same old coins without any in-
scriptions, the more ancient being square pieces of silver covered with
various punch marks, and the others, square pieces of copper that have
been cast in a mould,—all of which are, in my opinion, anterior to the
invasion of Alexander the Great.

245. In identifying Sankisa with the Sang Kasya of the Rama- —
yana and the Seng-kia-she of the Chinese, we are supported, not only
by its absolute identity of name, but likewise by its relative position
with regard to three such well known places as Mathura, Kanoj, and
Ahi-chhatra. In size, also, it agrees very closely with the measure-
ment given by Hwen Thsang ; his circuit of 20 i, or 834 miles, being
only a little less than my measurement of 18,900 feet, or 34 miles,
There can be no doubt, therefore, that the place is actually the same;
but in attempting to identify the sites of any of the holy spots
mentioned by Hweu Thsang, I find myself baffled at the outset by
the indefiniteness as well as the meagreness of the pilgrim’s deserip-
tions. It is his usual practice to state the relative bearings and

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 201

distances of most of the chief placesof Buddhist veneration, but in
describing Sankisa he has given only one bearing and not a single
distance. The tank of the Ndga is the one solitary spot that can be
identified with certainty, the sites of all the rest being only guesses
of more or less probability.

246. But the difficulty regarding the identification of the Asoka
Pillar: is of a different kind. Both of the Chinese pilgrims make
mention of only one pillar at Sankisa, which was crowned with the
figure of a lion, and Fa Hian records a silly legend which refers to the
miraculous roar of this lion statue. Now, the only piece of an Asoka
Pillar at present existing is the elephant capital, which I have already
described, and which, however absurd it may seem, I think may possi-
bly be the lion pillar of the Chinese pilgrims. The reasons which
induce me to think so are the following :—lIst, the elephant capital is
undoubtedly much older than the date of either of the pilgrims, and
yet, if it is not the same as the lion capital, it has been left altogether
undescribed by them, although its great size could scarcely have allowed
it to remain unnoticed; 2nd, the height of the elephant pillar would
seem to correspond very closely with that of the lion pillar, as recorded
by Fa Hian, who calls it 30 cubits, or from 45 to 60 feet according to
the value of the Chinese chhi. Now, the diameter of the neck of the ele-
phant pillar is 2 feet 9 inches, which, compared with the dimensions
of the Allahabad pillar, 2 feet 2 inches neck diameter, to 35 feet of

height, gives a total for the shaft of the Sankisa Pillar of 44 feet 3

inches. By adding to this the height of the capital, we obtain 521 feet
as the probable height of the Sankisa Pillar. 3rd, as the trunk of the
elephant has long been lost, it is possiblethat it was missing before the
time of the Chinese pilgrims, and if so, the nature of the animal might

easily have been mistaken at a height of 50 feet above the ground.

.

Indeed, supposing the pillar to be the same, this is the only way in which

~ Ican account for the mistake about the animal. Buit, if the pillar is

not the same, the silence of both pilgrims regarding this magnificent ele-

? phant pillar seems to me quite unaccountable. On the whole, therefore,
I am inclined to believe that the elephant’s trunk having been long lost,
the nature of the animal was mistaken when viewed from a distance of
50 feet beneath. This is confirmed by the discrepancy in the statements

_ of the two pilgrims regarding the capital of one of the Srdvast? pillars,

202 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

which‘Fa Hian calls an ox, and Hwen Thsang an elephant. See para.
342 of this Report.

247. Admitting, then, that this elephant capital is not improbably
the same as the lion pillar described by the Chinese pilgrims, we have
a clue to the site of the great monastery which would seem to have en-
closed within its walls the great stone pillar as well as the three holy
staircases. I infer, therefore, that the temple of Bisdri Devi most pro-
bably occupies the site of the three staircases, and that the three mounds
which stand to the east of the Nivi-ka-kot may be the remains of the
three Stupas which were erected on the three other holy spots of Sankisa,
which have already been described. I made several excavations about
the different mounds just noticed, but without any success.

248. I made also a careful but an unsuccessful search for some trace
of the base of the stone pillar. The people were unanimous that the
elephant capital had been in its present position beyond the memory —
of any one now living, and most of them added that it now stands in —
its original position. But there were a few men who pointed to a spot
on the west of the village, or Kilah mound, as the original site of the
capital. Here, indeed, there is an octagonal hole in a small mound,
from which the bricks of a solid foundation have been removed. If any
dependence could be placed upon this statement, the mound on which
the village now stands would almost certainly be the site of the great
monastery with its three holy staircases, and the three mounds to the
east of Nivi-ka-kot would still represent the three Stwpas. The main ob-
jection to our accepting this statement as correct is the apparent want of
all object in the removal of the elephant capital to any other site. It is,
however, quite possible that the capital may have been stopped on its
way to the temple of Mahadeva, near the Néga mound and tank.
Thetemple of Bisdéri Devi would then be the site of one of the ten ancient
Brahmanical fanes which are described by Hwen Thsang. Altogether,
this is perhaps’a more probable solution of the case than that first
described. re

249. In his description of Sankisa, Hwen Thsang mentions a
curious fact, that the Brahmans who dwelt near the great monastery
were ‘‘ many tens-of-thousands” in number. As an illustration of this
statement I may mention that the people have a tradition that Sankisw
was deserted from 1800 to 1900 years ago, and that 1300 years ago,

at

1865.) Report of the Archeological Survey. 203)

er about A. D. 560, it was given by a Kayath to a body of Brahmans.
They add also that the population of the village of Paor-Kheria is
known to have been wholly Brahman until a very recent period.

>

X.—KANOJ.

250. Of the great city of Kanoj, which for many hundred years
was the Hindu Capital of Northern India, the existing remains are few
and unimportant. In A. D. 1016, when Mahmud of Ghazni approach-
ed Kanoj, the historian relates that “‘ he there saw a city which raised
its head tothe skies, and which in strength and structure might justly
boast to have no equal.’ Just one century earlier, or in A. D. 915,
Kanoj is mentioned by Masudi as the Capital of one of the Kings of
India, and about A. D. 900 Abu Zaid, on the authority of Ibn
Wahab, calls “ Kaduge, a great city in the kingdom of Gozar.” At
a still earlier date, in A. D. 634, we have the account of the Chinese
pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who describes Kanoj as being 20 li or 34 miles,
in length, and 4 or 5 li or ? of amile, in breadth, The city was sur-
rounded by strong walls and deep ditches, and was washed by the
Ganges along its eastern face. The last fact is corroborated by Fa
Hian, who states that the city touched the River Heng (Ganges) when
he visited itin A. D. 400. Kanoj is also mentioned by Ptolemy,
about A. D. 140, as KavoyiZa. But the earliest notice of the place is
undoubtedly the old familiar legend of the Puranas, which refers the
Sanskrit name of Kanya Kubja, or the ‘“ hump-backed maiden,” to the
curse of the sage Vayu on the hundred daughters of Kusandba.

251. At the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit, Kanoj was the Capital
of Raja Harsha Vardhana, the most powerful Sovereign in Northern
India. The Chinese pilgrim calls him a Fei-she, Varsya, but it seems

_ probable that he must have mistaken the Vaisa, or Bais, Rajput, for

the Vaisya, or Bais, which is the name of the mercantile class of the

_ Hindus; otherwise Harsha Vardhana’s connexion by marriage with

“the Rajput families of Malwa and Balabhi would have been quite

impossible. Baiswara, the country of the Bais Rajputs, extends from
the neighbourhood of Lucknow to Khara Manikpur, and thus com-~-

prizes nearly the whole of Southern Oudh. The Bais Rajputs claim

descent from the famous Sdlivdéhan, whose capital is said to have been

Daundia Khera, on the north bank of the Ganges. Their close
26

204 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

proximity to Kanoj is in favour of the sovereignty which they claim
for their ancestors over the whole of the Gangetic Doab from Delhi to
Allahabad. But their genealogical lists are too imperfect, and most
probably also too incorrect, to enable us to identify any of their recorded
ancestors with the Princes of Harsha Vardhana’s family.

252. The vast empire which Harsha Vardhana raised during his
long reign of 44 years, between A. D. 607 and 650, is described by —
Hwen Thsang as extending from the foot of the Kashmir hills to
Assam, and from Nepal to the Narbada River. He intimidated the
Raja of Kashmir into surrendering the tooth of Buddha, and his
triumphal procession from Pataliputra to Kanoj was attended by no
less than 20 tributary Rajas from Assam and Magadha on the east,
to Jalandhar on the west. In the plenitude of his power, Harsha
Vardhana invaded the countries to the south of the Narbada, where
he was successfully opposed by Raja Pulakesi, and after many repulses —
was obliged to retire to his own kingdom. This account of Hwen
Thsang is most singularly corroborated in every particular by several
ancient inscriptions of the Chdlukya Rajas of Kalydn. According to
these inscriptions, Raja Vikramaditya, the grandson of Pulakesi Val-
labha, gained the title of Parameswara, ‘“ by the defeat of Sri Harsha
Vardhana, famous in the north countries.*“ Now Vikramaditya’s
reign is known to have commenced in Sake 514, or A. D. 592, as one |
of his inscriptions is dated in Sake 530, or A. D. 608, which is called’
the 16th year of his reign ; + and as his grandson did not succeed to the
throne until the Sake year 618, or A. D. 696, it is certain that Vikrama-
ditya must have been a contemporary of Harsha Vardhana throughout
the greater part, if not the whole, of his reign, The unusually long
reigns of the earlier Chdlukya Princes have led Mr. Walter Elliot to
suspect the accuracy of the dates, although, as he points out,‘‘ the
succeeding dates tally with each other in a way that affords the strongest —
presumption of their freedom from any material error.” The question
of the accuracy of these dates is now most satisfactorily confirmed by
the unimpeachable testimony of the contemporary record of Hwen —
Thsang which I have quoted above. a

* Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, ITT. 206.
t+ Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal IV. 10.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 205

253. In determining the period of Harsha’s reign, between the
years 607 and 650 A. D., I have been guided by the following evi-
dence :—Ist. The date of his death is fixed by the positive statement
of Hwen Thsgng in the year 650 A. D.—2nd. In speaking of Harsha’s
eareer, the pilgrim records that from the time of his accession Harsha
was engaged in continual war for 5} years, and that afterwards for
about 30 years he reigned in peace. This statement is repeated by
Hwen Thsang, when on his return to China, on the authority of the
King himself, who informed him that he had then reigned for upwards
of 30 years, and that the quinquennial assembly then collected was
the svath which he had convoked. From these different statements it
is certain that at the date of Hwen Thsang’s return to China, in
A. D. 640, Harsha had reigned upwards of 30 years, and somewhat
less than 35 years. His accession must, therefore, be placed between
A. D. 605 and 610.—3rd. Now, in the middle of this very period, in
A.D. 607, as we learn from Abu Rihan, was established the Sri
Harsha era, which was still prevalent in Mathura and Kanoj in the
beginning of the 11th century. Considering the exact agreement of
the names and dates, it is impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion
that the Harsha who established an era in Kanoj in A. D. 607 was the
great King Harsha Vardhana who reigned at Kanoj during the first
half of the seventh century.

254. Hwen Thsang adds some particulars regarding the family of
Harsha Vardhana which induce me to think it probable that it may be
identified with one of the dynasties whose names have been preserved
in the genealogies of the Rajavali. The names differ in the various
copies, but they agree generally in making Raj Sing, who reigned
only nine years, the predecessor of Hara or Hari Sing, who is recorded
to have reigned for 44 or 45 years, Now, according to Hwen Thsang,

_ the predecessor and elder brother of Harsha Vardhana was Rajya Var-
dhana, who was assassinated shortly after his accession. Here both the
names of these two Kings and the lengths of their reigns agree so well
together as to suggest the probability of their identity. In most
copies of the Rajavali this dynasty of six Kings, of which Raja and
Hara are the 3rd and 4th names, is made the immediate predecessor
of the Great Tomar dynasty, whose accession has already been assigned
in my account of the Kings of Delhi to the year 736 A. D,

206 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

The following lists give the names of all the Kings of this dynasty
according to the various authorities in my possession :—

MRITUNJA¥A Punsap, CHANDERI Hwen
5 2
AND WARD. M.S, a) Sayip AHMADe THSANG,
Yrs, F Yrs. Yrs Yrs.

Dipa Sinha} 27 |Dip S....| 17 |Dip S.......]| 17 |Dip Sing ...} 17

Rana S. ...| 223/Ran §....| 143/Ran S. .....| 143/Ran Sing...| 14 |Prakaéra Var-
~ dhana.

Raja S. ...| 93/R4j S. ...| 93/RamS, ..| 93/Raj Sing ...| 9 |Rajya ditto.

Vara S. ...| 46 |Hari S. | 45 |Mitr S. ...| 45 |Shir Sing | 45 |Harsha ditto,

Nara S. ..| 25 [Nar S....| 43 |Bir S. ......! 18 |Hara Sing | 13 |

Jivana......| 203|Jiwan ...| 8 |Jiwam ...... 8 |Jiwan Sing} 7

Wotalleans| LOLs eee Sat Beateees

According to Sayid Ahmad the accession of Shir Sing, who is the —
Hara or Hari of the other lists, took place in A. D. 611, or within
four years of the date already obtained for Harsha Vardhana.

255. In my account of Delhi I have given my reasons for believing
that Kanoj was the Capital of the Zomars down to the invasion of
Mahmud in A. D. 1021, immediately after the defeat and death of
Réjé Fai Pal. Shortly after that date the small town of Bari to the
north of Lucknow became the Capital, until about A. D. 1050, when
the Zomars retired to Delhi before the growing power of the Rdhtors.
Once more Kanoj became the Capital of a powerful kingdom, and the
rival of Delhi, both in extent and in magnificence. Here Jaya Chan-
dra, the last of the Réhtors, celebrated the Aswamedha, or “ Horse-
sacrifice ;” and here in open day did Prithi Raja, the daring chief of
the Chohans, carry off the willing daughter of the Réhtor King, in
spite of the gallant resistance of the two Bandfar heroes Alha and
Udal. The fame of these two brothers, which is fully equal to that of
Prithi Raja himself, is still preserved in the songs and traditions of
the people amongst the Chandels of Mahoba and the Rdhtors an
Chandels of the Doab. (ter the fall of Delhi in January, 1193, A.
D., Muhammad Ghori marched against Kanoj. Raja Jaya Chandra
retired before him as far as Benares, where he made his last stand, but
was defeated with great slaughter. The Raja escaped from the field,
but was drowned. in attempting to cross the Ganges. When his body
was recovered by the conquerors it was found that he had false teeth

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 207

fixed with wires of gold. With Jaya Chandra ended the dynasty of
the Rdhtors of the Doab and the wealth and importance of the far-
famed Capital of Kanoj. Only one hundred and fifty years later it is
deseriped by Ibn Batuta as a “small town,” and from that time down
to the present this ancient city has gradually lessened in consequence ;
but as it was close to the high road of the Doab, it still continued to
be visited by numerous travellers who were attracted by its ancient fame.
The final blow to its prosperity has now been given by the diversion
of the Railroad to Etawa, which leaves Kanoj far away to the east,
to be visited for the future only by the curious antiquary and the Civil
Officials of the district.

256. In comparing Hwen Thsang’s description of ancient Kanoj
with the existing remains of the city, I am obliged to confess with
regret that I have not been able to identify even one solitary site with
any certainty ; so completely has almost every trace of Hindu occupa-
tion been obliterated by the Musalmans. According to the traditions
of the people, the ancient city extended from the shrine of Haji Har-
mayan on the north near the Raj Ghit, to the neighbourhood of
Miranka-Sara on the south, a distance of exactly three miles. Towards
the west it is said to have reached to Kapatya and Makarandnagar,
two villages on the high road, about three miles from Haji Harmdyan.
On the east the boundary was the old bed of the Ganges, or Chota
Ganga as the people call it, although it is recorded in our maps as the
Kéli Nadi. Their account is that the Kali, or Kdlindri Nadi, former-
ly joined the Ganges near Sangirémpur or Sangrdmpur ; but that
several hundred years ago the great river took a more northerly course
from that point, while the waters of the Kali Nadi continued to flow
down the deserted channel. As an open channel still exists between
Sangrémpur and the Kali Nadi, I am satisfied that the popular account
is correct, and that the stream which flows under Kanoj, from San-
grampur to Mhendi Ghat, although now chiefly filled with the waters
of the Kali Nadi, was originally the main channel of the Ganges.
The accounts of Fa Hian and Hwen Thsang, who place Kanoj on the
Ganges, are therefore confirmed, not only by the traditions of the

people, but also by the fact that the old channel still exists under the
name of the Chota Ganga, or Little Ganges.
257. The modern town-of Kanoj occupies only the north end of

208 Report of the Archeological Survey. ~ [No. 4,

the site of the old city, including the whole of what is now called the
Kilah or citadel. The boundaries are well defined by the shrine of
Héji Harméyan on the north, the tomb of 7’ Bay on the south-west,
and the Masjid and tomb of Makhdwm Jahdéniya on the south-east.
The houses are much scattered, especially inside the citadel, so that
though the city still covers nearly one square mile, yet the population
barely exceeds 16,000 in number. The citadel, which occupies all the
highest ground, is triangular in shape, its northern point being the
shrine of Hajx Harmdyan, its south-west point the temple of Ajoy
Pil, and its south-east point the large bastion called Kshem Kali Bairj.
Hach of the faces is about 4,000 feet in length, that to the north-west
being protected by the bed of the nameless dry Nala; that to the
north-east by the Chota Ganga; while that to the south must have
been covered by a ditch, which is now one of the main roads of the
city, running along the foot of the mound from the bridge below Ajoy
Pal’s temple to the Kshem Kali bastion. On the north-east face the
mound rises to 60 and 70 feet in height above the low ground on the
bank of the river ; and towards the Nala on the north-west, it still main-
tains a height of from 40 to 50 feet. On the southern side, however,
it is not more than 30 feet immediately below the temple of Ajoy Pal,
but it increases to 40 feet below the tomb of Buld Pir. The situation
is a commanding one; and before the use of cannon the height alone
must have made Kanoj a strong and important position. The people
point out the sites of two gates; the first to the north, near the shrine
of Haji Harmdyan, and the second to the south-east, close to the
Kshem Kali Bérj. But as both of these gates lead to the river it is
certain that there must have been a third gate on the land side towards
the south-west, and the most probable position seems to be immediate-
ly under the walls of the Rang Mahal, and close to the temple of Ajoy
Pal.

258. According to tradition, the ancient city contained 84 wards,
or Mahalas, of which 25 are still existing within the limits of the
present town. If we take the area of these 25 wards at three-quarters
of a square mile, the 84 wards of the ancient city would have covered
just 24 square miles. Now, this is the very size that is assigned to
the old city by Hwen Thsang, who makes its length 20 7, or 34 miles,
and its breadth 4 or 5 lx, or just three-quarters of a mile, which mul-

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 209

tiplied together give just 23 square miles. Almost the same limits
may be determined from the sites or the existing ruins, which are also
the chief /ind-spots of the old coins with which Kanoj abounds. Accord-
ing to the dealers, the old coins are found at Bala Pir and Rang
Mahal, inside the Fort ; at Makhdum Jahdniya, to the south-east of
the Fort; at Makarandnagar on the high road; and intermediately
at the small villages of Singh Bhawdni and Kitlipur. The only other
productive site is said to be Régir, an ancient mound covered with
brick ruins on the bank of Chota Ganga, three miles to the south-east
of Kanoj. Taking all these evidences into consideration, it appears to
me almost certain that the ancient city of Hwen Thsang’s time must
have extended from Haji Hurmdyan and the Kshem Kali Bij, on
the bank of the Ganges (now the Chota Ganga), in a south-west diree-
tion, to Makarandnagar, on the Grand Trunk Road, a length of just
three miles, with a general breadth of about one mile or somewhat
less. Within these limits are found all the ruins that still exist to
point out the position of the once famous city of Kanoj.

259. The only remains of any interest are, Ist, the ruins of the
old palace, now called the Rang Mahal ; 2nd, the Hindu pillars of the
Jima Masjid ; 3rd, the Hindu pillars of the Masjid of Makhdwm
Jdhaniya ; and 4th, the Hindu statues in the village of Singh Bha-
want. The other remains are simple mounds of all sizes, covered with
broken bricks, traces of brick walls, and broken figures. These are
found in several places inside the citadel, but more particularly at the
temple of Ajoy Pdi, a modern building on an ancient site. Outside
the citadel they are found chiefly about the shrine of Makhdum
Jahdniya on the south-east, and about Makrandnagar on the south-
west.

260. The ruins of the Rang Mahal, which are situated in the south-
_ west angle of the citadel, consist of a strong brick wall faced with
blocks of kankar, 240 feet in length, and 25 feet in height above the
sloping ruins, but more than 40 feet above the level of the bazar.
It is strengthened in front by four towers or buttresses, 14 feet broad
and 61 feet apart. The wall itself is 7 feet thick at top, and behind it,
at 10 feet distance, there is a second wall 5 feet thick, and at 92 feet
farther back a third wall 3} feet thick, anda fourth wall at 21 feet.
The distances between the walls most probably represent the width of

210 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

some of the rooms of the old Hindu palace, which would thus have a
breadth of 56 feet. But the block kankar walls can be traced for a ~
distance of 180 feet back from the south-east buttress to a wicket or
small door which would appear to have formed a side entrance to the
courtyard of the palace. As far as it can be now traced, the palace
covered an area of 240 feet in length by 180 feet in breadth. It is
said to have been built by Ajoy Pdl, to whom also is attributed a tem-
ple which once stood close by. <Ajoy Pal, and Mahi Pdl are said to
have reigned a short time before Jay Chand ; but the names of the
intervening Princes are not known. I think it highly probable that
Ajoy Pél is the Tomar Prince Joy Pdl, who was conquered by
Mahmud of Ghaznie, and afterwards defeated and killed, in A. D.
1021, by a confederate army under the leadership of the Chandal Raja
of Kajanjar. Just outside the south-east buttress of the palace, the
people point out a spot where they affirm that 29 golden ingots were
discovered in 1834, of which 9 were made over to Mr. Wemyss, the
Collector of Cawnpoor, and the remainder were secreted by the finders,
Accounts differ as to the weight of the ingots, but the general belief
is that they weighed about.1 ser or 2 Ibs each. The coin dealers,
however, affirm that the 9 ingots which were taken to the Cawnpoor |
Treasury weighed Rs. 13,500, that is Rs 1,500, or 182 sers, each.

261. The Jdéma, or Dina, Masjid of Kanoj is cited by Mr. ©
Fergusson as a specimen of Hindu cloisters, which has been re-arranged
to suit the purposes of Muhammadan worship; and in this opinion I ~
most fully concur. The inscription over the entrance doorway is now
much decayed, and several portions are quite obliterated, but a copy
has been fortunately preserved by Rajab Ali, a teacher of children, in the
court of the Masjid. According to this copy, the Masjid was built in the
Hijira year 809, or A. D. 1406, in the reign of Ibrahim Shah (of Jon-
pur). It is situated on a lofty mound in the very middle of the old
fort, and this commanding position alone would be sufficient to show
that it must originally have been the site of some Hindu building of |
considerable importance. This conclusion is partly confirmed by the
traditions of the people, who, however, most absurdly call the place
Sitaka Rasii, or ‘ Sita’s kitchen.’”’ We know also that it was the usual -
practice of the Muhammadan Kings of Jonpur to raise their Masjids on
the sites, and with the materials, of the Hindu temples which they

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 211

demolished. On comparing therefore this cloistered Masjid with
those of Jonpur, which are acknowledged re-arrangements of Hindu
materials, we see at once that the pillars are all Hindu,. and that the
domes formed of courses of overlapping stones, and decorated with
Hindu symbols, are certainly not Muhammadan. When I first visited
Kanoj in January, 1838, the arrangement of the pillars was somewhat
different from what I found it in November, 1862. The cloisters which

- originally extended all round the square, are now confined to the
Masjid itself, that is, to the west side only. This change is said to
have been made by a Muhammadan Tahsildar shortly before 1857.
The same individual is also accused of having destroyed all the remains
of figures that had been built into the walls of the Jama and Makh-
dum Jahdniya Masjids. It is certain that there are none visible now,
although in January 1838, as recorded in my Journal, I saw “ several
Hindu figures placed sideways and upside down” in the walls of the
Jdma Masjid and three broken figures lying outsidesthe doorway of
the Masjid of Makhdum Jahdniya. The inscription over the doorway
of the last, which I saw in its place in 1838, is said to have been
removed at the same time for the purpose of cutting off a Hindu figure
on the back of it. I recoverd this inscription by sending to the present
Tahsildar for it.

262. The Jdma Masjid, as it stands now, is a pillared room, 108
feet in length by 26 feet in width, supported on four rows of columns.
The roof is flat, excepting the centre and ends, which are covered with
domes formed by circles of stones gradually lessening until they meet.
Tn front of the Masjid there is a courtyard 95 feet in width, the whole
being surrounded by a stone wall 6 feet in thickness. The exterior
dimensions are 133 feet from west to east, by 1203 feet. In 1838 there
were still standing on the three sides of the courtyard portions of the
original cloisters formed of two rows of pillars. The Masjid itself was
then confined to the five openings in the middle of the west side, the
seven openings on each flank of it being formed of only two rows of
pillars the same as on the other three sides. The Masjid now consists
of asingle room supported on 60 pillars without any cloisters ; but
originally the Masjid itself was supported on 20 pillars with cloisters
on each flank, and also on the other three sides of the courtyard. The
whole number of pillars was then 128, To make up this number we

27

212 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

have the 60 pillars of the present Masjid, and no less than 58 spare
capitals still lying in the courtyard, which together make up 118, or
within 10 of the actual number required to complete the original design.

263. The pillars of the Jama Masjid may, I think, be seen in
their original Hindu form at the sides of the small doorways in the
north and south walls of the court. Each pillar is formed of five
pieces, viz., a base and capital, with a middle piece which divides the
shaft into two equal portions, and may be called the upper and lower
shafts. The shafts are 10 inches square and 3 feet 9 inches in height.
The base is 1 foot high, and the middle piece and the capital are each
3 inches, thus making the whole height 9 feet 10 inches. But the
pillars, as re-arranged by the Muhammadans, are 14 feet 2 inches high,
the extra height having been gained by adding a piece to each portion
of the shaft. These shorter pieces, which are 2 feet 1 inch in height,
are always placed above the original shafts of 3 feet 8 inches. As there
could have been no difficulty in purchasing a single shaft of the required
length of 5 feet 10 inches, it seems certain that the whole of these
made-up pillars must have been obtained after the usual cheap Muham-
madan manner—by the demolition of some Hindu buildings, either
Buddhist or Brahmanical.

264. The Masjid and tomb of Makhdwm Jahdniya are situated on
a lofty mound in the Sikhdna Mahalla to the south-east of the citadel,
overlooking the Chota Ganga. The mound is 40 feet in height above =
the fields, and is partly occupied by weavers’ houses. The tomb of the
Makhdum is a common-looking building, 35 feet square. Beside it,
there are two other plain square tombs holding the remains of his
descendants, both male and female. The tomb itself, as recorded in
the mutilated inscription which formerly existed over the doorway,
was'erected over Sayzd Jalal Makhdum Jahdniya by his son Raja in
the Hijira year 881, or A. D. 1476. The Masjid was built in the
same year, in the reign of Husen Shah of Jonpur, to whom Kanoj still
belonged, although some writers place his final defeat by Bahlol Lodi
of Delhi in this very year, A. H. 881, and others in A. H. 883. The
central dome of the Masjid has long ago fallen in, and all the pointed
arches are seriously cracked and propped up by unsightly masses of
masonry. There is nothing peculiar about the building, save the
decoration of the panels of the back wall, which have the name of

:
:

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 2138

Allah inscribed on a tablet suspended by a rope. The appearance of
the tablet and rope is so like that of the Hindu bell and chain that one
is almost tempted to believe that the Muhammadam architect must have
simply chiselled away the bolder points of the Hindu ornament to suit
his own design. But whether this may haye been the case or not, it is
impossible to miss seeing that the Hindu bell and chain must have
been directly suggestive of the Muhammadan tablet and cord. The
Masjid and tombs are surrounded by a wall with four small towers at
the corners, and an entrance gate on the south side. In the steps
leading up to this entrance I found in 1838 a broken figure of Shastz,
the goddess of fecundity, and a pedestal with a short inscription, dated
in Samvat 1193, or A. D. 1136. The people also affirm that a large
statue formerly stood under a tree close by. All of these are now gone,
but the fact that two of them were built into the entrance steps is
sufficient to show that the mound on which the Masjid stands must
once have been the site of some important Hindu building.

265. The two statues in the village of Singh Bhawani were dis-
covered about 100 years ago in a field close by the brick hovel in
which they are now placed. The people call them Rdm and Lakshman,
and the attendant Brahman does so too, although the figures have
eight arms each, and although the Fish, Tortoise, Boar and Lion
incarnations of Vishnu are represented round the head of one of them.
Hach of the figures is 3 feet in height, but the whole sculpture is
6 feet. Vishnu is also known by the discus (chakra), and club (gadd),
from which he derives his well known titles of chakradhar and gadddhar.
Along with these sculptures there are some other figures, of which the
most: important is a statue of the Tantrika Buddhist goddess, Vajré
Vardhi. The figure is 2} fect in height and has three heads, of
which one is porcine, and the usual number of seven hogs is represented
on the pedestal. Outside the building there are figures of Durga slay-
ing the Maheshaswr, or buffalo demon, and of Siva and Parbati sitting
on the bull Nandi. In the neighbouring village of Kwtlupur I found
the lintel of a temple doorway with a figure of Vishnu in the middle,
showing that the temple had been dedicated to that god. He is represent-
ed sitting on the Garuda, or eagle, and holding the club and discus,

266. The remaining place of any note is the Swraj-kund, or
“Tank of the Sun,” to the south-east of Makarandnagar. It is now

214 Report of the Archeological Survey. ‘TEN 4,

nearly dried up, and at the time of my visit its bed was planted with
potatoes. But it is one of the oldest places of worship in Kanoj, and an
annual fair is still held on its bank in the month of Bhadur, (August-
September). Close beside it there is a modern temple of Mahadeva,
which is said to have replaced a ruined one of some antiquity. To the
south-west of Makarandnagar there are three mounds covered with
broken bricks and pottery ; and under a tree, on the south mound, are
collected a number of fragments of sculpture at a spot dedicated to
Maordari Devi.

267. Most of the ancient monuments of Kanoj that are noticed by
the Chinese pilgrims are of course Buddhist; but numerous as they
were, I am unable to do more than offer conjectures more or less pro-
bable regarding their sites, as Muhammadan spoliation has not left a
single place standing to give even a faint clue towards identification.
The position of one of the most remarkable of the monuments is
rendered more than usually doubtful by the conflicting evidence of the
two pilgrims. According to Fa Hian, the great Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet
in height, which was built on the spot where Buddha had preached on
the instability of human existence, was situated at 6 or 7 li to the
west of the town, and on the north bank of the Ganges. But accord-
ing to Hwen Thsang, this great Stwpa was situated at 6 or 7 li to the
south-east of the capital, and on the south bank of the Ganges. Now, as
the ground to the north of the Ganges, as it existed during the first
centuries of the Christian era, was very low and therefore liable to
inundation, it seems highly improbable that any monument would
have been erected in such an insecure position. I conclude therefore
that Hwen Thsang’s account is most likely right, but I failed in my

search for any remains of this vast monument in the position indicated,

that is, at rather more than one mile to the south-east of the capital,
and on the south bank of the Chota Ganga.
268. To the north-west of the town Hwen Thsang places another

Stupa of Asoka, but as he gives no distance, the mere bearing is too —
vague to enable us to fix upon the site with any probability. Perhaps —
the small village of Kapatya, or Kapteswari, nearly opposite the burnt’ —
dak bungalow, is the most probable site; but although there are

the remains of brick buildings in its vicinity, there is nothing to

indicate the previous existence of any large Stwpa, A smaller Stupq —

&
all

h»

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 215

containing the hair and nails of Buddha has also disappeared, as well
as the memorial monument to the four Buddhas.

269. To the south of the town, and close to the Ganges, there
were three monasteries, with similar looking walls, but differing gate-
ways. In one of these monasteries there was a Vihdra, or chapel,
which possessed a tooth of Buddha preserved in a casket adorned with
precious stones raised on a high pedestal. This tooth was shown
daily to crowds of people, although the tax charged for its exhibition
was “a large piece of gold.” Perfumes were burned before it by
thousands of votaries, and flowers which were strewn in profusion over
it were devoutly believed never to conceal the casket. Right and left in
front of the monasteries there were two Vihdras, each about 100 feet
in height. Their foundations were of stone, but their walls of brick.
In front of each Vihdra there was a small monastery. The most pro-
bable site of the three monasteries and the Vihdra with the tooth of
Buddha, seems to me to be the large mound immediately to the south
of the Kshem Kali Béivj, to the south-east of the town, and on the
immediate bank of the river. This is now called the Mahalla of Ldla
Misr Tola. The mound is covered with broken bricks, but no remains
of any extensive buildings are now visible.

270. Ata short distance to the south-east of the three monasteries
there was a lofty Vehdra, 200 feet in height, which enshrined a statue
of Buddha 30 feet high. The foundations of the building were of
stone, but the walls of brick. On the surrounding walls of the Vihdra,
which were of stone, were sculptured all the acts of Buddha’s life until
he became a Bodhisatwa. The position of this lofty Vihdra was most pro-
bably on the large mound in the midst of the present Bhatpuri Mahalla,
which stands about 800 feet to the south-east of the mound in the Mahalla
of Lala Misr Tola. There are no remains now to be seen on this mound,
but it is probable that excavations would be attended with success, as
there can be little doubt that this was once the site of some important
buildings. Ata little distance from the Vihdra towards the south
there was a temple ; and a little farther to the south there was a second
temple dedicated to Siva. Both of these temples were of the same
form and size as the Vihdras of Buddha. They were built of a blue stone
which was highly polished, and adorned with admirable sculptures.
The probable position of these Brahmanical temples was on the high

216 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

mound of Makhdum Jahdniya, in the Sikhéna Mahalla, which is about
700 feet to the south of the last mentioned mound in the Bhatpuri
Mahalla. That this mound was the site of one or more Brahmanical
temples seems almost certain from my discovery of a figure of Shastz,
the goddess of fecundity, and of a pedestal bearing the date of Samvat
1193, or A. D. 1136, which is posterior to the extinction of Buddhism
in Kanoj. I think it probable that excavations in this mound would be ©
attended with success, as the two temples are said to have been built of
stone, which no doubt furnished the whole of the materials for the
Masjid and tomb of Makhdum Jahdniya.

XI.—A-YU-TO, OR AYODHYA.

271. From Kanoj the two Chinese pilgrims followed different
routes, Fa Hian having proceeded direct to Sha-chi (the modern
Ajudhya, near Fyzabad on the Ghaghra), while Hwen Thsang follow-
ed the course of the Ganges to Prayég, or Allahabad. The first stage
of both pilgrims would, however, appear to be the same. Fa Hian
states that he crossed the Ganges and proceeded 3 yojans, or 21 miles,
to the forest of Holi, where there were several Stupas erected on spots
where Buddda had “ passed, or walked, or sat.” Hwen Thsang re-
cords that he marched 100 lh, nearly 17 miles, to the town of Nava-
deva-kula, which was on the eastern bank of the Ganges, and that at
5 hi, or nearly 1 mile, to the south-east of the town there was a Stupa
of Asoka, which was still 100 feet in height, besides some other
monuments dedicated to the four previous Buddhas. I think it pro- .
bable that the two places are the same, and that the site wss some-
where near Nobatganj, just above the junction of the Zsan River and
opposite Nanamow Ghat. But as there are no existing remains any- _
where in that neighbourhood, the place has been most likely swept
away by the river. This is rendered almost certain by an examination —
of the Ganges below the junction of the Jsan. Formerly the river
continued its course almost due south from Nanamow for many miles,
but some centuries ago it changed its course first to the south-east for
4 or 5 miles, and then to the south-west for about the same distance,
where it rejoined its old bed, leaving an island, some 6 miles in length
by 4 in breadth, between the two channels. As Hwen Thsang’s ac-
count places Nava-deva-kula on the very site of this island, I conclude ;

a.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 217

that the town as well as the Buddhist monuments must all have been
swept away by the change in the river’s course.

272. On leaving Nava-deva-kula, Hwen Thsang proceeded 600
li, or 100 miles, to the south-east, and recrossing the Ganges he reach-
ed the capital city of A-yw-to, which was 20 /, or upwards of 3
miles, in circuit Both M. Julien and M. St. Martin have identi-
fied this place with Ayodhya, the once celebrated capital of Rama.
But though I agree with them as to the probable identification of the
name as that of the country, I differ with them altogether in looking
for the capital along the line of the Ghdghra River, which is due east
from Kanoj, whereas Hwen Thsang states that his route was to the
south-east. It is of course quite possible that the pilgrim may occa-
sionally use the generic name of Ganges as the appellation of any large
river, such for instance as the Ghdaghra, but in the present case, where
the recorded bearing of south-east agrees with the course of the Ganges,

I think it is almost certain that the Ganges itself was the river intend-

ed by the pilgrim. But by adopting the line of the Ganges we
encounter a difficulty of a different kind in the great excess of the
distance between two such well-known places as Kanoj and Praydg.
According to Hwen Thsang’s route, he first made 100 li to Nava-
deva-kula, then 600 lito Ayutho, then 300 li by water to Hayamukha,
and lastly 700 li to Praydga. All these distances added together
make a total of 1,700 i, or 283 miles, which is just 100 miles, or
600 li, in excess of the true distance. But as a part of the jonrney,
viz., 300 l, or 50 miles, was performed by water, the actual excess
may perhaps not be more than 85 or 90 miles; although it is doubt-
ful whether the distance of 300 li may not have been the road mea-
surement and not the river distance. It is sufficient for our purpose
to know that Hwen Thsang’s recorded measurement is somewhere about
100 miles in excess of the truth. The only explanation of this error
that suggests itself to me is, that there may have been an accidental
alteration of one set of figures, such as 60 lx for 600 Ui, or 700 li for
70%. Supposing that the former was the case, the distance would
be shortened by 540 lz, or 90 miles, and if the latter, by 630 li, or
105 miles. This mode of correction brings the pilgrim’s account. into
fair accordance with the actual distance of 180 miles between Kanoj
and Prayég.

218 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

273. By adopting the first supposition, Hwen Thsang’s distance
from Nava-deva-kula to the Capital of Ayutho will be only 60 li, or
10 miles, to the south-east, which would bring him to the site of an
ancient city named Kékiépur, just 1 mile to the north of Seorajpoor, —
and 20 miles to the north-west of Cawnpoor. If we adopt the latter
correction, the pilgrim’s distance to Ayutho of 600 li, or 100 miles,
will remain unchanged, and this would bring him vii Mdnikpur,
which ig also an ancient place. By the first supposition the sub-
sequent route would have been from Kdkipur to Daundiakhera by
boat, a distance of exactly 50 miles, or 300 li, and from thence to
Praydg, a distance of more than 100 miles, which agrees with the
700 Ul, or 116 miles, of the pilgrim. By the second supposition the
subsequent route would have been from Khara to Papamow by water,
about 50 miles, and thence to Prayég, about 8 miles of laud, which
agrees with the 70 li of the proposed correction. In favour of this
last supposition is the fact that the bearing from Khara to Papamow
of east by south is more in accordance with Hwen Thsang’s recorded
east direction than the south-east bearing of Daundiakhera from
Kaktpur. I confess, however, that I am more inclined to adopt the —
former correction, which places the chief city of Ayutho at Kakipur,
and the town of Hayamukha at Daundiakhera, as we know that the
last was the capital of the Bais Rajputs for a considerable period. I
am partly inclined to this opinion by a suspicion that the name of
Kakipur may be connected with that of Bagud, or Vagud, of the Ti-
betan books. According to this authority a Sdkya, named Shdémpaka,
on being banished from Kapila retired to Bagud, carrying with him
some of Buddha’s hairs and nail-parings, over which he built a chattya.
He was made King of Bagud, and the monument was named after
himself (? Shampaka Stupa). No clue is given as to the position of
Bagud, but as I know of no other name that resembles it, I am indue-
ed to think that it is probably the same place as the Ayutho of Hwen
Thsang, which was also possessed of a Stwpa containing some hairs —
and nail-parings of Buddha. Kdkupur is well known to the people
of Kanoj, who affirm that it was once a large city with a Raja of its
own. ‘The existing remains of Kdékipur consist of numerous founda-—
tions formed of large bricks, and more particularly of a connected set
of walls of some large building which the people call “the palace.” ;

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. : 219

I have not yet visited this place, which lay out of my line of route,
but I hope to have an opportunity of examining it hereafter.

XIIL—HAYAMUKHA OR AYOMUKHA.

274. From Ayutho the Chinese pilgrim proceeded a distance of
300 Ui, or 50 miles, down the Ganges by boat to O-ye-mu-khi, which
was situated on the north bank of the river, M. Julien reads this
name as Hayamukha, equivalent to ‘‘ Horse face,” or ‘ Iron face,”
which was the name of one of the Dénavas or Titans. Neither of
these names, however, gives any clue to the site of the old city; but
if I am right in my identification of Ayutho with Kdkipur, it is almost
certain that Ayomukha must be the same as Daundiakhera. Hwen
Thsang makes the circuit of the town 20 lv, or upwards of 3 miles,
but Daundiakhera presents no appearance of having ever been so
large. There still exist the ruins of an old fort or citadel, 385 feet
square, with the walls of two buildings which are called the Raja’s
and Rani’s palaces. The foundation of this citadel is attributed to
Raja Raghunath Singh, but he was apparently some comparatively
modern Thakur, or petty Chief, as Daundiakhera is universally allow-
ed to have been the capital of the Bais Rajputs, who claim descent
from the famous Salivihan. As there are no remains of any buildings
which can be identified with the monuments described by Hwen
Thsang, the actual site of Ayomukha must still remain doubtful.

XTIIT—PRAYAGA, OR ALLAHABAD.
275. From Ayomukha the pilgrim proceeded 700 ic, or 116 miles,

to the south-east, to Praydga, the well-kiiown place of pilgrimage at
the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, where Akbar some centuries
later built his fort of Z/déhabds, or Alldhdbdd, as it was afterwards call-
ed by Shahjahan. The distance and bearing given by Hwen Thsang
agree almost exactly with those of Prayiga from Daundiakhera. The
distance is 104 miles by the nearest road to the south of the Ganges ;
but as the pilgrim followed the north road, the distance must have
been increased to about 115 or 120 miles. According to him the city
was situated at the confluence of the two rivers, but to the west of a
large sandy plain. In the midst of the city there was a Brahmanical
temple, to which the presentation of a single piece of money procured
as much merit as that of one thousand pieces elsewhere. Before the

5 28

220 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

principal room of the temple there was a large tree with wide-spread-
ing branches, which was said to be the dwelling of an anthropopha-
gousdemon. The tree was surrounded with human bones, the remains
of pilgrims who had sacrificed their lives before the temple,—a custom
which had been observed from time immemorial.

276. I think there can be little doubt that the famous tree here
described by the Chinese pilgrim is the well-known Akshay Bat, or
“shadowless Banian tree,” which is still an object of worship at
Allahabad. This tree is now situated underground at one side of a
pillared court, which would appear to have been open formerly, and
which is, I believe, the remains of the temple described by Hwen
Thsang. The temple is situated inside the fort of Allahabad, to the
east of the Ellenborough Barracks, and due north from the stone pillar
of Asoka and Samudra Gupta. Originally both tree and temple must
have been on the natural ground level, but from the constant accu-
mulation of rubbish they have bean gradually earthed up, until the
whole of the lower portion of the temple has disappeared underground.
The upper portion has long ago been removed, and the only access to
the Akshay Bat now available is by a flight of steps which leads down
to a square pillared court-yard. This court has apparently once been
open to the sky, but it is now closed in, to secure darkness and mystery
for the holy Fig tree.

277. The Akshay Bat is next mentioned by Rashid-ud-din in the
Jdmiut-tawdrikh, in which he states that the “ tree of Prag” is situat-
ed at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. As most of his
information was derived from Abu Rihdn, the date of this notice may
with great probability be referred to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni.
In the 7th century a great sandy plain, 2 miles in circuit, lay between
the city and the confluence of the rivers, and as the tree was in the
midst of the city, it must have been at least one mile from the con-
fluence. But nine centuries later, in the beginning of Akbar’s reign,
Abdul Kadir speaks of the “tree from which people cast themselves
into the rivers.” From this statement, I infer that, during the long
period that intervened between the time of Hwen Thsang and that
of Akbar, the two rivers had gradually carried away the whole of the

great sandy plain, and had so far encroached upon the city as to place $ ‘
the holy tree on the very brink of the water. Long before this time =

the old city had no doubt been deserted, for we know that the fort of |

~ i eeaacae “>t

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 221

Iléhdbds was founded on its site in the 21st year of Akbar’s reign
that is in A. H. 982, or A. D. 1572. Indeed the way in which Abu
Rihan speaks of the “ tree” instead of the city of Prag, leads me to
believe that the city itself had already been deserted before his time.
As far as I am aware, it is not once mentioned in any Muhammadan
history, until it was refounded by Akbar.

278. Asthe old city of Praydy has totally disappeared, we can scarcely
expect to find any traces of the various Buddhist monuments which were
seen and described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century. Indeed
from their position to the south-west of the city, it seems very probable
that they may have been washed away by the Jumna even before the final
abandonment of the city, as the course of that river for 3 miles above the
confluence has been due west and east for many centuries past. At any rate,
it is quite certain that no remains of these buildings are now to be seen ;
the only existing Hindu monument being the well known stone pillar
which bears the inscriptions of Asoka, Samudra Gupta aud J ahangir.
As Hwen Thsang makes no mention of this pillar, it is probable that
it was not standing in his day. Even its original position is not ex-
actly known, but it was probably not far from its present site. It was
first erected by King Asoka about B. C. 240 for the purpose of inscrib-
ing his edicts regarding the propagation of Buddhism. It was next .
made use of by Samudra Gupta, about the second century of the Chris-
tian era, for the record of his extensive sovereignty over the various
nations of India from Nepal to the Dakhan, and from Gujarat to
Assam. Lastly, it was re-erected by the Mogal Emperor Jahangir to
commemorate his accession to the throne in the year 1605 A. D.
These are the three principal inscriptions on the Allahabad Pillar, but
there are also a number of minor records of the names of travellers and
pilgrims of various dates, from about the beginning of the Christian
era down to the present century. Regarding these minor inscriptions,
James Prinsep remarks that “it is a singular fact that the periods
at which the pillar has been overthrown can be thus determined with
nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the epochs
of its being re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording
the latter event. Thus, that it was overthrown some time after its
first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century
before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of

several names in a character intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in

222 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

which the m, 6, &c., retain the old form.” Of one of these names
he remarks ‘‘ Now it would have been exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up and down at right angles
to the other writing, while the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the
place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose,
which would hardly be the case, since the object of an ambitious visitor
would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an unread-
able position.” The pillar ‘ was erected as Samudra Gupta’s arm,
and there it probably remained until overthrown again by the idol-
breaking zeal of the Musalmans ; for we find no writings on it of the
Péla, or Sarnath type (¢.¢., of the tenth century), but a quantity
appears with plain legible dates from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D.
1363, down to 1660 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy
one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar
was in a prostrate position. A few detached and ill executed Nagari
names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd, show that even since it was
laid on the ground again by General Garstin, the passion for recording
visits of piety or curiosity has been at work.” In this last passage
James Prinsep has made a mistake in the name of the Vandal Engineer
who overthrew the stone pillar, because it stood in the way of his new
line of rampart near the gateway. It was General Kyd, and not
General Garstin, who was employed to strengthen the Fort of Allaha-
bad, and his name is still preserved in the suburb of Kydganj, on the
Jumna, immediately below the city.

279. The pillar was again set up in 1838 by Captain Edward
Smith, of the Engineers, to whom the design of the present capital is
entirely due. At first it was intended to have placed a fancy flower as
an appropriate finish to the pillar, but as the people had a tradition
that the column was originally surmounted by the figure of a lion, it
was suggested by a Committee of the Asiatic Society that the design
of the new capital should be made as nearly as possible the same as the
original, of which the Bakra and Navandgarh or (Mathiya) pillars,

were cited as examples. The lion statues which crown the bell capitals
of these two pillars I have seen and admired, and I can affirm that
they are the figures of veritable lions. Both of them are represented
half couchant, with the head raised and the mouth open. The bell
capital swells out boldly towards the top to receive a massive abacus,
which forms the plinth of the statue. In these examples the broad

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 223

swelling capital is in harmony with the stout and massive column.
But the new capital designed by Captain Smith, is, in my opinion, a
signal failure. The capital lessens towards the top, and is surmounted
by an abacus of less diameter than that of the pillar itself. The animal
on the top is small and recumbent, and altogether the design is insig-
nificant. Indeed it looks to me not unlike a stuffed poodle stuck on
the top of an inverted flower pot.

280. According to the common tradition of the people, the name of
Pray4ga was derived from a Brahman, who lived during the reign of
Akbar. The story is that when the Emperor was building the fort,
the walls on the river face repeatedly fell down in spite of all the pre-
cautions taken by the architect. On consulting some wise men, Akbar
was informed that the foundations could only be seeured by being laid
in human blood. A proclamation was then made, when a Brahman,
called Prayiga, voluntarily offered his life, on the condition that the
fort should bear hisname. This idle story, which is diligently related
to the pilgrims who visit the Akshay Bat, may at least serve one useful
purpose, in warning us not to place too much faith in these local tra-
ditions. The name of Praydga is recorded by Hwen Thsang in the
7th century, and is in all probability as old as the reign of Asoka, who
set up the stone pillar about B. C. 240, while the fort was not built
until the end of the 16th century.

XIV.—KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI.

281. The city of Kosdémbi was one of the most celebrated places in
ancient India, and its name was famous amongst Brahmans as well as
Buddhists. The city is said to have been founded by Kusamba, the tenth
in descent from Pururavas; but its fame begins only with the reign of
Chakra, the eighth in descent from Arjun Pandu, who made Kosambi
his capital after Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges. If
the date of the great war (Mahdbhdrata) be fixed at 1426 B. C., which,
as I have already shown in my account of Dilli, is the most probable
period, then the date of Chakra will be about 1200 or 1150 B. C.
Twenty-two of his descendants are said to have reigned in the Kosimbi
down to Kshemaka, the last of the dynasty, but it seems almost certain
that some names must have been omitted, as the very longest period
of 30 years which can be assigned to a generation of eastern Kings
will place the close of the dynasty about B, C. 500, and make the

224 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

period of Uddyana about 630 to 600 B. C. If we take all the recorded
names of the different authorities, then the number of generations will
be 24, which will place the close of the dynasty in B. C. 440, and
fix the reign of Uddyana in 570 to 540 B. C. As Udayana is repre-
sented by the Buddhists to have been a contemporary of Buddha, this
date may be accepted as wonderfully accurate for so remote a period
of Indian History.

282. Kosdmbi is mentioned in the Ramayana, the earliest of the
Hindu Poems, which is generally allowed to have been composed
before the Christian era. The story of Uddyana, King of Kosambi, is
referred to by the poet Kali Dasa in his Megha-duta, or “‘ Cloud messen-
ger,’ when he says that Avanti (or Ujain) is great with the number of
those versed in the tale of Udayana,’’ Now K4li Dasa flourished shortly
after A.D. 500. In the Vrihat Katha, of Somadeva, the story of Udayana
is given at fulllength, but the author has made a mistake in the
genealogy between the two Satdnikas. Lastly, the kingdom of Kosdmbi,
or Kosémba Mandala, is mentioned in an inscription taken from the
gateway of the fort of Khara which is dated in Samvat 1092, or A. D.
1035, at which period it would appear to have been independent of
Kanoj. Kosambi, the capital of Vatsa Rajah, is the scene of the pleas-
ing drama of Ratndvali, or the “ Necklace,” which was composed in
the reign of King Harsha Deva, who is most probably the same as
Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, as the opening prelude describes amongst
the assembled audience “ princes from various realms recumbent at his —
feet.” This we know from Hwen Thsang to have been true of the
Kanoj Prince, but which even a Brahman could scarcely have asserted
of Harsha Deva of Kashmir. The date of this notice will therefore lie _
between 607 and 650 A. D.

285. But the name of Uddéyana, King of Kosémbi, was perhaps
even more famous amongst the Buddhists. In the Mahdwanso, —
which was composed in the 5th century A. D., the venerable Yasa is —
said to have fled from “ Vaisalc to Kosimbi just before the assembly
of the second Buddhist Synod. In the Lalita Vistara, which was
translated into Chinese between 70 and 76 A. D., and which must —
therefore have been composed not later than the beginning of the Chris- —
tian era, Udayana Vatsa, son of Satanika, King of Kosaémbi, is said
to have been born on the same day as Buddha. In other Ceylonese
books, Kosaémbi is named as one of the 19 capital cities of ancient —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 225

India. Udayana Vatsa, the son of Satanika, is also known to the
Tibetans as the King of Kosémbi. In the Ratnévali he is called Vatsa
Raja, or King of the Vatsas, and his capital Vatsa pattana, which is
therefore only another name for Kosimbi. In this celebrated city,
Buddha is said to have spent the 6th and 9th years of his Buddha-
hood. Lastly, Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddha
in red sandal wood, which was made by King Udayana during the
life time of the Teacher, still existed under a stone dome in the ancient
palace of King Udayana.

284. The site of this great city, the capital of the later Pandu
Princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of all the statues of Buddha,
has long been sought in vain. The Brahmans generally asserted that
it stood either on the Ganges, or close to it, and the discovery of the

”

name of Kosdmbi mandala, or “ Kingdom of Kosimbi,” in an inserip-
tion over the gateway of the fort of Khara, seems to confirm the general
belief, although the south-west bearing from Prayaga, or Allahabad,
as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points unmistakably to the line of the
Jumna. In January 1861, Mr. Bayley informed me that he believed
the ancient Kosimbi would be found in the old village of Kosam, on
the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allahabad. In the following month
I met Babu Siva Prasid, of the Educational Department, who takes a
deep and intelligent interest in all archeological subjects, and from
him [ learned that Kosam is still known as Kosdémbi-nagar, that it is
even now a great resort of the Jains, and that only one century ago
it was a large and flourishing town. This information was quite suffi-
cient to satisfy me that Kosam was the actual site of the once famous
Kosimbi. Still, however, there was no direct evidence to show that
the city was situated on the Jumna; but this missing link in the chain
of evidence I shortly afterwards found in the curious legend of Bak-
kula, which is related at length in Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism.
The infant Bakkula was born at Kosémbi, and while his mother was
bathing in the Jumna, he accidentally fell into the river, and being
swallowed by a fish was carried to Benares. There the fish was caught
and sold to the wife of a nobleman, who on opening it found the young
child still alive inside, and at once adopted it as her own. The true
mother hearing of this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to

Benares, and demanded the return of the child, which was of course
refused. The matter was then referred to the King, who decided that

226 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

both of the claimants were mothers of the child—the one by maternity,
the other by purchase. The child was accordingly named Bakula ;
that is, of “two kulas, or races.” He reached the age of 90 years
without once having been ill, when he was converted by the preaching
of Buddha, who declared him to be ‘ the chief of that class of his
disciples who were free from disease.” After this he is said to have
lived 90 years more, when he became an arhat, or Buddhist saint.

285. But the negative kind of merit which Bakkula acquired, by
his freedom from disease, was not appreciated by Asoka, as we learn
from a very curious legend which is preserved in the Divya Avadana.
In the first ardour of his conversion to Buddhism the zealous Asoka
wished to do honour to all the places which the life and teaching of Bud-
dha had rendered famous, by the erection of stwpas, and the holy Upagup-
ta volunteered to point out the sacred spots. Accordingly the goddess of
the Sal tree, who witnessed Buddha’s birth, appeared to Asokaand vouch-
ed for the authenticity of the venerated tree, which had given support
to Maya-Devi, at the birth of the infant Sakya. Other holy sites are
also indicated, such as the Bodhi-drim, or sacred Pipal tree at Buddha
Gaya, under which Buddha sat for four years in meditation; and the
Sal trees at Kusinagara, beneath which he obtained Nirvdéna,—besides
various spots rendered famous by the acts of his principal disciples,
Sariputra, Maudgalyaéyana, Kasyapa, Ananda. To all these holy
places the pious King allotted large sums of money for the erection of —
Stupas. Upagupta then pointed out the holy place of Bakkula at
Kosémbi. “ And what was the merit of this sage?’ asked Asoka.
“He lived,” answered Upagupta, “to a great age without once —
having known disease.” ‘On him,” said the King, “I bestow one |
farthing (Kdkanz).”* In Burnouf’s version of this story, Bakula is
said to be the disciple who had encountered the fewest obstacles, from —
which Asoka rightly argued that the fewer the obstacles the less the —
merit. The same idea is even more tersely expressed by the old
author of the “Land of Cockaigne” in describing the sinlessness of
its inhabitants :—

«Very virtuous may they be =
** Who temptation never see.”

* The Kékani was the fourth part of the copper pana, and was therefore — ‘
worth only 20 cowrees. Its weight was 20 raktikas, or ratis of copper, or —
18229 x 20 = 375 grains nearly.

di

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 227

286. As this legend of Bakula is sufficient to prove that the fa-
mous city of Kausimbi was situated on the Jumna, it now only re-
mains to show that the distance of Kosam from Allahabad corresponds
with that between Prayig and Kosimbi, as recorded by Hwen Thsang.
Unfortunately this distance is differently stated in the life and in the
travels of the Chinese pilgrim. In the former, the distance is given
as 50 li, and in’ the latter as 500 i, whilst in the return journey to
China, the pilgrim states that between Praydig and Kosaimbi he travel-
led for seven days through a vast forest and over bare plains. Now, as
the village of Kosam is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, the
last statement would seem to preclude all possibility of its identifica-
tion with the ancient Kosimbi. But strange to say, it affords the
most satisfactory proof of their identity ; for the subsequent route of the
pilgrim to Sankissa is said to have occupied one month, and as the
whole distance from Prayig to Sankissa is only 200 miles, the average
length of the pilgrim’s daily march was not more than 5} miles. This
slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by the fact that the
march from Prayég to Sankissa was a religious procession, headed by
the great King Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, with a train of no less
than 18 tributary Kings, besides many thousands of Buddhist monks,
and all the crowd of an Indian camp. According to this reckoning,
the distance from Prayig to Kosambi would be 38 miles, which cor-
responds very closely with the actual road distance as Ifound it. By
one route on going to Kosam, I made the distance 37 miles, and by
the return route 35 miles. The only probable explanation of Hwen
Thsang’s varying distances of 50 li and 500 Ui that occurs to me is,
that as he converted the Indian Yojanas into Chinese / at the rate of
40 k per Yojana, or of 10 lv per kos, he must have written 150 li,
the equivalent to 15 kos, which is the actual distance across the fields
for foot passengers from Kosam to the fort of Allahabad, according to
the reckoning of the people of Kosam itself. But whether this expla-
nation be correct or not, it is quite certain that the present Kosam
stands on the actual site of the ancient Kosdmbi ; for not only do the
people themselves put forward this claim, but it is also distinctly
stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which is recorded on the
great stone pillar, still standing in the midst of the ruins, that this is
Kausimbi pura.

287. The present ruins of Kosimbi consist of an immense fortress

29

228 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

formed of earthen ramparts and bastions, with a circuit of 23,100 feet,
or exactly 4 miles and 3 furlongs. The ramparts have a general
height of from 30 to 35 feet above the fields, but the bastions are con-
siderably higher ; those on the north face rising to upwards of 50 feet,
while those at the south-west and south-east angles are more than 60
feet. Originally there were ditches all round the fortress, but at
present there are only a few shallow hollows at the foot’of the rampart.
The parapets were of brick and stone, but although the remains of
these defences can be traced nearly all round, I could not find any
portion of the old wall with a facing sufficiently perfect to enable me
to determine its thickness. The large size of the bricks, which are
19 inches long by 124 by 23, shows that these are the ruins of very
old walls. In shape the fortress may be described as an irregular rect-
angle, with its longer sides running almost due north and south. The
length of the different faces is as follows :—

North Tonto; gse<s%n-< anne os. Atsausnneneveeetsalee>ye tynUU meek
Sonth 2. ¢.ssreheaweasas oe eee 6,000 ,,
WASt ip tiecioaptniasekatu die meede nema borer 7,500 ,,
Weeab:., cesnptaectteieosocesstbns wicssniehs et ‘veesay tt, AOE
Dota mua te 23,100 feet

The difference in length between the north and south fronts is due
to the original extension of the fortress on the river face; but the
difference between the east and west fronts is, I believe, chiefly, if not
wholly, due to the loss of the south-west angle of the ramparts by the
gradual encroachments of the Jumna. There are no tracesnow left of the
western half of the ramparts on the southern face, and the houses of the
village of Garhawd are standing on the very edge of the cliff overhang-
ing the river. The reach of the river also from the Pakka Burj at
the south-west angle of the fortress up to the hill of Prabhdsa, a
clear straight run of 4 miles, bears 12 degrees to the north of east,
whereas in the time of Hwen Thsang there were two stwpas and a
cave at a distance of 134 miles to the south-west of Kosémbi. From
all these concurring circumstances, I conclude that the west front of
the fortress was originally as nearly as possible of the same length as
the east front. This would add 2,400 feet, or nearly half a mile to
the length of the west front, and would increase the whole circuit

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 229

of the ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlongs, which is within one furlong
of the measurement of 5 miles, or 30 li recorded by Hwen Thsang. In
the three main points therefore of name, size, and position, the present
Kosam corresponds most exactly with the ancient Kosimbi as it is
described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century.

288. Viewed from the outside, thé ruins of Kosimbi present a
most striking appearance. My previous enquiries had led me to ex-
pect only a ruined mound some 20 or 30 feet in height covered with
broken bricks. What was my surprise therefore, when still at some
distance from the place on the north-east side, to behold extending for
about 2 miles a long line of lofty earthen mounds as high as most of
the trees. I felt at once that this was the celebrated Kosimbi, the
capital of the far-famed Raja Udayana. On reaching the place, I
mounted one of the huge earthen bastions, from whence I had a clear
view of the interior. This was very uneven, but free from jungle, the
whole surface being thickly covered with broken bricks. In many
places the bricks were partially cleared away to form fields, but in others
the broken bricks were so thickly strewn that the earth beneath was
scarcely discernable. But I was disappointed to find that there were
no prominent masses of ruin; the only object that caught the eye
being a modern Jain temple. I recognized the positions of six gates
by the deep depressions in the lines of rampart. There are two of
these openings on each of the three land faces of the fortress.

289. The present village of Kosam consists of two distinct portions,
named Kosam Indm and Kosam Khirdj, or ‘“‘ Rent-free’’ and ‘“ Rent-
paying” Kosam, the former being on the west, andthe latter on the east
side of the old fortress. Inside the ramparts, and on the bank of the Jumna,
there are two small villages called Garhawé Bard and Garhawé Chota,
their names being no doubt derived from their position within the
fort or garh. Beyond Kosam Inam is the large village of Pali, contain-
ing 100 houses, and beyond Kosam Khiraj on the bank of the Jumna
stands the hamlet of Gop-Sahasa. To the north there is another
hamlet called Ambd-Kua, because it possesses a large old well sur-
rounded by a grove of Mangotrees. All these villages together do not
contain more than 350 or 400 houses, with about 2,000 inhabitants.

290. The great object of veneration at Kosdmbi was the celebrated
statue of Buddha in red sandal wood, which was devoutly believed to
have been made during the lifetime of Buddha by a sculptor whom

230 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

King Udayana was permitted to send up to the Trayastrinsa heaven,
while the great Teacher was explaining his law to his mother Maya. The
statue was placed under a stone dome, within the precincts of the palace
of Udayana, which is described by Hwen Thsang as being situated in
the very middle of Kosimbi. This description shows that the place
must have occupied the position of the great central mass of ruin,
which is now covered by a small Jain temple. The temple is said to
have been built in 1834, and is dedicated to Pdrasndth. By the
‘people, however, it is generally called Deora, or the Temple, which
was the old name of the mound, and which, therefore, points unmis-
takably to the position of the ancient temple that once held the famous
statue of Buddha. The foundations of a large building are still
traceable both to the east and west of the temple; but there are no —
remains either of sculpture or of architectural ornament. But in the
village of Bara Garhawa, distant 1,500 feet to the south-west, I found
two sculptured pillars of a Buddhist railing, and the pedestal of a
statue inscribed with the well-known Buddhist profession of faith,
beginning with Ye dharmma hetu prabhava, &c., in characters of the
8th or 9th century. In the village of Chota Garhawa, distant half a
mile to the south-east, I found a small square pillar sculptured on three
faces with representations of stwpas. The discovery of these undoubted
Buddhist remains is alone sufficient to prove that some large Buddhist
establishment must once have existed inside the walls of Kosambi,
I would therefore assign the two pillars of the Buddhist railing and
the inscribed statue to the great Vzhar in the palace, which contained
the famous sandal wood statue of Buddha. The third pillar I would
assign to the stwpa which contained the hair and nails of Buddha,
as it was situated inside the south-east corner of the city, on the very
site of Chota Garhaw4, where the pillar itself was found. The two
railing pillars found at Bara Garhawa are sculptured with figures of a
male and female, and as both of these figures exhibit the very same
scanty clothing as is seen in those of the bas-reliefs of the Sanchi
Tope, near Bhilsa, I would refer the Kosambi pillars to the same age,
or somewhere about the beginning of the Christian era.

291. The only other existing relic of Buddhism inside the fort is a
large stone monolith similar to those of Allahabad and Delhi, excepting
only that it bears no ancient inscription. This column is now stand-
ing at an angle of 52°, about one-half of the shaft being buried in a

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 231

mound of brick ruins. The portion of the shaft above ground is 14
feet in length, and close by there are two broken pieces, measuring
respectively 4 feet 6 inches and 2 feet 3 inches. I made an excavation
completely round the pillar, to adepth of 7 feet 4 inches, without
reaching the end ofthe polished portion of the shaft. All these figures
added together give a total length of 28 feet; but the pillar was no
doubt several feet longer, as the shafts of all the five known monoliths
exceed 30 feet. The smallest diameter is 29} inches, or nearly the
same as that of the Lawriya-Ara-Raj pillar, and as the diameter
increases in nearly the same proportion, I presume that the Kosambi
pillar most probably had about the same height of 36 feet. According
to the villagers, this pillar was in one piece as late as 50 years ago; but
ib was leaning against a large Nimb tree. The tree was old and
hollow, and some cowherds having accidentally set fire to it, the top of
the pillar was broken by the heat. Several different persons affirmed
that the shaft was originally nearly double its present height. This
would make the height above ground somewhat less than twice 14
feet, or Say about 27 feet; which added to the ascertained smooth
portion of 7 feet 4 inches under ground, would make the original
height of the smooth shaft upwards of 34 feet. I found numerous
roots of the old tree in my excavation round the pillar. The state-
ment of the people that the Kosimbi pillar has been leaning in its
present position as long as they can remember, is curiously corroborated
by the fact that an inscription dated in the reign of Akbar is cut across
the face of the shaft at an angle of about 50° but parallel to the hori-
zon. It seems certain therefore that the pillar was in its present
leaning position as early as the reign of Akbar; and further, as this
inscription is within reach of the hand, and as there are also others
engraved beneath the present surface of the soil, I conclude that the
pillar must have been buried as we now see it for a long time previous
to the reign of Akbar.

292. The inscriptions recorded on the Kosimbi pillar range from
the age of the Guptas down to the present day. The only record of the
earliest period is the name of a pilgrim in six letters which I have not
succeeded in reading. At the top of the broken shaft there is an
incomplete record of three letters ending in prabhdra, which I would
ascribe to the 4th or 5th century. The letters, which are three inches
in length, are boldly cut, but the line which they form is not parallel

232 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

to the sides of the pillar. The next inscription in point of time con-
sists of six lines in characters of the 6th or 7th century. As this record
is placed on the lower part of the shaft, from 3 to 4 feet beneath the
present ground level, and as the lines are perpendicular to the sides of
the shaft, I infer that at the time when it was inscribed, the pillar was
still standing upright in its original position, and that the surrounding
buildings were still in perfect order. This inference is fully borne out
by Hwen Thsang’s account of the ancient palace of Udayana with its
great Vihara, 60 feet in height, and its stone dome forming a canopy
over the statue of Buddha, all of which would seem to have been in
good order at the date of his visit, as he carefully mentions that the
two different bath-houses of Buddha, as well as the dwelling house of
Asanga Bodhisatwa were in ruins. Just above this inscription there
are several records in the peculiar shell-shaped letters which James
Prinsep noticed on the Allahabad pillar, and which I have found on
most of the other pillars throughout northern India. The remaining
inscriptions, which are comparatively modern, are all recorded on the
upper part of the shaft. That of Akbar’s time, which has already
been referred to, is in Nagari as follows :—
Mogal Patisth Akbar Patiséh Gaji; or
Mogal Padshah Akbar Padshéh Ghazi.

This is followed by a short record of a sonz, or goldsmith, in three
lines, below which isa long inscription dated in Samvat 1621, or
A. D. 1564, in the early part of Alkbar’s reign, detailing the genealogy
of a whole family of goldsmiths. It is in this inscription that the name
of Kosdmbipura occurs, the founder of the family named Anand Ram
Das, having died at Kosam. The monolith is called Rém-ka-charri,
“‘ Ram’s walking stick,’ by some, and by others Bhim-sen-ka-Gada or
“Bhim-sen’s club.” Inside the fort also, about midway between

the two villages of Garhawa, I found a large lingam, bearing, four

heads, with three eyes each, and with the hair massed on the top of
each head. The discovery of this costly symbol of Mahadeva shows
that the worship of Siva must have been firmly established at Kosambi
at some former period; and as Hwen Thsang mentions the existence
of no less than 50 heretical (that is Brahmanical) temples at the time of
his visit, I think it probable that the large lingam may have a
to one of those early temples.

294, To the south-west of Kosambi, distant 8 or 9 I, or 14 wien

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 233

Hwen Thsang describes a lofty stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet in height,
and a stone cavern of a venomous dragon, in which it was devoutly
believed that Buddha had left his shadow. But the truthful pilgrim
candidly says that this shadow was not to be seen in his time. If
Hwen Thsang’s south-west bearing is correct, the holy cave must have
been carried away long ago by the encroachment of the Jumna, as the
clear reach of the river above Kosambi, as far as the hill of Prabhasa,
a distance of 4 miles, now bears 282° from the south-west of the old
city, or 12° to the north of west. The hill of Prabhasa, which is on
the left bank of the Jumna, is the only rock in the Antarved or Doab
of the Ganges and Jumna. Ina hollow between its two peaks stands a
modern Jain temple, but there is no cavern, and no trace of any
ancient buildings.

295. At ashort distance to the south-east of Kosambi, there was
an ancient monastery containing a stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet in height,
which was built on the spot where Buddha had explained the law for
many years. Beside the monastery, a householder named Kiw-shi-lo,
formerly had a garden. Fa Hian calls it the garden of Kiu-sse-lo ; but
by the Buddhists of Ceylon it is called the Ghosika garden. M. Julien
renders the name doubtfully by Goshira, but it appears to me that the
true name was most probably the Sanskrit Gosirsha, and the Pali
Gosisa, which I believe to be still preserved in Gopsahsa, the name of a
small village close to Chota Garhawd. This name is now written 7174-
Sat Gop-sahasa, but as the well known name of Janamejaya is written
Sra Jag-medau, and also BHATT Jalmedar, by the half educated
people of Kosam, I do not think that the slight difference of spelling
between the ancient Gosisa and the present Gopsahasa, forms any very
strong objection to their identification, more especially as the position
of the Gosisa garden must have been as nearly as possible on the site of
the Gopsahasa village. There are no ancient remains about this village ;
nor indeed could we expect to find many traces of the garden. But in
the neighbouring village of Kosam Khirdj, or Hisémdbdd, the vestiges
of ancient occupation are found everywhere, and this village I believe
to have been the site of the monastery with its lofty stupa of 200 feet,
built by Asoka, and its smaller stwpa containing the hair and nails of
Buddha. The position of this village, within one quarter ofa mile of

the south-east corner of the ancient fort, agrees precisely with the site
of the monastery as described by Hwen Thsang, “ @ wne petite distance

234 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

au sud-est de la ville.” In this village squared stones of all sizes
may be seen in the walls of most of the houses, and after a little search
I succeeded in finding four plain pillars of two different sizes which
had once belonged to two different Buddhist railings. Two of these
pillars are 4 feet 9 inches in height, with a section of 124 by 7 inches,
which are also the exact dimensions of the largest railing pillars that
have been found at Mathura. The other two pillars are 2 feet 9
inches in height, with a section of 7 by 34 inches, which are the exact
dimensions of the smallest sized railing pillars that have been found at
Mathura. The larger pillars I would assign to the Buddhist railing,
which in all probability once surrounded the lofty stwpa of Asoka, and
the smaller pillars I would assign to the smaller stupa, which contained
the hair and nails of Buddha.

296. I found also the fragment of a corner pillar with the mortice
holes for the reception of the rails on two adjacent sides at right angles
to each other. I conclude, therefore, that this pillar must have belong-
ed to the entrance doorway of one of the railings, although its face of
9 inches does not agree with the dimensions of either of the other
pillars.

XV.—KUSAPURA.

297. From Kosimbi the Chinese pilgrim travelled to the north
east, through a vast forest as far as the Ganges, after crossing which
his route lay to the north for a distance of 700 U, or 117 miles, to
the town of Kia-she-pu-lo, which M. Julien correctly renders by Kasa-
pura. In searching for the site of this place, the subsequent route of
the pilgrim to Visdkhd, a distance of 170 to 180 Ui, or from 28 to 30
miles, to the north is of equal importance with the bearing and dis-
tance from Kosémbi. For as the Visakha, of Hwen Thsang, as I will
presently show, is the same place as the Sha-chi of Fa Hian, and the
Sdketa or Ayodhya of the Hindus, we thus obtain two such well fixed
points as Kosaémbi and Ayodhya to guide us in our search. A single
glance at the map will be sufficient to show that the old town of |
Sultanpur on the Gomati (or Gumti) River is as nearly as possible
in the position indicated. Now the Hindu name of this town was
Kusabhavanapura, or simply Kusapura, which is almost the same name
as that of Hwen Thsang. Remembering Mr. Bayley’s note of informa- —
tion derived from Raja Man Sinh that there was “ a tope near Sultéin- s
pur,” I pitched my tent on one side of the now utterly desolate city, -

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 235

and searched the whole place through most carefully, but all in vain:
I could neither find the trace of any tope, nor could I even hear of
ancient remains of any kind. On the following day, however, after
I had left Sultanpur, I heard that the village of Mahmudpur, about 5
miles to the north-west, was situated on an ancient mound of somewhat
larger size than that of Sultanpur, and on my arrival at Faizabad, I
learned from Lieutenant Swetenham, of the Royal Engineers, that
there is an old tope to the north-west of Sultanpur, not far from this
village. I conclude, therefore, that Sulténpur, the ancient Kusapura,
is the same place as the Kasapura of Hwen Thsang ; and this identifi-
cation will be made even more certain on examination of the recorded
distances.

298. On leaving Kosimbi, the pilgrim proceeded first in a north-
east direction to the Ganges, after crossing which he turned to the
north to Kasapura, the whole distance being 117 miles. Now, the two
great ghats on the Ganges to the north-east of Kosam are at Mau-
Saraya and Pdpa-mau, the former being 40 miles, and the latter 43
miles distant. But as these two ghats are close together, and almost
immediately to the north of Allahabad, the total distance to Kasapura
will be the same, whichever place of crossing be taken. From
Papamau to Sultanpur the direction is due north, and the distance 66
miles; the whole line from Kosam to Sultanpur being 109 miles,
which is within 8 miles of the round number of 700 i, or 116% miles,
as given by Hwen Thsang; while both of the bearings are in exact
accordance with his statements. From Kasapura to Visdiha the direction

_ followed by the pilgrim was to the north, and the distance was from
170 to 180 k, or from 28 to 38 miles. Now the present city of Ajudhya,
the ancient Ayodhya or Saketa, is almost due north from Sulténpur,
the distance being 30 miles to the nearest point, or just six miles in
_ excess of the distance given by Hwen Thsang. As the former of these
distances is in default, while the latter is in excess, I would suggest,
as a possible alternative, that our measurements should be taken from
the village of Mahmtdpur, which would make the route from Kosam
to the Buddhist establishment near Kasapura up to 114 miles, or within
three miles of the number stated by Hwen Thsang, and lessen the sub-
sequent route to Ayodhya from 36 to 31 miles, which is within one
tile of the number given by the Chinese pilgrim. As all the bear-

30

236 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

ings are in perfect accordance, and as the names of the two places
agree almost exactly, I think that there can be little hesitation in
accepting the identification of Sultanpur or Kusapwra, with the Kasa-
pura of Hwen Thsang.

299. Kusapwra or Kusa-bhavana-pura, is said to have been named
after Rama’s son, Kusa. Shortly after the Muhammadan invasion it
belonged to a Bhar Raja Nand Kunwar, who was expelled by Sultan
Alauddin Ghori (read Khilji). The defences of the town were strength-
ened by the conqueror, who built a mosque and changed the name of
the place to Sulténpur. The site of Kusapura was, no doubt, selected
by its founder as a good military position, on account of its being sur-
rounded on three sides by the River Gomati or Gumti. The place is
now utterly desolate ; the whole population having been removed to
the new civil station on the opposite or south bank of the river. The
ruined fort of Sulténpur now forms a large mound, 750 feet square,
with brick towers at the four corners. On all sides it is surrounded by
the huts of the ruined town, the whole together covering a space of
about half a mile square, or about two miles in circuit. This estimate
of the size of Sultanpur agrees vey closely with that of Kusapura given
by Hwen Thsang, who describes the place as being 10 Wz, or 13 miles,
in circuit.

XVI.—DHOPAPAPURA.

300. Before accompanying the pilgrim to the ancient city of Sdketa
or Ayodhya, I will take the opportunity of describing the famous place ©
of Hindu pilgrimage called Dhopdpapura, which is situated on the
right or west bank of the Gomati River, 18 miles to the south-east of
Sultanpur, and immediately under the walls of the fort of Garhd, or
Shirka-Garhi. The legend of the place is as follows :—After Ram
Chandra had killed the giant Ravana, he wandered about trying to
obtain purification for his guilt in having thus extinguished a portion of
the spirit of Brahma (Brahma-ka-ans) ; but all his efforts were ineffec-_
tual, until he met with a white crow, when he was informed by the
Muni Vasishtha that the crow had become white from having bathed in
the Gomati River at a particular spot. Rama proceeded to bathe at the
- same spot, and was immediately purified or ‘‘ cleansed’’ from his sin.
The place was accordingly named Dho-pdpa, or “ cleanser of sins,” and
the town which soon sprang up beside it was called Dhopdpapura. In —
Sanskrit the form is Dhtitapdpa, which is given in the list of the Vishnu

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 237

Purana as the name of a river distinct from the Gomati; but as the
name immediately follows that of the Gomati, I think it probable that
the term may have been intended only as in epithet of the Gomatz, as
the Dhutapdpa, or “ Sin-cleanser’ in allusion to the legend of Rama’s
purification. An annual fair is held here on the 10th day on the wax-
ing moon of Jyesth, at which time it is said that about fifty thousand
people assemble to bathe in the far-renowned pool of Dhopdpa.

301. The site of Dhopdp is evidently one of very considerable anti-
quity, as the whole country for more than half a mile around it is
covered with broken bricks and pottery. The place is said to have be-
longed to the Bhar Rajas of Kusabhavanapura or Sulténpur, but the
only name that I could hear of as specially connected with Dhopdp,
was that of Raja Hel or Hela. The village of Dhopdép-pur is now a
very small one, containing less than 200 houses, but they are all built
of burnt brick, and numerous foundations are visible on all sides near
the Gomati River. Several carved stones have been collected by the
people from the ruined walls of the fort of Garhd. Amongst them I
observed the following :—1s¢, a broken pilaster with two human figures ;
2nd, a stone bracket ; 3rd, a square capital of pillar ; 4th, a four-bracket
capital of a pillar; 5¢h, two stones with socket holes for iron cramps.
All of these stones point unmistakably to the existence, at some
former period, of a large temple at Dhopip, which was probably situa-
ted immediately above the bathing ghat. It seems almost certain,
however, that there must once have been a considerable number of
temples at this place, for the whole of the eastern wall or river front of
the fort of Garhd has been built or faced with square stones, which,
by their carvings and cramp-holes, show that they belonged to Hindu
temples.

302. The fort of Garhd is situated to the north of the village, on a
lofty natural mound overhanging the river Gomati on the east. To
the north and south the place is defended by two deep ravines supplied
with running water, and to the west by a deep dry ravine. The posi-
tion is, therefore, a strong one ; for, although the neighbouring mounds
to the north and west rise to nearly the same height, yet they once
formed part of the city, which can only be approached over much low
and broken ground. The strength of the position would seem to _
have early attracted the notice of the Muhammadan Kings of Delhi,

a i i i ae

238 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

as the fort is stated to have been repaired by Salim Shah, whilst a very
old ruinous masjid stands on the west mound. The fort itself is a
small place, its northern face being only 550 feet long, its eastern and
western faces 550 feet each, whilst its south face is but 250 feet. The
greater part of the stone work of the south-east tower has fallen into
the river, where many of the stones are now lying, and much of the
eastern wall has also disappeared, the stones being very valuable, in a
stoneless country, for the sharpening of tools of all kinds. The en-
trance gate was on the south side, near the river bastion just mention-
ed. I obtained coins of many of the early Muhammadan Kings, from
Nasir-uddin Mahmud Ghori down to Akbar, but not a single specimen
of any Hindu coinage, although I was informed that coins bearing
figures are found every year during the rainy season.

303. I may here mention that I heard of another place of Hindu
pilgrimage on the north bank of the Gomati River, at a spot called
Set-Barah that is Sweta-Vardha, or ‘the white Boar,” 15 kos, or 30
miles, from Sultanpur towards Lucknow. Two annual fairs are held
there —the first on the 9th day of the waxing moon of Chaitra, and
the second on the L5th day of the waxing moon of Kartik, when it is
said that about fifty thousand people assemble to bathe. The former
period is connected with the history of Rama Chandra, as it is com- —
monly known as the Rdém-navami Tirath or “ Rama’s ninth (day)
place of pilgrimage.” I could not learn anything regarding the origin
of the name of Set Bardh.

XVITI—SAKETA, OR AJUDHYA.

804. Much difficulty has been felt regarding the position of Fa
Hian’s “great kingdom of Sha-chi, and of Hwen Thsang’s Visdkhd, —
with its enormous number of heretics,” or Brahmanists; but I hope
to show in the most satisfactory manner that these two places are
identical, and that they are also the same as the Sdketa and Ajudhya
of the Hindus. The difficulty has arisen chiefly from an erroneous —
bearing recorded by Fa Hian, who places Shewez, or Srdvasti, to the
south of Sha-chi, while Hwen Thsang locates it to the north-east, and

partly from his erroneous distance of 7 + 3 + 10 = 20 Yojans, instead
" of 80, from the well-known city of Sankisa. The bearing is shown
to be erroneous by the route of a Hindu pilgrim from the banks of —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 239

the Godavery to Sewet, or Srdvasti, as recorded in the Ceylonese Bud-
dhist works. This pilgrim, after passing through Mahissati and Ujani,
or Maheshmati and Ujain, reaches Kosimbi, and from thence passes
through Sdketa to Sewet ; that is, along the very route followed by
Hwen Thsang. We have, therefore, two authorities in favour of Sewet
being to the north of Saket. With regard to the distance, I refer
again to the Buddhist books of Ceylon, in which it is recorded that
from Sakespura (or Sangkasyapura, now Sankisa) to Sewet was a jour-
ney of 30 Yojans. Now, Fa Hian makes the distance from Sankisa
to Kanoj 7 Yojans, thence to the forest of Holi, on the Ganges, 3
Yojans, and thence to Shachi 10 Yojans, or altogether only 20 Yojans,
or 10 less than the Ceylonese books. That Fa Hian’s statement is
erroneous, is quite clear from the fact that his distance would place
Shachi in the neighbourhood of Lucknow; whereas the other distance
would place it close to Ajudhya, or Faizabad, or in the very position
indicated by Hwen Thsang’s itinerary. Here, again, we have two
authorities in favour of the longer distance. I have no hesitation,
therefore, in declaring that Fa Hian’s recorded bearing of She-wer from
Sha-chi is wrong, and that “north” should be read instead of ‘ south.”

305. I have now to show that Fa Hian’s Sha-chi is the same as
Hwen Thsang’s Visdkha, and that both are identical with Sdketa or
Ajudhya. With respect to Sha-chi, Fa Hian relates that “ on leaving
the town by the southern gate you find to the east of the road the
place where Buddha bit a branch of the nettle tree and planted it in
the ground, where it grew to the height of seven feet, and never in-
creased or diminished in size.” Now, this is precisely the same legend
that is related of Visékha by Hwen Thsang, who says that “to the
south of the capital, and to the left of the road (that is to the east as
stated by Fa Hian), there was, amongst other holy objects, an extra-
ordinary tree 6 or 7 feet high, which always remained the same, neither
growing nor decreasing. This is the celebrated tooth-brush tree of Bud-
dha, to which I shall have occasion to refer presently. Here I need
only notice the very precise agreement in the two descriptions of this
famous tree, as to its origin, its height, and its position. The perfect

correspondence of these details appears to me to leave no doubt
of the identity of Fa Hian’s Sha-chv with the Visikha of Hwen
Thsang.

240 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

306. With respect to the identification of Visakha with the Saketa
of the Hindus, I rest my proofs chiefly on the following points: Ist,
that Visékha, the most celebrated of all females in Buddhist history,
was a resident of Saketa before her marriage with Puruna Varddhana,
son of Mrigara, the rich merchant of Srdvast ;—and 2nd, that Buddha
is recorded by Hwen Thsang to have spent 6 years at Visdkha, while
by the Pali annals of Turnour he is stated to have lived 16 years at
Sdaketa.

307. The story of the noble maiden Visikha is related at great
length in the Ceylonese books. According to Hardy, she erected a
Purvvdréma at Srdvasti, which is also mentioned by Hwen Thsang.
Now, there was also a Purvudrdma at Siketa, and it can hardly be
doubted that this monastery was likewise built by her. She was the
daughter of Dhananja, a rich merchant, who had emigrated from
Rajagriha to Sdketa. Now, amongst the oldest inscribed coins
which have been discovered only at Ajudhya, we find some bearing
the names of Dhana Deva and Visékha-Datta. I mention this because
it seems to me to show the probability that the family of Dhananja
and Visékhé was of great eminence in Saketa or Ayodhya; and I
infer from the recurrence of their names, as well as from the great
celebrity of the lady, that the city may possibly have been called
Visdkhé after her name.

808. The other proof which I derive from the years of Buddha’s
residence is direct and convincing. According to the Ceylonese annals,
Buddha was 35 years of age when he attained Buddhahood; he then
led a houseless life for 20 years, preaching in various places in Northern
India, all of which are detailed; and of the remaining 25 years of his

life he spent 9 in the Jetavana monastery at Sravasti, and 16 in the —

Pubhérdmo wonastery at Saketapura. Now, in the Burmese annals
these numbers are given as 19 years and 6 years, and in the last figure

we have the exact number recorded by Hwen Thsang. Nothing can —

be more complete than this proof. There were only two places at ~

which Buddha resided for any length of time, namely, Srdvasti, at
which he lived either 9 or 19 years, and Séketa, at which he lived
either 6 or 16 years; and as according to Hwen Thsang he lived for 6
years at Visikha, which is described as being at some distance to the
south of Srivasti, it follows of necessity that Visikha and Saketa were
one and the same place.

‘nh

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 241

309. The identity of Sdketa and Ayodhya has, I believe, always
been admitted ; but I am not aware that any proof has yet been offered
to establish the fact. Csoma-de-Koros in speaking of the place merely
says “‘Saketana or Ayodhya,” and H. H. Wilson, in his Sanskrit Diction-
ary, calls Sdketa “the city Ayodhya.” But the question would appear
to be set at rest by several passages of the Ramayana and Raghuvansa,
in which Séketnagara is distinctly called the Capital of Raja Dasaratha
and his sons. But the following verse of the Ramayana, which was
pointed out tome by a Brahman of Lucknow, will be sufficient to
establish the identity. Aswajita, father of Kaikeyi, offers to give his
daughter to Dasaratha, Rajah of Sdketanagara :—

SAketim Nagaram Raja Namna Dasaratho bali.
Tasmai dey’ Kay& Many& Kaikeyi Nimato jana.

310. The ancient city of Ayodhya or Siaketa is described in the
Ramayana as situated on the bank of the Sarayw or Sarju River. It
is said to have been 12 Yojans, or nearly 100 miles in circumference,
for which we should probably read 12 kos, or 24 miles—an extent
which the old city, with all its gardens, might once possibly have
covered. The distance from the Guptdér Ghat on the west, to the Ram
Ghat on the east, is just 6 miles in a direct line, and if we suppose
that the city with its suburbs and gardens formerly occupied the whole
intervening space to a depth of two miles, its circuit would have agreed
exactly with the smaller measurement of 12 kos. At the present
day the people point to Ram Ghat and Guptir Ghat as the eastern
and western boundaries of the old city, and the southern boundary
they extend to Bharat-Kund, near Bhadarsd, a distance of 6 kos. But
as these limits include all the places of pilgrimage, it would seem that
the people consider them to have been formerly inside the city, which
was certainly not the case. In the Ayin Akbari, the old city is said
to have measured 148 kos in length by 36 kos in breadth, or in other
words it covered the whole of the Province of Oudh to the south of the
Ghaghra River. The origin of the larger number is obvious. The 12
Yojans of the Ramayana, which are equal to 48 kos, being considered
too small for the great city of Rama, the Brahmans simply added 100
kos to make the size tally with their own extravagant notions. The
present city of Ajudhya, which is confined to the north-east corner of
the old site, is just two miles in length by about three-quarters of a

242 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

mile in breadth ; but not one-half of this extent is occupied by build-
ings, and the whole place wears a look of decay. There are no high
mounds of ruins, covered with broken statues and sculptured pillars,
such as mark the sites of other ancient cities, but only a low irregular
mass of rubbish heaps, from which all the bricks have been excavated
for the houses of the neighbouring city of Faizabad. This Muhamma-
dan city, which is two miles and a half in length, by one mile in
breadth, is built chiefly of materials extracted from the ruins of Ajudhya.
The two cities together occupy an area of nearly six square miles, or
just about one-half of the probable size of the ancient Capital of Rama.
In Faizabad the only building of any consequence is the stuccoed brick
tomb of the old Bhao Begam, whose story was dragged before the
public during the famous trial of Warren Hastings. Faizabad was the
capital of the first Nawabs of Oudh, but it was deserted by Asaf-ud-
daolah in A. D. 1775.

311. According to the RamAyana, the city of Ayodhya was found-
ed by Manu, the progenitor of all mankind. In the time of Dasara-
tha, the father of Rama, it was fortified with towers and gates, and sur-
rounded by a deep ditch. No traces of these works now remain, nor is it
likely indeed that any portion of the old city should still exist, as the
Ayodhya of Rama is said to have been destroyed after the death of
Vrihadbala in the great war about B. C. 1426, after which it lay
deserted until the time of Vikramaditya. According to popular tra-
dition this Vikramaditya was the famous Sakari Prince of Ujain, but
as the Hindus of the present day attribute the acts of all Vikramas to
this one only, their opinion on the subject is utterly worthless. We
learn, however, from Hwen Thsang that a powerful Prince of this
name was reigning in the neighbouring city of Sravasti, just one hun-
dred years after Kanishka, or close to 79 A. D., which was the initial
year of the Sdka era of Sdélivéhana. As this Vikramaditya is represented
as hostile to the Buddhists, he must have been a zealous Brahmanist,
and to him therefore I would ascribe the rebuilding of Ayodhya and
the restoration of all the holy places referring to the history of Rama.
Tradition says that when Vikramaditya came to Ayodhya, he found
it utterly desolate and overgrown with jungle, but he was able to —
discover all the famous spots of Raéma’s history by measurements made —
from Lakshman Ghat on the Sarju, according to the statements of —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 243

ancient records. He is said to have erected 360 temples, on as many
different spots, sacred to Rdma and Sité his wife, to his brothers
Lakshmana, Bharata, and Satrughna, and to the monkey god Hanu-
man. ‘The number of 360 is also connected with Sdlvvdhana, as his
clansmen the Bais Rajputs assert that he had 360 wives.

312. There are several very holy Brahmanical temples about
Ajudhya, but they are all of modern date, and without any architec-
tural pretensions whatever. But there can be no doubt that most of
them occupy the sites of more ancient temples that were destroyed by
the Musalmans. Thus Rdmkot, or Hanuman Garhi, on the east side
of the city, is a small walled fort, surrounding a modern temple on the
top of an ancient mound. The name of Ramkot is certainly old, as
it is connected with the traditions of the Mani Parbat, which will be
hereafter mentioned ; but the temple of Hanuman is not older than
the time of Aurangzib. Ram Ghat, at the north-east corner of the
city, is said to be the spot where Rama bathed; and Swrgdwéari, or
Swargadwari, the “gate of Paradise,”’ on the north-west, is believed
to be the place where his body was burned. Within a few years ago
there was still standing here a very holy Banyan tree called Asok Bat,
or the “ griefless Banyan,’’ a name which was probably connected
with that of Swargadwéri, in the belief that people who died or were
burned at this spot were at once relieved from the necessity of future
births. Close by is the Lakshman Ghat, where his brother Lakshman
bathed, and about one-quarter of a mile distant, in the very heart of
the city, stands the Janam Asthdn, or “ Birth-place temple” of Rama.
Almost due west, and upwards of five miles distant is the Guptar Ghat,
with its group of modern white-washed temples. This is the place where

Lakshman is said to have disappeared, and hence its name of Guptdr
from Gupta, which means “hidden or concealed.” Some say that it
was Rama who disappeared at this place, but this is at variance with
the story of his cremation at Swargadwart.

313. The only remains at Ajudhya that appear to be of any anti-
quity, are three earthen mounds to the south of the city, and about a
quarter of a mile distant. These are called Wani-Parbat, Kuber-Parbat
and Sugrib-Parbat. The first, which is nearest to the city, is an artificial
mound, 65 feet in height, covered with broken bricks and blocks of
kankar, The old bricks are eleven inches square and three inches thick.

31

244 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

At 46 feet above the ground on the west side, there are the remains of
a curved wall faced with kankar blocks. The mass at this point is
about 40 feet thick, and this was probably somewhat less than the size
of the building which once crowned this-lofty mound. According to
the Brahmans the Mani-Parbat is one of the hills which the monkeys
made use of when assisting Rima. It was dropped here by Sugriva,
the monkey-king of Kishkindhya. But the common people, who
know nothing of this story, say that the mound was formed by the
labourers shaking their baskets on this spot every evening, on their
return home from the building of Ramkot. It is therefore best known
by the name of Jhowa-Jhdr or Ora Shar, both. of which mean “ basket-
shakings.” A similar story is told of the large mounds near Benares,
Nimsar, and other places.

314. Five hundred feet due south from the large mound stands the
second mound called Kuber-Parbat, which is only 28 feet in height-
The surface is an irregular heap of brick rubbish, with numerous holes
made by the people in digging for bricks, which are of large size, 11
inches by 74 by 2. It is crowned by two old tamarind trees, and is
covered with jungle. Close by on the south-west there is a small
tank, called Ganes-Kund by the Hindus, and Husen Kund, or Imém
Talao, by the Musalmans, because their Yazias are annually deposited
in it. Still nearer on the south-east there is a large oblong mound
called Sugrib-Parbat, which is not more than 8 or 10 feet above the
ground level. It is divided into two distinct portions ; that to the north
being upwards of 300 feet square at top, and the other to the south
upwards of 200 feet. In the centre of the larger enclosure there is a
ruined mound containing bricks 84 inches square, and in the centre of
the smaller mound there is a well.

315. Between the Jani and Kuber mounds there is a small
Muhammadan enclosure, 64 feet long from east to west and 47 feet
broad, containing two brick tombs, which are attributed to Sis Pav-
ghambar and Ayub Paighambar, or the “prophets Seth and Job.”
The first is 17 feet long, and the other 12 feet. These tombs are
mentioned by Abul Fazl, who says, “ Near this city are two sepulchral
monuments, one 7 and the other 6 cubits in length. The vulgar
pretend that they are the tombs of Seth and Job, and they relate
wonderful stories of them,’ This account shows that since the time

'

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 245

of Akbar, the tomb of Seth must have increased in length from 7
cubits, or 10% feet, to 17 feet through the frequent repairs of pious
Musalmans.

316. The mounds are surrounded by Musalman tombs, and as it is
the Muhammadan practice to bury the dead along the sides of the
high roads close to their cities, I infer that the road which now runs
close to the westward of the mounds, is one of the ancient highways
of the district. This is confirmed by the existence of an old masonry
bridge of three arches over the Zilahc nala, to the north-west of the
Mani-Parbat, as well as by the direction of the road itself, which leads
from the south-end of the city straight to the Bharat-kund, and on-
wards to Sultanpur or Kusapura, and Allahabad or Prayiga. I notice
this road thus minutely, because the identifications which I am about
to propose are based partly on its position and direction, as well as on
the general agreement of the existing remains with the holy places
described by. the Chinese pilgrims.

317. According to Fa Hian, the place where Buddha planted the
holy tree was to the east of the road, on issuing from the town by the
southern gate. Hwen Thsang’s account agrees with this exactly, in
placing the “extraordinary tree’’ to the south of the Capital and to
the left of the route. This tree was the celebrated “ tooth-brush” or
twig used in#cleaning the teeth, which having been cast away by
Buddha, took root and grew to between 6 and 7 feet in height. Now,
it will be observed that the ruined mounds that still exist, as well as
the tombs of Seth and Job, are tothe south of the city and to the east
or Jeft of the road. The position therefore is unmistakably the same
as that described by the Chinese pilgrims, and as the actual state of
the ruins agrees well with the details given by Hwen Thsang, I think
that there can be no reasonable doubt of their identity.

318. Hwen Thsang describes the city of Visékha as being 16 hi,
or 22 miles in circuit. In his time therefore the capital of Rama was
not more than half of its present size, although it probably contained

a greater population, as not above one-third, or even perhaps less, of
the present town is inhabited. The old city then possessed no less
than twenty monasteries, with three thousand monks, and about fifty

Brahmanical temples, with a very large Brahmanical population.
From this account we learn that, so early as the 7th century, more than

246 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

three hundred of the original temples of Vikramaditya had already
disappeared, and we may therefore reasonably infer that the city had
been gradually declining for some time previously. The Buddhist
monuments, however, would appear to have been in good order, and
the monks were just as numerous as in the eminently Buddhist city
of Benares.

319. The first monument described by Hwen Thsang is a great
monastery without name, but as it was the only notable monastery, it
was most probably either the Kdlakdrdma of Saketa, or the Purvvd-
vdma, both of which are mentioned in the Ceylonese Mahawanso.
The monks were of the school of the Sammateyas, and their monastery
was famous for having produced three of the most eminent Buddhist
controversialists. This monastery I would identify with the Sugrzb
Parbat, which I have already described as being about 500 feet long by
800 feet broad. The great size and rectangular form of this ruin are
sufficient to show that it must have been a monastery,. but this is
placed beyond all doubt by the existence of an interior well and by the
remains of cloistered rooms forming the four sides of the enclosure.
Its position to the south of the city, and to the east or left of the road,
has already been specially noticed as agreeing with the recorded posi-
tion of the monastery.

820. Beside the monastery there was a stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet
in height, built on the spot where Buddha preached the law during
his six years’ residence at Siketa. This monument I would identify
with the Mani-Parbat, which is still 65 feet in height, and which
with its masonry facing must once have been at least as high again,
and with the usual lofty pinnacle of metal may easily have reached a
height of 200 feet. wen Thsang ascribes the erection of this monu-
ment to Asoka, and I see no reason to question the accuracy of his
statement, as the mixed structure of half earth and half masonry must
undoubtedly be very ancient. The earliest stwpas, or topes, were
simple earthen mounds or barrows, similar to those that still exist in
England. There are many of these barrows still standing at Lawriya-
Navandgarh to the north of Bettiya, but this is the only place where
T have yet seen them. They are undoubtedly the most ancient monu-

ments of the Indian population, and I firmly believe that even the
very latest of them cannot be assigned to a lower date than the fifth

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 247

century before Christ. I base this belief on the known fact that all
the monuments of Asoka’s age, whether described by Hwen Thsang,
or actually opened by myself near Bhilsa, are either of stone or brick.
The earthen barrows are therefore of aff earlier age; but such as are
Buddhist cannot possibly be earlier than the beginning of the fifth
century before Christ. In the case of the Mani-Parbat at Ajudhya I
infer that the earthen barrow, or lower portion, may belong to the
earlier ages of Buddhism, and that the masonry or upper portion was
added by Asoka. At the foot of the mound I picked up a broken
brick with the letter sh, of the oldest form, stamped upon it; but as
this is almost certainly of later date than Asoka, it most probably did
not belong to the Mani-Parbat building.

321. Hwen Thsang next describes the sites of the tooth-brush tree
and of the monument where the four previous Buddhas used to sit and
to take exercise, as being close to the great stwpa. These places I
would identify with the court-yard containing the tombs of Seth and
Job, which touches the south side of the Mani-Parbat. The two
tombs I take to be the remains of the seats of the four previous Bud-
dhas, and the paved court-yard to be the scene of their daily walks,
although I was unable to trace their foot-marks, which were seen by
the Chinese pilgrim.

322. The last monument described by Hwen Thsang is a stupa
containing the hair and nails of Buddha. This was surrounded by a
number of smaller monuments which seemed to touch one another,
and by several tanks which reflected the sacred buildings in their
limpid waters. The stwpa I would identify with the Kuber-Parbat,
which touches the south side of the enclosure round the tombs of Seth

and Job, and is close to the west side of the ruined monastery. One

of the tanks described by the pilgrim may be the Ganes-Kund, which
has already been noticed; but all the smaller monuments have dis-

appeared long ago, as they afforded cheap and ready materials for the
construction of the numerous Muhammadan tombs, as well as of the
neighbouring bridge and mosque. Ii I am right in my identification
of this mound as the remains of the stwpa containing the hair and nails
of Buddha, I think that an excavation in the centre of the mound
might perhaps verily the aceuracy of my conclusions.

823. The people are unanimous in their assertion that the old city

248 Report of the Archeolugical Survey. [No. 4,

to the north of these mounds was called Bareta. Ayodhya, or Ajudhya,
they say, was the capital of Rama, but the later city was called Bareta.
As this name has no similarity either to Sdketa or Visdkha, I can only
set it down as another appellation of the old town, for which we have
no authority but tradition. I was disappointed, when at Ajudhya, in
not hearing even the most distant allusion to the legend of the tooth-
brush tree of Buddha, but the tradition still exists, as I heard of it
quite unexpectedly at two different places immediately afterwards,
first at Hatila, distant 15 miles, and next at Gonda, 29 miles to the
north of Ajudhya.

XIX.—HATILA, OR ASOKPUR.

324. The ancient territory of Ayodhya was divided by the Sarju
or Ghdghra River into two great provinces; that to the north being
called Uttara Kosala, and that to the south Banaodha. Hach of
these was again subdivided into two districts. In Banaodha these
are called Pachham-rdt and Purab-rdét, or the western and eastern
districts, with reference to their bearing from Ajudhya; and in Uttara
Kosala they are Gauda (vulgarly Gonda) to the south of the Rapti,
and Kosala to the north of the Rapti, or Rawati, as it is universally
called in Oudh. Some of these names are found in the Puranas; thus
in the Vayu Purana, Lava, the son of Rama, is said to have reigned
in Uttara Kosala; but in the Matsya, Singa, and Kurma Purans,
Srdvasti is stated to be in Gauda. These apparent discrepancies are
satisfactorily explained when we learn that Gauda is only a sub-divi-
sion of Uttara Kosala, and that the ruins of Sravasti have actually
been discovered in the district of Gauda, which is the Gonda of the
maps. The extent of Gauda is also proved by the old name of Bal-
rampur on the Rapti, which was formerly Ramyarh Gauda. I pre- —
sume therefore that both the Gauda Brahmans and the Gauda Tagas
must have belonged to this district originally, and not to the medieval
city of Gauda in Bengal. Brahmans of this name are still numerous
in Ajudhya and Jahangirabad, on the right bank of the Ghaghra River
in Gonda, Pakhapur, and Jaisni of the Gonda district, and in many
parts of the neighbouring province of Gorakhpur.

325. The small village of Hdtila derives its name from the sister’s
son of Sayid Salar. The old Hindu name was Asokpur, so called

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 249

from a large temple of Asoknath Mahadeo. Hatila was killed in an
assault on the temple, and his tomb, a low domed building only 20
feet square, is still much frequented as the shrine of a Ghazz, or martyr
for the faith. It is built entirely of large bricks from the ruins of the old
temple of Asokndth. The remains consist of a low mound, 700 feet long
by 500 feet broad, with three prominent masses of ruin on the north side.
I made an excavation in the north-west ruin near the base of a large
Malwa tree, but without any result, as a small Muhammadan tomb on
the top prevented me from digging in the centre. But the coolies 4
employed on the work voluntarily informed me that the Mahwa tree
had been the “tooth-brush” of a Raja who stuck it in the ground and
it grew to be a tree. From this tradition, which also exists at Gonda,
T infer that it was usual to make cuttings and to take seeds from the
famous danta-dhdwan or “ tooth-brush tree” of Saketa for distribution
to religious establishments, just as cuttings from the Bodhi tree at
Gaya were made for the same purpose. Both Fa Hian and Hwen
Thsang agree in stating that the Danta-dhdwan of Saketa was only
seven feet high, and that it never grew any higher, which would seem
to show that it was only a small tree or shrub; and this indeed is
actually the case with the Datton, or “tooth-brush tree’ of Gonda,
which is a Chilbi/, or shrub eaten by goats, that never exceeds 8 or 10
feet. I conclude therefore that the original tooth-brush tree of Hatila
has disappeared, and that the name has been applied to the Mahwa,
which is the only tree now remaining on the mound.

326. The north-east mound is a mere undistinguishable mass of
broken bricks, but the central mound is still covered with the ruins of
the temple of Asoknith Mahadeo, containing a large broken lingam.
Portions of the brick walls, which still remain, show that the temple
was only 12 feet square; but the whole has been lifted up by the
roots of a gigantic Pipal tree, which still hold the bricks together by
their interlacings. These remains attracted the attention of Buchanan

ee ee ee

Hamilton during his survey of Gorakhpur, who remarks that “a wild
fig tree having taken root on the linga will soon cover it.” This
actually took place, and the linga was almost completely hidden by
the matted roots of the Pipal, until the tree was cut down by the
Tahsildar of the neighbouring village of Vazirganj in A. D. 1862. As
the cut stem of the Pipal shows 849 annual rings, the tree must have

SPST ELL Pere NT am Le

250 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

been planted in A. D. 1013, during the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni.
This indeed is about the date of the temple itself, which is said to
have been built by Suhri-dal, Raja of Asokpur, and the antagonist
of Sayid Salar. The Raja is also called Suhal-dhar, Sohil-dal, and
Sohil Deo, and is variously said to have been a Thdéru, a Bhar, a Kéla-
hansa, or a Bais Rajput. The majority, however, is in favour of his
having been a Thdru. The mound with the Mahwa tree is called
Raja Sohil-dal-ka-khalanga or “ Sohil-dal’s seat.” His city of Asok-
pur is said to have extended to Dumariya-Dih, 2 kos to the north,
and to Sareya-Dth, half a kos to the south of the temple. At both of
these places there are old brick-covered mounds, in which several
hundreds of coins have been lately found. Most of the coins belong
to the early Musalman Kings of Delhi, the Ghoris and Khiljis; but
there were also a few Hindoo coins, in base silver and copper, with
the Boar incarnation of Vishnu on one side, and the legend of Sri-mad-
Adi-Vardha on the reverse in medieval characters. As these coins
are referred to by name, in an inscription of A. D. 920, as Sri-mad-
Adi-Varaha drammas, or “ Boar incarnation drachmas,” the mounds
in which they have been discovered must be of still earlier date.

Tradition gives the genealogy of the Tharu Rajas of Gauda as |

follows :—
A. D. 900 1 Mora-dhaj, or Mayura-dhwaja.
925 2 Hans-dhaj, or Hansa-dhwaja.
950 3 Makar-dhaj, or Makara-dhwaja.
975 4 Sudhanwa-dhaj.

1000 5 Suhridal-dhaj, contemporary of Mahmud.
I give this genealogy with the probable dates, as it may per-
haps be of use hereafter in fixing the age of other Princes and their
works.

XX.—SAHET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTI.

327. The position of the famous city of Srdvastz, one of the most
celebrated places in the annals of Buddhism, has long puzzled our best
scholars. This was owing partly to the contradictory statements of
the Chinese pilgrims themselves, and partly to the want of a good

map of the Province of Oudh. In para. 304 of this report I have —

compared the bearings and distances recorded by Fa Hian and Hwen

SOAS Rh Ng TOY ee eeaee ieee

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 251

Thsang with those preserved in the Buddhist annals of Ceylon, and I
have shown conclusively that Fa Hian’s distance from Sankisa and
his bearing from Shachi or Sdket are both erroneous. We know from
Hwen Thsang and the Buddhist books of Ceylon, that Srdvastv was
to the north of Sahet or Ayodhya, or in other words that it was in the
district of Gauda, or Uttara Kosala, which is confirmed by the state-
ments of no less than four of the Brahmanical Puranas. As Fa Lian
also says that Shewei or Sewet was in Kosala, there can be no doubt
whatever that Sravasti must be looked for within a few days’ journey
to the northward of Sdket or Ayodhya. According to Fa Hian the dis-
tance was 8 Yojanas, or 56 miles, which is increased by Hwen Thsang
to 500 li, or 83 miles. But as the latter pilgrim reduced the Indian
Yojana to Chinese measure at the rate of 40 per Yojana, we may
correct his distance by the nearest round number of 350 li or 58 miles,
to bring it into accordance with the other. Now, as this is the exact
distance from Ajudhya of the great ruined city on the south bank
of the Rapti, called Sdhel-Mdhet, in which I discovered a colossal
statue of Buddha, with an inscription containing the name of Sravasti
itself, I have no hesitation in correcting Hwen 'Thsang’s distance from
500 li to 350 li as proposed above.

828. The ruined city of Sahet-Mahetis situated between Akaona and
Balrémpur, at 5 miles from the former and 12 miles from the latter, and
at nearly equi-distances from Bahraich and Gonda. In shape it is an
almost semi-circular crescent, with its diameter of one mile and a third
in length curved inwards and facing the north-east, along the old bank
of the Rapti River. The western front, which runs due north and
south for three-quarters of a mile, is the only straight portion of the
enclosure. ‘he ramparts vary considerably in height; those to the
west being from 35 to 40 feet in height, while those on the south and
east are not more than 25 or 30 feet. The highest point is the great
north-west bastion, which is 50 feet above the fields. ‘The north-east
face, or shorter curve of the crescent was defended by the Rapti, which
still flows down its old bed during the annual floods. The Jand ram-
parts on the longer curve of the crescent must once have been defended
by a ditch, the remains of which yet exist as a swamp, nearly half a
mile in length, at the south-west corner. Everywhere the ramparts
are covered with fragments of brick, of the large size peculiar to very
32

252 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

ancient cities; and though I was unable to trace any remains of walls
except in one place, yet the very presence of the bricks is quite suffi-
cient to show that the earthen ramparts must once have been crowned
by brick parapets and battlements. The portion of the parapet wall,
which I discovered still standing in the middle of the river face, was
10 feet thick. The whole circuit of the old earthen ramparts, accord-
ing to my survey, is 17,300 feet, or upwards of 34 miles. Now this
is the exact size of 20 li or 34 miles which Hwen Thsang gives to the
palace alone ; but, as the city was then deserted and in ruins, he must
have mistaken the city itself for the palace. It is certain at least
that the suburbs outside the walls must have been very limited indeed,
as the place is almost entirely surrounded with the remains of large
religious buildings, which would have left but little room for any
private dwellings. I am therefore quite satisfied that the city has
been mistaken for the palace; and this mistake is sufficient to show
how utterly ruined this once famous city must have been at so distant
a period as the 7th century, when the place was visited by Hwen
Thsang. As Fa Hian describes the population as already very incon-
siderable in A. D. 400, while the Ceylonese annals speak of Khira-
dhara, King of Sawatthipura between A. D. 275 and 302, the great
decline of Sravasti must have taken place during the 4th century, and
we may perhaps not be far wrong in connecting it with the fall of the
Gupta Dynasty in A. D. 319.

329. Srdvasti is said to have been built by Raja Sravasta, the son
of Yuvandswa of the Solar race, and the tenth in descent from Surya
himself. Its foundation therefore reaches to the fabulous ages of
Indian history, long anterior to Rama. During this early period it
most probably formed part of the kingdom of Ayodhya, as the Vayu
Purana assigns it to Lava, the son of Rama. When Sravasti next
appears in history, in the time of Buddha, it was the Capital of
King Prasenajit, the son of Maha Kosala. The King became a con-
vert to the new faith, and during the rest of his life he was the firm
friend and protector of Buddha. But his son Virudhaka hated the
race of the Sakyas, and his invasion of their country and subsequent
massacre of 500 Sakya maidens, who had been selected for his harem,
brought forth the famous prediction of Buddha, that within seven days
the King would be consumed by fire. As the story has been preserved —

1865.] ' Report of the Archeological Survey. 253

by Buddhists, the prediction was of course fulfilled, and upwards of 11
centuries afterwards, the tank in which the King had sought to avoid
the flames was pointed out to the credulous Hwen Thsang.

330. We hear nothing more of Sravasti until one century after
Kanishka, or five centuries after Buddha, when, according to Hwen
Thsang, Vikramaditya, King of Sravasti, became a persecutor of Bud-
dhists, and the famous Manorhita, author of the Vibhdsha Sdstra, being
worsted in argument by the Brahmans, put himself to death. During
the reign of his successor, whose name is not given, the Brahmans
were overcome by Vasubandhu, the eminent disciple of Manorlita.
The probable date of these two Kings may be set down as ranging
from A. D. 79 to 120. For the next two centuries Srdvasti would
seem to have been under the rule of its own Kings, as we find Khira-
dhéra and his nephew mentioned as Rajas between A. D. 275 and 319.
But there can be little doubt that during the whole of this time Sra-
vasti was only a dependency of the powerful Gupta Dynasty of Ma-
gadha, as the neighbouring city of Saketa is specially said to have
belonged to them. ‘Princes of the Gupta race,” says the Vayu
Purana, “ will possess all those countries; the banks of the Ganges to
Prayiga, and Saketa, and Magadha.” From this time Srivasti
gradually declined. In A. D. 400 it contained only 200 families; in
A. D. 632 it was completely deserted: and at the present day the
whole area of the city, excepting only a few clearances near the gate-
ways, is a mass of almost impenetrable jungle.

331. Before attempting to identify the existing remains of Séhet-
Méhet with the famous monuments of Sravasti, it will be as well to
compare and reconcile the few discrepant statements of the Chinese
pilgrims, so that the description of the holy places may not be inter-
rupted by discussion. Of these discrepancies perhaps the most notable
is the difference in the name of the city itself, which Fa Hian gives as
She-wei, while Hwen Thsang writes it, as correctly as it is possible to
do in Chinese syllables, She-lo-/a-sité, or Sravasti. But this difference
is more apparent than real, as there can be little doubt that She-wez
is only a slight alteration of the abbreviated Pali form of Sewet for
Sdwatthi, which is found in most of the Ceylonese books. Similarly
the modern name of Séhet is evidently only a variation of the Pali Sdwet.
The other name of Mdhet I am unable to explain, but it is perhaps

254 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4

only the usual rhyming addition of which the Hindus are so fond, as
in ulta pulta, or “topsy-turvy,” which many of the people say is the
true meaning of Sdhet-Mdéhet, in allusion to the utter ruin of the whole
place. But some say that the name was originally Set-met, and as
this form seems to be only a corruption of Sewet, it is probable that
Sahet-mahet or Sdhet-mdhet, is simply a lengthened pronunciation of
Set-met. One man alone, and he, strange to say, was the Musalman
in charge of the tomb of Pir-Bardna close to the ruined city, affirmed
that the true name was Sdvitri, which is so close to the correct Pali
form of Sawatthi as to leave but little doubt that it preserves the
original name of the place.

332. The next point of difference is the distance of the celebrated
monastery of Jetavana from the south gate of the city. According to
Fa Hian this was 1,200 paces, or about half a mile, which is increased
by Hwen Thsang to 5 or 6 lx, or nearly one mile. But as the only
mass of ruins which can possibly be identified with the Jetavana is
exactly half a mile from the nearest opening in the south rampart of
the old city, there is clearly some mistake in the distance given by
Hwen Thsang, unless we may suppose him to have approached the
monastery by a somewhat longer route through the multitude of holy
places, of which the remains still exist to the east of the Jetavana
ruins. By this route the distance would be increased to three-quarters
of a mile, or 44 lv, which is sufficiently close to the number given by
Hwen Thsang.

333. A third discrepancy is contained in the statement of Fa Hian
that ‘the town has two gates, one facing the east and the other the
north,”’ when we know that it had a south gate by which both himself
and Hwen Thsang had issued from the city, when on their way to the
Jetavana monastery. Perhaps Fa Hian intended to say that “ besides
the south gate, the city had two other gates, one to the east and one
to the south.” But as it is scarcely credible that a city which was 34
miles in circuit should have possessed only three gates, I think that
we may understand that the statements refer only to the principal
entrances, and that there were at least as many more smaller gates, or
wickets, corresponding with the present openings in the ramparts.

334. Both pilgrims begin their account of Srdvasti at the old
palace of King Prasengjita, and as both, after describing the surround-

-

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 255

ing buildings, leave the city by the south gate, it is certain that the
palace was inside the city. Its exact position I was unable to deter-
mine, as the greater part of the interior is covered with dense jungle:
but as the east half is comparatively clear, and the jungle low, I was
able to satisfy myself that no large building had ever existed in this
part, and consequently that the palace must have been in the west half
of the city. This conclusion is confirmed by the position of the two
Stupas of Sudatta and the Anguli-malyas, which Hwen Thsang places
to the east of the palace, for as the only existing mounds that can be
indentified with these Stwpas are near the middle of the river face of
the city, the palace must have been to the west of them, and therefore
in the west half of the city.

335. ‘The two principal places inside the city which are mentioned
by both pilgrims as being to the east of the palace, were the dwelling-
house and Stwpa of Sudatta, the builder of the Jetavana, and the great
Stupa of the Anguli-malyas. These Stupas I have already identified with
the two existing mounds near the middle of the river face of the ram-
parts. The smaller one, which is about 25 feet in height, corresponds
with the Stwpa of Sudatta, and the larger one, which is 35 feet in
height, with the other Stwpa, which is particularly stated to have been
alarge one. The Anguli-mdlyas were the followers of a particular
sect which was established by a converted brigand who had received
the name of Anguli-mdla or “finger garland,” from his practice of
cutting off the fingers of his victims to form a garland which he wore
round his neck.

336. On leaving the city by the south gate, both pilgrims went at
once to the great monastery of Jeéavana, which was one of the eight
most celebrated Buddhist buildings in India. It was erected*during the
lifetime of Buddha by Sudatta, the minister of King Prasenajita, and
it received its name of Jetavana, or “ Jeta’s garden,”’ because the garden
in which it was built had been purchased from Prince Jeta. The story
of the building is given by Hardy from the Ceylonese annals. Accord-
ing to these, the prince, who was unwilling to part with his garden,
demanded as its price as many gold maswrans as would cover it, which
Sudatta at once promised. When the garden was cleared, and all the trees,
except Sandal and Mango, were cut down, the money was brought and
spread out over the ground until the whole was covered, when the sum

256 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

was found to be 18 Kotis, or 180 millions of maswrans. The garden
is said to have been 1,000 cubits in length and the same in breadth,
or 4,000 cubits in circuit. Extravagant as the sum may seem, it is
still too small to have covered the garden, if we are to take Mr. Hardy’s
cubits at 18 inches, as each maswran would be one inch and eight-
tenths in length and breadth, which is about three times the size of
the old Indian silver coins. Unfortunately the dimensions of the
Jetavana are not stated either by Fa Hian or Hwen Thsang; but the
ruined mound of the monastery still exists, and its dimensions do not
exceed 1,000 feet in length by 700 feet in breadth. Now, it is curious
that these numbers give an area which is only one-third of the size of
that recorded in the Ceylonese annals, and which therefore would be
exactly covered by 180 millions of old Indian silver coins, allowing
rather more than half an inch for the length and breadth of each coin.
The amount said to have been paid for the garden is of course only
the usual extravagant style of Indian exaggeration, for the sum of 18
kotis, even if taken at the lowest value of gold as ten times that
of silver, would be equal to 45 krors of Rupees or 45 millions
sterling.

337. The Jetavana is described in the Ceylonese annals as consist-
ing of a central vihdr, or temple, with surrounding houses for priests,
rooms for day and night, an ambulatory, tanks, and gardens of fruit
and flower trees, and around the whole a wall 18 cubits in height.
According to this description the Jetavana must have included not
only the great ruined mound now called Jogini-baria, but all the ruins
to the east and north of it, unless it extended to the westward, where
there are no remains at present existing. But as I can show that most
of the ruins to the east correspond with the descriptions which Fa
Hian and Hwen Thsang have given of many of the holy places out-
side the Jetavana, it is certain that the original monastery must have
been confined to the Jogini-Baria only, and that the other buildings,
with the tanks and gardens, were outside the walls of the Jetavana
itself, although it is most probable that many of thom were connected
together by different enclosing walls. When the Jetavana was com-
pleted by Sudatta, the Prince Jeta expended the whole of his purchase —
money in adding a palace, seven stories in height, to each of the four

sides of the garden, It is probably to these palaces that Fa Hian

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 257

refers when he states that “the temple of Shi-hwan (read Shi-to hwan,”
or Jetavana) “had originally seven stories. Canopies and streamers
were hung up, flowers were scattered, perfumes burned, lanterns sup-
plied the place of day, and even in day time were never extinguished.
A rat having taken into its mouth the wick of one of these lanterns,
set fire to the flags and to the drapery of the pavilions, and the seven
stories of the temple were utterly consumed.” ‘This occurred some
time before A. D. 400, as Fa Hian adds that “they reconstructed the
temple, and when they had completed the second story, they installed
the statue in its former place.” From this account I infer, though
somewhat doubtfully, that the new temple was not more than two
stories in height. I conclude also that the place_was already on the
decline, as a little more than two centuries later, when visited by Hwen
Thsang, it was found utterly ruined and deserted.

338. The great mound of ruins, which I propose to identify with
the Jetavana, is situated just halfa mile distant from the south-west
corner of the old city. It is rectangular in form, being 1,000 feet
léng from north-east to south-west, and 700 feet broad. It is worth
noting, as it is most probably not accidental, that the central line of the
rectangle falls upon a lofty mound, inside the south-west angle of the
city, called Sobhndth, which, according to some, is a name of Mahadeva.

The shape of the monastery is defined by a gentle rise all round the

edge of the mound, which I take to represent the ruins of the monks’

cells that once formed the surrounding walls of the enclosure. The
highest part, which is the south side, is not more than 12 feet above
the neighbouring ground, while the other sides are not more than eight
or ten feet. But the whole area was so thickly covered with jungle,
that I found it difficult to take even a few measurements. During
my stay at Sahet I cut pathways to all the ruined eminences within
the enclosure, and after clearing the jungle around them, I began an
excavation in each to ascertain the nature of the original building.
With the largest mound, which was near the south end of the central
line of the enclosure, I was unsuccessful. It was 15 feet in height,
and looked the most promising of all, but I found nothing but earth
and broken bricks, although I was assured by the people that numbers
of large bricks had been carried away from it at different times. Both
from its size and position, I am inclined to look upon this mound as

258 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

the remains of the original temple of the Jetavana. In a lower mound,
close by to the west, my excavations disclosed the walls of a small
temple, not quite 63 feet square inside, with a doorway to the north
and the remains of a semi-circular brick pedestal against the south
wall. The walls were upwards of three feet thick, but the whole
building was only a little more than 13 feet square, from which, taking
the altitude at three and a half times the side, I conclude that the
temple could not have exceeded 46 feet in height.

339. Near this temple there are three brick wells: the largest to
the north is octagonal above, with a side of 43 feet, and circular below
at a depth of 12 feet. The second, to the south, which is circular, is
only 33% feet in diameter; and the third, still farther to the south, is
also circular, with a diameter of 6$ feet. It is curious that all these
wells, which are the only ones known to the people, are in the south-
west corner of the enclosure,

840. A third mound, near the north end of the central line of the
enclosure, gave promise of a better result than the others, as a previous
excavation had disclosed the head and shoulders of a colossal figure,
which from its curly hair and long split ears I knew to be that of
Buddha. I was assured, however, that the Jains, who come annually
to Sahet in great nnmbers during the months of Magh and Baisakh
look upon the statue as belonging to themselves. But my experience
having taught me that Jains are no more particular than Brahmans as
to the figures that they worship, I began to dig in the certain expecta-
tion of finding a very old Buddhist statue, and with a strong hope of
discovering some inscription on its pedestal that might perhaps be of
value in determining the name and probable date of these long deserted
ruins. After a few hours’ work the four walls of the temple were
brought to light, and the figure was seen to be leaning against the
back wall. The interior was only 7? feet square, but the walls were
upwards of 4 feet thick, with a projection of 6 inches in the middle of
each face. The front wall to the east was thicker than the rest by one
foot, which was the breadth of the jamb of the doorway. The extreme
outside dimensions were 19 feet by 18 feet, which would give a pro-
bable height of between 60 and 70 feet. As the excavation proceeded,
it was seen that the statue was a standing figure which had been bro-
ken off a few inches above the ancles by the fall of the temple. After

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 259

the figure was removed with much difficulty, on account of its great —
weight, and the floor of the temple had been cleared, it was seen that
the pedestal of the statue was still standing erect in its original posi-
tion. The floor was paved with large stones, and immediately in front
of the pedestal there was a long flat slab 3? feet by 14 foot, with a
pair of hollow foot-marks in the centre and two sunken panels on each
side. At the back of the incised feet towards the pedestal there was a
rough hollow, 34 feet long by 4 inches broad, which, judging from
what I have seen in Barma, must once have held a long stone or metal
frame for the reception of lights in front of the statue. But all this
arrangement was certainly of later date than the statue itself, for on
opening up the floor it was found that the Buddha-pad slab concealed
the lower two lines of an inscription, which fortunately had been thus
preserved from injury, while the third or uppermost line had been al-
most entirely destroyed.

841. The statue is a colossal standing figure of Buddha the
Teacher, 7 feet 4 inches in height. His left hand rests on his hip, and
his right hand is raised in the act of teaching. The right shoulder is
bare as in all Buddhist figures, and there is the usual aureole or nimbus
round the head ; close to the neck there are two small holes cut through
the nimbus which, being larger in front than behind, were evidently
intended for metal cramps to fix the statue to the wall. Unfortu-
nately the head is broken, as well as both arms, but the body of the
figure is uninjured. The attitude is stiff and restrained, the two feet
being exactly in the same position and somewhat too far apart. The
statue is of spotted red sandstone, such as is found in the quarries near
Mathura and Fatehpur Sikri; and as we know from recent discoveries
that the sculptor’s art was in a very flourishing state at Mathura dur-
ing the first centuries of the Christian era, I feel satisfied that the
Srdvasti colossus must have been brought from that city. The inscrip-
tion is imperfect at the beginning, just where it must have contained
the date. It now opens with the figure 10 and some unit of the

- Gupta numerals, which must be the day of the month, and then fol-
low the words etaye purvvaye, which, as Professor Dowson has shown,

must mean “ on this happy occasion,” or some equivalent expression.
Then come the names of the donors of the statue, three mendicant
monks named Pushpa, Siddhya-Mihira, and Bala-Trepitaka. Next
33

260 Report of the Archeological Survey. — - [No. 4,

follow the title of Bodhisatwa, the name of the place, Sdvastz, and the
name of Buddha as Bhagavata. The inscription closes with the state-
ment that the statue is the ‘accepted gift of the Sarvastedina teachers
of the Kosamba hall.” Judging from the old shapes of some of the
letters in this record, the age of the statue may be fixed with some
certainty as not later than the first century of the Christian era. The
characters are exactly the same as those of the Mathura inscriptions,
which, without doubt, belong to the very beginning of the Christian era ;
and as the Sravasti statue was in all probability executed at Mathura,
the correspondence of the lapidary characters shows that the inscriptions
must belong to the same period. As there is no mention of this
statue in Fa Hian’s narrative, I conclude that the temple in which it
stood must have fallen down in the great conflagration which destroyed
the seven-storied pavilions. But the account of Fa Hian is not very
intelligible. He states that the original image of Buddha was “ the
head of an ox carved in sandal-wood ;’’ that on Buddha’s approach
the statue “rose and went to meet him” and that when Buddha said,
** Return and be seated,” the statue “returned and sat down.” The
origin of this rather puzzling account must, I believe, be traced to a
mistake, either of Fa Hian himself, or of his translator. In Sanskrit,
Gosirsha or “ Bull’s head,” is the name of the most fragrant kind of
sandal-wood, and as we know that the famous early statue of Buddha
at Kosambi was made of this very wood, it is natural to conclude that
the earliest statue at Sravasti may have been made of the same mate-
rial. As this is the only figure of Buddha noticed by Fa Hian, I infer
that the colossal stone figure which I discovered must have been buried
beneath the ruins of its own temple some time before A. D. 400, and
most probably therefore during the great fire which destroyed the
whole monastery. It was concealed also at the time of Hwen Thsang’s
visit, in A. D. 632, as he specially mentions that the only temple then
standing amidst the ruins of the monastery was a small brick house
containing a statue of Buddha in sandal-wood. The statue now dis-
covered was therefore not visible in his time.

342. Both pilgrims agree in stating that the gate of the monastery
was on the east side, and although I was unable to find any certain
trace of an opening, I am quite satisfied that the gate must have been —
on the east, as all the existing ruins are on that side. On issuing

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 261

from the gate the first monuments noticed by both pilgrims are two lofty
stone pillars, ene on each side of the road. Hwen Thsang says that
they had been erected by Asoka, that they were 70 feet high, and that
the left column was crowned by a cupola or dome, and the other by an
elephant. But Fa Hian, on the contrary, describes these figures as a
wheel and an ox. I feel satisfied that Fa Hian is right as to the first,
as the wheel is frequently represented in the Sanchi sculptures as
crowning the capitals of columns, and we know that it was also used
as a type of Buddha himself as the Chakravartti Raja, or King who
“turned the wheel” of the law, or in other words who made religion
advance. With regard to the animal that crownéd the other pillar I
am unable to offer any remark, except the obvious explanation that
the trunk of the elephant must have been broken off before the time
of Fa Hian, otherwise it is impossible to conceive how he could have
mistaken the figure for that of an ox. But this discrepancy in the
accounts of the two pilgrims is the best argument that I can offer for
the mistake which I believe them both to have made regarding the
animal that crowned the Sankisa pillar, as noticed in para. 247 of this
Report. There are no remains of these pillars, but there are two
slight eminences only 300 feet distant from the monastery which
may have been the basements on which the pillars stood, as the
pathway leading to the ruined mound on the east side runs between
them.

843. To the north-east of the monastery of Jetavana, and there-
fore to the north of the pillars, there was a Stwpa, built, on the spot
where Buddha had washed the hands and feet of a sick monk and
had cured his sickness. The remains of this Stwpa still exist in a
mass of solid brick-work, to the north of the presumed pillar base-
ments, and at a distance of 550 feet from the Jetavana monastery.
This ruined mass, which is 243 feet in height, is built entirely of
large bricks, 24 by 10 by 3} inches, which is a sufficient proof of its
antiquity. I made an excavation from the top, to a depth of 20 feet,
without any result save the verification of the fact that the ruin was a
mass of solid brick-work. e

344. To the east of the monastery, at a distance of 100 paces, or
250 feet, there was a large deep trench, which was said to be the spot
where the earth had opened and engulfed Devadatta, the cousin and

262 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

implacable enemy of Buddha. Fa Hian calls the distance only 70
paces, or less than 200 feet, in a northerly direction from the east gate
of the monastery. But as the two pillars and the Stwpa, which have
just been described, stood in the very position here indicated by Fa
Hian, it is certain that we must read “southerly.” The accuracy of
this correction is confirmed by the existence of a large deep tank with-
in 200 feet of the south-east corner of the ruined monastery, called
Bhuldnan. This tank is 600 feet long and 250 feet broad, and is now
filled with water. Close by, on the south side, there was another
great hollow, in which it was said that the mendicant monk Kukdli,
a disciple of Devadatta, had been swallowed up alive for calumniating
Buddha. This is represented by the Lambaha Tal, a long narrow
tank, only 200 feet to the south of the Devadatta gulf. The third great
fissure or hollow is described by Hwen Thsang as being at 800 paces,
or 2,000 feet, to the south of the second. According to the legend
this was the spot in which a Brahmani girl, named Chanehd, had been
engulfed alive for falsely accusing Buddha of incontinence. This
Chanché gulf is represented by a nameless deep tank, 600 feet long by
400 feet broad, which lies 2,200 feet to the south of the Kukali gulf.
The exact correspondence of position of these three tanks with the
three great fissures or gulfs of the Buddhist legends offers a very
strong confirmation of the correctness of identification of the Jogini-
baria mound with the great Jetavana monastery.

345. The pilgrims next describe a pair of temples of the same
dimensions, of which one was situated to the east and the other to the
west of the road, which should therefore be the main road that led
from the city towards the south. Hwen Thsang says that the first
temple was only 70 paces to the east of the monastery, while Fa Hian
places it at the same distance from the eastern gate, but towards the
north. The position of these temples is doubtful, as I was unable to
discover any remains in the immediate vicinity of the monastery that
corresponded with the description. There are, however, in another
position the remains of two temples, which answer the description so
accurately as to leave but little doubt that they must be the buildings
in question. The first, or west temple is described by both pilgrims
as containing a seated figure of Buddha, while the second or east —
temple belonged to the Brahmans. Both were 60 feet in height, and

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 263

“ shadow-covered,” because, as

the Brahmanical temple was called the
the credulous Buddhists asserted, it was covered by the shadow of
the Buddhist temple when the sun was in the west, while its own
shadow, when the sun was in the east, never covered the Buddhist
temple, but was always “‘ deflected to the north.” Now, the two ruins
which I would identify with these temples are situated to the east
and west of the road leading from the city, and due east and west
from each other. They correspond therefore exactly as to relative
position with each other; but instead of being only 70 paces, or 175
feet, from the monastery, the nearest is nearly 700 feet from the great
mound of ruins. It is highly probable, however, that the surrounding
walls of the monastery may have extended as far as the two stone
pillars on the east, in which case the nearest temple mound would be
within 250 feet of the walls, and the whole enclosure would then cor-
respond in size with the dimensions recorded in the Ceylonese annals.
As this increased size would also bring two tanks within the limits
of the monastery, which according to the Cingalese were actually
included within the walls, I feel inclined to adopt the larger measure-
ment of 1,000 cubits side, or 4,000 cubits circuit, as the true size of
the Great Jetavana Monastery.

346. To the north-west of the monastery Hwen Thsang placed a
well and a small Stwpa, which marked the spot where Maudgala-putra
tried in vain to unloose the girdle of Sdriputra. As the distance is
not mentioned, it may be inferred that the Stwpa was close by, and
therefore I would identify the site with that of the shrine of Pir-
Bardna in the small village of Husen Jot, which is within 700 feet
of the north-west corner of the monastery. Near the same place there
was also a Stupa of Asoka, and a stone pillar, which the King had
raised to note the spot where Buddha and his right-hand disciple
Sariputra had taken exercise and explained the law. I could find no
trace of any of these monuments, and I conclude that the Stwpas,
as usual, must have furnished materials for the erection of Pir-Bar-
dna’s shrine.

347. The situation of the next holy place, which Fa Hian calls
the “‘ Wood of the Recovered Hyes,” is fixed by both pilgrims at 4 li,
or two-thirds of a mile, to the north-west of the monastery. This
position is now represented exactly by the village of Rajgarh Gulariya,

~~~ pe sa . ‘ j

264 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

which is situated in the midst of a very large grove of trees. The
present grove is said to have been planted only two generations back,
but the trees about the village itself are of great age, and the name of
Gulariya points to some remarkable Gular tree as more ancient than
the village itself. The legend attached to this spot is sufficiently
marvellous. Five hundred brigands, having been blinded by order of
King Prasenajita, attracted the commiseration of Buddha, who re-
stored their sight. The five hundred men who had thus recovered
their eyesight, threw away their staves, or according to Fa Hian,
planted them in the ground, when they immediately took root, and
grew to be a large grove, which was called the ‘‘ Wood of the Recover-
ed Eyes.” The monks of Jefavana were in the habit of repairing to
this grove for exercise and meditation, and all the spots which holy
Buddhists had made famous by their meditations were marked by
inscriptions or by Stwpas. There is one small brick mound to the east
of the grove, but I could find no trace of any inscriptions, although
rewards were offered for even a single letter.

348. We now come to the second great monument of Srdvasti, the
celebrated Purvvdrdma, or “ Eastern Monastery,” which was built by
the lady Visdkhd, who has already been mentioned in my account of
Sahet. Fa Hian places this monument at 6 or 7 li, or rather more
than a mile, to the north-east of the Jetavana. But this bearing is cer-
tainly wrong, as it would carry us right into the middle of the old city.
I would therefore read “ south-east,” which is the direction of a very
large mound, called Ora-jhar, or “ Basket-shakings,” that is upwards
of a mile from the Jetavana. Hwen Thsang places the Vihdéra and
Stupa of Visdkha at more than 4 lz, or upwards of 3,500 feet, to the
east of the “‘ shadow-covered temple” of the Brahmans. Now, the
Ora-jhér mound is just 4,000 feet to the south-east of the ruined
mound, which I have already identified with the Brahmanical temple.
I am therefore quite satisfied that it is the remains of the great Vihdra
of the Purvudrdma, or Eastern Monastery. Hwen Thsang’s account
of this famous monastery is meagre; his whole description being
limited to the fact that “in this place Buddha overcame the Brahmans,
and received an invitation from a lady named Visékha.” Fa Hian’s
notice is equally brief. We must therefore turn to the Ceylonese
annals for an account of the lady and her works. According to them

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 265

Visikha was the daughter of Dhananja, a wealthy merchant of Sdket.
At 15 years of age she was married to Purnna-Vardhana, the son of
Migdra, a rich merchant of Srdvast:, and from that time her whole
life was spent in the observance of the religious rites of Buddhism.
She was the means of converting her father-in-law Migéra, and “ she
was called in consequence” Migdra-Mdatdwi, and became the mother
or chief of the Updsekawas, or female lay-disciples of Buddha. To-
wards the end of her career she determined to sell her wedding
ornaments to obtain funds for the erection of a Vihdra, “but there
was no one in Sewet who had wealth enough to purchase them. She
therefore bought a garden at the east side of the city, and expend-
ed iminense treasures in the erection of a Vihdra, which was called
Purvvdréma, or the Eastern Monastery, from the place in which it
stood.”

349. The great mound, now called Ora-jhdr, is a solid mass of
earth 70 feet in height, which was formerly crowned by a brick temple.
Within the last century a Musalman Fakir, who had lived under the
trees at the foot of the mound, was buried in a tomb on the very top
of it, which was built with the bricks of the ruin. Some years later
his successor was buried beside him, and their two tombs at present
preclude all hope of making any excavation from the top of the mound.
I cleared the north face completely, and the other three faces partially,
until I reached the paved brick flooring which surrounded the original
Buddhist temple, at a height of 55 feet above the ground. The wall
of the temple on the north face is only 20 feet long, and although I
failed to reach the other two corners of the building, I was satisfied
that it must have been square. Its height, at 3} times its side, would
not therefore have been more than 70 feet, but as its floor is 55 feet
above the ground, the total height of the temple would have been 125
feet. The wall ofthe north face is divided into four panels by pilasters
six inches thick. The bases of these pilasters, which are still very
perfect, are of the same style as those at Gaya and Baragaon in Bihar,
and of Manikyala and Shah Dheri in the Punjab. The style would
therefore seem to be one that was peculiar to early Buddhism. The
other faces of the temple I was unable to examine, as the foundations
of the Muhammadan tomb, which are only 24 feet above the broken
walls of the temple, project 16 feet beyond its east and west faces.

266 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

Unfortunately the doorway of the temple must have been towards the
east, as there are traces of steps at several places down the slope of
that side. There is an old well also amongst the trees on the east side
of the mound, but I could find no traces of cloisters for the resident
monks who ministered at the temple. The mound, however, is still
surrounded by fine trees, and there are two small tanks at the very
foot of it which would of course have been included within the limits
of the monastery.

350. The Stwpa mentioned by Hwen Thsang as belonging to the
Purvvarama may perhaps be represented by a small ruined mound
close to the north-east corner of the Ora-jhér. The mound is only 8
feet high, but an excavation which I made to the depth of 11 feet,
showed it to be made of solid bricks of large size, 12 by 9 by 3 inches.
It is 40 feet in diameter, and when complete, with its pinnacle, it must
have been about 50 or 60 feet in height. From its vicinity to the
Purvvarama I have little doubt that this is the Stwpa which Visdékha
built on the spot where Buddha had overcome the Brahmans in
argument.

351. The last place mentioned by the pilgrims is the spot where
King Virudhaka halted with his army to converse with Buddha, and
out of respect for the teacher gave up his expedition against the Sakyas,
and returned to his Capital. Hwen Thsang states that this famous
spot was close to the monastery of Visikha on the south side, while
Fa Hian says that it was 4 /, or two-thirds of a mile, to the south-
west of the city. The former is the more probable position, as it is
to the south-east and on the high road to Kapilanagara, the capital
of the Sakyas. Close by there was a Stwpa to ‘mark the spot where
500 Sakya maidens were afterwards massacred by Virudhaka for refus-
ing to enter his harem. Near the Stwpa there was a dry tank, or
gulf, in which Virudhaka had been swallowed up. According to the
legend, Buddha had predicted that Virudhaka would be destroyed
by fire within seven days after the massacre. When the seventh day
arrived, the King, accompanied by his women, proceeded gaily to a
large tank, where he entered a boat, and was rowed to the middlé of
the water. But flames burst forth from the waters and consumed the
boat, and the earth opened beneath the tank, and Virudhaka “ fell
alive into hell.” The only large piece of water that I could find is a

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. o6n™

nameless tank close to the south side of Visikha’s temple, and _there-
fore in the very position indicated by Hwen Thsang; but there are
no existing remains near it that could be identified with the Stupa of
the 500 Sakya maidens.

352. The monuments of Srdvasti hitherto described by the pilgrims
are directly connected with the personal history of Buddha. The
places where he sat and walked, where he taught his law, and where
he worsted the Brahmans in argument, were all specially holy in the
eyes of devout Buddhists. But these sacred monuments formed only
a small portion of the Buddhist buildings of the great city of Sravasti,
where, according to Hwen Thsang, the monuments were counted by
hundreds. Fa Hian, however, quotes a tradition which limited their
number to ninety-eight, at a period not remote from his own time, and
as he visited the place nearly two centuries and a half earlier than Hwen
Thsang, when most of the monasteries were in ruins, we may be gatis-
fied that their number never reached one hundred even at the most
flourishing period of Buddhism. I traced the ruins of nine monasteries
in the immediate neighbourhood of the old city, and there are pro-
bably as many more within a range of two miles, I found also the
foundations of at least ten temples of various sizes, but they were all
in too ruinous a state to be of any interest. But when I remember
that the Jetavana itself, as well as nearly the whole of the ninety-eight
monasteries of Srévasti were in complete ruin upwards of twelve
centuries ago, I think it is more wonderful that so much should still
be left for the use of the archeologist, than that so little should remain
of all the magnificent buildings of this once famous city.

.

XX.—TANDA, OR TADWA.

353. From Srdvasti both pilgrims proceeded to visit the birth-place
of Kasyapa Buddha, at Zu-wei, which Fa Hian places at 50 li, or 82
miles to the west. Hwen Thsang does not name the town, but he states
that it was about 60 l, or 10 miles, to the north-west of Sravasti. The
bearing and distance point to the village of Tadwa, which is just 9
miles to the west of Sahet-mahet. Some people refer this name to
Tanda, because for the last hundred years the Banjaras have been in the
habit of halting, or of making their tanda, at this place. But the
people themselves spell the name of their village Tadwa, and not Tanda,

34

268 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4

which properly means the whole venture of goods belonging to a party
of Banjaras, but which is also applied to the places at which they halt.
I think therefore that the name of Tadwa may possibly refer to the old
name of 7’u-wei as it is written by Fa Hian. There can, however, be no
doubt as to the identity of the two places, as Tadwa is a very old site,
which is still covered with brick ruins. According to tradition, the town
belonged to Raja Suhir dal, after whose death it was destroyed by the
Muhammadans, and remained uninhabited until about one hundred
years ago, when a Bairagi, named Ajudhya Das, established himself
under the banyan tree, and discovered the female figure which is now
worshipped as Sita Mai. The present village is situated amongst brick
ruins one quarter of a mile to the north of the road leading from
Akaona to Bahraich. All the fields aroundare strewn with broken bricks
and within 1,000 feet of the village to the north-west there is a mound
of brick ruins 800 feet long from east to west, and 300 feet broad.
Beyond the mound, and to the north of the village, there is a large
irregular shaped sheet of water, nearly half a mile in length, called
Sita-Deva Tal. But this name cannot be older than the discovery of
the statue which is attributed to Sita.

354. The west end of the mass of ruins is very low, but it is
covered with broken walls and fine trees, and was therefore most pro-
bably the site of the monastic establishment. The general height of the
east end is 16 feet above the fields, but rises to 20 feet at the south-
west corner. At this point the mound is formed of solid brick-work,
which after close examination I discovered to be the remains of a large
Stupa. As two different measurements gave a diameter of not less
than 70 feet, this Stwpa must have been one of*the largest and most
important in the famous province of Uttara Kosala. Hwen Thsang
mentions only two Stupas at this place, one to the south of the town,
being built on the spot where Kasyapa Buddha had performed his
meditations under a banyan tree, and the other to the north of the
town, containing the complete body of Kasyapa. This is also con-
firmed by its size, as Fa Hian calls this Stwpa agreat one. The Stupa
on the mound must certainly represent the latter monument, because
the tank precludes the possibility of any other having existed to the
northward of it. I wished very much to have made an excavation in
this mound, but the presence of a lingam of Mahadeo on the top of it,

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 269

which with Sita-Mai shares the devotions of the villagers, was an
effectual check against any excavations. This is the more to be re-
gretted, as the Stupa is said to have been built by Asoka, an at-
tribution which might have been verified by an exploration of its
interior.

355. The figure which the ignorant villagers worship as Stta is
in reality a statue of Maya Devi, the mother of Sakya Buddha. She
is represented standing under the Sd/ tree, with her right hand raised
and holding one of the branches, which is the well known position in
which she is said to have given birth to Sakya. Her left hand is
placed on her hip, and there is a parrot perched on her shoulder, The
statue is 3 feet 4 inches in height.

XXI.—NIMSAR, OR NIMKAR.

356. Nimsar is a famous place of pilgrimage on the left bank of
the Gumli (or Gomati) River, 45 miles to the north-west of Lucknow.
The Brahmans derive the name from Nimisha, a “twinkling of the
eye ;” hence Naimisha-saras, or Nimsar, means the pool where in the
twinkling of an eye the sage Gawra-Mukha destroyed the Asuras.
The place is also called Nimkhdr, which is formed from Naimisha,
pronounced Naimikha, and aranya a forest, which becomes Naimikhd-
ran, and Nimkhar, The Vishnu Purana declares that “he who bathes
in the Gomati at Naimisha expiates all his sins.” Its popularity is
therefore very great. It is noticed in the Ayin Akbari as ‘a famous
large fort, with a great number of idolatrous temples, and a reservoir.”
This reservoir is called the Chakra-tirtha, and is said to be the place
where the Chakra, or*“ discus,” of Vishnn fell during the contest with
the Asuras. The shape of the poolis nearly hexagonal with a
diameter of 120 feet. The water springs up from below and flows out
by the south side into a swampy rill about 20 feet broad called the
Godaveri Nala. The pool is surrounded with a number of shabby
brick temples and Dharmsdlas, and though the water is clear, yet the
place looks dirty and uninviting.

357. The fort of Nimsar is situated on a precipitous mound to the
north of the holy pool, about 1,100 feet long, from east to west,
between 300 and 400 feet broad, and 50 feet high. The west end is
a high cliff called the Shah Bij, or King’s Tower, which overhangs

270 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

the Gumti. The gate of the fort, which is at the east end, is arched
and therefore of Muhammadan construction. But it is built of Hindu
materials, partly brick and partly kankar blocks, which betray their
origin by their carvings and by the presence of the Swastika symbol, or
mystic cross. The walls were originally of brick, but they have long
ago disappeared, and the only parts of the old fort now standing are -
the gateway and the Shah Bij. The foundation of the latter is,
however, of Hindu construction, and as there are many carved bricks
lying about, I presume that it was a temple. The fort is provided with
a well 84 broad and 51} feet deep to the water level.

858. The tradition of the place is that the building of the fort was
finished on Friday, the 9th of the waxing moon of Chaitra, in the
Samvat year 1362, or A. D. 1305, by AHdhajal, a renegade Hindu,
who is said to have been the Vazir of Ala-ud-din Ghort. For Ghori
we must read Khzlji to bring the King’s name into agreement with the
date, and as the people are in the habit of styling all the Pathans as
Ghoris, the alteration is perfectly allowable. But who was Hahdjdl ? ©
As a renegade Hindu and the Vazir of Ala-ud-din, he might perhaps
be the same person as Ka/tér, who in A. D. 1305 was appointed as
Malik Naib to the command of the army for the conquest of the
Dakhan. I procured several of Ala-ud-din’s coins at Nimsar, and in
his reign I conclude that the fort passed from the hands of the Hindus
into those of the Musalmans. The original fort is said to have been
as old as the Pandus; and if the derivation of the name of the place
has been truly handed down, it must have been occupied even earlier
than the time of the Pandus.

XXIL—BARIKHAR, OR VAIRATKHERA.

359. Barikhar is the name of a village on the top of an extensive
old mound called Vairdtkhera which is situated on the high road
between Nimsar and Pilibhit, at 42 miles from the former, and 68 miles
from the latter place. Barikhar is said to be a corruption of Bariya-
khera or Vairdt-khera, and its foundation is attributed to Vairdt Raja
in the time of the Pandus. The ruined mound is 1,000 feet in length
at top from east to west, by 600 feet in breadth, and from 16 to 20
feet in height. But the dimensions at the base are much more, as the
slope is very gentle, being 200 feet in length on the north side, where

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 271

I measured it. This would make the base of the mound about 1,400
feet, which agrees with the size of 50 begahs, or 1,400,000 square feet,
which is popularly attributed to it by the villagers themselves. But
the fields are strewn with broken bricks for upwards of 1,000 feet to
the northward, and for 500 or 600 feet to the eastward, where there
are the remains of several temples. The area actually covered by
ruins is not less than 2,000 feet square, or upwards of 1} mile in
circuit, which shows that Barikhar must once have been a good sized
town, but I strongly doubt the story of the Brahmans which attributes
its foundation to Vairat Raja. The name is written by the people
themselves Badishar @S\9t , although it is pronounced Barikhar, and
I believe that similarity of sound alone has led to the identification of
Barikhar with Bariyakhera and Vairat Raja.

XXTIL.—DEORYIA AND DEWAL,

360. I couple these two places together, because they actually
form parts of the old nameless capital of the Bdchhal Rajas, who ruled
over Kastern Rohilkhand and Western Oudh before the time of the
Katehriyas. Dewal itself is a small village, which has received its
name from atemple in which is deposited a very perfect inscription
dated in Samvat 1049, or A. D. 992. The opposite village is called
Iléhabas by the Muhammadans, but this name is scarcely known to
the people, who usually call it Garh-Gdjana. The inscription is chiefly
remarkable for the clean and beautiful manner in which the letters
have been engraved ; and its perfect state makes it the more valuable
as it furnishes us with a complete specimen of the alphabet of the
Kutila character, in which it is said to be engraved. James Prinsep
gave aspecimen of the characters, along with a translation of the
inscription, in the Asiatie Society’s Journal for 1837, page 777. But
the copy from which he framed his alphabet was made by hand, and
although it is wonderfully accurate as a mere transcript of the words,
yet it is very faulty as a copy of the individual letters. This is the
more to be regretted, as the alphabet thus framed from an inaccurate
copy has become the standard specimen of the Kutela characters’
Now, the term Kutila means “ bent,’”’ and as all the letters of the
inscription have a bottom stroke or tail, which is turned, or “ bent,”
to the right, Tinfer that the alphabet was named Kuwiila from this

272 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

peculiarity in the formation of its letters. But this peculiarity was
unnoticed by the original transcriber, and consequently the print types
of the Kutila characters, which have been prepared both in Germany
and in England, are entirely wanting in this special characteristic
which gives its name to the alphabet. The letter 7 and the attached
vowels are perhaps the most faulty.

361. The village of Dewal is situated 16 miles to the 8. 8. EH. of
Pilibhit, on the west bank of the Kau, or Katni Nala. There are two
or three plain brick rooms which are called temples, and in one of
these the inscription is deposited ; but it is said to have been found
amongst the ruins of Garh-Gdjana, or Tlahibas, on the opposite bank
of the stream. Garh-Gadjana is a large ruined mound, about 800 feet
square, which includes two small tanks on the east side; but although
it is called a Garh, or fort, it was most probably only the country
residence of Raja Lalla, who founded it. The small modern village of
Tlahabas is situated close to the south-east corner of Garh-Gajana, and
near it on the south side are the ruins of a very large temple, amongst
which the inscription is said to have been discovered. The figure of
the Varaha Avatar of Vishnu, which is now in the Dewal temple, was
found in the same place. The mound of ruins is 200 feet square at
base, but the walls of the temple are no longer traceable, as the bricks
and kankar blocks have been carried away by the villagers. I traced
the remains of at least six other temples around the principal mass f
ruin, but there was nothing about them worth noting. To th®
south there are two larger mounds, which appear to be the remains of
an old village.

362. The Kau or Katni Nala continues its course to the south for
three miles, until opposite the large village of Deoriya, when it turns
sharply to the east for two miles, to the south end of a large ruined
fort which is now called Garha-Khera, or the “fort mound.” The
Katni Nala here turns to the north, and, after running round the three
other sides of the ruined fort, returns to within a few hundred yards
of the point from whence it took its northerly course. It thus forms
a natural ditch to the old stronghold of the Bachhal Rajas, which is —
only approachable on the southern side. The fort has been deserted
for many centuries, and is covered with dense jungle, in which several

tigers have been killed within the last few years. A single cart track

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 273

leads to the nearest portions of the ruins, which have afforded materials
for all the buildings in the large village of Deoriya. The exact extent
of the fort is not known, but the position enclosed by the Katni Nala
is about 6,000 feet in length from N. W.S., and 4,000 feet in breadth,
and the fort is said to be somewhat less than half a kos, or just
_about half a mile in length. The bricks are of large size, 13 by 9 by
2 inches, which shows considerable antiquity, but the statues of kan-
kar are all Brahmanical, such as the goddess Devi, Siva and his wife,
as Gawri-Sankar, and two arghas of lingams. These figures are said
to be discovered only in the foundations of the buildings, which, if true
would seem to show that the existing remains are the ruins of Muham-
madan works constructed of Hindu materials.

363. The Katni Nala is an artificial canal drawn from the Wala
yiver near Sohds, 10 miles to the south-east of Pilibhit, and 6 miles
to the north of Dewal. Its general course is from north to south,
excepting where it winds round the old fort of Garha-Khera, alter
which it resumes its southerly course and falls into the Kanhaut Nala,
about 3 miles to the south of the ruins. Its whole course is just 20
miles in length. All the maps are wrong in giving the name of Katni
Nala to the Méla river, instead of to the artificial canal which joins
the Mdla and Kanhaut rivers. The canal varies in width from 30 and
40 feet to 100 feet, and even more, at the places where it is usually
forded. Its very name of Katnz Nala, or the “cut stream,” is sufti-
cient to prove that it is artificial. But this fact is distinctly stated in
the inscription, which records that Raja Lalla “made the beautiful
and holy Katha-Nadi.” That this was the Katni Nala, which is
drawn from the Mala river, is proved by the previous verse, which
records that the Raja presented to the Brahmans certain villages
“shaded by pleasant trees, and watered by the Nirmala Nadi.” This
name is correctly translated by James Prinsep as “ pellucid stream,”
which though perfectly applicable to the limpid waters of the Mala
river, is evidently the name of the stream itself, and not a mere epithet
descriptive of the clearness of its waters. And as the canal was drawn
from the Nirmala River, so that villages on its banks are correctly
described as being watered by it.

364. The inscription goes on to say that Raja Lalla and his wife
Lakshmi “ made many groves, gardens, lakes, and temples,” Prinsep

274 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

has given the last as “ many other extensive works,” but the term in
the original is devalayataneshu cha, “and temples,” devalaya being
one of the commonest names for a temple of any kind. In the 27th
- verse the great temple to which the inscription was attached is said to
have been dedicated to Siva by the Raja, while the Queen built an-
other fane to Parvati. In the next verse they are described as “ two
divine temples” (. sura-griha) ; and in the 32nd verse it is stated that
the god and goddess were worshipped together under the title of °
Devapalli. This then must be the origin of the name of Dewal, and
the great temple mound to the south of Garh-Gdjana must be the re-
mains of the two temples dedicated to Devapallz.

365. In the inscription Raja Lalla calls himself the nephew of
Mins Chandra Pratépa, and the grandson of Vira Varmma, who is
said to be of the race of Chhindu and descended from the great Rishi
Chyavana. This holy sage is mentioned in the Vishnu’ Purana as
having married Sukanyd, the daughter of Saryati, the son of Manu.
He is also noticed in the Bhagavata and Padma Puranas, as appro-
priating ashare of the marriage offerings to the Aswini Kumiaras,
which entailed the quarrel with Indra, that is alluded to in verse 4 of
the inscription. The family therefore was reputed to be of ancient
descent ; but if Vira Varmma, the grandfather of Lalla, was the first
Raja, the establishment of the dynasty cannot be dated earlier than
A.D. 900. Now the Bdchhal Rajputs claim descent from Raja Vena,
whose son was Virdt, the reputed founder of Barikhar or Virat Khera,
and whom I believe to be the same as Vira Varmma of the inscription.
To Raja Vena, or Ben, is attributed the erection of the great forts of
Garha-khera, and Séhgarh ; and to his queen, Ketaki Réni, is assigned
the excavation of the Réni Tél at the old town of Kdbar. Garh
Gdjana and the temples of Dewal were built by Raja Lalla. The
town and fort of Maraori are attributed to Moradhwaj, and Barkhera
to Harmal Raja; but neither of these names appears in the very
imperfect and scanty list of their family which the Bdchhals now
possess.

366. It is admitted by every one that the Katehriyas sucosed ;
the Bdchhals, but the Katehriyas themselves state that they did not —
settle in Katehar until Samvat 1231, or A. D. 1174. Up to this date
therefore the Bdachhal Rajas may be supposed to have possessed the —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 275

dominant power in eastern Rohilkhand beyond the Ramganga, while
western Rohilkhand was held by the Bhidar, Gwéld, and other tribes,
from whom the Katehriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually the
Béchhals must have retired before the Katehriyas, until they had lost
all their territory to the west of the Deoha or Pilibhit river. Here
they made a successful stand, and though frequently afterwards harried
by the Muhammadans, they still managed to hold their small territory
between the Deoha river and the primeval forests of Pilibhit. When
hard pressed, they escaped to the jungle, which still skirts their an-
cient possessions of Garh Gdjana and Garha Khera. But their resis-
tance was not always successful, as their descendants confess that about
300 or 400 years ago, when their capital Nigohé was taken by the King
of Delhi, the twelve sons of Raja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to
death. The twelve cenotaphs of these princes are still shown at Nigohv.
Shortly after this catastrophe Chhavi Rana, the grandson of one of the
murdered Princes, fled to the Zakhi jungle, where he supported himself
by plundering ; but when orders were given to exterminate his band,
he presented himself before the King of Delhi, and obtained the district
of Nigohi as a jdghir. This place his descendant Tarsam Sing: still
holds, but the jaghir is reduced to the town of Nigohi with a few of
the surrounding villages.

367. The Gotrdchdrya of the Bachhal Rajputs declares them to be
Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested by their
daughters being taken in marriage by Chohans, Rahtors, and Kach-
wahas. According to Sir H. Elliot, Bachhal Zemindars are found in the
districts of Aligurh and Mathura, as well as in Budaon and Shahjahan-
pur of Rohilkhand. But the race is even more widely spread than the
Gangetic Bachhals are aware of, as Abul Faz records that ‘the port of
Aramray (in the Peninsula of Gujarat) is a very strong place inhabited
by the tribe of Bachhal.” Of the origin of the name nothing is known,
but it is probably. connected with bdchhnd, to select or choose. The
title of Chhindu, which is given in the inscription, is also utterly
unknown to the people, and I can only guess that it may be the name
of one of the early ancestors of the race.

XXV.—BALAI KHERA.
, 368. Baliya, or Balai Khera, is a large ruined mound about 1,200
feet square, or nearly one mile in circuit, and not less than 20 feet in
35

a

276 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

height at the southern end. The mound is situated close to the
Muhammadan town of Jahdndbdd, which is just 6 miles to the west-
ward of Pilibhit. It is covered with broken bricks of large size, and
from its square form I infer that it must once have been fortified, or
at least walled round. Near the south-east corner there is a very old
banyan tree, and the ruins of a brick temple. To the west there are
two tanks and six ruined heaps which are said to be the remains of
temples. There is nothing now standing that can give any clue to the
probable age of the town, as the bricks are removed to Jahdndbdd as
soon as they are discovered. But the large size of the bricks is a proof
of antiquity, which is supported by the traditions of the people, who
ascribe the foundation of Balpur or Baliya to the well known Daitya,
or demon, named Balt.

XXVI—PARASUA KOT.

369. Four miles to the westward of Balai-Khera there is a long
lofty mound lying east and west called Parasua-kot, which is said to
be the ruins of a temple and other edifices that Bali Raja built for his
Ahir servant, named Parasua. The mound is about 1,400 feet long,
and 300 feet broad at base, with a height of 35 feet at its loftiest point
near the eastern end. On this point there are the brick foundations
of a large temple, 42 feet square, with the remains of steps on the east
face, and astone lintel or door step, on the west face. I conclude
therefore that the temple had two doors, one to the east and the other
to the west, and as this is the common arrangement of lingam temples,
it is almost certain that the building must have been dedicated to Siva.
Towards the west, the mound gradually declines in height, until it is
lost in the fields. Forty feet to the west of the temple there are some
remains of a thick wall which would seem to have formed part of the
enclosure of the temple, which must have been not less than 130 feet
square. Five hundred feet further west there are the remains of
another enclosure, 100 feet square, which most probably once surrounded
a second temple, but the height of the ruins at this point is more than
16 feet above the ground. Although the Parasua mound is well known
to the people for many miles around, yet there are no traditions
attached to the place save the story of Paraswa, the Ahir, which has
already been noticed. When we consider that a temple 42 feet square

.1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 277

could not have been less than 34 times its base, or 147 feet in height,
and that its floor being 35 feet above the ground the whole height of
the building would have been 1582 feet, it is strange that no more
detailed traditions should exist regarding the builders of so magnificent
an edifice. I am of opinion that the temple must have been the work
of one of the earlier Bachhal Rajas, but unfortunately the records of this
race are too imperfect to afford any clue to the ancient history of the
country.
XXVIT—KABAR, OR SHIRGARH.

370. The old town of Kdbar is situated on a lofty mound, 20 miles
to the north of Bareli, and 26 miles to the west of Pilibhit. The ruins
consist of a circular mound, 900 feet in diameter and 25 feet in height,
which is still surrounded by a deep ditch from 50 to 100 feet in width.
This was the old fort of Kdbar in the time of the Hindus, and there are
still some remains of the walls of a large oblong building on the top of
the mound, which the people say was a temple. The old city, which
surrounded the fort on all sides, is now divided into four separate
villages, called Kdbar, Islémpur, Dongarpur, and Shirgarh. All these
are situated on old mounds which are nearly as lofty as the fort mound
itself. The place is usually called Kdbar by the Hindus, and Shirgarh
by the Musalmans. It is said to have been taken from the Hindu
Rajas 550 years ago, or in A. D. 1313, during the reign of Ala-ud-din
Khilji. Falling again into the hands of the Hindus after the death
of Firuz Tughlak, it was again captured by Shir Shah, who built the
fort of Shirgarh to the south of the old fort, for the purpose of keeping
the townspeople in check. To the south of Shirgarh there is a fine
tank, called Khawds-Tdl, which no doubt belongs to the same period,
as Khawas Khan was the name of Shir Shah’s most trusted General,
That portion of the town, called Islémpur, is said to have been built by
Islam Shah, the son of Shir Shah, but it was more probably only
re-named by Khawis Khan in honour of his master’s son, during the
lifetime of Shir Shah himself. On the north side there is a shallow
sheet of water called the Rim Sagar, and on the north-west there is
an old tank called Rani Tal, which is attributed to Ketaki Rani, the
queen of Raja Ben, the founder of the dynasty of Bdchhal Rajputs.
The extreme length of the whole mass of ruins from east to west is
3,500 fect, and the breadth 2,500 feet, the complete circuit being 9,800

278 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

feet, or nearly 2 miles. The long continued Muhammadan occupation
of five centuries has most effectually swept away all traces of Hinduism ;
but old coins are occasionally found, of which a few belong to the later
Hindu dynasties of the ninth and tenth centuries. From the great
size of the place, as well as from its evident antiquity, I should have ex-
pected that very old Hindu coins would occasionally be found; but all
my enquiries were fruitless, and the only actual traces of Hindu occupa-
tion that I could hear of were two small stone figures, of which one
was a representation of Durga slaying the Mahisdsur, or “ Buffalo-
demon,” and the other a broken statue of some god which was too
much injured to be recognized,

es ee

Notes on Boodh Gya—By C. Hornu, Esq., C.S,
[Received 24th April, 1865. Read 7th June, 1865.]

During the holidays, October and November, 1864, I had an opportu-
nity of carefully studying the great Tope at Boodh Gya, relative to which
interesting remains of the past there would seem to have been consi-
derable discussion between modern archeologists.

The subject of the said discussions, whilst referring to the age of
the tope itself, relates more particularly to that of the arches, both
pointed and semicircular, found in and near the said tope.

These arches are some of them built of stone, but the greater part
are of brick ; and they are all constructed on the radiating principle
with external faces of truncated wedges or ‘ voussoirs’’—the bricks
used in their construction being set on edge and of the description
commonly termed Buddhist, their dimensions being either 13%” x 9”
x 22" or 153” & 102” X 3.

There are in all no less than nine (9) of these arches, of which 3 are
semicircular and 6 pointed.

But before proceeding farther with my account of them, it will be
well to describe as briefly as possible the interior construction of the
tope, offering at the same time a few remarks as to its antiquity, as
thereby we may be able to infer whether the art of arch-building
(radiating, not horizontal) was known to those who built the structure —

SS —— Oe

1865_] Notes on Boodh Gya. 279

in which the said arches occur, or whether they may not have been
subsequently inserted.

Genl. Cunningham, in his excellent Archeological Report for 1861-
62, assigns A. D. 500 as the date of the building of the present ‘tope
or temple, and names Amara Sinha as the builder.

He also works out the same date from a certain inscription once
said to have been therein found, and which he holds to be authentic.

His arguments from the latter source appear to me to have been
fully met and set aside by Baboo Réajendraléla Mitra in his
paper on Boodh Gya in 1864, which was read before a meeting
of the Bengal Asiatic Society, and in which he shews that Sir
Charles Wilkin’s* inscription, in which the virtues of a shraddh
performed here are much extolled—cannot be historically true, and
also that the partial silence of Fa Hian, the great Chinese traveller
in A. D. 400, does not prove the non-existence of the said tope at that
time—the more so as Fa Hian speaks in Chap. XXXI of a great
tower having been erected at the place where Foe (Buddha) obtained
the law, i. e. under the Bo tree at Boodh Gya.

Fergusson (p. 109, Vol. I) states the earliest authentic Hindu
building to date A. D. 657, and in allusion to the great tope of Boodh
Gya, which it is doubtful whether he ever visited, says to the effect
that “the temple of Boodh Gya is certainly Buddhist—was built in
the 14th century A. D. —is a square Hindu Vimana and a true
‘ stupa’ as it never possessed any relic.”

Montgomery Martin, in his account of Eastern India, alludes to
Asoka as being the reputed founder of the temple, and doubts the
authenticity of Amara’s inscription, as does also Buchanan Hamilton.

It will thus be seen that the age of the building and of the arches
are both open questions.

And now, a few words as to the age of Hindu or eBoodiied build-
ings :—

Fergusson says—pages 4-5, Introduction‘ It is of more impor-
tance to our present purpose that with this king (Asoka) B. C. 250,
the architectural history of India commences; not one building, nor
one sculptured stone having yet been found in the length and

* That above alluded to,

280 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

breadth of the land, which can prove to date before his accession.
From his time, however, the series of monuments, some monolithic,
some rock cut, and others built, are tolerably complete during the 10
or 12 centuries in which Boodhism continued to be a prevalent
religion in the country of its birth.”’

Again p. 129, he says, “ Indian architecture began about 250 B. C.,
with a strong admixture of Grecian, or at least of Western art, as if
the Indian was then first learning from foreigners an art they had
not previously practised ; but this extraneous element soon died out,
and is not again to be traced, except perhaps in Cashmere where it
seems to have long remained in force.”

The inscriptions in the sculptured pillars or rather the carving on
the Boodhist railing posts, which these pillars really are, remind one
of Bhilsa. They are in fact, identical.

Genl. Cunningham, in describing them, says—“ A few of them
have an inscription in the ancient Pali character of Asoka’s pillars
HLLtEE “j we’, ‘Ayaya Kudrangiye danam’ ie. Gift of the
venerable Kudrangi.’”’ This is 5 or 6 times repeated.

Now these pillars are of granite and placed in the quadrangle of the
Mohunt’s residence, whilst those at the tope itself, discovered by Capt.
Mead subsequently to Genl. Cunningham’s report, are all of the same
character, so that his remark to the effect that the first named ‘ can-
not be of much later date than Asoka’s” will apply equally to those
last spoken of. They, moreover, appear “in siti’ and if so, argue the
existence of the tope and of a Bo tree when they were placed around
them.

It should also be borne in mind, that within a few miles we have
the rock cut temples of the Barabur, Nagarjuni Hills, relative to the
date of the excavation of which, the inscriptions borne by them leave
no doubt.

The dates of some of these vary from 250 to 230 B. C., or the time
of Asoka.

We might also argue from the bricks used, did I not hold this to be
a very uncertain test of age. Their bluish tinge remarked upon by
Fiwen Thsang is very remarkable, as such a tinge is not common, and
the bricks used in the great tope decidedly possess it.

I in yain sought for any mason marks; but their non-existence may

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 281

be accounted for by the very small quantity of stone used in or about
the building.

From what has been before stated I am led to assign a far greater
antiquity to the great tope at Boodh Gya than has been hitherto
generally done.

I am of opinion that the temple existed from before the Christian
era, when the railing stood around it—say from 200 B. C.; but that
it has often been repaired, and once thoroughly renewed by Amara
Sinha, most probably about 500 A. D.

I, however, hold that the shell of the building has remained as at
first constructed, with alterations to be hereafter pointed out. If
this be the case, it would, together with perhaps the remains of some
Boodhist Monasteries, be one of the oldest buildings we have in India.

The general external form differs considerably from ordinary Hindu
Vimanas, being much more perpendicular; but the system under which
it was built allows of great variety of outline.

The tope is exteriorly about 50 feet square at the base, with an
original interior diameter of 20 ft. The walls are about 8 ft. thick to
a height of perhaps 60 feet, and the rest is made up by a masonry
terrace rising from 25 to 30 feet.

The thickness of the upper part, i. e. from the springing of the
curve to the crown, varies from 7 feet to much less at the top.

There has been an opening left at the top* apparently about 6 ft.
square, which is at present covered in with beams of Saul wood, and
upon this is built a tope-like pinnacle which in its entirety probably
reached to 25 feet, including the thickness of the pucka roof over
the beams.

The square basement walls have been stated to

Ceilings. rise about 60 ft., whilst the interior height of the

curved part may also be from 60 to 70 feet. The

whole interior I believe to have been originally
without intermediate ceilings.

This curved part is built on the system called in
Bengal “Lehra”’ i. e. of over-lapping bricks. In
this instance I counted 52 of these laps, each pro-
jecting from 3 to 4} inches.

13”

* Query, whether this was so originally ?

282 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

The lowest 12 laps were made after the placing of 4 bricks perpen-
dicularly, making a height for each such set of bricks of 9 inches only.
Then there came 16 laps, over 5 inches similarly laid and measuring
13 inches in height, whilst again above them came 24 laps over courses
of 4 bricks as at first.

I had hoped to be able to calculate the height accurately in this
manner, having with me no means for measuring so great a height ;
but I imagine the laps got less at the top and the height assigned has
therefore only been approximately ascertained. This system of
“Lehra’” still exists in Orissa. Mr. Armstrong, the assistant to
Mr. Shore, Commissioner, has obligingly sent me a drawing of a long
draw-bridge of more modern construction at Jajipore near Balasore.

The openings thus covered are said to be
from 8 to 15 feet. The space at Boodh
Gya is about 20 feet. At the temple of
Kooch Behar, is an excellent example, and
it seems to have been universal through-
Part of an opening in Jajipur out Eastern Bengal.
drawbridge. Capt. Austen informs me that in Cash-

mere this “ Lehra’” is very neatly tied with a T stone.

Cashmere Lehra.

The arrangement above described holds good as regards the north,
south and west sides of the temple; but on the east, the front wall is
pierced with two large openings, the one over the other, and above
these in the curved part are two “ Lehras”’ or horizontal arches run-
ning east and west in the thickness of the said wall.

The upper one, which is closed outwardly, was doubtless made to
lighten the weight of masonry over the entrance, and both shew plainly
that when they were constructed, i. e. at the same time as the original
building, the architects of the same, did not know how to build a true
arch. The temple at Kooch is similarly constructed.

The lower one which runs through was probably arranged so as to
throw the eastern sun-light, at a particular hour, on the figure of

‘
.

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 283

Boodha, which was on the “ Singhasun” or throne to the west, and
thus lighted the building dimly from over the entrance door-way,
as I have observed to be the case in other ancient Buddhist edifices
and which has also been remarked upon by Fergusson.

We now approach the arches and arched chambers which have led
me to put pen to paper.

In what must have originally been the thickness of the terrace, or
what was a projecting porch ere the terrace was raised, we find a
ruined pointed arched chamber built with bricks set on edge, the said
bricks having been carefully dressed. Their size 153” & 102” x 38”.

This must evidently have been built round a
3% centering of some kind. The diameter of the
arch is 13} feet and the marginal sketch shews
one of the bricks taken from the haunch of the

74. 15. broken arch.
This porch is at present entered by a square
door-way built of odd stones, with a long stone
o/4 serving as an architrave.

Immediately on entering, there are to the right
and left small door-ways covered with semicircular arches in stone,
under which there is a flight of steps leading to the terrace above.

These arches are built radiating and of regular “ voussoirs” or trun-
cated wedges, and are manifestly of far more recent date than the rest
of the building. In fact they would appear to have been built at the
same time as the structure called by Genl. Cunningham Amara
Sinha’s archway,

This archway is evidently the entry to the modern, courtyard
before the great tower, and runs east and west.

It is built of somewhat smaller bricks than are elsewhere used, set
on edge and without any special facing. Its depth, as far as my
memory serves, is about 12 feet, and it looks quite modern,

On the top of the flight of steps to the left (or south) is another
archway similar to the one below it, and
dating probably with the terrace to
which it leads.

In the base of the tower is an arched
room, approached from the ruined arched

36

284 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

portico before described, by an arched door-way only 5 feet wide.
This is faced, as shewn on the preceding page, with Boodhist bricks
regularly cut, and is probably built internally of bricks on edge, and has
been constructed on a centering, as has the inner room to which it leads.

This arched room is 164 feet wide ; the difference between this and
20 feet, which I have stated to have been the original internal width,
being occupied with a lining of brick on which the arching rests.

For 12 feet in height the walls north and south are straight—at
this point there is a small cornice whence the arch springs, the said
arch being evidently built brick on edge.

The whole of the walls to the north and south, as well as the roof of
the arching, is plastered white with a chess board pattern, in each
square of which is painted in a reddish colour a sitting Boodh. There
must thus be many thousands of these figures, now however, much
obliterated by the hand of time.

The total height of this chamber may be 20 feet, and adding 4 or 5
feet for the thickness of the flooring of the upper room and of the arch,
the story may be allowed to count as 26 feet.

Before ascending to the terrace, I would observe that the “ Singha-
sun” or throne where the figure of Boodha was placed, is still left as
arranged at the last restoration (probably 500 A. D-) and there are
still the holes in the stones, which
were formerly filled by the rivet
affixing gilt copper plates.

Over the doorway and above the
arch of this basement chamber is

inserted in the wall a huge beam
of Saul wood, evidently of great
antiquity and to which allusion will be made hereafter.

Ascending to the room above, we find
a repetition of the lower arched chamber
without the end of semicircular arched
recess, and with no less than three arches
at the entrance within one another, and all of
the same character. The marginal sketch
taken from a photograph shews these, and
it is difficult to understand their object.

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 285

This chamber, the floor of which is at about the level of the terrace,
may probably have had before it an open porch; but all traces of this
would have disappeared with the falling in of the arched roof below.

I have before alluded to the extraordinary opening—or horizontal
arch on the overlapping or Lehra principle as existing in the story
above this.

By the aid of ladders and bamboos obligingly furnished me by the
Mohunt, I with considerable difficulty got within this, and found the
floor to be about 55 feet from the ground, and that within it, on all
sides, there was a space of about 5 feet of upright wall before the
springing of the curve, and that this bit of wall was plastered !

This room might have been entered from the roof of the porch’
above suggested; but was evidently not used for
any purpose.

The open arch extends just half way in the
height. Another similar arch, but closed externally,
stands upon it as shewn marginally, and it is very
curious that the open arch above mentioned should
have been left in its singularly unfinished condition.
The temple at Kooch, however, displays the same
peculiarity.

I have now at some length described the arches
at Boodh Gya, relative to which Babu Rajendra-
lila Mitra notes, (p. 4,) that when he brought the
fact of their existence to the notice of Capt, Mead,
Executive Engineer, who was shewing him through
the ruins—‘ He readily acknowledged that the
builders of the temple, whoever they were,
certainly knew the art of constructing an arch,
and the one before them was a very good speci-
men of it.” '

The first thing that strikes an observer, when
looking at the great tower from a little distance,
Rough plan shewing and it is clearly seen in the photographs of Boodh

general elevation. 4 } ; 2
Gya kindly prepared for me by my companion,
Mr. Peppe of Gya, is, that the whole of the arch arrangements are a
subsequent insertion and formed uo part of the original building.

286 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

In fact, together with the arched, plastered and painted chamber,
they may and probably were all erected by Amara Sinha, when he
thoroughly restored the temple.

The enormous thickness of the walls and the goodness of the mortar
would allow of large breaches being made with impunity; whilst the
insertion of the great beam over the lowest arch gives colour to this
theory. The two interior arched chambers, with the semicircular
recessed end of the lower, appear to me to have been subsequently
put in. The plaster of the upright wall on the inside above the flooring
of the upper room shews how the other work would seemingly have
been built on to it.

; The outer plastering also, when removed from
the capitals of the little columns in relief, shews
ornamental work below of a very primitive type:

es iee) whilst the original brick-work is substantial in the
extreme.

The entrance to the basement of the tower was
doubtless a somewhat narrow, but extremely lofty rectangular doorway
with stone jambs and a stone architrave. If this were the case, the
insertion of an arch were extremely easy, and this would correspond
with the—in many points similar—temple of Kooch.

The only difference is that the last named temple is smaller—hence
many inferences may be drawn therefrom as it was probably a copy of
the great tower.

I would, therefore in conclusion, with great deference suggest that
the arches are all of them of the date of Amara Sinha, or about 500
A. D., whilst the original building dates back perhaps to 200 B. C.

The country around Boodh Gya, as it is well known, is studded
with Boodhist remains of every age, which would well repay careful
study, and I shall be very glad if these notes provoke others, as those
of Babu Rajendralila Mitra did me, to make a pilgrimage to this
very ancient and interesting district which has never yet been explored,

except in the most partial manner,

April 20th, 1865.

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 287

[Received 6th May, 1865.] [Read 7th June, 1865. ]

P. S.—The junction of the inserted work with the original is
clear every where. The floor of the upper chamber comes through
the wall of the building, i.e. the beaten pucka floor line shews
a white line, most plain in the photograph. At the sides too the
insertion is most plain. The use of different sized bricks in the
different arches, whereas those in the body of the building are all the
same, would indicate their having been built at a different date, which
most probably was long subsequent.

Nothing in the foregoing paper refers to other structures (excepting
to a few temples in Eastern India)—-and I am well aware that, as it
has been clearly shewn that the radiating arch was known to the
builders of the Pyramids, Nineveh, and other very ancient structures,
the art of building such arches may have been acquired by travelled
Indians; still I am decidedly of opinion that the builders of the origin-
al tower of Boodh Gya were not acquainted with the art of construct-
ing a radiating arch, however well they may have constructed them
on the horizontal principle.”

dé 0: Ue NAS §

or TILE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

YOU, XXXTY.

PART IL

Nos. I. to IV.—1865.

A *

EDITED BY
i

4

THE NATURAL HISTORY SECRETARY.

Anan ne

‘ AS will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men
of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,
send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such
munications shall be long intermitted: and it will die away, if they shall
entirely cease,” ”

Sim Wm. JonEs,

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT TIE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

1865.

CONTENTS.

OBO

No.l,
(Published 31st May, 1865.)

Notes of a tour made in 1863-64 in the Tributary Mehals
under the Commissioner of Chota-Nagpore, Bonai, Gang-
pore, Odeypore and Sirgooja—By Lt.-Col. T. Daxron,

Description of a supposed new Genus of the Gadidw, Arakan.—
By Lieut.-Col. S. R. Troxenn, Bengal Staff,................6-

On the degree of uncertainty which Local Attraction, if not
allowed for, occasions in the map of a country, and in the
Mean Figure of the Earth as determined by Geodesy; a
method of obtaining the Mean Figure free from ambiguity
by a comparison of the Anglo-Gallic, Russian and Indian
Ares; and Speculations on the constitution of the Earth’s
Pst —Dy ARCHDHACON PRATT, .onccececcopscgccasassacesnes

_ Notes to accompany a Geological map and section of the Lowa
Ghur or Sheen Ghur range in the district of Bunnoo,
Punjab: with analyses of the Lignites—By Ausrrr M.
Vercuers, Esq. M. D., litncideacan tal nicistTiceie Rares Since a

Scientific Intelligence, ......... ee eee

Abstract of the Results of the Ee Me ranenecal Obsert va-
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for
the month of January, 1865,.............c2s0s000: deidsan etenwiti ve

Now EL.
(Published 22nd July, 1865.)

Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River.—
By J. H. T. Arrcnison, M. D., F.R.C.S.E., F.LS8., Extr.
Member, Royal Med. Soc., Edin., &ec., Asst. Surgeon,
ee MOP ATILY satan yates sivpievncieysiieacameaMeleaeatan dsc sas eh + ava d

*

Page

32

34

45

iv Contents.

Page
Observations on certain Strictures by Mr. H. F. Buanrorp, on ;
W. Tueosatpn’s Jr. Paper on the distribution of Indian
Gasteropoda in J.A.S., No. CCLXXXIX. Page 69.—By
W., DemoBArD, Ai, 2ostacesses'eaenceseeercne ore ees eee 60
Note relating to Sivalik Fauna.—By H. B. Meputcort,......... 63
Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. V., Descriptions of
new land shells from Arakan, Pegu, and Ava; with notes
on the distribution of described species—Ry Winuram T.
Buanworp, A.K.S:M., F.GS.5 a5, sge-steareen épocaaeey Ceeeeana OD
Notes on the Sandstone formation, &c., near Buxa Fort, ;
Bhootan Dooars.—By Captain H. H. Gopwin Avsten,
F.R.G.S., Surveyor, Topographical Survey. Plate IV.,... 106
Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson.—By Dr. F. Srorrezxa, 108
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-
tions taken at the Surveryor General’s Office, Calcutta, for
the months of February and March, 1865,.............ce00.008 1X

No. III.
(Published 28rd October, 1865.)
Notes on Central Asia—By M. Semmnor (Communicated by

Tieut.-Colonel J. T, Watkur, BR. B., 25....tcssnss<cnccseeeen iis
Notes of a trip up the Salween.—By Rev. C. Parisn,............ 135
Notes of Observations on the Boksas of the Bijnour District.—

By DroS. Ge STEWART. ac. cesn twee aeenne cad atten ncaa teenie 147
Religion, &c., among the Karens.—By Rev. F. Mason, D. D.,

Missionary to the Karen people, .........0cqsccsscs-ancsseente 173
Notes and (Qwervesyy. 25,5 fr oscngs cer Conon yesnn oe ates aoa arene ee 189

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorologieal Observa-
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for
the month of April, 1865, ............ asiaviene ovale shiageereeen xe

No. IV.
(Published 6th February, 1866.)

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens.—By
Reve Ra Masons) Dil t5e sagtay seein commer ee eemrnene ceelceete .* 10s

Contents. Vv

Page
On the Pendulum operations about to be undertaken by the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India; with a sketch of
the theory of their application to the determination of the
earth’s figure, and an account of some of the principal
observations hitherto made.—By Capt. J. P. Basgv1,
R. E., 1st Assistant, Great Trigonometrical Survey of India, 251
Notes on a collection of Land and Freshwater Shells from the
Shan States.—Collected by F. Fepprn, Esq. 1864-65.—
SEC HROBAED, UT. BSG... casssecesesmnsreccscsess coerce armen 273
PMB MEE CULL ONOO, 1520 se <icnowisinbareoaseneracdssast cvancsci canine kas 279
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for

the months.of May and June, 1865,..............c0+2-.seseees XXXlil
Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,
Ceylon, for the months of March and April, 1864,... ....... xvii

eesees

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN PART ILI. 1865.

Plate. Page
I.—Asthenurus Atripinnis, ... coud. Tene
II.—Geological sketch map of the adi Give or Siicen
Ghur in Bunnoo, a... 0 re et, con
III.—Section across the above, ... mist sen ccn). mee
IV.—Section near Buxa, ... An Sas << LOG
V.—Map of the Yoonzalin District, “3 sia! ata APE
*VI.—Boulder Temple at Kyik-hteo,. Sas .. 146
VII.—Kyik-hteo-Galay boulder sie, be Ps
VIII.—Kyik-hteo boulder pagoda, cits zc. 4G
IX.—Paludine and Melanie, ... th ee tmee -Ue:
4

nt ren he

1

INDEX I.

— Gao

PART IL—NATURAL SCIENCE.

Page,
Aitchison, Dr. J. E. T., on the vegetation of the Islands of

Indus, 53
Analysis of Lowa Ghur Lignites, 42,
Avakan, description of new shells from, 66
Asia, notes on Central, 113
‘Asthenurus Atripinnis, a new Genus of Gadide “i 32
Astronomy among the Karens, 195
Attraction, on Local, . 34
Austen, Capt. Sua Godwin, on Fort Buxa Sandstone,.. 106
Ava, description of new land swells from,. 66
Basevi, Capt. J. P. Pendulum operations of Trigonometrical

Survey, 251
Barnes, R. H. "Meteorological observations at Gangaroowa,

Kandy, oe EY a. seq.
Bijnour District, Boks of, 147
Blanford, H. F., W. Theobald’s observations on strictures by,. 60

poe. W. T., Contributions to Indian aye Ro 66
" ” Note on Syepoorite, 194
Blyth, Edward, on Innus Assamensis, 192

s * On Indian Rats and Mice, 192

9 . Letter from, 48

” ” ” 279

Note on the Peura Partridges, 288
Boksas of the Bijnour District,.. 147
Buxa, Bhootan, Sandstone of, Ay 106
Calcutta, Meteorological observations, i, seq.
Central Asia, notes on, i x] 113
Contributions to Indian Malacology, ‘ 66
Dalton, Lt.-Col. T., Tour in 1863-64 in Tributary. Mehals, 1

“ ’ On discovery of lead at Tuppeh, Ram-

Kola, ace 48
Dorylus, Dr. T. 0. Jerdon on, 189
Karth’s Crust, Een anos on Constitution of, 34
Fire-flies, Flashing of,.. BAe 190
Gadide, Description of new Genus, 32
Gangaroowa, Kandy, Meteorological Observations at, i, seq.
Geological Map of Lowa Ghur range, notes on, 42
Indian Malacology, contributions to, ie 66

ee

--— I rt EN NT

ii Index.

Page
Indus river, vegetation of Islands of the, ... ae oe 53
Tnnus Assamensis, os ae on poe) Oe
Jerdon, Dr. J. C., on Dorylus, he au Be SoG be
Lagomys Curzonie, 3 ae emacs es
Lead at Tuppeh Ramkola, Sir eooja, Bs ec 48
Local Attraction and its relation to mean fioure of earth, ae 34
Lowa Ghur, Geology and Analyses of Lignites, ae + 42
Malacology, contributions to Indian, - 66
Mason, D. D., Rev. F., Religion &e. Nee the Karens, 178, 195
Mean Figure of Earth, 18 34
Medlicott, H. B., Note on Siwalik Fauna, ses wee pee 63
Mehals, Notes of tour in 1865-66 in Tributar Y5-. Tas sf
Meteorological Observations at Gangaroowa, Kandy, Ceylon, i. seq.
v Calcutta, oes das BEG:
Mice, ces Rats and, mn she cP Meo" 02
Notes and queries, .. xe ae oe) 389
Ostrich, Artificial hatching of eggs of, te es 43,
Parish, "Rev. C., Notes of a trip in Yoonzalin District, ara Thee
Partridges, Note on Peura, 288
Pendulum operations of Government "Trigonometrical Survey, 251
Pegu, description of new shells from, ... Ae ee 66
Peura Partridges, note on, can ooo See oe
Pratt, Archdeacon, on Local Attraction, &e., a Pes 34
Rats, "Indian, ee are ae oa pees
Salween river; Trip down ‘the, . “fc Jets ae Soa
Sandstone, at Buxa fort, Bhootan, ie oie oo a OG
Scientific Intelligence, tee oe omnis Po
Semenof, M., Notes in Central Asia, 4c os, eels
Shan States, "Land and Freshwater shells of, & i Rise
Siwalik Fauna, Nototon =, Boa oa teeme as
Stewart, Dr. i L., on the Boksas of Bijnour, me .-. O47
Stoliczka, Drew, Note on Lagomys Curzoniz, 108
Theobald, Jnr., eT. W., Land and Freshwater shells ot “Shan
States)... : 273
" Observations on 1 certain. strictures by
H. F. Blanford, Blue ic 60
Tickell, Lt.-Col. 8. Ry. A New Coane of Gadide, * Oe 32
Trigonometrical Survey, Pendulum Operations of, cos eee a
Tuppeh Ramkola, Discovery of lead at, ... ate ihe 48
Vegetation of Islands of Indus river, 53
Verchere, Dr. A. M., on Geology, Map of Sheen Ghur range). 42
Yoonzalin District, notes ofa trip in) i ae

Pe Te er ae ee

Index.

INDEX II.

—= te

ili

New Genera and species described in this Volume.

Asthenurus,

Pterocyclos

Alyezus

Diplommatina

Helicina

Nanina

Helix

Pisces.
Order, Malacopterygii Subbrachiati.

Family, Gadide.

Atripinnis, (Tickell,) aoe sae 32
Mollusca,

Order, Prosobranchiata,

Section Holostomata.

Family, Paludinidae.

Paludina naticoides, W. Theobald, Jnr. ... 274
Bithinia nassa. is 4 - . 275

?
Family, Cyclophoride.
Feddeni, W. T. Blanford, 83
Insignis, W. Theobald, aes 278
Politus, ue “er 83
Glaber, A +e +e ae 84
Nana, .. cae 85
Arakanensis, Ww. T. Blanford, 85
Order, Pulmonifera.
Family, Helicide.

Compluvialis, W. T. Blanford, 66
INebullega esi. .e...0.02 3 Sect. Macrochlamys, 66
Hypoleuca, ees: 5 4 67
MUNosaesccvckces sles s 3 Hemiplecta, 68
Helieifera, ... .... ive G8
Mamillaris, ...... = ~ 5 Sesara, 69
Basseinensis, ...... rome ti)
Cons, «See's prin este we
Culmienm, Sans sss a ,, Trochomorpha, 72
Gratulator, .......+. a ORD,
@onulay: kgs ts nae 5 _ »- Maliella, .73
Karenorum, 13
Perareta, ..veseasctes f . A Plectopylis, 75
Beéddent,.sicsecades Hadid
Polypleurish f.u--: icy Oy ? 76
Ansorinus, W. Theobald, or 276

iy Index.

Page

Bulimus Scrobiculatus, A oe Bec eee
Plicifer,.., He oer a ee

Spiraxis _— Pusilla, oe Biss bare Boyar mem bd
Achatina Peguensis, Fak ob con see (3
Pertenuis, ... was ree)

Succinea _ Plicata, oe ar eee we £80
Clausilia Fusiformis, W. T. Blanford, ... sate eee bt
Streptaxis Burmanica, one os oes sae Oe.

ERRATA.
~e@ew

Page 135, seq. for ‘‘ Notes of a trip up the Salween” read “ Notes of
a trip in the Yoonzalin District.” .

»» 273, below M. variabilis for ‘ could” read ‘‘ would” for “ 3-1”
read “var. Ist.”

5, 274, for ‘ naticordes” read ‘“naticoides” for ‘ notest’”’ in last
line, read “‘ subest.”

» 276, for “it is not larger,” read “it is not only larger.”’

» 277, for “armed” read “wound.” For “cryptosonea” read
“eryptosoma.” For “in species with new” read ‘“ two
species, both new.”

» 278, “ Diplommatina 4” read “ Diplommatina 5.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

mouLATIC SOCIETY,

—o—
Part I1—PHYSICAL SCIENCE,

No. I.—1865.

Notes of a towr made in 1863-64 in the Tributary Mehals under the
Commissioner of Chota-Nagpore, Bonai, Gangpore, Odeypore and
Sirgooja.—By Ur.-Cou. T. Darron.

[Received 2nd September, 1864, |
Bonai is a small hilly district lying very snugly isolated from all

civilization, between Sarundah the wildest part of Singbhoom and the
Tributary Mehals of Keonjhur, Bamra, and Gangpore. It is 58 miles
in greatest length from east to west and 37 miles in greatest breadth
from north to south, with an area of 1,297 square miles. It is for
the most part a mass of uninhabited hills, only 13th of the whole
being under cultivation, but about its centre, on both banks of the
Brahmini river, which bisects it, there is a beautiful valley containing
the sites of upwards of twenty good, and for the most part cotermin-
ous villages, the houses well sheltered by very ancient mango and
tamarind trees, with a due proportion of graceful palms. The tal and
date appear to grow very luxuriantly in the valley, and sugar-cane
thrives there. Many of the villages lie close to the river and their
luxuriant groves meet and form long undulating lines of high and
well-wooded bank. On all sides, at the distance of a few miles, are
hills, some nearly three thousand feet above the level of the valley,
and thus a very pleasing and varied landscape is disclosed at every
turn of the broad and rapid rock-broken stream.

I

2 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

The Brahmini river in its progress from Gangpore has forced its
way through the barrier of hills separating the two districts, and
enters the valley I am describing, after a course of eight miles through
a beautiful glen, in a succession of rapids and loughs, the latter swarm-
ing with alligators. The shortest route from Gangpore to Bonai is by
a rugged path through this pass; but is only practicable in the dry
weather.

Bonaigurh, where the Rajah resides, is in the valley, occupying a
bend of the river in latitude 28° 49’ N. and longitude 85° H., being 508
feet above the sea level. It has the river on three sides, and is sur-
rounded by a mud wall and moat, within which are about 150 houses,
including those of the chief, his court-house, and jail: the village
altogether, inside and outside the gurh, contains about 300 houses,
but nothing that can be called a bazar. The inhabitants are the
Brahmins and other retainers of the Rajah; his own family, including
most of the collateral branches, legitimate and illegitimate; people
practising trades—workers in brass and pewter, potters, weavers,
smiths ; and people of low caste, Gonds, Pahans, Ghassees and Domes.
Ooriah is the language spoken, and the costume and customs followed
are those of the Orissa provinces. This includes a lavish use of
saffron in their ablutions, hair neatly dressed with silver ornaments,
and a general tidy appearance. They have good features and rather
fair complexion. The young girls, till they attain the age of puberty,
are very scantily dressed. The only garment usually worn by them
is a ‘‘ kopin’—a scarf, round the loins and between the legs. This is
national and classical, as we find from the images of the oldest temples,
that it was the favourite costume of the Hindu goddesses, who thus
enjoyed the full play of their limbs. The young people of both sexes
are fond of adorning themselves with wreaths of bright yellow flowers.

There are 217 inhabited villages in Bonai, and from the number of
houses returned by the topographical survey recently completed, the
population may be estimated at fifteen thousand six hundred souls.
About one half of the agricultural population is of the ‘ Bhooya”
caste or race. They are doubtless the earliest settlers, and it was from
their hands that the ancestor of the present Rajpoot Rajah first ob-
tained his insignia as chief. The Bamra and Gangpore Rajahs are
reported to have in the same manner derived their chieftainships from

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 3

the Bhooya aborigines, and when a succession to the Raj takes place
in any of these districts, the acknowledged head of tho Bhooya clan
goes. through a ceremony of making over to the new chief the country
and the people. The person who claims this prerogative in Bonai is
titularly called “ Sawunt.” He holds, at the very trifling quit-rent of
Rs. 18 a year, twelve villages with their hamlets, and claims to be the
hereditary Dewan of Bonai, but the chief neither employs nor acknow-
ledges him as such. There are two other similar tenures with the
titles of ‘ Dhunput’ and ‘ Mahapater,’ and subordinate to them are
certain privileged heads of villages called Naiks. Under the Sawunt,
Dhunput, or Mahapater, the subordinate officers of the Bhooya militia,
—all the able-bodied males of the tribe are bound at the requisition
of the chief or of the Government, to turn out for service fully
armed and equipped. There are no military tenures in the hands of
people of any other caste. The Bhooyas thus have great power in the
little state. Nor is it only in consequence of their being thus orga-
nized as a military body; I find they have also charge of the oldest
temples and shrines, and discharge the duties of Levites to the exclu-
sion of Brahmins. Yet the temples are dedicated to Hindu gods.
Whatever their origin may be, the Bhooyas are now completely Hin-
duized. They have no peculiar language or customs of their own.
In Bonai and the southern parts of Gangypore they speak Ooriah. In
the northern parts of Gangpore and Jushpore, Hindi, They are a
dark-complexioned race, with rather high cheek-bones, but with
nothing else in feature or form to distinguish them as of extraneous
origin. According to their own traditions, they were once a great peo-
ple in Hastern India and had a king of their own, but were dispersed
by invasion from the west. They are now found in all the districts
between Cuttack and Behar, but they are most numerous in this and
the adjoining estates, and here may be found the most civilized and
respectable and the most primitive of the family. While in the low-
lands, they dwell in villages, clothe themselves decently, and otherwise
follow the customs, adopt the manners, and, I may add, the intriguing
nature of the more civilized Brahminical races. In the hills of Bonai
they are found as naked, as simple, as truthful and unsophisticated as
the wildest of the Cole tribes. There are a great number of Bhooyas
in the Singbhoom district, and it is said that they were driven out of
the west portion of it, by the advance and spread of the Lurka Coles.

4 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

The Bhooyas call themselves ‘ children of the wind’ ‘ Pawun buns,’
this would establish their affinity to the Apes, as Hunooman is called
“ Pawun-ka-poot,” the son of the wind.*

The Bonai hills shelter some thousands of the race commonly called
Coles, who all represent themselves as having at some period emi-
grated from Singbhoom or Chota-Nagpore. They have not benefited
by the change. Their brethren on the Chota-Nagpore plateau and in
the plains of Singbhoom are better off and better looking. The emi-
grants must be the most unimprovable of the race, who, finding that
the old country is becoming too civilized for them, fly from the clear-
ances they have made, hide themselves in the hill forests, and relapse
into the condition of savages.

Amongst the races of Bonai yet to be noticed, are the Kolitas, a
very enterprising and respectable class of cultivators, that are found in
these regions, Sumbulpore, and strange to say, Assam.

A very large proportion of the purely Hindu part of the Assa-
mese population are Kolitas, and in accounting for the different races
that are found in that province, the antecedents of the Kolitas have
always been a difficulty. They have none of the peculiarities of the
Indo-Chinese stock. They are considered, in Assam, as of very pure
caste, next in dignity to Kaists, and are on this account much in re-
quest amongst the higher classes as house servants. Another difficulty
in Assam was to account for what was called the Bhooya dynasty, of
which traces are found all through the valley, and it is recorded in
their history, that the north bank of the Brahmapootra above Bish-
nath was known as the country of the Barra Bhooya, long subsequent
to the subjugation of the districts of the southern bank by the Ahoms.
It appears to me, that there is a strong reason for supposing that the
purely Hindu portion of the Assamese Sudra population was originally
from this part of India. There is, in idiom especially, a strong resem-
blance between the Assamese and Ooriah languages, and though the
Ooriah written character did not take root in Assam, this may be
owing to all the priestly families having been introduced from Bengal.t

* They very probably formed a division in Rama’s army, hence their adoption
of Hunooman’s pedigree, and their veneration for “* Mahabir.”’

+ In a paper in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for June 1848, the Assam
Kolitas are described by Col. Hannay as having the high and reeular features
of the Hindu, and many of them with the grey eye that is frequently found
amongst the Rajputs of Western India,

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 5

The appearance of the Bonai Kolitas reminded me very much of the
Assam Kolitas, and I may mention that Ram Chunder, the seventh
Avatar, is the favourite object of worship with both.

Of the mineral and other resources of Bonai, I have not much to
say. Iron is produced, but the hills are for the most part quite unex-
plored, and their riches, if they possess any, unknown. The popula-
tion, with so much room for expansion, does not increase. There are
83 deserted village sites, and what are now small hamlets appear to
have been at one time large villages. The cause is not apparent, as
the people of the more civilized class are well to do and content, and
rent is very low, and as in all the Tributary Mehals, fixed. It is
Rs. 2-8 for a hull of 17 khundees. Nevertheless the chief tells me
he is obliged to grant all manner of extraneous indulgences to his
ryots to induce them to remain.

Wild beasts are very numerous, and in their ravages lies one great
difficulty that villages bordering on or in the jungles have to contend
against—the ryots complain not of loss of life but of the destruction of
crops. They say they have to raise grain for the beasts of the forest
as well as for their own families. On this account very little cotton
is cultivated, though the soil is well adapted for it.

The store of Sal timber in Bonai is immense, but the isolated and
almost inaccessible position of the forests will prevent their being
utilized for years to come, except for the resin, to obtain which, so
many noble trees are girdled and killed. Together with the Sal, are
found vast quantities of the Asan tree on which the tusser silk-worm
feeds, and a considerable quantity of the wild tusser is exported from
Bonai, but it is not much cultivated as the mass of the population
look upon it as an impure or unorthodox occupation, and none but
people of the lowest castes, the Domes, Ghassees, Pahans and Gonds
practice it. (The Gonds are out of their element in Bonai and are
thus classed.)

We meet with no Rajpoot or Khettree family except that of the
chief. Nothing can be more absurd than the tradition handed down
to account for this possession of power by one Khettree family over
an alien population. The Nagbungsi family of Chota-Nagpore admit
that they are sprung froma child found by and brought up in a
“ Moondah’’* family, and that this child was made chief of the whole

* Kole,

6 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

Moondah race. It is I think highly probable that the chiefs of Bonai
and Gangpore were originally Bhooyas who becoming leaders of their
people and Rajahs, and allying themselves by marriages with other
Rajahs were gradually admitted into the fraternity of Rajpoots or
Khettrees. It may be said indeed of both of them, that the inter-
marriage with families of better certified Khettree descent has not yet
obliterated their Bhooya lineaments, for they bear a-very remarkable
likeness to that race in feature.
GANGPORE.

This is a very extensive estate lying between Chota-Nagpore, Jush-
pore, Oodeypore, Sumbulpore, Bamra, Bonai and Singbhoom. It is
kidney-shaped. Its greatest length from east to west is about 97
miles, and in breadth from north to south it varies from 15 to 50
miles. The topographical survey of the estate is not yet complete and
its area cannot therefore be computed with accuracy, but I estimate it
at double the size of Bonai or about 3000 square miles. Of this area
not more than a tenth is under cultivation.

The Sunkh and Koel rivers from the plateau of Chota-Nagpore,
unite near Gurjun in Gangpore and form the Brahmini. The Heb,
another river of some magnitude, flows through Gangpore south on its
way to the Mahanuddee. The ordinary level of Gangpore is about
700 feet above the sea; the highest hill yet noted by the topographical
surveyor is 2,240, not much above the general level of the Chota-Nag-
pore plateau. The descent, however, from the plateau to the ordinary
level of Gangpore is gradual, and there is a tolerable road. As in
Bonai, the majority of the population are Bhooya, and they were no
doubt the first settlers. All the zemindars under the Rajah are of that
race, and hold their estates as fiefs at low fixed rates and terms of ser-
vice. Consequently the Rajah is under the necessity of adopting a con-
ciliatory policy towards some of them at least. There are generally
one or two in opposition, but fortunately for the Lord Paramount, the
great vassals are too jealous of each other readily to combine. The
largest estate is held by the vassal who bears the title of Mahapater.
It borders on Singhbhoom, extends to the Brahmini river and com-
prises 100 villages for which the Mahapater pays only Rs. 200. This
part of Gangpore was at one time more densely populated than it is
at present, but all the more peaceably disposed of the old inhabitants

!
4

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 7

including, it is said, several colonies of Brahmins, were slaughtered or
driven out of the country by the Lurka Coles. To the south, another
great vassal, under the title of Gurhoutea, holds the Hemzeer estate,
consisting of 84 villages, and an unlimited run of hill and forest.
Gungadhur the Gurhoutea, boasts that he can travel twenty-four miles
in a direct line over his own ground without seeing a human habita-
tion, all through hill and forest, which, united to enormous tracts of
hill and forest of Raigurh and Sumbulpore, forms perhaps the most
extensive uninhabited region in all India. The third of these vassals
has his estate on the north-west of Gangpore and holds the passes into
the country from Jushpore and Chota-Nagpore. This estate is in
advance of the passes, and looks as if it had been filched from Jush-
pore, to which from the geographical features it ought to belong.

The chief is of the ‘ Seekur’ family and claims connectionship with
the Rajah of Pachete. His ancestor the first Rajah of Gangpore, was,
we are told, invited by the Bhooyas to take charge of their country ;
from which, it is said, they had just expelled a Rajpoot family called
the “ Kaiserbuns ;” but as I stated above, I think it more probable that
the ruling family are descended from the original Bhooya chiefs. The
traditions, assigning to them a nobler birth, are founded on the sup-
position that the Rajpoots or Cshetryas were the only class qualified
to rule, that where there was no one of this class over a nation or a
people, “the Guddee” was vacant, and a Cshetrya had only to step
in and take it. The Cshetryas must have wandered about like knights-
errant of old, in search of these vacant Guddees, as we do not find in
the country any descendants of the followers whom they must have
had, if they came in other fashion to oust the native chiefs and seize
the country.

It was admitted to me that until these Tributary Mehals came
under British rule, a human sacrifice was offered every third year
before the shrine of Kali at Suadeech, where the present Rajah resides.
The same triennial offering was made in Bonai and Bamra, Bhooya
priests officiating at all three shrines. This fact appears to me to be
confirmatory of the theory that the Hindus derived from the abori-
ginal races the practice of human sacrifices.

In the above named districts, the practice of widows going ‘ suttce’’
was also generally followed in the family of the chiefs and in Brah-

8 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

min families, up to a recent date; many of the grandmothers of the
present generation of chiefs and Brahmins having so distinguished
themselves. One man was pointed out to me as having lost his mother
by the rite of suttee. He would not say ‘lost ;’ he no doubt regards
her as canonized by the act.

A rather romantic story of a suttee that occurred some fifty years
ago in Gangpore is related.

A Brahmin took a dislike to a girl he had just married, and turned
her out of doors, a wedded maid. She took refuge with her parents
who were poor, and who soon after died, leaving her destitute; then
she wandered from village to village subsisting on alms and leading a
wretched widowed life. Her husband married a second time, and sons

and daughters were born to him and grew up about him, and in the
fullness of years he died. His second wife had preceded him, so his
corpse was placed alone on the funeral pile, and the torch was about
to be applied to it, when a poor emaciated and meanly clad female
stepped forward, and as the first, the faithful and only surviving wife
of the deceased, claimed the right of suttee. Her request was com-
plied with. Bathed, anointed, clothed, and adorned with flowers like
a bride, she ascended the pile and clinging to the corpse of the hus-
band who had so cruelly discarded her, and for the first time in her
life pressing her lips to his, the flames arose and their ashes were
mingled together !

There is no doubt still a strong sentiment in favour of suttee in the
Tributary Mehals, and States under native government. Its prohibition
has not been long enforced in the eastern parts of Rewa. Not long
ago, in that territory, on the death of a Brahmin, his widow, notwith-
standing the prohibition, was so vehement in her desire to join her
husband on the pyre, that her relatives as the only method of restrain-
ing her, locked her up. When the ceremony was over they proceeded
to release her, but found that her spirit too had fled. She had attained
her object, as my informant declared, by a special interposition of
Providence in her behalf.

Proceeding north-west from Nugra and the banks of the Brahmini
river, you enter the Nuagurh division of Gangpore and come to
Lainggurh, near the confluence of several streams, which was once the
capital and promises to be so again, as the present Rajah is just now

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehais. 9

building there. It is very prettily situated, and the gurh ow a little
hill in the centre of the valley has a commanding position, but I fear
it is not a healthy site, from the number of enlarged spleens and cases
of skin-disease I observed amongst the people. There are many fine
old village sites in Nuagurh, now occupied by impoverished squatters,
mostly Oraons from Chota-Nagpore.

The old inhabitants have died off or removed to more civilized and
securer regions further south. The shabby huts of the squatters hud-
died together under the shade of the grand old trees, the monuments
ef the more civilized race that preceded them, look as much out of
place as mud cabins in a street of palaces. The Rajah and other
zemindars give these new settlers, when they first come, three years of
absolute immunity from demands of every kind. In the fourth year
they are called on to pay a light assessment. It is difficult to describe
on what principle it is imposed, but in old settled villages of Oraons
it does not amount, including rent and contribution, to more thar
Rs. 1-8 per house or family. The soil in this part of Gangpore ap-
pears very fertile, and there is still available much of the slightly
swampy, rich looking land, that. gives the best crops of rice. TI find
“ Sirosha’”’ now in flower, growing in great luxuriance. It is sold here
at one maund for the rupee.

The Coles are evidently a good pioneering race, fond of new clear-
ings and the luxuriant and easily raised crops of the virgin soil, and _
have constitutions that thrive on malaria; so it is perhaps in the best
interest of humanity and cause of civilization that they be kept mov-
ing by continued Aryan propulsion. Ever armed with bow, arrows
and pole-axe, they are prepared to do battle with the beasts of the
forest, holding even the king of the forest, the “ Bun Rajah,” that is
the tiger, in little fear. Mixed up with them are numbers of the
Kherria tribe, who are as yet a mystery to me, and I will say nothing
more about them till I learn more. Jam assured that they have no
affinity with either Moondahs or Oraons, 7. e. with those who are
generally called Coles.

Borgaon, near the Mahabeer hill on the borders of Bamra, is the
largest village Gangpore possesses on this side. It contains 160 houses—
20 of Brahmins, 20 of ‘ Telis,’ oil-pressers, 22 of various Hindu
Ooriah castes, and the remainder Oraons and Kherriahs, The two

2

10 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

latter coming in contact with Brahmins, have at once succumbed and
become their farm labourers. It appears to make little difference in
the condition of Oraon emigrants, whether they are farm servants or
farmers on their own account : they have the same wretched huts, scanty
apparel, and generally uncared-for appearance, as if they had in despair
given up all ideas of rendering themselves attractive; but the wonder
is that they remain in this dependent position, when they can get land
on such easy terms and become farmers themselves.

The village pays direct to the Rajah a rent of Rs. 34, magun or
contribution Rs. 34!, and 64 maunds of rice. The price of rice is from
one maund to two maunds for the rupee. On births, deaths and mar-
riages in the Rajah’s family, the villagers are called on for additional
contributions, and when that family, as it is just now, is a large one,
the extra charge comes to from Rs. 30 to 40 a year. The total demand
is therefore about Rs. 160 a year, and from the extent of land under
cultivation, I do not think this would amount to more than 3 annas a
beegah on the cultivated area. It is evidently a very old village site,
surrounded by extensive groves of mangoes, and with several tanks of
very insalubrious water overgrown with water lillies. Hills are seen
on all sides, but the most remarkable feature in the landscape is the
great Mahabeer hill; a mass of rock tilted up, and shewing towards
Borgaon, an uneven wall of disrupted ends, forming a cliff of fantastic
outline, nearly 2000 feet high.

The tutelary deity of this hill is a favourite object of worship with
the Bhooyas, and is more or less revered by all the country. The top
of the hill or rock being difficult of access, Mahabeer has studied the
convenience of his votaries, and entered an appearance down below in
the form of a stone, in a sacred grove or ‘Surna’ at the foot of the
hill. The idea of a ‘ Surna’ is pretty and poetical. It is or ought to
be a fragment of the primitive forest left when the first clearance was
- made, as a refuge for the sylvan deities whom the clearing might have
disturbed. The best villages and most thriving portion of the popu-
lation in Gangpore are found on both banks of the Heb river, as we
approach the boundaries of Sumbulpore. Here the very industrious
and respectable looking caste called Agureahs are first met with. They
are found in Gangpore, Sumbulpore, Raegurh, Raipore and Rutten-
pore. They number about 5000 in the three first places named.

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. ll

According to their tradition, they are called Agureahs from having,
ages ago, come from Agra.

They were a proud Cshettrya or Khettree family, a stiff-necked
generation, and refusing, when making an obeisance, to bow their
heads, the Rajah lowered some of them summarily by cutting them
off. They therefore left Agra and wandered south through Central
India till they came to Sumbulpore, and eventually settled in these
regions. Acquiring lands, and determining to devote themselves
entirely to the tilling of the soil, they divested themselves of their
“‘paitas’” making them over to the Brahmins, and no longer styling
themselves or being styled Khettrees, they became known as Aguriahs.

They bwry their dead, and for this departure from the usual custom
of Hindus, they can assign no specific cause, but that they gave up
the practice of incremation when they resigned their pretensions to be
esteemed Khettrees. They nevertheless now profess to be Vishnoovis,
divided into two denominations, ‘ Ramanundyas’ and ‘ Kubeer pun-
thees.’ The Vishnoovi doctrines they have probably taken up, since
their migration to tracts bordering on Orissa and approximating the
great fane of Juggernath. They say they gave up the worship of
Kali when they resigned their ‘ paitas’ and took to the plough. It is
probable that they were Beodhists, obliged to leave the Gangetic pro-
vinces for refusing to conform to Brahminism.

Their physique decidedly supports the tradition of their Khettri
extraction: they are distinguished amongst the dark, coarse-featured
aborigines of this country, as a tall, fair, well-made and handsome race,
resembling the Rajpoots in every thing but swagger. That went with
the ‘ paitas,’ as a farewell offering to Kali. The women, who are not
very jealously secluded, have good features and figures, and a neat and
cleanly appearance.

The latter are subjected to no field labour, their sole business being to
look after the domestic arrangements, to gin cotton and to spin. They
do not weave. Their spun thread is made over to the weavers, who
are paid in kind for their labour. Their villages, laid out in streets, are
comparatively well kept, and their own houses in these villages sub-
stantial, clean, and comfortable. Munguspore, near the Sumbulpore
boundary, is, I think, the largest. It contains 200 houses, those of
the Aguriahs occupying the centre of the village, surrounded by hunts

12 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehats. [No. 1,

of Coles and others of the primitive races, whose services they have
secured as their farm labourers, and who are not allowed to hold lands,
but are paid for their labour at the rate of three seers of dhan per
diem, and a modicum of clothing doled out annually.

The soil in this part of Gangpore is exceedingly rich, producing
magnificent crops of sirosha, sugar-cane, and tobacco, besides the staple
rice. The plants of the country tobacco grown by the Aguriahs are
the finest I ever saw, and they grow more cotton than they require for
their own use, though they do not stint themselves in raiment. IJ am
certain the soil and climate is well suited for the finer kinds of cotton.

Proceeding north up the Heb from this, the Arabia Felix of Gang-
pore, we came again upon untidy Bhooya villages, and their patches of
cultivation, separated by miles of the monotonous Sal forests, and there
is no change in the features of the country or the population, till we
come to the estate of Bhugwan Manjee, which, as above mentioned,
does not appear as if it belonged to Gangpore, as it is separated by a
range of hills, and approached by a very narrow and difficult pass. We
are still amongst Bhooyas, but here they speak Hindi instead of
Ooriah, and the peculiarities of Ooriah costume and decoration are
rarely met with,

J USHPORE.

The small state of Jushpore, though specially mentioned as a cession
to the British in the agreement taken from Appa Sahib, after his
defeat at Setahbuldee in 1818, has hitherto found no place in any pub-
lished map. In the very latest issued from the Surveyor General’s
office, a few scattered villages of Jushpore are inserted as if contained
within the boundaries of Sirgoojah, but the name of the estate is not
given, and the chief town, where the Rajah now lives, is not down. It
is singular how old the information must be, from which some names
have been inserted on the maps of the unsurveyed parts of India.

Konkale appears in large letters in about the centre of the tract
which should be called Jushpore. It is now an insignificant hamlet,
but there is the trace of a fort, where resided an ancestor of the
present Rajah. The present capital, Jugdispore, is about two miles to
the north and west of it.

Jushpore is bounded on the north by Burway of Chota-Nagpore ;
south by Gangpore and Oodeypore ; east by Chota-Nagpore; and west

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, 13

by Sirgoojah. It is about 50 miles in length from north to south, and
30 in greatest breadth from east to west, and may comprise about
1000 square miles. It contains upwards of 200 villages, exclusive of
the hamlets or detached huts of migratory hill savages; the population
is about 30,000, and the total income of the Rajah from all sources
may be estimated at about Rs. 6000. With this moderate income he
maintains a very becoming state, and so rules as to be greatly beloved
by all his people.

Jushpore is about equally divided into highlands and lowlands,
‘Oopur Ghat’ and ‘Heth Ghat.’ The highlands consist of a mag-
nificent plateau, a continuation of the great tableland of Chota-Nag-
pore, averaging upwards of 2000 feet above the level of the sea, and
fringed by hills, rising in places 1000 feet higher. The lowlands lie
in steppes descending towards the south, broken by low ranges of hills
isolated bluffs, and masses of granite, sometimes semi-globular in form,
and without vegetation, bare and round as an old man’s bald pate,
and hence the most conspicuous of them is called the ‘ Boora,’

The Heb river has its sources in the Jushpore highlands, and grows
so rapidly into a respectable stream, that when it reaches the brink of
the plateau, it bounds into the lowlands with a roar that is heard
for miles. It is, shortly after, joined by another stream, the Maini,
which also rises in the Jushpore heights. There is a story that, years
ago, an invisible spirit in a visible light canoe ascended the Keb, water-
fall and all, to its source, and there the boat is still waiting for the
spirit’s return. I did not see it.

- It is also called the ‘ Heera’ river, as diamonds are found in its bed,
and it is probably the source of the diamond stores of the Maha
Nuddee, as I understand that none have been found above the con-
fluence of the two streams. It is auriferous, and from time immemorial
its sands and deposits have been explored by hereditary gold-washers,
called ‘‘ Jhorahs.” These gold-washers do not, however, confine their
operations to the bed of the river. They find it more profitable to
penetrate the soil some distance from its banks, and on both sides you
find tracts honey-combed with shafts, sunk by successive generations
of gold seekers.

These shafts are from 10 to 30 feet in depth, and three in
diameter. The Jhorahs excavate till they cut through the upper

14 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, “+[ Nomad

stratum of vegetable mould and the red soil beneath it, and come
to a layer of pebbles and fragments, chiefly of quartz, forming a
dirty damp gravel; this they remove and wash. I have watched
their operations close along the banks of the river, and at some
miles distant from the stream, and the process and result was much
the same in both places. Near the river, five pits or shafts had been
recently sunk by as many families of Jhorahs, for they work in
families, women and children assisting. They had one washing trough,
called a‘dooin,’ to each family, andthewashing commenced in my presence.
The stuff selected is either of a dirty drab or of a reddish colour, with
occasional small white spots, little balls of particles of decomposed
felspar, adhering together from moisture, and drying into powder.
The Jhorahs regard these white spots as the surest indication that the
gravel contains gold. The stratum of gravel which they were working
on this occasion was not more than a foot in depth. It rests on
decomposed granite, which crumbles when taken in the hand, and the
gold-washers assured me that this contained no gold, but I insisted on
having some of it washed, and found their statement not strictly cor-
rect. It contains gold, but is less rich in the mineral than the gravel
above. When the gravel immediately under the shaft is all removed,
they scoop out from the sides all round, as far as they dare venture to
penetrate laterally, and in this way sometimes connect the shafts, but
they take no precautions, and sometimes, going too far, have to be dug
out, not always alive! There appear to have been several accidents of
the kind, but with all this danger and labour, the pursuit does not
return sufficient to support them, and they are farmers as well as gold-
washers.

They are greedy and reckless in taking advances, trusting much, no
doubt, to the facilities their remote situation gives them, of evading
payment, and some of them are enormously in debt. One man was
pointed out to me as owing Rs. 1000! He grinned as the sum was
mentioned, as if exulting over his victim. The greed for gold and the
gambling nature of the pursuit is surely a great corrupter of human
nature, for in the midst of a population generally remarkable for
honesty, truthfulness and simplicity, these gold-washers are menda-

cious and unscrupulous rogues.
Some years ago, a trader came amongst them whilst they were at

1865.] Notes of « towr in the Tributary Mehals. 15

work, accompanied by his wife, hoping to obtain some return for the
advances he had made. He dunned and worried them, and to get rid
of his importunity, they knocked him on the head and popped him
into one of the 30 feet shafts, where he was told to seek gold for him-
self! The unfortunate woman was similarly disposed of. The crime
was, however, brought home to the delinquents, who were all transported.

The yield of these pits in gold is of course very uncertain. The
out-turn obtained in my presence from the five pits, in about four hours,
would not have given to the individuals employed, more than half an
anna a head, but they admitted that they sometimes obtained as much
as half a tolah of gold from one ‘ dooin’ in a day, and this would
give about Rs. 2 a head to the hands employed, and make up for many
blank days. From their mode of washing, there must be great waste.
I observed it is only very palpable particles of gold that are retained.
The grains are irregularly shaped, with sharp angles, and do not
appear to have undergone any disturbing process since they were
evolved from their original matrix. There is no indication of flatten-
ing or rolling out.

The northern portion of Jushpore, bordering on Burway and
Sirgoojah, is a wild mountainous region called Khooria, inhabited
chiefly by Korewahs ; some, utterly savage and almost nomadic ;
others, somewhat more civilized, living in villages; but all invariably
armed with bow and arrows and a battle-axe.

In 1818 when Sirgoojah and Jushpore were ceded to the British
Government by Appa Sahib, the chief of Khooria, himself a Kore-
wah, and claiming to be hereditary Dewan of Jushpore, was in rebel-
lion against his Rajah ; and for several years, by savage raids at the
head of his Korewahs, both on Sirgoojah and Jushpore, gave much
trouble. In one of these expeditions, his son Muniar Singh was cap-
tured and detained as a hostage by the British authorities till the
death of the old chief, when a reconciliation wasveffected, between the
Rajah and Muniar Singh, who was restored to his possessions and
hereditary office. The policy adopted on the occasion has proved very
successful : the dewans Korewahs have ever since conducted themselves
peaceably.

Having expressed a wish to see some of the wild hill Korewahs,
the present zemindar of Khooria, a nephew of Muniar Singh’s, ap-

16 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

peared in camp with forty warriors of the tribe. Their costume was
nothing in particular, except that they had very shaggy heads of hair, into
which their store of spare arrows were stuck by the barbs. They each
carried in one hand a very powerful bow and two or three arrows, and
in the other the gleaming long edged battle-axe of the country. The
arrows are carefully made with flat bright heads of iron, 9 inches long
and 23 in breadth, with long barbs, the edges and points all carefully
sharpened. These are attached to light reeds, the other ends of which
are neatly spirally feathered.

The men were mostly short of stature but with well knit muscular
frames, springy and energetic in action, better looking and of lighter
complexion than the Oraons of the plateau. There was no remark-
able protuberance of the maxillary processes nor lowness of forehead.
Those who were old enough had beards and moustaches. They evinced
no timidity, but immediately on seeing me, gruffly vociferated that
they had had nothing to eat all day, and they wanted immediately,
rations of rice, dal, oil, salt, tobacco and pig, and expected as they
had come so far to see me, that they were each to be presented with a
cap, a coat and a waist cloth.

I placed a small earthen pot on a peg, and offered it as a mark to
those amongst them who wished to shew their skill in archery. In
great excitement, all eagerly volunteered, bows were instantly strung,
and though they did not once hit the small target, they all planted
their arrows close to it, and aman in the same position would not
have escaped. I tried them afterwards at a tree at 40 yards, and almost
every arrow told. Their bows are very powerful, and arrow after
arrow was delivered with a force and rapidity that made one feel a
very profound respect for this, owr once national weapon. In bush
warfare it is more formidable than the matchlock, and I do not doubt
that the Korewahs could render a hostile entry into their country,
a difficult and dangerous task.

There is every point of resemblance between them and the wilder
section of the Lurka Coles, and so little do the languages of the two
tribes differ, that my slight acquaintance with that of the Coles, enabled
me to understand what the Korewahs, on first appearing, were demand-
ing; and a Cole chaprassee of mine kept up a conversation with them.

It is almost unnecessary to seek for further prools of affinity, but they’

|

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, 17

are to be found in the identity of many of their customs. Their
sacrifices in cases of sickness, their songs, their dances, their mode of
disposing of the dead—all these shew them to be of kin to the ‘ Ho’
or Lurka of Singbhoom, the Moondahs of Chota-Nagpore, and to
the Sonthals. It is not possible to trace the similitude through all the
relations of life. The Singbhoom Coles live in large communities
and have an organization unattainable by the hill Korewahs, who prefer
to dwell apart. Except on great occasions, when there is a ‘ gathering
of the clan,’ the Korewah has only his own family to think of and
associate with. The head of the family is chief and priest—the god
to whom he sacrifices, the spirit of his father.

The Korewahs are found also in the wildest parts of Sirgoojah, and
in the ranges of hills between Sirgoojah and Palamow. Many of them
have abandoned their free mountain life, and have formed settlements on
the skirts of hills, near villages ; and where this is the case they appear
to be losing their own language and peculiar habits, and becoming
Hinduized.

The Hill Korewahs live in wretched little detached huts, in the
midst of the patch of hill forest they have partially cleared and are
then cultivating, shifting every three or four years as the ground be-
comes exhausted. They cultivate very little rice. Their crops con-
sist of pulses, millet, pumpkins, cucumbers,* melons, sweet potatoes,
and yams. They also grow and prepare arrow-root, and there is a wild
arrow-root which they use and sell. The grain they store for winter
use is secured in small parcels of the leaves of a plant called ‘ muhoo-
lain,’ sown together by fibres of the same, and these parcels they

bury. The grain thus preserved remains for years unimpaired. They

have no prejudices in regard to animal food, and they drink freely
of an intoxicating beverage prepared by themselves from millet.
They are as devoted to songs and dances as the Moondahs and Son-
thals, and have the same steps and melodies. They bury or burn their
dead, whichever they find most convenient, but the practice of mark-
ing the spot where the body or ashes are deposited, is common to both.

The Khooria Korewahs resort in large numbers to an annual fair
held at Muhree on the borders of Sirgoojah, and give in barter for salt

* They have a gigantic cucumber about a foot and a half in length and
ten inches in diameter !

3

18 Notes of a towr in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

and other necessaries, wax, arrow-root, resin, gums, honey and stick
lac, and excellent iron smelted by themselves. The Korewah iron,
roughly fashioned as battle-axes, is greatly prized by the inhabitants
of all the neighbouring States.

Whilst conversing with the Rajah about these savages, he men-
tioned to me that there existed a tribe called Birhores, whom he accused
of a sort of interfraternal anthropophagy, of feeding literally on their
blood relations.

They are alluded to by the late Col. Ouseley, in a paper that ap-
peared in the Journal of the Society for January 1848, but he relates
the story, as of the Korewahs, calling them inhabitants of Mynepat
in Sirgoojah. The Korewahs repudiate all affinity with the Birhores,
nor could I hear of either Korewahs or Birhores on the Mynepat: the
latter are found in some of the wildest parts of Chota-Nagpore and
Jushpore, but they are of rare occurrence. With much trouble some
were caught and brought to me. They were wretched looking objects,
but had more the appearance of the most abject of one of those
degraded castes of Hindu, the domes or pariahs, to whom most flesh
is food, than of hill people. Assuring me that they had themselves
given up the practice, they admitted that their fathers were in the
habit of disposing of their dead in the manner indicated ; viz. by feasting
on the bodies, but they declared they never shortened life to provide
such feasts, and shrunk with horror at the idea of any bodies but
those of their own blood relations being served up at them! The
Rajah said he had heard that, when a Birhore thought his end was
approaching, he himself invited his kindred to feast on his body. The
Birhores brought to me did not acknowledge this, but they spoke on

- the subject with a degree of reticence that. made me think it might be
true. I told the Rajah to enquire particularly about it, and gave out
that if the horrid rite was still practised, it must be discontinued. But,
query,—‘ would not Saturday reviewers regard my order as an injudi-
cious interference with a time-honoured custom, ona point that natives
were so peculiarly tenacious of the disposal of their dead 2?’

The Birhores speak a jargon of Hindi, which I found intelligible ; i

and have no other language.
Nine-tenths of the population of the remaining portion of the Jush-
pore highlands are “‘ Coles.” Chiefly Oraons, there are very few Moon-

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 19

dahs amongst them ; the Jushpore Oraons are the ugliest of the race,
and appear to me utterly destitute of all ambition to rise into respect-
ability of appearance. With foreheads “ villainous low,” flat noses
and projecting maxillaries, they approach the negro in physiognomy,
much closer than do their brethren in Chota-Nagpore.

Jushpore produces an excellent iron, much prized for making wea-
pons and implements of husbandry. Amongst its exports may be
included about ten thousand maunds of cotton.

The lowland villages of Jushpore have a sprinkling of the tribes
from all the surrounding districts. Of the Orissa type are “ Makoors”’

- from Keonjhur, the most thriving people in these parts, well dressed,

and occupying good houses. They have great herds of cattle, like the
Aheers and Gwallas. Then there are a few of the Gangpore Bhooyas,
intermingled with a good many Khairwars from Palamow, (of which
caste is the Rajah,) and Gours or Gonds from the south and west, and
as we approach Oodeypore, we come for the first time on the Kawrs.
The Kaurs form a considerable proportion of the population
of Oodeypore, Sirgoojah, Korea, Chang Bhukar, and Korbah of
Chutteesgurh, and there is this point of interest in them, that
they claim to be the descendants of the ‘‘ Kooroos” who fought the
Pandavas, who, when defeated and driven from the scenes of the war,
found a safe retreat in these mountainous and densely-wooded regions.
In appearance they more resemble the aborigines than the Hindu
tribes. They are, in fact, next to the Jushpore Oraons, the ugliest
race I have seen in the course of my tour: dark and coarse-featured,
broad noses, wide mouths and thick lips. They resemble the Khair-
wars of Palamow, especially that ill-favoured section of them called
Bhogtahs, in features, but in nothing else, as the Kaurs are an exceed-
ingly industrious and thriving people. Their houses are unusually neat
and commodious, built like bungalows, with verandahs on two or more
sides. Of these there is one to each married member of the family, who,
however, meet and eat together in the largest, belonging to the head. The
houses are placed so as to form a small court-yard, which is kept scru-
pulously clean. The Kaurs do not strictly conform to Hinduism: they
rear and eat fowls, and have no veneration for Brahmins. The ‘“ Nau,”’
the village barber, whom they sometimes call Thakoor, is their priest,

- and officiates as such at all marriages and other ceremonies. The
|

20 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

combination of priestly functions and operations with the easy shaving
line, is singular; but it arises from the fact that the great ceremonial
law of the Kaurs is all comprised in the act of shaving. At births,
deaths and marriages, the parties immediately interested, and all con-
nected with them, are clean shaven all round. In regard to the
disposal of the dead by this tribe, they tell me that they bury those
that die unmarried, while the bodies of married folk are burnt in
orthodox Hindu fashion! I wonder if matrimonial interests are ad-
vanced by this invidious custom. The tonsure of the males is pecu-
liar; the hair is allowed to grow long on the crown of the head and
collected in a knot, but the forehead-is shaven to the knot, and there
is a shaven ring round it as if to facilitate the operation of scalping ;
the back of the head is also shaven, but over the ears and temples the
hair is worn long.

They worship Shiva under the denomination of Mahadeva, and
Parvati as Gouree, and they have a festival in the year for each, at
which they dance and sing, men and women. In some villages there
is a Baiga who offers sacrifices at these festivals ; but this Baiga is
not a Kaur. He belongs to one of the aboriginal tribes, and it is a
remarkable feature in the religious ceremonies of the people of the
Tributary Mehals, that the aborigines should have a monopoly of such
offices. The new settlers dread the malignancy of the local spirits,
and to appease them, naturally rely on the aborigines, who have longest
known them. The zemindar of Korbah in Chutteesgurh is a Kaur,
and as far as I can learn is the most influential person of their caste
existing: there was a Kaur zemindar in Sirgoojah formerly, called
Kumol Singh, but he rebelled and came to grief.

Most of the “‘ Khalsa” villages in Oodeypore are held in farm by
‘ Kaurs’ and two-thirds of the population of these villages are Kaurs.
With one exception all the permanent service tenures of Oodeypore
are in the hands of Gours, and the people in those estates are for the
most part Gours. We find therefore, that the Gours have, in Oodey-
pore, a position similar to that held by the Bhooyas in Bamra, Gang-
pore and Bonai, and the right to the office of Dewan and to instal a
new Rajah, claimed in those districts by certain Bhooyas, is in Oodey-
pore claimed by one of the Gour zemindars, Bhowany Singh of
Kourajah. Thus we find the Gours or Gonds, who in Bonai were

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 21

classed amongst the most degraded of the people, (and in Gangpore
not held in much higher estimation,) holding a high position in
Oodeypore.

I have insensibly glided into Oodeypore. In no published map are
the boundaries of that district defined. It has to the north the gre&t
tableland of the Mynepat, as a massive barrier between it and Sirgoo-
jah, to the west Korbah of Chutteesgurh or the Belaspore district, to
the south Raigurh, and to the east Gangpore and Jushpore. It is
about 64 miles in length by 40 in breadth, and contains about 1800
square miles. There are 220 villages. The population may be roughly
estimated at 25,000. The only river of consequence is the Mand, an
affluent of the Mahanuddee. It rises near Girsa in Sirgoojah, and re-
ceives the streams that flow south from the Mynepat. Near Rabcope,
which, though not much of a place, we may call the chief town, it has
cut its way through a great mass of sandstone rock, and now flows
without obstruction through a narrow pass with perpendicular or
rather overhanging cliffs, on the highest portion of which the former
Rajahs of Oodeypore, like Barons of the Rhine, had their castle. The
site was occupied by the leader of the Oodeypore insurgents in 1857-
58, and had he not abandoned his position on the approach of a force
sent against him, he might have given us much trouble, as the rock is
or might easily be made as inaccessible from the land as from the river
side. The river has generally a deep cut channel, flows in alternate
rapids and pools, and is not navigable in any part of its course. The
country north of Rabcobe rises in steppes to the base of the Mynepat,
but the surface is everywhere undulated by masses of sandstone rock,
forming hills, dividing and enriching the culturable lands, as the rocks
have many springs, from which fertilizing streams are ever flowing
over the terraced plains. But with all these advantages the country
is sparsely populated, the villages small and ‘ far between,’ and there
appears little prospect of improvement, as the districts all round are in
much the same condition.

There is at present but one weekly market held in Oodeypore, at
Dukree, 24 miles due south of Rabcobe. This is attended by people
from Raigurh, Chutteesgurh, Sucktee, &e. The chief exports are lae,
cotton, resin, oil seeds, rice, wild arrow-root, iron, and a small quantity
of gold.

24 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

touch of Moses. The temperature of the water was, strange to say,
much higher than that of the air, but cooled in a soraz it was delicious.
A broad seam of coal is here seen underlying the sandstone. It burns
well, but I say no more about it,as the Sirgoojah coal from this
vicinity has been fully reported on by my predecessor Col. Ouseley.
To continue the ascent of the hill, you repass the gate, and proceed by
an easy path three parts round the hill to its southern face, and then
as best you can up, by an exceedingly difficult zig-zag path, some-
times a mere ledge cut out in the rock. Just at the commencement
of the difficult part of the ascent, you pass a large boulder of sand-
stone with nothing to distinguish it externally from many others that
are lying about, but which has been hollowed into a chamber of suffi-
cient capacity to allow of a man sitting in it at his ease, and with an
aperture just large enough for a slender man to creep in by. The open-
ing is not seen from the path ; so that an unconscious pilgrim might find
himself exhorted by a voice from the bowels of a rock in a manner
truly awe-striking. Crowning the most difficult part of the ascent,
so perched that you cannot obtain a good view of it without looking
right up to the sky, from a position that makes it unpleasant to throw
your head back to the necessary angle, isa second gateway, which is in
better preservation, and is the best executed and most beautiful architec-
tural antiquity of the entire region. Though its origin is equally
unknown, it is unquestionably a more modern work than the other
gateways and temples on the hill. It belongs to that description of
Hindu architecture which bears most resemblance to the Saracenic.
Instead of a flat lintel over the gate, we have an arch formed of three
voussoirs of stone. The soffit of this arch is cut into a wavy scroll,
terminating on the abutments, in heads of some animal not clearly
discernible. There is an exterior and interior arch of this description,
springing from fluted pilasters, and the space of about three feet be-
tween them is covered in by another loftier arch similarly formed.
Entering, you find yourself ina small court, at the bottom of a flight
of steps. A projection of the rock has been scarped to form this
resting place, and from it a most extensive view south and west is
obtained. The steps are to the right as you enter, to the left there is
a projection with stone breastwork used as a look-out. Opposite the
entrance, there was a covered colonnade, but this has fallen in.

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 25

In the thickness of the gateway wall, a niche four feet in depth and
about eight feet in height and breadth, is divided by a column still in
position, shewing how the fragments of the columns of the ruined
colonnade should be restored. The shaft and base are octagonal and the
bracket-like projections of the capital are erouching human figures, so
placed, that head, arms, hands and back all appear to support the
abacus. There is one well executed figure in this enclosure, of a man
kneeling on a coiled cobra, and with snake heads peering over each
shoulder.

A flight of 48 cut stone steps leads from this resting place to
another mass of ruins which appear to have been a temple and gateway
eombined. There is here an image of Durga with 20 arms, another
with eight, and a large figure of Hunooman, all more or less mutilated.
We are now on the ridge forming the top of the hill. Bare as are
the sides of the rock, there must be here a great depth of soil, as it
supports a variety of large forest trees and shrubs, which are growing
luxuriantly. On the highest part of the ridge and about the centre
of the hill, is the temple, which contained no doubt the principal object
of worship. It consisted of a small fane, the inner crust of which,
constructed of parallel courses of roughly cut stone, is still standing,
with a detached portico on columns. It is small and insignificant, but
no doubt immensely old ; it is impossible to say to what idol or object
of worship the temple was originally dedicated ; at present, on the old
“argha” or stand, there is a group of Vishnu with his wives, but the
/ group does not fit the pedestal, is of more elaborate workmanship than
the figures that are lying about, and whilst all the old figures are mu-
tilated, this one is perfect. I conclude that it was placed in the temple
after its partial destruction, and the mutilation of the original images.

I found the air on the hill keen and invigorating. There is space for
several houses on the saddle back ; and as it is an independent isolated
mountain, it commands an extensive view, shewing that all this part
of Sirgoojah, which the maps make out to be a mass of hills, from
the foot of the Mynepat, as far as the eye from this elevation can
penetrate westward, is, thus seen, a plain slightly undulating, but on
the whole well adapted for the Railroad, which, Iam confident, will some
day be made through it, connecting, by the most direct route, Calcutta,
Central India and Bombay.

4

26 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

The tableland called the Mynepat is 50 miles in length by 40 in
breadth, with an elevation of 3,700 feet above the sea level. Its soil,
like that on the Ramgurh hill, is deep and rich, and it possesses numer-
ous springs and streams. It abounds in game; gaur, buffalo, tigers,
leopards, and deer, and some of the streams are large enough to give
the angler gentler sport. The day must surely come for the fructifi-
cation of all these natural advantages, and the tract now occupied by
a few herdsmen and savages, may become the head-quarters of a divi-
sion, or the seat of a Government.

Not far from the summit of the Ramgurh hill, an attempt has been
made to construct a tank, but it probably was not a success, and it is
now nearly filled up with light vegetable mould, of not less than three
feet in depth and quite dry. In another direction, a descent of a few
hundred feet brings you to a pool of good water percolating a
seam of white calcareous clay. A party defending themselves on the
rock could not be cut off from this supply, as it is perfectly inaccessible
from below, but it would not be adequate to the supply of a large
party, and the next nearest source is the spring near the first gateway.

But the great curiosity of the Ramgurh hill has yet to be described.
Two of the spurs of the great rock, themselves rocky and precipitous,
forming buttresses on the northern face, instead of gently blending
with the plain like others, have their bases truncated, and then united
by a vast natural wall of sandstone rock, 150 yards thick and 100 to
150 in height. A semi-circular or rather horse shoe shaped nook is
thus formed, which, from the height and precipitous nature of the
sandstone rock enclosing it, would be almost inaccessible, had not na-
ture provided an entrance by a natural tunnel through the subtending
wall. This is called the ‘ Hathphor.” The waters collected from
springs in the nook form a little stream that flows out through the
tunnel. At its mouth it is about twenty feet in height by thirty in ©
breadth, but at the inner extremity of its course of 150 yards, it is
not more than eight feet by twelve. A man on horseback could ride
through it. The sand of the stream in the tunnel was impressed with —
old and recent foot-prints of a whole family of tigers, who had taken
up their abode in this pleasant and secure retreat, but we did not find
them at home. The horse shoe embraces an acre or two of ground, —
well wooded and undulating, so that a considerable body of men could

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 27

conveniently encamp there. In the face of the great rock opposite the
entrance, two large caves have been excavated by human labour, the
largest of the two, sufficient to afford accommodation for forty or fifty
people. The entrance, about 30 feet wide, opens into a gallery of double
that length, with recesses at the extremities, intended for more private
apartments, probably for females. The excavation is made so as to
leave a platform of stone, extending through its whole length, and also
in the recesses, for the occupants of the cave to sit and sleep on. The
floor is some fifteen feet above the ground, but is accessible by steps
cut in the rock. In both caves I found inscriptions. carved on the rock
in ancient ‘ Pali’ character, and I made the best transcript of them I
could : this is now in the hands of Babu Rajendra Lal Mitra, and it
will, I trust, throw some light on the history of the retreat.

Since writing the above, I have seen Col. Ouseley’s brief notice of
the Ramgurh hill in the Asiatic Society’s Journal No. CLXXXVI. for
January 1848. He does not appear to have observed the inscriptions,
and I do not recollect having seen in the caves any of the stone figures
that he noticed there. They may have been since removed. Col. Ouseley
calls these antiquities cave temples, but there is nothing now to indi-
cate that they were intended as places of worship.

There are many other interesting collections of ruins in Sirgoojah.
Those to the west, in the Pal Pergunnahs, noticed by Col. Ouseley, I
have not seen, but he found there a stone with an inscription on it,
which I think must be in the Society’s museum. On the banks of the
Kunhur river in Tuppah Chulgalee, there is a large collection of
temple ruins. Three distinct heaps of fragments were at my request
opened out, till the foundations of three large temples dedicated to
Shiva and Durga were disclosed. The object of worship in the largest,
was a huge Lingum, five feet in length, which we found divorced from
its appropriate “ Yoni” as if it had been blown up. The latter was
smashed into several pieces by the destroying force, whatever it may
have been, and the numerous sadly maimed gods and goddesses that
were found in the debris, are further memorials of the barbarous zeal
of some uncompromising iconoclast. I observed a Shib’s bull in good
‘preservation, as large as life, a well executed figure of ‘ Parvati’
three feet high, and a grand, colossal, four armed figure with one foot
resting on a broad-edged axe, not unlike what is still the national

28 Notes of a towr in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

weapon of the tributary mehals. Close to the temples there is a stone-
faced tank.

Six miles to the west of the above ruins at Sirnidee there is another
small temple which appears to have been overlooked by the destroyer.

The dome over the fane is still standing, and part of the vestibule,
the latter a pyramidal roof supported on columns. The stones forming
the lintels and uprights of the entrance to the fane are elaborately
carved with minute representations of all the principal Hindu gods.
Shiva.and his wife on Nandi occupying the place of honour in the
centre of the lintel.

The Ruksale Rajpoot family who now hold Sirgoojah, have no
tradition regarding the antiquities I am describing, but they tell me
that under the Mahratta rule, their ancestors often availed themselves
of tlie retreat of the Hathphor to save their property from pillage and
their women from dishonour.

The ruins of an ancient castle of the Ruksale Rajahs of Sirgoojah
are to be seen on a hill near Bisrampore, and this appears to be the
Sirgoojah, marked as the chief town on the map, shewing again the
antiquity of the information from which the maps of these unsuryeyed
tracts had been filled in. '

According to the tradition preserved in the family, the first Ruksale
was called into existence by a ‘Muni’ or sage, to destroy a demon
that troubled the holy man in his devotions. The hero thus created
was the ancestor of the lovely Rukmini carried off by Krishna. In
about Samvat 251, a lineal descendant of Rukmini’s brother, Ruk-
man, entered Sirgoojah and fought with and killed the Rajah of the
place called ‘ Balind,’ and became Rajah in his room, The present
Maharajah Inderjeet Singh has a family tree to shew that he is the
111th in descent from the conqueror of Balind ! but I have been told
there is a popular tradition assigning to the family a local origin, and
considering there are no Ruksales in any other country, it is not un-
likely that it is the most truthful of the two. If so, it is probable
that the family are derived from the same stock as the ‘ Gours,’ the
most influential and numerous of the races now inhabiting Sirgoojah. ,

In A. D. 1758, a Mahratta army in progress to the Ganges
overran the district of Sirgoojah, and the chief was compelled
to acknowledge himself a tributary of the Berar government, but

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, 29

beyond a fine imposed at the time, and engagements taken for the
security of the roads from Mirzapore, Benares and Gya to the capital
of Nagpore, no proofs of submission were exacted,

In the year 1792, Sirgoojah first engaged the attention of the British
Government, in consequence of its Rajah Ajeet Singh having invaded
and taken possession of Burway, a Pergunnah of Chota-Nagpore. At
the requisition of the Governor-General, the Rajah of Berar interposed;
but ineffectually, as about this time, on the death of Ajeet Singh, his
third brother Lall Sungram Singh usurped the chieftainship, murdered
Ajeet Singh’s widow, and not only retained possession of Burway, but
assisted a rebellion in Palamow against the British Government. This
led to an expedition into Sirgoojah under Col. Jones by order of
Marquis Wellesley, which resulted in the restoration of Burway to
Chota-Nagpore, and Sirgoojah itself became a dependency of the
British empire by treaty with Appa Sahib in 1818.

Sirgoojah has not been surveyed, and it is therefore impossible
to give its area with any degree of accuracy. It is about 90
miles from east to west and 80 from north to south; is divided into 26
tuppahs and contains 1197 villages, and according to a return of
houses made some years ago, a population of 1,30,000, one hundred
and thirty thousand souls. About one-sixth of the whole are of
the Gour tribe: the Khairwars, Kawrs, Kisan Rajwars, Kore-
wahs and Coles number from 5000 to 7000 each: there are about 2000
Bhooyas, and about as many of the hill tribe found in greater numbers
further west, called Boyars : the remainder of the population are for the
most part Sudras. The ruling race, Rajpoots, number only 5065 souls,
and there are only 369 Brahmins.

Of the Gours, I have already observed that they are the same as the
Gonds of the south. Of this there can be no doubt, as we find amongst
the Gours of Oodeypore and Sirgoojah, blood relations of the Gonds
down south; and they intermarry. It is only a different way of pro-
nouncing the name of the tribe. They have always I believe been
considered as amongst the aboriginal races of India, but in Sirgoojah
and Oodeypore they are completely Hinduised, retaining neither the
language nor any other characteristic of their own race.

The Kaurs and Korewahs have already been disposed of; the
| Coles must have a chapter to themselves; the characteristics of

30 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

the Rajwars and Kisans I have not yet had an opportunity of study-
ing, and shall conclude with a few words about the Khairwars. They
are found in many parts of this province but are most numerous and
have been longest resident in Palamow. They are said to have
migrated from the hills west of Rhotas ; there is a place there, called
Kyra, supposed to be named after them, and they are found about the
Kymoor hills. The Rajah of Turki in that vicinity is a Khairwar.
In this division several of our great men are said to be of Khairwar
extraction, but they are all now undergoing that process of being
refined into Rajpoots which I have described as likely to have occurred
in other families, by intermarriage with Rajpoot maidens. They have
to pay very high for the honour, but by giving large dowries with their
daughters, they sometimes obtain for them also the distinction of
Rajpoot alliances.

The two races appear to blend well; a handsomer and more ener-
getic stock is the result; so the aspiring families I allude to, have
gained something by their outlay in marriages, as the ordinary or pure
Khairwars are generally a dark, ill-favoured race, with coarse features
and of lazy unimprovable habits.

The people called Bhogtahs are a Khairwar tribe. There was a
small clan of them in Palamow, who long defied the power of the
British Government. They lived on a narrow plateau, with the Sir-
goojah mountains behind them, and a range of hills with difficult
passes in front of them; and with the cattle and property of their
neighbours, they did very much as they pleased; and as they had
wonderfully contrived retreats amongst the hills and rocks for them-
selves and their plunder, they defied all efforts to capture them. At
last the wild country they occupied was given to them at a nominal
rent, on condition of their living honest and peaceful lives. This kept
them quiet for many years, but when the mutinies broke out in 1857,
the two chiefs, Lilumber and Pitumber, headed an insurrection in Pala-
mow and came to unmitigated grief.. One was hanged and the other
was transported for life and died in the Andamans.

The actual income of the Rajah of Sirgoojah from all sources is not
more than Rs. 30,000 a year: the estates held by members of his
family are worth in addition about Rs. 23,000, and other vassals hold
estates worth annually about Rs. 20,000. A fixity of tenure is the

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 31

predominating feature in the revenue system of all the Tributary
Mehals, and will no doubt be found to prevail in all parts of Hindu-
stan where ancient landmarks have not been swept away by the tide
of conquest. In these mehals, the great mass of the cultivators are
the descendants of those who first occupied and tilled the soil, and to
them, (says Malcolm in his Central India,) according to the most
revered texts of the sacred writers, the soil in the first instance belongs ;
and where a monarchy or chieftainship is by some process eliminated,
the peasant proprietor contributes for the support of the sovereign a
moderate share of the produce of his land. This accounts for the
lowness of rates of rents that prevail in these districts. The actual
rent does not exceed 2 annas a beegah in Sirgoojah, and this is un-
changeable. It probably represents the proportion of the produce first
assigned to the chief, and both the cultivating classes and heads of
villages in this province are exceedingly tenacious of their right to
pay no more than one fixed rate of rent. The hereditary village head-
man pays no more on this account, and collects no more than the old
fixed rate, but it does not now suffice for the requirements of the chief,
and as noticed before in treating of Gangpore, a practice has arisen of
giving as an ordinary contribution, a sum equal to the amount paid as
rent, whilst extraordinary contributions are often exacted, and demands’
made for unpaid labour, which must greatly hamper the productive
industry of the cultivators. In Sirgoojah I asked the Rajah and
zemindars if all these irregular demands could not be done away with
and a fair fixed rent taken in lieu. They expressed their willingness
to abide by any arrangement of the kind that I could make, but refer-
red me to the rent-payers and village headmen. They, with one con-
sent, refused to acquiesce in any enhancement of rent.

32 On a New Genus of the Gadide. [No. 1,

Description of a supposed new Genus of the Gadide, Arakan.—By
Lneut.-Col. 8. R. Trcxetn, Bengal Staff. Plate I.

[Author’s date, October, 1862. ] [Received 8th June, 1864. ]

Order. Ma acoprery@Il SUBBRACHIATI.
Family. Gapipz.
Genus. AstHENnuRvS (mihi).

(acGevys feeble and Ovpa Tail).

Body rounded—very little compressed—head small, muzzle short,
mouth wide with a single row of minute teeth in each jaw, and a
band across the anteal part of the palate. Scales of a medium size.
No lateral line visible. Fins; two dorsals and two anals, joined by
intermediate detached rays, which are partially membraned. The
anterior dorsal and anal, quadruple the height of their posterior
fellows. Ventrals jugular and filiform. Caudal bilobed and very small.
Brancheostegous rays 7.

Astumnurvs Atripinnis. Tickell.

Specimen 52” long. The largest of 4 or 5 observed, Akyab harbour.
Arakan. October 15th, 1862.

Structure. See above for Genus. Body lengthened in the portion
of the tail behind the Ist dorsal. Head small; snout short and blunt.
Gill plates smooth and smooth-edged, their divisions not very distinct :
but suboperculum large: scales medium-sized, semitransparent and —
deciduous. Along the back, from occiput to Ist D, a mesial groove,
with a ridge along each side for the whole length of the fish to caudal.
A deeper groove along mesial belly, in which the ventrals can lie
encased. Intermaxillary long and narrow, and set with a row of
minute pointed teeth jammed close together. Mandibles with a similar
row, smaller still. Rest of mouth smooth. Tongue short, round, tied
down to floor of mouth. Scales round at free edge, concentrically
furrowed; about 67 from gill cover to base of C and 14 tiers. Air
bladder large. Its shape and that of the intestines could not be ascer-
tained, as the specimen examined had been a long time in spirits.

Fins. Ast D 20, detached rays 15—2nd D 20.—P, 21.—V 5.—
A 20, detached rays 12—2nd A 26.—C 6-18-6.

1865.] On a New Genus of the Gadide. 33

- 1st D and 1st A have their 5th and 6th rays as long as the greatest
depth of the body, the fins decreasing rapidly to the first and last
rays. The 2nd D and A are much shorter rayed and close to OC, and
the space between them and their preceding fins is occupied by a row
of short rays each with a basal membrane. Pectoral, small, broad, and
pointed. C very small, and bilobed, the lower lobe blunter and
shorter than the upper. Ventral, 3 first rays filiform, the 2nd
reaching to the space between the two anals; Ist and 3rd a little
shorter; 4th and 5th ordinary and membranous.

Colour.* Pale ochreous grey, or horn colour, blackish along back,
from minute dots powdered along edges of scales. Snout and head, red
earneous. Iris, greenish silver. Fins black, with whitish bases,
except Vs which are fleshy white. A rectangular patch of black
above gill plates. Gill plates nacreous.

The specimen here figured is the largest of 4 or 5 obtained in the
fish market of Akyab. The fish is not described by Cantor in his
ichthyological catalogue of the Straits, and Cuvier and Valenciennes’
great work, which is incomplete, does not include the Malacopterygii
Subbrachiati. None of the Gadide (Cod family) have as yet been
noticed in India, and the present subject is one of peculiar interest on
that account: that is, if my allocation of it should prove correct, of
which I think there can be little doubt, on an examination of the
structure of the fish. In the synopsis of Cuvier’s Regne Animal there
is no genus amongst the Gadidw which resembles it : but it may rank
next to Phycis (Artedi.)

It does not appear uncommon. In October 1862 I procured four
or five specimens from the estuary of the Koladyn at Akyab, and from
Kyoukphyoo. Two of these I do myself the pleasure of forwarding
to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. The alcohol in which they
are preserved, has very little affected their natural colour,

* Fresh specimen,

34 On Local Attraction. [No. 1,

“ On the degree of uncertainty which Local Attraction, if not allowed
for, occasions in the Map of a Country, and in the Mean Figure of
the Earth as determined by Geodesy ; a Method of obtaining the
Mean Figure free from ambiguity by a comparison of the Anglo-
Gallic, Russian, and Indian Arcs; and Speculations on the

_ Constitution of the Earth's Crust.”—By Arcuvgeacon Pratt.

[Received 4th August, 1864. |

To the Secretary of the Asiatic Society.

Srr,—I beg to forward to you a copy of a Paper lately printed in the
Proceedings of the Royal Society (No. 64) on the topics notified at
the head of this letter. Two years ago you accepted from me a
“Series of Papers on Mountain and other Local Attraction in India,”
and published in your Journal a memorandum, regarding the effect
of local attraction upon the operations of the Great Trigonometrical
Survey of this country. The present Paper is not confined to India ;
but appertains to the globe in general. But as the results of the
Indian Survey occupy an important position in the calculations, you
may deem it to be not irrelevant to the objects of your Journal to
publish some account of it.

The state in which the question of local attraction was left in my
former communications to the Royal Society was this :—That in India
the deviation of instruments of observation from the true vertical —
caused by the Mountains and by the Ocean is very great, far greater
than had ever been supposed; that this deviation might be much
increased or diminished by the effect of variations of density in the
solid crust of the earth, but that of the amount of this we have no
means of judging, as we are entirely ignorant of the constitution of the
crust: and that the effect of local attraction on the Map of India
constructed from the Survey would fortunately disappear as far as
regards.the relative position of places laid down, but that the precise
position of the Map on the terrestrial spheroid could not be discovered,
as it would depend upon the unknown total resultant local attraction
arising from all causes at the station from which the Survey operations
commence.

1865.] On Local Attraction. 35:

M. Otto Struve has lately called attention to similarly important
deflections caused by local attraction in Russia—and especially to a
remarkable difference of deflection at two stations near Moscow, only
about eighteen miles apart, which is attributed to an invisible
unknown cause in the strata below.

It has become, therefore, an important inquiry :—What degree of
uncertainty does Local Attraction, if not allowed for, introduce into
the two problems of geodesy, viz. (1) obtaining correct Maps of any
country, and (2) determining the Mean Figure of the Earth.

These matters are discussed in the present Paper; and I would
here observe, that the paper is complete in itself, and does not require
a study of the previous communications.

2. With regard to the construction of Maps from Survey operations
I show, as before in India, that no map in any other part of the
world will be affected except in the way already stated, if the length
of every measured arc of latitude is not greater than twelve degrees.
and a half, and of every measured are of longitude not greater than
fifteen. Now in point of fact, however long the great ares (such as
the Anglo-Gallic, the Russian, and the Indian) may be, they are
always broken up into much smaller portions, so as to bring them
very far within the above-mentioned limits. Hence the maps
constructed from geodetic operations will always be relatively correct
in themselves ; but the precise position of the map on the terrestrial
spheroid will be unknown by the amount of the unknown deflection
of the plumb-line in latitude and longitude at the place which fixes
the map.

In India the effect of the Himalaya Mountains and the Ocean,
taken alone, would throw out the map by nearly half a mile. And,
as already stated, there is no way of discovering with certainty how
much this is increased or diminished by the effect of variations of
density in the crust. If, however, the calculations which I give in
the third section of this Paper are accepted, they show that the effect
of variations in the density of the crust below almost entirely

counteracts that of the mountains and ocean at Damargida in
latitude 18° 3’ 15”, and the displacement of the map is almost
insensible if fixed by that station. If fixed by the observed latitude
of any other station, the map will be out of its place by the local

36 On Local Attraction. [No. 1,

deflection of the plumb-line at that station. This, in the Indian
Great Arc, will not exceed (supposing my reasoning as described
below is accepted) one-thirteenth of a mile at any of the stations
where the latitude has been observed. It appears also from these
calculations, that, except in places evidently situated in most dis-
advantageous positions, the local attraction is rarely of any consider-
able amount.

3. In the second section of the Paper I proceed to ascertain the
degree of uncertainty introduced, by our ignorance of the amount of
local attraction, into the great problem of the Mean Figure of the
Earth.

Bessel was the inventor of the method now in use for solving this
problem. His method enables us to bring all the arcs which have
been measured in any part of the world to bear simultaneously upon
the solution. He made use of arcs measured in eight parts of the
earth’s surface ; called the Anglo-Gallic, Russian, Indian II, (or Great
Arc), Indian I, Prussian, Peruvian, Hanoverian, and Danish Arcs,
the first three of which are very long. For each of these arcs he
made use of an algebraical symbol to represent the unknown error of
the precise position of the are on the meridian. In his method he
treats these eight quantities as independent variables; which is
tantamount to ignoring local attraction altogether. The calculations,
therefore, of the Mean Figure of the Earth hitherto made have left
this most important element out of consideration. To remedy this
has been my object. By a change, I venture to call it a correction,
of Bessel’s method I have succeeded in obtaining formule for the
semiaxes and ellipticity of the Mean Figure, which involve expressions
for the unknown local deflections of the plumb-line at the standard or
reference-stations of the several arcs.

If a and b represent the semiaxes and e the ellipticity, the following
are the results arrived at :—
a=20928627 + 1057°8¢, + 342:9¢, + 152°3t, + 27°3¢, + 93:6¢,
+ 8°84, + 63°7t, + 62:9¢, feet.
b=20849309—3762:6¢, — 334-3¢, —661°3¢, —101-5¢, —372:6¢,
—14:0t, —249°3t, —249°1t, feet.
From these we may easily deduce the ellipticity

1865.) On Local Attraction. 37

=r55 { 1-40-0608, +-0:0085¢, -+-0:0103,--0-0016/ ,4+0:0059¢,
+ 0:0003¢, + 0:0039¢, + 0:001639¢, }.
where t, t, ... t, are the eight unknown deviations of the plumb-line
from the true vertical at the standard stations of the eight arcs arising
from local attraction.

These formule for the semiaxes and ellipticity of the mean figure
of the earth show us, that the effect of local attraction upon the final
numerical results may be very considerable : for example, a deflection
of the plumb-line of only 5’ at the standard station (St. Agnes) of the
Anglo-Gallic are would introduce a correction of about one mile to the
length of the semi-major-axis, and more than three miles to the semi-
minor-axis. If the deflection at the standard station (Damargida) of
the Indian Great Arc be what the mountains and ocean make it
(without allowing any compensating effect from variations in density
in the crust below, which no doubt exist, but which are altogether
unknown) viz. about 17”24, the semiaxes will be subject to a
correction, arising from this cause alone, of half a mile and two miles.
This is sufficient to show how great a degree of uncertainty local
attraction, if not allowed for, introduces into the determination of the
mean figure. As long as we have no means of ascertaining the
amount of local attraction at the several standard-stations of the arcs
employed in the calculation, this uncertainty regarding the mean
figure, as determined by geodesy, must remain. The effect of our
ignorance in this case is far more serious than that already noticed in
mapping a country with minute precision.

4, The third section of the Paper is occupied in devising means
for removing this ambiguity. Although it has been necessary to
assume one step in the argument, I think that the sequel shows that a
very high degree of probability exists that the process is a correct one.

Each of the three great arcs—the Anglo-Gallic, the Russian, and
‘the Indian—is divided into a number of subordinate ares. I therefore
take each of these three great arcs and apply the method described in
the last section to find the semiaxes of the ellipse which best
represents that arc. The expressions for the semiaxes involve one

/ unknown quantity, viz. the amount of deflection at the standard
_ station of the arc. In this way I obtain the semiaxes of three ellipses,

38 On Local Attraction. [No. I,

involving three unknown quantities. The asswmplion which I then
make is, that the Mean Figure of the Earth is a spheroid; that is,
that these three ellipses are all the same. The effect of this is to give
me four equations of condition, involving the three unknown
quantities. These I solve by the method of least squares. The result
is that the unknown deflections all come out very small; and the
semiaxes of the three ellipses come out remarkably near each other in
value. The first part of this result shows, what I have intimated in
para, 2, that the local attraction arising from invisible causes hidden
in the solid erust of the earth must be such, as very nearly to
compensate for the effect produced by visible causes at the surface
existing in mountains and oceans. And the second part of the result
gives a very satisfactory solution of the problem of the Mean Figure
taking local attraction into account, making the semiaxes

20926189 and 20855316 feet
1
295°3
5. In the fourth or last section of the Paper I enter into specu-

and the ellipticity =

lations regarding the Constitution of the Earth’s Crust, suggested by
the result of the preceding section. The following extract will best
represent my views on this interesting subject :—

“The first thing I observe in the results given in the last paragraph is —
the very small amount of the resultant deflections at the two extremities of
the Indian Are—Punne close to Cape Comorin, and Kaliana the nearest
station to the Himalaya Mountains; whereas the effect of the Ocean and
the Mountains has been shown to be very large. This shows that the effect
of variations of density in the crust must be very great, in order to bring ~
about this near compensation. In fact the density of the crust beneath the
mountains must be less than that below the plains, and still less than that
below the ocean-bed. If solidification from the fluid state commenced at
the surface, the amount of contraction in the solid parts beneath the
mountain-region has been less than in the parts beneath the sea. In fact,
it is this unequal contraction which appears to have caused the hollows in
the external surface which have become the basins into which the waters
have flowed to form the ocean. As the waters flowed into the hollows thus
created, the pressure on the ocean-bed would be increased, and the crust, so

long as it was sufficiently thin to be influenced by hydrostatic principles of

floatation, would so adjust itself that the pressure on any couche de niveaw

1865.] On Local Attraction. 39

of the fluid should remain the same. At the time that the crust first

became sufficiently thick to resist fracture under the strain produced by a
change in its density—that is, when it first ceased to depend for the
elevation or depression of its several parts upon the principles of floatation—
the total amount of matter in any vertical prism, drawn down into the
fluid below to a given distance from the earth’s centre, had been the same
through all the previous changes. After this, any further contraction or
any expansion in the solid crust would not alter the amount of matter in
the vertical prism, except where there was an ocean; in the case of greater
contraction under an ocean than elsewhere, the ocean would become deeper
and the amount of matter greater, and in case of a less contraction or of an
expansion of the crust under an ocean, the ocean would become shallower,
or the amount of matter in the vertical prism less than before. It is not
likely that expansion and contraction in the solid crust would affect the
arrangement of matter in any other way. That changes of level do take
place, by the rising and sinking of the surface, is a well-established fact,
which rather favours these theoretical considerations. But they receive,
I think, great support from the other fact, that the large effects of the ocean
at Punne and of the mountains at Kaliana almost entirely disappear from
the resultant deflections brought out by the calculation.

_ This theory, that the wide ocean has been collected on parts of the earth’s
surface where hollows have been made by the contraction and therefore
increased density of the crust below, is well illustrated by the existence of a
whole hemisphere of water, of which New Zealand is the pole, in stable
equilibrium. Were the crust beneath only of the same density as that
beneath the surrounding continents, the water would be drawn off by
attraction and not allowed to stand in the undisturbed position it now
occupies.

“I have, in what goes before, supposed that, in solidifying, the crust
contracts and grows denser, as this appears to be most natural, though,
after the solid mass is formed, it may either expand or contract, according
as an accession or diminution of heat may take place. If, however, in the
process of solidifying, the mass becomes lighter, the same conclusion will
follow—the mountains being formed by a greater degree of expansion of
the crust beneath them, and not by a less contraction, than in the other
parts of the crust. It may seem at first difficult to conceive how a crust
could be formed at all, if in the act of solidification it becomes heavier
than the fluid on which it rests; for the equilibrium of the heavy crust
floating on a lighter fluid would be unstable, and the crust would sooner or
later be broken through, and would sink down into the fluid, which would
overflow it’ If, however, this process went on perpetually, the descending

40 On Local Attraction. [No. 1,

crust, which was originally formed by a loss of heat radiated from the
surface into space, would reduce the heat of the fluid into which it sank,
and after a time a thicker crust would be formed than before, and the
difficulty of its being broken through would become greater every time a
new one was formed. Perhaps the tremendous dislocation of stratified
rocks in huge masses with which a traveller in the mountains, especially
in the interior of the Himalaya region, is familiar, may have been brought
about in this way. The catastrophes, too, which geology seems to teach
have at certain epochs destroyed whole species of living creatures, may
have been thus caused, at the same time breaking up the strata in which
these species had for ages before been deposited as the strata were formed.
These phenomena must now long have ceased to occur, at any rate on a
very extensive scale, as Mr. Hopkins’s investigations on Precession appear
to prove that the crust is very thick, at least 800 or 1,090 miles ; and this
result has been recently confirmed by Professor W. Thomson in a paper on
the ‘ Rigidity of the Earth.’””

These results meet with some confirmation from an examination of
the direction of the deflection of the plumb-line at several coast-
stations where it is drawn towards the sea. The amounts of deflection
are, however, so small that much cannot be built upon this. This,
at any rate, may be said, that they present no obstacle to the theory
so remarkably suggested by the facts brought to light in India, viz.
that mountain-regions and oceans on a large scale have been produced
by the contraction of the materials, as the surface of the earth has
passed from a fluid state to a condition of solidity—the amount of
contraction beneath the mountain-region having been less than that
beneath the ordinary surface, and still less than that beneath the
ocean-bed, by which process the hollows have been produced into
which the ocean has flowed. These coast-stations do in fact in several
instances tend directly to favour the theory, as they seem to indicate,
by excess of attraction towards the sea, that the contraction of the
crust beneath the ocean has gone on increasing in some instances still
further since the crust became too thick to be influenced by the
principles of floatation, and that an additional flow of water into the
increasing hollow has increased the amount of attraction upon stations
on its shores.

Tam, your’s faithfully,
Calcutta, August 2, 1864. Joun H. Prarz,

1865.] On Local Attraction, 41

Postscript,
[Received 29th April, 1865. |

If the raw or uncorrected results of the Surveys in India and
Europe (I mean uncorrected for local attraction) are made use of,
they bring out meridians of a slightly different curvature in these
different parts of the earth. If these were the true forms of the seve-
ral meridians the result would be that the equator could not be a circle
and the figure of the earth not a spheroid of revolution. A few years.
ago, General T. F. de Schubert calculated the form of an ellipsoid of
three unequal axes which would best suit the observations. Captain
Alexander Clarke, R. E. (Memoirs Roy. As. Soc’ Vol. XXIX, for
1860,) went through the same calculation, following Bessel’s method.
His result was that the equatorial radius in longitude 14° or there-
abouts is one mile longer than that in longitude 104°. He speaks
with hesitation regarding the result, on the ground that the data are
far too scanty to lead to a conclusion to be relied upon. He appears,
however, not to shrink from the hypothesis on which he works, from
the true grounds of distrust, viz. (1) the @ prior? improbability
that the earth’s mean figure is not one of revolution, as the evidence of
the fluid-origin of that figure is overwhelming* and (2) that the effect
of local attraction is altogether overlooked by him. General de Schubert
indeed in a subsequent paper (See Monthly Notices of Royal Astrono-
mical Soc. for 1860, p. 264, where it is noticed) does anticipate that
local attraction may modify and altogether destroy the data on which
he rested the argument of an ellipsoidal figure. The Paper which I
have sent to the Society and have noticed in this letter gives, for the
first time, a method for estimating the effect of local attraction and
proves (in the third section) that so very moderate an allowance as 1”
or 2” for local attraction will altogether destroy the disparity between
the curvature of the different meridians. When the arguments in this
paper are impartially weighed I feel convinced that the improbable
ellipsoidal theory will be abandoned altogether.

* The evidence, with full details, is given in the third edition of my treatise
on the “ Figure of the Harth” now passing through the press at Cambridge
and a copy of which when published I purpose sending to the Society.

6

49, On Local Attraction. [No, 1,

From the above letter it will be seen, that I come to the conclusion
that the earth’s crust below the mountains is somewhat less dense than
below the plains; and still less than below the ocean-bed. Mr. Airy
(Plul. Trans. for 1854, p. 101) came to the former part of this conclu-
sion. But his argument requires that the crust should be thin—and
so thin as to be influenced for its position by the principles of floata-
tion. But Mr. Hopkins’ and Prof. W. Thomson’s results show that
the crust cannot be thin. Moreover Mr. Airy’s line of reasoning does
not lead to the latter part of the result, in that the crust is more dense
below the ocean-bed. For these reasons I have not alluded to Mr.
Airy’s hypothesis in my Paper. The argument therein explains both
these phenomena without requiring that the crust should be thin, but
rather the contrary.

Notes to accompany a Geological map and section of the Lowa Ghur or
Sheen Ghur range in the district of Bunnoo, Punjab ; with analyses
of the Lignites—By Ausert M. Vercuere, Ese., M. D.

[Received 10th June, 1864. ]
Description of the Section, Pl. ITI.

1. Hillocks or morraines formed by the pebbles and boulders of
miocene conglomerates and sandstones which have been removed by
the effect of the rains: the sand is carried away to the plain, but the
boulders and pebbles are left behind and form a morraine. The
stones have arranged themselves in layers resting against the miocene
beds, with an inclination towards the plain (W) of 20°.

2. Miocene (?) sandstone, very friable, grey or rather salt and
pepper ; calcareous and often so soft that it can be crumbled in the
hand. It contains boulders and pebbles, well rounded and worn,
generally arranged in bands. It is these boulders and pebbles which
form No. 1, as No. 2 is being destroyed. The pebbles and boulders
are greenstone, quartzite, quartzose porphyry, gypsose agglomerate,
carboniferous and nummulitic limestone, etc.

3. Similar to 2, but a little harder, and contains occasionally bands
of slate in a state of disintegration. Carbonized wood found here,
(seldom,) in an iron-stained sandstone.

% 4 a ——— -—-. ee _ Re Deas ee _—— a

; aL As. Soc: Beigal. : : , Vol XXNIV. Part I PL.

SG

| : ; Y NAY

)
ae

As = =| =

Se

I —_->—

Geological
Shetch Map Hs

of

THE LOWA GHUR on SHEEN GHUR,
inthe district of

BUNNOO

or

=] Dilwvial Talus
ST Miocene (?) San
Numrnulitic Limestone

arbonaceons Shales, with ||

tone

beds of “Rol” and Lipmite

AM. Varchere

wif

7 |
!
|

Seale: Iwo English Miles ts One inch. ]
é fe © oH

we
fe
i

i See

Journ: Suc: Bengal.

Section across the Lowa Ghur or Sheen Ghur
(also called locally Snuva, Mandar, Meslakd er Miltah Reh or Puhar}

From Snusen to near Seoltankel. Nirretions WNW—BSE (True Section)

SCALE 2000 FEET

1 INCH

hao ar tee

4357 FE above the Sea

fim of Bunmoo Valley

B80 ff uke the Sea

Vol soony-Fart Tl. Plate 3.

The Nummutilie) farmatisn és here’
well displayed: ih has a total thickness of? 4500 Ath
The Veco? Sandstone ani. Canglimarate. ured much
Faulbpi, che fruslts being parallel @ the Strike:

AMI?

Thull E.S.E.

Snuwa Maidan

Highest
Summit of Range

Mormecradaeest LTH: BY MoM SatiTH, SURV CEMES OFFICE CALCUTTA WAY 186s

Datum Line the Bank of the Indus
782 feet above the Sca

i
:
{

== wpe aoe

‘

1865.] Notes to accompany a Geological map. 45

4. Harder and greyer sandstone. The bed has been broken up
and re-cemented by a coarser, more salt-and-pepper-like sand. The
pieces of the original bed are seen sticking out at all angles like
drifted ice. On the east side of the valley of Maidani, this breaking
up is not observed.

5. Conglomerate composed of yellow limestone pebbles cemented
by a very hard calcareous cement. The cement appears first to have
coated the pebbles with two or three coats of various shades of yellow
or brown, like a calculus of the bladder. This bed is seen always
(west of the Indus) on the top of the nummulitic or bottom of the
miocene beds. It is striking in appearance, especially when polished
by a running torrent.

6. Flesh-coloured, hard, nummulitic limestone, weathering rough,
pitted and grey. It contains a few nummulites of small size and a
few small bivalves.

7. Limestone, argillaceous and yellow ; it is arranged in concentric
masses cemented by an earthy marly limestone. Both the rounded
masses and the intervening earthy rocks are full of fossils ;
N. Levigata and N. Pushi are abundant ; also a small flat species and
two species extremely gibbose and always very abundant in muddy
nummulitic limestone. Bivalves very numerous. Casts of Trochus
very abundant. A large Spatanchus, 6 inches across, found here also.

8. Limestone, glaring-white like chalk and not much harder than
chalk. It contains the same fossils as the preceding layer, but no
Spatanchus. It is of very: great thickness and forms a high white
cliff facing the east and remarkable from a great distance.

9. Slate in a state of decomposition. It is interbedded with
limestone and occasionally contains small nummulites; but it is
generally without fossils. ‘

10. Carbonaceous shale with beds of ‘‘ Rol” or alum shale and
of lignite. The Rol and the lignite beds are generally in contact
with the nummulitic limestone above.

11. Shales of all colours, white, red, yellow, grey, olive, nearly
black ; very calcareous, with thin beds of muddy limestone (very soft)
containing debris of shells, rootlets and stems of plants. No
nummulites in these beds. Some of these shales are a good fire-clay
and are used to make crucibles, These shales are generally more or
less wavy.

44 Notes to accompany a Geological map. [No. 1

?

Examination of the Lignites.

The following samples were given to me by Lieut. Lane, District
Superintendent of Police, Bunnoo,

No. 1.—From a seam newly discovered near Chushmea, north of
Moolakhel, 8 miles from the Indus.

Best quality, with a resinous fracture and lustre ; jet black in colour;
Sp. gravity 1.25.

Volatile inflammable substances, . - : : . 50
Fixed carbon, . : : = : : - - 35
Ash, : - ; : - : - : m5

100

There is a partial caking when the lignite is burnt in a close vessel.
The ash is a mixture of a reddish earthy powder, of hardened pieces
of slaty shale (holding a little unreduced lignite) and of a fluffy
white ash like wood-ash. The red earth and the pieces of shale are
mechanical impurities. The white fluffy ash is the proper ash of the
lignite.

No. 2.—Best quality, as No. 1. Apparently a very little yellowish
white clay adhering to the lignite which is 14 inch bedded.

From the same locality as No. 1.

Volatile inflammable substances, . wren 4 ‘. . 50
Fixed carbon, . ; : , . ‘ . 40
Ash, . : : ~ . . . - 10

100

Same remarks as for No. 1.

No. 3.—Middling quality, the usual quality of the bed. The
lignite is in thin plates like leaf bed; each thin plate is sometimes
resinous in appearancé, but more frequently has the appearance and
lustre of charcoal. It contains a considerable amount of yellow clay
between the plates. It crepitates in water like salt deflagrating on
fire. Its Sp. gravity is 1.28,

}

——————

1865.] Notes to accompany a Geological map.

From the same locality. Given by Mr. Lane.
Volatile inflammable substances, . ; ‘ ' . 25
Fixed carbon, . ; , : ‘ : -
Ash, “ - - : . . - ron

100

45

N. B.—Some of the volatile substances were unreduced in the
experiment, and consequently increased the percentage of fixed coal
above its proper figure. The ash is mostly a reddish powdery earth

with pieces of shale ; very little fluffy ash.
No. 4.—Middling quality like No. 3. Structure woody.
Same locality. Given by Mr. Lane.
Volatile inflammable substances,
Fixed carbon, a ‘
a ° . .

> * . *. 46.66
- . ‘ . . 20.83
. : . Beale 32.50

99.99
Ash, like No. 3.

No. 5. Picked specimen, having the appearance of fine jet.

Heavier than the preceding ‘specimens and very resinous
appearance.

in

Obtained from a native who said that it came from a seam near

Sooltan Khel.

Volatile inflammable substances,

rae Me Ts

Fixed carbon, : : i. lat AB
Ach, . . - : - - A » _ 833
99.99

The ash was nearly entirely composed of white fluffy ash, like wood-

ash. This lignite cakes a good deal in the close vessel.

Average of four analysis of the Chushmea mine.
Volatile inflammable substances, . : : . 42.91

: . » 33.95

Fixed carbon, : ° .
ASB, : ‘ ; “ - ; : . 238.10

99.96

46 Notes to accompany a Geological map. [No. 1,

I copy here Dr. A. Fleming’s analysis of the lignite of Kottree
near the Chichalee Pass as it is evidently a continuation of the beds
seen a few. miles south of the Pass at Chushmea.

Volatile inflammable hatter, " * - |) eo :
Carbon, . : , : " . . . 83.579
ae ee mn

100.000

The coal or lignite from Sooltan Khel (see No. 5) comes nearer to
the Baganwallah lignite as analyzed by Dr. A. Fleming. Compare
my No. 5 with the following analyses copied from Dr. A. Fleming’s
report :—

Baganwallah, No. 1. ° ' Baganwallah, No. 2.
Volatile, . Je ah) AG) “eo Volatile? 4 0) isnt
Carbon, . : . 41.36 Carbon, . : oe 593705
Ashes, a : Sh L800 Ashesii - a 1.840

100.00 100.000

Average.
Volatile, . < “ : ; a : +, Soa
Carbon, . : : : : : F - 50.5382
Ashes, seca Nii idan t= ; ‘ : . teZ0

" 99°999

To conclude, I enter here a table of the composition of the lignites
of the Lowa Ghur, of Baganwallah, and of the coal of Raneegunj and
Sirsol in Bengal and of some coal in the British Islands,

4T

Notes to accompany a Geological map.

1865.]

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48. Sceintific Intelligence. [No. 1,

Sorentiric IyTELLIGENCE.

Mr. T. Tomlinson, late Superintendent of the Barrackpore Park, has

recently succeeded in hatching an Ostrich by placing the fresh-laid egg
in a box lined with straw and exposing it to the sun by day for some
weeks, keeping it under a domestic fowl during the night. To
prevent one side of the egg being more exposed than the other, it
was occasionally turned over. The new born bird is doing well.

Col. Dalton from Chota-Nagpur announces the discovery of a vein
of lead in a hill named Puttia near the village of Pelowa, Tuppeh
Ramkola, in Sirgooja.

From an analysis of the specimen forwarded by Col. Dalton, it
appears to be pure galena with a small trace of silver and the ore is
tractable. When fairly cleared, its value would be in England from 12£
to 13£ per ton. An attempt to work the mine was made, but the
outturn not proving profitable, it was abandoned.

The following is from our late Curator :-—
Belmont, St. Briavel’s,
W. Gloucestershire, Dec. 2, 1864.
My pear Grote,—In the Reader for November 19th, you will read
that a paper was read by me at the Zoological Society on November
8th; but I was not there, having left a short paper with Sclater. In
the Proceedings, p. 335 of our Journal, I observe ‘ Felis Jacquemontii’
mentioned. This I consider to be merely the longer-furred mountain
variety of F’. chaus ; F’. ornata too, I now refer to F. torquata, F. Cuv. ;
and celidogaster turns out to be African, and distinct from viverrina,
F. torquata of Sykes being a striped domestic Indian cat,—at least
identical with the latter, whether or not descended from domestic
stock. A dead Tiger from Barrackpore is mentioned in the same page
of the Journal. I hope this was skeletonized, because I could get
you a Megaceros skeleton in exchange for it! Lastly, about the “ new
species of Varranus” in the same page, I presume this to be the
Hydrosaurus noticed by me from the Andamans and Nicobars, which
I could not perceive to differ structurally from H. Salvator. I suppose

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 49

you have received Giinther’s work on Indian reptiles, which will
materially assist the study of them. I do not, however, agree with
him in all cases; for instance, his identification of the Bengal Emys
ocellata with the Tenasserim EZ. Berdmorei.—He has certainly not
seen specimens of the former, and I wish that some could be sent to
him. The species is not very commonly brought to the Calcutta
bazar, but by offering a slight reward to one of the museum servants
a few might be obtained, and there is a good series of both races in
the Society’s museum. I have written pretty regularly to Jerdon,
communicating to him what I learn; but he has not largely availed
himself of my notes in his Appendix, and I seldom hear from him.
He never was a good correspondent. I certainly told him in good
time for publication that the common Indian Curlew is not Numenius
arquata, but N. major, Schlegel, figured in the Fauna Japonica ; and
I sent British specimens of the former to the museum. He is quite
wrong, too, in placing the Burmese Peafowl in Asim! The Indian
species occurring so far round as Chittagong. The Gallus Tem-
minckii, Gray (p. 541,) which he mentions as a peculiar species, is a
most obvious hybrid between bankivus and furcatus, though differently
coloured from the so-called G. aneus. In p. 481, he is quite wrong
in identifying Turtwr chinensis with 7’. tigrinus : the former is much
larger, with quite plain plumage on the back, and is correctly figured
by Sonnerat. Both are in the Society’s museum. I cannot make out
the middle-sized Indian Cormorant erroneously referred to sinensis in
p. 862. P.870,1.3. For “ poliogenys,” read pyrrhogenys. P. 597.
T. ocellatus, the Philippine species (/uzoniensis, Gm.,) is quite distinct
from the Indian 7’. pugnae, to which Jerdon’s other synonyms
belong. Arboricola rufogularis, (p. 598) was sent by Tickell from
Tenasserim, as noticed in one of my Reports. Another time I will
annotate Jerdon’s work for you in detail. About the Darjeeling Kalij
Pheasant (melanotus), these breed at the Gardens, and are distributed,
but not any have died, to be promoted to the British Museum. A good
pair of skins would accordingly be acceptable. Bruce has sent from
China a noble pair of skins of Crossoptilon Bougolicum, Swinhoe,
(auritum, Pallas, apud Sclater,) and ditto of a new species of
Puerasia, P. canthospila, KH. R. Gray, from the mountains N. W. of
Pekin. The sexes of the former only differ in the male being larger
7

50 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 1,

and spurred. Hodgson’s Cr. tibetanum still remains unique, I believe.
The localities assigned to many specimens in the British Museum are
unreliable. Thus the Burmese lineated or pencilled Kalij is assigned to
Bootan, and various Tenasserim squirrels, also to Bootan, all doubtless
from the same collection, but received with the erroneous locality from
the old India-house, The distinctions we recognise between Indian,
Indo-Chinese and Malayan fawne are little understood by naturalists
here who will have all alike, to be Indian. Giinther’s Indian reptiles,
for example. About Sikhim and Asim monkeys. I look upon
assamensis (original specimen in India museum,) as a mere variety
(not unlikely an individual, var.) of rhesus, wanting the fulvous hue
of the hair on the hind-parts. JZ. pelops I know little of, but Jerdon
should get this at Masuri. Of the Lungoors, I know nothing of more
than one Himalayan species, which is Hodgson’s schistaceus. Does
true entellus range, into Asém, and is it not the Hunumén of the
table-land of 8. India? Is not priamus peculiar to the ghats and
mountainous country, as Johnii (verus) is certainly peculiar to the
W. ghits? Ido not remember who wrote the Review of Jerdon’s
work in the Annals, and cannot refer to it here. Smythe has yet to
shoot the Shau, and perhaps the Tibetan Lynx. Is it the wild yak
he thinks of sending home alive? The tame breed here as regularly as
domestic cattle. A young bull was calved last year, and a cow this year,
at the Zoological Gardens; both females hornless. Pallas refers to wild
two-humped camels in the Mongolian deserts; and not many years
ago the existence of wild yaks was doubted by Hutton and others,
In the long stretch of desert country between the Red Sea and the
valley of the Nile wild one-humped camels are numerous; and I see
no reason why these should not be aboriginally wild, like genuine Asinus
vulgaris in Africa (the a, toeenispus, Henglin). There is a fine male of the

latter now in the Zoological Gardens, a most decided and unmistakeable
true donkey or Onager ; and the series of wild asinine animals (includ-
ing zebras) is complete, every known race or species being
represented. All of the animals brought by Thompson were alive
when I left London and the Hornbills in first rate condition. The
Aceros nipalensis would be a grand prize; have not both sexes
the rufous plumage in the nest? Reversing the usual arrange-—
ment, in Rhynchea and in Turnia pugnaa, the adult females are the

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 51

more ornamented, end the young resemble the old males! The old
she-rhinoceros soon made friends with the young ones, but is kept
separate from them. Bos sondaicus did not die from the injury to the
foot. That was a very slight affair and soon over; there wasa
‘gathering,’ when the animal walked lame, and he recovered as
soon as it was lanced. He grew much, and became in fine condition,
and when he died the mass of thickened cuticle had begun to form
between the bases of the horns; but the colour of the coat had not
begun to blacken. Poor fellow, he is now admirably stuffed, in the
B. M. He died of inflammation of the bowels. In the Zoological Gardens,
are one pair Arboricola torqueola, two pairs Ortygornis gularis, and one
pair of each Indian species of Galloperdiz, all in first-rate health and
condition. The ‘blood-pheasant’ (Jthaginis cruentus) from interior
of Sikhim, is a great desideratum. A young African wild boar
(S. Seropha vera) has been put to S. Andamanensis, but I believe
with no result as yet. I suppose there isno chance now of getting a
boar of the Andamdn race. Thanks for the Darjeeling Shrews and
Bats, which I look forward with interest to see. F. More, when
I last saw him, was mainly interested in insects of economical value,
as honey-bees, &c. Has the hive bee of Kashmir ever been scientifi-
cally examined? It is likely enough to prove as distinct as the
Ligurian Bee. Just before I left London I saw, with Wolf, in spirit,
a most curious new mammal, sent by Du Chaillu from Fernando Po.
It is an Otter-like modification of the order Insectivora, and the most
distinct new genus of mammal that has turned up for a long time.
It will be figured and described in the forthcoming Number of the
Tr. Z. 8. Size of a large stoat, but more bulky, with tail exceedingly
tumid at base, laterally flattened for the remainder. Whiskers very
copious, thick and coarse, as in Cynogale Bennettti. Eyes small.
Two of the hind toes connected, as in so many marsupials. General
appearance, colour and fur, very otter-like. Front teeth hooked,
approaching to Sorex. Alphonse Milne Edwards has published a
monograph on the Chevrotains, upon which part of my note
bears. I have sent the particulars to Jerdon, and by the way
I wish Jerdon would contribute to the Journal a selection from
the many notes that I have sent him. There are two groups of
Chevrotains (united by A. Milne Hdwards,) viz. Meminna of India

52 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 1,

and Ceylon, and Tragulus of the Indo-Chinese and Malayan countries,

—for M. malaccensis, Gray = IW. indica. Of Tragulus, there are

3 ee races and 3 small, as follow :—

Tr. napu, F. Cuv. = javanicus apud Gray and Cantor. One
specimen in Calcutta museum.

Tr. Stanleyanus. -

Tr. (like last, but with black sides of neck and ee marks?
in Calcutta museum 6 ¢, and unknown here.)

Large.
oo bo

7
t
(4. Tr. javanicus (verus) = pelandoc, nobis, from Java only, I
“th | suspect, and one 6 only in Calcutta museum. Numerous
specimens in Liverpool museum.

5. Tr. kanchil. Extends to S. Tenasserim.

6. Tr. affinis, Gray, placed as asynonym of Kanchil by Edwards,
and the original specimen so named by Gray, from Malacca, is just a
Kanchil wanting the medial breast-stripe ; but others sent by Mouhat
from Cambodia appear to be a distinct race, whatever name it may

Small.

bear. The Society's museum has all but the last, and the specimens
should be re-labelled according to this present determination of them.

JOURNAL

melaATiIC SOCTET Y.

Part I1.—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

eee

No. I1.—1865.

yer

Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River.—By
J. HE. T. Arrcnison, M.D., F.R.C.S.E., F.L.S., Eetr. Member,
Royal Med. Soc., Edin., &c., Asst. Surgeon, Bengal Army.

[ Received, 18th March, 1864. |.

As much interest is being attached to the local production of fire-
wood for the use of the steamers that ply on the Indus river, I have
_ the honor to forward the accompanying notes taken during a passage
made up that river and its tributary, from Kotree to Mooltan, on
board the steamer ‘ Havelock,’ Capt. Davis, Commander, which left
Kotree on the 29th of August and reached Mooltan on the 16th of
Se pLember.

The river at the time of starting was at its highest, inundating
much of the country and causing an immense number of islands to
be formed in its course.

It is the vegetation of these islands I would describe. It is not very
extensive, but what there is of it is turned to much account and
might be to more.

The following is a list of the Flora met with, viz. :—

Acacia Arabica, L.

A. Arabica, var Cupressina,
Prosopis spicigera, L.
Populus Euphratica, Oliy.
8

54 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2,

Tamarix Indica (= T. Gallica, L.)
T. Dioica, Roxb.
T. Orientalis.
Phenix Dactylifera, L.
Saccharum Munja, Roxb.
S. spontaneum, L.
8. cylindricum, Lam.
Typha (angustifolia ?)
Creeping amongst the above, climbing to the top of all, shewing off
its lovely flowers, was Asclepias rosea, Roxb. in great beauty.

Acacia Arabica, ‘ Bubber’ (Scindee,) ‘Babool’ (Hind.) ‘ Kekur’
(Punjabee). A. A. var Cupressus, ‘ Caublee-bubber’ (Scindee).

This tree with its variety grows in very great luxuriance and
tolerably rapidly, and within 60 miles of Kotree it is in much greater
abundance than further up the river; it here forms dense jungles
and yields very fair timber. The tree itself is too valuable to be
directly used for firewood, its chief timber being used for railway
sleepers; the rest of the wood and branches only are converted into
firewood or charcoal, and the bark and fruit reserved for tanning
purposes.

A tree (as it stands) that can yield from two to three sleepers,
costs one Rupee, the buyer felling and carrying it away. White ants
do not injure the felled logs much, and the old wood is tolerably
proof to their attacks.

The timber of the Cupressiform variety is considered the bet er,
being closer in grain, and harder than that of the common outspread-
ing tree: being also of greater length, and thus generally giving
an additional sleeper.

Prosopis spicigera, ‘ Kunda’ (Scindee,) ‘ Jand’ (Punjabee).

This tree is not common on the Balaas ; indeed it is scarcely to be
seen in any quantity until we get above Sukker, and then chiefly on
the mainland, where it is obtained largely, especially at one of the
river wood stations called Jummalee.

Its wood is good for fuel, but alas, too readily attacked by white
ants. These insects seem to relish it more than any other of the
woods, and from the great loss it suffers from these destructive insects —

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 5d

whilst stacked, its collection for the supply of the steamers is
prohibited,

For the reasons given against its being stored for fuel, its timber
is likewise not used by the natives for any purpose whatever, when
other can be obtained.

The fruit, however, called in Scindee “Singhar,” is considered an
excellent vegetable, and is largely eaten by the natives in their thur-
karies,

Populus Euphratica, ‘ Bahn’ (Scindee and Punjabee,) grows in great
abundance on the Balaas, but more especially about a hundred miles
above Kotree. It is a rapidly growing tree, producing very fair
timber, with a white light wood, very useful for furniture and house-
hold-work of a light nature, but which does not stand much strain.
It is a very dangerous article as fuel in steamers, or when used for
the railway, as the wood, owing to its lightness, flies up through the
flue when only half burnt. The officers commanding the steamers
are very careful that none is ever taken on board, even by mistake,
from the danger attendant on its use.

The timber for furniture costs about 5 annas a cubic foot.

Tamaria Indica, ‘ Laee’ (Scindee,) ‘ Shao’ (Hind.) ‘ Furash’ (Pun-
jabee).

This may be considered as the chief source of firewood from
Mooltan to Kotree. It grows in immense quantities, but above
the union of the five rivers with the Indus, it becomes gradually
replaced on the Balaa land by the Z. dioica and it becomes more
abundant on the mainland, where we find the 7. orientalis also
occurring, but as a very much larger tree. These were all in
blossom in September, presenting a very heath-like appearance just
before the flowers expanded. The ZY. Indica like all its congeners,
grows very rapidly, producing in three or four years a deep red
wood, very much like the Beef wood of Australia. At this age
it is best for fuel: the white and young wood makes but poor fuel, and
is also rapidly destroyed by the white ant; whereas the red wood
may lie for nearly four years without injury; but as it becomes
completely dried and aged, it becomes more liable to the attacks of
these insects. The cost of this wood at the river stations is
15 Rupees for 100 maunds.

56 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2,

Tamaria diorca, * Pilchee,’ (Scindee and Punjabee,) first met with in
any abundance on the Balaas near Bukree; above that station it
gradually takes the place of 7. Indica. It is greatly used for all
thatching purposes, basket-work, &e.

Tamarix orientalis, ‘ Asree-loua’ (Scindee,) is an unknown tree on
the Balaas, but on the mainland it not unfrequently forms a prominent
object in the landscape, generally near villages. The tree lives best
in a dry and salt soil, where it very rapidly produces large timber,
but this does not make such good fuel as the 7’. Indica.

The native names of these Tamarisks are much confounded even by
the natives themselves. The name ‘ Furas’ in the Punjab is applied
to all, but chiefly to 7. Orientalis. They are so very much like each
other that this is not to be wondered at. Edgeworth, in his Flora
Mallica, calls 7. dioica, ‘ Lai,’ and 7. Gallica (= T. Indica) ‘ Pilchi.’
I would consider the Scindee names as typical, from their being
connected with something further than simply the tree as it grows,
viz. in the one case the value of the wood for fuel, 7. Indica, ‘ Laee,’
‘ Jhao ;’ in another the use of the shrub for thatching purposes and the
known fact of this kind never producing wood, 7. dioica, ‘ Pilchee ;’
and lastly with the fact that it forms a large tree, the wood of which
is not so good for fuel, 7’. Orzentalis, ‘ Asree-loua.’

Phenix dactylifera, is occasionally to be seen on the Balaa land
between Sukker and Mooltan, where it is very common on the main-
land also. A splendid grove of these trees, surrounding Sukker, is
seen from a long distance off. After leaving Kotree some forty miles,
we see none of this tree until Sukker comes in sight, whereas round
Kotree it is very abundant, and at and near Mooltan it is also very
abundant.

Saccharum Munji, ‘ Moonj,’ (Scindee and Punjabee). Thousands
of acres of river land are covered with this useful grass, the value of ©
which might be greatly raised by the introduction of machinery
for converting it into pulp for the Paper Maker. And Sukker would
be the place for starting such an establishment, as it grows chiefly
above Sukker, to which place it could be floated down the river at
little or no cost. This very floating down would aid in the treatment —

required by all fibres to bring them into a fit condition for working. b
The surrounding country yields immense quantities of an Alkali

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 57

(Sugee-muttee) with which the material could be cheaply bleached,
then to be forwarded to England, to be converted there into finer pulp
and paper.

The great outcry at home since the commencement of the cotton
famine has been for material, capable of being converted at a cheap
rate, into paper of a fine quality. Coloured materials require much
bleaching, and this in England is the expensive part of the process.
Now if such a material as Moonj, which costs at the place of
growth little more than the labour of cutting, could be bleached
thoroughly with the alkali produced on the banks of the river, this
would supply the great desideratum of the paper-makers.

Esparto (Stipa tenacissima) has been very largely used in England
within the last three years, but its great drawback is the expense
of bleaching it.

The Moonj is largely employed by the native boatmen in making
ropes for their boats, which they manufucture for themselves.

Saccharum spontaneum, ‘ Khaus’ (Scindee.) This grass grows in
great luxuriance. It is chiefly used for thatching purposes, and
makes tolerably good grazing for cattle, although as it ages it
becomes a very rough coarse grass, when the cattle seem to leave it
alone. It begins to flower early in September, and its flowering has
just ceased, when the S. Moonja commences to flower, which is about
the beginning of October.

Typha (angustifolia?) ‘Pun’ (Scindee,) is very common in the
back waters, but more especially above Sukker. I cannot say it is
even common below Sukker. The leaves are largely used for making
matting (chuttie) and the soft down attached to the ripe fruit is used
for stuffing pillows. The pollen is said by Lindley to be converted
into bread in Scind. Although I made many enquiries relative to it,
I could get no information about it.

On examining the wood brought on board the steamer, (about which
Capt. Davis gave me every information and assistance in his power,)
IT found that nearly the whole of it consisted of the wood of the
Tamarix Indica, and the wood was called Jhao. We occasionally
took on board that of the Acacia Arabica called ‘Bubber.’ But I had
to procure specimens of that of the Prosopis Spicigera called ‘ Kunda,’
and of the Populus Euphratica called ‘ Bahn,’

58 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2,

The Captain considered the billets that were large enough to be
split into two, of the Jhao, when it was ‘“‘as red as beef” as the best
wood on the river. But his heart used to long for the wood he once
got when up the Jhelum river. “ Cows, that’s the thing for driving
the engines.”’ Olea Europea, ‘Cow’ (Punjabee. )

Immense injury is done to the wood after it is collected at the
wood stations, by white ants, which will, ina very few days, if not
carefully looked after, destroy a stack, leaving a mass of mud in place
of the original wood. White ants will not attack the Jhao, if the
wood is red, to the same extent that they do the other kinds of wood.

The soil of the Islands varies very much. It consists nearly
altogether of a rich alluvial deposit at Kotree, gradually becoming
more sandy as we ascend the river. This change to a sandy soil is
very much more marked above Sukker, after which the soil really
seems to be all sand with no earthy matter. Owing to this change
in its composition as we gradually get above Kotree and approach
Sukker those massings of the Acacia Arabica that we had down
the river become less numerous and thinner: until at last by the
time we have reached the junction of the five rivers with the
Indus, we lose them altogether, as well as the Tamaria Indica, which
is now replaced by the Z. dioica. Moonj gets abundant above
Sukker and the Islands are very much less wooded, being more
covered with grasses.

I have no doubt that much of this river land which at present really
lies waste, might be, with a little care and management, covered with
trees capable of yielding both timber and firewood. We should look
to timber as the ultimate object ; in doing so, we obtain firewood as a
collateral result. In covering these islands with vegetation we aid
in rendering them somewhat more permanent than they are at present,
by the roots grasping and keeping together the soil.

The following may be considered the history of one of these islands
that may have remained permanent.

In the month of September as the river falls, a mound of sand
gradually appears, enlarging daily as the river becomes lower, and
bare and barren. Butas the September winds blow, they carry clouds
of the seed of the Saccharwm spontaneum from other islands; these
fall on the:soil and then readily germinate. Ina couple of months the

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 59

S. spontaneum has sprung up, and its leaves now aid in catching the
seeds of the Tamariw and S. Munja, which having ripened, are flying
about at the mercy of the winds. The two latter lie dormant until
the next year. In the meanwhile the S. spontanewm for a short time
kept down by the cold season and eaten over by the cattle, has its
growth stopped until March or April, when it springs up, and by
September is in its full growth and blossom. The Tamarix and S.
Munja being now, on the rising of the river in August, placed under
favourable circumstances, begin to grow rapidly, and by the end of the
second year cover the Balaa, killing out S. spontaneum to a great
degree. Upon the island being flooded at the end of the second year,
the vegetation on it catches the seeds floated down by the river, and
these in their turn germinate and gradually develope a jungle. At
very little expense, indeed, many of these Balaas might be sown
broadcast with the seeds of timber trees, (Acacia or ‘ Sissoo’ are
undoubtedly the best) about the beginning of August. When the river
rose it would cover the islands and deposit sufficient alluvial soil to
permit their germinating and taking root. The seeds would not be
carried off by the currents, as they become entangled in the grass,
which after an inundation is generally seen pressed flat to the surface
with a large amount of alluvial deposit keeping it down.

Developing jungles on these islands, would not only supply timber,
firewood, &c., but by making the islands permanent, would to a
great extent assist in forming a permanent channel for the river, the
absence of which is one of the great difficulties to be overcome at
present by the navigator.

60 Indian Gasteropoda, [ No. 2,

Observations on certain strictures by Mr. H. F. Buanrorp, on my
Paper on the distribution of Indian Gasteropoda in J. A. S., No.
CCLXXXIX. Page 69.—By W. Tuxozanp, Jr.

(Received 21st May, 1864.) (Read 1st June, 1865.)

My friend Mr. Blanford, loc. cit., after reading the above paper;
among other remarks, expresses himself as follows :—“ The sporadic
origin of species is not held by any eminent naturalist of the present
day, and Mr. Theobald had advanced no instance in its favour.”

Now the peculiar distribution of a few species over an enormous
area, was the reason for my preferring the supposition of a sporadic
origin for them at least as the only intelligible one, and if for the
majority of species, this view is not so imperatively requisite, yet for
such species as Bulimus pullus, B. punctatus, B. gracilis, B. cenopictus,
and others, it naturally suggests itself, though I doubtless must have
expressed myself so badly as to warrant Mr. Blanford in denying my
having ‘‘advanced any instance in its favour.” Rejecting however,
the obvious view, as I hold it to be, of sporadic origin, it yet remains
to be seen what explanation consonant with the Darwinian hypothesis,
can be offered, and I shall eagerly listen to Mr. Blanford’s suggestions
on this point.

I see of course, that in terming the origin of any species ‘‘ sporadic,”
I explain nothing, and that it amounts to a confession of ignorance,
still this is a negative evil and leaves the ground clear for any
superstructure which fresh light may enable us to add, but not so a
positive assertion of a law, which, however, applicable in some cases
and true to some extent, does not meet all, and appears contradicted
by some. I will now advert to the first portion of Mr. Blanford’s
stricture to the effect that I held views which no eminent naturalist
did, and certainly such a statement was not encouraging, but on
returning to station within the last month, I accidentally came
across a work which considerably reassured me; though how far
Mr. Blanford will admit the names of A. A. Gould and Louis
Agassiz to be eminent in their department, after the quotation
I shall presently make, I cannot say. Any how I find in the
“Principles of Zoology” by those Professors, my identical theory

»

1865. ] Indian Gasteropoda, 61

laid down, on precisely the same grounds of certain: peculiarities in
the distribution of Fish, which appeared to me (though unhappily
not to Mr. Blanford) so convincing in the case of the Land Shells. of
India.

So-identical are the results and the proofs in either case, that I
think it necessary to say, that till the present month, I had never seen
the work I am about to quote from, or any writings whatever of either
Gould or Agassiz, and that my views of the sporadic origin of certain
species of shells were deduced from considerations touching their
distribution, and in ignorance of similar arguments, derivable from the
study of an entirely different class.

The following quotation from page 211 of the Principles of Zoology
will prove how closely the estimate I formed of the practical effects
of accidental distribution, corresponds with that. held by Gould and
Agassiz.

“448, Other causes may also contribute towards dispersing animals.
Thus the sea-weeds are carried about by marine currents and are
frequently met with far from shore, thronged with little crustaceans
which are in this manner transported to great distances from the
place of their birth. The drift wood which the Gulf Stream floats
from the Gulf of Mexico even to the western shores of Europe is
frequently perforated by the Larve of insects, and may probably serve
as depositories for the eggs of fishes, crustacea and mollusks. It is
possible also that aquatic birds may contribute in some measure to
the diffusion of some species of fishes and mollusks, either by the
eggs becoming attached to their feet or by means of those which they
evacuate undigested after having transported them to considerable
distances. Still all these circwmstances exercise but a very feeble
influence upon the distribution of species in general, and each country
none the less preserves its peculiar physiognomy so far as its animals
are concerned,

“449, There is only one way to account for the distribution of
animals as we find them, namely to suppose they are autochthonoi,
that is to say that they originated like plants, on the soil where they
are found. In order to explain the particular distribution of many
animals, we are even led to admit that they must have been created at

several points of the same zone, an inference which we must make from

9

62 Indian Gasteropoda. [No. 2,

the distribution of aquatic animals, especially that of fishes. Ti we
examine the fishes of the rivers of the United States, peculiar species
will be found im each basin, associated with others which are common
to several basins. Thus the Delaware river contains species not found
in the Hudson. But on the other hand, the pickerel is found in both.
Now, if all animals originated at one point and from a single stock,
the pickerel must have passed from the Delaware to the Hudson or
vice versd, which it could only have done by passing along the
sea shore or by leaping over large spaces of terra firma; that is to say,
in both cases it would be necessary to do violence to its organisation.”

This last argument must of course stand for what it is worth, and
were it alone, would not be worth much, but we have here, with fish,
as I have shown to be the case with Gasteropods in India, the grand
fact of certain few species of enormous range, compared with the
limited extent of their more numerous congeners and the absurdity of
supposing that they have been thus widely distributed by any physical
agency, which has left the great majority wnaffected by its operation.
Hence my reasons for leaning towards the ‘sporadic’ theory, for
some species at least, not singly at all events, I am glad to see, if
however, in company with no other physiologist than Louis Agassiz.
I cannot conclude these observations without quoting a passage from
the vitriolic pen of Dr. Knox, in his work on Race, where, though
he holds that “‘ Time and developement change all things” (page 94, )
yet is very bitter on the absurdity of supposing that accipEenT has
anything to do with such changes. Knox on Race, page 90, ‘“‘ When
T am told that there is a short-legged race of sheep somewhere in
America, the product of accident, my reply is simply; I do not
believe it, even although to make the story look better, it has been
added that from among the few short-legged sheep accidentally
produced in the flock, the owner was careful to extrude the long-
legged ones, and so at last his whole flock became short-legged, and
he had no more trouble with i.—It is the old fable of Hippocrates
and the Macrocephali reduced to something like a scientific formula.
Transferred from sheep, it has been made the basis of a theory of
race of mankind, reducing all to accedent. By accident a child darker
than the rest of the family is born; when this happens in the present
day, it is also by courtesy called an accident, but its nature is well —

1865. ] Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. 63

understood—not so in former times. This dark child a little darker
than the others separates with a few more from the rest of the family
and sojourns in a land where a hot sun embrowns them with a still
deeper hue. In time they become blacker and blacker or browner and
browner. Should they travel north instead of south, it is all the same ;
for extreme cold produces the same effect as extreme heat! This is
ancient and modern physiology !”

PPALILLPP PL ALLA LD DDD PDD PDD DDD,

Note relating to Sivalik Fauna.—By 1. B. Meputcorr.
[Received 7th September, 1864. ] {Read 7th September, 1864. ]

The notice I have to bring before the Society may be considered a
continuation of a series of brief but important communications, com-
menced more than thirty years ago, and continued during some twenty
years, as recorded in the volumes of the Journal of the Asiatic Society
for that period. Those communications formed a current chronicle of
the discovery of the Fauna Sivalensis. Had the account of those
discoveries ever assumed a more connected and complete form, the
correction I have now to make, would never have been needed, as it is
but the statement of a fact, of which the evidence was in hand and in
mind, although never expressed. Indeed, for the same reason, this
fact can now be only indicated, its value being still unknown. This fact
is—the existence of two vertebrate faune, possibly quite distinct,
among the fossils hitherto collected from the so-called Sivalik rocks.

In a recently published number of the ‘Memoirs of the Geological
Survey of India, Vol. III. Part 2, I have given a somewhat detailed
account of the geology of the Sub-Himalayan region in North-West
India. I therein established a threefold division of the great series of
deposits coming under the general title of Sub-Himalayan. Concerning
the lowest of these groups (Subathu, etc.) little or no conflict-
ing evidence presented itself. The two upper groups I described
as in all respects more akin to each other, although still most
clearly separable along a well marked boundary, at which the younger
strata overlap the steeply denuded edges of the older, besides being

64 . Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. [No. 2,

largely made up of their debris. Such evidence is so immutable to the
geologist, and, when on so grand a scale, entails such grave consider-
ations of time, that I presumed to call in question the one published
statement (in Vol. III. p. 527 of the J. A. S. B. for 1834) of
vertebrate Sivalik fossils having been found within the area of the
older groups, not having myself succeeded in re-discovering fossils at
the locality indicated. My scepticism was of course based upon the
a prior? consideration of geological time ; and because, as I state at
p- 105 of my Memoir, no corresponding distinction has as yet been
suspected by the authors of the Mauna Sivalensis. I made due
attempts to authenticate the observation which I had called in question
by referring to the original discoverers; as, however, in every reply
I received, there was some trace of ambiguity, not wishing to give
further trouble to my correspondents, I published the whole case in
its unsettled form, giving full directions for the application of the
verdict on either side (see pp. 15, 16, 104—6, of my Memoir).
I have now-the pleasure to announce this verdict ; and, notwithstand-
ing the precaution I took to provide for its application, the fact cannot
well be stated without a few words of explanation.

Ina letter dated the 16th July, 1864, Sir Proby Cautley tells me that .
he has himself collected fossils on the north side of Nahan 7. e. in the
rocks of my middle group, the same in every respect as those he
had found more abundantly at the south base of the Sivalik hills, east
of the Jumna. The peculiar mode of occurrence of these fossils in
the nodular clays (‘ clay-conglemerate’ of Cautley), as compared with
those found in the coarse gravel deposits, could not escape observation.
The former were all small and fragmentary. Large masses of the clay
had to be carted from the hills and broken up at leisure in search of
the fossil remains. I need scarcely, however, state that the Sivalik
fossils have hitherto been given and received as one undivided fauna,
Every one interested in these subjects will join in the regret expressed
by Sir Proby Cautley that it is now impossible to work the question out,
unless upon fresh materials. He informs me that the large collection
of these smaller fossils, sent by him with the others to the British —
Museum, is now not to be found, if

To paleontologists then, we may now announce that a most interest-
ing case awaits their investigation, namely, the comparison of well

1865.] Note velating to Sivalik Fauna. 65

represented vertebrate faune, occurring in a series of beds, closely
related in point of geological conditions of deposit, ete., and yet
distinctly separated (broken) in time.

The application of the fact to stratigraphical geology may now
take shape. The strata at the base of the sections visible in parts of
the Sivalik hills are representations of the Nahun group—the middle
group of the Sub-Himalayan series. The expression of this on a map
must still be arbitrary : for the true Sivalik strata (though so strongly
unconformable with the ‘ Nahun’ strata along their junction with the
inner zone of these Nahun rocks,) appear to pass conformably and
even by gradation into the representatives of the Nahun strata in the
outer zone. It is of course to be expected that a very close study
will reveal traces of this unconformability in the sections of the
Sivalik hills also; but in such massive, banked strata, from twenty to
two hundred feet thick, the determination of such a feature will be
very dubious.

In physical geology this feature will be only another example, on a
larger scale than those given in my Memoir, of the supposition I have
offered in explanation of the mode of disturbance of all these Sub-
Himalayan rocks—slow contortion and upheaval along narrow zones
synchronously, with more or less. uninterrupted deposition in the ad-
joining exterior area.

66 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. V. Descriptions of new land
shells from Arakan, Pegu, and Ava ; with notes on the distribution
of described species.—By Wi11am T. Buanrorp, A. &. S. I,
FGA.

[Received 11th March, 1865.]
Orper,—PULMONIFERA.
Family Helicide.

Genus NANINA.

Section Macrochlamys.
1. N. compiuviatis, n. sp.

Shell perforated, subglobosely depressed, thin, light-coloured, horny,
smooth, polished, diaphanous, very minutely striated. Spire convex ;
suture in a deep and rather broad groove, which becomes obsolete at
the apex. Whorls 43, convex, sharply angulate above at the edge of
the sutural groove; the last not descending near the mouth. Aperture,
oblique, irregularly lunate, of the same form as the whorls, nearly
equal in height and breadth; peristome thin, in one plane, simple ;
margins distant, columellar briefly reflexed at the perforation.

Millem. inch,

Maori diameter, ep seisncacnueme ass 10 0.4
Maimeri itto; mites. «teense 9 0.36
Sas». aeos) Sauehen ee ere 63 0.26

Aperture 5 millem. broad.

Habitat —Arakan hills.

This shell is closely allied to N. convallata, Bens. of the Tenasserim
provinces, and replaces that shell in Arakan. It is distinguished by
the smaller number of whorls, while the singular sutural channel is
even more developed, but it varies slightly in size.

2. N. NEBULOSA, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, conoidly depressed, thin, light horny,
not polished, minutely striated, and possessing a dull greasy lustre.
Spire conoidal ; apex rather acute ; suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex
above; the last rather broader, subangulate above the periphery
rounded beneath. Aperture slightly oblique, lunate, the breadth
greater than the height ; peristome simple, thin; columellar margin
vertical, slightly reflexed,

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 67

Millem. inch.

Major diameter, ............... 11} 0.46
J G8 TG 10 0.40
OO Ne Lees 6 0.24

Aperture 6 millem. broad, 43 high.

Habitat—Akoutoung on the Irawady, below Prome, Pegu.

This species may be distinguished from its numerous allies of the
Macrochlamys section by its blunt angulation at the periphery and its
dull lustre. Its nearly vertical mouth amply serves to shew its dis-
tinction from N. honesta, Gould, which shell moreover is more polished,
and differs in several other particulars.

3. N. HypoLEvca, n. sp.

Shell openly perforated, depressed, very thin, smooth, polished,
horny; dark brown above; lighter, frequently white below; faintly
striated, obliquely above, radiately below, with extremely fine con-
centric microscopic markings, which are frequently obsolete. Spire
very little raised; apex rather obtuse; suture impressed, sometimes
sub-marginate. Whorls 5, rather convex above; the last rather
broader, rounded beneath, not descending. Aperture lunate, the
breadth exceeding the height, nearly vertical; peristome acute,
straight ; columellar margin descending with an oblique curve, scarcely
reflexed.

Millem. inch.
Major diameter,................++ 12 0.48
0G 2 LOR 0.42
a ae 6 0.25

Habitat—Akoutoung, Pegu. Scarce.

Near NV. causia, Bs., but larger, more depressed, and with far finer
microscopic spiral sculpture ; so fine indeed that it is difficult of detec-
tion even under a powerful microscope. H. hypoleuca may be re-
cognised by its pale base, and dark horny colour above, and by its open
perforation.

A small form, perhaps identical with the above, but only 5 or 6
millemetres in diameter, is common in northern Pegu. I had con-
founded it with N. causia, Bens., but Mr. Benson informs me that

68 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

that species is very different. This small form differs from NV. hypoleuca
in its more marked spiral sculpture, which, however, is still microscopic.

Section Hemiplecta.
4, N. unposa, n. sp,

Shell narrowly umbilicated, depressed, rather solid, white (? horny
when fresh,) peculiarly marked with irregularly sinuous close spiral
sculpture resembling scratches, and crossed by oblique lines of growth.
Spire very depressly conoid ; apex obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls
5, rather rapidly increasing, somewhat convex; the last broader,
rounded at the periphery and below; the spiral sculpture passing
over the periphery and gradually dying out on the lower surface,
which is marked by radiating striz. Mouth diagonal, broadly lunate,
equally broad and high; peristome simple, acute; margins distant,
united by a callus ; columellar margin oblique, shortly reflexed above.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,.........s....000 36 1.45
WMIMOF GHG, oF eee nasesinmenss ands 31 1.24
aagwompes yonlyh * sentdo 21 0.84

Aperture 18 millem. broad.

Habitat—Shan Hills, east of Ava. Distinguished by its peculiar
sculpture ; which somewhat recalls that of Nanina Humphreysiana,
Lea. All the specimens found were dead and bleached ; fresh speci-
mens possibly possess a coloured epidermis.

Section Sesara.
5. N. WELICIFERA, Nn. sp.

Shell imperforate when adult, but with a deep umbilical hollow ;
young specimens deeply perforate ; conoidly trochiform, subeampanulate,
thin, horny, sharply and arcuately costulated above, the costulation
continuing over the periphery; smooth, polished and finely striated
beneath. Spire conoid, sides convex ; apex rather obtuse; suture im-
pressed. Whorls 7—73, closely wound, convex, increasing very
slowly ; the last angulate at the periphery in adults, sharply keeled in
immature specimens, flattened beneath, more convex near the mouth,
with one or two small, irregularly shaped indentations, (which are
mostly opaque from a coating of white callus within the shell), on the
lower surface, generally at a distance of about 4 a whorl from the

OO

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 69

mouth. Aperture oblique, lunate, the breadth double the height,
columella furnished with a spiral lamina which runs throughout the
whorls, and renders the shell opaque around the umbilical excavation.
Peristome simple, very slightly thickened inside, arcuate at the base
of the right margin ; margins distant, the columellar oblique.

Millem. inch,
Major diameter,............s0cse 10 0.4
(MiiniGriditifo;. ; siyetelsos. dsmeces vl 9 0.36
es Cnr 3 nets 7 0.28

Aperture 4 millem. broad, 2 high.

Animal small with a very narrow foot, a very small mucus pore at
the end, and a small lobe above.

Habitat—Arakan hills near Prome; more abundant on the Arakan
than on the Pegu side.

This very pretty little snail, which is nowhere common, is re-
markable for the screw like lamina on the columella, running up
throughout the whorls. The indentation on the base of the lowest
whorl is also peculiar; it varies considerably in position and form,
being sometimes double, but it is almost always present. The animal
bears a great resemblance to that of Nanina pylaica, Bs.

The subgenus Sesara was founded by Albers for Nanina infrendens,
Gould, (supposed at first to be a Helvx, ) a peculiar little Molmein shell
with teeth inside the peristome. I have no hesitation in uniting to
this species, besides the closely allied N. capessens, Bens., the T’ridopsis-
like N. pylaica, Bs, and the present species, as well as the two fol-
lowing. N. pylaica, N. capessens, N. imfrendens, and the present
species are all distinguished by peculiar additions to the peristome,
and form together a well marked group, all being more or less
depressly trochiform, horny, with closely wound narrow whorls,
arcuately costulate above, and smooth beneath.

N. helicifera was found rarely on the road between Prome and
Tongoop, and somewhat further south. In the Bassein district it
appears to be replaced by N. Basseznensis.

6. N. MAMILLaRIs, n. sp.
Shell minutely perforated, very depressly trochiform, suborbicular,
thin, horny; finely, closely and arcuately costulated above, the costu-
lations passing over the periphery ; smooth, shining, and radiately

10

70 Contributions to Indian Malacoloqy. [No. 2,

striated beneath. Spire depressly conoid, with convex sides, the
apex slightly acuminate and papillar; suture but little impressed.
Whorls 74, convex, closely wound, slowly increasing ; the last sharply
keeled, flatly convex beneath, marked in nearly adult and sometimes
in full grown specimens, with two or three small pits of variable
form, opaque from corresponding internal calli, and generally arranged
in an oblique line opposite to the mouth, Aperture oblique, sub-
thomboidally lunate, 3 times as broad as high ; columella furnished in
young specimens with a more or less rudimentary spiral lamina
running up the whorls, which is obsolete in adult shells. Peristome
thin, slightly curved forwards at the base ; margins distant, columellar
margin very oblique.
Millem. inch.

Major diameter,.........s0ss00e« TE 0.44
Minion Gatto) wr stcssisinncroseeeh joae 10 0.4
Axisiiewonlin. wat aa. cms! 6} 0.26

Aperture 5} millem, broad, scarcely 2 high.

Animal similar to that of N. helicifera.

Habitat—Akoutoung, Pegu—not rare.

The close relation of this species to the last is unquestionable ;
besides resembling it in general form, texture, and sculpture, and in
the characters of the animal, young specimens possess a similar
columellar fold, and indentations on the lower surface somewhat
resembling those of NV. heliczfera, though less deep and more opaque.
Both these characters, however, appear to become obsolete in adult
specimens of the present form. The two species are easily distin-
guished by the absence of the columellar lamina in adults of WN.
mamillaris, which may also be recognised by its acuminate apex,
lower spire and flatter base.

7. N. Bassrrvensis, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, globosely trochiform, subcampanulate,
thin, horny, closely, sharply and arcuately costulated above, the costu-
‘lations passing over the periphery to the under surface, which is
smooth, shining, and radiately striated. Spire obtusely conoid, with
convex sides; apex obtuse ;. suture slightly impressed. Whorls 7,
slightly convex, closely wound, slowly increasing; the last not de-
scending, flatly convex beneath, more tumid near the mouth, keeled

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 71

at the periphery, the keel vanishing near the mouth. Aperture lunate,
oblique, breadth more than double the height ; peristome thin, curved
forwards at the base ; margins distant, columellar oblique.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,.............. weld 11 0.44
bpliMOn ditto: 2. odeccai feveise. swe 10 0.4
Becta, tvs stint. er dash ‘ 74 0.3

Aperture 5} millem. broad, 2 high.

Habitat—Southern portion of the Arakan range. of hills near
Bassein and Cape Negrais.

This shell is distinguished from N. mamillaris by its non-acuminate
apex, higher spire and more conyex base, and from N. helici/era by
the absence of the columellar lamina, of which no trace appears in
the present species. It appears to replace the last named shell in the
southern portion of the Arakan hills. It is scarce, and I have met
with but few specimens in good condition. Ihave never seen the
animal, which, however, is doubtless similar to those of the two preced-
ing species,

Section T'rochomorpha,
8. N. coNFINIS, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, trochiform, very thin, whitish horny,
smooth, shining. Spire conical, apex slightly obtuse, suture scarcely
impressed. Whorls 7, flatly convex, marked above with 4 or 5 spiral
ribs and fine oblique lines of growth; the last sharply keeled, flatly
convex beneath, and very finely radiately striated. Aperture oblique»
subrhomboidal, twice as broad as high; peristome thin, acute, straight ;
margins distant, columellar subvertical, briefly and triangularly reflexed,

Millem, inch,

Major diameter,...........0... Ls 103 0,42
Minor Gittoy sc Tete eee 94 0.88
BSISP WII) LI QRE. a fl 0.28

Aperture 5 millem. broad, 23 high.
Habitat—near Thayet Myo, on the borders of British Burma; also

near Ava.
A near ally of N. arx, Bens., from Tenasserim, which, however,
may easily be recognised by the concave sides of its spire. From other

72 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

related species, as N. infula, Bens., N. cacwminifera, Bens., and N.
attegia, Bens., N. confinis is distinguished by its sculpture.
9. N. cuLMEN, n. sp.

Shell very minutely perforated, trochiform, very thin, horny, trans-
lucent. Spire conical, apex obtuse, suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex
above and ornamented with fine raised spiral lines, and oblique strie ;
the last whorl sharply keeled at the periphery, not descending,
swollen and minutely decussately striated beneath. Aperture but
hittle oblique, subquadrately lunate; height less than the breadth;
peristome simple, thin; margins distant, columellar vertical, slightly

reflexed above.
Millem. inch.

Major diameter,..........se:0--++ 5z 0.23
Minor ditto |. sd J. suimderevanck = 54 0.21
INS ABs poaptpec nance deh» Phvecgteldich= ‘ 54 0.22

Aperture 3 millem. broad, 2 high.

Habitat—Akoutoung and banks of the Tsanda Khyoung, “Henzada
district, Pegu.

Kasily distinguished from N. confinis and N. attegia by its smaller
size and higher spire; from NV. ara, by the sides of the spire being
straight and not concave, and from the Bengal N. infula, Bens., by
its sculpture, and its sharper keel.

10. N. GRaruLator, n. sp.

Shell perforated, turbinate, thin, whitish horny. Spire conical ;
apex obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls 5, slowly and regularly in-
creasing, convex, spirally lirate and marked with oblique strie of
growth above; the last whorl keeled at the periphery, convex and
decussately marked with concentrfe and radiating strie below, not
excavated around the perforation. Aperture diagonal, subtrapezoidal,
breadth exceeding the height; peristome thin ; margins distant, united
by a callus; basal deeply sinuate ; columellar vertical, forming a right
angle with the basal, and briefly triangularly reflexed above; reflexed
portion thickened and passing half round the perforation.

Millem. inch.
Major diameter,. .c-<c-ses<sooatee 5 0.2
WE Or, CBO, cic cthh geen oe 43 0.18
add, dep teal diase anes 4 0.16

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacoloqy. 73

Aperture 3 millem. broad, 2 high.

Animal with a small mucus pore, and very small lobe above.

Habitat—Irawaddy valley, Pegu.

This pretty little species abounds near Thayet Myo, and occurs
throughout the Trawaddy valley in British Burmah. I do not re-
member meeting with it in Arakan. It is easily distinguished from
all others of similar form among Indian shells, by its very oblique
mouth, by the peculiar columellar margin of the peristome, and by
the strong lirate sculpture. I have much doubt as to whether it
should be assigned to Z’rochomorpha, the species of which group are
larger, and the animals somewhat different.

Section Kaliella ?
11. N. convza, n. sp.

Shell subperforate, turreted, white, horny, thin, translucent, marked
with oblique sinuous subfiliform costulate striation, and, below the
centre of the whorl, with very fine spiral lines, only visible under a
powerful lens. Spire conical, apex rather obtuse, suture deeply sunk.
Whorls 6, very convex, keeled in the centre, the keel very fine, raised,
thread-like, opaque and white; the last whorl bicarinate, the second
raised spiral line being below the periphery ; flatly convex beneath, and
marked by radiating striz and concentric impressed lines. Aperture
oblique, tumidly and subangulately lunate, about equally broad and
high ; peristome thin ; margins distant ; columellar nearly vertical, very
briefly reflexed at the penultimate whorl.

Millem. inch.
aM Cte a Wa. Aledcniacsck. apd es 1? 0.07
Height, ..... Codie ethabta sees P 2. 0.08

Habitat—Phoung ditto. Arakan.
A minute species remarkable for its keeled and convex whorls.

Only 4 specimens were found. J

Genus HELIX.

Section Plectopylis.
12. H. Karznorvum, n. sp.
Shell sinistrorse, very widely umbilicated, discoid, flat above, solid,
white, with rather irregular oblique pale chesnut. streaks crossing the
whorls, transversely and sinuously striated with decussating spiral

74 Contributious to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

lines above and below; epidermis thin, horny. Apex minutely
granulate or sub-granulate, almost imperceptibly raised above the flat
spire; suture not impressed, very narrowly marginate. Whorls 6,
narrow and closely wound, flat above; the last angulate above the
periphery, rounded beneath, descending close to the mouth, very
slightly compressed behind the same. Umbilicus very shallow,
exposing all the whorls. Aperture, diagonal, truncately subcircular ;
peristome white, reflexed throughout, margins joined by a raised bar,
from the centre of which a lamina passes up the parietal side of the
whorl to the plication, which lies at about + the circumference of the
whorl from the mouth, and resembles that of Helix achatina, Gray ;
the parietal transverse lamina being simple and oblique above, then
bifureating, giving off the lamina which runs to the mouth, and two
short basal supports. A thread-like lamina also runs along the
extreme base of the parietal side of the whorl, and joins the aperture.
Palatal teeth 5; the upper 3 and the lowest longitudinal, the upper-
most very long and thin, the 4th vertical, corresponding to the fork
in the parietal lamina.
Millem. inch,

Moajondiameteny:. 44. ibtacs os 13 0.52
Minoridathoyre stu esetedast if 0.44
IASI 6s he. SPORT? ADE och, aba : 4 0.16

Habitat—Banks of Tsanda Khyoung, near Kaintha village, in
Henzada district, Pegu. Larger variety ; major diameter 18 millem.
minor diameter 15, height 5. A very few specimens were found on
the banks of the Nungatho Khyoung, Henzada district.

This shell combines the external form of H. lecophis, Bens., and
H. refuga, Gould, with the internal plication of H. achatina, Gray.
From both the first named species, however, the present may be easily
distinguished by its more perfectly discoid shape, by its smaller
height, and more open umbilicus, as well as by its colouring. Exter-
nally, it is a very different shell from H. achatina, being of not more
than half the thickness of that species. The internal plication,
however, is absolutely undistinguishable.

Like many other shells in Pegu, this species has evidently a very
local distribution. In the spot where it was found first, among some
limestone rocks forming a low ridge skirting the right bank of the

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 75

Tsanda Khyoung, it was abundant, but it was not met with again
until 3 or 4 specimens of the larger variety were found nearly 50
miles further south.

The locality given by Mr. Benson for Helix leiophis is Kwadouk
near Thayet Myo. The shell also abounds at Akoutoung, on the
Trawady, below Prome.

13. H. perarcra, n. sp.

Shell sinistral, widely umbilicated, discoid, rather thin, white,
transversely sinuously striated, with faintly marked decussating spiral
lines above and below. Apex minutely granulate, slightly raised
above the flat spire, suture rather deeply impressed. Whorls 6,
convex above and at the periphery, the last a little compressed behind
the mouth, descending suddenly to the aperture, which is oblique and
roundly lunate ; peristome white, expanded all round; margins joined
by a somewhat’ curved ridge, from the centre of which a lamella runs
up the whorl towards the parietal plication, which, however, it does
not join. The parietal vertical lamina is single, simple, rather short,
slightly curved, with a rudimentary transverse plait at the top. Two
free horizontal lamella occur beneath that running to the aperture, the
lowest being the longest and thinnest, and running back beneath the
base of the vertical lamina. Palatal teeth 6, all horizontal except the
4th and 5th, which are slightly oblique. Umbilicus open, deep,

exposing all the whorls.
Millem. inch.

Major diameter,......s00.0..0.008 11 0.44
Emon IG ttOy LY. 0k UE 9 0.36
Efoieiht picts Reged eas: 4 0.16

Habitat—Mya Leit Doung, near Ava.

Distinguished from its allies, H. refuga, H. leiophis, and H. Kareno-
rum, by its deeper suture and rounded whorls, and internally by the
shorter parietal lamina, and by the 5th palatal plait being less oblique
than in leiophis, and not backed by a second plait as in refuga. This
species is the smallest known amongst those belonging to the Burmese
types of Plectopylis.

14. H. Feppeni, n. sp.

Shell sinistrorse, very widely umbilicated, discoid, flat above, thin,

dull white, marked by rather irregular oblique sculpture both above

76 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

and below. Spire quite flat, apex not rising above the surface, suture
impressed. Whorls 6}—7, narrow and closely wound, slightly convex
above ; the last much broader, rounded at the periphery and beneath,
descending abruptly close to the mouth. Umbilicus shallow, exposing
all the whorls. Aperture more nearly horizontal than vertical, sub-
circularly lunate. Peristome slightly thickened, expanded throughout,
margins joined by a rib, from the centre of which a lamina sometimes
runs up to the parietal plication, but is frequently interrupted a short
distance within the aperture, and is always thicker and higher near
the mouth than further back. Parietal plication consisting of a verti-
cal lamina in front, and a second, slightly oblique, just behind the
first, giving out the interrupted lamina running to the aperture from
the top, and a shorter horizontal lamella from the bottom; the hinder
with small re-entering supports above and below. Beneath both is a
narrow free thread-like horizontal lamella. Palatal teeth 5: Ist, 2nd,
3rd and 5th horizontal, 4th vertical and stouter than the others; Ist
and 2nd longer than the remainder.
Millem. inch.

Major diameter, ......0.0-c000.+s« 16 0.65
Minor ditto ucts oct. .decceielh 13 0.52
Height erat ths. dbase Sedat 5 44 0.18

Habitat —Prome : rare.

Of this unquestionably distinct species but 3 or 4 specimens were
found by Mr. Fedden and myself. Both the external form and _plica-
tion differ from those of all allied species. It is especially distinguish-
ed by its rounded periphery, wider last whorl, and its irregular
non-decussated sculpture externally, and internally by the double

parietal lamina.

Section ?
15. H. po.ypLevris, n. sp.

Shell openly umbilicated, trochiform, rather solid, white, (probably
horny in living specimens,) obliquely and closely costulated. Spire
conoid; apex rather obtuse; suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex,
slowly increasing ; the last not descending, surrounded by a raised
thread-like keel, convex beneath, and somewhat sinuously radiately
costulated around the deep and pervious umbilicus, Aperture oblique,

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 77

roundly lunate, almost circular; peristome thin; margins distant,
columellar slightly expanded.

Millem. inch.
Major diameter,......... Maviaii 4 0.16
Minor dittoy cis cvisieees.cres vee 3F 0.15
PSUS i farsi ase fa oa sisaw nen’ a siilse 3 0.12

Habitat—Arakan hills: rare.

A prettily marked little species near H. Bascauda, Bens., from
which it is distinguished by its finer and closer sculpture, more open
umbilicus, and less conical spire. It is very probably a Nanina, but
the animal was not met with.

Genus BULIMUS.

16. B. scrostcunatus, n. sp.

Shell subobtectly perforated, turritedly ovate, thin, horny, yellowish
white, marked with vertical, subarcuate, rather irregular, closely set,
raised lines. Spire turrited, apex obtuse, suture simple, impressed.
Whorls 6, convex, the last rounded beneath. Aperture vertical,
truncately ovate: peristome simple, thin; right margin considerably
curved forwards ; columellar vertical, curving to the left near the base,
frequently straight, rather broadly reflexed.

Millem. inch.

PRM re Ae du ahawacee deter cas t 0.28
BICC eas a celoncined ven a ce 3h 0.14
Length of aperture, +..........: 34 0.14

Habitat—Pegu, west of the Irawady.

The nearest ally of this species is its congener B. putus, Bens.,
which inhabits the same localities, and differs in its greater tumidity
and less marked sculpture. There is, however, much variation in the
first named character, and despite the great difference between the two
forms in general, there is some appearance of a passage. T'wo speci-
mens of B. putus which I possess, measuring respectively 7 and 84
millem. in length, are both 5 millem. in diameter.

Both these species shew a tendency to a passage to Spirawis,

17. B. pricier, n. sp.
Shell obtectly perforated, ovately conical, rather thin, horny, finely
striated. Spire conical, apex obtuse ; suture marginate, scarcely
ay

78 Contributions to Indian Malacoloyy. [No. 2,

impressed, Whorls 5, planulately convex above, the last longer than
the spire, somewhat tumid, rounded at the base. Aperture vertical,
truncately oval, subpyriform; peristome simple; right margin curved
forwards ; columellar callous, subvertical, slightly curved, rather broadly
reflexed ; margins united by a callus bearing a small re-entering lamella
about the centre.
Millem, inch.
Wenethitred.e.s....2. eee Re é 9 0.36
Digmetetsi.2.cvta Lewes 5s 0.22
Aperture 5 millem. high, 24 broad.
Habitat—Thayet Myo, Pegu: rare.
A more tumid shell than B. putus, Bens., and easily distinguished
from all other Indian and Burmese forms of the genus by the re-enter-
ing parietal plait.

Grenus SPIRAXIS.

18. S. pusiuta, n. sp,

Shell imperforate, ovate, thin, horny, yellowish white, costulately
striated. Spire conically pyramidal ; sides straight ; apex rather acute ;
suture impressed. Whorls 5, convex; the last longer than the spire
(ratio = 4 : 3) and rounded beneath. Aperture rather oblique, subpy-
riform ; peristome simple, acute, much curved forwards on the right
margin; columella scarcely twisted, reflexed, appressed on the whorl.

Millem. inch.

Wemeihy, sii. ange cadens eee 6 0.24
Ae MET ER oe msc ceiitebae 34 0.14
Length of aperture, ............ 33 0.14

Habitat—Prome district, Pegu : rare.

IT am not quite sure if all of the few specimens I possess of this
peculiar small form came from Akoutoung, or whether some may not
be from Thayet Myo. The shell resembles young specimens of
Bulimus putus, Bens., so closely, that it can only be distinguished by
the absence of any perforation.

Genus ACHATINA.
19. <A. Prevensis, n. sp.
Shell oblong ovate, rather solid, dark reddish brown, horny, marked
with distinct and regular impressed lines, Spire convexly conical ;

,?

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology: 79

apex obtuse; suture impressed, subcrenulate. Whorls 63, slightly
convex ; the last ascending a little towards the mouth, and exceeding
4 of the shell in length. Aperture vertical, truncately semicircular ;
peristome obtuse, slightly thiekened; margins joined by a callus;
columella very much curved, projecting forwards at the base, subver-
tically truncated within the peristome.

Millem. inch,

CHUN RSS Re een get Pt i 0.28
MENGE OTIC sc chic dicaidla as acdene 34 0.14
Length of aperture, ............ 2} 0.11

Habitat—Irawady valley, Pegu : common:

A pretty little species, darker in colour than any of its allies, except
perhaps A. gemma, Bens., and easily distinguished from all, by the
columella being more arcuate,.also by its more acuminate spire and
blunter apex, and its much stronger sculpture.

20.. A. PERTENUIS, 0. sp:

Shell very slender, turrited, thin, light horny, polished, closely,
minutely, and rather irregularly striated. Spire subulate; somewhat
acuminate towards the blunt apex; suture impressed, subcrenulate.
Whorls 11—12, convex, the last about + the length of the spire.
Aperture oblique, ovately pyriform, peristome thin, margins united. by
a thin. callus, columella moderately curved, obliquely truncated,

Millem. inch.

MON BEN, .. see versqnethiwesonisav st 20 0.8
Bram GET) ts. bo- ckigiecl wcinilet owleled ei 4} 0.18
Length of aperture, .........00 4 0.16

Habitat—Tongoop, Arakan.

Var major, length 264 millem.; diameter 6 ; length of aperture 6.
Of another specimen; length 23 millem.; diameter 5%; length of aper-
ture 54. P

Habitat—Pyema Khyoung, Bassein district, Pegu.

A much more slender species than A. tenwispira, Bens., (a variety of
which also abounds in parts of Pegu,) though there are signs of a
passage. The present.appears to replace A. tenuispira in Arakan and
Bassein. Mr. Benson, to whom I sent a specimen, observes that it is
intermediate between A.. tenwisprra and A. hastula, Bens.

80 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,
Genus SUCCINEA.

21. S. puicata, n. sp.

Shell depressly subovate, very thin, irregularly, obliquely and more
or less coarsely plaited, pale amber in colour, horny. Spire short ;
apex minutely papillary. Whorls 24; the last about 4 of the entire
length. Aperture oblique, curved backwards at the base, nearly oval,
openly angulate above ; peristome simple ; columellar margin regularly
bow-shaped ; right margin rather straighter.

Millem. inch.
Meio this wicBaredinescaegeree oe ae 17 0.68
Diameters 2.22. .gelbayy) Manes 94 0.38

Height, when laid upon the mouth, 6 millem. Aperture 14 millem.
long, 8 broad.

Habitat—Tongoop, Arakan: one or two specimens, ratlier less
coarsely sculptured, occurred also south of Bassein in Pegu.

This species approaches S. semiserica, Gould, but is distinguished
from that and from all other Indian species by its coarse sculpture.
It has also a larger spire than S. semiserica. Ht is not common : indeed
species of the genus Succinea are generally but very locally distributed
in India and Burma.

Gunus CLAUSILIA.

22. ©. FUSIFORMIS, n. sp.

Shell not rimate, fusiform, horny, thin, white; obliquely, very
closely and finely costulately striated throughout. . Spire diminishing
slowly at first above the middle, then rapidly attenuate towards the
acute apex ; suture simple, scarcely.impressed, deeper towards the apex.
Whaorls 9, convex above, flattened below, the last very little narrower
than the penultimate. Aperture semioval, (nearly semicircular) ; upper
parietal plait very fine; internal palatal teeth 7, the uppermost by far
the longest. Peristome thin, expanded, not continuous, the margins
being distant, and united by a thin callus ; columellar margin straight
and very long posteriorly.

Millem. inch.

Venieths cesiiniet.. fa. See ek 23 0.92

Milamnetben ss Be a.esasc. heues eee 6 0.24
Habitat—Arakan hills, west of Henzada. Very rare.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 81

But a solitary specimen was met with belonging to this form, which
is more tumid in the centre than any of its allies, C. insignis, Gould,
&e. The non-continuity of the peristome may be due to immaturity
in the specimen found. The shape of the mouth may also possibly be
slightly modified in older examples, but the general form doubtless
remains the same, and is alone sufficient to distinguish the species.

A solitary specimen of another new form, much smaller than the
above, being only 17 millem. long, occurred at Moditoung Tekan, on
the road from Prome to Tongoop. It is unfortunately bleached and
worn, though perfect.

Genus STREPTAXIS.

23. S. Burmantca, n. sp.

Shell ovately subglobose, umbilicated, thin, horny, white, marked
throughout with fine and closely set sinuate costulation. Spire
convex; sutures scarcely impressed. Whorls 6, the last 2 widely
excentric, rounded at the periphery ; the penultimate broader than the
last whorl; last flattened beneath, and angulately compressed around
the umbilicus. Aperture oblique, irregularly semioval, with a single
re-entering lamellar parietal ; peristome white, thin, expanded through-
out, deeply sinuate above, at the junction with the penultimate whorl,
compressed and curved forwards on the upper right margin, and some-
times furnished with a very small internal tooth-like callous projection ;
the two margins subparallel, distant, united by a thin callus.

Millem. inch,
Major diameter,...... eared Re 10 0.4
etaY ity WAGs ores Peed 7 0.28
MMU IEEL Sextus 1 cpibie ak SuldeealeseeNes 6 0.24

Habitat—Tongoop, Arakan.

This is a very near ally of the Molmein S. Petiti, Gould, but it is
distinguished from that shell and from S. exacuta, Gould, by the
rounded periphery and more globose form. It is larger and less
slender than S. Andamanica, Bens., and is distinguished from all the
above species, and also from the Nilgiri S. Perrotteti, by the greater
size of the penultimate whorl in comparison with that of the antepenul-
timate, a character to which my attention was called by Mr. Benson.

_ In Dr. Gould’s original description (an imperfect one) of S. Petiti,

82 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

as republished in Otia Conchologica, p. 183, no mention is made of
the angulation of the periphery, which, however, is referred to by
Pfeiffer, (Mon. Helic. I. 8). The character is certainly variable: in
specimens in my own collection there is a considerable difference.

Orper,—PROSOBRANCHIATA.
Family Cyclophoride.

Genus CYCLOPHORUS.

24. C. (Lagocheilus) LEPoRINes.

Shell narrowly umbilicated, conically turbinate, thin, dark horny,
and ornamented throughout with oblique striz and with raised spiral
lines, closer together at the periphery and within the umbilicus than
elsewhere. Spire conical ; apex rather acute. Whorls 53, rounded ;
the last cylindrical, not descending. Aperture oblique, subcircular,
angulate above ; peristome simple, thickened, subexpanded, incised at
the upper angle; columellar margin curved backwards. Operculum
horny, greyish white, multispiral.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter, .......+ babes 4 0.16
Minor, ditto, (2) tc. ce encactble ent 34 0.14
AA 9: uct bean ago Sie tate. 3 ows 4 0.16

Habitat—Akoutoung, Pegu.

This form is allied to Cyclophorus scissimargo, Bens., and C. tomo-
trema, Bens., forming with them the group for which Mr. Theobald
has proposed the name of Lagocheilus. There appears good reason for

associating these shells as a distinct subgenus, which perhaps repre-

sents, in Burma, the group of Cyclophori comprising C. halophilus and

its allies in Southern India and Ceylon. The present species is
smaller and higher in the spire than either of the others. The animal .
of C. leporinus is short, dark in colour, with small black tentacles, and —
resembles ordinary Cyclophort in most characters. The only specimen

obtained living and examined, possessed, however, the peculiarity of a
groove down the middle of the caudal portion of the foot above.

The peristome is simple in the only perfect adult specimen which I
possess, but in a broken barely adult shell, there is a rudimentary
duplication, The two lips are probably united in the full grown shell.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 83

I also met with a shell apparently belonging to this species, but
not full grown, at Pyema Khyoung, south of Bassein.

An immature specimen of probably a 4th species of Lagocheilus,
with very fine and rather close equidistant spiral sculpture, was found
by me in the neighbourhood of Ava.

Gxxus PTEROCYCLOS.
25. Pr. Feppent, n. sp.

Shell widely umbilicated, convexly depressed, smooth, finely striated
rather thin, elegantly marked with alternating transverse zigzag stripes
of white and chesnut, and with a moderately broad submedian band of
darker colour. Spire nearly flat; apex but very slightly protruded ;
suture deep. Whorls 44, convex ; the last rounded, descending towards
the mouth. Aperture circular, slightly oblique ; peristome double; the
two portions separated by a shallow groove, the inner cut away into a
moderate sinus above, and the outer turned up into a small vertical
wing, free from the penultimate whorl. Operculum concave within,
the centre flat ; flatly concave without, with lamellar free edges to the
whorls, thickest at the circumference.

Millem, inch.

Major diameter,................04 11 0.44
MEMOR GUL,” 52.-.:capdcnincoodenere 9 0.36
POI Nee. . walistasssahtore auadecontd 5 0.2

Habitat—-Thayet Myo, Pegu—rare.

A smaller and more convex shell than Pt. cetra, Bens. from
Molmein. Itis one of the most beautifully marked species of the
genus; it resembles Pt. pullatus, Bens., in form, and in the peculiar
characters of the operculum, and equals the handsomest specimens of
Pt. rupestris, Bens., in its colouring.

Named after the discoverer, Mr. Fedden, of the Geological Survey.

Genus ALYCANUS.

26. <A. POoLITUS, n. sp.

Shell moderately umbilicated, turbinately depressed, smooth, polish-
ed, shining, amber-coloured. Spire depressly conoidal ; suture deep ;
apex obtuse, rather redder than the remainder of the shell. Whorls
33, convex; the last round, scarcely descending towards the mouth,
very little swollen at the side, and ornamented on the inflated portion

84 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

for a short distance with close fine costulation, which extends beneath
to the umbilicus and renders the shell opaque in that spot. Constric-
tion long, smooth, swelling considerably in front towards the mouth.
Sutural tube short, about + to 4 of the periphery of the penultimate
whorl. Aperture oblique, circular, deeply sinuate at the junction
with the penultimate whorl, and at the lower right margin; peristome
double, the inner lip projecting and continuous, outer lip retrorelict.
Operculum horny, multispiral, externally concave.
Millem. inch.

MiajOr CIAMELET, uese-ncmearse-cs 3 0.12
OE CUEEG wees ae ss dar sinan em 21 0.09
SRS 5 tera Rie cen pes Siete 1i 0.05

Habitat—Phoung do, near Cape Negrais, Arakan.

Very near A. humilis, W. Blanf., from Pegu, but distinguished by
its lower spire, wider umbilicus, more sinuous mouth, and especially by
its high polish, in which it is only equalled by A. mtidus, W. Blantf.

27. <A. GLABER, n. sp.

Shell broadly umbilicated, conoidly depressed, solid, reddish white,
the upper whorls darker, rather dull in lustre, smooth, except at the
swollen portion of the last whorl, which is very finely and closely
costulated. Spire depressly conoid; apex rather obtuse; suture im-
pressed. Whorls 4, convex, the last obsoletely subangulate at the
periphery, moderately swollen at the side, then constricted, descending
a little near the mouth. Constriction of moderate length, smooth,
slightly swollen in the middle. Sutural tube of moderate length.
Aperture diagonal, circular ; peristome more or less distinctly duplex,
thickened, moderately expanded. Operculum dark coloured, horny,
externally concave, internally convex, with a prominent central nucleus.

Millem. inch.
Major diameter..3.-...<ceorss-6 7 0.30
D1 Te Voy a FH ae 6 0 24
MTT ce ied 4h 0.18

Habitat—Akyab, Arakan; the hills south of the harbour.

This species closely resembles A. Ingrami, W. Blant., for which I
for some time mistook it, but it is distinguished by the absence of any
sculpture on the upper whorls, and also by the more oblique mouth,

a

1865. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 85

Gunus DIPLOMMATINA.

28. D. NANA, n. sp.

Shell not rimate, dextrorse, subovate, rather solid, amber-coloured,
very finely and closely filiformly costulated on the lower whorls, less
closely on the upper, or, frequently, subdistantly costulated through-
out. Spire conical, with sides scarcely convex above; apex rather
obtuse, sometimes reddish, suture impressed. Whorls 6—63, rounded,
antepenultimate the largest, the last rising considerably upon the
penultimate. Aperture vertical, ear-shaped, nearly circular, columellar
margin straight for a short distance and vertical, with an internal
tooth. Peristome double, both portions expanded and appressed, the
inner forming a thin callus upon the penultimate whorl. Operculum ?

Millem. inch.
11 ULE ee 2} 0.09
Diameter, ........ Seba Ny cei ee 1 0.04

Aperture with peristome about 2 millem. in diameter.

Habitat—Akoutoung, Thondoung and Yenandoung in Henzada
district, Pegu.
This species approaches D. polyplewris, Bens., more nearly than
any other. It is distinguished by its more regularly ovate form,
blunter apex, less swollen penultimate whorl, and more marked and
distant sculpture. The latter character, however, varies. The
specimens from Thondoung, a hill about 20 miles south of Akoutoung,
being either closely costulate throughout, or subdistantly sculptured
above, closely below; while in Akoutoung specimens, the costulation
is subdistant throughout. As, however, I can trace no other distinc-
tion between the shells, and the costulation varies in different indivi-
duals from each place, I do not think there is any specific distinction.

A still more minute species than the present exists in Pegu, and
I found two dead specimens at the base of the Arakan hills in the
Henzada district. As these specimens were not very well preserved,
LT abstain from describing them for the present.

Family Helicinide.
Genus HELICINA.
29. H. ARAKANENSIS.

Shell depressly turbinate, sublenticular, rather thin, obliquely striated

above, radiately and very minutely beneath, polished, flesh-coloured,
12

86 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

with a darker red band in the centre of the whorls above, and another
on the last whorl, just below the periphery ; apex yellow. Spire con-
vexly conoid ; apex acute. Whorls 4, the last compressed and sharply
keeled, moderately convex at the base, furnished with a polished sub-
granulate central callus; columella very short. Aperture diagonal,
triangular; peristome white, slightly expanded. Operculum light
grey, shelly.
Millem. inch.

Major*diametér, “sie 6 0.24
Binor eect .cs. ee ee es 5 0.2
NGS, Oe Ue: Me: 34 0.15

Habitat—Ramri Island, coast of Arakan. Rare.

A smaller variety, measuring—major diameter 5, minor 44, axis 3
millem., was abundant in the southern portion of the Bassein district.

Near H. Merguwiensis, Pir. and H. Andamanica, Bens., but smaller
than either. It is mainly distinguished from the former by the
absence of the close spiral striation, so marked in that species, and
from the latter by different colouring, higher spire and closer sculpture.

The preceding pages contain descriptions of the greater portion of
the previously unpublished species of land shells in my collections
from Ava, Pegu, and Arakan; I have still a few remaining, the dis-
tinctness of which is probable, but they belong, for the most part, to
critical groups, and require comparison with the original types of
species, described by Mr. Benson and others. The following addition-
al notes, on the distribution of previously described species, may serve
to supplement the papers on the subject, by Mr. Theobald, in Jour.
As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. XXVI. p. 245, and Vol. XXVILI. p. 313.

Nanina.

Nanna petasus, Bens., is common about Thayet Myo and in the
Avakan hills. My largest specimen measures 12 millemetres by 11
in its two diameters. A smaller, closely allied shell, measuring 8 by 7
millem., I was inclined to refer to Mr. Benson’s Helix aspides, on
account of the arcuate and labiate basal margin of the aperture, but
T learn from the describer that it presents differences, although not
sufficient to prove it a distinct species. A third still smaller form,
with the thickening and curvature of the peristome exaggerated, and

1865. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 87

a somewhat flatter spire, measures only 5 to 5} millem. in its largest
diameter, and may be a distinct shell. It, also, is from the Arakan
hills.

Nanina honesta, Gould, originally described from Tavoy, is found
throughout western Pegu and Arakan, as well as at Molmein, where
it was collected by Mr. Theobald. Dr. Gould’s description is very
imperfect ; he does not even note the great obliquity of the mouth,
which is the most striking character of the species. In the Arakan
hills near Prome, and about Thayet Myo, a larger variety occurs, in
which the angulation of the periphery entirely disappears in the adult,
although the other characters are the same. The sutural margination
is sometimes, though rarely, obsolete. Large specimens measure 14
by 114 millem., and about 7 in height.

N. levicula, Bens., also first found by Mr. Theobald in the Tenas-
serim provinces, is very common about Thayet Myo, Prome, and
Akoutoung, and occurs also as far south as the Bassein district. It is
frequently whitish in colour, It is allied to N. honesta, but easily
distinguished, besides by its smaller size, by the fewer whorls and their
more rapid rate of increase, and also by the total absence of sculpture,
There is much variation in size : my largest specimen measures 8} and
7 millem. in its two diameters. The animal has a very small lobe
above the mucus pore in the tail, which is truncated. The mantle is
rather large. A single specimen of a shell, apparently identical, was
found by me, some years ago, near Balasore in Orissa.

N. textrina was evidently described by Mr. Benson, (in the Annals
and Mag. Nat. Hist. 1856, Ser. 2, Vol. XVIII. p. 252,) from an
immature specimen. When adult, the peristome is white and slightly
thickened within, and the body whorl internally of a milky white
colour. This handsome species is found west of the Irawady, from
Thayet Myo to Bassein, and varies considerably in size, in the height
of the spire, and in the degree of angulation above the periphery,
The greatest change takes place in the latter character ; specimens
from the district of Bassein being sharply angled, and even subcarinate,
the angulation diminishing, however, close to the aperture; while, in
specimens from Thayet Myo and Prome, the periphery is round. In
height of spire, the shell varies from depressed to subturbinate ; in
two specimens before me, one has a major diameter of 30 millem., and
height of 13 ; the other with a major diameter of only 27, measures

88 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

15 millem. in the axis, and this variation is seen in both rounded and
subcarinate specimens. The largest specimen I possess, measures in
its two diameters, 36 and 31 millemetres, and in height 18.

N. pansa, Bens., was found near Akoutoung and Thayet Myo; and
also, more abundantly, in the neighbourhood of Ava.

N. (Lrochomorpha) attegia, Bens., abounds at Akoutoung below
Prome. It is not common elsewhere, except about Prome. The
animal has a mucus pore at the end of a truncated foot, and a lobe
above, as in N. witrinoides, Desh. A shell which Mr. Benson considers
as probably identical with Helix diplodon, Bens., (a Khasi hill species)
occurs rarely in the Arakan hills. It is a Nanina with a small lobe
above the mucus pore near the end of the tail, which, however, is more
flattened and less truncated than in species of the Z’rochomorpha section
generally,

No species of the Ariophanta section, so. largely represented in
India, has as yet been found in Pegu or Arakan ;* WN. retrorsa, Gould,
being hitherto unknown N. or W. of Molmein. Macrochlamys and
Trochomorpha (unless N. textrina and N. pansa belong rather to
Hemiplecta than to the former,) comprise the great majority of the
Nanine. The forms belonging to the first named section are so
numerous, and distinguished by such minute differences, that their
study is one of great difficulty.

Helix.
Amongst the true Helzces in Northern Pegu, several forms assigned

o

to the section Dorcasia, Gray, are conspicuous. They appear to re-
present in Burma, H. fallaciosa, Fer., H. asperella, Pfr., and their
allies of the Indian peninsula, and they might all perhaps with greater
correctness be classed together in the same section. Amongst these
forms is H. similaris, Fer., of which H, scalpturita, Bens, and
H. Zoroaster, Theobald, appear to be varieties. These shells occur in
the drier portions of the Irawady valley, and are not found below
Prome, but they extend northwards to beyond Ava. The variety
named by Mr. Benson H. scalpturita sometimes wants the coloured

* Nor is this section, so far as I know, represented in the Himalayas.
N. Himualayana, Lea, being almost certainly N. interruwpta, Bens., and the
assigned locality due to an error; while H. cyclotrema, Bens., lately described
from the hills N. of Tirhoot, is a sinistrorse member of the asperella group, and
closely allied to that species, as may be seen from its expanded lip and granu- .
jate surface. The animal is doubtless a true Helow, and not a Nantina.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 89

bands, and passes into a shell closely resembling H. Peguensis, Bens.,
a more solid form, shells approaching which closely in every character
except in being less solid, were found on the Shan hills, east of Ava.
Mr. Benson considers these shells distinct from H. Peguensis, but there
can be little doubt of their forming a link. The typical variety of
H., scalpturita abounds near Mandélé. H. Zoroaster, Theobald, is a
large H. similaris, and occurs abundantly at Thayet Myo and less so
at Prome. J. bolus, Bens., abundant near Thayet Myo and Prome,
is sometimes marked by a coloured band like that of H. s¢milaris, and
varies greatly in the height of the spire. The type is a well marked
form, far more globose than the others, but yet it passes, by impercep-
tible gradations, into similaris. H. delibrata, Bens. is also allied to
similaris although classed in a different section or subgenus by both
Albers and Pfeiffer; it unites Dorcasia with the Trachea group,
(H. asperella and its allies). H. delibrata is not rare throughout
Arakan; it oceurs at Akyab, and in Pegu it is found at Akoutoung
and other places ; when fresh it has a subhispid epidermis, and fre-
quently a rufous band above the periphery, like s¢mclaris and asperella.

Somewhat allied to the simzlaris group, but yet forming a distinct
and well marked section, are H. tapeina, Bens., and its allies H. rota-
toria, v. d. Busch, H. Oldhami, Bens., and H. Hutton’, Pir. To
these, two other species have been added by Mr. Theobald, viz. :
A. Phayret and H. Akoutongensis. The type appears almost peculiar
to the Malay countries, one species only, H. Huttoni, occurring upon
the Himalayas and other Indian mountains, and none in the plains of
India.

H. Oldhami, Bens. is a well marked and easily distinguished form,

with almost flat spire, very wide umbilicus, and the last whorl sub-

angulate above the periphery and swollen beneath. The epidermis,
when in good order, is subhispid, as in several other species of the
group. This form was first found by Dr. Oldham at Mya Leit Doung,

‘a few miles south-east of Ava, and I afterwards met with it in the

Arakan hills, on the road between Prome and Tongoop.

The other species pass into each other in the most perplexing
manner, and there scarcely appears any choice between increasing their
number indefinitely, and classing all together as varieties of one species>

The little form known as H. Huttoni, Pir., is perhaps more easily

distinguished than most of the others, as it is singularly constant in

90 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

form. It is usually smaller than tapeina or rotatoria, and may gener-
ally be recognised by its blunt periphery and the convexity both of
the spire and base. Still, forms of H. tapeina approach it so closely
that they may be said to pass into it. I found specimens of H. Huttoni
in only one spot in Burma, viz. on Puppa hill, an isolated peak,
nearly 5,000 feet high, in Upper Burma. The occurrence of a Hima-
layan shell which is found as high as 6,000 and 7,000 feet in Sikkim,
upon this solitary hill, where it is accompanied by peculiar species, as
Alyceus Vulcani, W. Blanf. and Diplommatina Puppensis, W. Blant.,
and with a flora comprising plants, such as Pteris aquilina, belonging
to a temperate climate, is very remarkable; especially as the same
species was found by myself on the Nilgiri hills of Southern India, at
an elevation of above 6,000 feet, and by Mr. F. Layard on the moun-
tains of Ceylon. It is found both in the eastern and western Hima.
layas, and has probably once enjoyed a far more general range in India
than at present. Its occurrence, with so little variation, in isolated
situations, is in favour of its being a distinct and natural species, a
rank to which, morphologically considered, its claims are small.

At Mya Leit Doung, the high limestone peak 15 miles south-east
of Amarapoora, already referred to, and the locality whence Cyclopho-
rus cryptomphalus, Bens., C. hispidulus, W. Blanf., Diplommatina
exilis, W. Blanf., Georissa frustrillum, Bens. sp., Hypselostoma Benso-
nianum, W. Blanf., Helix perarcta, W. Blanf., and other peculiar
species have been obtained, I found Mr. Theobald’s Heliw Phayrez,
which appears to have some claims to be considered a distinct species.
Mr. Theobald’s description (J. A. S. B., 1859, Vol. XXVIII. p. 306)
is very imperfect, and the following may serve to give a better idea of
the shell.

H. Puayret, Theobald.

Shell moderately umbilicated, orbiculately conoid, rather solid,
white, with a horny shining epidermis ; obliquely, coarsely and flex«
uously plicately striated beneath the epidermis, bluntly angulate at
the periphery. Spire depressly conoid; apex obtuse ; suture scarcely
impressed. Whorls 6, slightly convex, slowly increasing; the last
descending towards the aperture, where the angulation of the peri-
phery dies out; convex beneath, compressed around the deep umbili-
cus, which exposes all the whorls. Aperture subcircularly lunate,
diagonal; peristome white, slightly expanded throughout; margins

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 91

approaching each other, and united by a callus, Major diameter 18,
minor 153, axis 8 millemetres.

Habitat—Mya Leit Doung, Ava.

This differs from all allied forms in its much coarser flexuous sculp-
ture, and from most of them by its blunt angulation at the periphery.
It is also, so far as I know, the largest form, belonging to this group,
which occurs in Burma.*

H. tapeina is said by Mr. Benson to be distinguished from rotatoria,
amongst other characters, by the greater regularity of the sculpture in
the former shell, which contrasts with the irregularly flexuous stria-
tion of the latter.t I have never seen a typical specimen of H. rota-
toria, which was originally described from Java, but Mr. Benson has
identified with it a shell which abounds at Thayet Myo, Prome and
Akoutoung, and a variety of which, with a flat spire, Mr. Theobald
has called H. Akoutongensis. Of H. tapeina I possess specimens collected
by Mr. Theobald at the original locality, the Khasi hills. These
have a slightly more regular sculpture, an angulate periphery instead
of the sharp compressed keel of the Pegu form, and a rounder mouth,
but the spire is sometimes higher, sometimes not, and I can see no
distinction in the umbilicus. In all the distinctive characters, varieties
shewing gradation, occur in Burma.

Leaving the question of specific distinction, the distribution of
varieties of these shells in the Irawady valley, so far as I have searched,
is the following.

On the Shan hills, east of the valley in which lie Mandélé, the pre-
sent capital of Ava, and the older capitals, Amarapoora and Ava itself,
I found a lenticular sharply keeled form, less swollen beneath, and, in
general, higher in the spire than the Akoutoung form of rotatoria,
with the sides of the spire straight, not convex. The epidermis,
when in good order, and especially in young specimens, is hispid ; the
sculpture rather variable, but flexuous. This latter is also the case
with the Akoutoung and Thayet Myo form of rotatoria.

*Tn a letter received since the above was written, Mr. Benson informs me
that H. Phayrei only differs from his type of H. tapeina in its coarser sculpture,
My specimens of the latter shell have a more angulate periphery.

~+ In Pfeiffer’s Monogr. Helic. Viv., however, H. tapeina (Vol. III. p. 254) is
said to be “ Subtiliter granulato-striata,” while H. rotatoria (Vol. I. p. 203) is
described simply as “oblique striata.” The former is said to differ from the
latter in sculpture, higher spire, narrower umbilicus and rounder aperture.

92 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

In the Tsagain hills, west of the Irawady, opposite Ava, I obtained
two forms, one bluntly angled at the periphery and approaching H.
Oldhami, in which however the spire is lower and the umbilicus more
open. The sculpture, form of the whorls and of the mouth, (which is
rounded with connivent margins and expanded throughout,) and the
angulation of the periphery, are precisely similar to the same characters
in my specimens of H. tapeina : the umbilicus is slightly broader, and
the spire lower, sometimes as flat as in Akoutongensis. The dimensions
are 154 and 14 millem. in the two diameters; height 6. The other
form is extremely sharply keeled and lenticular, with an angulate
lunate mouth, and a narrower umbilicus than the last, or even than the
Cherra tapeina, but it has the same simple sculpture, differing in this
from the Shan hills form, which it otherwise resembles. It mea-
sures 174 millem. by 16, and 9 in height.

The next locality to the south in the Irawady valley at which I
obtained forms of this type was at Thayet Myo. I have already re-
ferred to the variety prevailing there, as well as at Prome and Akou-
toung. Asa rule, the shells are small, thin, horny, and more or less
hispid, very variable in the height of the spire, sharply keeled and
with very fine, flexous striation. The major diameter is about 10 to
12 millem. on an average.

At Henzada, and in its neighbourhood, another form prevails. It
is also met with at Akoutoung, but is rare, and it passes into the
flatter form there prevailing. The Henzada shell has a much higher
spire with very convex sides, and is, in fact, subcampanulate, the
base, on the other hand, being flattened. It is sharply keeled, quite
as sharply as the Akoutoung form, but it has the sculpture rather of
H. tapeina than of rotatorza, and the epidermis, instead of being sub-
hispid as in the latter shell, is merely granulate. A form, interme-
diate both in height of spire and in sculpture between the Henzada
and Akoutoung varieties, was found in the Arakan hills, between
Prome and Tongoop.

In the Bassein district, all the shells of this type are much the
same. They have a sharp keel, moderate spire with convex sides,
obtuse apex, and but little convexity beneath. They possess a granu-
late epidermis and the sculpture of H. tapeina,

The specimens with the highest spires, from Henzada, approximate

1865. Contributions to Indian Malacoloqy: 93
gy

in form to the Cambodia H. repanda, Pir., and may perhaps be
identical.

It will be seen how variable the forms are. The spire varies from
flat to almost bell-shaped, the periphery from sharply keeled to angu-
late, the whorls from subconvex to flat or nearly so; nor is there great-
er constancy in the form of the mouth, the sculpture, the epidermis,
or the breadth of the umbilicus. Distinct as many of the varieties
appear to be, they all pass gradually into each other, and with the
exceptions already described, I believe all the forms are most safely
classed as varieties of one species. Whether this should be called
rotatoria or tapeina is difficult to say, without more precise acquaint-
ance with the types of those shells.*

Not far from the tapeina group must be classed H. castra, Bens.,
which, despite its thin horny shell and sharp peristome, is not a
Nanina, but a true Helix. It occurs throughout the Arakan hills,
wherever I have searched, but is everywhere scarce. It has the
widest range in the Indian area of any known Helix, being found in
the Himalayas, in Orissa, in Ceylon, and throughout Burma as far
south as the Tenasserim provinces.

Hf, climacterica, Bens. is very probably a Nanina, but I have not
had an opportunity of observing the animal. The shell was found by
Captain Ingram on the road from Prome to Tongoop, and I found it
again in the hills, at the southern extremity of the Henzada district,
and in Bassein. It occurred also in Long island, in the Bassein river.
Tt is much smaller in general than the typical Khasi hill shell; I
possess specimens, apparently fully grown, but measuring only 13 or
14 millemetres in their major diameter.

H. hariola, Bens. is a true Helix, and is found chiefly on trees near
Thayet Myo and Prome. It isa rare shell. Near Ava it is replaced
by a large sharply carinate form, which I found abundant at Thinga-
dan, on the Irawady, about 80 miles north of Mandélé. This shell so
closely resembles H. capitiwm, Bens., that I am much disposed to
consider them identical, a view in which Mr. Benson, however, does
| not agree. At Puppa hill, near Pagan, already referred to as the

* Mr. Benson, to whom I sent specimens, considers all the forms above men-
tioned to be varieties of rotatoria, but some, especially that from the Tsagain
hills, appear to me to be at least as nearly allied to tuwpeina,

13

94 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

locality where H. Huttoni, Pir., is found, I met with an intermediate
variety, between the carinate form and the typical H. hariola.

The Plectopylis group is represented near Ava by H. perarcta, de-
scribed above, and further south by H. leiophis, Bens. This shell
occurs near Thayet Myo, but I found it abundantly only at Akou-
toung. Another form, which may be a small variety of lecophis, but
which shews some differences in the internal pligation, also occurs
near Thayet Myo. At Prome, close to the Pagoda, I found H. Fed-
deni, (described above) which, however, appeared very rare, as I only
obtained two perfect specimens, despite much search. 20 or 30 miles
south of Akoutoung, I found H. Karenorum in abundance, and 2 or 3
specimens of the large variety of the same shell still further south in
the Arakan hills, nearly due west of Henzada. Elsewhere in the
Henzada district and throughout Bassein, no species of the Burmese
form of Plectopylis was met with, but the Himalayan and Khasi
H. plectostoma, Bens. abounded south of the town of Bassein in sever-
al places, Pyema Khyoung, Long Island, &c. It was also found by
Captain Ingram in Arakan, near Tongoop.

Bulinus.

A variety of the sinistrorse Bulimus Sinensis, Bens., measuring 26
millem. inlength and 15 in diameter, occurs near Prome. It has
generally two dark stripes round the body whorl, but some specimens
have other stripes, usually 3, above the periphery. Occasional speci-
mens were met with further south. At Tongoop in Arakan, I found
a much smaller variety, measuring only 20 millem. in length, and 124
in diameter. At Akyab [I also found this small variety ; some shells
being entirely yellow without any stripes, like Mr. Theobald’s Mergui
specimens.

B. putus, Bens. is rather common at Akoutoung, less so at Thayet
Myo, and scarce to the south: I found it, however, occasionally, in the
Bassein district.

B. pullus, Gray, occurs near Ava; but not, so far as I am aware, in
Pegu. Specimens of B. cenopictus, Hutton, were also met with in
Upper Burma. JB. gracilis, Hutton, occurs throughout Burma appa-
rently. I have found a rather dwarf variety in Ava, Pegu and
Arakan, and have received it from Molmein.

~

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 95

Achatina.

Achatina tenwispira, Bens., of small size, is common at Akoutoung
and further south. A small variety of A. crassilabris, Bens., occurs
in Arakan, and another form, perhaps distinct, but closely allied, was
found in the Shan hills near Ava. The species of Achatina do not
appear to be numerous in Burma; they attain their maximum in the
Indian area in the Western Ghats, and the hills of South India and
Ceylon, and their numbers diminish to the eastward.

Vitrina,

Vitrina prestans, Gould, differing in no respect from the Molmein
shell, and V. gigas, Bens., equally identical with the Khasi form, are
both met with throughout the Arakan hills, though sparingly. A
smaller species, which I had looked upon as the young of V. gigas,
has been correctly separated by Mr. Theobald, and will doubtless be
described by him,

Ennea and Pupa,

Ennea bicolor was met with near Tongoop in Arakan, and at one or
two places in Pegu. Asin many other localities throughout its wide
range, it is a scarce shell.

Pupa Avanica, Bens. occurs near Ava, I found it abundantly on a
small hill, a few miles north of Mandélé.

Streptaxis,

Besides the species above described from Arakan, a smaller form
occurs in Pegu, which I consider a variety of S. Andamanica, Bens.,
the only difference I can detect being in the sculpture, which is some-
what finer in the Pegu shells.

Hypselostoma.

I have nothing to add to the particulars of the distribution of the
two species of Hypselostoma beyond those given in a preceding number
of these contributions,

CycLostoMAcEA,
Cyclophorus.

In the Shan hills east of Ava, I found two forms of large turbinate
Cyclophori, one apparently a variety of C. speciosus, Phil., the other
so closely allied that I doubt if it is wise to describe it as distinct.
C. speciosus does not appear to occur in Northern Pegu, but I found

96 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No, 2,

it at Rangoon, close to the Pagoda, abundantly south of Bassein, and
at Tongoop in Arakan. At Akyab I found some dead specimens,
which may possibly belong to this species, but they are thinner, with
a rather narrower umbilicus, and less broadly expanded peristome, and
one specimen is subangulate at the periphery. In these characters
they appear to be intermediate between the Burmese C. speciosus,
Phil., and the Khasi hill C. Pearsom, Bens.

At the base of the Shan hills, and also at Mya Leit Doung, I found
the small species referred by Mr. Benson to C. cornu venatorium, Sow.
Some living specimens at the former locality shewed the operculum to
be normal.

At Mya Leit Doung occurs also C. eryptomphalus, Bens. of which
I obtained fresh specimens, with the colour and epidermis perfect.
When in this state, it is the handsomest of the Burmese Cyclophori,
and equal in beauty of colouring to C. Siamensis, Sow., the dark
blackish brown colour of the upper surface of the shell contrasting
finely with the irregular zigzag white lines. The mouth, in my
specimens, shews no distinct duplication: it is much thickened and
expanded, as in C. speciosus or C. Siamensis.

C. fulguratus, Pfr., I did not find further north than Puppa hill.
At Thayet Myo and Prome it is very abundant, and it occurs more
sparingly throughout the Prome and Henzada districts, together with
C. Theobaldianus, Bens. and C. patens, W. Blanf. C fulguratus is a
handsome shell, varying greatly in size, my largest specimens from
Thondoung, south of Thayet Myo, measuring 38 millem. by 30, the
smallest, a dwarf specimen, also from Thayet Myo, only 20 millem., —
by 153. a

Mr. Theobald, in a paper published in this Journal for 1863, —
(XXXIII. p. 376,) classes my C. patens as a variety of C. fulguratus.
The types of both species occur together at Thayet Myo, and are very
distinct, C. patens having a broad, rather thin disk-like expanded
peristome, while the lip of C. fulguratus is much thicker but only
moderately expanded. C. patens also is much smoother. However, —
intermediate forms may possibly occur, as they do between many other .
Burmese species.

At Tongoop in Arakan, and on Ramri island, I found a variety of
the large C. aurantiacus, Schum. It approaches C. Theobaldianus

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 97

Bens., but has flatter whorls, a sharper keel, a more acute apex, and
rather less strongly marked sculpture.

A small turbinate species of Cyclophorus, which I found at a con-
siderable height on the Arakan hills between Prome and Tongoop,
with a rounded periphery and very narrow umbilicus, requires compa-
rison with C. scurra, Bens. Another form, with a subangulate peri-
phery, was met with in Bassein district, and a third, rather larger, but
otherwise identical, in Ramri island. All of these may be varieties of
the same shell. All possess a very narrow umbilicus, a thin white
expanded lip, and minute sculpture.

None of the small discoid Cyclophori, so far as I am aware, occur in
Pegu. C. hispidulus, W. Blanf., I described in a previous paper as
occurring at Mya Leit Doung, Ava. C. calyx, Bens. is stated by
Mr. Theobald to occur at Akoutoung, Pegu, and that locality has been
quoted for it by Mr. Benson in describing the shell, and repeated by
Pfeiffer in Suppl. Mon. Pneum. p. 56. I think some mistake must
have been made by Mr. Theobald in arranging and labelling the very
extensive collections which he made in 1854-55, for the shell abounds
in Molmein, while, although I have repeatedly searched all round the
Akoutoung hills, I have not met with it.

Leptopoma.

In a previous paper (J’ A. 8. B. for 1862) reference was made to
the occurrence of the Tenasserim L. aspivans, Bens., in Arakan, near
Tongoop, and in the Bassein district of Pegu. It was found in great
abundance in Long Island in the Bassein river. I also found speci-
mens close to Akyab, in the hills on the opposite (south) side of the
harbour. Some of these last are rather larger than the typical form,
and measure 14 by 103 millemetres in the two diameters and 12 in
height ; they are also smoother, wanting the raised spiral lines, and
the last whorl is rounded or subangulate near the mouth : but other
specimens are scarcely distinguishable from typical shells from Tenas-
serim, among which also some of the above characters, and especially
the sculpture, are variable.

Pterocyclos.

Pt. pullatus, Bens., has only been found near Akoutoung. In
Arakan, near Tongoop, and again at Akyab, I found a species closely
allied to Pt. parvus, Pearson. The Akyab specimens possess their

98 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

opercula, which is flat like that of Pt. pullatus, and not convex as in
Pt. rupestris, &c. These shells also closely resemble a species collected
by Mr. Theobald at Cherra Poonjee, and referred by Mr. Benson to
Pt. Albersi, Pir., which has a convex operculum, and a peculiarly
shaped wing. The specimens from Tongoop and its neighbourhood
had a much thicker epidermis than those from Akyab, and were
larger, but otherwise similar.*

No form of Cyclotus is known from Burma. I have shewn, in a
paper published in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History for
June, 1864, that the Cyclophorus calyx group approaches very closely
to the true Cyclot?, and represents them; while the Cyclotc of India
(e. g. C. subdiscoideus, Sow.) are allied to Cyclostoma, having the
peculiar cleft foot and mode of reptation of that genus. I have pro-
posed to place them in a new genus, Cyclotopsis.

Alyceus.

Much concerning the distribution of the numerous species of this
genus has been communicated in previous papers. A brief recapitula-
tion may be useful.

A. Ave, W. Blanf., is the only form as yet found on the Shan hills,
east of Ava. A. Vulcani, W. Blanf., occurs at Puppa hill, Pagan.
About Thayet Myo, A. sculptilis, Bens., is abundant, especially on
the hills a few miles south of the town, where also A. armuillatus,
Bens., was found in very small numbers, its minute size doubtless
rendering the search for it difficult. A few specimens of a small
variety of A. wmbonalis, Bens., first appeared here. They have a
“retro-relict” outer peristome, and coarse sculpture on the upper
whorls. The typical variety is rather common at Akoutoung, the
original locality. I found this species again at one spot, a little north
of Bassein, near the village of Kani. The older specimens obtained
there, and others from the base of the Arakan hills, west of Prome,
had the outer peristome retro-relict as in the Thayet Myo variety, a
peculiarity I never observed in the typical Akoutoung form.

%* Since the above was written, I have heard from Mr. Benson, who has kind-
ly compared the species with Pt. parvus. In the latter, the wing runs up the
penultimate whorl, while the wing and sinus of the Akyab and Tongoop species
resemble those of Pt. pullatus. In other respects the form resembles Pt, pavvus.
Tt may be distinguished as Pt. Arakamensis, n. sp. I have not specimens at
hand, so cannot add a complete description.

a
M

&

rf

]
,
i
i
|

1865. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology 99

At Akoutoung [ also found A. hwmilis, W. Blanf., and at the same
place, at Thondoung and at Yenandoung, two hills about 20 miles
further south, I found a variety of A. Ingrami, W. Blanf., rather
larger than the type from Tongoop in Arakan, and measuring 7
millem. in the larger diameter.

Another form of the same shell, with a less distinct subangulation
of the periphery, and rather closer sculpture on the upper whorls,
occurred at Moditoung, on the Prome and Tongoop road, with
A. graphicus, W. Blanf, A. succinews, W. Blanf., neither of which
has been found elsewhere, and one form of A. vestitus, W. Blanf. :
A, nitidus, W. Blanf. and A. polygonoma, W. Blanf., were first found
on the same road, but nearer to Tongoop. The latter I afterwards
obtained in two or three places south of Bassein, the specimens being
a little larger (6 and 5 millem. in their two diameters) than those first
found. A. vestitus has only been found in the Arakan hills on the
confines of the Henzada and Prome districts.

Adding to these the two new species above described, A. politus
from near Cape Negrais, and A. glaber from Akyab, we have 14
species described from Ava, Pegu, and Arakan, besides 3 more from
Molmein and Tenasserim, altogether nearly half the known species of
the genus,

Pupina,

A species of Pupina occurs at Thayet Myo, Prome, Akoutoung, &c.,
closely resembling P. artata, Bens. from Molmein, but rather stouter
in form and with a somewhat thicker peristome, which is frequently
but not always orange in colour, instead of white. These differences
do not appear, however, to warrant specific distinction, especially as
there is much variation in the form of typical specimens of P. artata.
A variety from Ava is closer to the type. A small form, probably
another variety, occurred upon the Arakan hills near Prome. It igs
only 43 millem. long, but the specimens are unfortunately not quite
fresh. My own specimens of P. artata from Molmein are but 6
millem. long. The operculum in fresh specimens is horny, not
testaceous, the white appearance being produced by weathering, and
I suspect the apparently paucispiral character to be due to the rapid
| increase of the interior whorls, which rest one upon the other, as in

100 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

Cataulus. Near the’ periphery, the whorls are more numerous, but
their boundaries are indistinct.

I have in this and {other papers, already given all the details con-
nected with the occurrence of the four species of Diplommatina as yet
described from Burma. The only known Helicina from Northern
Burma is also described above.

Georissa.

I have described (Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist. for June 1864) as a
distinct genus, under this name, the species of Burmese and Khasi
‘shells referred to Hydrocena by Mr. Benson, both the animal and
operculum differing from those in that genus. But one species is
known to exist in Pegu, G. pyxis, Bens., and I have met with that
in many places west of the Irawady, from Thayet Myo to south of
Bassein. G. Frustrillum, Bens., I only met with at the original local-
ity, Mya Leit Doung, Ava.

It is evident that two very distinct zoological provinces exist in
Burma, exclusive of Martaban and Tenasserim, which form a third,
characterized by the appearance of several Malayan generic types, such
as Raphaulus, Hybocystis and Rhiostoma, and others apparently pecu-
liar, as Sophina. The two northern provinces are: 1st, Arakan, with
the southern part of Pegu near the sea, enjoying a very humid climate.
2nd, Upper Burma, with, in many parts, a very dry climate. The
boundary in the Irawady valley may be drawn roughly above
Henzada, although species belonging to each fauna, as is usually the
case, pass over the border. The first province, besides a considerable
number of peculiar species, is especially characterized by forms
common, on the one hand, to the Khasi hills, and even to the Hima-
layas, and, on the other hand, to Tenasserim. Examples of the first
are Helix plectostoma, Bens., H. delibrata, Bens., H. castra, Bens., &. 5
of the second, Cyclophorus awrantiacus, Schum., C. speciosus, Phil.,
Leptopoma aspirans, Bens., Nanina honesta, Gould, &e. In the Ava
province, on the other hand, the forms which have also been found in
India are mostly inhabitants of the plains, such as Helxw similaris,
Fer., Bulimus pullus, Gray, and B. ceenopictus, Hutt. The genus
Hypselostoma has as yet only been found within this province, or close

to its borders. It isrich in species of Plectopylis, and in varieties or

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 101

allies of Hf. similaris. The Arakan Yoma north of Henzada separates
the two provinces; the southern portion of the range, which is very
low, rarely exceeding 1000 feet, is solely occupied by species belong-
ing to the Arakan fauna. These provinces are also characterized by
distinct forms of mammals and birds, and there is a great difference in
their vegetation.

In a list of Burmese shells, published by Mr. Theobald in
J. A. 8. B. for 1857, (Vol. XXVI. p. 251) occur the names of
I. petila, Bens., and H, mensula, Bens., from Thayet Myo, and
H. precaria, Bens. from Tenasserim. These shells have never been
described, and Mr. Theobald in this, as in other instances, has publish-
ed lists of manuscript names communicated to him, some of which
have subsequently proved to have been given in error. It is, I think,
to be regretted, that in a recent paper J. A. 8. B. for 1863, Vol.
XXXII. p. 374, Mr. Theobald has again included one of these aban-
doned names, viz. H. petila, and he has also published the names of
several of the species described above, and similarly communicated to
him in manuscript. One of those thus published, Alyceus scepticus,
has proved, on more careful comparison, and when additional speci-
mens from other localities were procured, to be only a variety of
A. Ingrami, and not a distinct species. Several of the names in
Mr. Theobald’s paper are incorrectly given, e. g. Helix helicofera for
H, helicifera, H. caussia for H. causia, H. pausa for H. pansa but

these are probably errors of printing. The practice of including,

amongst lists of species, manuscript names, without any reference
to the fact of their being unpublished, and consequently of no
authority, is much to be deprecated, as tending to confusion and the
multiplication of synonyms.*

Postscript—Since the above paper was penned, now nearly 6 months
ago, I have received Mr. Theobald’s “ Notes on some Indian and
Burmese Helicide, &c,” published in this Journal for last year, pp.

* Besides the shells above mentioned in the Burmese list, the names of many
other undescribed species occur in the paper, while many described species are
omitted, :

14 ‘

102 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

238, &e., which calls for a few remarks. Although I differ in many
points from Mr. Theobald’s views as put forward in this paper and in
the earlier one of 1863, especially those on the origin, migration, and
distribution of specific forms, I see no object to be attained in answer-
ing at length opinions long since refuted, as I believe, by far more
competent authorities and far abler writers. The works of Edward
Forbes, Owen, Lyell and a host of others besides Darwin, will serve to
shew the arguments relied upon by the great majority of living natur-
alists, to prove the doctrine of “ specific centres,’ that is the theory
that all members of the same species, whether existing or dead, have
descended, not necessarily from one pair, but from one parent stock,
living in one spot. To call this, however, the Darwinian theory, as
Mr, Theobald appears to do, would be paralleled by calling the
earth’s rotation round the sun the Newtonian theory. In each case
the earlier theory is only a necessary step in the line of argument, and
the hypothesis of the origin of species by means of Natural Selection
is no more involved in the doctrine of specific centres, than was the
theory of universal gravitation in that of the rotation of the planets
around the sun.

Ii I refer briefly to one remark of Mr. Theobald’s, (that in his first
paper, J. A. S. B. for 1863, Vol. XXXII. p. 376) it is because it
appears to me the only argument of any importance which he has —
advanced in favour of his opinions. The question of the distribution
of fresh water shells and especially of the bivalves, with their limited
powers of progression, is a well worn argument in favor of the
sporadic origin of species; that is, of the descent of each species from
many parent stocks, existing in distinct and separate localities. But
if all the facts of the case are fairly stated, there appears much, even
in this instance, in favour of the doctrine of specific centres. The .
facts are briefly these. Many species of Unio, e. g. U. marginalis,
Lam. exist throughout a large tract of country, in almost every river
and stream, and even in many ponds and marshes, although these
rivers, &c. have no fresh water communication with each other what-
ever, and the animal is incapable of living in the sea, or of traversing ’
the land. On the other hand, the area. inhabited by this species is
continuous ; that is to say, the same species does not occur in tropical
Asia and tropical America, for instance. Other species are restricted

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 103

to a single river and its feeders, as is the case, so far as is known, with
U. olivarius, Lea. In other cases again, as in U. ce@ruleus, Lea, and
its allies, one form is found over a considerable area, as Bengal, and in
separate rivers, and is replaced at a distance, as in Scind and
Western India, by forms which may either be considered as distinct
species, or as local varieties, according to the value attached to specific
rank. In the intermediate country of Central India, we find interme-
diate forms. Now it is surely more philosophical to assume that we
are only partially acquainted with the phenomena attending the means
of distribution enjoyed by animals of low organisation, especially in
the young state,* than to arrogate to ourselves complete knowledge of
the subject, and to assert that no means of passage exist. If we sup-
pose that facilities for migration exist, or have existed, with which we
are unacquainted, all the facts above detailed are at once accounted for
in the simplest manner, whereas on the theory that the species were
originally created throughout the whole area, no explanation whatever
is afforded of the limitation of that area, no cause shewn why the
same species does not exist in other areas where the conditions are
equally favourable for its existence, and still less is any explanation
afforded of the gradual divergence of varieties at a distance from the
typical form. Let it be distinctly noted that the case of mollusks
and of other animals inhabiting fresh water is an exceptional one; in
the vast majority of the members of the animal and vegetable king-
doin, the phenomena are far more strongly in favour of the theory
of specific centres.

On another question, more especially treated in Mr. Theobald’s
‘second paper, viz.: the impracticability of drawing a line between
species and varieties in many cases, I entirely coincide ; indeed in the
preceding pages will be found remarks upon the varieties of H. s¢mi-
laris and its allies, and of H. rotatoria and its allies, similar in pur-
pose to those of Mr. Theobald. I must, however, object to the
practice of publishing names, whether of varieties or species, without
any description, or with such extremely inadequate details, as in the
case of Helix Arakanensis and H. geiton. I can only say that,

* It should not be forgotten that the ciliated fry of the Unionide have very
considerable power of locomotion, aud that even the adulis are amongst the
most vagrant of bivalve shells,

104 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

although I probably possess the former, I am totally unable to tell,
from Mr. Theobald’s account, to which of the numerous varieties of
H. rotatoria he has applied the name. Again, in this paper as in
former ones, manuscript names are introduced without any reference
to the fact of their being unpublished ; and, in two cases at least, I
believe I can shew that these names would never have appeared, had
they not been cited by Mr. Theobald.

Ist. A. wnicincta was a manuscript name of Mr. Benson’s for a shell
from Western India, described by Pfeiffer as H. propinqua. Mr. Ben-
son’s name of course was never published, nor would it have seen the
light but for Mr. Theobald, who, in his paper in 1863, gave H. uni-
cincta as a species excluded from his list, without referring to the fact
that no such name existed except in manuscript. In the present
paper, H. propinqua, Pfr, is first given as a distinct species, and a
few lines further on quoted as a synonym of H. unicincta ; thus
giving precedence to the manuscript name, in opposition to the laws
of scientific nomenclature.

2nd. H. anoplewris was a manuscript name given by Mr. Benson to
some shells sent by Mr. Theobald to England, I believe in 1860 or
1861. Mr. Theobald having kindly furnished me with specimens of
the same shell, I found, on comparing them with the types of H. orna-
tissima, Bens., of which I had a good series, (the shell was first col-
lected by my brother and myself and described from our specimens)
that the species were identical in every respect. I wrote to Mr. Ben-
son to tell him my opinion and on recomparing the forms, he found
that he had been misled by an abnormal peculiarity in the solitary
specimen of H. ornatissima which he had retained.

Another name mentioned by Mr. Theobald, Heliw submissa, Bens.,
is equally, so far as [ am aware, undescribed.

In the group placed by Mr. Theobald next after that in which the —
above shells are included, there is evidently a misprint, in the five
shells from H. infrendens, Gould, to H. sanis, Bens., being classed
together. I have no doubt Mr. Theobald’s intention was to class —
together the three first, and, as a separate species, the two last.*

* J am authorized by Mr. Theobald to notify that this error was due to a
misinterpretation of his manuscript. His intention was that suggested in the
text. Hp,

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 105

As regards the new species described, Limax viridis, if it has no
internal shell, and none is mentioned, can scarcely be a Limax. The
characters given are mostly unimportant, while essential characters,
such as the position of the mantle and breathing pore, surface of the
mantle and body, carination or roundness of the back, form of the
jaw and lingual teeth, are omitted. What advantage is gained by
publishing names for a genus and two species of slugs, of which
Mr. Theobald has unfortunately no notes, is not clear. Vitrina Pegu-
ensis is the shell referred to above as undoubtedly a well marked
and distinct species. Streptawis Blanfordi and Pupina Blanfordi are
also mentioned above, they being, I believe, varieties of S. Andama-
nica, Bens., and P. artata, Bens., respectively. Streptaxis Burmanica
I have described above, and as my description is more detailed, and
taken from a better and more typical specimen than Mr. Theobald’s,
T have retained it. On the other species I have nothing to add.

In Mr. Theobald’s 1863 paper, he referred my Cyclophorus patens,
as I have before stated, to C. fulguratus. I can scarcely believe that
he is now serious in proposing to unite these shells, because one is
scarce and the other abundant, although that is the sole reason assign-
ed. Even in this point, however, Mr. Theobald is not quite correct.
IT have found C. patens in some places the more common shell of the
two.

On the question of the restriction of the genus Nanina, I can only
say that Mr. Theobald’s ideas are totally at variance with those of
Pieiffer, Adams, Gray, Albers, and other authorities. On the other
hand he is probably correct in his opinion that H. pansa and some
other shells do not belong to the section Macrochlamys of Benson,
with which I had classed them,

1865.] Notes on the Sandstone formation, ke. 107

The specimens had just the resemblance of drift wood imbedded in the
sandstone. The dip was at a very high angle to the north, so that the
beds were passed in succession going up the ravine, and had there been
any thick seams, they must have been seen. Three hundred yards up
the bed of the nulla, the softer sandstone was succeeded by one much
harder, of a light colour and coarse texture. The lignite was found in
' this also, and the longest and thickest string yet seen was at this point.
Yet, from the appearances of it and from so little lying in the water-
courses, I did not think anything approaching to a seam was likely to
be found; and, not having time to spare, I did not follow the ravine
any higher. An inspection of th ines to the east or west might
bring to light larger masses of this lignite. The dip at this furthest
point was N. H. by N. 70°. Inthe cliffs on the west, a very good section
was obtained, and the highest beds, that appear upon the surface to be
an unstratified talus, I now saw were horizontally bedded and resting
quite unconformably on the sandstones below. These horizontal beds,
of which about 150 feet was exposed, are composed of sandy clay and
semi-angular gravel, with scattered large, partly water-worn masses of
rock, some of large size. I append a section (Plate IV.) to illustrate the
Buxa formations, which, I trust, will make my description plainer. I did
not succeed in finding any fossils :—a longer search would perhaps have-
ended successfully,—so that it is impossible to say in what formation
this isolated mass of sandstone will find a place.* The plateau of the
Buxa position is probably the highest level of the horizontally strati-
fied gravels. I believe some specimens of the lignite have already
‘been forwarded to the Superintendent of the Geological Survey.
Some specimens in which the woody texture is well displayed shall
be sent by first opportunity.

* See a remark on this head in the Proc. As. Soc. for May, 1865, p. 91.

ns

108 Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson. [No. 2,

Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson.—By Dr. ¥. SrourczKa.
[Received 7th December, 1864.—Read 7th December, 1864, |

In the catalogue of the Mammalia of the Asiatic Museum, Mr. Blyth
mentions Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgs. as a desideratum.* Mr. Adams
quotes a ‘“ Lagomys, sp.?’”’ as occurring plentifully in Ladak, (Proce.
Zool. Soc. Lond. 1858, p. 520) and Major Cunningham also speaks
of a “smaller species of hare, or Lagomys” as extremely common all —

over Tibet. (Cunningham’s Ladak, p. 204.)

On my visit this year to the eastern provinces of Ladak I was
fortunate enough to procure several specimens of what I believe to be
Lagomys Curzone, Hodgs. (Vide Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng. 1857,
Vol. XXVI, p. 207 and Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. 1858, I. p. 80.) but
Mr. Hodgson’s description of this animal is very brief, so that it is
hardly possible to recognise the species among the numerous members
of this genus. The following description is founded on four specimens,
of three of which the exact measurements are given below.

General hue of the upper body pale buff fulvous, with very slight
rufous tint and tipped with dark brown; below whitish, with translu-
cent dusky blue. The larger hairs of the fur measure about {th of an
inch ; the lower part, for more than half their length, of a dark, slaty
blue colour, with silky lustre; the next portion pale fulvous and
the tip dark brown or black. The fur is full and very soft, as _
Hodgson remarks, and can be readily distinguished from that of
L. rufescens, Gray. Chiefly in old specimens, there are, on the sides
of the upper portion of the body, a few long hairs intermingled, which
measure up to one and a quarter inches ; these are almost or entirely
of a black colour.

On the lower part of the body the hairs are, for two-thirds of their
length, dark slaty blue, and the rest pale.

The head measures nearly always one-fifth of the total length of the
animal. The hairs on it are much shorter, and tinged with a dark
rufous tint above; on the sides of the snout they are pale grey, in
front of the eyes and below, pale white, while on the sides of the head
itself there is a slight rufous tint marked, which is a little stronger all
round the neck, and extends somewhat farther back on the upper body. i
The haivs round the neck ave rather longer, but only half their length *
* 1863, p. 133, foot note.

|
oer

1865.] Note on Lagomys Curzonia, Hodgson. 109

of a slaty colour, the rest being pale ruious; but a few of them are
dipped with black.

The end of the snout, and of the upper and lower lips are dark
blackish. The hairs of the moustaches are very long; some of them
measuring three inches: the upper ones are chiefly black, the lower
white, or half black, half white. The ears are comparatively rather
large, oval, terminating with a very obtuse point; they are well
covered with hair, thickest on the outside: the hairs on the inner
surface being pale yellow, those on the outer much longer and softer,
and distinctly rufous. The feet and soles are in accordance with the
general hue, of a pale fulvous colour, only still lighter, and slightly,
and only partially tinged with a rusty tint ; the toes are black, claws
long and dark brown.

The young animal does not differ in colour very much from the
old one. It is usually much paler and the difference between the hue
on the upper and lower portion of the body is far less distinctly
marked, The slaty hue of the inner fur is also more translucent and
the rufous tint on the head and the hinder part of the ears not so
strong.

The measurements of three specimens from Rupshu, the eastern
province of Ladak, are as follow :—

a. b. a
~ Total length of the animal, ... ... 7,50 9.00 9.50 inches.
Length of the skull, ... LRP SH A3F °y
Proportion of the length of the seul to
the total length, oS ER FSGS eos
- Width of the skull; ... cM gala Oo ala ot 1? La
_ Proportion of width to read of the
skull, a EO VES -"'0:52

Length from the snout to the eyey OTS: "L.00" “P00
* Length from the eye-to the ear, eae Ae ee eee
Length of the ear, ... ma hom» 186 *O1N08
» Width of the ear,. rer noe COO OS) Com
~ Proportion of width to length of the
ear, 2. Ly 2 Selgo. 08a 0:81
Length of fore foot and nails, viotgsonls wad AON ks Lo
/Lerigth of hind foot and nails, ... ...- 1.25 1.50 1.43

110 Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson. [No. 2,

(a.) Young specimen from above the Gyagar lake in Rupshu.

(d.) An old, full grown specimen from near Kozak on the Chomo-
riri lake in Rupshu.

(c.) Judging from the teeth, this seems to be a very old specimen,
from the east side of the Lanak pass, west of Haule.

This latter specimen has the fur considerably worn off and injured.
I found in the skin of this and some other specimens, which I shot in
the Puga valley, a great number of larve of an @strus, which causes
the injury and a sort of roughness of the fur. As the tips of the hair
get worn off, the hue becomes in some places dark spotted, which is
caused by the slaty colour of the interior portions.

It will be seen from the given measurements, that the skull of the
young animal is in proportion to the entire body, a little longer and
broader than that of the adult, and the ears are also somewhat larger.
These proportions may be often observed in Mammalia of different ages,

Lagomys Curzonié is one of the largest known species of the genus.
Our largest specimen measures 93 inches, which is only one line less,
than the greatest measurement of Lagomys alpinus, Pallas. (Vide
Waterhouse Mammalia, Vol. IL., Rodentia, p. 16.) Mr. Hodgson’s
specimens were much smaller and probably younger. I observed
several which were not longer than seven inches, but most of them
were about nine inches long. :

The people of Korzok called ZL. Curzonie, Phise-karin, which
means as I was informed, tail-less Phise. Phise or Pheese is the
name of Phaiomys Cucurus, Schreber, which lives here associated
with the Lagomys and Arctomys. The name Phise-karin, I was
told, is Tibetan, and the Ladak name for LZ. Curzome is Sabra.
Hodgson gives the name abra ; it is, however, well known, that the
letter s before many words is in some parts of Tibet pronounced, in
others not so- |

The first place, where I met with DL. Curzonie, was a little above
the junction of the Chomoriri with the Para valley at a height of
about 15,500 feet above the level of the sea. It does not live usually
at a lower elevation than this; and if otherwise, as in the lower parts
of the Puga valley (14,500 feet,) it is always scarce. Round the
Chomoriri lake, where there is comparatively plenty of vegetation, it r
is associated with Phaiomys Cucwrus, Blyth, and Arctomys bobac, =

1865.] Note on Lagonys Curzoniea, Hodgson, 111

Schreber.* The first never frequents a great elevation above the
bottom of the valleys and is especially numerous in the neighbourhood
of streams. Arctomys bobac (called by the Tibetans Phya) makes its
very deep burrows mostly on the sides of the valleys and near their
bottom; it ascends, however, the slopes of the hills in this portion of
Ladak to a height of 17,800 feet. This greatest elevation, at which I
observed it, was near the Samunda-la, south-east of the Chomoriri ;
while the lowest was in the Para valley about 15,400 feet. It lives
probably lower than this.

L. Curzonie ranges, however, somewhat higher. I noticed it on
the top of the Lanak pass at an eleyation of 18,672 feet, where only
two minute plants existed, Stracheya Tibetica, Bth. and Capsella Thom-
soni, Hf. both flowering in August.t It is found associated with
Corcus tibetanus, Hodgs., Gyps fulvus, Gmel. and a new species of
Procarduelis, among birds; an Argynnis, among butterflies and some
common flies, forming the highest observed animal life in these
hills. In fact it is difficult to design a limit to the height up to which
L. Curzonie lives. I believe, it ranges as high as any trace of
vegetation exists, which would be here about 19,000 feet, or very
near it. Between the two given limits of the Para valley and
19,000 feet, it is seen in great abundance all over the eastern portion
of Ladak. It is certainly the species of Adams and Cunningham, as
there is to my knowledge, no other Lagomys here, at least none so
common. Its geographical range must extend farther to the east and
south-east, as Mr. Hodgson obtained his specimens from the district
of Chumbi, (north-west of Sikkim ?). I have not observed it Soura
of the Bara-latse range, either in Spiti or in the south-eastern part
of Lahoul, the Ohandra valley; although Phaiomys Cucurus does
occur in both provinces and even in Kulu. In Spiti, Lagomys Curzo-
ni@ is represented by the smaller L. Royle:, Ogilby, which there lives
between 12,500 (above Lari) and 16,000 feet, but usually about
13,000 feet.

* Mr. Blyth (Cat. of the Mammalia of the Asiatic Museum, 1863, p. 109) unites
and, I think, with good reason, Mr. Hodgson’s Arctomys tibetanwus and hemachas
‘lanus, [Himalayanus was not used by the first author] as well as Arct, fulvus,
Evers., with the species, which became first known through the travels of
Pallas in Northern Asia, and which Schreber named A. bobac.
+ Dr. Thomson (Travels, p. 144) mentions three plants on the Lanak pass, a
little Arenaria or Stellaria and two Cruciferz,

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASTATIC SOCIETY.

=.
Part I1—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

No, III.—1865.

Notes on Central Asia.—By M. Sumenor. (Communicated by Lieut.-
Colonel J. T. Water, 2. EL.)

[Received 15th April, 1865.]

[In the year 1856, M. Seménof was deputed by the Imperial
Geographical Society of Russia, on a mission of exploration into
Central Asia.—On his return to St. Petersburg, he published a trans-
lation of Ritter’s ‘‘ Erdkunde von Asien” into Russian, and gave in
the preface to the 2nd volume, an account of the results of his own

explorations.—The following notes are taken from this preface. At
my request they were translated from Russian into English by Mr. R,
Michel, F. R. G.8., whose name will be familiar to all who are ac-
quainted with the numerous papers on the geography and trade of
Central Asia, which have appeared of late years in the Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society of London. J.T. W.]

The second volume of the Russian translation of Ritter’s ‘ Asia”
comprises a description of the North Western portion of the tableland
of Asia, 2. e. that extensive region which stretches between the Altai
and the Celestial mountains, from the Hastern extremity of the latter
at Hami (Komul), to the Watershed of lake Balkhash.

The range of country under consideration embraces the whole of

| the extinct kingdom of Djungaria, or the Chinese Province of Tian-

16

114 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, &

Shan-bey-Lu (the region to the northward of the Celestial mountains, |
consisting of the districts of Tli, Tarbagatai, Gobdo, &e.) and like-
wise the Russian districts of Alatavsk, Kopal and Ayaguz, which
now constitute the new Semipalatinsk region. The whole of this
country, including, both Chinese and Russian Djungaria, forms

that most obscure and unknown portion of the interior of Asia
which contains within it the very centre of the Asiatic continent,
namely the gigantic mountain group of the Tengri-Tag, (a part of
the Celestial mountains) situated at equal distances from the Black
Sea, on the West, and the Yellow Sea on the Kast, the Obi Bight on
the North and the Bay of Bengal on the South, and lying in the
centre of the straight line connecting Cape Severovostochui in Siberia
with Cape Comorin in India.

This region offers, moreover, special interest in physical as well as
in ethnographical and historical aspects. Physically, it forms a dis-
tinct limit between the highland and the depressed portions of Asia,
and is remarkable for the contrast it presents between its gigantic
mountain groups of the Bogdo and Tengri-Tag in the Celestial range,
which tower far above the limits of eternal snows and are crowned
with large alpine glaciers, and the low sandy and sterile steppe of the
Bedpak-Dala, on the South West of lake Balkhash, which, in common
with all the other sandy wastes of the Aralo-Caspian depression, bears
the character of a bed of an inland sea, dried up during a very recent
geological period. In ethnographical respects this region offers a
contrast no less marked, between two numerically preponderating
central Asiatic races—the Mongolian and Turkish,—whose rulers are
Chinese and Russians, strangers from the far Hast and West, occupy-
ing, in the same alluvial plain of the Balkhash, small populated oases
in the midst of an indigenous population alien to themselves in speech
and habits, and who are powerful not by reason of their numerical
superiority, but by the weight of their civilisation, and the magnitude
of their respective Empires, the most colossal on the face of the globe,
Lastly, from an historical point of view this country presents features
of a no less interesting character. It has served from time immemo-
rial as the point of departure for migrating races from the highlands
of Asia, the cradle whence they sprang, to the low arid steppes
of the Aralo-Caspian depression, and to the still more distant and

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 115

better favoured regions of the West. It was here, namely, in Djun-
garia, and on the fertile and smiling banks of the Ili and Irtysh, that
the migrating hordes lingered for some time, both, as it were, to
venture out into the unknown plain stretching before them far away
into the sandy ocean that separates Europe from Asia, until a new
tide of popular migration forced them at last to strike their tents,
and depart westwards from their mountainous halting grounds. It is
also in the valleys of Djungaria that a few existing rude monuments,
crude traditions, geographical names, and remnants of tribes who, in
many cases, have lost their native dialect by intermixture with other
races (the result of which appears in the name of Kassak or Kerghiz
Kaisak), serve the scientific explorer as the only links for identifying
the obscure and fragmentary allusions concerning these migrated
hordes, which occur in Chinese and Russian chronicles.

Although the physical and ethnographical characteristics of Central
Asia have attracted the constant attention of some of the most learned
men, such as Humboldt, Ritter, Abel Remusat, and Klaproth, the
researches of these leaders of science could only be based on the
most meagre data, namely on the dry and one-sided Chinese narratives
which found a place in Chinese literature, from the period of the
dismemberment of the Djungarian kingdom in the middle of the last
century, and also on the inaccurate, brief and conflicting accounts and
‘itineraries of a few Asiatics, who succeeded in visiting Djungaria and
Little Bokhara with caravans. All these materials were collected

‘and carefully collated by Ritter and Humboldt; nevertheless this

region remained up to the most recent period, like the interior
of Africa, completely inaccessible to Huropean science.
_ Even Marco Polo, the most enterprising and reliable traveller of
the middle ages, did not visit this region, but proceeded eastwards to
‘China by a route that lay southward of the Celestial range. A few
other travellers, it is true, passed through Djungaria; these were
‘Plano Carpini (1246), Andre Songjumel (1249) and Wilhelm
Rubriquis (1252) ; and they probably journeyed by way of lake Faisan
to Karakorum the capital of the Mongol Khans.

The same route was traversed by some of the subjugated Western
princes, such as Yaroslof and Alexander Nevski of Russia and Getum of
Armenia (likewise in the middle of the thirteenth century) for the pur-

116 é Noles on Central Asia. [No. 3,

pose of paying homage to the great Khan; they, however, either left no
description of their journey, or else their accounts are so meagre and
confused, as for instance, the narrative of Prince Getum, that very few
of the places mentioned in them can be identified. Much later, in
1654, Fedor Isakonitch Baikof, the envoy of the Russian Tsar Aleksei
Fedorovitch, proceeded past lake Faisan, and the upper course of the
Black Ivtysh, and traversed the whole of Djungaria, reaching the
Chinese wall at Huhu-Hoton from whence he advanced to Pekin.
Although Baikof’s marche-route (of course not in the form it is
inserted in Wilson’s work from which it was derived by Ritter, but
in the shape we find it in Spasskis’ “ Sibirski Vestnik’”) can, in
the present state of our knowledge of the geography of Central Asia,
be pretty readily applied to certain localities, still the information it
contains is of a meagre character, and is greatly inferior to native
Chinese accounts.
The Southern border of the country now under consideration,
2. e. the gigantic Celestial range, has not been explored by any
Kuropean traveller up to the present day. The destruction, how-
ever, of the kingdom of Djungaria, by the Chinese, led to its. being
surveyed under the superintendence of the European missionaries
Felix d’Arocha and Hallerstein, by whom astronomical points were
determined, not alone in the towns of Djungaria and Little Bukhara,
but also at the very foot of the Celestial range, as at Hongor Olen
the modern Konur-Ulen, and on the Southern shore of lake Issyk-
Kul. As the Jesuits have left no record whatever of their having
visited any part of the Celestial range, it must be naturally concluded
that they themselves did not diverge from the highroads of Central
Asia, but detached a party of Chinese topographers, instructed by
themselves, to the base of the Celestial mountains.
The first learned Russian traveller who penetrated into the part
of Inner Asia described in the present volume, was the botanist Sivers, —
who in his hazardous and venturesome journey to the Tarbagatai, in
1793, advanced as far as 47° N. Latitude. During the succeeding forty
years, not one of the scientific explorers of Western Siberia succeeded
in passing beyond the point previously reached by Sivers.
The journey of K. A. Meyer in 1826, did not extend beyond the
Arvkat mountains, Chingiz-tan, and the Karkara district of the Kirghiz
Steppe. The travels of Humboldt, and his associates, in 1828, did

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 117

not embrace even Djungaria. Their extreme limit was the Chinese
picket of Baty, on the Irtysh, in 49° N. Latitude, and Humboldt’s
greatest service in connexion with the geography of the interior of
Asia consists in the critical elaboration of the materials relating to this
subject in his classical “ Asie Centrale.”’

Some of these materials, namely the itineraries of Asiatic traders,
who had visited different parts of Asia with caravans, were diligently
collected at Semipalatinsk by Humboldt, and another portion of his
materials was derived from Chinese sources that had been elaborated by
the European Sinologists, Abel Remusat, Klaproth, Schott, Neuemann,
St. Julien, Father Hyacinth, and others.

Among the few unscientific eye-witnesses who,in the pursuit of
trade, penetrated into Inner Asia, were some Russians, and among
these in point of lucidity, and accuracy of information, the first place
is undoubtedly occupied by the interpreter Putinsef, who, in 1811,
visited Kuldja and Chuguchak, the most flourishing towns of Djun-
garia. The narrative of this journey was published in the “ Siberski
Vestnik” translated by Klaproth, and served Ritter as one of the
most valuable sources in elucidating the geography of this region. In
addition to Putinsef, we may mention the miner Snegiref, who, towards
the end of the last century, proceeded from the Altai to the neighbour-
hood of Chuguchak, in search of gold; also the noble Madatof, who,
in the early part of the present century, successfully reached India,
starting from Semipalatinsk, and traversing lake Issyk-Kul, the Celestial
mountains and Little Bokhara. A short account of Snegiref’s journey
was printed in the ‘‘Siberski Vestnik,”’ but with Madatof’s expedition
I am acquainted only through official documents preserved in the
archives at Omsk, and as no original narrative was discovered by me,
it must be presumed that none ever existed. I also found a short
marche-route at Semipalatinsk, drawn up by the merchant Bubeninof,
who, in 1821, proceeded from Semipalatinsk to Kashgar. This
itinerary will be printed in due season, but from its brevity and
scantiness of information, it isin no respect more valuable than the
itineraries already printed and digested by Humboldt and Ritter.

Such was the unsatisfactory condition of our knowledge of the
geography of Central Asia in 1831, at the time of the appearance
of that part of Ritter’s work which relates to it. It was only in

118 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

the fourth decade of the present century that we became more
familiar with Central Asia, from the side of the Djungarian and
Kirghiz steppes, after the foundation of the Russian town Ayaguz,
on the upper course of one of the rivers of the Balkhash basin, and
after the submission of a portion of the great Hordes under Sultan

Stik, son of Ablai Khan. These events gradually rendered not only
Jake Balkhash, but also the mountainous districts of Djungaria, more
accessible to travellers.

In 1834 the astronomer Fedorof was enabled to reach the embou-
chure of the Lepsa, and determine its geographical position, under
46° 22’ North Latitude. He also succeeded in visiting the southern
shore of lake Faisan and in making a trigonometrical measurement of
Tarbagatai. A little later, the relations of Russia with the Kirghiz
Hordes became more satisfactory, and in 1840, 1841 and 1842 the
learned travellers Karelin and Schrenk, penetrated into the moun-
tainous portions of Djungaria or the Snow-clad Djungarian Alatau.
Karelin explored the wild valleys of the upper courses of the Lepsa,
Sarkan and Baskan rivers, as high as the snow-line.

Alexander Schrenk visited, and it may be said discovered to science, .
the lake Ala-Kul, crossed over the Djungarian Alatau to the Chinese
side, attained the upper course of the Tentek, and reached the snow
line on several occasions. The extreme limits of his journey on
the plain bordering lake Alakul, were the Chinese town of Chu-
guchak, in Alpine Djungaria,—the hills skirting the banks of the
Koksu river, and the river Chu (or Tzu) in the hungry Betpak-
-Dalor desert, South West of lake Balkhash. Subsequently the |
voluntary submission of the remaining portion of the so-called Great
Kirghiz Horde, in 1844, led to the Russian occupation of that rich
and fertile portion of Djungaria, which is known under ‘the name of
the Semipalatinsk region, from the seven tributaries of the Balkhash
that water it. The Russian town of Kopal was founded by Governor
General Prince Gorchakof, in 1846, on a fertile plateau at the base
of a snow-capped spur of the Djungarian Alatau. The establishment
of this town ensured the development of the already existing relations
of Russia with the neighbouring Chinese province of Ih. Although
rapidly increasing, the trade with the Western Chinese region, through
the towns of Kuldja, and more especially Chuguchak, encountered

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 119

obstacles in its legitimate development from its transitive and contra-
band character, as the Chinese of the Western region (Si-yui) were
only able to have secret dealings with the Russians under a semblance
of trafficing with the Kirghizes. It was this disadvantageous state
of things, that led to the mission, with objects partly diplomatic and
partly geological, of E. P. Kovalefski accompanied by Vlangagli, an
officer of mining Engineers.

This expedition started from Kuldja, and skirting the Russian side
of the Djungarian Alatau, traversed the valley of the Koksu, as far
as the upper sources of this river, while, on the Chinese side, it reach-
ed the town of Kuldja, on the Ili. The most important results of
this mission in commercial, as well as in scientific respects, were the
establishment of Russian trading factories at Kuldja and Chuguchak.
The opening up of the Western Chinese region contributed largely to
the increase of our knowledge of the geography of Asia, inasmuch as
it threw two learned Chinese scholars into the commercial centres
of Djungaria in the capacity of consuls. The local researches of these
sinologists has opened a wide field to science. Mr. Fakharof, one of
the consuls, has already collected materials of great value relating to
the physical geography and cartography of Inner Asia; these mate-
rials he has obtained during his stay at Pekin, from rare geographical
works (namely the reports of the Survey made during the reign of
Tsian-Sun) and from information supplied him by natives of the
Western region. The foundation of the town of Kopal, which was
in a satisfactory and flourishing condition, owing to the rapid develop-
ment of agriculture aided by artificial irrigation, could not, however,
secure the great Hordes, now under Russian dominion, against the
bold attacks of the Buruts, or the so-called Black or Dikokamenni
Kirghizes, who infested the valley of lake Issyk-Kul, and the
neighbourhood of Tekes on one of the sources of the Ili. This was
naturally to be expected from the position of Kopal which stood on
the northern confines of the Hordes, whose southern boundary, beyond
the Ili, remained completely unprotected. The unguarded condition
of the frontier of the Russian Empire on this quarter induced Governor
General Hasford to oceupy the so-called Trans-Ili country extending
between the river Ili, and the snow-line of the gigantic Trans-Tli
Alatau, with a view of securing the left flank of the Kirghiz Steppe

120 . Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

which was under Russian protection, by making it conterminous with
the peaceful frontier of China and the natural snowy mountain boun-
dary. This well conceived plan was carried out with complete success.
In 1853 the first Russian detachment, under the command of Colonel
Gulkofski, was despatched beyond the Ili; it, however, met with
serious opposition from a strong body of Kirghizes belonging to the
hostile tribes of the great horde who supported themselves on Fort
Trichubek on the river Kesen. But in the following year the whole
of the region was occupied by a force under Lieut.-Colonel Peremy-
shelski, who razed the Kirghiz fort to the ground; after this some
of the tribes submitted to Russia, while the most inimical fled
into Kokanian territory, and to the banks of the Talas and Syr-
Darya.

The Russian detachment passed the winter in the sheltered valley
of the Talgar, and in the ensuing year of 1855, General Hasford
founded Fort Vernoé, at the base of the Trans-Ili Alatau, at the
head of the Almatynka valley, which is picturesquely wooded with
apple and apricot trees.

The occupation of the fertile Trans-Ili region, well adapted for
agricultural and gardening purposes, and in all respects bountifully
endowed by nature, had the effect of protecting the great Hordes from
the attacks of the Buruts, but placed its nearest tribes in the same
position as that occupied ten years previously by the Great Kirghiz
Horde. The powerful and numerous tribe of the Bogus, who occupied
the picturesque valleys and table-land between the Celestial mountains
and the Trans-Ili Alatau, received neither countenance nor support
from the Chinese, to whom they were nominally dependent, in resis-
ting the fierce attacks of the Sary Bogish tribe; they had at the same
time to repel, on another quarter, the depredatory incursions of some
of their neighbours of the great horde. Consequently; soon after the
occupation of the Trans-Ili region by the Russians, the High Manap
of the Bogu tribe, the old Burambai, claimed the assistance of General
Hasford against the attacks of the neighbouring tribes, and volun-
tarily tendered the submission of himself and his tribe to the Russian
government. This led to the despatch of the first Russian detachment
from Vernoé to lake Issyk-Kul, for the purpose of pacifying the two
contending tribes, and making a reconnaissance of the hitherto unex-

1865.] Notes. on Central Asia. 121

plored valley of lake Issyk-Kul. Colonel. Khomentofski, the officer
in command of this force, and General Siverhelm who was in charge
of the Survey of the newly organized Semipalatinsk region, were the
first educated Russians who beheld this extensive lake and the snowy
summits of the Celestial range. Unfortunately this detachment in
consequence of its critical position amidst the wandering mountain
tribes, the animosity of one of which against the Russians was decided,
while the friendliness of the other was open to much suspicion, was
soon recalled, and the surveying parties were unable to penetrate into
the interior of the Celestial mountains. The southernmost. point
attained at the foot of the Tian Shan, by Ensign Yayooski the topo-
grapher attached to the expedition, was where the Faiki rushes out
if its narrow defile on the Issyk-kul plateau.

In the same year of 1856 I was sent by the Imperial Russian Geo-
graphical Society on an expedition to explore those more accessible
portions of Central Asia, which had previously been but little visited.
Naturally the great object of attraction for me on this journey was the
Tian-Shan or the Celestial range. The signification of this stupendous
chain in position the most retired in the whole continent of Asia, had
already been pointed out by Ritter and Humboldt ; but the labyrinth of
the Celestial mountains had not as yet been penetrated by any scientific
trayeller.* All the learned and critical researches of Ritter and

* Atkinson, the English artist, in his travels, which were published in 1858,
"gives an account of his journey from the river Kurchum, in the Southern Altai,
across the Black Irtysh to lake Ubsa-noor, thence southwards, past Ulusutai, to
‘the neighbourhood of the Chinese town of Barkul, at the base of the Tian-Shan;
_ travelling then parallel with this chain, though at a considerable distance from

‘it, as far as the meridian of Bogdo O’la mountain, and finally proceeding in a
North Westerly direction, past lake Kyzyl-bash, until he reached lake Ala-kul
in Russian territory. Unfortunately so extraordinary a journey, unprecedented
in the history of the exploration of the Asiatic Continent, has had no beneficial

: ‘Scientific results. The narrative, which occupies 115 pages of text, so little
_ characterises the explored region, that it might with equal fitness be applied
any portion of the Kirghiz Steppe. The critical enquirer finds nothing
throughout the whole narrative, to satisfy him of the genuineness of the
described journey, which extends over no less a distance than 3,000 miles of
Chinese territory. This is the more striking as undoubted proofs of the actual
performance of journeys of which descriptions have been given, may easily be
found in the short itineraries and accounts of travellers of different ages and
nations; as for instance in the travels of Hue and Gabet, in the marche-routes
of Tartar traders, collected by Humboldt, and in the more ancient accounts of
Baikof, Marco Polo, the Armenian prince Getum, in the marche-ronte of the
army of Gulagu Khan, (compiled by one of his officers in the 13th century)
and lastly in the narrative of the travels of the Buddhist Missionaries Fa-Hian

17

122 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

Humboldt respecting this range partook, even by the admission of
the latter, of the character of conjectural geography, founded on a
comparison of the obscure and confused narratives and descriptions

and Huan-Tsan, in the 4th and 7th centuries. Concise though these accounts
doubtless are, the learned critic soon discovers in them such local peculiarities
as can only be descriptive of particular spots and localities, and as we become
more intimate with the geography of the country to which such accounts
apply, the more readily and clearly do we identify the points given in these
marche-routes. To our great regret we do not find this to be the case in that
part of Atkinson’s work which relates to Chinese Djungaria. From the com-
mencement, in calling the Tian-Shan Sayan-Shan, he confounds, in name at
least, the two principal mountain systems of Inner Asia; and in all the other
portions of his narrative, where he does not confine himself to descriptions of
the Steppes, the chase of wild animals, and the social customs of the nomads
(descriptions which would apply with equal force and truth to the whole of

Central Asia) but wishes to communicate something more definite and locally —

characteristic, he falls into numerous incongruities, Thus, to cite some exam-
ples, he speaks of the Kara-Tyn snowy range, at the upper course of the Black
Irtysh, as of a level steppe intersected by low ridges; again, from the Tannu
mountains, situated at a distance of 120 milesto the N, H. of Ubsa-noor, he
sees the Bogdo-Ola in the Tian-Shan, which is about 750 miles away from
this point. Lastly from the plain at the base of the Celestial range, he simul-
taneously sees not only the Bogdo mountain, but also the Baishan or Pé— ~
Shan (emitting smoke by Atkinson’s account), which is about 300 miles beyond ~
to the westward, notwithstanding that the snowy Bogdo-Ola group stands ©
out as is well known, considerably in advance of the main chain of the Celestial —
mountains, and the Baishan mountains rise on their southern slope, that is to
say beyond its gigantic snowy ridge, in the neighbourhood of the Little Buk- |
harian town of Kucha. Similarly as little confidence do those inconsistencies —
inspire which occur in his account of the time occupied in performing the —
various journeys, and in his description of the distribution of the nomad Kirghiz —
population, throughout Chinese Djungaria. As regards ourselves personally, —
the involuntary doubts respecting the abovementioned portion of Atkinson’s —
travels are still further strengthened from information we gathered on the spot |
regarding his journeys, from the Cossacks who accompanied him, and from the ©
commanders who provided him with escorts. Atkinson, during his many years’ |
residence in Siberia, visited the neighbourhood of Kopal, that had then just —
‘been founded, many valleys of the Djungarian Alatau, the lake Ala-Kul,

Tarbagatai, the rivers Narym and Kurchum in the Southern Altai, the Teletsk |
Lake, Tunkinsk mountains of the Sayan range, Irkutsk Kiakhta, &. but as
regards his travels over an extent of more than 4000 verts in Chinese territory,
accompanied by three Narym or Kurchum Cossacks, I regret to say that I |
not only could not gather anything to confirm this fact, but 1 was con-
vinced of its utter impossibility, from existing local conditions on the Russian
as well as on the Chinese side. On the Russian, because the protracted
detachment of these Cossacks, or their voluntary absence from the corps, is a
fact that would leave behind it some record in the official archives, while on
the Chinese side, the journey lasting more than six months, of a party unac-

quainted with the local dialect, and passing through inhabited districts, along

established routes, and across the picket and frontier lines, could scarcely escape

the vigilant eyes of the Chinese authorities. Under all these circumstances,

and in the absence in Atkinson’s narrative of any new data relating to Chinese

Djungaria, this work cannot be considered as an acquisition to science, until

the author adduces more definite information and stronger proofs, in corrobora-

tion of his accounts which involuntarily inspire certain mistrust.

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 123

of Chinese and other Asiatic travellers, commencing from the Buddhist
Missionaries Fa-Hyan and Huyan-Tsan of the 4th and 7th centuries,
to the brief itineraries of the Semipalatinsk Tartar traders of the
present century. Numerous questions, replete with interest to the
science of geography, could only be possibly solved by actual investi-
gation on the spot. The configuration of the country, the direction
of the upheaval of the mountain chain, its mean height, the altitude
of its mountain passes, the height of the snow-line, the distribution
of animal and vegetable organisms, the existence of Alpine glaciers or
of volcanic action,—points all requiring either investigation, or
confirmation. So far back as 1851 and 1852, during my stay at Berlin,
IT acquainted Humboldt and Ritter of my intention of proceeding into
the interior of Asia as far as the Tian-Shan range. They both
encouraged me in my difficult enterprise, but did not conceal their
doubts as to the possibility of penetrating so far into the interior of
the Asiatic Continent. The result of my deliberations with these
leaders of science, strengthened me in my determination of attempting
to reach the eternal snow-line of the Tian-Shan at all hazards. Hum-
boldt attached so much importance to the investigation, even a cursory
one, of this range, that I could not look at the undertaking but in the
light of a holy mission, marked out for me by the Nestor of European
savans.

By the end of the summer of 1856 under the auspices, and with
_ the co-operation of the Russian Geographical Society, I was already in
Vernoé. Unfortunately, however, I arrived two months after the visit
of a Russian detachment to lake Issyk-Kul.

With a small escort of twelve cossacks, I succeeded, on the 9;
September, in reaching the eastern extremity of the lake, and had an
opportunity of surveying from point Kuké-Kul-usun, the imposing
range of the Tian-Shan, from the Djirgalau to the opposite extremity
of the lake. To visit the chain itself was that moment impossible.
My escort being so small, I was obliged to proceed very carefully, and
passed the night among inaccessible defiles, anticipating every moment
to be attacked by hostile bands of Kara-Kirghizes.

_ Returning to Vernoé, and procuring a larger escort (40 cossacks) I
proceeded through the wild Buam defile, at the upper course of the
Chi, and emerged on the base of the Celestial range, near the Western

124 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

extremity of the lake Issyk-Kul. Here I came upon numerous
encampments of the hostile Sary-Bagysh tribe, who shortly before
my arrival, had had a fierce engagement with a Russian detachment ;
which had been sent out from Vernoé, to punish these mountaineers,
for acts of violence and plunder. Notwithstanding that, I met with
a hospitable reception from the Sary-Bagyshes who were comme-
morating the death of many of their kinsmen who had fallen in the
recent conflict, I was not able to penetrate beyond the first exposed
rocky spurs of the Celestial range, nor to visit its wild defiles, being
apprehensive of treachery from the revengeful mountaineers, who had
lately been so severely punished by the Russians.

However, in the spring of 1857, thanks to the escort kindly fur-
nished me by Governor-General Hasford, who displayed great zeal and
energy in furthering the organisation and exploration of the newly
acquired region, I was enabled to realise all my plans. The deadly
strife between the two Kara-Kirghiz tribes was then at its height,
and the valleys of the Tian-Shan seemed quite inaccessible. A
happy combination of circumstances, however, removed this apparently
insurmountable obstacle to my journey.

A rumour, that had spread with extraordinary rapidity, through
almost the whole of the Mustag (the Turk name for the western
portion of the Tian-Shan) of the approach of a strong Russian detach-
ment, armed with terrible instruments of destruction,* for the purpose
of assisting the Manap Burambai, produced a sudden panic among
the Sary-Bagysh tribe, inducing them to relinquish, not only the
camping grounds they had seized from the Bogus, but even their own
native pasturages, from the upper course of the Djirgalan, along the
whole border of Issyk-Kul, for an extent of more than 200 versts
and to migrate to the upper course of the Syr-Daria (Marym). The
Bogu tribe who had been previously attacked by the Bagyshes in the
spring of 1857, and driven into Chinese limits, expected their complete
destruction; the sudden flight of their enemies dispelled their fears
and enabled them to re-occupy their former camping grounds, and

* The exaggerated accounts respecting the strength of my escort were owing
to my having really reached Burambaisadls accompanied by 800 horsemen ;
but these consisted of a body of Kirghizes of the Great Horde under the Sultan of
Tezek who had voluntarily joined my detachment. My own personal escort
consisted of only 25 cossacks.

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 125

even to reap the harvest that had been left standing in the fields by
the Sary-Bagyshes. Attributing this favourable turn in their affairs
to my approach, they rendered me every assistance for my journey.
With such material assistance, I was able in July of 1857 to wind
round Issyk-Kul from the south side and to reach the summit of
the imposing and terrible Faaki-Davan mountain pass; I also
succeeded in gaining the sources of the Narym, which forms the
system of the Syr-Daria or Jaxartes. Shortly after, I penetrated in a
more easterly meridian, much farther into the heart of the Celestial
range, and ascended one of the most elevated mountain groups of
Inner Asia, that of the Tengri-Tag, which is crowned with a circle
of alpine glaciers, and covered with a dazzling mantle of eternal
snows. In the glaciers of the Tengri-Tag I discovered the source
of the Sary-Djaza, which belongs to the system of the Tarym-
gol or Ergei the most remote of the considerable rivers of the Asiatic
Continent.

On my return to St. Petersburg in 1858, the Imperial Russian Geogra-
phical Society, taking into consideration the great scarcity of astronomi_
cal points in the region I visited, organised at my recommendation, and
with the co-operation of the Military Topographical Depot, a new ex-
pedition, under Captain Golubef, for the purpose of determining astro-
nomical points in Russian Djungaria, and on the Lake Issyk-Kul. By
last accounts, Golubef had ascertained the position of three points in the
valley of Issyk-Kul lake (on the Tekes river, and at the eastern and
western extremities of the lake respectively), but he had not succeeded
in penetrating into the interior of the Tian-Shan, owing to adverse
circumstances, as the southern shore of the lake of Issyk-Kul was
at that time occupied by the hostile Sary-Bagysh tribe; under such
a state of things it would of course have been extremely rash to
advance into the mountains, leaving hostile tribes in his rear.

All the journeys and researches, since the year 1834, enumerated
above, have considerably advanced our knowledge of the portion of
Asia which we are now considering, and have removed it from the
region of hypothetical speculation, to a certain basis of scientific
investigation. On this account, therefore, the 2nd volume of the
Russian version of Ritter’s Asia ought to be accompanied by copious
and well established addenda. Unfortunately all the materials that

126 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

might be used for such an amplification are as yet but little digested.
The travels of Fédorof, Kardin, Schrenk, my own, the observations
of Golubef, the data collected and elaborated by Fakharof, have not
yet appeared in print, and only short notices of them have been
presented. I am consequently necessarily obliged to withhold the
supplementary matter to the 2nd volume, at all events until the
publication of my travels which is now delayed by all my time and
attention being engaged on questions of pressing and vital importance
to Russia.

With regard to the 3rd volume of the Russian edition of Ritter’s
Asia, containing a description of the Russian Altai, the not unim-
portant materials relating to these mountains, which were collected
by me on my journey, have been partly digested since my return, and
I am therefore in a position to proceed at once with the publication
of this volume with its supplementary portion. I think it necessary
to allude briefly in this place to some of the general results of my
visits to the Celestial mountains. They embrace three questions of
the utmost importance to the geography of Asia, namely the height
of the snow-line in the Celestial range, the existence of alpine glaciers,
and the existence of volcanic phenomena in this region.

On the first of these points I consider it incumbent on myself to
dwell at length in reply to the doubts expressed by Humboldt as to
the correctness of the elevation of the snow-line in the Celestial range,
as determined by me. The height I fixed it at, namely 11,000 to
11,500 feet, was ascertained by Humboldt from a letter I wrote to
Ritter, which attracted his particular notice. This letter was pub-
lished in the “ Zeitschrift fix Hrdkunde” with some explanatory
remarks hy Humboldt. The method I adopted for ascertaining the
height of the snow-line was not known to Humboldt, who grounded
his supposition of an over-estimation of the elevation of the snow-line
on certain theoretical and analogical considerations.

Tnaccuracies in the determination of the height of the snow-
line may arise from two sources first from what is taken to be the
snow-line, and secondly from an imperfect method of measuring
heights.

In the first instance the observer may be deceived either by taking
dissolvable for eternal snows, or by fixing their limit of height in

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 127

sheltered ravines or defiles which are hardly reached by the rays of
the sun. Had I fallen into these errors in my determination the
results-would have been to lower instead of to raise the height of the
snow-line, as compared to its true limits. But these sources of error
were fully anticipated and averted; my observations were made at
points where regular layers of eternal snow occurred, and moreover on
mountain-ridges and not in hollow depressions, in some of which
I really did find eternal snows in some cases several hundred feet
below the limit of 11,000.

With regard to the other point, I must observe that the method of
determining heights by the temperature of boiling water, is certainly
one which is far from being perfect ; and leads only to approximate
results ; but the inaccuracy of these results becomes more inappreci-
able, the greater the height which is being measured. For inconsi-
derable elevations this method of measurement cannot be adopted. I
may, however, observe that the other method, namely that of commer-
cial determination, can scarcely be expected to give more accurate re-
sults when the conditions are unfavourable, as for instance on a journey
through an extremely wild and dangerous region, where the traveller
is obliged to form his own track, and stands every moment in danger
of an attack; under such circumstances all simultaneous observations

of the barometer, at the base and summit of mountains, or a series of
observations at any one point, are quite out of the question. Experi-
ence has also shewn me the complete impossibility of keeping the
barometers (I had two with me) from breaking, in a country so
mountainous as that I traversed, where, on each expedition, the pack
horses and camels stumbled repeatedly, and were occasionally dashed
to pieces by falling over precipices. Hence travellers (Humboldt
amongst the rest on his famous journey in the Andes and the
Cordilleras) have invariably had recourse to the method of determining
heights by the temperature of boiling water. The results obtained in
this manner are regarded by science merely as approximations, until
they are superseded by more accurate data, obtained when the region
is more accessible to scientific exploration.

Although incomplete, these results are nevertheless of undoubted
value to science, as the magnitude of probable errors even under such
an imperfect method, cannot exceed certain limits.

128 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

But Humboldt could not have taken exception to the method used
in measuring the height of the snow-line, in the Tian-Shan, because
he at that time did not know what means were used for this purpose,
and also because he himself adopted the same method on his journey
in the New World, which was so prolific of scientific results. Hum-
boldt’s doubts respecting the probability of the height of the Tian-
Shan snow-line (as fixed by me), being considerable, were based on
considerations of comparative geography, and their soundness or other-
wise may be easily tested, for they were founded on a comparison
of their height of snow-line, 11,000 to 11,500 feet, with its well
ascertained limits in nearly the same meridian (in the Altai, 6,600
feet) or in the same parallel, (the Pyrennees, 8,400 feet and the
Caucasus, 10,170 feet).

In examining the observations made by any traveller respecting
the elevations of the snow-line, the most accurate scientific criticism
must test their correctness, by the following theoretical investiga-
tions.

The height of the snow-line in a given range, must be calculated
theoretically on the basis of a comparison with other ranges, on the
same meridian, and the same parallel; the obtained results should
then be compared with the figures arrived at by actual observation,
and it must then be carefully considered whether the discrepancy that
may occur can be at all attributed to considerations of climate, and
local peculiarities.

Humboldt, in his classical work “ Asie Centrale,” supplies us with
the requisite figures for arriving at a definite conclusion.

In the same meridian with the Celestial mountains we find that the
height of the snow-line is as follows,

In the Altai (Tigerski Belki)

Tigitin Sl IN ORB oer en i dee rce aes 6,600 feet.
On the Northern slope of the Himalayan range,
Daa, So. INO TEE so cn etnn «canis ik aan ... 15,600 feet.

The Celestial mountains extend at the part visited by me, between
Lat. 41° and 42° North which is consequently mid-way between the
Altai and Himalayas. Taking the mean of the figures given above
we shall get 11,100 feet for the height of the snow-line of the Celestial

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 129

range. Inthe same zone, parallel with the Celestial mountains the
height of the snow-line is as follows :

In the Pyrennees ; (between Lat. 422° and 43° North), ... 8,400 ft.
On mounts Elburuz and Kazbek in the Caucasus (43° N,

MAE NE eee Seatac iiss Lanse! URRY Ch spices dali sen ves 10,170 ft.
Onmoncy Ararat) (uat. 39° North), oi. i0.c06. 00s... esecedenwe 13,300 ft.
In the Rocky mountains of N. America (Lat. 43° N.)...... 11,700 ft.

Humboldt, in his observations on my letter to Ritter, refers exclusively
to the Pyrennees and to the Elburuz mountains. With regard to the
first they cannot be taken at all into account in determining the height
of the snow-line in the Celestial range, as they are situated in a moist
sea atmosphere, where the snow-line must be considerably lower than
in the continental climate of the interior of Asia. The Caucasus,
however, supplies a better point of comparison, if treated with proper
discrimination. The height of the snow-line of the Kazbek and
Elburuz occurs at 10,170 feet, under a latitude of more than 1}° to
the northward that that of the Tian-Shan, and with a climate consi-
derably more humid. On mount Ararat, where the surrounding
atmosphere is drier, and the latitude 24° more to the south, we find
that the height of the snow-line is 13,300 feet above the level of the
sea. Ifa range of mountains existed between the Elburuz and mount
Ararat, under climatic conditions of an intermediate character as
compared to those characterising mounts Ararat and Elburuz, and
situated under the same parallel as the Celestial range, the height
of the snow-line of these mountains would be determinable at 11,300
feet. All these figures, computed theoretically by comparing the
heights of the snow-line on different parallels of the same meridian with
the Celestial mountains, and on different meridians of the same parallel,
coincide very nearly with my determinations. The considerable
elevation of the snow-line of the Celestial mountains is to be explained
by the peculiarity of their geographical position, and the character
of the surrounding atmosphere. It is generally admitted as a fact
that a dry atmosphere has the effect of elevating the line of eternal
snow very considerably. Thus for instance the snow-line on the
southern slope of the Himalayas occurs at 12,180 feet, while on the
northern side it rises to 15,600 feet. This anomaly is only to be

accounted for by the southern side of the range being exposed to winds
18

130 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

charged with the humid vapours of the Indian Ocean, which settle on
the cold mountain slopes in the form of snow, while the winds on the
northern slopes of Thibet are completely free from moisture. The
extraordinary dryness of the atmosphere of the Celestial mountains,
compared to the Altai and Caucasus, is strikingly exemplified by the
following instances. In the neighbourhood of Riddersk, in the Altai
mountains, the dew falls so heavily that the horseman is completely
drenched, when riding through the high grass, while in the sombre
forests of the North-Western Altai, called locally Taigi, the atmos-
phere is still more humid, and rain, during some summers, falls inces-
santly. Now during the two years I spent in the Celestial mountains
and Trans-Ili-Altai I positively saw no dew; notwithstanding that
the summer of 1857 was remarkably wet, and the Altai was rendered
impassable from this cause, the fall of rain was very small. In addi-
tion, the very vegetation of the Tian-Shan bears evidence to the
dryness of the surrounding air.

While the slopes of the Caucasus are clothed with dark and impene-
trable forests, which proved so troublesome in the military operations
of the Russians, the wooded surfaces of the Tian-Shan are of limited
extent, and rhododendrons, which are so widely spread in the moist
climates of the southern slope of the Himalayas and of the Caucasus,
do not grow at all in the Celestial range.

If to this extraordinary dryness of the air inthe Celestial mountains,
be added the intense heating of the broad plateau by the scorching
rays of the sun, accompanied by cloudless skies and a rare atmosphere,
a natural explanation will then be found for the height of the snow-
line being at 11,000—11,500 feet. The few measurements of heights
made by other travellers in Djungaria, and moreover by other methods,
serve to confirm the accuracy of my figures. Fédorof determined
trigonometrically, that is by the most accurate process, the altitude of
the highest point in the Tarbagatai at about 9,900 feet. The Tarbagatai
range extends under Lat. 47° N. and is consequently nearer by 1° of
latitude to the Tigeretski Belki, than to the Celestial range. Com-
puting the elevation of the snow-line of the Tarbagatai theoretically,
by a comparison of the heights in the Altai and Tian-Shan, we should
obtain a result of about 8,600 feet, while in reality the true elevation
is considerably greater, as throughout the Tarbagatai range the existing

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 131

snows with the exception of two patches, are only sporadic, and the
snow-line is not below 9,500 feet. This case proves that the snow-
line rises rapidly from the Altai to the Tarbagatai, owing to the
greater dryness of a continental atmosphere. Lastly, the barometrical
observations of Schrenck, in the Djungarian Alatat, in Lat. 45° N., fixed
the limits of eternal snows at 10,700 feet. Calculating then the height
of the snow-line in the Tian-Shan by a comparison of that of the
northern slope of the Himalayan, and of the Tarbagatai ranges, we
obtain 11,700 feet and 11,950 feet, if we take in the Djungarian
Alatai.

In this manner all the facts of the case, not alone those supplied us
by comparative geography and climatology, but likewise those derived
from the exact observations of other travellers, tend to confirm my
figures, and prove them to be rather understated than magnified ;
Humboldt’s doubts therefore as to the possibility of the snow-line of
the Tian-Shan exceeding 11,000 feet elevation, are disposed of not only
on theoretical considerations, but also by ocular demonstration. The
interesting questions relating to the existence of fine alpine glaciers
in the Tian-Shan, which is in intimate connection with that of the
height of the snow-line, I solved in complete accordance with the
previously expressed opinions of Humboldt and Ritter. I set out
without any foregone conclusions on this point, but having experienced
the remarkable dryness of the air in the Tian-Shan mountains, and
having ascertained, on ascending the Fatiki Davan, that the height of
the snow-line was higher than 11,000 feet, involuntary doubts entered
my mind as to the possibility of the existence of real glaciers in the
Tian-Shan. These doubts were, however, soon dispelled. At the
sources of the river system of the Sary-Djaza, I came across five
magnificent alpine glaciers and a ‘“‘ Mer de glace” exceeding in size that
of Chamounix. Notwithstanding some of the peculiarities of the
Tian-Shan glaciers, owing principally to their prevalence at not more
than about 2,500 feet below the limit of the snow-line, while in
| Switzerland they descend as low as 5,000 feet, their existence in the
| form anticipated by Ritter and Humboldt, on the strength of Chinese
accounts, was fully confirmed.

It now remained for me to prove, by actual observation on the spot,
| the existence or otherwise of volcanic phenomena in Djungaria, and

132 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

in the Celestial mountains, to which Humboldt in his works so often
alludes. I started on my journey firmly persuaded that I should find
the conjectured volcanoes, or at all events some volcanic forms, and I
sought diligently (as Schrenck did on lake Ala-kul) to establish the
correctness of Humboldt’s surmises, with respect to the existence of
volcanic phenomena in Central Asia, by which confirmation I knew a
traveller would gain greater credit than by an incomplete refutation
of the hypothesis. I was even aware that Humboldt was rather
displeased with the researches of Schrenk who clearly showed that the
island of Aral-Tibe on lake Ala-kul was not of volcanic origin.
The opinions entertained by Humboldt on the subject of the existence
of volcanoes in Djungaria were favourite ones with him, and I regret
that I was not able to confirm his cherished theory. Kullok peak,
another of Humboldt’s mistaken volcanoes, was found to have no
voleanic origin whatever. The hot springs, and the non-congelation
of the waters of lake Issyk-Kul, were not accompanied by any
volcanic forms in the Tian-Shan, and furthermore all the native
accounts of phenomena which from their descriptions might be supposed
to be volcanic, proved unfounded, and were at once disposed of on my
examination of the localities where they were declared to occur. The
result therefore of my researches on this point was that I became
convinced of the complete absence of volcanoes, distinct volcanic
phenomena, or even volcanic forms throughout the Celestial mountains.
It is true that there existed in Djungaria at one period some
“ Solfaters” or smoking cavities from which there was a discharge and
deposit of sulphur, and that some of these fissures, out of which the —
Chinese obtain sulphur, emit smoke even at the present day. But a
careful inspection of one of the extinguished pits satisfied me, that at
all events in that case, there was no volcanic affinity.

In the neighbourhood of the pits which I discovered in the Kati
mountains, and in the Ili valley, I could trace no volcanic forms, but |
ironstone occurred, and owed its formation, as far as I could judge, to
the pyrites that were widely spread in the vicinity; there was at the
same time a discharge of sulphur emitted in the form of vapour out of
numerous fissures and which left a deposit on the sides. It is to be
taken into consideration that I found a coal formation largely developed
throughout the Ili basin, and that coal is obtained by the Chinese in

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 133

the neighbourhood of Kuldja, in large quantities, from very deep
seams. The whole process of the formation of sulphur can then in my
opinion be reasonably explained by the combustion of some coal seams
in this basin, which would at once set at rest the question of supposed
volcanic agency.

I cannot positively affirm that the origin of the other smoking pits
of Djungaria, and particularly Humboldt’s famous “ Solfater’ of
Urumchi, is susceptible of the same explanation, although the analogy
between all the Djungarian ‘“ Solfaters’ would appear to be confirmed,
native accounts excepted, by the circumstance that the Chinese, who
are very expert in recognising such sulphur formations, procure sulphur
from the “ Solfaters” of Kati which I visited.

With still less certainty can I deny the existence of volcanic pheno-
mena or volcanic forms farther eastwards in the Celestial mountains.
Humboldt in his observations on the letter I addressed to Ritter,
which was published in the “‘ Zeitschrift fir Erdkunde” says that the
Sangai, rising in the centre of the Ando-Cordilleras range, the most
active of all the volcanoes in the world, forms around itself an island
of trachyte, not more than two geographical miles in diameter. From
this I must of course conclude that the observation of a single portion
of the Tian-Shan visited by me cannot serve as a positive evidence of
the absence of volcanoes and volcanic forms in other parts of this
mountain system. My conclusions on this question generally have
already been made public, in the letter here referred to, but I must
likewise observe in addition, that all Asiatic accounts of phenomena
which might be volcanic in appearance, should be treated by men of
science with great circumspection, as many of these accounts have
already proved fallacious. I would here also remark that the impres-
sion produced on me personally by Djungaria and the Tian-Shan
leaves great doubts in my mind as to the existence of volcanoes in this
part of Asia, and as I am the only traveller who has visited the
Tian-Shan, I cannot accept the belief in their existence, as an axiom
requiring no proof or confirmation.

My conclusion on this point, though negative, is one of the most

important results of my journey.
If, in aspiring after the truth, I have been compelled to express

opinions on two points of such vast importance to the geography of

134 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

Asia, which differ completely from those entertained by Humboldt;
whose faith in the existence of volcanoes in the Celestial mountains
was as firm as that of Columbus in the existence of the New World, it
does not necessarily follow that I cast a shade (in itself impossible) on
the spirit of the great scientific genius of the age. Science is the
eternal aspiration of the whole human race towards truth, and truth
can only be grasped at out of a multitude of errors and misconceptions.
No one moreover is more liable to fall into such errors than the
pioneers of thought, who marshal their fellow creatures to the great
goal of truth, and call into existence words of new thoughts and
conceptions.

These giant minds are followed by a train of disciples, for whom
the path of investigation, and the final solution of great scientific
problems, is rendered comparatively easy. Thus there are the men of
genius in science, or the master minds, who conceive great thoughts,
and the workmen who follow up such of these thoughts as are sus-
ceptible of elaboration. ach has his separate functions, but on the
most humble labourer in the field of science devolves the sacred duty
of pointing out and rectifying any error into which the eminent master
may have fallen. And in such a case, the obscure advocate of truth
should not be crushed by all the height and authority of genius, science
being a problem open to solution to all humanity, and recognising
no individuality or oligarchical superiority. The science of geography
has lately been deprived of two of its most brilliant leaders—Humboldt
and Ritter. To follow in their footsteps, to extend the circle of their
researches, to strive after that eternal truth which they eagerly sought
during their mortal careers, to correct the few errors which are inter-
spersed through the wide field of their enquiries, these are the duties
of every votary of science, even of the most humble grade, and will
serve as the best testimony of admiration and respect to our great
masters. May the present effort be taken as such an expression, and
as one of the many proofs, that dying, Humboldt and Ritter have
bequeathed to humanity a living record of their great genius.

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 135

Notes of a trip up the Salween—By Rev. C. Parisu.
[Received 30th June, 1865.]

In March last, as I had never travelled on the Martaban side of the
Salween, and as I had been promised by Captain Harrison, the Deputy
Commissioner of Shway-gyeen, that, if I would pay him a visit, he
would accompany me through the Fir forests of the Yoonzalin, which
I have long wished to see; I availed myself of a month’s privilege
leave to take a trip northwards. Col. Fytche was going, at the same
time, on his official tour to Shway-gyeen. His company was an
additional inducement to go in that direction.

The road to Shway-gyeen lies through Beling and Sittoung, and
affords good riding ground all the way in the dry season, as it keeps
to the plain, leaving the mountains on the right hand, that is, on the
east. These mountains, which, N. E. of Shway-gyeen, cover a great
breadth of country, divide themselves towards the south into two
narrow ranges, one of which separates the Yoonzalin and Salween
rivers, terminating at their point of confluence : the other and longer
range terminates at Martaban, and is the watershed between the
Sittoung and Beling rivers on the. west, and the lower Salween on
the east. Westward of the latter range stretches a vast plain; and it
is along this plain, parallel with the mountains, though at some
little distance from them, that the road from Martaban to Shway-gyeen
lies. .

While at Beling, on the way, I rode out in company with Col.
Fytche and Capt. Harrison to a place called Kothanaiong, about 7
miles off, to see the Amherstia trees there. This place had often been
mentioned as one where the Amherstia was to be seen in great
perfection, and where, indeed, it might perhaps he wild. I was well
rewarded, for a prettier little spot I never visited. The Amherstias,
‘growing in a well-shaded place and watered by a perennial stream
which tumbles down a steep granite hill, and is ingeniously directed
hither and thither in large bamboo troughs, were, indeed, to be seen
E the wildest luxuriance of growth. But Kothanaiong is a sacred
spot. Here are Pagodas, Pongyee-houses, Zayats all around. A flight
of stone steps leads from the bottom to the top of the overhanging

a ——— — ws _ - A A EI _— ee

136 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

hill, which is about 600 feet high, and on which are more sacred
buildings. The Ambherstias, seen only round the principal Pagoda,
were undoubtedly planted, although they are left now to take care of
themselves, and have a wild appearance. Evidently, this is not a
native habitat of the tree.

From Beling we went on to a place called Kyik-hto, Eastward of
this place and distant about 14 miles, is a remarkable mountain, called
Kyik-hteo. Capt. Harrison, one of the very few Europeans who had
been there, assured me that it was well worth a visit, as there was,
on the summit, a very singular hanging rock, surmounted by a
Pagoda. We went accordingly, riding the 14 miles to the foot of the
mountain in the morning, and walking up it in the middle of the day.
We reached the top 3,650 feet at 3.30 p. m. The view from the
sumuinit is very fine, as all views from great heights are; but the many
granite boulders which are scattered about, some of them perched and
balanced in the strangest manner on the most prominent peaks,
constitute the most remarkable feature of this mountain. On all the
most striking of these boulders small Pagodas have been built; in
several instances, I should say, at the extreme risk of life to the ©
builders. As the only way of conveying a true idea of the appearance |
of these rocks, I send a rough sketch of two or three of them. .

There are two principal ones——The one at the very summit is
called Kyik-hteo “par excellence ;” the other, some little way down
the hill is, Kyik-hteo galay, or, ‘little Kyik-hteo.’ We could not
ascertain for certain what their names signify, further than that

““Kyik” is “rock” or “ mountain-peak.” I have observed that the —
Burmese never know the weaning of the names which the mountains 4
and prominent rocks in the country bear; the names being older than d
the Burman occupation of it. They are, I believe, generally Talaing, —
but sometimes Karen. The chief rock of all, which gives the name to —
the mountain, is simply a wonder. It is a huge rounded granite
boulder perched on a projecting and shelving tabular rock at the very
summit. This tabular rock is itself reached by a small foot-bridge, |
for it is separated by several feet from the mountain by a rent or
chasm; and on the farther side it drops down perpendicularly, I do
not know how many hundred feet, into a valley below. On the
extreme verge of this flat sloping rock-table, and actually over-

rom

1865.] _ Notes of a trip up the Salween. 137

hanging it by nearly half, is perched this wonderful boulder, which is
about 30 feet high, and is surmounted by a small Pagoda about 15
feet high. A rude bamboo ladder is leant against it on the inside,
which enables an adventurous person to ascend. Every native will do
this, but we, being both heavier and more awkward, preferred to
remain at the bottom.

Viewed on one side, it is difficult to understand why this rock does
not slide off its shelving support into the valley below! As one looks at it,
it appears as if, assisted with a little grease and a slight push, it must go !
But there it hangs, as it had hung, and I suppose, will hang yet,—one
might indeed almost say, there it s/zdes and will s/¢de,—for many an age :
*Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis evum;” unless some earth-
quake (and a very slight one surely would do it) should rudely shake
it from its precarious foundation. This place is annually visited for the
purpose of worship by people from all parts of the country round ;
many, I am informed, going to it even from Moulmein. Many were
already there, and very many more shortly expected, as was shewn by
the temporary booths of grass which had been erected, and were
calculated to hold several thousand people. Altogether, this is a
remarkable place, very little known, and well worthy of the trouble of
visiting it from a long distance.

I was disappointed, however, here, in a botanical point of view.
I expected great things from a high mountain in a totally new part of
the country; but I gathered scarcely anything. There were no
Orchids at all. The Ferns, if any, were dried up; one or two new
Acanthaceous plants alone rewarded my search. At this season the
mountain is arid, and vegetation on it scanty, On the top there is
little else besides long grass.

We passed the night on the top; and descended on the opposite, or
north side the next morning. Our ponies had been sent round, and
were found waiting for us at the appointed place; and a ride of 18 miles

: brought us by evening into Sittoung. From Sittoung to Shway-

gyeen the distance is about 40 miles. After two or three days spent at
Shway-gyeen in making preparation, Capt. Harrison and I started
upon our walking trip to the Yoonzalin district.

The Yoonzalin river is a tributary of the Salween and takes its rise
in (about) Lat. 18° 30’ and flows in a very tortuous course, but in

19

138 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

a general southerly direction until it joins the Salween at Kankareet,
a little below the Hat-gyee. It drains a very mountainous district,
and during the rainy season, rolls down a considerable body of water, but
during the dry weather, it is a shallow rocky stream, full of rapids and
scours. It takes small boats 15 or 20 days to ascend from Kankareet
to Pahpoon, about two-thirds of its course. It took us 5 days to
descend that distance.

The valley of the Yoonzalin is an extremely wild and almost
uninhabited district. All the way from Bangatah in the valley of the
Sittoung to Paapoon we did not meet with a single village. The
Karens, the only inhabitants, are very few and scattered; and they
have been so harried during the last few years, by the incursions of
the Shan Pretender who styled himself Ming-loung, on the one side ;
and by us, in our attempts to drive him out, on the other, that they
have hidden themselves away in the most inaccessible places. Occa-
sionally only we saw a stray house or two perched up on the top of
some distant mountain, or on its almost perpendicular side, with no
visible way of approach from the spot where we stood. When the
inhabitants become reassured and gain confidence in the permanency of
peace, they will no doubt increase, and settle down in more accessible
places.

I will not attempt any description of the scenery of this district,
because mountain scenery in one place is very like mountain scenery
in another place; and because I have rarely found that attempted
descriptions of the kind convey any definite picture tothe mind. All
that needs be said is, that it was extremely wild and beautiful, and
afforded all that endless variety of view which a chaos of mountains
rudely thrown together, might be expected to afford. Neither shall I
give the length of the stages which we performed, nor the names of —
the places where we halted ; for these places were not villages, only well
known spots conveniently chosen for the purpose, as combining the
advantages of level ground and water. And the stages, if measured f

by miles, might appear small; though measured by labour, by no —

means so. A more laborious, at the same time thoroughly enjoyable,
walking tour I never took. It is ceaseless ascent and descent, to the
extent of several thousand feet a day, all the way. There are two
words in Burmese for hill: Zowng, and Kén. A Towng, hereabouts, is

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 139

a good stiff hill, in fact, a regular mountain. The word Kon seemed
to be applied to any thing under 1000 feet. Two or three Kons
go for nothing, no account is taken of them in the prospective march,
if you should ask what it is like. After two or three days, one learnt
oneself to despise a mound of 1000 feet. In this sort of travelling,
one counts hours not miles; and, beginning to walk at 5.30 or6 a. M.,.
a man has generally had enough of it by 11 or 12 o'clock, and
rejoices to hear that the “tszkan” or halting-place is near at hand.
And this is the country through which some enterprising person has,
I believe, proposed to make a Railroad to China !

The extremely low temperature of the upper part of the Yoonzalin
district is remarkable. Immediately you get in among the moun-
tains, even before crossing the watershed which divides the Sittoung
and Yoonzalin, it becomes very much colder. It was the beginning
of March; yet, at a place called Thayet-penkindat, on the west of
the watershed, the nights and mornings were uncomfortably cold, and
the water in the stream excessively so. Before reaching this place, an
elevation of at least 4,000 feet, has to be made from Bangatah.
Thayet-penkindat is the name given to a stockade which we have
placed here. It is beautifully situated at the head of a fine valley,
and is 2206 feet above the sea, and closely surrounded by mountains
2000 or 3000 feet higher. The stockade is guarded by a Police force,

and the site appears to be well chosen, as it is situated at the entrance

of the Pass into this part of the Yoonzalin. This Pass is called Kyouk-
taga or Rock-gate, and is a narrow defile, two or three miles long.
The head of this pass is 3343 feet above the sea.* A small stream
runs through it,;and the vegetation consequently is very rank. I was
told that I should probably find some new ferns here, but though
there were many species, there was nothing which I had not seen
before. Near the head of the pass, however, I discovered a new
species of Bulbophyllum, and one or two other orchids.

Through this pass, we were in the Yoonzalin, district, and, to my
great delight, the next day, among the Fir trees. The sight and the
fragrance of a Fir forest to me, who had not seen one for a long time,
was most refreshing. The trees are all of one kind, Pinus longifolia,

* The heights given have been furnished by Col. Blake, and are from his
own measurements by an aneroid.

140 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

and cover the mountains from top to bottom. In many places it is
the only tree visible. It attains a considerable height, 80 to 100 feet,
and are, (the full grown ones) 8 to 9 feet in girth. The temperature
of the tract or belt of country where the Fir grows, as I said just now,
is extremely low. In the month of January, Capt. Harrison informs
me, (for he had been here in that month) there is hoar frost, and a
thin covering of ice forms on a basin of water by the morning. Even
in March we found the nights and mornings so cold, that we were glad
of thick over-coats and a blazing fire of Pine logs. At 11 and 12
o’clock in the day, and while walking in the sun, the heat was not
unpleasant. The vegetation gave indications of low temperature. I
gathered violets in the valleys. Rubus was met with ; and instead of
the Acanthacee and Zingiberacee, which cover the hills to the south
but which were not seen here at all, Composite (among them a large
Carduus) abounded ; many of them attaining to the dimension of large
shrubs. The Composite, however, were not confined to the Fir tract.
Of Epiphytic Orchidee, there were none: though I dare say that, in
the rainy season, the terrestrial kinds would be numerous. As the
forests were dry, ferns were scarce, though I was gratified at finding
that singular little tree fern “‘ Brainea insignis” in large quantities. I
had never met with it before. I gathered also Adiantum flabellulatum
and Lindsea tenucfolra.

Immediately we crossed the watershed to the eastward, though still

among the mountains, the Fir trees ceased, and it became very hot; |

and so it continued when we turned southward and crossed again into
the Yoonzalin valley. It is only in the upper Yoonzalin that the tem-
perature is so remarkably low, and that the Fir forests exist. Strange, —
however, to say, the Fir reappears in the Tenasserim provinces at
Myawaddee, on the Thoung-yeen, some 50 miles due east of Moulmein, ©
and thence stretches southwards for several miles, as I have myself ~
seen. The tree there does not form forests, but is sparsely scattered —
among other trees; nor does it grow so large. But, and this is most
*emarkable, in the Thoung-yeen valley, it is found on hills only about

1000 or 1500 feet high, and descends nearly to the river; therefore in |}

many places, cannot be more than 300 or 400 feet above the level of
the sea; and this in N. Lat. 16.°!
Shortly after passing out of the Fir forests I was delighted to come

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 141

upon a truly splendid Bauhinia, which I discovered for the first time
last year in the Thoung-yeen valley. Then, however, I met with but
one tree—here now I found many, and all in flower. The flowers are
very large, about 4 inches in diameter, of the purest white, save the
single coloured petal which is streaked with purple and gold. It far
surpasses B. Richardiana in beauty, for the petals of that plant are very
narrow, consequently the flower looks poor, whereas, those of the
species I am describing, are broad and meet at their margins, and this
adds immensely to its beauty. The flowers also are of the sweetest
fragrance, and are produced in profuse abundance all over the tree. I
hope to get seedsof it. I left particular instructions with the head-
man of that part of the district, to gather some when ripe and forward
them to Capt. Harrison, who kindly promised to remember me in the
matter.

The most northerly point to which we went was Kanlado, another
police station, and our frontier out-post. It is but some 15 miles
from our boundary on the North, and not far from the Salween.
There is a strong block-house here besides a stockade. It is situated
on the top of a small cleared hill, and 1881 feet above the sea; it is
surrounded on all sides by higher hills. This is the lively abode of
the officer who has the honour of serving Her Majesty in the capacity
of Assistant Commissioner of the Yoonzalin district. He, at least, if
no one else, will rejoice at the completion of the projected Railway ;
but he is likely to be the only passenger !

The vegetation of the hills round Kanlado is very different from
that which is seen in the Tenasserim Provinces. The forests consist
almost wholly of what the Burmese call Engyen a species of Shorea, a
middle-sized tree, at this season of the year in flower and without a
leaf. The forests consequently have a bare wintry look, a condition
of jungle never seen in the Tenasserim Provinces, where the whole
country is densely green throughout the year. There are, of course, a
few other trees mixed with the Shorea, such as Careya, Dillema,
Eugenia, and Anneslea fragrans ; but not in sufficient quantities to
alter the character of the jungle which is given by the prevailing
Shorea. Orchids grow sparingly on the trees here, but some good
kinds; Dendrobium Dalhousianum, formosum, and eburneum. The
only other locality known for the last plant is the valley of the Shoung-

142 Notes of a trip up the Sulween, [No. 3,

yeen. Besides these, I collected two or three other species familiar to
me, but not yet described or named, There was nothing absolutely
new to me here; indeed, the whole expedition only yielded two new
Orchidee ; the Bulbophyllum already mentioned as found in the
Kyouk-taga ; and a Dendrobium with the flowers of D. aggregatum,
but with short, erect cylindrical pseudo-bulbs.

From Kanlado, after a day’s halt, we bent our steps southwards and
homewards ; as my limited time would not allow me to go further,
not even to visit the banks of the Salween which is within an easy
day’s march of Kanlado on the east. About half way between
Kanlado and Pahpoon, we turned aside from our path to visit a water-
fall on the Yoonzalin river, I had often noticed on a map made by a
local surveyor, professing to be a map of this district, high up on this
river, the words, ‘“‘ Waterfall, 400 feet ;” but I could never find any
one who had seen the waterfall. Now, a waterfall of 400 feet is a
very unusual feature in the scenery of any country and a grand sight ;
and I had long formed a secret resolution to find out this waterfall
some day, and verify the statement as to its height. We were now at
the very part of the country whence, if visited at all, it must be
visited. I determined, therefore, not to return home without seeing
it. Capt. Harrison, happily, was of the same mind; so, notwith-
standing the assurance of the natives that the place was very difficult
of access, and the mountain side very steep and slippery, we sent on a
party in advance to find out a way forus and toclear the jungle sufficient-
ly to make it passable. Arrived at the point of our road whence it was
necessary to diverge from it to go in search of the waterfall, we struck
off, and had certainly as hard a morning’s work before we reached the
object of our search, as any man could desire: but we reached it about
noon, and that was enough.

On arrival we were at once gratified and disappointed : gratified at
finding ourselves in a most romantic spot, and at the preparation
made for us: disappointed at seeing no waterfall, although we were
told that all that was to be seen lay before us.

We had come prepared to rough it and sleep on the ground; we
were, therefore, agreeably surprised at finding a very capacious and
exceedingly pretty structure built, and all ready for us. The site was
selected with great taste, for on stepping up out of the thick jungle

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 143

by a small ladder on to our house, and on going to the front of a
broad balcony or verandah ornamented with a balustrade, the whole
made of bamboo, we found that the boughs of the trees had been cut
away in front, and that we stood over a large circular pool of water
into which the Yoonzalin poured itself on one side, and out of which
it flowed on the other, and we had the best view that it was possible
to have. We were in a perfect punch-bowl, shut in by almost perpen-
dicular mountains on all sides. Before us lay the still pool, 60 feet
deep and about 150 yards across: we heard the roar of the water
rushing in and rushing out, but, so hemmed in with rocks is the spot
that we could neither see the course of the river above or below. As
I said, we were charmed with the place, but where was the waterfall
of 400 feet? The reply was, that this was the “ Yaytagon’” (so the
Burmese call a waterfall) and that there was nothing more to be seen
than this! A raft of bamboos was made for us, and on it we went
close up to the “ embouchwre’ of the stream, the mouth of the passage
through which the water from above pours into the pool. It was a
singular sight. The whole of the waters of the Yoonzalin at this
point are poured through a long, straight, and very narrow street of
rock. The passage, or street as I call it, through the rock is perfectly
straight, about 14 feet wide only, and having exactly the same width
throughout its whole length, which is about 20 or 30 yards. The rock,
granite, rises on either side of this passage to the height, in the centre,
of about 50 feet in perpendicular walls with smooth faces, as straight
and smooth as if measured with a plumb line, and cut with a hay-
knife. As the water enters the upper end of this passage at a right
angle, we could see no more of the river than the length of the
passage, but we could hear the roar of the water as it boiled and
bubbled in its tortuous and bouldered channel above. But though
lashed into foam above, so smooth and polished is the narrow passage
that the water glides through it with a surface like glass, and sinks at
once to the bottom of the pool, causing little or no commotion init. I
climbed to the top of the overhanging rock on one side to get a sight
of the river above, but it takes so many short and sudden turns and
the gorge in the mountains is so narrow, that I could see but a few
yards upwards. Thinking that we had seen all that was to be seen, and
having already spent a day and a half here, we determined to set out

144 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

on our return the next morning; but towards evening, some of our
party, who had been exploring, came and informed us that they had
discovered a way to get up the rocks on the opposite side, and that
having ascended that way they had come upon a waterfall. As we
wished not to leave the place without being able to speak positively
on the subject of the fall, and thinking that there might yet be one
higher up the stream but hid from our view, we resolved to stop
another day, and explore on the morrow. We did so, and climbed
the way pointed out to us; and thus, taking the passage before
mentioned in the rear, we got a good view of the river for a mile or
so above it. As far asthe eye could see, the course of the river lay
through an extremely narrow valley and was impeded the whole way
by huge granite boulders. The fall of level also was considerable ;
and near the spot where we stood, it took a sudden perpendicular leap
of some 30 feet, into a deep and very confined square hole, which at
once turned the water at a right angle, whence it rushed on, and after
2 or 3 similar sharp turns within the length of a hundred yards, dashed
through the beforementioned passage into the pool. We had now
seen all certainly and could positively assert that the greatest perpen-
dicular fall the Yoonzalin makes here, is not more than 30 feet.
Though disappointed of a grand sight, we yet considered ourselves
well repaid for our toil by the general beauty of the spot and by the
very remarkable character of that natural feature in the scenery which
I have attempted to describe; the narrow street with perpendicular
walls through which the whole river, as well when at its height in the
rainy season, as in dry weather, has to make its way. Several persons
have thought that Pine logs might, in the rains, be floated down this
river to Moulmein : but no one who had visited the Yay-tagon would
allow it to be possible. No log could, I am convinced, pass this part
of the river’s course without being broken to pieces. It is unfortunate |
that all the Pine forests should be above the fall.

There was one drawback to our full enjoyment at this place. There
is a pest here in the shape of a very small fly, met with happily no
where else, which attacks every exposed part of the body most viru-
lently. Its puncture immediately raises a blood pustule and causes
considerable irritation for several days afterwards. I could scarcely
sketch for these tormentors ; and when we bathed, especially, their

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 145

attacks were so vigorous, that we wasted no unnecessary time in
putting off and in resuming our garments. On the third day after
our arrival we started for “‘ Pahpoon.” It was not far from “‘ Pahpoon”’
that, for the first time in the whole journey, we heard the cry of the
Gibbon. Its cry was totally different from that of the Gibbon of the
Tenasserim Provinces. The latter is a wailing, plaintive, and, to me,
not disagreeable cry: but the cries of the Gibbon here were most
discordant, and not unlike that of a pack of jackals. They can hardly
be the same species.

From Pahpoon, an obscure village on the Yoonzalin, we dropped
down to Moulmein in boats. Onthe second day after leaving Pahpoon
I noticed unexpectedly on the bank of the river, in one of the wildest
spots, a fine Amherstia in full flower, about 30 feet high. I saw but
one; for it was the middle of the day and hot; I had been, therefore
lying down in the boat under cover, heedless of what I passed. I
looked out of the boat casually, and saw this tree; so there may have
been others which I did not see, both on the bank and in the adjacent
jungle. I am sorry to say that my companion Capt. Harrison was a
long way behind in another boat, so that I could not point it out
to him; and he did not notice it, because, not caring for the character
of the vegetation, he did not look out from his boat at all.

Now, my reasons for saying that this was a bona fide wild tree are
these: in all this district, the valley of the Yoonzalin,—there are no
Pagodas or Pon-gyee houses, or spots sacred to the Burmese where
they have erected buildings. The inhabitants of the district, in fact,
are Karens and not Burmese; and these Karens are exceedingly few
and scattered. After leaving Pahpoon, we did not see a single village
on the banks all the way until we came to the junction of the Yoonza-
lin with the Salween. There are, indeed, no doubt, a few villages a
little way from the bank, here and there hidden among the trees, but
these generally consist of but 2 or 3 houses: neither are they settled
villages, for the custom of the Karens is to change the site of their
houses continually. Besides the regular Karens, not being Buddhists,
do not build Pagodas, nor do they ever trouble themselves to plant
ornamental trees, as the Burmese always do in their sacred places.

Besides, the spot where this Amherstia was seen, was not at all a
likely place for an Ambherstia to have been planted by any one; but

20

ps ‘
nen Se Rr ene
4 em Lew wr <p nde yes 4

146 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

one of the wildest places imaginable. Had it been on a rising ground
on a high bank alone, or on any prominent point on the river, I
should have suspected that a hand had planted it : but it was on a low
and sloping part of the bank, struggling for life with Calamus, Bauhi-
nia and tall grasses and such other tangled stuff as forms the common
vegetation of our river banks in the wildest places; and behind again ~
was dense jungle of the tallest trees. However, notwithstanding all
this, had it been seen in a fairly peopled district, I should have
doubted; but in such a wild uninhabited country as the Yoonzalin
is, I see no reason for suspecting that it was not a genuine native.*
Had Wallich’s first tree been here, I am satisfied that the idea of its
not being wild would never for a moment have occurred to him. I
am perfectly satisfied that the tree seen by me was a wild one. That
the Amherstia in a wild state may be very scarce is not improbable,
but that it should not exist any longer in that state, though possible,
is, to say the least, very unlikely. Probably it is confined to a small
area; and I am inclined to think still, as I always have thought, that
its habitat is the banks of the Salween, and of the Yoonzalin, which
runs nearly parallel with the Salween in about the latitude where I
suppose it grows. Very few Europeans, who would care to notice
the vegetation of the country, have ascended either the Yoonzalin, or
the Salween above the Great Rapid, that is to say, have been conti-
nuously along its banks, so that a rare tree may, not improbably,
exist there, although it has not been seen on the latter river at all,
nor on the former, except by myself, as I have described.
IT append a rough but tolerably accurate map of the country.

* The Amherstia has never been found wild before. Wallich discovered it,
i. e, first saw it, at a place called Pagdt, some twenty or thirty miles up the
Salween. The trees which he saw are still there, at least some of them, and
are manifestly planted trees, being near an artificial tank, at the entrance to
some sacred caves,

I have long had an idea that the native habitat of the Amherstia would be
found to be somewhere high up the Salween, This is not at all unlikely, be-
cause very little, indeed almost nothing, is known of the banks of this river
above the Hat-gyce, or Great Rapid, which is about 100 miles up the river.

III een

Sketched by C. Parish.

BOULDER

TEMPEE

AT.

KYIK-HTEO

KITH: BY HOM. SMITH ®.0.0. CALCUTTA, OCT, 1868

Vol. XXXIV. Part. I. Pl. 6.

On stone by Kristohurry Dos:

——

ee

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539) “L190 “VJLNOFVI 0 9 °S “HLIWS WOH Ad SHLIT

“Ya0OWVd YAQINOG AV 1VI-OALH-AIAN

--g50(y Kxamyoystxy Aq attojs uw) ystaed 9 Sy parpyays

“AUX XX TOA jedidecy 90g

90 Wi und qo (0-97

WS WoW ABH LIT

VWOOSVd YAGINOY OALH-YIAY

sso Aninqoysiacy Aq

Ysmed 9 Aq peynays

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour, 147

Notes of Observations on the Boksas of the Bijnouwr District—By
Dr, J. Li. Stewart.

[Received 10th January, 1865. ]

Travellers in Central America tell us that the phrase quien sabe
(“ who knows ?”’) stops them at every step, when they seek to inquire
into the past history of the natives, and some analogous expression is
probably in frequent use, in similar circumstances, among all barbarous
or half-civilized races who have no literature. In this country quien
sabe is fully represented by khabar nahin and Khuda jane, and of these
T have had much more than was pleasant, in trying to discover some-
thing of the past history of the Boksas of the Bijnour district. My
attention was first directed to the existence and peculiarities of these peo-
ple, while making some investigations as to the food of the inhabitants
of the district, and various circumstances subsequently led me to be some-
what curious about them. And although I have miserably failed in
making out anything definite as to whence the Boksas came or from
whom they sprung, a few facts have been elicited regarding the habits,
mode of life and health of those who inhabit the Bijnour Forest and
the Patli Doon, which may have some interest as relating to a section
of this tribe, the last of which, it seems not unlikely, will be seen by a
few more generations.

This information was only acquired by a good deal of patient digging
among these Boksas themselves, during several weeks of the cold
season of 1862-63 when I visited a considerable number of their villages,
and conversed with many of their inhabitants, including some of the
most intelligent headmen among them.

No detailed description of the Boksas, or of any section of them,
has hitherto been published, but there are many scattered notices
of those who inhabit the eastern portion of the Rohilkhund forests,
in the reports and papers of Traill, Batten, Jones and Madden ;
and Sir H. M. Elliot, in his supplement to the Glossary, gives some
interesting traditions as to their origin. Frequent reference will be
made to these notices hereafter, but, meantime, a few general facts
gleaned from these and other sources may be given regarding the distri-
bution and characteristics of the eastern Boksas. Since our occupation of

-
on

148 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

Rohilkhund they would appear not to have extended in any numbers
to the eastward of Kilpoory, beyond which the Tharoos, a similar race
begin to prevail, and their chief settlements were near Guddurpoor
and Roodurpoor. On the rearrangement of the canal system of that
part of the Rohilkhund Tarai, the Boksas were concentrated to the
north of Guddurpoor, where their settlement is now known by the
name of Boksdr. Nearly 300 years ago this term was applied to a tract
a little further to the eastward, in which, at that time, probably the
greater number of the tribe resided. Captain Jones, about 1845, gave
the number of inhabitants of (the present) Boksaér as 2,293, and I
have no information, subsequent to that date, shewing what proportion
of the Boksas of the neighbourhood may still inhabit scattered
villages.

The Boksas inhabiting the forest to the east of the Ramgunga,
who are called by those of Bijnour Purbid Boksas, and sometimes
Khalsé, are described as mild, inoffensive and truthful, but indolent,
fickle and unthrifty, and extremely ignorant; and, ere they were
taken in hand by British officers, they are said to have been kept
in grinding poverty by the usurers and their own Pudhan. They
are stated also to have shewn an invincible disinclination to settle
down for more than two years on one spot, yet never to emigrate
outside of the Forest and Tarai, to be excessively partial to the flesh
of game, especially wild pigs, and to exhibit a “wonderful immunity
from the effects of malaria.”

The Tharoos or Tharwi above alluded to, present many points
of resemblance to the Boksas, though neither will acknowledge
any connection with the other. But the former cover a much greater
extent of country than the latter, as from the point a little west of
the Sardah where the two tribes dovetail, the settlements of the —
Tharoos stretch eastward through the forests of northern Oudh and ~
Goruckpore to the river Gunduck.

I can find no evidence that on the east the Tharoos meet the
Meches, who are called by Dr. Hooker “ decidedly Indo-Chinese,”
and who occupy a similar position abreast of Darjeeling, to that held
by Tharoos and Boksas to the west, and to whom they appear to
possess a considerable resemblance.

The fact of different segments of the Sub-Siwalik forest being =

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 149

inhabited by three tribes which acknowledge no relationship, and
which, at the same time, have many peculiarities in common, is deserv-
ing of more attention than it appears to have hitherto attracted.

To the westward of the Ganges, there are some Boksa villages
inside the Siwaliks, in the Dehra Doon, but I can discover nothing
certain regarding their numbers, nor as to whether any of the
tribe inhabit the forest outside the Siwaliks in the Saharunpore
district. These western Boksas are called by those of Bijnour,
Mehras or Meri, and are acknowledged by them as in every respect
of the same caste with themselves, But isolated statements by
members of such ignorant tribes can hardly be accepted without
check, for the Patli Doon Boksas repudiated all bardddré with the
Meri, as well as with the Pirbid, whom they asserted to be nothing
but Tharwi, and to eat frogs and lizards.

We need not, however, suppose their ignorance to be strikingly
exceptional, for, at an early period of my inquiries, I was informed,
upon what would ordinarily be called “good authority” in the
Bijnour district, that the Boksas were chiefly remarkable for living
in houses built on poles, for the indifference of their women to decent
clothing, and for mainly earning a livelihood by gold-washing. As
will be seen by and bye, there is some little truth in the last state-
ment, while the two first are baseless. But this is beaten by the
characteristics attributed to the Boksas of Dehra Doon by the other
inhabitants of the district, who say that the former are famous for
dealings in witchcraft, for successful treatment of insanity and syphilis,
and for their pot-bellies, all which peculiarities probably originate in
the imagination of the narrators.

The number of inhabited Boksa villages in the Bijnour district
outside the Siwdliks, including two in the Patli Doon within
the outer hills, is fifteen, of which the thirteen outside are pretty
equally distributed over the Forest, but are rather more numerous
towards its western end. Of these, four are situated near the base
of the Siwaliks on the inner edge of the Forest, five on canals at
some distance from either border of the latter, and four—all in
the eastern part—on or near its outer edge in the Taréi proper.
It is out of my power to give aught like a correct census of
these, but the number of inhabitants in single villages, ranges

150 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

from twenty to at least two or three hundred in one or two of
them. Having found out the exact number of persons in a few
families, and made a good many inquiries, about most of the villages,
bearing on the point of population, I should put down the total
number of Boksas in this tract as at least two thousand, and possibly
nearer three thousand.

Of the fifteen villages, eleven were visited. All are built on
the same plan of one straight street generally of considerable width
(in some cases as much as forty to fifty feet) and kept very clean,
in both respects, differing remarkably from the ordinary villages
of the plains. The huts are placed end to end with intervals after
every group of three or four, and the walls are, for the most part, built
of wattle (of split bamboo) and dab, but sometimes of chhuppar, of
which latter the roofs also are constructed. The houses are window-
less, but each has a door in front and another behind, the latter
affording access to the sheds for cattle, &c. The doorways and roofs
are very low, and the floors of beaten earth are considerably raised
above the general level of the ground, and are kept scrupulously clean.
The only “ furniture’ in the houses, besides an occasional charpdi, or
more frequently small chhappars (which are often used to sleep on, as
cheaper than the former), consists of a few cooking vessels and one or two
barrel-shaped utensils three or four feet high and fully as much round,
made of wattle and dab, and used for storing grain.

There is no change made in the houses or household arrangements
during the rains, so that these western Boksas do not at any time
“live in houses built on poles,” as is stated to be the case with those
opposite Kumaon. ¥

The members of the tribe are of short stature and very spare
in habit, in both respects, somewhat exceeding the ordinary Hindoo
peasant of the district, from whom, however, they do not differ
much in general build or in complexion. No measurements of
their crania were made, but so far as ordinary inspection goes, their
features are marked by several of the Turanian peculiarities. Thus, —
the eyes are small, the opening of the eyelids being narrow, linear and —
horizontal (the inner angle not inclined downwards so far as I observ-
ed), the face is very broad across the cheekbones, and the nose is
depressed, thus increasing the apparent flatness of the face, the jaw is ;

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 151

prognathous and the lower lip thick, and the moustache and beard are
very scanty. Some of these peculiarities are much more marked
in certain individuals than in others, but most of them were notice-
able in almost every man’s face I saw, and it seems certain that a
Boksa will at once recognize another to belong to his tribe even if
he never saw him before, although some persons (Kumaonis) said
they could not recognize one of the tribe until he spoke.

The features of the few women that I had an opportunity of seeing
closely, were comely enough and of the same general character as
those of the men; but, as might be expected, in the children of both
sexes and even in a descendant the above peculiarities were
but little noticeable. Indeed, some lads were remarked in whose
features could be discovered no difference from those of the ordinary
peasant of the district. I cannot say, whether or not, it was owing to
the Boksa peculiarities of feature striking one less after a time, but
in the western part of the forest, which was visited last, “ features
hardly so marked here” are noted more than once.

As will be seen presently, I am inclined to lay considerable stress
on the fact of the Boksas having features with so many points of
resemblance to the Turanian type so well-marked, that they have in a
general way been commented on by all previous observers.

The dress of the men is the same as that of the ordinary native of the
North West Provinces, but, except in one or two cases where the Pudhan
may be presumed to have put on his “‘ Sunday clothes’ for inspection,
none of them wore turbans over the thin cotton cap which generally
covers the head. The little boys run about in puris, or nearly so, the
girls wear a scanty rag. The women’s dress consists of a petticoat,
generally blue or of an orange-red, with a dirty-white or orange-red
chaddar.

The proper names, in use by the Boksas, are almost always the
same as those of Hindoos generally, with a few exceptions such
as Pili, Dhanni, Mangt and Kakha, which may be supposed to have
been corrupted from Hindoo names. All of those, who were questioned
on the subject, were quite positive that their language is quite the
same as that of the other inhabitants of the district, and I heard of
no words peculiar to these people, with the exception of some names
of trees. The most remarkable of these is Kanddr for the Sai tree,

152 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

which, however, was only heard locally. Singular enough, the Tharoos
as Madden mentions, apply a special name Koron, to that tree. But
little stress, however, can be laid on any, specially in the names of
plants, which, with the natives of other parts of India, are often found
to alter within a few miles, even among the same or closely allied
tribes.

There are some peculiarities in the boli of the Boksas by which one
of them is at once recognized by members of their own or other tribes.
Thus nis constantly substituted for 7, as sdén for sdl and nath for
lath, and less frequently changed into 7, and n into /, as dari for ddl
and thalela for thanela. Two of these changes are often met together,
as Baglana, which is very often substituted for Bagnala, the name of
their chief village. One is struck also by a dialectic manner of
pronunciation, which alters the short a, and occasionally the long a of
Hindustani, into a sound approaching that of the French eu. Thus,
Boksa is called Boksuh, and achha stikha rahté hai is pronounced
achhuh sikhuh rahtuh hac.

The earliest historical indication of the existence of the Boksas
consists in the circumstance of a certain division of the Chourassi
Mull in Rohilkhund, nearly 300 years ago, having been called
Boksér, a term which is now, as then, applied to a tract of country
thickly inhabited by them (as well as to the tribe, and sometimes
to a single village of the Boksas). With regard to the traditional
origin of the race, the clear and connected statements given by
Elliot and Batten on this head are by no means borne out by the
discrepant and, in some cases, absurd scraps of information which only
these western Boksas, and the three purohits who are their spiritual
guides, can impart. The writers mentioned, state that the traditions
of the Boksas make them out to be Powar Rajputs descended from
Oodya Jeet, (or his relative Jug Deo) and his followers, who in the 12th
century left his native place in Rajputdna on account of family quarrels
and came, either mediately or directly, to settle here.

In reply to the inquiries I made on these points, instead of
frequently, or at all getting a connected account like the above,
the only assertions that most of these Boksas agreed in, were two,
viz., that they are of Rajput origin, although they confess that the
Rajputs of the plains hold them impure on account of their less cleanly

1865.J On the Boksas of Bijnour. 153

habits, &ec., and that they had come from the Dakkan, but even in this
they were not unanimous. When they came to details, and many
professed to know none, their statements were more varied than
satisfactory. Thus, several of them agreed that they came from
Dharanaggari, which, however, one man declared was close to Kangra
Devi. One stated that they came from Delhi, and another that they
had been driven from their original home in the Dakkan by the
Marhattas; one pudhdn stated that they came from Chittorgurh,
“beyond Delhi” in the wars of the old Rajas, and the most intelligent
pudhdn of all, the only man among them that I met who could read,
affirmed that they originally came from ‘‘ Boondee Kolah’’ having been
exiled thence “ by the king.” On this subject I found the three puro-
hits quite as ignorant as the members of their flocks.

A still more curious statement, than any of these was made by an
intelligent old Bengali Baboo, who has held a village in the Boksa
district for many years. He solemnly affirmed that, before the com-
mencement of British rule, the Boksas were Mussulmans in faith and
ceremonials, and that, im his time, they had Hosseini Brahmins as pwro-
hits, and used verses of the Koran in their pwa. This is a very
suspicious story, at the same time it is difficult to see what motive the
man could have had in narrating it.

It is not easy to reconcile the clear statements made to Elliot,
especially regarding the origin of the tribe, with the above discordant

_ and fragmentary information which alone is current among the western
Boksas, and the explanation of the difficulty may be the following.

Ii the story about Oodya Jeet is the true one, it would be more likely
to be retained by the numerous and concentrated Boksas to the east
of the Ramganga, than by the few and scattered members of the tribe
to the west. Or, if that tradition is, as there seems reason to suspect,
a@ mere concretion, resulting possibly from the original conversion of
“the tribe by. Rajputs, and their centuries of contact with Hindoo castes
and traditions, it may, ina similar way, have more readily assumed a
definite form, where the tribe was most numerous and united,

Still less than my inclination to theorize definitely, are my quali-
fications to dogmatize on such a subject, but the suspicion has
grown on me, since commencing inquiries regarding these people,
that their origin may be very different from what has ordinarily
21

154 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

been supposed. It seems exceedingly unlikely that, had they been
a tribe of Rajput extraction whom mere accident had driven to take
refuge in this inhospitable tract six or seven hundred years ago, they
would have, for such a length of time, remained so isolated as they
undoubtedly have been, from other sections of Rajputs. But thisis a
minor difficulty, compared with the necessity to account for the very
decided Turanian characteristics of feature which have been mentioned
in detail, and which appear to be quite incompatible with a descent
from any Indo-European race.

It may be objected that the language of the Boksas, barring slight
dialectic differences, is identical with that of the ordinary inhabitants
of this part of ‘ this country. But, not to lay too much stress on the
circumstance that, in a case of this kind, positive is much more valuable
than negative evidence, it is a recognized principle in ethnology, that
the physical structure of a tribe, and the nature of their language, may
change at very different rates, the possible alterations, in each, depend-
ing on very different conditions, and supposing that the Boksa
originally sprang from a source different from that of the ordinary
Hindustani, and that the physical circumstances in which he is placed
are not such as, even in the course of centuries, greatly to alter the
peculiarities of feature, &c., by which he was at first distinguished, it
is difficult to conceive any position in which his language would be
more likely to be rapidly and, at last, completely changed, than that
in which he is now placed. Scattered in scanty colonies, over a very
narrow strip of country, the language of the inhabitants, on both sides
of which (we assume), differs wholly from that in use by him,—
when each successive political or social convulsion in the neighbouring
tracts, and, for hundreds of years, we know that these were neither
few nor slight, was seen to be followed by an influx of these outsiders,
what more likely than that his language should, at last, become
completely assimilated to that of the latter ? ‘ .

The fact of the Boksas holding the Hindoo faith, and performing
its rites, seems to me to present no stumbling-block in the way of
adopting the view that they are of non-Aryan derivation. A race so
few in number, and occupying so circumscribed a position, surrounded
by Hindoos, and brought into close and frequent contact with them,
would be likely to adopt the dominant religion alnrost as readily as

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 155

the dominant tongue. It is evident that, if my supposition is correct,
all the traditions which assign to the Boksas a Rajput origin are
baseless, but precedent are not wanting of tribes, assuming traditions
in accordance with the history of their new co-religionists. Indeed,
such traditions sometimes arise even where the smaller tribe has
not adopted the religion of those who surround it. This is the case
of the Nilgiri Todas whose ancestors are now represented to have
been the palanquin-bearers of Kunya-Swami, a Hindoo deity, though
the Todas, far from being Hindoos, .seem to have no religious belieis
or ceremonies whateyer.

To the question, whence the Boksas came, and, if they are of
Turanian origin, to which of the great tribes of that race are they
nearly allied, the information at my disposal does not enable me to offer
any definite answer. It may be, that they sprang from the same
source as the Bheels, Gonds, Coles, and other so-called “ hill tribes”
of Peninsular India, relics of the original Tamulian inhabitants of the
country, still subsisting in the out-of-the-way corners into which they
were driven by the Aryan influx. But it appears to be indicated by
the fact of a series of analogous tribes oceupying segments of the
Sub-Himalayan forest-belt from Assam to the Jumna, and seems on the
whole more probable, that the Boksas are the furthest authors of the
stock whence sprung the aborigines of the northern part of the

_ Malayan peninsula. In any case, if they are really non-Aryan, the
complete substitution of Hindustani for their original language, and
the thorough assimilation of their faith and customs to those of the
surrounding race may form insuperable obstacles to their true relation-
ships ever being found out. Here, however, I shall leave this: subject
to be discussed by those who are better qualified to handle it, in order
to revert to less theoretical matters.

The Boksas conform to the Hindoo religion in an ignorant, un-
meaning way, and the usual rites of that faith are performed on the
occasion of births, marriages, and deaths. Marriage, as among the Hin-
doos, takes place at 8to 10 years, and at this ceremony the purohit receives
afeeof about four annas. After a birth, he gets from four annas to one
rupee four annas. The bodies of the dead are burned at the Ram-

gunga, or other neighbouring large stream, and the phdl (ashes) are
carried to Hurdwar, there to be consigned to Gunga ji, by a Brahmin

156 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

who gets a rupee or two for his trouble. Besides his special fees,
each purohit receives a general contribution from every village in his
beat, apparently amounting to about 5 maunds of grain each crop, which
is allocated among families according to their means.

In small matters also the Boksas adhere to Hindoo customs. Thus,
they do not wear their shoes (when they have any to wear) during’
cooking, and they kill animals to be used as food, by jhatka a blow
or cut on the back of theneck, and not by the throat-cutting haldl-
karna of the Mussulmans.

A good many of the tribe are said to profess special devotion
to particular deities, the only ones named to me being the spouse
of Siva; under her designations Bhowani and Devi, with Baba
Kalu and Surwar Sakhi. Of the personality of the last, I could learn
nothing. Kalu Saiyid is a local saint, who, curious enough, they state
to have been a Mussulman, as indeed the appellation Saiyid, if it be
not a corruption, would indicate, Some traditions about his life and
death are current, and before his shrine, at the entrance to the main
pass through the Siwaliks into the Patli Doon, Hindoos of all sects
make offerings, and his name “‘ Kalu Saiyid ki jac” is invoked in the
neighbourhood of the tomb on entering upon an undertaking, or when
engaged in severe exertion such as heaving up a load, &e.

The Boksas only marry among their own tribe, but there does not
appear to be any restriction within its limits. In this tract they will
have nothing to say to intermarriage with the Tharoos (who, they
declare, “eat frogs and lizards’), and there is some authority for
believing that Elliot must have been misinformed, when told that
some of the eastern Boksas, “in Kilpoory and Subna, occasionally
intermarry with the Tharoos.” The wife always follows the path of
her husband, and the children that of their father, in regard to a
difference to be presently mentioned.

Their puwrohits are Gour Brahmins who hold the office here-
ditarily. They do not live among their flock, but outside the
forest tract, one residing at Afzulghur, towards the eastern end, and
two in Nujeebabad towards the western end of the hathi. One of
those of Nujeebabad has the six most westerly villages in his charge,
the other has the three in the centre, and the Afzulghur man has the
four easternmost with the Patli Doon villages. I conversed with all

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 157

of these puwrohits, and found two of them apparently most ignorant
and stupid, while the third was fairly intelligent, sensible and com-
municative.

A considerable proportion of the tribe follow Ndnak Mathd, 7. e.
have adopted the Guru of the Sikhs as theirs, indeed they are
called Sikh by their brethren, and not Nénak shdhis as followers of
Nanak are in Hindustan generally. The ordinary Boksa does not
“take Nanak’s name” at all. In some of the villages, including
Bugnalli which is by far the largest of all, the proportion of Sikhs to
the others is very nearly or quite equal, but in some especially of the
western villages, there are few or no Sikhs.

Among so rude a people as the Boksas, it would be vain to expect
to find any elaborate set of religious tenets either held or understood by
such a sect as these Sikhs, and accordingly their one distinctive mark is
avoidance of spirituous liquor, opium and charras, which the Boksas
in general use freely. The Sikhs will not even smell spirits vo'urtarily,
nor will they use the hookah or eat in the house of one who has
smoked on the same day. It is said that the purohits also adhere to
the latter rule. Tobacco is lawful to the followers of Naénak, and
they, and the rest of the tribe intermarry without restriction, the
wife and children as above mentioned invariably following the man’s
sect.

The Boksas bear an excellent moral character. I have no definite
information as to their intimate domestic and social relations, but
for three years at least, not one of the tribe had been a party
in either a civil or criminal suit in the district courts. Any
disputes that occur are referred to the village elders, and in extra-
ordinary cases, it would appear that the pudhdn of one of the more
important villages (Bagnulli or Chuttroowali) is called to adjudicate,
but such quarrels of any moment are extremely rare.

Their indolence and ignorance are fully as remarkable as their
inoffensiveness. They have a strong objection to all labour which is
not absolutely essential to provide means for subsistence ; for example,
near some villages immense quantities of manure, of which they well
know the value, were lying unused, the trouble of taking it to their
fields being too much for them; and they assigned as the reason for
not collecting Kino (Mrakkigond) in the forest that it would be
barri mehnat, although it is really very light work,

158 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

They seem to have no spirit of inquisitiveness whatever, even in
regard to points in which one would naturally suppose they might be
interested. Thus it was frequently found, that they did not know
who was the purohit of villages within half-a-dozen miles of their
own: and several said that there were no Boksas beyond Nawab-
poora, which is the most easterly village of this section of the
tribe. As a specimen of their combined ignorance and credulity,
I may mention, that a pudhdn of one of the largest villages having
brought up his sick child, for some time declined to answer any
questions, believing that by merely feeling its pulse the details of the
disease would be discovered, and that any information from him would
be superfluous.

They have among them no arts or manufactures whatever, all clothes,
leather, &c., being imported ; nor do they, so far as could be learned,
use a single medicinal substance. I only met one Boksa who could
read, and heard of one other.

They are much more frank in manner than the villager of the
plains of the North West Provinces, speaking their mind pretty
freely, and they appear to have some sense of humour, which if the
latter possesses, it never comes out in his intercourse with Europeans.
One of the Boksas when asked what remuneration he got for being pu-
dhdn, answered with a grin ‘“ Nothing but dikkat ;” the question, “ What
will you get, for having guided me, if you do not wait till my servants
come up?” elicited “ Plenty of kdéntd on my way back ;” an old fellow
on seeing me examining under the ribs of some of the others for
spleen, complacently patting his lank abdomen said with a droll
expression such as is often seen to accompany some stroke of ‘ Scotch —
wut,” “ Do you think I’ve got spleen?’ And I had a hearty laugh,
one intensely cold morning, when on my suddenly stopping to ask the
old guide who, with chattering teeth, was panting up an acclivity
after me, some question about their traditions, he replied “ I may
remember by and bye, but its so bara jéara just now, I can recollect
nothing.”

Their only amusement seems to be the pursuit of game, terrestrial
and aquatic, and they complained bitterly that the recent carrying out
of the Disarming Act had deprived them of a chief means of
ivelihood. They are excessively greedy after animal food, and

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 159

Mr. Batten informs me Boksas have told him, that without wild pigs
a Boksa would die. This statement has probably something to do
with their fondness for sporting, but, independent of this, wild pig is
said to be almost a passion with them.

The Boksas are undoubtedly restless in their habits, and there
are more migrations from village to village than would appear to
be absolutely necessary. Still, this propensity doubtless shows more
strongly when contrasted with the generally extreme adhesiveness
of the Hindustani agriculturist to his native village. Here, among
the western Boksas, there is nothing like the “ Never stay in a
place more than two years’? which Jones and others state to be
the case with their eastern confreres. On the contrary, most of the
former appear never to shift their village at all, and the most exten-
sive changes going on of late years among them, seem to arise from the
Government orders to clear the Patli Doon.

With the minor development of the nomadic instinct, shown by their
restlessness, they evince unconquerable adhesiveness to their natale
solum among the swamps and jungles. I could not hear of a single
instance of a Boksa having emigrated from the forest belt, and they
mentioned the existence of a tradition that no Boksa had ever gone
abroad for service.

Although they are so fond of flesh, they keep no goats or sheep,
and in only one instance did I find that a few fowls were kept.
Agriculture may be said to be almost their sole employment, but one
_ or two others, which are followed by a few of them at times, may be

here noted.

A very small number of them ever engage in cutting bamboos
or timber for export, and the collection of drugs and gums, which
are largely produced and gathered in the foreSt, affords employment
to almost none of the tribe. In some parts, however, they collect
a few of these- (viz..gum of gingan, Odina wodier, .and sohanjan,
LHyperanthera pterygosperma, kamela powder from the Rottlera
tinctoria, aorila, fruit of Emblica officinalis, and harra immature
fruit of Terminalia chebula) for sale to the bunyas, who come-hither to
buy such things. I have already here mentioned, that the collection

of the kino of the dhak they object to as being too laborious, and
probably we must attribute to sheer laziness the fact, that they do so

160 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3;

little in availing themselves of the natural products, which are literally
scattered around them.

But the most important and interesting of the extra-agricul-
tural avocations the Boksas ever engage in, is gold-washing, and
it deserves a somewhat more extended notice. Within the last 25
or 830 years, the first part of the course of the Ganges, outside the
Himalaya, furnished gold from its sands, but at present the Sona
naddi in the Patli Doon, and the Ramgunga, below the junction of the
former, are the only streams in this neighbourhood, whose sands are
regularly or frequently washed. Little is done on the Ramgunga
outside the Siwaliks, but there appeared every indication that the
gold-washing was a regular employment of the Boksas on the Sona
naddi, and there is reason to believe, that the proceeds derived
from that minor Eldorado had a good deal to do with the
manifest reluctance of these people to leave the Patli Doon, on the
occasion of its being shut up for the preservation of the timber. In
the aggregate, however, the amount annually collected does not seem
to have been very large, for some years ago, the sum paid to Govern-
ment by the contractor of the Doon as gold-dues was only 25 rupees
yearly. 7

The Boksas say that there is nothing in the appearance, of the
gold-bearing sand to let them know if it will be productive or not, |
and only “prospecting” by a trial will shew this. The sand itself is
dug from the bed of the stream at many places extending over several
miles, and the superficial layer generally contains much less gold than
some of those a few inches below. In the sand, there seems to be a
good deal of ferruginous matter, and there are iron-markings along
many parts of the borders of the little stream, which here runs down
an intra-Siwalik valley similar to, but very much smaller than the
Dehra Doon. The soil, in and near the bed of the stream, is mostly —
gravel, and soft gray sandstone, similar to that of the Siwaliks,
frequently crops out.

Three or four people, often members of one family, work in a gang,
each having a separate part of the process assigned to him. A shovelful.
of the sand is first put upon a little close-set bamboo screen or sieve, -
placed over the upper hinder part of a flat toon-wood cradle (sand),
the lower end of which is open, and which has handles by which its

1865.) On the Boksas of Bijnour. 161

upper end can be tilted. Water is then poured on the sand from the
mouth and lateral hole of a handled téimré (pumpkin), the operator
stirring the sand with his left hand while he sits alongsidg the cradle,
which is raised a foot or two from the ground.

The sand having been washed through, the gravel left on the screen
is tossed off, but the screen itself is left on, so as to soften and equalize
the fall of the water from the pumpkin passing through it on to the
sand, which the left hand keeps stirring about, and raking backwards
toward the upper end of the cradle. After all the lightest of the sand
has thus been washed out, small quantities of the remainder are placed
on around, slightly hollowed plate of toon (phari) which is dexterously
twirled and made to oscillate on the fingers of the left hand, while
the washing is very gently continued. When as little as possible, and
that consisting mostly of dark particles apparently of hornblende,—
except gold, is left, mercury is rubbed with it by hand, to take up
the gold, and the mercury is afterwards-dissipated from the amalgam by
heat. This finishes the process, which agrees almost entirely with that
followed on the Bias, as described by Col. Abbott (J. A. 8. March,
1847), the chief difference being, the trough used by the Boksas is consi-
derably smaller.

The mercury is supplied to the Boksas at two annas a manswré
puisa weight by the same bunyas who purchase the gold from them,
sometimes giving them advances on the possible future production, at
sixteen rupees atola. Several of the tribe, who could have had no
possible collusion, stated that a gang of three or four people will

_ average two annas worth of gold a day, and one man, of fair intelli-
. gence, said that into his village of under one hundred people, old and
_ young, from one to two hundred rupees a year might come from gold-
~ washing.
_ The gold is here invariably in minute particles, and the Boksas
cannot conceive of the metal as ever being found in large pieces or
‘imbedded in solid rocks; and a theory I have heard of the manner
‘of its production has the quality of being as simple as are the peo-
ple who credit it. Thus, it is said that the sdl leaves which are
burned by the forest-fires, act on any iron or copper which the

soil or sand contains, so as to turn it into gold!

22

162 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

The agricultural operations and implements of the Boksas are the
same as elsewhere in the N. W. Provinces. The chief crops of the
hot weather (kharif) are rice, of several varieties, and mandei (Mandua,
Eleusine coracana), and of the cold weather (rabi) wheat with some
barley, but besides these, most of the cereals grown in the open plain
are also cultivated to some extent. Maize (makkz) is but rarely grown,
as it is said to be very subject to be eaten by wild animals (elephants,
pigs and jackals!) So great is the damage to the crops by these, that
the inhabitants of one village said, that smce most of their guns were
taken away, they had been obliged to give up cultivating a number
of their outlying fields in consequence of not being able to protect
the crops.

The pulses are very seldom cultivated, as the leaves are stated
to be peculiarly liable to the attacks of gindar, a kind of worm
which injures the plants so much as to prevent their maturing their
fruit. For this reason, almost all the pulse used is bought from the
bunyas. Another insect, swndi a sort of weevil, commits great
damages among their stored grain, especially,-they say, during the
plowing of the purwa (east wind).

Nor are the pumpkin tribe cultivated, the reason given for this
being that they do not ripen their fruit. This, if really true, is a very
eurious circumstance, the Forest tract being so moist that one would
have supposed this class of plants would grow well.

A good deal of sarson (Brassica campestris, mustard) and lahi (B.
eruca, rocket) are grown, chiefly for their oil, that of the former being
ased as food, that of the latter for burning. The young plant of the
lahi is also consumed as greens,—as in France and other parts of Conti-
nental Europe,—and this is the only green vegetable they raise, such a
thing as a garden being unknown among them.

Their agriculture is probably very slovenly, if one may judge
from the large piles of manure near some of the villages, whick
they will not take the trouble to remove to, and spread upon, thei
fields. A still stronger evidence of laziness in this respect is, that
they do not, so far as could be learned, raise a single stalk of tobacco.
(which all use), although large quantities are grown in each village every
year by Santis. The latter are men of the plains and almost all :
them reside in the forest for a few months only of each year, specially

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnowr, 163

for the tobacco-crop. A very few ef them remain all the year in the
forest (I met with one), and take two crops off the ground. The Sanis’
houses are almost invariably in a little cluster apart from the Boksa
village. I could not clearly discover what terms as regards land-rent
are made with the Boksas. The facilities for getting excellent
manure render tobacco a very luxuriant and lucrative crop, but men
of the plains say, its quality is not so good as that grown outside the
forest. The Boksas give as the reason why they de not grow tobacco,
that it is unlawful for them to break off the top of the plant (as is
done to prevent its running to stalk and flower) ; but this appears
absurd enough, and the cause assigned for their allowing the Sanis to
cultivate their village-land on any terms, viz. that the Boksas have
too few men, seems to me almost equally so. It is to be found that
laziness is the chief cause ef both circumstances.

I can only give details, as to the area of land cultivated in propor-
tion to the number of inhabitants, in regard to one village, and that
the most comfortable-looking of all those visited. It contained less
than ene hundred inhabitants of all ages, and the extent of land under
eultivation, for one or other or both crops, was about fifty acres. The
Government land-rent paid by the Boksas appears to be in general
exceedingly light.

After what has been said of the agriculture of the Boksas, it
will be apparent that their food is of the simplest. It consist of
bread made of the flour of wheat, barley, or some of the millets, or of
rice with a small proportion of dal, and more rarely some /ahi or
wild herbs cooked as greens with a little oil. They also, as above
indicated, consume a large amount of the flesh of wild animals com-

pared with the ordinary inhabitant of the plains. And, were they
always able to procure such food as the above, they would be, to say
the least, no worse off than millions of the inhabitants of India. But,
" Desides that the disarming process has affected their supply of meat,
it will be at once evident, that if the proportion of land to popu-
lation throughout is similar to that in the village instanced above,
even were it cultivated in the highest perfection, sufficient food could
not be grown for the inhabitants. We accordingly find that, even in
ordinary years, most of the Boksas live for months on a wild yam,
ealled githi, which, fortunately for them, is found in abundance in

164 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

these forests. The plant of which this is the root is the Dioscorea
bulbifera, L. (D. versicolor Wall; Helmia, Kunth) which is common
in the Sub-Siwalik belt as well as in the Himalaya to some distance
inward. It is of the same genus as the West Indian yam, and as the
ratdlu which is cultivated for its tubers in most parts of India. The
tubers of various other wild Dioscoreas are eaten in different parts
of this country, and Buchanan Hamilton mentions one, with a similar
native name gength, as being largely consumed by the savage Bhars
(Tharoos?) of the Goruckpore jungles. The plant is a graceful
climber having large handsome, heart-shaped leaves, and with little
bulbs (whence the specific name) in the axils of the leaf stalks. The
- Boksas say the plant is always produced from these bulbs rather than
from seed, and as the tubers examined had exactly the same kind of
markings on them as the former, this is probably for the most: part
the case. The tubers themselves are found at varying distances, from —
a few inches to several feet, under the surface of the ground. The
plant is luxuriant from the commencement of the rains in June, till
about March, after which, as the stem dies away, there is no clue by
which to find the tubers, so that, for at least three months of the year,
they are seldom if at all dug. The Boksas declare that the githa
will not keep for more than a few days, after which it dries up or gets
rotten, but,-from various circumstances, it seems not unlikely that this
was merely given as an excuse for their having none stored up.

These tubers weigh from an ounce to (it is stated) five or six
pounds, averaging perhaps a pound. For cooking, they are peeled and
cut into phanks (slices), which are put into an earthen vessel with
water and ashes, the latter being added in order to remove the excessive
bitterness of the rawtuber. They are then cooked over a slow fire for
from six to ten hours, generally in the night-time, and are afterwards
washed before being eaten. An adult, it is said, will get through from
two or four pounds at a sitting, using as a relish flesh (kahya) or
pulse. r

The Boksas themselves assert that they always prefer the cereals
as food when they can get them, and that it is only necessity which
drives them to eat the githi. They say the latter merely acts as
pet-boja and has no strength (kwwat) in it, and in the more prosperous
villages it is never consumed except in time of famine. In some of

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 165

the worst villages, again, they affirmed that during the two years of
the late famine they had no vegetable food whatever, except the githi.
Still, with the usual tendency of mankind to make the best of a bad
bargain in such a case, they attribute various virtues to this kind of
food. Thus, they state that it does not cause thirst or flatulence,
and that their freedom from spleen is attributable partly to eating it.
Their estimate of it, as tending but little to strengthen the body, is
much nearer the truth, as like the other yams, it is mostly composed
of starchy non-nitrogenous matter, and long-continued subsistence on
any such diet will tend to debility of body, This must be kept in
mind when we come to consider the general questions as to the
health of these people.

The Boksas are fond of tobacco, which, when they have no hookah
by them, they smoke in a twisted-up leaf (patwiri) ; and they took
kindly to Cavendish, which, however, they found very strong after the
light unfermented tobacco they use.

All the men except those who follow Nanak, indulge in spirit
drinking. Some of them denied that their women drink, or said
that they never do so until past the child-bearing age; and one
man indignantly asked ‘‘ What need have they for spirits, since they do
not have to go out into the jungle, or sit for a whole night up in atdnd
(=machdn) among the musquitoes, crying, hoo-hoo (to frighten wild
animals from the crops?)’’ But it seems certain that many of the women
also drink. Boys begin to consume spirits at the age of ten or eleven,
and the adults confess that they all drink whenever they can get liquor.
Yet, it would appear, they very seldom carry it to intoxication or so far
as to unfit them for work, but are generally contented with two or
three glasses. The liquor, here as elsewhere in the district, is manu-
factured from shiva, and as it is sold at one anna and two annas a
seer, this does not imply a very large consumption of alcohol. In one
village, the abkdr informed me that his customers comprized about
fifty adult males, and his sales per month were equal to 80 seers of
two anna spirits, which indicates a not very considerable average con-
sumption of the liquor such as it is.

The best of their pwrohits often lectures them on their drinking
habits, declaring that when they get a few annas they invariably run
off to the bhatt: to invest them, but he confessed with some sadness

ee - - a 2 —

166 On the Boksas of Bijnowr. [No. 3,

that his admonitions de no good, while the Boksas standing round
half-laughing denied the charge of drinking more than is good for
them. They affirmthat the spirits help, with githz and flesh to save
them from spleen and badz.

I now come to what is practically perhaps the most in-
teresting question connected with the Boksas, viz., their general
state of health and the diseases to which they are liable. And, in
palliation of the meagreness of what I have been able to discover under
this head, it must be remembered that, among savages like these, each
little fact must be expiscated separately, and the information derived
from one man checked by repeated cross-questioning of him and
others.

It may be premised that inoculation is quite unknown among
them, and all denied that they use any medicinal substance whatever.
As one man put it “ What medicine do we know except Bhagwén
ki ndém 2?”

The only diseases unconnected with malaria regarding which parti-
cular inquiries were made, were urinary calculus, leprosy, cholera and
small-pox. Cases of the two first have occurred among the Boksas, but
the aggregate number of the tribe is so small, that no generalization of
value could be made as to the rareness or frequency of these diseases
among them, as compared with the inhabitants of the district generally.

Only one epidemic of cholera was mentioned to me. This occurred
in 1862, and carried off nineteen people out of one middle-sized
village. Qne sporadic case appeared in another village apparently
about the same time. é

The people were able to furnish some particulars of epidemic small-
pox in five different villages, four of them apparently in the same
year. The details indicate very varying intensity, as in two of the
epidemics, although a good many children had the disease, no deaths”
occurred, while in each of the other three, ten to twenty, mostly young
persons, died. ;

Ordinary intermittent fever is not unknown amongst the Boksas,
but it is by no means common, and a number of those examined had
had no attack for many years. Deaths occasionally occur from a form
of fever which seems from their description to be a typhus with
bilious complication, and which proves fatal in five or six days, if at all,

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 167

In a proverbiably malarious district like that inhabited by
these people, one might have been prepared to find the “ Spleen-
test,” of some importance, and I was somewhat surprised to dis-
cover that in not one of the numerous adults examined, was the
spleen notably enlarged. Indeed most of them lad never heard of
such a thing as pilaé, while those who had, generally attributed their
freedom from it to—as usual the githt and alcohol they consume.
The percentage of enlarged spleens among the inhabitants of a district,
as a test of the intensity of malaria in it, was first proposed by Dr.
Dempster, when on the ‘“ Canal Committee” in 1847, and, since that
time, it has been held as a dogma by probably the bulk of the profes-

sion in India, that a large number of “ ague cakes” shew increased

malarious activity in a district, while a blank return as to enlarged
spleens would indicate absence or weakness of the miasm. Indeed, a
report is on record, by a member of our service, who, when acting on o
committee appointed to select a sanatarium, having in the course
of a few minutes examined some of the residents of the village,
and found few or no enlarged spleens, immediately pronounced the
site “free from fever influences.” But the almost total absence of
spleen affection among this tribe, who inhabit from year to year, and all
the year long, a tract whereall the elements generally considered
necessary, for the development of malaria are in full perfection for
several months each season, and where it is but too certain that the
miasm itself exists in the greatest activity at that time,—would induce
us to believe, that there is still some datum to be discovered ere the
“ spleen-test”’ theory can be formalized.

Nor are we by any means at the bottom of the question
of acclimatization so-called, in regard to a case apparently so
simple as that of the Boksa living in comparative health throughout

the year, in a tract twenty-four hours of many parts of which, at

&

certain seasons, would be deadly to the newcomer. The Boksas’
comparative immunity from malarious fevers has frequently been
attributed especially to two causes; Ist, their not going out of doors
after sunset in the fever-season, and 2nd, their houses being raised on
poles at that time. Unfortunately, among our Boksas, neither of these
habits has any existence,—houses on poles are unknown, and although
in the rains, the Boksas naturally are not inclined to go out after dark

168 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

if it is avoidable, yet they make no special difference on account of
the risk of fever. Thus those whose turn it is to go out and spend a
night up in the tdénd, in order to drive away wild beasts from the
crops, do so in the rains as at other times. Nor are the Boksas the
only people who may become “ acclimatized.” I met at least one Sdné
who had spent two complete years in a Boksa clearing and had no
fever. Again, some others do not so easily undergo the “ acclimatiz-
ing” process. I inspected one gote of herdsmen from near Almora, of
whom a certain number had that season (as in other years) remained
down to tend their herds throughout the rains, a very large propor-
tion of them had had fever severely and at least one had very bad
spleen. Very many of these gotvyas suffer severely in the forests during
the unhealthy season.

If we cannot as yet explain fully the cause of this difference, I may at
least state in what respects the habitations of the Boksas and of the
gotiyas ordinarily differ from each other, more especially as the differ-
ences observed tend to confirm the truth of modern views as to —
sanitary improvements. The Boksa villages are generally situated at
some distance from forest and jungle, in or near the centre of the wide —
open space comprising their fields; they consist of one very wide,
roomy, clean street, unencumbered by out-houses, &e., the floors of the
houses are raised a foot or more above the surface of the ground, and
are kept beautifully clean; the cattle are almost never lodged under
the same roof with the human residents, except when there is great
fear of tigers, and then they are in a separate chamber divided off by
a well-lipped wattle and dab partition; nor is their dung allowed to
accumulate close to, far less in the house.

In almost all these respects, a gote shews a very marked difference
from a Boksa village. The former consists of immense quadrangular
sheds, which are not necessarily or often pitched in an open space, but,
as more frequently happens, are surrounded close up to their doors by —
forest and brushwood. In these sheds the herdsmen and their herds
live in common, the former occupying the inner, the latter the outer
end of a shed. The floors of these are not raised above the level of
the ground outside, and the dung of the animals is not, so far as I
could learn, removed for many weeks or months at a time, or at most
only to just outside the doors, so that the whole place is one vast

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 169

dunghill and affords by no means a pleasant promenade even in the
cold weather. With our modern views as to the effect that filth and
close, foul air have on health, we need hardly wonder that the Gotiya
is more subject to sickness than the Boksa, or that the latter attri-
butes the greater liability of his neighbour to fever to the state of
uncleanliness in which he lives. 8

In the course of my inquiries among the Boksas, it became evident
that there is a very strong scorbutic tendency amongst them, of which
the state of the gums affords a fair indication. In this pre-eminently
statistical age, it would have been more satisfactory had I been able
to give a good many figures bearing upon this point, but my attention
became directed to it so late that I can speak positively as to the state
of the gumsin ten men only. These were taken promiscuously, and
the gums of nine were more or less livid, spongy and hemorrhagic,
the one exception, with sound gums, being a robust young lad. In
order to have some ground for comparison, the gums of several scores
of prisoners in the Bbijnour jail were subsequently examined on
admission and at the time of discharge, and, with the exception of 2
(or 3) old thin-blooded men, and one lad who had been subject to
considerable privation ere admission, the gums of all were healthy.
These were sound even in the case of several who had been for some
months on the havaldé diet, which consists of only 16 oz., of flour
with 4 oz., of pulse or 10 oz, of fresh vegetables,

The hemorrhagic tendency of the Boksas appears to be shewn also
by the great frequency and fatality of dysenteric affections among
them. Of seven deaths, the causes of which were at various times, and
without special design, detailed to me, five were from simple dysentery
or diarrhoea, and two from dysenteric complications of lever and small-
pox (respectively).

It may bea question whether the malaria, though it does not
cause fever among the Boksas to anything like the extent which
might be expected, has not.something to do with the lowering of the
system indicated by these purpuric or scorbutic symptoms, but I do
not think we have any cause for it beyond the wretched food on which
many of these people live. It has been seen, that the area of land
tilled in a village is generally much less than would provide a suffi-
cient quantity of cereals for the inhabitants under any system of culti-

23

170 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

vation however energetic, and that consequently, except in one or
two favoured villages in good seasons, the mass of these people mostly
subsist for a great part of the year on the wild yam, which does not
contain all the elements for properly replenishing the blood,—that
their supply of pulse which might supplement this want is not large,
and that they grow almost no vegetables. Doubtless the flesh they
eat, when it can be got, tends to lessen the detrimental consequences
of their monotonous and miserable diet, but with the Disarming Act
even partially enforced, they do not get the full benefit of that
palliative. They are, at the best, but spare small men, and become
prematurely old and feeble. Men of forty I have noted as “thin, grey,
and breathless,” and they themselves attribute their ailments to scanty
food.

It would appear that the state of system induced among the Boksas,
by the circumstances of their diet, is similar to that arising among
some classes of the Inish fram continued subsistence upon the potato

alone, as detailed in a paper read to the Dublin Royal Society by a :

medical member in the course of last year. It is also analogous to that
condition which is noted by Dr. Mouat as leading to the fearful mortali-
ty among the Sontals, and members of other wild tribes in the jails of
Bengal, and which has also at times been obseryed among prisoners
in Great Britain, in consequence of ill-advised changes in the dietary,
Within the last few months, the existence of a similar state of consti-

tution caused by poor diet has been suggested, by an experienced

medical officer, as predisposing to the fatality of epidemic fever among
the prisoners in the Punjab jails. This state of system, as existing
among the Boksas, is perhaps more nearly allied to scurvy than to any
other disorder, and although they or other people, in a condition of
freedom, in whom it exists, probably seldom die dmmediately from it,
yet it renders them infinitely more liable to succumb to attacks of
epidemic or other disorders.

Tt is likely that the debility so evident in the adults likewise
exists in the children of this tribe. Besides the numbers of young —
persons alluded to above, as carried off by epidemics; of 14 instances
in which the age at which death occurred was incidentally mentioned, §

eight occurred before puberty, only six afterwards; and in almost all

the families whose circumstances happened to be detailed, the minority

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour, 171

only were then alive, and in only one of these, had so many as three
persons reached manhood.

The statements given above, however, though significant enough as
indications, may not be very definite or on a sufficiently large scale to
convince ; the following facts do not labour under the latter defect.
Seven Boksa villagas have become extinct, and no new Boksa settle-
ments have been formed within our limits, in the memory of living
men, and as the Boksa does not emigrate from the forest, the question
arises ‘‘ What has become of their former inhabitants ?’”’ There is no
trace of any of them having migrated to the villages of the eastern
Boksas beyond the Ramgunga, and only a very few from the western-
most extinct village Lullutpore, appear to have crossed the Ganges
into the Doon Boksa settlements, so that naturally one might expect
the existing villages to have increased. But the fact is that of seven
of the villages, where special inquiries were made as to increase or
decrease of the population of late years, the largest of all (Bugnulli)
had slightly increased, two others had remained stationary, while the
remaining four had decreased from 50 to 90 per cent., and either figure
will leave a margin, even for the irrepressible inexactness of the
oriental.

While trying not to exaggerate the importance of these facts and
indications, I cannot resist the impression that these western Boksas,
the far outliers, as I presume, of one of the aboriginal races, are surely
and not slowly, dying out. Several causes seem to contribute to this
process. First among these may be put the unhealthy climate of the
forest-tract, although it is impossible to say how, or to what extent,
it acts in impairing the health of the race, or to separate its effects
from those of the other agents in operation. Second, and most
palpable, is the miserable diet on which most of the tribe habitually
subsist ; and third, the effect of epidemics is most fatal among a
people whose blood is impoverished, and their strength impaired by the
preceding causes. It has been seen that epidemics of small-pox, im
particular, are frequent, and often fatal among the younger Boksas,
and, had I remained longer in the district, I meant to have taken
steps for sending vaccinators amongst them, so that the severity of this
scourge might be lessened in its future visitations. It is possible,
however, that ere this time the Boksas have come within the range
of the general vaccine operations for Rohillkhund,

172 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

It might be supposed that Boksas are frequently killed by tigers
and other wild animals, but I only heard of one man who had _perish-
ed thus, having been killed by an elephant. JI was subsequently
informed, on doubtful authority, of three of them having been killed
by one tiger, in 1863.° In all likelihood, the frequency of wild beasts
near their villages at certain seasons, renders these people peculiarly
wary. At the sametime they have the reputation of being very
daring with tigers. I met one man who had been seized and mangled
by a tiger a good many years before. The brute having been driven
off by the other Boksas, who had no fire-arms, was shot by the
wounded man as soon as he let him go, although he was laid up with
his wounds for many weeks afterwards.

In bringing to a close these obervations on the western Boksas,
attention may be directed to three special points which have come out
more or less strongly in the course of them.

The first of these is a fact, which may possibly be of some practical
moment, viz., the certainty that, among the inhabitants of a striking-
ly malarious tract, the proportion of enlarged spleens is not necessarily
great, as the prevailing opinion would have us to believe.

The second point is also of some importance, not only as bearing on
the inquiry, as to how, and to what extent the Boksas resist the
influence of the funereal tract in which they live, but as related to the
great sanitary questions which are agitated in the present day: it
relates also to the nature of some of the circumstances in the sites and —
construction &., of the Boksa villages, which apparently have some
effect in warding off the deleterious effects of the climate, during and
after the rains.

The third point is a mere hypothesis, and consists in the suggestion
that so far from the Boksas being Rajputs, who migrated hither many
generations since from Rajputana, as the traditions of the eastern
Boksas say, they are probably either the relics of one of those waves —
of aborigines which the advancing tide of Aryan immigration drove
from the Gangetic plain into the wilder recesses of the country, or, as
is more likely, they constitute one of the extreme branchlets of that
stem of the Turanian tree, which, rooted beyond the Kuenlun, has, at
various times, sent its boughs far and wide towards the south, The
materials available to me, under this head, are so scanty that the case

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 78

has necessarily been left “not proven.” Some other enquirer may be
able to throw fresh light on this subject.

But, even should these observations answer no very definite practical
purpose, still, if my belief that the western Boksas are gradually
vanishing be correct, it may be of some interest to have on record
their peculiarities while they are still numerous and united enough to
deserve and repay attention, and I shall not consider my labour lost,
if, in the opinion of those whose views are worth having on such a
subject, this end has here been at all adequately fulfilled.

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens.**—By the
Reverend F. Mason, D. D., Missionary to the Karen people.

[Received 7th September, 1864. |
Rerieron.

The Karens pray more, and make more offerings than the Burmese ;
but their only object in these observances is to obtain benefits in the
present existence, principally health and prolonged life, so they cannot
be regarded as religious; while the Burmese make them to procure
benefits in a future state, and are therefore a religious people, though
by no means so moral as the Karens.

The Karens believe in the existence of one eternal God, the Creator
of heaven and earth, and have traditions of God, and the creation that
must have been derived from the Old Testament Scripture. The follow-
ing affords a specimen :—

“ Anciently, God commanded, but Satan appeared bringing destruc-
tion.

Formerly, God commanded, but Satan appeared deceiving unto
death.

_ The woman E-u and the man Tha-nai pleased not the eye of the
dragon,

The persons of E-u and Tha-nai pleased not the mind of the dragon,

* The following pages have been prepared in reply to “Queries respecting

the human race addressed to travellers, by a Committee of the British Associa-
tion for the advancement of science.”

174 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

_ The dragon looked on them,—the dragon beguiled the woman and
Tha-nai.

How is this said to have happened ?

The great dragon succeeded in deceiving—deceiving unto death.

How do they say it was done?

A yellow fruit took the great dragon, and gave to the children of God ;

A white fruit took the great dragon, and gave to the daughter and
son of God.

They transgressed the commands of God, and God turned his face
from them.

They transgressed the commands of God, and God turned away
from them.

They kept not all the words of God—were deceived, deceived unto
sickness ;

They kept not all the law of God—were deceived, deceived unto
death.”

Other traditions may be found in the appendix to a little book pub-
lished by the London Religious Tract Society called “ The Karen
Apostle.”

The names Tha-nai, and H-w in the above verses are sufficiently
near the Biblical names of Adam and Kve to show a common origin ;
while they are so diverse from any mode of rendering those names
adopted by either Roman Catholic or Protestant Missionaries as to
prove they have not been derived from modern names.

The scriptural traditions have been found principally among the
Sgaus, and as we leave the Sgau tribes, we meet with others that
seem to me to have had a Hindu origin. Such are some of the trad1-
tions among the Red Karens. They say: ‘“‘ Anciently God created
the heavens and the earth, and he formed two persons. One was
called ‘the female Tha-lu,’ and the other ‘the male Tha-lu.’ God
placed these two persons to superintend the whole world. And God
created trees, and animals of every kind, and he wrote their names in
a golden book, and gave it to the two persons whom he created, and
according to the names found in the book, they called every thing.
God created all things by his word and his power. He created every
thing with a body, with seed, and with fruit.” Thus far the tradition
preserves a Biblical character, but they go on to say: ‘God did not

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 175

create all things at once. When God created the earth at first it was
not as large as a cotton spindle. There was not as much in it as
there is in a butterfly. And God commanded that the male Tha-lu
should rule over the sky, and the female Tha-lu should rule over the
earth, and all the animals on it. And that which made the earth
increase was the earth-worm, and that which made it firm was iron,
and that which sewed the earth together was silk. And before the
iron and the silk had united the ground, the whole earth was covered
with water. God was not pleased with the look of it, and he separ;
ated it by pressing the earth together with iron and silk, when the
water flowed out and became rivers and seas, and the dry land appear-
ed with its mountains and hills. And the three things that helped
the earth, were the earth-worm, iron and silk. There was a spider in
the sky, and he was able to pass to and fro between heaven and earth.

“The first mountain that was created was Lwie-nya ; and the first
rivers formed were La-ko-meu,

Lie-la-sho, and
Mai-e.

* And the river Lie-la-sho had its sources among the mountains of
Rako-sho. :

“ And God created a precious stone, and it became a great tree, and
the first tree was Than-du, and the first grass was the Chrysopogon
acicularis. And the first bird he formed was the Night-jar, and the
first fish was Tai-pai-men-bu, and the first snake was Die-lo-to.

“God created two suns, one was the husband and the other the
wife, and they were shut within a palace with stone gates, and gave
no light. God therefore gave the Pangolin to eat a hole through the
gates which it did, and broke out all its teeth, and then the suns came
forth, but the heat was so great that neither man nor beast could
endure it. Therefore man entreated God to destroy one of them.
And God told man to make a bow, and to shoot an arrow into the
face of one of the suns. So the man went up into the valley of mount
Ra-ko-sho, and shot an arrow into the face of one of the suns, and it
ceased to give light and became the moon, which God appointed to
tule over the night.”

Another version of these myths is given as follows: ‘‘ The Red
Karens say : Where, or how God came into existence, they know not ;

176 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 3, :

but they know that there is a God who has power over all things; and
that this God existed before the creation of the heavens and the earth. —
He was like the air, and lived in the sky, like the wind ; and like the
wind he went about everywhere. This he did through his inherent
power. :

‘“And God prepared himself to create the inhabitants of heaven,
and the inhabitants of earth ; but before he created heaven and earth,
he created two persons. The one a male, called the ‘male Tha-lu,’
and the other a female, called ‘the female Tha-lu.’ The signification
of Tha-lu is to float about like the wind. They do not fall to the
ground like a man from a tree top, but remain in the air.

“‘God put into the hands of these two persons the work of superin-
tending the heavens and the earth. He appointed ‘the male Tha-luw’
to take care of heaven, and ‘the female Tha-lu’ to take care of the
earth. Then when these people saw any deficiency, they asked God
for what they required, and he gave them seeds and the elements of
things, in order that they might make the earth complete.

“Some say that he who created all things under the direction of
God, was Ie-a-pai; but the greater part say they were created by ‘the
male Tha-lu,’ and ‘the female Tha-lu,’ and that the person who
shot the sun’s wife in the face was called Thye-kha. These four
persons are regarded by the Red Karens as working for God continu-
ally. They also speak of another super-human personage that they
call Pai-ie-pai-bya.”

All the Karen tribes have traditions of God having once dwelt
among them, but as having forsaken them. ‘The tradition is varied.
Sometimes he is represented as dying and rising to life again ; and
sometimes simply as departing. We have in verse the following :

“ Ywah, about to return, commanded, commanded ;
Ywah, about to depart, commanded, commanded ;
He commanded the sun to come and weep for him,
He commanded the moon to come and weep for him,
He commanded birds to come and weep for him,
He commanded squirrels to come and weep for him,
Worldly people set themselves up ;
Worldly people came not.”

A Sgau story says: “ Anciently God dwelt with the Karens, and

they said to him: ‘Thou art very old.’ He replied: ‘I will kill

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 177

myself by a leap;’ and he called all his children to come and receive
his dying commands. They came, and after each had been charged,
he leaped into the sea. MTheiKarens ran away into the jungles, but
the white foreigners could not run, and they said to the Karens:
‘Elder brother, I will go to where father commanded me.’ The
Karen replied: ‘I will not go.’ But the white foreigner went to his
home, and leaping into the sea, brought up the body of his father.
His father said to him, ‘I am not dead;’ and he gave orders to his
children to come and receive his commands again, as he was about to
go away. But the Karens had run away afar off, so he said to the
white foreigners: ‘Do not stay here.’ And he washed them over
with sandal wood, and said: ‘If you stay here, the Karens will perse-
eute you.’ So they followed their father, and he gave them another
country.

“The Red Karens say that anciently, after the transgression, God
called all the different races of men together to learn to read, and all
went, and every one studied zealously except the Karen, who did not
study in earnest like the White Foreigner, the Chinese, and the Bur-
mese. He went to and fro, and played, and did not understand books
like the others. After a while, God ‘dismissed the people and all
returned home, but the Karen was not skilled in books, like the other
nations. Still God had given him a book, but when he would study
it at home, his wife scolded him, and drove him off to work. He
therefore forgot what he had learned, and did not take care of his
book,

“One day, while he was absent, his book fell into the fire, and was
burned, and being unable to write, the Karens have had no books from
that time to the present. However, they observed the variegated
marks left by the letters of their books in the ashes where it was burn-
ed, and they made diligent efforts to embroider those forms on their
dresses. Hence it is that the Karens are able to embroider different
forms on their dresses. Had they not looked, and imitated the letters
of the book that was burned, the Karens would not be skilled in any
thing.”

The above is from a Bghai assistant that spent two years among the
Red Karens.

24

178 Religion &c. among the Karens. [Ne. 3,

Ta-ywa.
The Sgau and Pwo name of God is Ywa, but the Bghais use a pre-
fix and say Ta-ywa. To this name Ta-ywa, they attach long fabulous
legends of which the following is one; and appears to be of Hindu

origin.

The Elders relate concerning Ta-ywa and say: There was a woman
who was pregnant, and when it was hot, she went and spread a gar-
ment out to dry in the sun, but so soon as it was spread out, it ceased
to be hot, and clouds came up. Then she cursed the sun, and asked :
“ At first thou madest it hot, but now thou hast made it cloudy:
Why is it so? The sun cursed her back in return, and said: “I wish
thou mayst be pregnant three years, and when the child is born, may
it be no larger than a jujube !”

After this, the woman remained pregnant three years, and at the
end of that time, she was delivered of a son not larger than a jujube.
The child eat, at first, as much rice at a meal, as can be put in the
cover of a rice chutty; and after a little while, he eat a wash-bason
full, and could wrestle with an ordinary man. After another short
period, he eat as much rice as would cover a small table, and could
wrestle with a strong man.

He asked his mother why he was so small, and she repeated the
circumstances as related above. Then he said: “I will go and compel
the sun to make me grow larger.” Every morning and every even-
ing, he worked hard to make himself a bow; and when he had finished
it, he went up to the sky, to the place of drawing water of the sun
and moon, and there he met the children of the sun and moon coming —
to draw water.

He bent his bow, and placed his arrow on the string, which was an
Areca Nut tree as long as the height of a small mountain. Then he
said to the children of the sun and moon, “ Go tell your father to come
here, and make me larger.”

The children of the sun and moon were afraid, and said to their
parents : ‘‘ This man is very bold, and he said to us: ‘ Tell your father
to come here and make me larger.’ And he was about to shoot us
with his bow.”

The sun said: “Tf that be the case, let a cock go down and pick
him to death.” Ta-ywa drew his bow, laid on his gigantic Areca

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 179

tree arrow, and took aim at the cock, saying: “‘ Tell your master to
come down and make me great.” The cock flew away screaming with
fright, and told his master that Ta-ywa was very fierce.

In like manner, the sun sent a hog, and the hog was afraid. He
sent a horse, and the horse was afraid. He sent an elephant, and the
elephant was afraid. Every thing was afraid of him.

Then the sun said: “If it be thus, then make the waters rise, and
he will be drowned.”’ So he made the waters rise, but Ta-ywa made
a boat, and remained quietly in it. When the waters fell, the sun
said to his children : ‘‘ Now that fellow is dedd, go draw water.” So
they went to draw water.

Ta-ywa said to them again as before : ‘‘ Go tell your father to make
me great.” The children were afraid, and returning to their parents
said : “ That fellow is not dead.”

Then the sun said: “If it be so, we must make it burning hot.”
So he made it so hot that no one could endure it ; but Ta-ywa created.
a banyan tree, and dwelt under its shadow.

After the heat had passed away, the sun said to his children : ‘‘ Now
that fellow is dead, go draw water.” They were met again as before,
and sent back with the former message ; and they went and told their
parents that they did not dare to go again to draw water. On hearing
this, the sun made a bamboo tube, and went to Ta-ywa, who said to
him; ‘‘ Make me great.”’ The sun took the bamboo tube, inserted it
in him and blew him up larger, and larger, and asked: “ Large
enough?” Ta-ywa replied: ‘Not yet large enough.” He blew
again, asked the same question, and received the same reply two or
three times, till Ta-ywa was satisfied, but when he rose up, his head
hit against the heavens. The sun then flattened it down with his
hand till it was low enough, and then departed.

When Ta-ywa returned home, the people said: “ He is very great.”
And they envied him, and determined to kill him by stratagem. So
they said to him: “ Thy mother has no stones, on which to place her
rice pot on the fire, let us go and bring her some stones.” Then they
went, and sought out the largest stone they could find, and all the
village went to work to dig it up, and in order that it might roll over
him and kill him; they said: ‘‘ Go watch below, and carry it.” So
he went below on the side of the hill where they were digging, and

180 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

waited in the road to intercept it. When the stone came rolling down,
he ran and took it up, and carrying it to the house said: ‘ Where
shall I put it?’ They replied, “The house will break down.” So
he put it on the ground.

Then they devised again to kill him, and said: “ Thy mother has
got fever, and there is no large wood to make a great fire for her, go
and bring some.” So they sought out a large wood-oil tree, and went
and cut it down, and told him he must receive it on his shoulder.
He therefore caught it when it fell on his shoulder, and carrying it to
the house asked : “Shall I put it in the house?” The people re-
plied: ‘‘ The house will break down.” So he threw it on the ground.

Then the people said: “ Ah, the rock rolling on this man did not
kill him; the wood-oil tree falling on him did not kill him; but were
a tiger to seize him, perhaps he might die.’ They therefore said :
“Thy mother’s fever continues, though we have offered fowls and
hogs to the spirits, but were we to offer a tiger, she would recover.”
So the people made him go. seek a tiger, in the hope that a tiger
would seize him. He, however, had no fear, but went in search of a
tiger’s track ; and after finding a very old one, he followed it up till
he found the tiger, which he seized and carried alive to the house,
when the people said: ‘‘ We are very much afraid. Go turn it loose.”
So he took it back, and let it go free.

While his concubine was seeking vermin in his head, she was moved
with compassion for him, and the tears dropped on his thigh. He
said: “ My faithful girl, what is it? It does not rain. Why is it
that water drops on my thigh?” His concubine replied: “‘ Ah, my
dear boy, people are envious of thee and laying snares to kill thee.”
“ Tndeed!”’ he answered, “‘ Is it really so? If people do not love me,
then I will go away.”

Every morning and evening, he worked on a bugle to give it a plea-
sant sound. When he had finished it, it blew out of itself, “ Father
and mother do not love me. Brethren two go abroad.”

He said: ‘‘ That is pleasant,” and he prepared food for his journey.
A hog of five spans round the body, five bundles of salt, five rolls of
fish, and five baskets of rice. With this he started, and blew his”
horn as before, till he met with “ Long-legs” planting, who had a
silk-cotton tree stuck in his hair, whose shadow covered seven coun-

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 181

tries. While he made holes for the rice, his thirty concubines chopped
in the seed. He said: “ Ah, the hardest thing is planting. Who is
this that comes blowing a bugle? Let us wrestle.”

Ta-ywa said: “ Ah, thy father and mother loved thee, so you can
work and prosper; but my parents did not love me. They said I had
grown exceedingly great, so I came away.”

Though Long-legs planted rice with thirty concubines to sow the
seed for him, he said: “Ah, it was so with me. Because my legs
were long, they did not love me.” He therefore prepared a hog of
five hand-breadths, five baskets of rice, five bundles of salt, and five
rolls of fish ; and when his thirty concubines came weeping after them,
he spit on them, and they turned to stone. Then the two went on
their way.

Thus they travelled together, and the same scenes were enacted
when they met in turn with Long-arms, Three-toothed, Broad-ears
and Hollow-breast.

Having become six in company, they travelled together till they
came to a fork in the Sitang river, made by an island ; and there, they
exhausted the water. Long-legs laid his legs across for a dam, Long-
arms stuck his arms down perpendicularly for posts, and Broad-ears
put his ear down on the interstices. Three-toothed bit up the fish,
and Hollow-breast received them into his bosom.

When they came to divide the fish, Long-legs wished for all he
could hold on his legs; Long-arms for all he could hold in his arms,
Three-toothed for what he could take up with his teeth; Broad-ears
for what he could hold on his ear; and they asked Hollow-breast :
“How much do you want?” He replied: “TI want all I can hold in
my breast.’’ His associates answered: “ All the fish put together will
not fill thy bosom. Why do you want so much?” And they quar-
relled.

Then Ta-ywa, Long-legs, and Long-arms went in one direction ;
while Three-toothed, Broad-ears, and Hollow-breast went in another.

Ta-ywa and his associates met with Shie-oo, and they said: “ We
will cook rice.” They went and asked Shie-oo to give them some
fire, but he said: “I will not give to you. You must wrestle. If
you throw me, I will carry the earth, but if you fall, you must bear
up the earth,”

182 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

This Shie-oo had a spur, like a cock, and when Ta-ywa wrestled
with him, Long-legs came behind, and tripped up Shie-oo, but. his
spur entered the leg of Long-legs, and the blood flowed out like a
river. When Shie-oo fell, Ta-ywa trod him down into the earth till
he was immersed in it; and Long-arms thrust him down as far as his
arms would reach ; and then Long-legs trod him down as far as his
legs would go; and he went down below the earth, and has to carry
the earth to the present time. When the earth quakes, people say:
“ Shie-oo is raising himself.”

Ta-ywa and his associates pursued their journey, and met with an
empty house. After they had sat down, and drank water from a
spout that brought down water from the brook above, they went up
into the house, where they found a guitar. After Ta-ywa had tuned
it, he played and sung:

‘The house is pleasant, is fair ;
The owner is where? Is where? ”

The place where he sat was on the head of a very beautiful girl,
who was hidden in the crevice of the floor, and she pinched him. He
thought an insect had bitten him, and taking a cleaver he opened out
the crevice of the bamboo floor, when he came on the head of the girl.

She said to them: “ Ah, my dear boys, how is it that you are here ?
The great eagle has eaten my father and mother, my friends, and my
brothers. My parents had compassion on me and hid me. How have
you appeared? The great eagle will come and devour you.”

They replied to her: “ My dear girl, do not be afraid. Go beat
out paddy and cook rice for us. So she went and beat out paddy, and
cooked rice, and eat with them.

They asked the girl: “‘ At what time does the great eagle come ?””
She answered: “‘ When the sun passes the meridian, when it is half
way down, and at sun-set.” Then they said: “put up a split bamboo
roof to the house, of seven layers; and below them a layer of iron.”
This was done, and then they made a tin bow, and an iron bow. The
tin bow, they called the silver bow ; and the iron bow, they called the
old bamboo bow. Then they called out to the eagle singing :

“Every thing has the Eagle devoured,
Father, mother, and a wide land.

Has eaten father and mother,
But me in compassion they hid,”

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 183

“ Aha,” the eagle exclaimed, ‘‘ we said all were dead, and now we
have found another quite unexpectedly.” The oldest eagle came, and
the sky became full of clouds. It became dark, it thundered, and
the sun set. The eagle perched on the branch of a large wood-oil
tree, but the branch broke, and it then flew up to the top of the tree
and perched there, where it broke off a branch and picked its teeth
with it, when the arm and leg bones of men fell out between its teeth.

Then it laughed, and said: ‘‘ Aha! I said: can there be any thing
more left? and here is the veriest trifle. Shall I dirty my teeth
with it ?”

Ta-ywa said: ‘Grandfather, you can devour me as a matter of
course, but we try a bamboo, we try a tree. Let us try each other
once.”

The great eagle replied: ‘Why should we try? Be quiet, you
cannot do any thing.” ‘Ta-ywa answered: “ Nevertheless, things are
tried ; let us try.”

The great eagle said: ‘ Well then, how do you wish to try me?”
He replied: “If you can strike through my roof then eat me; but if

you cannot, you shall not eat me.

Then the eagle pulled a feather out of his wing, and with it struck
through the seven layers of bamboo, but it did not go through the
iron.

Ta-ywa immediately took the tin bow, and said to the eagle :
“Where is thy heart?”’” He pointed to a spot on his side. Then
Ta-ywa shot at the spot, but the arrow did not enter; so the eagle
said: “ Ah, you cannot overcome. Wait, let me eat you.”

Ta-ywa said: ‘‘ Grandfather, thou wilt eat me of course, but let me
try a shot with this old bamboo bow.” The eagle answered: “ Eh,
with the bow of glittering white if thou couldst not pierce me, how
wilt thou pierce me with the rusty old bamboo one?”

Ta-ywa said: “I will try a shot. Where is thy heart?” He
replied: ‘‘ My heart is at this variegated spot.” Then Ta-ywa shot,
and the eagle fell dead.

When he had killed one bird, he repaired the roof and made it
stronger than it was at first. Then he called and sung again, and a
second eagle came, with which a similar course was pursued, and it
was killed like the first, and so again with the third and last.

184 Religion de. among the Karens. [No. 3,

Then Ta-ywa ripped open the eagles, and took out the bones he
found in them. The bones of men he placed in one pile, the bones of
women in another, and the bones of the girl’s father and mother in a
third. Elephant bones, he placed by themselves; horses’ bones, he
placed by themselves; oxen’s bones, he placed by themselves ; buffa-
loes’ bones, he placed by themselves; hogs’ bones, he placed by them-
selves; dogs’ bones, he placed by themselves ; fowls’ bones he placed
by themselves. All kinds of animals, he placed their bones in separ-
ate piles.

This done, Ta-ywa made a strap, such as is used in holding a Karen
basket borne on the back, on the head, and with it he struck the fowls’
bones, when the fowls rose to life, and flew crowing away. In like
manner, he struck the bones of each animal, and the animals came to
life again. Last of all, he struck the bones of man, and the men came
to life again. Then Ta-ywa said: “ What has happened to you?”
And they replied: ‘‘ We have been asleep.”

Ta-ywa planted two herbaceous plants, and left Long-legs in charge
of the place, saying, If the plants wither, follow on quickly after me,
and then departed.

He passed on and came to another empty house, where the hall was
full of spiritous liquor. Here the same scenes were enacted as before, —
excepting that the girl was found in a spirit jar, and the destroyers
were tigers. Before leaving, he planted the herbaceous plants, as
before, and left Long-arms in charge.

Again he continued his travels, and met with another house with-
out inhabitant, but he found rice spread out on the verandah to dry,
and a number of pots of spiritous liquor. He sought a bamboo tube
with which to suck it up, and having found one, he notched it at the
bottom and drank. Here he found a handsome girl as before, and
learned that three large Pythons had produced the desolation.

He dug a gallery under ground with seven bends, and put her at
the end. Then he made two swords, and killed two of the serpents as
before; but when he struck the third, the blade of the sword flew out
of the handle, and Ta-ywa ran into the handle which the snak
swallowed. :

Immediately, the plants left behind withered, and Long-legs, and

- Long-arms followed on to the assistance of Ta-ywa. Long-legs went

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 185

kicking down the trees and bamboos as he went along, and the way
being too narrow for Long-arms, he smashed down the trees and bam-
boos with the swing of his arms ; but when they arrived, the Python
had gone away.

Then they called it seven times, and the seventh time it came again.
After the usual discussion, the two attack it, slashing at its head and
tail, and finally killed it. When it was slain, they ripped it open, and
found Ta-ywa in it dead. He was restored to life as others had been
before ; and then he separated from his friends and returned home.

He returned to his grandmother and younger brother, and told the
latter to cook rice, while he went himself to the forks of the river,
where he and his companions had at first dammed up the stream.
When he returned, his brother was boiling fish, and the tail of one
moved up and down by the bubbling of the boiling water as if alive.
He said to his brother : ‘“‘ Why, it is alive! I went to look at the
fish traps at the forks of the river, and have come back ; and why art
thou cooking a live fish?” Then he took his bow, and shot his
brother dead.

He afterwards thought to himself: I ought not to have shot my
brother. Then he set fire to a tuft of reed and ran round the edge of
the horizon three times, and when he got back, the tuft had not done
burning. He said: “I am very quick. I ought not to have killed
my brother,” and he repented.

After this, he was not happy, and he said: “T will kill myself.”
He made a bow, cocked the string, and laid on an arrow, and went to
sleep beneath the arrow as he had set it, aimed at his head. A dove
flying by, hit the cock, and the bow went off. He caught the arrow
flying with his hand; and this was repeated ten times; but at last he
forgot himself, and the arrow hit him.

For three years and three months, he grew very feeble, and at the
end of this period, he called the monkey-tiger; and he sent him to
call the Karens; and he called the Tupaia, and he sent him to call the
Burmans. He loved the Karens more than the Burmans, therefore
he gave the monkey-tiger a crayfish for food, that he might arrive
quickly, because a crayfish is cooked in a short time, and he gave him
a flint that he might get fire readily,

25

186 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 3)

He had not much love for the Burmans, and that they might be
slow in coming, he gave the Tupaia two bits of bamboo to rub
together to obtain fire, and a bit of skin to eat, for it was difficult to
cook, and the bamboos difficult to take fire.

When they departed, the monkey-tiger went up round all the
crooks of the gigantic bean creeper, and slept one night by the way.
When he cooked his crayfish, he said: ‘‘ Why, it is blood red!” And
it was long before he arrived.

But the Tupaia went rapidly. He was very hungry, so he roasted
his skin a little, and eat it; and reached his destination in a short
time. Hence the Burmans reached Ta-ywa first before he expired.
They asked of him, and obtained horses, and elephants, and oxen, and
buffaloes, and their dog asked for ears of paddy as large as the end of
his bushy tail, and three crops a year.

The Karens did not arrive till after Ta-ywa was dead, and burned
to ashes. His mats, and fanning baskets and carrying baskets were
burned up and just their form and variegated patterns left in the ashes,
which the Karens looked upon, and imitated.

Not satisfied, they followed on after the elephants, and tried to get
on to their necks, but could not. Then he commenced driving bam-
boo steps into their legs, as when ascending trees; but this made
them run away. Failing with the elephants, they tried to drag along
the buffaloes with ropes tied to their legs, but could not make them
go; and they tried the oxen with no better success ; but the hog they
succeeded in dragging along ; so the Karens have hogs to this day.

The latter part of this story is versified, as follows :-—

Go poison fish at Po, at Yau,

Go to angle at Po, at Yan.

Great frogs die, thou stayest to cook them,

Great fish die, thou stayest to cook them:

Thou remainest to cook them with thy brother,

To prepare them, thou remainest with thy brother.
Thou doest whatever cometh into thy mind.

Thou cockest the bow, layest on a red arrow,

Thou shootest dead thy younger brother :

Then thou repentest, sorrowfully.

Thou lightest the reed blossom, and boundest away
Three times thou runnest round the horizon,

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 187

Three times thou scamperest round the horizon,
Thon returnest, and the rice is not hot,

Thon returnest, and the fish is not hot.

Thou doest whatever cometh into thy mind :
Thou cockest the bow, layest on a red arrow.
One arrow flies, thou arresteth it in its flight,
Two arrows fly, thou arresteth them in their flight :
Thou forgettest that the arrow is flying,

The arrow hits thy heart.

Three years, three months, thou failest.

Thou sendest the Tupaia to Bamo

Thou sendest the monkey-tiger into the country :
But the monkey-tiger went slowly ;

When the crayfish was cooked, he said: Why, it is red!
The Tupaia went trotting along :

He reached T'a-ywa before he died.

Received extraordinary power to variegate cloth,
To weave beautiful as the Python’s skin,

And have rice crops three times a year ;

Became great and returned to Bamo,

But back went the poor to the hill of Kukoo,

Tponarry.

Though the Karens can tolerate all sorts of absurd legends about
God, yet they cannot endure idolatry. They seem to have no more
sympathy with it than Christian nations. One of the commands of
the elders says: “O children and grandchildren! do not worship
idols or priests. If you worship them, you obtain no advantage there-
by, while you increase your sins exceedingly.”

They regard the Buddhistic religion of their neighbours with con-
siderable contempt. One of the couplets that they sing, referring to
the sleepy looks of the images says :

* Gandama is drowsy,
He cannot save us,”

Far off on the mountains, I have often noticed one and another of
the wild Karens wrapped up in a flashy yellow and tinselled robe,
which he had abstracted from some pagoda; an act that the Burmese
regard as the greatest sacrilege,

ts -

188 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

Some of the Karen stories seem to have been composed to turn the
worship of pagodas into ridicule; as in the following where the
worshippers are represented as taking the language of a rat for that
of their god.

“ There was a lazy dirty Karen young man called Sanken, and he
one day caught a white rat and was about to kill and eat it ; but the
rat spoke up, and said: ‘Do not kill me. I will get you a wife from
among the king’s daughters.’ So he let the rat go, and it ran into a
hole in the royal pagoda.

“When the king came and prayed to the pagoda, he said: ‘ May my
power and glory increase. May my subjects become more numerous.’
Then the white rat in the pagoda replied : ‘ If you will make Sanken
your son-in-law, your power and glory will increase. Your subjects
will become more numerous, your people will multiply.’ The king
supposed it was the image in the niche of the pagoda that spoke to
him, and was astonished. He returned to the palace and told the
Queen what had happened, but she would not believe it ; so they both
went to the pagoda, and the king prayed as before, and received the
same answer in the hearing of the Queen who was then convinced ; and
they gave the lazy dirty Karen, one of their daughters in marriage.”

1865.] Notes and Queries, 189

Notes and Queries.
Zoouoey.

Reliable information has at last been supplied by Dr. Jerdon regard-
ing the workers of one of the Indian species of Dorylus, an Hyme-
nopterous genus, which, as F’. Smith observes in his British Museum
Catalogue, ‘at present (1859) consists of males only.’ The following
extract from the Proceedings of the Entomological Society at their
May meeting will perhaps induce others to carry on Dr. Jerdon’s
observations should opportunity offer.

Mr. F. Smith read the following letter from Mr, T. C. Jerdon :—

“ Lahore, March 16th, 1865.”

“T have at last got hold again, after a long absence, of the speci-
mens of workers of Dorylus, and they are, as you suggested, evidently,
I think, Typhlopone. It is, however, strange to say, quite a Termes
in its habits, working under ground entirely, and never coming outside
except when the males are coming forth winged, when they accom-
pany them in swarms to the holes by which they make their exit,
I first observed the workers at Mhow, in Central India, where they
had undermined a house so completely that the foundation had to be
dug up, and I there saw the winged males (Dorylus) issuing out of
the same holes as the workers. I afterwards saw them twice again ;
the last time in a green-house of the Botanical Garden at Saharunpore,
N. W. Provinces. They were issuing every morning and evening in
great numbers from a hole in the flooring (lime), and several winged
individuals were with them, and these entered houses at night : this
was in February. I have met with Dorylus in every station where I
have been, and it is certainly curious that the workers are so little
known, as they must have been observed occasionally by hundreds of
Europeans. I have a lot in spirits and enclose you three or four in
this letter, enough, I dare say, to show if it is the same species men-
tioned in your ‘ Catalogue,’ T. Curtisii, or not. Dr. Jameson laughed
me to scorn when I talked of digging up the flooring of his pet green-
house, but if I ever get an opportunity of another nest in a get-at-able
situation I will try and get at the mystery of the female. Surely,
however, some of the winged individuals must be females; if not, then

190 Notes and Queries. [No. 3;

the only other conclusion is that the female always remains apterous,
and is impregnated in the nest ; or, if winged, that she is kept a forci-
ble prisoner till her wings drop off. I would have written long ago,
but was separated from the bottle containing the workers.”

Mr. F. Smith thought there was now little doubt that Typhlopone
was the worker of Dorylus, as had been suggested years ago by
Shuckard. The female, however, was still unknown.

Prof. Westwood enquired whether Mr. Smith was acquainted with
the insect which Gerstiicker represented to be the female of Dorylus ;
it was very different from Typhlopone. Mr. Smith replied that he
had never seen the large female in question, but he believed its con-
nexion with Dorylus to be purely conjectural. j

The following discussion took place at the same meeting in regard
to the flashing of fire-flies. Observation, we apprehend, will establish
the irregularity of these flashings, as testified to by Mr. Bates and
Mr. Saunders :—

The Rev. H. Clark read from ‘The Reader’ of the 1st of April,
1865, the following extract from a review of Cameron’s recent work
on ‘ Our Possessions in Malayan India :’—

“ The following account of that very common tropical phenomenon,
the light of the fire-flies, is altogether new to us, and not quite intelligi-
ble.—Does the author mean that the little insects actually keep time
with each other so accurately, that thousands of them scattered over
a shrub or tree all put out their lights at the same instant, and rekin-
dle them with equal punctuality? If so, here is a new insect-wond-
er, before which the economy of bees and ants will sink into insignifi-
cance :—‘ The bushes literally swarm with fire-flies, which flash out
their intermittent light almost contemporaneously ; the effect being
that for an instant the exact outline of all the bushes stands prominent-
ly forward, as if lit up with electric sparks, and next moment all is
jetty dark—darker from.the momentary illumination that preceded,
These flashes succeed one another every three or four seconds for about
ten minutes, when an interval of similar duration takes place, as if
to allow the insects to regain their electric or phosphoric vigour.’
We commend this as a subject of investigation for those naturalists
who are so fortunate as to live among fire-flies.”’

1865.]' Notes and Queries: 191

Mr. Clark added that, though he was utterly unable to give any
explanation of the phenomenon, he could so far corroborate Mr. Ca-
meron as to say that he had himself observed this simultaneous flash-
ing; he had a vivid recollection of a particular glen in the Organ
Mountains, where he had on several occasions noticed the contempora-
neous exhibition and extinction of their light by numerous indivi-
duals, as if they were acting in concert.

Mr. McLachlan suggested that this might be caused by currents of
wind, which, by inducing a number of the insects simultaneously to
change the direction of their flight, might occasion a momentary con-
cealment of their light.

Mr. Bates had never in his experience received the impression of
any simultaneous flashing ; on the contrary, he thought there was the
greatest possible irregularity in giving and extinguishing the light,
and that no concert or connexion existed between different individuals ;
he regarded the contemporaneous flashing as an illusion, produced pro-
bably by the swarms of the insects flying amongst foliage, and being
continually, but only momentarily, hidden behind the leaves. Mr.
Bates further remarked that the light-emitting insects were Lampy-
ride, not Elateride (Pyrophori), which rarely flew by night; the
Lampyride had a weak vacillating flight, the number of species was
very large, and he had himself found eighty or ninety species ; several
species would flit about together, and in the squares of Para he had
captured three distinct species; it would be curious if there were any
concert or action in unison between individuals of different species.

Mr. Clark remarked that the lights of the Lampyride and Elateride
were perfectly distinguishable; it was the former which gave the
intermittent flashing light.

Mr. W. W. Saunders had frequently observed the fire-flies in Ben-
gal, at Pondicherry and at Madras; they usually flew at a height of
ten to fifteen or twenty feet, amongst the foliage; he had never noticed
any flashing or regularity of intermission, and thought that each indi-
vidual was perfectly irregular, and independent in the exhibition or
extinction of its light.

_ M. Sallé (who was present as a visitor) had never observed any
flashing or regular intermittency, or simultaneous emission or extinc-
tion of the light.

192 Notes and Queries. [No. 3,

Prof. Westwood was unable to recall any analogous phenomenon ;
the simultaneity of the flight of Hmpis over standing water seemed
to be the nearest in point.

The following is from our late Curator.
The Inuwus assamensis.

In the Notes and Queries published in the last page of the Society’s
Journal for 1864, Capt. T. Hutton remarks that in my Catalogue of
the species of mammalia in the Society’s museum, I “ make Inuus
assamensis of Maclelland and Inwus pelops of Hodgson to be one and
also, that I “never saw a specimen of Pithex (Inuus)
pelops of Hodgson.”

Referring to my Catalogue, I find that I placed Pithex pelops,
Hodgson, as a synonyme of J. assamensis on the authority of the late
Dr. Horsfield. Vide his Catalogue of the species of mammalia in the
old India-house museum, now at Fyfe House.

the same;”

Capt. Hutton may remember that he brought two living individuals
of what he considered to be JI. pelops to Calcutta, many years ago,
from Mussoorie, which I saw repeatedly in his presence, though not to
much advantage in the small cage in which they were confined.
When his family proceeded to England, those monkeys were shipped 3
but what afterwards became of them, I am unaware.

Did Capt. Hutton ever see a specimen of I, assamensis, that he is
enabled to pronounce so confidently on its specifical distinctness from
I. pelops ?

Not long ago, I examined the original specimen of J. assamensis
procured by McClelland, which still remains unique; and I could not
perceive that it differs in any respect from the common J. rhesus,
excepting that the hind part of the body is not, as usual, strongly
tinged with bright ferruginous or tawny, being uniformly coloured
with the rest ; and my present impression (liable to correction) is, that.
it is merely an individual variety of colour of the common animal of

Lower Bengal.
Indian Rats and Mice.

With reference to my paper on these animals (J. A. 8. XXXII,
327 et seq.), I hoped to have been able to reduce the number of nomi-
nal species considerably, on examination of the specimens in the
British museum and the India museum ; but the less known of them

1865.] Notes and Queries. 193

are generally illustrated by such exceedingly bad and imperfect skins,
that little can be satisfactorily made out from them.

The Mus Hardwickii, Gray, (noticed in p. 330,) rests on a single
specimen in the British museum. It is certainly distinct from Nesokia
indica, having a much shorter tail, measuring (vertebra) but 2} inch ;
the fur dense, shortish, and of uniform length.

M. (?) hydrophilus, Hodgson, (p. 331,) has very soft fur, much
finer than that of NV. indica.

Nesokia Grifithii, Horsfield, (p. 332,) is founded on a young speci-
men of N. indica.

Mus setifer, Horsfield, (p. 334,) is founded on a bad and imperfect
specimen of M. bandicota, (p. 333); but M. setifer apud Cantor, from
Pinang, is very different, being identical with my I. andamanensis
(p. 340.) The small specimen from Malacca in the Society’s museum,
doubtiully referred to M. setifer (in p. 355), is probably the young of
M. andamanensis.

M. brunneus, Hodgson, (p. 335,) as illustrated by a good specimen
in the India museum, is identical with IZ. nemoralis, nobis, (p. 340,)
and Mr. Hodgson’s name holds precedence ; the species being nearly
akin to MZ. alexandrinus.

M plurimammis, Hodgson, (p. 336,) in India museum, is a well
marked species.

“ M. decumanoides, Tem. (nec Hodgson,)” apud Horsfield, (p. 338,)
is the common M. rufescens, (p. 340); and the M. asiaticus, Gray,
(p. 341,) appears to me to be no other.

M. caudatior, Hodgson, and IM. cinnamomeus, nobis, (p. 341,) are,
I think, identical ; but the Nipalese specimens are much less brightly
coloured than those from Burma,

M. peguensis, nobis (p. 845.) I found a specimen of this strongly
marked species, unnamed, from the Philippines, in the Derby museum
of Liverpool.

M. bactrianus, gerbillinus, and Theobaldi, (p. 347,) are identical, as
I suggested ; and I have seen what appears to be the very same mouse
from Syria and N. Africa. The specimen of JZ. bactrianus, originally
described by me, is now in the British museum.

M. Darjeelingensis, Horsfield, (p. 348,) comes exceedingly close to
M. strophiatus, H. (p. 349); and M. terricolor, nobis, to I. minutoides
of 8. Africa,

194 Notes and Queries.

M. rama, Cantor; Syn. M. musculus apud Cantor, from Pinang.
Akin to JJ. musculus, but more deeply coloured; the tail (vertebra)
2? inch, with about 24 distinguishable vertebre. A miniature of
WM. concolor, ( . 344).

This is a small further contribution towards the elucidation of the
difficult group of Indian mwide ; and little or no progress can be
made in the investigation of the series until much better specimens
are available for examination.

E. Buytu.

Mineratoey.

Syepoorite. In all works on Mineralogy, a simple sulphide of
Cobalt, Co. 8, is said to occur in Rajpootana and to be used by Indian
jewellers for giving a red colour to gold. In a recent paper in the
Journal by Col. J. C. Brooke, mention is made of a cobalt ore, a sul-
phuret, occurring with Copper ore at Khetree. Is this Syepoorite ?
There is not a specimen in any of the principal museums of Europe,
or at least there was not a few years since, and should a careful ana-
lysis confirm the chemical composition assigned to the mineral, it is

very desirable that specimens should be distributed.
W. T. Buanrorp.

JOURNAL

OF THE

=PrATIG SOCIETY.

——<e-—
Part IL—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

eee

No. 1V.—1865.

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens.—
By Rev. F. Mason, D. D.
[Continued from page 188, Part II. No. 3.]
MYTHOLOGY.

Fourure Srate.

Karen ideas of a future state are confused, indefinite, and contra-
dictory. They seem to be a melee of different systems. That
which appears to me indigenous Karen, corresponds to the notions of
the American Indians. It represents the future world as a counter-
part of this, located under the earth, where the inhabitants are
“employed precisely as they are here. When the sun sets on earth, it
‘rises in the Karen Hades; and when it sets in Hades, it rises on this

‘world. The following story is.adduced by the Karens as proof of the
accuracy of this cosmology. ‘

“The elders say: There was a man who had a wife that he loved;
‘and she loved him in return. His wife died, which distressed him
beyond measure, and he said. ‘If there be any one that will raise
her up to life again, I will give him whatever he may ask.’

“A prophet or necromancer was found, who raised his wife from the
grave, and restored her alive to her home in the night. She pursued
her usual daily avocations throughout the night, but as soon as day-
light appeared she died again, and remained dead all day, but revived
at eve and went to work as people usually do inthe morning. This
course she pursued constantly. Hence it is manifest, that people in
the next world work just as they do in this.”

26

196 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4, ©

To these ideas are appended others that appear to have been
originally derived from the Hindus. They say that Hades has a king,
or judge, who stands at the door to admit or reject those who apply
for admission into his kingdom. He decides the future of each.
Those who have performed meritorious works are sent to the regions of
happiness above; but those that have done wickedness, such as
“striking father or mother,” are delivered over to the king of hell
who is in waiting, and who casts them down into hell; while those
who have neither performed deeds of merit, nor are guilty of great
crimes, are allotted a place in Hades. The Sgaus call this personage
Yu, or Tha-mie-Yu and the Bghais Tha-ma. Both are probably derived
from the Hindu Ya-ma; and his office and duties are as old as the
earliest records we have of the Egyptian religion.

Tue Sprrrr Wortp.

To a Karen, the world is more thickly peopled with spirits, than it
is with men, and the occasions on which his faith requires him to make
sacrifices and offerings to these unseen beings are interminable.

Every human being has his guardian spirit walking by his side,
or wandering away in search of dreamy adventures; and if too long
absent, he must be called back with offerings.

Then the spirits of the departed dead crowd around him, whom he
has to appease by varied and unceasing offerings, to preserve his life
and health.

Again there are all the conspicuous objects of the material world
—the lofty mountain, the wide river; the shady tree and the inac-
cessible pricipice, every one of which, by the awe they inspire,
demands reverence and respect from human beings, and punishes each
breach of etiquette with sickness or death. These too must be
propitiated.

Thus, though the Karens haye no cumbrous written ritual of ser-
vices and ceremonies, like the Mahommedans, the Brahmins and the
Buddhists ; they have yet an oral liturgy of observances, as burden
some as the services of the ancient Egyptians or the Mosaic ritual.

Guarpian SprRits.

The word in Karen that designates the heart is also used for the
mind and soul. The seat of all moral qualities is in the heart, an
death is designated as the departure of the heart from the body,

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 197

Some German critics say, that “ Psyche, in Homer, signifies only the
breath and the life; never, as in the language of later times, the spirit
or soul. Yet it goes to Hades and continues to live there.” There is
something like Psyche, as thus defined, in Karen Psychology ; yet m
many points more like the genius of the Latins; but differing as it
does from both, it will be better in this paper to designate it by its
native name; and explain it by its attributes. The Pwas call it La,
the Bghais Lai, the Sgaus Ka-li, and the Red Karens Yo.

This La existed before man was born, comes into the world with
him, remains with him until death, lives after death, and for aught
that appears to the contrary, is immortal. Yet no moral qualites are
predicated of it. It is neither good nor bad, but is merely that which
gives life to mortality.

The Las of a part of the dead remain on earth and become mischiev-
ous spirits ; others go to Hades, where they are employed as on earth ;
others goto hell, where they suffer punishment; while others go to
the Deva heavens, where they enjoy happiness.

Although in this state, the La and the man himself, the Ego, are
said to be distinct ; yet in nearly all the representations of the future

_ state, the man seems to be absorbed in the La; and inconsistent as it
_ is with previous representations, it then appears equivalent to the soul.
: _ Sometimes it is spoken of as the man, before being united with the
body. Thus a Bghai writes :

“The elders say: ‘The God of the whole human race resides at
the foot of the sun, at the foot of the moon; anid people who are born
are sent by God, and people who die are called back by God.’

“Men at the beginning are in the presence of God, and he sends
them forth; but before sending them, he tries their courage. He

es a sword and lays it across an abyss asa bridge, with the edge

uppermost, and orders them to walk over it. Those who dare to

walk across it, are bold; and God sends them into the world men,
hose who, after being urged two or three times, dare not go, God

- into the world women.

_ “ When God sends them forth, he gives commands in relation to the

times and the seasons of their return. It is related that a prophet, or

necromancer, looking into the world of spirits, on one occasion saw
seven men and two women coming into the world, and he heard them
talking with each other, The first man said, ‘God has ordered me to

198 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

go and return.’ The second said: ‘God has ordered me to return,
alter Tam able to draw water.’ The third said: ‘ God has ordered
me to return,-after I am able to weed.’ The fourth said: ‘ God has
ordered me to return, after [am able to make it easy for my father
and mother.’ The fifth said: ‘‘ God has commanded me to return,
after I am able to go to the Burman and Shan country.’ The sixth

said: ‘God has commanded me to return, after I am able to cultivate
paddy for my father and mother.’ The seventh said: ‘God has com-
manded me to return, after I have married.’

“The prophet said that after this he saw them all born on earth,
all boys, and he noted that they all died one after another, as he heard
them say in his vision.

“ Of the two women, he said one carried two Kyee-zees, and the
other a basket on her back, and a spinning wheel and distaff in her
hand. The first one he heard say: ‘ God has commanded me to stay
with my Kyee-zees, till I am white-headed.’ The other one said:
‘God has commanded me to spin thread and prepare cotton, till I am
white-headed.’ The prophet said he saw both born in this world
females; and the one came in possession of two Kyee-zees, and the
other spun thread and carded cotton, in accordance with his vision.”

According to a Sgau authority, the La promises God, before it comes —
into the world, that it will die by one or other of seven things it says .
‘* T will die in the mouth ofa tiger. IfIdo not die in the mouth of
a tiger, I will die of some kind of sickness. I I donot die of disease,
I will die by drowning. If I am not drowned, I will die by the hand
of man. If I am not killed by man, I will die by a fall. If I am not
killed by a fall, I will die by a blow. If I am not struck dead, I will
die of old age.” ‘

The La sometimes appears after death, and cannot then be distin-
guished from the person himself. One story says :

‘“« After a certain woman’s husband had gone to the city, she died.
On his return home, he met her La in the road, and taking it for his
wife in the body, he said: ‘Where art thou going?’ She replied:
‘T am going to see my father and mother.’ He was not at all awar
that it was her La, and she said to him, ‘ Thou hast a long way to
go, let us spend the night together here:’ He consented, and t
obtain food for their supper, she went and asked it of her children,
but they did not see her,

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. » 199

“ Though they did not see her, they still had some indications of
her presence. While her daughter was beating out paddy, all the
paddy suddenly leaped out of the mortar, and a fowl suddenly dropped
down dead.

“ The man and his wife eat and drank together, and in the morning
separated, to pursue their several journeys.

“ When the husband got back to his house, he found his wife dead,
and his children and neighbours preparing for the funeral. Then the
truth rushed on his mind, and he said: ‘ Children, I met your mother
last evening in the road, and we spent the night together. She was
going on a visit, but alas it was her La. Had I but knownit, I would
have called her back.”

Although the body and the La are represented as matter and
spirit, yet in the following story, materiality seems to be possessed by
the La.

“ A certain woman sickened and died, while her husband was absent
ona journey. While he was returning home, he met her La on the
way and asked: Where art thou going? She replied: ‘Iam going
to visit my parents.’ He then slapped her on the face with his hand, and
she came to herself again and returned with her husband home.

“ When they arrived at their house, they found the people mourning
over her body ; but she immediately entered the body, and it came to
life again as before.”

: The La may be separated from the person to which it belongs during

life. In sleep it wanders away to the ends of the earth, and our
~ dreams are what the La sees and experiences in his perambulations.
~ When absent in our waking hours, we become weak, fearful, sick, and
_ if absence be protracted, death ensues. Hence it is a matter of the
deepest interest with a Karen to keep his La with him ; and he is ever
~ and anon making offerings of food to it, beating a bamboo to gain its
. attention, calling it back, and tying his wrist with a bit of thread,
f which is supposed to have the power to retain it.
: _ The forms differ in different tribes, though the thing is substantially
the same. A Bghai writes :
“Should a person be often sick; if he cannot walk without being
weary, or work without feeling exhausted ; if he has no appetite for

his food; if he pines away, and has a sallow countenance ; it is said
that his La has left him,”

200 . Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

Then his friends take a fowl and a garment of the invalid’s, and
they spread a mat down at the top of the steps. The garment they
place at the top of the steps, and taking a stick with which they stir
the boiling rice, they strike the steps, saying :

“ Mr, A. B., thy La has left thee, thy La has gone away. It is
going to and fro; going to the Shans, going to the Burmese; and
hence thou art afraid. Thy La has gone away, and thou art startled,
thou art not strong, thou art not vigorous, thou art depressed, thon
art heartless, thou hast a sallow countenance, thou hast a cough,
thou hast difficulty in breathing, thou art weak, thou art weary, thy
head is bald.

‘ Now Ia, I call thee, beat for thee. Here is the great hen-bird,
here the great male fowl. Come, come, come. Come and dwell in
thy dry place, in thy pleasant location, in thy house, as water tight as
the bottle gourd, to thy divan, to thy bedstead. Come and eat the
flesh of the female bird, the flesh of the male fowl.’

After the fowl is cooked, the fowl and rice are set out, and the sick
man is made to take hold of the fowl’s head, when his wrist is tied
with a thread, and then the above prayer is repeated. The string
is then cut off, the end unravelled, and the cotton pulled from it
and scattered on the head of the sick man, with the following
blessing :

‘ Mayest thou live till thy head is white, and thy teeth broken,
like this string !’

At the Sgau funerals, the presence of the La is said to be manifested
thus. One end of a slender erect bamboo is attached to the bone of
the deceased that has been taken from the funeral pyre. A small
thread with alternate tufts of cotton and bits of charcoal, with a metal
ring, or bangle, at the extremity is tied to the other end, which makes
the bamboo bend down in a curve; and under the bangle, nearly
touching it, is a brass bason containing a boiled egg.

The closing ceremony of the bone feast, is calling the La of the
deceased, which is supposed to be hovering around till the funeral
rites are completed ; when, should it respond to the call, it is bidden-
to depart in peace to Hades. :

When the apparatus has been put in order, the relatives of the dead |
approach in succession and strike the edge of the brass cup with a bit
of bamboo ; and when the one that was most beloved touches the cup,

1865.] Religion de. among the Karens. 201

the La responds by twisting and stretching the string till it breaks,
and falls into the cup; or at least shakes and rings against it,

A hundred witnesses could be produced, who have seen it done.
Indeed the thread is of such slender material that a very little legerde-
main would be required to break it under the weight of the bangle,
and the bamboo is so slender, that still less would be necessary to
make it spring up and down, and hit against the sides of the cup.
But I have watched the whole ceremony, kept the crowd away from
the machinery, and there was no more answer to the calls, than there
was to the cries of the priests of Baal before Elijah.

Prophets, or Necromancers, are said to have the power of going into
the invisible world, and bringing back the La, when it has wandered
away ; but the Elders warn their children against unrighteous prophets,
who for the sake of gain, when they cannot find the La of the sick
person, will bring the La of some other person in its place ; by which
the disease is aggravated.

Thus it would appear that a person may have another one’s La.

The La is sometimes supposed to take the form or to inhabit insects.
Thus when insects are flying around a light at night, the wish is often
expressed that the Lis of beasts and demons may be burnt to death,
while the Las of human beings may avoid the fire and escape. Here
when an insect flies into the fire, it is said to be the La of a beast, but

when it hovers around and flies away, it is regarded as the La of
a human being.
_ According to the representations of some, but the idea does not

_ prevail extensively, each person has seven Las that are constantly

‘devising his death; which is only prevented by a guardian spirit

that sits on his head. When that spirit jumps down, the man is lost,
for then one or other of the Las rushes on him and kills him. These
Lis seem to be the personifications of evils, natural or moral.

_ They are madness, epilepsy, lechery, wrath, the exhibition of dreams,
the bearer of diseases andlanguor. ‘ If our mad Li comes, we become
insane ; if our epileptic La comes, we are seized with epilepsy ; if our
Techerous La comes, we become lost to shame; if our wrathful La
comes, we are filled with anger, malice, and commit murder ; if the
shower of dreams comes, we are overwhelmed with dreams; if the
bearer of sickness comes, we are prostrated by disease ; and if languor
comes, we feel unable to do anything,

202 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

The La is not confined to human beings; as has been previously
intimated, every living thing has its La. When sitting by the fire at
night, and an insect flies into it and is burnt to death, a Karen will
say: ‘ There the La of some animal has leaped into the fire and
burnt itself to death. We shall have meat curry to-morrow. The
snares and traps have caught something.”

Plants too have their Las; and when the paddy appears sickly, it
is said that its La has been devoured or led away, and it is called
back in the following form : z

“ La of large grained paddy, full grained paddy, come! [If at the
forks of the Salween and Sitang, come! Tif in the west, come! If in
the east, come! If in the mouth of the bird, come! If in the mouth
of the squirrel, come! If in the mouth of the monkey, come! If in
the mouth of the hog, come! If in the mouth of the rat, come! If
in the mouth of the elephant, come! If in the mouth of the dove,
come! Ifin the mouth of the sparrow, come! If in the mouth of
the porcupine, come! If at the sources of the streams, come! Ti at
the mouths of the streams, come! If in Siam, come! If at Ava, —
come! If at the corner of the kingdom, at the corner of the land,
come! Come, come, comE, and dwell in the barn, come and reside in —
the granary.”

Even inanimate things that can be put to useful objects, such as
instruments, are supposed to have their Las. So if a man drops his
axe while up a tree, he looks below and calls out: ‘‘ La of the axe,
come, come.”

Looking then at La in all its usages, it seems to be the personifica-
tion of the life, or efficiency of a person, or thing.

Departed Spirits.

The spirits of the dead resolve themselves into two great classes.
Those who are not permitted to go to Hades, corresponding very
nearly to the European notions of ghosts; and the spirits of the ances-
tors of the Karens, who, on going to Hades, were awarded, on account
of their good deeds, a place in the heavenly world, where they exercise
a kind watch-care over their descendants on earth. The offerings an
prayers made to these beings seem to correspond to the Chinese worshi
of ancestors.

|

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 203

Guosts.
The unburied dead.

The Greeks. and Romans believed that those who were deprived of
funeral rites, wandered about, and were not allowed to enter Hades ;
80 it is no marvel to find this now to be the popular faith in Europe ;
but it is not a little remarkable to find precisely the same rites preva-
lent among the Karens.

The Las of those who have been deprived of funeral rites, the Ka-
rens suppose, wander about on earth, and occasionally show themselves
to men as ghosts.

The following story illustrates the character of these ghosts :—

“Tt is related that a man was travelling and lost his way. When
night overtook him, he made a fire at the foot of a large tree, and
then ascending it, he built himself a little booth among its branches
in which to spend the night. Before he got to sleep, he heard the
ghosts calling to each other, and, thinking they were the voices of
men, he replied to them.

“So soon as the ghosts heard him, one came upon him, and wrestled
with him, and was repeatedly on the point of throwing him down, but
he had a comb in his hair which in the struggle fell down into the
fire below, and the stick-lac in the comb burnt with a very strong
smell. This smell made the ghost cough and sneeze, cough and
sneeze, till he could endure it no longer, when it ran away, and left
him. Had it not been for the smell of the stick-lac, the man would

have lost his life, and by this incident we know that ghosts are afraid
of the smell of stick-lac.”

_ The sight of a ghost may be obtained by the possession of a skull,
or part of one.

_ “Formerly,” say the Karens, ‘there was a Burman killed by light-
“ning, and a Burman picked up a bit of his skull, and bringing it
home put it in the ashes in the fireplace. In the night it became
a man, came out of the ashes, and walked about the house, making a
‘noise like the treading of a man, and the wife and children of the man

were greatly afraid. In the morning it entered the ashes again, and
became a bit of skull bone as before.’

Some persons, we are told, breed ghosts. ‘If a person goes and
takes the skull of a corpse, it becomes a ghost, and the possessor can

27

204 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

use the ghost to kill any one with whom he is angry. In the day
time, it is a skull, or a bit of a one; but in the night, it is a man.
None raise ghosts but wicked men and murderers.”

Spirits of those who died by violence.

Another class of ghosts, with a distinctive name, are those who
have died violent deaths; ‘“‘ who have been shot, died by the sword,
died by falls or drowning ; have been killed by elephants or devoured
by tigers.’ The Las of these people do not go to Hades, but remain
on earth preying on the Las of men. Hence they are propitiated with
offerings, to induce them to free the Las they may have seized. To
the previous class of ghosts no offerings are made.

Nearly related to the preceding are the ghosts of wicked men who
have been unjust rulers, or who have suffered death at the hands of
justice for their crimes. They are regarded as taking the forms of
birds and beasts; and when persons dream of elephants, horses, dogs,
vultures, Burmans, or Burmese priests, they are said to see these
ghosts. Unaccountable sounds and sights in the jungles are also attri-
buted to them.

Varied offerings are made to these last classes of ghosts, of which
the following is a specimen :—

After food has been set out for an oblation, the sick is sprinkled
with powdered charcoal, and the following prayer is made :—

“‘ Here is property, receive the property, Talaing ghost, Burman
ghost, horse ghost, elephant ghost, wild dog ghost, felis ghost, wood-
pecker ghost, you call re re, ro ro at the foot of the paddy mortar, by
the pile of chaff, at the brook, at the place of drawing water. This
person going to the bank, going to draw water, going to the new field,
going to the old field, you have speared him, you have shot him, you
have struck him, you have beat him, you have switched him, you have
whipped him, you have beset him. Pluck out the head of your arrow,
pluck out the blade of your spear, pot up the wound, heal the gash,
Let him be cool as water; let him sleep and be comfortable.”

Guosts’ Doa.

The wood-pecker is said to be the ghosts’ dog, and employed to
hunt up game for them.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 205

“Tt is related that formerly two men travelling were overtaken by
night in a mountain gorge, where they built up a little booth in
which to sleep. After dark, the wood-pecker screamed, and the men
heard the ghosts saying to each other : ‘ The dog barks.’

“Thinking it was other men speaking, the travellers hallooed in
reply, when the ghosts said: ‘ The monkeys are leaping, let us shoot,’
and immediately the snap of a bow was heard. Instantly one of the
men was seized with a severe fit of shivering ; and he went home in
the morning and died.”

Hence the wood-pecker is a bird of omen, and when a Karen hears
it scream, he cries out: “ Wood-pecker, shun me afar off. Shun my
house, shun my road, shun my way, shun my field, shun my garden,
shun the roof of my house, shun my place, shun my stream, shun my
brook, shun the place where I draw water. Shun me, keep afar off,
go thine own way, thine own road.”

Spratts of ANCESTORS.

The Karens suppose that their parents who have performed merito-
rious acts go to a place of happiness above, which seems to correspond
to the Deva heavens of the Buddhists. The existence of God the
original Creator of all things is quite ignored, and he appears to have
no place in it. It has its rulers and its subjects; and one of the names

applied to them is the Burmese designation of Indra, the king of the
Deva heavens.

These beings are supposed to preside over births and marriages, and

to exercise a general watch care over their children on earth; and the
Karens make offerings to them, as their deified ancestors.

There are different classes of worshippers or sects, as they may be
denominated, who make different kinds of offerings. One set of wor-
‘ shippers offers only rice and vegetables ; another offers fowls, another

hogs, and another oxen or buffaloes. Those who sacrifice animals,

“sometimes offer all three as different rites, but those who offer rice
and vegetables never offer sacrifices.

These different rites are hereditary in different families of the same
or of different tribes. Those whose ancestors offered bloodless offerings,
offer bloodless offerings; and those whose progenitors sacrificed ani-
mals, sacrifice animals.

206 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

In the Tenasserim provinces, none are found who sacrifice oxen or
buffaloes. At Toungoo, I have not met with those that offer only rice
and vegetables; and among the Red Karens, the Bghai rite in which
a hog alone is sacrificed is unknown.

There is much confusion in the minds of the Karens in relation to
the character of the beings addressed, and contradictory statements are
made by different tribes, and by different individuals of the same
tribe, and much diversity prevails in the forms and prayers.

The following is a Sgau prayer, when offering a fowl :—

“‘ Mothers and fathers, The-klu, I will offer you a great cock with
a spur fit to stick a rice mortar upon. Take away sickness, take away
disease, take away laziness, take away inefficiency, take away sleepi-
ness, take away drowsiness, take away inability to obtain, take away
inability to make a living, take away unsuccessfulness, take away
want of success, take away debasedness, take away wretchedness, take
away the whole.”

The Bghai forms, given below, are used when the sacrifice is a hog,
but the Bghais do not seem to have any definite ideas of the Beings
to whom the offerings are made; much less so than the Sgaus. They
require that the officiating priest shall be a woman, the oldest of the
family. The husband has nothing to do in the matter; the woman ~
and her relatives are the only parties concerned. If the husband is
rich, he has to look to his own relatives to make the necessary offer-
ings for him, in which he joins. A Bghai writes:

“The first thing is to brew or distil spirits for three days. Then a
little table is made with four bamboo posts. Leaves of a plant of the
ginger tribe are next rolled up in a sugar loaf form, and three joints
of bamboos are cut off even. Spirits are then poured into these three
bamboos, and the conical rolls of leaves with bamboo bottles of drink
are all set upright on the table. Then a living hog is put on a fan-
ning basket.

“The head of the offering, or priest, is a woman, and she takes one of
the conically rolled leaves, and, turning to the table, she prays to Yau,
as if he were present there. She prays thus:

“OQ, Yau-peu, thou dost now devour the whole family. We feed

hee with old spirits, and a great hog. Heal us, watch over us, de
fend us. When we fall, raise us up; when we slip down, set us u

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 207

again. Make us strong, make us vigorous; all of us. When we fall
on the wood, hew it through; when we fall into the coffin, split it
open, [%. e. raise us up from the point of death]. Establish us, make
us immoveable. Let not plots, let not devices against us succeed.
Let us have large crops, let us have good paddy. Let us have little
grass, let us have few weeds. Let our labour be light, let us eat
whatever we want. Let us succeed in our works; let us eat with
little work. Let the effects of our labours increase, let our produce
swell up, like rice in boiling. Let us ascend to the tops of the moun-
tains, let us descend to the depths of the valleys. Let us spear hogs,
let us seize captives. Let us purchase kyee-zees, let us dig out the
pangolin, [7. e. let us accomplish difficult things]. In the water, let
us be great rocks; on land, let us be large wood-oil trees. Let not the
tiger seize us, let not the tiger kill us. When the tiger would leap on
us, may he growl; when man would seize us, may he cough. When
tigers would leap on us, may they wait for each other; when men
would seize us, may they feel abashed. Let us devour a stream to its
source, let us eat a creek to its mouth, [¢. e. get possession of the
whole valley]. Let us eat up the rock to atoms, let us eat the sand
to dust, [7. e. overcome every difficulty].”

The priestess next lays her left hand on the neck of the hog, and
with her right, she grasps the hand of the oldest person in the com-
pany, and shaking it slowly up and down, she repeats the above

prayer. In this way, she goes round the whole company from the
~ oldest to the youngest, repeating the prayer with each.

_ The hog is killed next, but it is not killed with a knife or spear ;
_ but a sharpened bamboo is forced into it on the right side, under the
fore leg. When the bristles have been singed off, a part of the flesh
‘ is cooked with rice flour in a chatty, and a part in joints of bamboo ;
: but the head is hung up whole on the posts of the table.

When the rice and meat is spread out, the priestess shakes hands
again with each one, and prays as before. She then tastes the food,
and after her the others taste it in succession, from the oldest to the

youngest.

This done, they rise up, and the priestess tastes the spirits; and, as
before, all the rest follow her example according to seniority. After
this they all return to the food again.

208 Religion &e. among the Karens. | [No. 4,

At evening, the stomach of the hog is roasted, and all taste of it, in
the manner described above.

Next morning at dawn, they take the posts of the table, and throw-
ing them away endwise, as they would throw a javelin, into the earth
without the village, they say: ‘ Now it is done, it is finished. Go
thy way, return to thy place.”

After it is light, they cook the head of the hog, and eat it with any
meat that may be left. On that day the people do not go away from
the house.

Witcures and WIzARDs.

Next in order to the spirits of the departed dead, in Karen mytho-
logy are their witches and wizards; but witches, among the Karens,
are not persons who have made a compact with Satan, as European
believers in witchcraft suppose, but persons possessed with a demon
which they call Na, and the Red Karens Ne. The name does not
correspond to the Burmese Nat, as some have thought, which denotes
an entirely different being, but is equivalent to the Burmese Sung.

According to one myth, the Na is an animal that God commanded
man to eat at the beginning, with other animals, but neglecting to do
so, it became invisible and now eats him.

According to another legend, it is a human stomach ; those possessed
of Nas having stomachs, while others are destitute of that organ.
One story represents a woman, who had incontinently married a man
possessed of a Na, as saying: “I saw his stomach under his finger
nail, but thought it was an insect.”

One man, with a Na, was observed when asleep to be without a
head, and to eat and breathe from the top of his neck. These are
headless demons in the Hindoo mythology.

A person possessed of a Na is said to devour people, but it is the
La, or vital principle that it devours, not the body. When it eats the
eyes of another, the eyes remain, but they are blind; the matter is
left, but the life has gone.

Sometimes the stomach is represented as going about devouring
men, but more often the act is attributed to the person. One possess-
ed by a Na sees men as beasts, and their eyes as fruit.

In one story, a young man had married a woman with a Na, and

ae

1865. ] Religion &c. among the Karens. 209

soon after marriage, she was seized with an intense longing for glitter-
ing fruit.’ He brought her all the fruits he could find, but none
were of the right kind; and she sent him off to her mother, who
lived in another village to ask her for some. Her mother said she
knew what her daughter wanted, and told her son-in-law to go and
visit the neighbours till she procured some for her. The old woman
then went to pounding rice in a mortar before the house, when the
children, who were playing around, came up, peered down into the
mortar and said: ‘“ Grandmother, what are you pounding here?” and
as each one looked down into the mortar, an eye dropped in, and the
children were suddenly struck blind. After she had thus obtained a
sufficient quantity, she gathered them up, put them into a hollow
bamboo, and sent them to her daughter by her son-in-law, with the
charge that he should not. unstopper it and look in by the way. He
did, however, when half way home, pull out the cork and look in,
when he saw the eyes rolling about, and some of them jumped out,
of the bamboo; and the eyes of the children that escaped were
restored to sight again. Those that remained he carried to his wife,
who devoured them with great: relish.

Human beings often appear to a person possessed of a Na as rats,
and are devoured as such. In one story a man is represented as
going to the field, followed by his child, and on reaching the foot of a
large tree, the power of the Na came upon him and he devoured his
little boy, thinking him to be arat. He then returned to his house,
and brought back with him his other child, which he devoured in the
same place that he had eaten up its brother. He next went and
brought the mother to the scene of his former barbarities, but left her
there a little while to look for a club to kill her, In the interval, a
lizard in the tree that had witnessed the death of the children, told

- her what had occurred, and drew her up the tree out of her husband’s

reach. When he returned, and could not get at his wife, he was so
enraged that he began to devour his own flesh, and eat up his arms
and legs close to the body.

A person possessed of a Na has the power to take the form of

~ another. In one story, an old man asks his nephew in the morning,

why he came and shampooed him so severely during the night. The
nephew declared he had not been near him, and gave his uncle a sword

210 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

to smite the visitor if he came again. The next night, the supposed
nephew was at the old man’s bedside again, and his uncle looked at
him from head to foot, and he seemed to be his nephew so accurately
in every part, that he could not use the sword against him. In the
morning the nephew called, and asked if he had cut down his visitor.
“No,” he replied, ‘‘ he was from one end to the other so exactly like
thee, that I did not dare to strike him.” The young man sharpened
up his sword and made his uncle promise to cut down the man when
he came again without hesitation. This he did, and struck off his
head at a single blow, when he immediately disappeared. Next
morning it was reported that a man had died in the village during
the night, and when the nephew went to look at the body, behold it
was headless ;° ‘‘ so he then knew that a Na had attempted to devour
his uncle.”

The interchange of persons is sometimes represented as a change
of skins. It is related that—

“ Anciently there was a woman possessed of a N&a whose name was
Po-kla, and she was as black as a crow. She would exchange skins
with other people; and when she met with a woman with a white
skin, she would put on the white skin and clothe its owner with her
own black skin.”

In one story she is said to be the black slave of a young man of
property that went abroad and brought home a handsome white wife.
Soon after his return, Po-kla succeeded in exchanging skins with her
mistress, and took her place as her master’s wife, without her master
suspecting the change. The mistress was now beaten and cruelly
used by her former slave.

At the time of early paddy, she was sent into the field to drive
away the birds; when all the doves and little birds came around her
daily. She charged the birds not to eat the paddy, and she had no
occasion to run after them, for they remained with her in the booth all
day long. She ordered the dove to go and bring her fragrant oil
from her grandmother’s house ; but when the dove reached there, she
broke her wings, and for a long time she was unable to return. So
soon, however, as the wings healed, she picked up the bamboo joint,
which contained the fragrant oil, unobserved, and flew away with it
to her mistress. Her mistress anointed herself with the oil, and be-
came herself again, and even more beautiful.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. Pak

She then went and told her husband that she was his true wife and
the other woman his slave, as he might know by looking at her tongue,
which he would find to be black. It was found difficult, however, to
obtain a sight of her tongue, for she was aware of the consequences.
All attempts to make her laugh failed, but they struck her suddenly,
when she screamed and exposed her tongue, which was seen a jet black.
Her master then slew her with the sword.

Then he wished to live with his true wife again, but she said he
had defiled himself by his connection with the black slave, and she
would have nothing to do with him, till he had steeped himself in
water seven days and seven nights. He agreed to do the prescribed
penance; but after he had been in the water one day and one night,
he was almost dead with cold, and could scarcely speak, so his wife
had compassion on him, took him out of the water, warmed him by
the fire, and lived with him happily ever afterwards.

The sensation in sleep, called “night mare,” is produced, the
Karens say, by a Na being seated on the region of the stomach; an
idea very analogous to that received anciently in Europe of its origin.

Such an evil influence is supposed to emanate from persons possessed
of Nas, that their praise is deemed injurious to the person or thing
possessed. If one looks on a piece of grain and says: “This is a
very fine field ;” the grain withers, and becomes sickly. If he says
to a parent: “ You have nice children ;” the children become sick
and perhaps die.

Hence it is not always safe to praise the Karens or their possessions ;
for if any accident happens to them subsequently, there is great

‘danger that the person who praised them will be reputed a Na.

The belief in the existence of these Nas is still very strong, and
the persons ‘who possess them are deemed worthy of death.
_ A few years ago, two young men appeared before a Karen Goung-
Khyruk in Mergui with a charge against a man of having a Na. The
Magistrate’s reply was of such acharacter, that they immediately went
and killed the man in open day.

Lorps.

In Karen mythology, every natural object has its lord or god in
the signification of its possessor or presiding spirit. There is not only
28

212 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

a lord of the earth, but there is also a lord to every country and
land and district.

Lorp or tue Harts.

The lord of the earth appears to be confounded with the king of
Hades, and clearly comes from the Hindu pantheon, but probably
through the Buddhists. The Sgaus furnish the following account of
him :—

“The lord of the earth existed at the creation of the world, and
the elders say, he rules over the whole world. If we go to a distant
region, and swear or use foul language, he makes the tigers devour
us, or the serpents bite us, or brings sickness upon us. Hence, if we
go to another district, or into the jungle, we are afraid’ to speak
unadvisedly, or to use bad language. We fear the lord of the earth —
will hate us. Therefore before we eat, we offer him a little of our
food, and pray : ‘ Lord of the earth, eat first and preserve us, O lord!’

“Tf we transgress in our language, while in a distant land, the :
lord of the earth will kill us before dark; but if we are in our own
country, and are guilty of swearing or using indecent words, we make
him an offering and pray: ‘ We are dark ignorant people. Whatever
transgressions we may have been guilty of in our words by swearing
or obscenity, do not, O lord, set against us. We will make offerings
to thee annually, every year. If we do not die, your lordship shall _
eat of our food continually and of our children’s food, generation on
generation.’ ”’

The spirits which are denied admittance into Hades and are con-
demned to become evil spirits on earth, are regarded as the servants
of the god of the earth, and employed to execute his orders.

Among the Sgaus in the south, an annual festival» usually in
January, is observed, for making offerings to this god and his followers.

The Bghais observe a similar custom, but it is varied a little.
Once in three years is the usual period for its performance; but in
calamitous times once in two years, while a succession of good crops
and general prosperity will delay it to four or five years. The Bghai
festival is held, when the paddy is well up, about the month of July.

As the rite has been described to me, the first thing done is to.
take a hog to a central position in the village lands, and placing it

1865.] Religion dc. among the Karens. 213

under a Eugenia tree, there erect a booth. The Eugenia is chosen
because regarded as a more holy tree than any other. The booth is
for the “ four heads of the sacrifice,” or priests, and elders to occupy.

When the booth is built, every man cuts three bamboos, one long
one to represent a post in his barn, and two short ones which he ties
to the long one, to represent the height to which he wishes his crop
of paddy to reach when it is gathered into his barn. Then he makes
in miniature, a paddy bin, a long pen, a hen coop, a trap, and a
snare.

‘When these preparatory measures have been taken, one of the
heads of the sacrifice calls the people together, and all the men
assemble about the booth. The most wealthy elders sit together with
“the heads of the sacrifice’ in the booth, but the young people and
the poor stay without. No women are allowed to be present.

The ceremonies are introduced by “ the head of the sacrifice” taking
a small branch of the Eugenia tree in his hand, when all present
imitate him and take a leafy sprig of the tree. The leader lifts his
clasped hands to heaven with the sprig between them, and prays;
when all follow his example, each asking in his prayers for whatever
he most desires.

After the prayers, the head of the sacrifice rises up, and taking a
spear, spears the hog to death. So soon as the blood begins to flow,
all the people jump up, and each one seizes his bamboo which had
been set against the tree, and calls out with a loud voice: ‘“ May my
barn be filled with paddy as high as my bamboo!” Some cry out,
“T have caught many rats in my trap;” and others: “I have snared
many wild fowls in my snare.’”’ Some dance with shields that they
have prepared for the purpose, and others beat drums, and blow pipes.

They next take the hog to the village, and every man, young and
old who is able, kills a fowl; and after they have cooked the hog and
fowls, and prepared the food and drink properly, they carry the whole
tothe booth. There they place the food on a raised platform pre-
pared for the purpose, and taking again sprigs of the Eugenia tree
between their clasped hands, they all pray, saying :

“Lord of the seven heavens and seven earths, lord of the water,
lord of the land, Thie-kho-mu-kha, all of you, eat our property, eat
our pork, eat our fowls, make our paddy good, our rice good, make

a a

214 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 4,

our daughters handsome, our sons skilful; give us food, give us drink,
give us to become governors, give us to become elders ; enable us to
buy kyee-zees, to spear with fatal effect; make our names famous,
heard above and below; make us joyous and happy with our wives
and children.”

After praying, they rise up and dance again. When the dancing is
done, they set the food in order in the booth, to remain there all night,
as not a bit of it is to be eaten before the next day, and then return
to their houses, dancing all the way home. The remainder of the
day is spent in their houses, drinking, dancing, and beating kyee-zees
and gongs.

The next morning they all repair again to the foot of the Eugenia
tree, when the heads of the sacrifice and the elders commence eating
the food and drinking the spirits that have been prepared and placed
in the booth. All are allowed to partake that choose, but the food is
considered holy, and none but the holy, clean, and upright persons are
considered as proper persons to partake of it. The question of fitness
is left, however, for every one to decide for himself. If a man feels
persuaded in his own mind that he is guilty of no transgression, but
is upright and holy, he goes forward and partakes of the food ; but if
his conscience reproves him for some wrong deed or word, he joins
the throng outside the booth and occupies the time with others in
dancing. Nor is unfitness to partake of this holy food confined to
immoral acts. There are certain ceremonial uncleannesses which are
regarded as unfitting a man to partake. Tor instance, if a man’s wife
is pregnant, he is deemed unclean, and unfitted to eat of this holy
food.

After the feast is finished, the company returns to the village, dane-
ing all the way as before; and on arriving at the houses, one or two
of ‘‘the heads of the sacrifice,” go to the brook and draw two bamboos
of water for every family in the village. After the water has been
drawn, ‘‘the heads of the sacrifice” call all the members of each
family to the hall or verandah; men, women, and children, and then
he sprinkles or throws the water from one bamboo upon them,
Those who get wet are said to be free from evil, because the water i
“holy water.’ One bamboo full remains in the house till next morn-
ing, when the owners go to the fields, and sprinkle it on their growin

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 215

paddy; and they say, because it is ‘‘ holy water,” the paddy being
wet by it will be good and abundant.

In all these ceremonies women are carefully excluded, except in
participating of the “ holy water.”

The four elders that are called “ the heads of the sacrifice”’ or priests,
have special names or titles given them to distinguish their office.

The first is called Deu-sai, 7. e. Lord of the village.

» second ,, ,, Pghai-sen, ,, The Messenger.
» third ,, ,, Ywa-san, ,, Keeper of the village.
» fourth ,, ,, Sa-kai, », Signification uncertain.

These offices are strictly hereditary. The fathers of the present
occupants held them, and their places, when they die, will be held by
their sons.

When the priests officiate, they have embroidered tunics given them
by the people. Sometimes they are embroidered with silk, and often
with red silk, and are made longer than ordinary garments. The
people give them also ear knobs and beads, and think that it is very
meritorious to do so.

Some villages offer a cow or bullock instead of a hog, and one of
the Mopaha villages near Toungoo were always in the habit of seek-
ing a black bullock for sacrifice. Their desire was for one perfectly
black, without a single white or red hair on it; and for such an
animal they would give almost any price.

Gopprss or tHE Harvest.

Another distinguished character is an old woman called grandmother
Bie-yau, who presides over the paddy. She seems, from the account
given of her first appearance, to have been originally a serpent, and is
now a widow. :

“Tt is said, that in former times, a certain person cultivated paddy,
and grandmother Bie-yau with her husband took the form of two
pythons and wound themselves around his pile of paddy, when the
paddy increased enormously. The owner of the paddy ignorantly
killed the male snake and the female ran away, but she cursed him
saying: ‘We came in compassion and helped thee with so much
paddy, and thou hast killed us! May thy three barns of paddy last
only three months!’ His paddy was done in three months, and the

216 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

owner had to borrow money to buy more, that he might live; and he
finally became a slave.”

Offerings are made to her in a little house built in the paddy field
for her residence, in which two strings are put for her to bind the La
of any person that may enter the field. The following prayer accom-
panies the offerings :—

“ Grandmother, thou guardest my field, thou watchest over my
plantation. Look out for men entering; look sharp for people
coming in. If they come, bind them with this string, tie them with
this rope, do not let them go. If they will pay fines of money, do not
let them go; if they will pay fines of silver, do not let them go; but
if they will pay fines in piles of paddy, barns of paddy, dismiss them.
Kat, grandmother, guard my field, watch over my plantation. Pour
down thy children’s rice and paddy, grandmother, or thy children’s
fields will come to nought, sweep it off with thy hand, bring it down
continually.”

At the threshing out of the paddy another form of prayer is used
as below.

“ Shake thyself, grandmother, shake thyself. Let the paddy ascend
till it equals a hill, equals a mountain ; ascend as high as Mount Than-
thie, as high as Mount Pshan-ghau ; ascend and become a conspicuous
object, ascend and become a distinguished object ; ascend and look at
the sun; ascend and look at the moon; ascend and look at the
heavens, ascend and look below the earth. Let my paddy pile, grand-
mother, be as large as a mountain. Shake thyself, grandmother, shake
thyself.”

GoppEss oF Fortune.

There is a divine female who dwells on the summit of Than-thie,
the highest mountain known in Burmah, who spends all her time in
blessing and cursing. The elders said: “‘ If she curses the leaves that
they may fall, they fall; if she blesses the young leaves, they sprout.
Tf she curses the trees to die, they die; if she blesses them to live,
they live. Every thing, the elders say, takes place according to her
imprecations.”

When the long-armed apes are heard screaming at night, it is said
they scream on account of having heard the imprecations of the goddess
Ta-la, the name given to this lady. The apes on Than-thie, at the

1865.] Religion de. among the Karens. 217

south-east corner of Toungoo, hear her words and cry, and the lan-
guage is taken up by all the other apes within hearing, and is thus
passed on from one to another throughout the whole land.

THUNDER AND Liautrnina.

The tliunderbolt is regarded as a living being. It has been seen
and described by the elders as tearing up trees in the form of a hog,

and about the same size, but with bat-like wings. When it utters its
voice, it thunders, and when it flaps its wings, fire is produced, and it
lightens.

When it lightens in the evening near the horizon, and no sound is
heard, it is said that the young thunderbolts are flapping their wings,
but they are not old enough to make a noise so as to be heard far.

Rarsow.

The Rainbow is deemed to be a spirit or demon, but the people
are not united in regard to its true character. Some say it is a woman
who died in pregnancy ; others, that it is a demon which devours the
spirits of human beings, and then they appear to die by accidental or
violent deaths ; and other theories are propounded.

“The Rainbow can devour men,” says one. ‘‘ When it devours a
person, he dies a sudden or violent death. All persons that die badly,
by falls, by drowning, or by wild beasts, die because the Rainbow
has devoured their ka-la, or spirit. On devouring persons it becomes
thirsty, and comes down to drink, when it is seen in the sky drinking
water.

‘Therefore when people see the Rainbow, they say: ‘The Rain-
bow has come to drink water. Look out, some one or another will
die violently by an evil death.” If children are playing, their parents
will say to them: ‘The Rainbow has come down to drink. Play no
more, lest some accident should happen to you.’ And after the Rain-
Dow has been seen, if any fatal accident happens to any one, it is said
the Rainbow has devoured him.

Naraps.

The waters are inhabited by beings whose proper form is that of
dragons, but that occasionally appear as men, and who take wives of

218 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

the children of men, Unlike the Naiads of classic antiquity, they
never take the forms of females, but always appear as men.

One girl, who had been deceived and had taken an inhabitant of the
water for her husband, was told that she might ascertain his true cha-
racter by watching him privately when he bathed. She did so, and
saw him in the water change to a monster dragon, with a crest as
large as seven wide mats. He threw up the waters to the heavens,
which descended in heavy rain.

A water spirit called Mau-lau-kwie figures largely in the Karen
myths. A girl is represented as having formed an acquaintance with
this personage, and as holding clandestine meetings with him, when
she went down to the stream to draw water. Standing on the bank
she sung :

“ Mau-lau-kwie, come, let us bathe together.
Mau-lau-kwie, come, let us wash our faces together.
Mau-lau-kwie, come with beads and rings ;

Come, come, as thou art wont.”

“ Mau-lau-kwie came, and they washed their faces together, and
combed their heads together.”

% 4

This occurred frequently, and the girl’s parents wondered at her
long absence, when she went to draw water ; so they sent the younger
children to see, and they came back with the report that their sister
had a meeting with Mau-lau-kwie. Her father then sent her-off to
help her grandmother, and in the interval he went down to the water
and called Mau-lau-kwie, as his daughter had done. He came at the
eall, when his father-in-law cut off his head with a sword, and split
open his head with an axe.

When the girl returned from her grandmother’s, she went down to
the banks of the stream, and called her lover as usual ; but instead of
Mau-lau-kwie, there came a long procession of tadpoles, crabs, cray-
fish, shrimps, prawn, fish and crocodiles. She asked : ‘‘ What do
all this mean? Where are you going?

‘A crocodile replied ; ‘ Mistress, we are going to weep at the fu-
neral of Mau-lau-kwie,

His father-in-law cut off his head,
Split open his skull ;
Mau-lau-kwie is dead, is dead.”
“She answered : ‘I will go with you.’

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 219

“The crocodile said: ‘Thou canst not go;’ but she replied: ‘I
will go.’

“« Tae crocodile then said : ‘If thou wilt go with me, prepare seven
cakes of bread, seven chatties of steamed rice, seven hams, and seven
white cloths.’ She made the requisite preparations, and started off with
the crogdile. The crocodile said to her : ‘ When I wriggle my body
about, throw down a cake, a chatty of steamed rice, and a ham.’ She
went along, and fed the crocodile as he directed ; and they reached the
body of Mau-lau-kwie, where she wept and sung :

‘ There is no one to build the house,

There is no one to build the dwelling ;

The flying squirrel’s wings are split unequal.
Would that I had died with my husband.’

At this juncture Mau-lau-kwie rose to life again ; and, on uttering
a word, the tortoise said Yd-law ; when Mau-lau-kwie, exhausted, fell
down, and hit against the breast of the tortoise.

Again they wept for Mau-lau-kwie, and when his wife sung, again
he rose to life, and spoke a word ; but the flying squirrel said Ya-lau,
and Mau-lau-kwie fell against the flying squirrel, and tore his wings
unevenly. Again they wept, and again his wife sung, and Mau-lau-
kwie rose to life again ; and now to die no more.

After Mau-lau-kwie’s wife had born a child, the family went to
visit her parents; and one day she went out to visit the neighbours,
and left the child in charge of its grandmother; saying to her:
“ Mother, if the babe awakes, do not bathe it in the brass bason.”’

After the mother had gone out, the child awoke, and its grand-
mother put it into the brass bason to bathe it, when it turned into a
little yellow-tailed carp. The old woman broiled it, and when her
daughter returned, told her what had happened, and what she had
done. The mother took the fish, went down to the stream, and threw

‘it into the water. Hier sister followed to weep with her for the loss

of the child, but the mother ran down the bank on the crooks of the
gigantic bean creeper, and she did not dare to follow, but stood weep-
ing at the top of the steep bank. Her father came and asked her,
what she was crying for; and on hearing, he cut off the vine in anger ;
and it fell down into his son-in-law’s great hall and filled it up.

29

220 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 4,

His daughter called out: ‘ Father, thou hast given me up now.
Thou hast cut off the gigantic creeper, and I can no more visit thee.”
Her father heard these words, and he also heard his grandchild

“T visited grandmother, I visited grandmother; grandmother gave
me an egg to eat: I visited grandfather, visited grandfather ; grand-
father gave me a fowl to eat.” 5 .

He heard the voice of his daughter and the voice of his grandchild,
and he dived down into the water time after time all day, but found
nothing, and returned home at eve sorrowing.

Dryaps AND OREADES.

The elders relate that Mount Kie-ku, in the Bghai country,
and the peepul Tha-ka-u beyond the seas engaged in war.

It arose on this wise. The peepul had a daughter whose name was
Bu-ban, and the mountain had a son whose name was Phai-thau-o ;
and the two were married. After the marriage, she came and lived
with her husband’s family.

She was possessed of miraculous powers, and did not pound paddy.

She would take a single kernel of rice, and split it in two, and then ~

throw one half into the rice bin when it was filled with rice immedi-
ately, and the other half she threw into the rice chatty which became
filled with rice in the same manner,

Her neighbours were envious, and mount Bai-tha-lu seized her, and
gave her to mount Po-phau ; and mount Po-phau gave her to mount
De-pha-ho ; and mount De-pha-ho put her in the stocks, which still
remain. There she sat, and wept, and blew her nose; and the marks
of her finger nails, where she wiped her hand on the rocks, are yet
visible.

The peepul, Tha-ka-u, became very angry with mount Kie-ku on
account of treatment his daughter had received, and made war with
him.

The peepul being in the sea, made the crocodiles his soldiers, and
mount Kie-ku’s soldiers were thunderbolts. When they fought, the
peepul made the waters rise, and soften the earth, and the crocodiles
thrust their tails into the ground, so that the sides of the mountains

slipped down, At each land slide, they would say : ‘‘ There dies an
officer.”

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 221

When mount Kie-ku attacked, he made it so hot that the sea was
dried up, and the crocodiles could not live in it; and he threw his
thunderbolts at the peepul, and when a branch was struck off, they
said; “‘ There dies an officer.”

The peepul came and fought the mountain several days, but getting
the worst of it, he said: “TI will retreat.’ In his retreat Phai-thau-o,
his daughter’s husband, intercepted his path, and hid himself in a
gorge by the way, watching for his father-in-law to come along. He
had a sword, and a gold comb that shone like the sun, and to keep
himself from being seen, he put his comb under his foot and trod on
it. There he stood in the interstice of two rocks, and when one of
the peepul’s officers came along, he smote him with his sword and
killed him ; and so on, one after another, till he had nearly killed off
the whole. There wag only one leit. He said to himself: ‘ They are
all ended, and took up his comb, and put it in his hair again, which
made him visible.

The remaining officer said, as he came along: “‘A great many
people have gone before, and yet the sound of horse or elephant is not
heard ;”’ and starting on, he saw Phai-thau-o, whom he eut down and
killed with his sword.

Until this day, people say the matter is not finished. They have
a saying: “‘ Mau-khe’s contention is not settled : Mau’s contention is
not settled.”

Browntgs.
Now and then, we find a good natured spirit appearing in Karen
"stories that comes for some one’s benefit. Here is a specimen:

“The elders say that there was once a poor orphan boy, that owned
nothing but a dog with seven tails. Qn one occasion, he noticed his
dog go and bark on a hillock in the field near his house ; but when he
went there, he found nothing, so he came away. Still the dog remain-
ed barking, and he went again and dug into the hillock, when he
found a cavity with an egg in it. He took the egg, intending to eat
it, put it ina basket, and went to work in his field. During his
absence, the spirit in the egg cooked the poor youth’s rice and
eurry for him; and when he came home, he found his meal ready
prepared for him, but he was afraid to eat it, and he went to
the neighbours to inquire if they could explain the matter. They

222 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

replied to him roughly: ‘ Thou art an orphan, thy house is nasty and
dirty, who dost thou think would go up into it?’ He returned to
his house, and being very hungry, he said to himself: ‘If I die I die,
I will eat.’ So he ate, and nothing happened to him.

“The same thing occurred next day. His food was cooked and ready
for him on returning from his labour. The following day, he deter-
mined to watch; so after going away, he returned cautiously, and he
saw a young woman come out of the basket. She went to the brook
and brought water, and then cooked the rice. He showed himself to
her, and she no more took the form of an egg, but became his wife.
She said to him: ‘ My name is Miss Ege, but never speak my name.
If thou dost, I shall disappear, and thou wilt see me no more.’

“ People frequently asked him for his wife’s name, but he never told,
till they.induced him to drink arrack to intoxication. Then he reveal-
ed her name. When he came to himself his wife was gone, and he
wept bitterly.

“ His dog said to him: ‘ Master, don’t cry.’ We will go to where
Mistress is.’ He answered: ‘If we go, shall we find her?’ The dog
said: ‘ Follow me.’ So away they went together, till they reached the
banks of the Salwen, when the dog said: ‘I will swim across. Take
fast hold of my tail, and on reaching the other side, do not say: ‘ Good.’
Tf thou dost, my tail will drop off.’ He failed, however, to do as he
was commanded, and on getting on shore he exclaimed: ‘ Good!’
when one of the dog’s tails dropped off.

“They kept on their way, till they reached another large river, where
the same scene was enacted; and so on, till they had crossed seven
large rivers and all the dog’s seven tails had dropped off. On losing
the last, the dog said to his master: ‘I shall die, and there are many
cross-roads on the way. If master goes on, let him take my body
with him. On reaching the first crossings, cut off my head, and try
on which road the blood drops. Follow the road on which my blood
drops; and on coming to a multitude of houses, try the foot of the
steps of each house till my blood drops down on one. The house in
which my Mistress lives, is the one on which my blood drops upon
the steps.’ The dog ceased speaking, and immediately expired. This
time the man followed his dog’s directions, and found his wife.”

1865.] Religion &e. among the Karens. 223

Frricism.

The Karens, in some of their observances, come very near to the
worship of “stocks and stones.’ Many keep stones in their houses
that they suppose possess miraculous powers, and which seem to re-
present the household gods of the ancients.

A Bghai writes :

“The elders say : Some stones are possessed of superhuman powers,
and if we possess them, we shall succeed in our undertakings, and
obtain a sufficiency of food. If we possess but a little, that little will
not be expended by using, but will always be enough to supply our
wants.

“ Some stones are called paddy stones, because those who possess
them, obtain good crops of paddy. Some stones are said to make us
invulnerable; so that when javelins are thrown at us, spears thrust
against us, or blows aimed at us with swords, we shall not be hit; or
if hit, they will not enter our flesh.

“These stones crave blood. If we do not give them blood to eat,
they will sometimes eat us. So people kill hogs and fowls, and then
pour the blood into a vessel, and put the stones into the blood.

“Tf the stones are thrown away, after a considerable time, they
will be sometimes found to have come back again to their old accus-
tomed places.

“Tn a village of thirty families, perhaps ten will have these stones ;
but in some villages nearly every family will have them. They are
sometimes bought and sold, and those that are reputed good ones,
will sell at from thirty to fifty rupees. Some that have been in a
family a long time, the owners dare not sell. Ii a stone is sold at
less than its real value, or is stolen, it will return to its former owner.

“We have heard that the inhabitants of the village of Deu-mu-kha
had a number of stones, the principal one of which they called
Lwai. No one dared to touch or even look on these stones, excepting
the officiating priests in the sacrifices to the lord of the earth. They
had charge of the stones, and were called their lords or masters ; and
when a black builock was sacrificed to the lord of the earth, a fowl
was sacrificed to these stones in the same place.

“Tt is said that the Burmese on one occasion made an attack on

224 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

this village and carried away all their stones; but afterwards all the
stones came back to their old places.

‘“‘ When the teacher arrived, they carried away all their stones into
the jungle, and built a chapel, and said; ‘Ifthe stones come back, we
will not worship God, but if they do not come back, as formerly, we |
will worship God.’ The stones have never returned, so the people
worship God to this day. The inhabitants of that village stand in
great fear of stones, more than ordinary.

“We have also heard that the Pakus have stones, like a man’s fist,
and when they have any hatred against any one, they will strike the
impressions of his foot on the ground with one of these stones, and —
the man dies.”

I have seen many of their stones, but there is nothing remarkable
in them, and they possess nothing incommon. They are most usually
bits of rock crystal, or jasper, or some variety of chalcedony, but
never of any value, or in any way curious. Occasionally they are mere
lumps of stratified rock, remarkable for nothing but the numerous
thin lines of strata displayed on their edges,

The possession of one of these miraculous stones had much to do
in dividing the Red Karens into two tribes, eastern and western, as
they are now found. The story has been related to me thus; “ There
was a Sgau called Shapau, who possessed an exceedingly good stone.
He set himself up as a kind of political teacher, and travelled about
from village to village among the Sgaus and Pakus. They said to
him, ‘ We cannot receive thee. If we receive thee, should the king
at Ava hear of it, the Burmans will kill us all.’

“ As he could not succeed among his own countrymen, he took his
wife and wife’s sister, and went away to the Red Karens. They
received him and built him a house, and it was not long before he
began to work miracles with his stone. The stone was remarkable,
it is said, for having the power to change its colour. It could chang}
from black to yellow or white at pleasure. The result was that all
the Red Karens believed in him. They believed in him so fully tha
they were discussing the question of making him king. {

“ At this juncture, a son of the king of Ava rebelled against hi
father, but his father overcame him and he fled to Toungoo. He did
not dare to remain long there, however, for fear of his father, so he

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 225

went into the Red Karen country, where he met with Shapau, and
married his wife’s sister. In the end, the Burman succeeded in
establishing himself in the eastern part of Karenee, killed his brother-
in-law Shapau, stole his stone, and became king or chief of all the
eastern part of the Red Karen country, where his descendants rule to
this day.”

Maatc.

Karens believe in the magical properties of things, as illustrated in
the following story :—

Tue Maato Rina.

“The Elders say, there was an orphan child brought up by his
grandmother, who was so lazy that he would not open the skins of the
wild plantains when he wanted to eat them, but made his grandmo-
ther do it for him. He would do nothing but play, so he got the
name of Mr. Laziness.

“ His grandmother, finding a trading boat going down the river,
persuaded the boatmen to take him along. When on board, he
would not do anything. If the boatmen gave him food, he ate; if they
gave him none, he fasted. They found him good for nothing but to
watch their boat when they left it; and for this they gave him an
occasional two annas or a quarter of a rupee.

“‘ One morning, when all the men had gone up into the town, and
he was left alone in the boat, he heard that one of the citizens was
about to kill a cat, and he asked permission to buy it, and it was sold
to him. :

“ Again, about noon, he heard that another one was going to kill
a rat, that had done some mischief, and he bought off that also for
three pice.

_ “Towards evening, several of the citizens came along with a crocodile,
that they had just taken, and were about to kill, for having devoured
several men. This, with a dog, he bought for a quarter of a rupee,
He put the crocodile into the boat, when it spoke and said to him:
‘Master, thou hast had mercy on me and bought me, and I shall not
die. The reason I devour men is, that there is a gold ring in my
head. The ring is under the flesh in my head, and whatsoever I
desire, I obtain. Chisel it out, take it for thyself, and let me go into
the water.’ So he took a chisel belonging to one of the boatmen,

226 Religion de. among the Karens. [No. 4,

cut the gold ring out of the crocodile’s head, and let it go free in the
water.

“He put the gold ring on his finger, and when he desired silver,
silver came into his box; and when he desired gold, gold came into
his box. The boatmen came back to the boat at night, but knew
nothing of what had happened; and he returned with them to his
home.

“He told his grandmother to go to the king of the country, and
ask his daughter in marriage for him. She said: ‘ Dost thou want to
be killed by the king’s sword ?’—and refused to go. He replied:
‘If thou dost not go, let thy arm come out of the back,’ and imme-
diately her arm come out of her back. Being unable to withstand
her grandson, she finally went to the king, and asked his daughter for
him.

“The king said: ‘ Let thy grandson build a bridge of silver, and a
bridge of gold from the foot of the steps of your house, to the foot of
the steps of my palace, and then he shall have my daughter in mar-—
riage; but if he does not, then you shall die.’ The old woman returned
weeping, but when she told the king’s terms, he bid her cheer up, for
he could easily comply with them.

“During the night, he desired a silver bridge and a golden bridge —
to stretch itself between his house and the palace, and it was done.
So in the morning the king led his daughter over the golden bridge, —
and gave her in marriage to Mr. Laziness.

“There was a Brahmin at court, who came to the princess, and
said: ‘Thy husband wears a gold ring, and he will not allow thee to
put it on thy finger.’ She replied: ‘If I ask him, he will.’ So she
asked her husband to allow her to wear the gold ring, and he at once
granted her request. ;

‘“‘ When the Brahmin saw the ring on her finger, he asked to see
it; and she handed it to him. Immediately he put it on his finger,
and exclaimed : ‘ Fly away, fly away palace ;’
flew away to the other side of the ocean with the Brahmin and the

and the king’s palace

princess in it.

“The king said to his servants : ‘Because I received Mr. Laziness,
I have lost my palace, go put him in prison, and to-morrow go and
kill him.’ The king’s servants went and put him in prison.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 227

“He was accompanied to the jail by his dog, his cat, and his rat ;
and he ordered them to go and fetch his gold ring from the Brahmin
that night, and to be sure to be back before morning. Away they
went at once. The dog swam across the sea, and the cat and rat rode
on his back.

“When they arrived at the Brahmin’s, they found-him asleep under
wire musquito curtains. The cat told the rat to gnaw a hole through
the curtain, which it did large enough for the cat to get in. They
both went in, and the cat said ; ‘ Rat, smell about, and tell me where
my master’s ring is.’ The rat replied: ‘ I smell the ring in his mouth.’
The cat then said: ‘I will bite him in the throat, and if he vomits
up the ring seize it quickly.’ The rat replied : ‘ Perhaps our master
will think we killed the Brahmin, and then he will kill us. To make
him throw the ring out of his mouth, I will put my tail up his nostril
and tickle him till he sneezes, and then he will throw the ring out of
his mouth ; and then you must snatch it up immediately.’

“The plan succeeded. They obtained the ring and both ran out of
the house to the dog, that was waiting for them outside. He asked, if
they had gotten the ring ; and on being told they had, he said: ‘ Give
it to me, you cannot carry it safely,’ So they gave it to him, and he
- put it in his mouth,

“The whole three returned then across the sea, as they came; but
when half way back, the dog saw a pack of otters in the water and he
barked at them, when the ring was thrown out of his mouth into the
sea, where it was swallowed by a fish.

“ The cat said: ‘ This is hard. The ring is lost, and our master will
be killed in the morning.’ The rat said: ‘The otters were the cause
of this misfortune. Dog, go bite them on the rocks.’ The dog leap-
ed on the rocks, and bit an old otter, saying: ‘It is on your account
that we have lost the gold ring into the sea, and our master will be
killed in the morning.’ The otter replied: ‘ Do not kill me, I will
get the fish for you.’ So he plunged into the water, brought up the
fish that had swallowed the ring; and the cat ripped it up and took
the ring out of its belly. They then continued their journey, and
arrived with the ring without further accident, which they delivered
to their master ; who then delivered himself from prison, and brought

30

228 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

back the palace with the Brahmin in it. He slew the Brahmin with
all his relatives, and exterminated the whole race.”

GIANTS.

Men-eating giants are among the supernatural beings with which
a Karen has to contend; and their exploits are heard as often in
Karen nursery tales, as they formerly were in Europe. Here is a
specimen :

“ The elders say that a little girl went down to the brook to draw
water in the usual Karen bucket, made of a joint of a large bamboo.
When she laid it on the surface of the stream to fill with water, it
escaped from her hands, and floated away. She ran after it down the
bank, till she reached a dam, which proved to be the dam of a giant.
Soon after her arrival, the giant came down to fish, and was about
to devour her; but she told her artless tale, and the giant spared her,
and took her up to his house. Here they were met by the giantess
who congratulated her husband on having picked up so nice a morsel
for their dinner. However, the old giant protected the child, and she
became their adopted daughter.

“On one occasion, when the old people went out, as they said, to
search for greens, they left the little girl in the house, and charged
her not to look into two baskets that were in one corner of the room.
Her curiosity being excited, no sooner was she left alone, than she
peeped into the baskets. One was found filled with gold and silver,
and the other with nothing but dead men’s skulls. :

“Bver after making this discovery, she importuned the giants to
allow her to return home; and they finally consented, but the old
giantess required before her departure to look over her head once and
pick out the vermin; an act of courtesy often performed by Karens
for their friends. On looking into her hair, the little girl was
astonished to find it filled with green snakes and centipedes. She
called for an axe, and chipped away in the head of the old giantess
till she could endure it no longer, and then permission was given the
little girl to depart.

“Before going, the giants told her she might take one of th
baskets with her; whichever one she chose. She said; As you a
getting into years, and cannot well weave baskets, I will take the ole

1865.] Religion dc. among the Karens. 229

one. This she knew contained the gold and silver; and she was
permitted to take it.

“When about to start, the giantess said : ‘ When thou reachest black
water, comb thy hair and wipe thy teeth. When thou reachest red
water, wipe thy lips; but when thou comest to white water bathe
thyself.’ She observed the directions given her, and reached home in
safety, where the fame of her gold and silver brought together all her
friends and relatives; to each of whom she gave a bow! full.

“ Among those who received a bowl full’ of silver and gold, was one
dissatisfied young man, who coveted more; so he determined to try his
future with the giant, and endeavour to obtain a whole basket full for
himself. He succeeded in being adopted into the family, in being
allowed to return, and in having the offer of a basket to take with
him. He had not looked into the baskets, but like his predecessor he
chose the old one. The same charge was given him in regard to
crossing the streams, but he paid no attention to his instructions, but
dashed across them and got home as quick as possible. On reaching
his house, he opened the basket, when to his horror and disappoint-
ment, he found the basket full of dead men’s skulls. Little time,
however, was given him to brood over his misfortunes, for the giant
followed rapidly after him, and devoured him on the spot.”

Omens.

~ The Karens, like other nations in their ignorance, believe in omens;
and desist from a journey or an undertaking, when they occur. Like
the Romans, a snake crossing the path, or a woodpecker tapping,
stops a man by the way ; as does the falling of a branch of a tree, or
the bleating of the barking deer. Sickness is supposed to be the

"consequence of non-observance, and a sacrifice is offered for an atone-

ment.

> Among the Bghais an elder is called, and all the family assembled
‘together: male and female, young and old. The elder then leads

‘a dog round the assembled family three times, praying as he goes:
“When we work, or labour; when we go, or return; at the bleat of
the barking deer, at the voice of the otter, at the crash of a falling
tree, at the sight of a snake, at the sight of a scorpion, at the sight
of a large serpent, at the sight of a python, we ought to pause, or

230 Religion &c. among the Karens, [No. 4,

we become sick, we suffer and die. Now we offer thee food to eat, a
great dog. Heal this man, let disease leave him.”

The dog is then killed, and the elder sits down facing the whole
family, with a green bamboo raised two or three feet, and stretched
horizontally between them, over which he throws the dead dog, taking
it by the legs; and the family catches it and throws it back at him.
This ceremony is repeated three times, and then the dog is cooked
and eaten.

SoorHsaYING.

Subjected, as a Karen is, to the multifarious dangers proceeding from
the wrath of unseen spirits ; he tries, when he has come under the ban
of one, and is prostrated by sickness thereby, to ascertain which, it is,
that he may propitiate it by suitable offerings.

To make the discovery, he resorts to prophets or necromancers, per-
sons that have eyes to see into the unseen world, and to fowl’s bones.
Omens too fall within the same category, as giving indications of the
future.

NECROMANCERS.

There are persons among the Karens who profess to have eyes to
see unseen spirits, to tell what they are doing, and even to go to Hades
and converse with the spirits of the dead there. When a person is
sick, these people, for a fee, will tell what spirit has produced the sick-
ness, and the necessary offering to conciliate it. They will sometimes
go to Hades and bring back the La that has gone thither, and resusci-
tate the dead body. This is proven by the following story :—

“The elders relate that there was a woman who had two daughters;
and her husband died and left her a widow.

“ After their father’s death, their mother treated them very cruelly,
- beating them continually, so that both died and left her alone. Then
she grieved, and wept unceasingly, and refused to be comforted. In
her distress, she went to a necromancer, and induced him to visit her
children in Hades. He found the La of the youngest, and said to her:
‘Thy mother on earth weeps for thee exceedingly. Go comfort her.’
The younger then sang to her elder sister.

‘Return sister, mother requests,
She weeps for us in deep distress.’

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 231

“ The elder sister responded :
‘ Return not to her, sister dear,
"Twas mother beat and sent us here.’
“The elder sister positively refused to return to the earth, but the La
of the younger one came back with the necromancer, and on her arrival
at home, the body came to life again.”

Fowu’s Bonss.

In the beginning, say the elders, God gave to the Chinese a book of
paper, to the Burmese a book of palm leaf, and to the Karens a book
of skin. The Chinese and the Burmese studied their books, and
taught them to their children; but the Karens were indolent, did not
value their book and laid it on the end of their house, where it was
thrown down on the ground, and a hog came and tore it up. After
the hog had gone, a fowl came and picked up all the fragments,

It soon became apparent even to the Karens that the Chinese and
Burmese greatly excelled them in knowledge through their acquaintance
with books ; and they then regretted the loss of their own book.

They concluded, however, that the fowl which had eaten up the book
must possess all the knowledge that the book contained. They
resolved therefore to consult its thigh bones, and note the marks and
indentations made by the tendons on them as letters, and pray to it to
reveal its knowledge.

There is no superstition so commonly practised among the Karens as
this. No measure of importance is undertaken, till a favourable response
has been obtained from the fowl’s bones.

The thigh bones of a chicken are taken out, and after prayer, and
making a condition that the bones may exactly correspond, or they
may differ in some particular; that the indentations for the ten-
dons, may be alike or unlike, that the bones may be even or un-
even; the two bones are held up abreast of each other, between the
thumb and finger and carefully examined. It requires a practised eye
to read the result accurately, and there are many nice distinctions,
known only to the elders, who do not always agree in their readings.

From my house in Karenee, I looked down into the court-yard of
the Saubwa, where he was in consultation with some of his chiefs over
the chicken bones. They were passed round from hand to hand, each

232 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

giving his opinion, and the conclusion reached was, as I afterwards learn-
ed, that the omens were favourable for a contemplated attack on a
village in eastern Karenee. The fowl, however, deceived them that time ;
for some half a dozen wounded men of the village were brought in next
day, and no plunder.

The Bghais seem to regard the fowl as the bird of Indra, the king
of the Deva heavens. Once a year, in February or March, every
Bghai family holds a festival, in which every person’s wrist is tied
with a thread, and prayers are addressed both to the fowl offered, and
to Thie-keu, Mo-khie, or Indra. The rite is called: ‘ The good to
do;” but of its origin and object, the natives can give no account
beyond what is found in the forms themselves. An intelligent Bghai —
assistant furnishes the following statement :

“‘When the time approaches, the people prepare beforehand ardent
spirits, and buy hogs and fowls, and get every thing ready. When
the time actually comes, the villagers perform the ceremony, two or
three or four families a day, till it has gone through the whole village.

“The first thing done is to bring up two jars of arrack, and secure
them by tying them to a bamboo, and the next is to bring up a hog —
and fowls. Then an eating dish is washed and filled with water, and
set by the side of the jars with spirits.

“ An elder is now called on, any one skilled in interpreting fowl’s
bones, and a fowl is put into his hands. He cuts off the bill of the
fowl, dips its head and feet in the water, and then drops the blood
from the bleeding head on the forehead of the oldest man of the family
that is performing the ceremony.

“The master of ceremonies then addresses the elder, and says:
‘The hand-tier devours thee. Thou hast the jaundice, thou art
shrivelled up, thou art not strong, thou art weakly. Now we give
food and drink to the hand-tier. Mayest thou be strong, mayest thou
be vigorous. Mayest thou be established as the rock, indestructible
as the hearth stones. Mayest thou have long life, mayest thou have a
protracted existence.’ ”

After besmearing the elder’s forehead with the fowl’s blood, the
master of ceremonies pinches a few feathers and a little down from the
fowl’s neck, and sticks them on the blood, where they adhere, per-
haps for the whole day.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 233

He next addresses the fowl, and says: ‘“ Arouse, arouse, Thie-
keu’s fowl, Mo-khie’s fowl, we give thee food, we afford thee sustenance.
Thou drinkest in a knowledge of the future, thou eatest superhuman
power. In the morning, thou seest the hawk, in the evening thou
seest man. The seven heavens, thou ascendest to the top; the seven
earths, thou descendest to the bottom. ‘Thou arrivest at Khu-the ;
thou goest unto Tha-ma [7. e. Yu-ma, the judge of the dead]. Thou
goest through the crevices of rocks, thou goest through the crevices of
precipices. At the opening and shutting of the western gates of rock,
thou goest in between ; thou goest below the earth where the sun travels,
ITemploy thee, I exhort thee. I make thee a messenger, I make thee
an angel. Good, thou revealest; evil, thou revealest. Arouse thee
fowl, arouse ; reveal what is in thee. Now I exhort theé, I entreat
thee, if this man is to live to an old age, if his head is not to be bent
down, if he is not to come down crash, like a falling tree, let the
right hand bone come uneven, let the bones be short and long. Thou
art skilled in the words of the elders, thou knowest the language of
old men. The good, thou fully knowest; with the evil thou art
perfectly acquainted. Fowl, I exhort thee, I entreat thee; reveal
whatever is in thee. And now, if this man’s head is to bend*down, if
he is to come down crash, like a falling tree, if he is to be unable to
rest himself from incessant trouble; if unable to overcome obstacles
which shall meet him on every hand ; if unable to rise up or lie down,
if his life is not to be prolonged, if he cannot live, then, fowl, come up
unpropitious, come up with the tendon short on the right side, come
wrong end foremost. If he be able to obtain sufficient to support life,
if he be not overcome by feuds, fowl, come up even, Thie-keu’s fowl,
Mo-khie’s fowl, I pull out thy feathers, I pull at thy skin, I dip thy
head, I dip thy feet. Arouse fowl, reveal what is in thee.”’

Every one in succession is then besmeared on his forehead with the
Dlood of a separate fowl; and then every one marks his own fowl by
tying a string to it that he may recognise it after being cooked.
Some tie a string on the neck, others on the leg, others on the wing,
and others elsewhere. They next scorch off the feathers, and boil
them.

The hog is taken if the gall bladder be deemed a good one, otherwise
it is rejected. When the rice and meat is cooked, they bring the rice,

234 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

and the pork, and the fowls, and the threads, and the bamboo tubes to
suck up the drink and the spirits; and all are placed together.

The master of ceremonies then goes and puts two bamboo tubes
into the left hand of one, and the gall bladder of the hog and the
head of the fowl into his right hand; and then the elder of the family
takes the thread and ties his wrist. Hach one in succession takes the
articles in his or her hands mentioned above, and the elder ties every
one’s wrist, at the same time praying with each: ‘ Mo-khe, the hand-
tier, the good-to-do, we offer thee food and drink, spirits well prepared,
a great hog. Defend us; when we go to and fro, look after us. If we
fall, raise us up. When we go or return, when we walk on a branch
or a beam, when the branches or creepers break down, when we
go among the Burmese or other tribes, when we climb trees or descend
into the waters, when we go up into the house, or return to the paddy
field, may no accident befal us! Stretch forth thy hand, and help
us; put forth thy foot and assist us. Go before us, follow behind us.
Deliver us from demons, deliver us from ghosts.”

After this the person whose wrist is tied, changes the things in
his hands from right to left and left to right. Then each one tastes
the spirits ; after which each one tastes the fowl; and when this is
done, an elder is called upon to pray, who prays thus :

“‘ Mo-khe of mountain Kie-ku, Mo-khe of the seven heavens, Mo-khe
of the seven earths, assemble together, even the blind, the deaf and
the lame; and eat and drink the valuables.”

A libation of spirits is then poured out; and after this the drama
closes with spirits being served out for all to drink.

ASTRONOMY.
CosmoLoey.

“There are seven heavens and seven earths.’’ This expression
occurs frequently in Karen stories, but the people have no definite
ideas on the subject. The sun is supposed to go round the earth. In
the west are two massive strata of rocks which are continually opening
and shutting. Between these strata the sun descends at sunset, but
how the upper stratum is supported, no one can describe. j

1865.] Astronomy among the Karens, 235

In the western ocean is an immense volcanic mountain, which is
continually fighting with the water. They have a story which must
be of common origin with Sinbad the Sailor.

The Elders say there are fish in the sea as large as mountains, with
trees and bamboos growing on them as on land. Voyagers have to be
careful where they land to cook. They carry axes, and cut into the
ground to try it. If juice springs up where it is cut, they know that
they are on a fish ; but if the ground seems dry, they are on land, and
go to cooking.

It is related that a man landing-on an island, went to cooking with-
out trying his ground, and it proved to be a fish which sunk with him
into the sea, and then swallowed him. When the man was in the
fish’s belly, he said to the fish: ‘‘ When males acquire large game,
they shout, and cry out in exultation, but you are silent. Are you not
amale? On hearing this, the fish opened his mouth to scream, when
the man leaped out and escaped.”

The Elders say that when people kill one of these fish, it is impos-
sible for them to eat it all up, and they burn its fat, With its bones
they can make beams and rafters for houses.

CoNnsTELLATIONS.

The Karens have names for a few of the most prominent constella-
tions. The great Bear they call an elephant, and so do the Burmese
and Hindus, The pole star is a mouse crawling into the elephant’s
trunk.

The southern cross they call Mai-la-ka, a name whose derivation is
not obvious, but they regard it as some kind of animal ; for they say
that Mai-la-ka and the elephant once dwelt together in the middle of
the heavens, but they quarrelled and fought. Mai-la-ka seized the
elephant by his tail, and the elephant took Mai-la-ka by his thigh,
and in the struggle which ensued the two were thrown to the opposite
extremities of the heavens, where they remain to this day.

The Pleiades is called “‘the great house,” and is regarded as a family
of persons, consisting originally of seven persons, but one has been
lost, and there are only six now. Two men, one of their myths states,
married here two sisters, The names of the men were Lan-to, and
To-phau ; and of the women Tha-bgheu-mu, and Tha-bgheu-bghai.

31

236 Astronomy among the Karens. [No. 4,

While the men were out fishing, “the wife bearer,” or Orion, came
and carried them off on his shoulder. The women cried out to their
husbands :

“ Lau-to, oh, Lau-to dear,

Snatch up thy bow and spear.

To-phau, oh, To-phau come,

We're carried away from home.”

After calling a long time, their husbands heard their cries, and
returned home, when they discovered that their wives had been carried
away. They seized their bows and spears and followed on after “the
wife bearer.’”’ When they came within a spear’s throw of him, Lau-to
poised his spear or javelin to throw it at “ the wife bearer ;’’ but his
younger brother came behind Lau-to unobserved, and struck the
handle of the javelin, so that it flew against his father-in-law’s house,
and knocked a part of it down. ‘To encourage their wives, the men
sung :

“ Tha-bgheu-mu, suffering dear,
Tha-bgheu-bghai, have no fear.
The bow’s bent, the string tight,
Arrows ready, you in sight.”

Then they followed on silently, and “ the wife bearer” thinking he
was not pursued, stopped and set down his burden to rest ; but while
he was gone down into the water to bathe, the husbands arrived and
carried their wives back home, and repaired their father-in-law’s
house. ‘

Though the resemblance is remote, yet this story must have had a
common origin with the Greek myth of Orion and the daughters of
Oenopion.

Some of the Karen constellations, to judge from their names, are of
Karen origin. One is called the ‘“ Burmese yoke,” from the resem-
blance the stars are supposed to bear to the yoke a Burman carries on
his shoulder,

Some names are local and vary in different places. For instance,
the Karens in the south call the Milky way the “Paddy Bin;”
while the Bghais denominate it the “ Bazar street,” because the
streets in the bazar are usually an undistinguishable mass of people.

1865.] Astronomy among the Karens. 237

Comets.

Comets are sometimes called ‘“ Tailed-Stars,” sometimes “ Fire-
Stars,” and sometimes “ Smoke-Stars.”” In common with all other
unenlightened nations, the Karens regard their appearance as indi-
cating approaching war, famine, pestilence, or other public calamities.

PLANETS.

The Karens do not seem to recognize any planet, excepting Venus.
They know the evening and morning star to be one and the same, and
by some process not clearly understood, she is sometimes before, and
sometimes after the sun. Whena morning star, she is called the
“Star receiving the morning ;”’ and when an evening star, the ‘“ Star
receiving the evening.”

Suootmve Stars.

Shooting Stars are said to be “ Youth Stars,” going to visit the
“ Maiden Stars.” When a Karen girl sees one she exclaims, ‘‘ May
my hair grow as long as the path thou fliest !”

Mernrors.:

Meteors, the Karens say, are the animals that produce gold and
silver, and when seen in the heavens descending to the earth, are sup-
posed to be returning home. When a report is heard, as the Karens
say there often is, it is the roar the animal makes on entering the
earth. Wherever they fall, gold or silver is certainly to be found in

_ the neighbourhood.

‘ Drviston oF THE YEAR.

The Karens divide the year into twelve lunar months, and, like
occidental nations, they begin it with January, and end it with De-
-eember. This is contrary to the usage of all the nations that surround
{ them; the Burmese, the Talaings, and the Shans commencing the
year in March. ‘ The civil year,” says the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, ‘‘ commences differently in different parts of Thibet,
q varying from December to February. At Asadakh, it begins in De-
-cember. The months have several names expressive of the seasons,
&e., but they are usually denominated numerically ; first, second, &c.”
The Karens would seem then to have derived their calender from
Thibet, for while they make now the year to begin in January, yet

238 Astronomy among the Karens. [No. 4,

the months corresponding to June and July are designated numeri-
cally “‘ the seventh,” and “ the eighth’? months, which must have
originated from a system that made December the first month ; as our
September and October must have been named, when the year was
made to commence in March.

The names of many of the months show that they were given when
the Karens had the same habits that they have now. Thus January
is “the searching month,” from the habit of going about in search of
a suitable locality to clear a field. And February is “the hewing
month,”’ because in this month the trees are cut down. Other names
show that the seasons were the same when and where the names were
given as they are now. Thus April is “the seed month,” because in
this month the seed is sown; and August is “the month of gladness,”
because the corn is then in the ear; like the month of Abib among
the Hebrews; but that corresponded to April, indicating a different
climate from the Karen. May is “the Crinum” or holy month, be-
cause the Crinums, popularly called lilies, are then im flower ; while
December is denominated “the month of the shades,” because in this
month the Karens make their annual offerings to the shades of the
dead.

The Red Karen names are usually coincident, but a few of the
months have different names. July is not with them “ the eighth
month,” though June is the seventh ; and August is not “the month
of gladness,” but is named from a feast that is made this month, and
which is peculiar to themselves.

A correspondent writes: “ In the month of Ai-du, the Red Karens
kill hogs, and fowls, and oxen all at once, and make a feast in which
the whole village eat and drink together. They beat drums, and fire
off muskets, and have sham fights, firing at each other with nothing
but powder in their guns. Accidents often happen, and houses are
frequently set on fire. The feast is kept up for three days, and during
their feasting the people send food and drink to their friends and
relatives in other villages. The origin of the feast is not known.’

Karen Vocabulary. 239

1865.]

‘aUny-D J, “DIT
‘aN “ULIng

"S07
‘Dg “PALL

"nay “ard

‘yamy pure ‘yny “uty
"qos! “uRYg

B SOYLUSIS yo{dnoo sty,

“ART FL “ung

PUL PUL

‘ony, “Wang

‘oruinbs & soytusis av7
‘ng “Muy

‘wag ueyg

‘DIV “aUl00yy

unybury, *SU210S]
‘DT TRL

‘hoy “wing

‘UorT “WIRIg

OI} FT
CR
vyuezg
noyd

ook
Bu-vg

40S]

od
Orn,
eny

Bd
Suni

pal |
at Fr

OTA FL
noN
BA-VG

ynoyd

Avy
eu-tq

JIOMSFT

ney
ot yy
ny

Wd
no

n&-w9yy
Be ite

sysouay ‘nyjbunoy 0 hoy

OTM} FT
oN

BAS-BG

ned

NVZ-ITI
eu-ery

ory

eM
PUA
TOMS
ary
no,

ld
ui]

Aery
aA |
‘pybdopy

oTATS eed a A OIA
orn oN
ey Avi-neg
Nes] re rae
eAU-BUl-00} 77
nef{-U19 Tl ‘0077
eu-vq vue Avu-vg
oIMY OIA]
Suneyzy Avd-vy,
oy app eyy
ora, OIA,
ovy ey
0} 0H ny
Bd Bid
Suni nd],
Suey
avy edT-Av yy
‘NOT, ‘Ong ‘uawwy pey

amy FT oIM 4 FT
8IN ern
BM-0G vyyVaneg
od

nag pue nepy
ned-orpyned-olul-ey J,
Akeu-egq eueg
Cray ory
Avd-e yy Ov
Tt TL DE
pessoa gto |
on on

eq-0y Fy oH
Avid "Id
nay, nay,
viqy-Av AA Deysneyy,
SES EAE
wmybg “noby

‘SHWANONAQ ‘02 ‘IVHDG ‘OVOg ‘HSITONG HII ‘SduOM NOUV OLLSHWOd 0 GADOTVLVY) VY

80g,
keg
MOIO

MOK)

de)
oreynug

ouog

‘dnog “
yeog
pool

‘dnog “
pag.

MOLLY
yy

‘dnog “
IV
‘ysypbug

iNo. 4,

Karen Vocabulary.

240

‘UarTT “UByS
‘UaryT “ULI

uoUy “WeYg
“DUnye) “EY
aL, SOG

Peto aI
‘off “ueyg
“‘bunoyy “wuing
“mht “Ort

‘DT “uURys
“buy “oan,
‘mY “Yourry,
‘ey “enOg
“DOT “aeys
“yom “ULY)

“bumeg uryp)
‘bupsy, ueyg

"DN “oysurg

"By.LDUWAYT

PN
“ny jpbuno 7,

eyyy od-vy-xy, ory suey : ory avy ned-v yy

ey ey ery ra | Kery ery ery

SIE ISSR EL CIAL eH Avqy-or ila a sii dal

o1L ie! ung == surey) oT isl Sl

YOUT oys-ery Chie se ee elt h Cn “Mies

nN ney suny BU0 Ny nen nen non

ynojFT OvT noyyT or BFL neyyy OT

NVMY-OFT nog ooyyy OY NviLy-0oFT noyy-ooyy ouyy

wg yoog eg ng ng ng ng

goal ab aaa Le]-OOyy, OOTi-oyyy «= BAT-OYYT -OOT-Ney YZ ~—dOOY]}-O

fh

okYq -00¥-01g og ke ghey-oy-Aeg Avp-heq-Av

ny-ny ey URT Suey ey] vay ney yy

oud oof sueyq suvyg oud ney ney

eT yno-op ep, sun-ep{ OW OW 00-0],

ed td ed ed Aeqd %] @ ‘ed ed

oT Avy Avy OW Avy oop-e]-nopy Ae

Suvsyzy osy-er'y Sunesp] Sunesy-ey eYs-Vy, eBys-ey —- uesy|-e yy

nyy-AvPY Noj-nvypoyy-sueppoyy-sueyy nyy-AvpT noyy-vry oyy-nexy

nN sunoy ney-Aen ny °
Aeyerpy-neky-0 yy

O-ON CIN eN ey = ‘Aey-eyyy «=: OoY-AU NT @N
BGK,

wohony ‘wybdopg ‘nun ‘Ong “Uawoy pay “yh *nobyl

qysvy
yeory
wor]
asnoyy

asIOT]

W10 FT
Sof

proy
pueH
ley

yRory

WOOT
TOMOL

Oty

TOY Ie
oki
queydoroy

TG
dnoy. “

7 Bie f
“ysybugy

Lar Avy3-9 J,
N eyy-ey, Avyy-eg-8y-ylog vl-onFyT so ‘Keqy-oy = Av}-aT vy}-eT(unou) ye
ey :
uvy-Avyy Avy ey-neg vyy-Ssung vty -ood-<epyy Aepy peoy :
ney ooryT ory OTM ney = opy ‘rT IOANT |
nedd-vuy ‘ung U7, eh 9 Cx Pie
‘DnyT “weyg vy) OIMY OLA I-ry Buy) OIMy-vyp, Oo, Y-o1g VA OIMY-vyy, « Urequelg
Bky
NVUI-B Ny nog noq-Aeyy ou, 10 eee nou, o"uL LO
eH tH vi ey RIED ATT Avy vy] Surmoeagy
: e@N @N @N AGN ken eN JUSTIN
> ‘A ORTH ae eUL key, Avy, ey “dnog “
= ‘buy eyoyg Suyy eNO EON wy = sunokyy Suey orl aly orl aule NT
= )
S VIYY-vp-e}-0od-ey —nas-ery os-eq — olys-nyg OS-tq os-eq oymbsnyy
ME
S Ssunoig ey Ney-eyy Ss -vany ON oo-ey yy = Neue ON-eI QUOP
S "D]-WDY YT “UIBIG ‘ DV-VryT o[-Sun0} Fy BATT ne[-neyy o[-eyy ‘dnog “
‘noyy Uy Sunoy neayy nos-ery Sunvyy sunvp-oyy oyg nu-neypy nes-Vyy UreyUNO[,
‘phup ueyg ney noA-y ‘nT uy ) OW ney nop OW LOY IOP|!
‘nary “ueyg wy ery wy wy ery Aery Aery eT MOOT
oul
nod = oru-ery -VMU-NOTFT ou-ey, = OLB BANY-U YT,
eyd Aeyqd
Apyuout Joy w1194 od-v[-noz -nof-vyy ny-nex -ey-nex vyd-nk-vy
‘oLIaUGS OU SI oIOYY, nex eZ, 00-nos FT nex nox . n-ey, Aayuopy
rm Sunody-vg neg nod
oS ‘bunoyy “ueyg suok nez-07 SuoTy-no xT ned-o1g -eyy-eysg ‘dnog “
eer ‘ooT “wing ney = -vy-vig ‘op-1ag nqsuoydney vk-vey-Aerg _—vd-oigneAuy-vy Sq Uv yA

“UD AT “WRT
ns’ “UG

‘ayy, “WING
‘why “ULI

Karen Vocabulary.

‘bun'T nquiy
‘buoy “eqpodary
bury “ary

‘uareyy UL Ays 1Oy
PIOM O]SUIS OU ST O.10TL J,
el IND

242

“sysowuaay

GANT Av NY

nA = -neyg
my Ae

our,
nowy,

SeMN

APA
nod.

OL

vns-v J, oq -BY LL YloyY- BMG

vy oy op-ed-ey,

nA nod ney
Suny ynoy ynory
esyT eSFT UsET
Dit OO 1 ARE:
oyd-oyde
eY}-Noy-eg -oAY-nepy
omd a a hs
Suny ney
ORES
‘nyybunoy, ohvy ‘vybdopy

OMNI
nosyT
Sura,
oW
sunkyy
suv]

SEL
oy

‘NDT,

Ke MNY nolyy AOMNT Sean ue
Sunoyy neu-e yy ‘on “dnog “
ony oq on MH 8 = WM
SUeA-8 I, ue. Noy AVM-RY, «= OHTA,
Suyy, neq, noyy, ouL aol],
Av = ey-oyyy Avu-noyy, Avy Y}00F,
ar-ood-Aey, 0-eY}-0gf
ony my so‘oyy 10 yy SLY,
DAL «cower NI DA ung
suory ney nery nery auoyg
eyes keyg keyg est IVC
oo) oof 00 A nip ayeug
SUu0y O]-ouL ey-ned Oy
-od-ooff -8py-neyy §=--e y-nepy -od-ey-ooy AG
ud ard kal od URS
sueyy Avy Aeyy nep, (qaoa) “
‘omg “uawoy pay ‘wybg ‘moby —-yspbugr

1865.]

Karen Vocabulary.

243

The following table exhibits the pronouns in all their forms, in the

various dialects.
Case Absolute. Nominative.

Sgau

Pwo

Bghai

Mopgha

Toungthu

Red Karen

Kay or Gai-
kho

Taru

Sgau
_ Pwo
Bghai
Mopgha
Toungthu
Red Karen
Kay, or Gai-
kho
Taru

Sgau

Pwo

Bghai

Mopgha

Toungthu

Red Karen

Kay, or Gai-
kho

Taru

b.
Ya, yeu seu

Yeu, or yawe Ya, or yeu

Ya

Thou.
Na, or neu

Neu, or nawe Na, or neu

Na
Na

He, she, it,
they.

A, or way

A, or we

Seu

O, or wo

Wa

Objective.
me.

Ya or yay

Yeu

Khye

Poss. Pron.
my.

As nominative, —

Ki

As nominative.

Thy.
As nominative.

”

Him, her, it, His, her, tts,

them.
Au
Eu
Say

their.

A S

244 Karen Vocabulary. [No. 4,
Case Absolute. Nominative Objectwwe. Poss. Pron.
We, as re- |
gards us. so ies Us. Our.
Sgau Pa way Pa, or peu Pgha As, Nomin.
Pwo Pa we Pa, or peu Peu ie
Bghai Kay Ka, or wa Kay -
Mopgha Kay Ka Wau Oo, or Hi.
Toungthu Ne
Red Karen Pay As nominative.
Kay, or Gai-
kho Pa, or ka
Taru Pa
You, as re- You. You.
gards you.
Sgau Thu way Thu Thu
Pwo Nathie Nathie Nathie
Bghai Thie Thie Thie
Mopgha Nay Nay Nay
Toungthu Nathie Nathie Nathie
Red Karen Thie
Kay, or Gai-
kho Thu

Tara

10
—
N
>
&
=
3
S
pS
=
=
S
“nod “
“asy &
eG
30"
“DY “URS

1865 ]

noys-19
noys
-OIM/T
noys
“net,

nou-neyg

nevzq-By,

vodTey, ef-@y,
@ISOIN NYS-Na yy
ry
VIOISUT, -Noys-vy,
“9U0 ST JOOL4SIT

UL ys “UY esey noys-vy,

noy Qnoy uryg yooy eary
nayoy eqodery yey, neyg
ysnu “nquUtiry = 4OMNT Aes Ny
Un ous

pub mg yeuy Tux)

Ce | ON ie 14 & Saari
wns “yeqty, Suny, ney y,
bunosjy ‘weyg ely non
D-NUb *] BT, BI, BI,

Uy. OUTED

“syspwmaw -hunor a0 ‘how

orys
-£vuw
alys-oM¢
orys-nY,
nayyos
“ogg
o7qe'T

ZIT ely

orys

-nayyog
aryse'y nosyy
oIAT YT aM
ouyy oosyT
my) Kem
ny yy OSH
key, Kew
Olay OLAVT
nay, ny, i

neyyog nant
BT Ne]
‘nubdom “min Tr

arsy-Ae ii

orsty-OrT

aIsty

-SUNTY,
Oru

-o10Y-W'T

oIPy Suneyyqey

edvry

o1statNy

epoisyery

oIsyeT

ei |
o”uy

OMNI
oo"us,
Aex

aA:

Ssunyy,

SEN
oF

eyy-eyy orys-vAyy oms-Av Xx

"ip int

aisy-Aex Aa

PYLON, OLYS-OravyT oTys-orry otsy-atary Ayo

BIP]-CYT, OM|S-NoY, orys-noyy,

aru or arty
a ee SS oreo
OLI-B, ouley, NepYeyey,
kek-ey, Avdkey, Avkvyey,
04-RUL4) OYSIN TYSOLyy
By
-eyy-ey, «Byoysuy, vporgsey,
eY-ey, oysey, olysey,
vy v4
NVY[ -O|OIM'T -oyJorArT
ekd-vy, oyjotmry ory
By vy
eg -oYJNoyy, -ojnoyy,
OF, OUNeyy, oyory,
ey ehny eK
0V-eL, oIM'T OL
ne}
eu, heyy, 10 ‘neyy,
OU“L oN pl
@L, @L BL,

oIst

“noyL AWG,
oLy

-OISY-B J, OATOM I,

pues

oyyeyey, -noyy,

eae

ekeyey, -unzy

Ay

dISYOIY YT -Wo yf,

GYoISYR], WOAH

oIsy ey, OL,
OMY OUT
ou SIG
SIM\T UWeAeg
nyy = xg
AvK PAL
oIMT «MOY
ney, IY,
my = (OMY,
GL oud

~~
3

A

joes)

Karen Vocabulary.

246

‘tuorpt ue fq
pessardxnp = “Wa.le yy
ur prom sodoid on

‘syunUlaay

ort orku or kur

“By-VyYy-N. «=» ~B}-ov-y - AvYS-e
BR]

-SuNe TY Sep-oq

~kepy-V ko -V
09-01hq
Bune -Avyy-v nay,
sueyq nody,
-e[-neu = noypdd-vy ed

-suney}y ~nodu-neAy, -e4-nu-ey,

oA-SUL

no&

-vu-suog ov-v{u-oy yy -neu-neyy
OY-Suey_ ooyy-nepy noyy-neq

now or-olu
“Byesyy-N]T = -B-B
eul-no(y
Key-Avyd
ny -8qy{-V
ney ‘ny,
Aeyq ney d-vy
-8}-NU-Ny, -Nu-ne} Fy
ar-Avu
of-KYSE —_-neY yy
noyy-nogE = oj-uexq
oy 00g
neg ‘ea ney
neq nary
eM
, es nog
BM(T nary
V V
OYsO 4)
‘nypbunoy sohny ‘wybdopy

sunyg ooyy 00g
keg ney Aery
Avg.
nory ney Avry
sureyg neg nag
eT,

Avy ney

ney nog neg

Vv Vi Vv
DT, ON “wdoyy poay mybg

ore}
~844Y-B INT

Kep-Avyd
Sees Vy
ny

ne]q
8}-NU-N J,

Tou
~ey-Aoy yy
oyyf-neyd
00g

neq
neq ‘nory
oosy]

nory
Vy

“moby

kep-o¥,

¢ WOT AA
ust

wo
MON

uO
Wa

MOI AL
TEAL
Sg
OL
mor
PAB)

‘yso buggy

247

Karen Vocabulary.

1865.]

VUL-VY «OT -9T7,

nes-e yy ar-o17,

Bul-ayog lo] -86g
Vv esq
ays ays
ny nog
nox ary
ood
ooy-negy = -e-noryT
OF-NVIpy

neyy neg “no'T

nosyq-noqy nesy-neg

wT vy-O7
noyy-neqY = oj-neq
BUl-noy

‘eu-vg Avy-Avpg

eus-nog nu-Aeg
oA-oF
noX-ea(y
neA-og¢
‘ok-ag at-Avrg
neu = otu-vy
-24-BY-P]Y BU ery
OA oys
-e-os-Aep] -RUl-oFf

Avy-og,

Avy-oyy-Avg epoyq Avj-ex
of-og nodu-ong
of-AUg ev-oyg nof-ex
Av]-e-o1spL arg Avy-oysq
Vv Ay Ay
Ae qoy-vy-o1q-eq arqg
og oo" og
Sure x ax ax
Sunyd
-8-ld'T ooy ood-xv-nary
SUNVIPT noyy
nary DVS] -Beypj-neryT
Sunasy
-suog ooy-neg nas-neq
ep-suvyg Avpnepy = Avyp-ney
oYy-suryg oowpyp-nepy neyy-neq
Avy
-SunNe} FT sporkg = Avp-neq
neu nou-neqy
-sunv}yT neku-atdg nou-ag
noA-neg
of-SuneyyT ss ov-atkgy = ‘nad-ag
aru ardu olu-ey

-ey-eys-nyy vy-Avys-eyy -Avy-oopy

oy-neys

atku-e} atu-ey-ney,

Pa

Avy-o1g,
‘Avp-ne x 6 Moy]
SO
‘oI-ne X sn,
Avl-R-aIsFFYONU MOF,
Ne ony
oIsyL IVT
, 004 WON
Eg. IR
ood-e-nery = UY ITAA
oyy-ney yop,
Nasy-neg uweoajogy
veury MOOT
CMe © SAO,
Avy-Avg 3 oto, Ah
eu-Avg e190 J,
or-Avy a10 FT
ort

-8Y-RBY-RIT £eproqso XK

aru-v4

-nu-fvy -o1-nd-oryg -oow-ney-neys-Avyy Mox10ur-o 7,

®

[No. 4,

Karen Vocabulary.

248

SEOTRE
ue Aq possoidxe st
q[. «4 ‘UeIeyy «UL 40
10} pIOM OW SI oO],

‘ay “wang

“SYMDUAT

~ Suneqy neu
Sur, -nekyy -os-nyg
sud TW AW
BMV ‘omy, 00
4y ny

To]-vIpS

vid-vid-ey = -B[-10]
-eid-vd-oyy = -ed -ayq
la[-BIL9-eT

00¥4-00¥ TT

Bj-BUl-noqT -SUIe} FT

vus-nog nu-V
Aery

nog ‘vad oft
00x

-emui-neg = Av-o

ou-oTf[

BI-OMY. 04-27

ny ng

Tou

VI-Ry-Vg — -CUl-eg

OYywD~)

“nypbunoz = 4o hwy “wy bdopy

et}-B-SUe Ny

8 ie eT
ay

Suy

Aey-eys
-v]-neyg

Avy-ey.s
-CY.0-e'T

NeU-V

keg
9-AV MTA
a-AR IN
ynof
-AU MT
ynod-AvyAr
Suny
Ley
-neu-Avg

‘NLD T, “ONT

kvu -
“OI }- 004d
ak orm-neyg
O ny
co Ce
neu-Avysd
-B New
-ey.od-ayy
neu
oy-Avid -Avysd-vy
-ey-oy-o1hq -Av]-neg,
Aead
-ey-neAU-W nou-V
ne A Bey
0}-R], NVU-oUI-v 7,
‘OL, ne N
ney-e] eq-O]]
BiG F ai |
neu
oy-ary-Avg -eul-Avg
‘Udo yy poy wy

‘Neu
“oy NY
orn
ny
ny

Avy-eys
“B}-87- 8

Aey-eys
-Avy-Aeyg

ou-'V

neq
2-0]
"eq-oUl-B I,

nod-oy
AG

Key
-NU-BU-e

~noby

und
on

4°UM

é YOM
UT,

IQ) ’
osye ‘puy

you ‘ony ®

SOX
é4UM
ysy busy

S ‘400.1 OuIRS naf-nog _—os-ar'T osy-Surey yy ny-nig eS-OF nes-oyy Aeme oye y,
Nay} Wo1, opvut oe
AVMB Ov} pue Surg naX-nyjt —«-Os-ary osy-Av.1 Aevi-neg es-ey = nes- Av FT Sung
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1865.1] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 251

On the Pendulum operations about to be undertaken by the Great Trigo-
nometrical Survey of India ; with a sketch of the theory of their
application to the determination of the earth’s figure, and an account
of some of the principal observations hitherto made.—By Capt. J: P.
Basevi, 2. E., 1st Assistant, Great Trigonometrical Survey of India.

[Received 29th July, 1865.]

Whilst Lieut.-Colonel Walker, R. E., the Superintendent of the
Trigonometrical Survey, was in England last year, General Sabine, the
President of the Royal Society, solicited his attention to the importance
of making a series of Pendulum observations at the stations of the
Great Indian are, of a similar nature to those made by Captain Kater
at the stations of the English arc, and by himself, Captain Henry
Foster and others in various parts of both the Northern and Southern
hemispheres. Pendulum observations were made on the French are
by Arago, Biot and Mathieu early in this century ; it is also the inten-
tion of the Russian Government to have them made at the principal
stations of the Russian arc: moreover there is hardly an instance of
the measure of an arc which has not been accompanied by such observ-
ations.

General Sabine offered to assist by placing at the disposal of the
India Board the pendulums, clocks,,and apparatus which he had
employed in his own operations; and he added that, should the India
Board desire any opinion from the Royal Society on the subject, he
would assemble a Committee for the purpose.

Colonel Walker drew up a scheme and estimate of the probable
expense, and submitted it with General Sabine’s letter for the approval
of the Secretary of State for India, who, acting on General Sabine’s
suggestion, requested the Royal Society to report on the plan of oper-
ations proposed by Colonel Walker.

The President accordingly called for opinions from several distin-
guished Fellows, viz. Professors Challis, W. H. Miller, Stokes, H J. S.
Smith, Dr. Robinson, Sir G. Everest, and Sir John Herschel; all in
their replies were agreed on the scientific value of the operations, and

33.

252 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4

all, with the exception of Sir George Everest,* approved of the
proposed plan of carrying them out; several made very valuable
suggestions.

The Secretary of State in Council consequently sanctioned the
experiments, and on Colonel Walker’s recommendation he directed
Captain Basevi, R. E., who was then in England on furlough, to
proceed to Kew to learn the use of the Pendulum and apparatus, with
the view of his conducting the experiments in India.

Before detailing the proposed operations, a sketch of the theory, and
of what has hitherto been done in the way of Pendulum experiments,
may be interesting. The application of Pendulum experiments to
determine the figure of the earth, is based upon a theorem demonstrated
by Clairaut, which may be stated thus, that the sum of the ellipticityt
of the earth, and the fraction expressing the ratio of the whole increase of
gravity to the equatorial gravity is a constant quantity, and is equal to
& of the ratio of the centrifugal force to the force of gravity at the
equator. Hence by ascertaining the difference between the polar and
equatorial gravity, or, which is the same thing, the progressive increase
in the force of gravity in going from the equator towards the pole, the
ellipticity of the earth is at once determined.

It is proved in mechanics that the forces of gravity, at any two
stations on the earth’s surface, are proportional to the lengths of the
seconds Pendulum at those stations, orto the squares of the number
of vibrations made by the same pendulum in any given time, one
solar day for instance. Here is at once an easy means of determining
the variations in the force of gravity, and the solution of the problem
of the earth’s ellipticity is reduced to the measure of the length of the
seconds pendulum at a number of points on the earth’s surface, or, as
has been most generally done, to the observation of the number of
oscillations made by the same pendulum ina mean solar day.

This theory, however, supposes the pendulum to bea ‘simple pen-
dulum” that is, to consist of a material point suspended by a string
without weight, which is, of course a practical impossibility ; but as

* Sir G. Everest proposed to employ only the Pendulum of an astronomical
clock, but this method is objectionable, as the Pendulum cannot be said to be
acted on solely by gravity.

+ The ellipticity or compression, as it is sometimes called, is the fraction whose —
numerator is the difference between the polar and equatorial semi-diameters,
and the denominator is the equatorial semi-diameter. ‘

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India, 253

it is always possible to calculate the length of the simple: pendulum
which would vibrate in the same time as a given compound pendulum,
the latter may be used for precisely the same purpose as the former.

Besides this, there are several other conditions supposed to hold
good, which in practice are never attained, viz. the are of vibration
has been assumed to be indefinitely small, the length of the pendulum
to be constant, 2. e. unaffected by temperature, and the oscillations
made in vacuo and at the level of the sea. Corrections have therefore
to be computed and applied to the observations, for each of these
assumptions.

The time of vibration* in a circular are is expressed in terms of the
length of the pendulum, the force of gravity, and a series of ascending
powers of the are of vibration. The are is always small, but still not
so small that the terms depending on it can be wholly neglected; the
first term, however, of the series is all that is ever appreciable in
practice. Again, the observations are generally continued for a con-
siderable time, and the change in the are of vibration has to be taken
into account. It has been shewn mathematically, on a certain sup-
position regarding the resistance of the air, and found to be the case
practically, that the arc decreases in a geometric ratio, whilst the times
increase in an arithmetic ratio, and on this principle the correction}
to the observed time of oscillation is computed.

Secondly, a correction must be applied for the temperature of the
pendulum : a change of temperature will, of course, by altering the
length of the pendulum, affect the time of its vibration. This cor-

star JEfia G) e+ (2) (wa) +
GHEY

in which t = time of one oscillation.
a = semi-circumference of a circle whose radius is unity.

‘ t = length of the Pendulum,
g = force of gravity.
a = arc of semi-vibration.

+ The formula for this correction is iy

M Sin (A+a) Sin sin (A —a)
* 32 Log Sin A—Loe Sina Sin a

n= numberof oscillations made in a day ; M = logarithmic modulus =0.43842945 ;
A the initiul, and u the final semi-ares of vibration, Correction always additive.

in which

254 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

rection* must be determined experimentally. Captain Kater immersed
his pendulum in fluids of different temperatures, and measured with
a micrometric arrangement the alterations in its length. Captain (now
General) Sabine observed the change in the number of vibrations
made by a penduluin in different temperatures. This is the most
direct method of obtaining the correction undoubtedly, but everything
depends on the perfect compensation of the clock pendulum with
which it is compared.

Thirdly, the formula is only true for observations in a vacuum,
and as observations have generally been made in air, or at all events
only in a partial vacuum, the effect of the air hasto be taken into -
account. This effect is to diminish the weight of the pendulum by
the weight of the air displaced, or to diminish the apparent force of
gravity inthe same proportion. In the very large majority of ob-
servations, the correction has been computed on this consideration
solely ; but Bessel demonstrated in 1828+ that this correction was
insufficient, inasmuch as a portion of the surrounding air was set in
motion by, and moved with, the pendulum so as to become part of the
moving mass. The correction for this can only be determined prac-
tically, as by swinging the pendulum in “ media” of different
densities. It depends chiefly on the form of the pendulum. As this
correction, ‘‘ reduction to a vacuum” or “ buoyancy correction” as it is

* According to Kater’s method—if 7 be the standard temperature which is
generally taken as 62° Fahrenheit ; ¢ the observed temperature of the pendulum ;
fits factor of expansion for 1° Fahrenheit, then correction = } n. f. (t—7)
positive when t > 7.

+ This circumstance was most clearly pointed out by the Chevalier du Buat
in 1786, who made a number of experiments with pendnlums formed of different
substances, but his researches, which created a great sensation at the time,
appear to have been completely lost sight of, and to have been unknown even
to Borda, who was conducting his experiments, little more than ten years after
the publication of Du Buat’s results.

The true correction for buoyancy Mr, Baily has shown to be (Phil. Trans. 1832)

B ; ‘
C+ i 0023 ($32) where 6 is the height of Barometer, and ¢ the tem-
perature during the interval of observation. C is a constant for the same
pendulum and is determined from the formula
NIN F
C— [1"+- .0023 (t°—32°) ] in which WN’ is the number of
p’—p”
vibrations in a mean solar day, 6’ and ¢’ the barometer and thermometer read-
ings, in wir; and N,” B,” t’ the same quantities in a highly rarijied medium
ne = a (t° + ti )

1865.] The Proposel Pendulum Operations for India. 255

called, depends also on the state of the atmosphere, it is necessary for
its calculation, to record the readings of the barometer, when the
observations are taken in air,

The last correction is for the height of the station of observation
above the mean sea level. The force of gravity varying inversely as
the square of the distance from the earth's centre, a pendulum swung
at a certain elevation above the sea, will make fewer oscillations in a
day than at the level of the sea, and acorrection has to be added on
this account. Dr. Young, however, demonstrated that the correction
computed on tis consideration alone, was too large, as it neglected
the attraction of the elevated mass itself, and he showed how this
might be approximately allowed for.*

The general principle followed in determining the length of the
seconds pendulum, is to observe the number of vibrations made by a
pendulum of known length, in a mean solar day; then the length of
the seconds pendulum is found by multiplying the length of the given
pendulum, by the square of the numher of its vibrations in a day, and
dividing by the square of the number of seconds in a day.

The number of vibrations is generally determined by the method of
coincidences. The detached pendulum is placed in front of a good
clock, and adjusted to such a length as to gain or lose, (the latter
generally) two beats upon the clock in some convenient time, 5 to 10
minutes. Suppose the pendulums to be started together, then the
longer one of the two will be left behind by the other, the distance
between them continually increasing, until at length they will be at
opposite extremities of their arcs of vibration at the same moment :

_ the lenger pendulum has now lost one oscillation on the shorter one,

and both are apparently going at the same rate, but in opposite direc-
tions ; after a short time they will begin to approach each other, the
distance between them gradually diminishing, until they both appear
to coincide. It is clear that between two consecutive coincidences the

n
_ * This correction is given by the formula (-) h w, where m denotes the
r

number of oscillations in a mean solar day, 7 the radius of the earth at the given
station, h the height of the station above the mean level of the sea: wis an
unknown quantity determinable from theory ; on the assumption that the mean
density of the earth is 5.5 and that of the surface 2.6 Dr. Young (Phil. Trans-
actions 1819) showed that the correction for a station on a tract of table land
would be reduced by $rd or that the correction = 3 7 h.

256 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

longer pendulum will have lost two oscillations on the shorter one.
Hence all that is requisite in practice, is to observe as accurately as
possible the intervals between the successive coincidences ; the number
of vibrations made by the clock pendulum is determined by observ-
ations of the sun or stars, and then the number made by the detached
pendulum is computed by simple proportion.*

The first pendulum observations of which any account is preserved
are those made by Picard at Paris and Uranienburg (Tycho Brahe’s
observatory) and those by Richer at Cayenne in 1672. These last
observations are said to have attracted Newton’s attention, as they
proved the variation in the length of the seconds pendulum in different
latitudes, and it is generally stated that Richer made the discovery by
accident. But it appears from Picard’s address to the French academy
in 1671, that a variation had been already observed, and it is probable
that Richer’s mission was undertaken partly with a view to throw
light on the subject. Picard stated that “‘ from observations made at
London, Paris and Bologna, it would seem as if the seconds pendulum
required to be shortened in approaching the equator, but that on the
other hand, he is not sufficiently convinced of the accuracy of those
measurements, because, at the Hague, the length of the seconds
pendulum was found to be quite the same as at Paris, notwithstand- —
ing the difference of latitude.” +

Near the end of the 18th century, Borda made his celebrated expe-
riments for determining the length of the seconds pendulum at Paris.
His apparatus, which is named after him, consisted of a spherical ball of
platinum attached by grease to a brass cap which had been truly ground,
so as to fit it perfectly. The object of this attachment was to enable
the observer to turn the ball round in the cap at pleasure, so as to
destroy the effects of unequal density in different parts of it. A. fine
wire carrying the cap was fastened to the lower end of a small
cylinder, passing through the knife edge, which carried on its upper
end a small moveable weight, by adjusting which the knife edge
and cylinder could be made to vibrate independently in the same

* If r = daily rate of the clock and I the mean interval of the coincidences,
then the number of oscillations made by the pendulum in a day = n
I—2 ‘
n = — (86400 + 7) the lower sign is to be ussd when the
IT

clock is losing.
7 Cosmos Vol. LV. page 25, Sabine’s translation,

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 257

time as the pendulum, so that their effect might be neglected in com-
puting the length of the simple pendulum. When in use, the knife
edge rested upon a steel plate. The number of vibrations per diem
was ascertained by means of a clock, but Borda made a great improve-
ment on the old method of counting the coincidences. He fixed a
straight edge vertically, so as to coincide with the pendulum wire at
rest, when seen through a teleseope placed opposite. A cross was
made on the bob of the clock pendulum, and the observation consisted
in noting the times when the wire and cross disappeared together
behind the edge. After a series of coincidences had been observed,
the length of the pendulum was measured by means of a horizontal
steel plate, which was screwed up from below, so as just to touch® the
ball : then the pendulum was removed, and a bar, whose length had
been carefully compared with a standard, inserted in its place. The
bar had a T head, of which the lower surface rested on the upper steel
plate, and a graduated rod, sliding on the bar, was adjusted to contact
with the lower plate. The diameter of the platinum ball was then
measured by means of the same slider, by placing it on the steel plate
for the purpose; the brass cap and wire were then weighed. The
apparatus was enclosed in a glass case, and the temperature was care-
fully recorded. All necessary corrections were applied, excepting the
true one for buoyancy. The whole process, which required very great
delicacy, had to be repeated, and the length of the corresponding
simple pendulum computed after each series of observations. Borda’a
pendulum was about 12 feet in length.

His method was followed by M. M. Arago, Biot, and Chaix, at
Formentera, the southernmost station of the French arc, with this
exception that they used a pendulum of only 3 feet in length. These
observations were extended by Biot in 1817 to Leith, and Unst in the
Shetlands, and in conjunction with M. Mathieu, he observed at
Dunkirk, Paris, Clermont, Bordeaux, and Figeac. From these opera-
tions, Biot deduced an ellipticity of 53;.

Tn about 1809, Captain Warren made some observations at the
Madras observatory with a pendulum formed of a leaden ball suspended
by a fibre made from the plantain leaf. The vibrations were counted
and an assistant noted the times, from an astronomical clock. In order
to measure its length, he attached some glass plates to a wall, and set

258 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

off on them a scale, transferred from Colonel Lambton’s scale ; the
length was then measured by a pair of beam compasses. The length
of the seconds pendulum was found to be 39.0263 inches of this
scale in air.

In 1818, Captain Kater published his determination of the length
of the seconds pendulum in London at Mr. Browne’s house, Portland
Place, taken for the purpose of fixing the standard of English
measures. His method was founded on the dynamical theorem due to
Huyghens, that the centre of oscillation, and axis of guspension, are
reciprocal in the same body ; that is, if the body be suspended at its
centre of oscillation, the former axis of suspension will pass through
the Rew centre of oscillation, and the body will vibrate in the same
time as before. The distance from the axis of suspension to the point
called centre of oscillation, is equal to the length of the simple
pendulum.

Captain Kater’s pendulum consisted of a bar of plate brass 1.6
inches broad and 4th of an inch thick : two knife edges of the hardest
steel, attached to solid pieces of brass, were fixed to the bar at a dis-
tance of rather more than 39 inches from each other; when the pen-
dulum was in use, these knife edges rested on horizontal planes of agate.
At one end of the bar, immediately below the knife edge, was a large
flat brass bob firmly soldered to it ; and on the bar, between the knife
edges, were two sliding weights. The plan of operations was to
observe the number of vibrations per diem, made by the pendulum
when suspended, first, by one knife edge, and then by the other;
and if these numbers were not identical, to make them so, by means
of the sliding weights. The distance between the knife edges, that is,
the length of the corresponding simple pendulum, was then measured
by a micrometric arrangement. The method of observing the number
of vibrations was as follows; to each extremity of the pendulum, a
light deal tail-piece, well blackened, was attached ; and on the bob of
the clock pendulum a white paper disc, equal in diameter to the
breadth of the tail-piece, was fastened; the detached pendulum was
now placed in front of the clock, and both pendulums being at rest,
a telescope was alined, so that the blackened tail-piece exactly covered
the paper disc. The telescope was also fitted with a diaphragm, con-
sisting of two perpendicular cheeks, which could be adjusted so as t

-

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 259

become tangents to the disc. Now, if both pendulums be set in motion,
the detached pendulum vibrating slower than the clock one, the tail-
piece will be seen to pass across the diaphragm, followed by the
white disc; at each succeeding vibration the disc follows closer and
closer, first touching it, and at last becoming completely eclipsed by
it. The exact time of this event, called a “ disappearance,” is noted ;
after a few more vibrations, the disc will reappear preceding the tail-
piece; the time of this event, called the “‘ reappearance,” is also noted ;
and the mean of the disappearance and reappearance is taken as the
true time of coincidence. It is immaterial in this method of observ-
ation, whether the detached pendulum vibrates faster or slower than
the clock pendulum, but it is a sine gud non that its are of vibration
be less. The result, introducing all corrections, except the true one
for buoyancy, was 39.13929 inches, which is still the received length,
although General Sabine, in 1831, showed, by swinging the pen-
dulum in air and in vacuo, that the buoyancy correction was different,
according as the heavy weight was above, or below, the plane of
suspension.

Captain Kater, in the following year, 1818, made a series of expe-
riments at the principal stations of the English Survey, from Shanklin
in the Isle of Wight, to Unst in the Shetlands. He used in these
observations a pendulum of a different pattern, known as “ Kater’s
invariable pendulum.” With it, it is not possible, nor was it intended,
to determine the length of the seconds’ pendulum, but it is essentially
a differential instrument, and is used for measuring the differences
in the number of vibrations at different stations. With these dif-
ferences, if at any one station the length of the seconds’ pendulum
has been already determined, the corresponding lengths at the other
stations can be ascertained. The invariable pendulum is of the same
dimensions as the convertible one, but is without the second knife
edge, and tail-piece, and the sliding weights. The mode of observation
is exactly the same. Captain Kater deduced values of the ellipticity,
from consecutive pairs of stations; he considered $7 as a probable
value (the same as M. Biot’s); but he remarks on the difficulty of
deriving a satisfactory determination, unless the extreme stations
comprise an arc of sufficient extent to render the effects of irregular
local attraction insensible.

Bes

260 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

In 1821-22, some very good observations were made by Mr.
Goldinghom, at Madras, and afterwards at a small island called Pulo
Gaunsah Lout, lying nearly on the equator in Hast Longitude 98° 50’.
The pendulum used was an invariable one, and observations were first
taken with it in London, by Captain Kater. From the observations
at Madras and London, Mr. Goldingham deduced an ellipticity of =4,.
- Captain Basil Hall, assisted by Captain (then Lieutenant) Henry
Foster, made a’ series of experiments with an invariable pendulum in
1820-23, at Galapagos, San Blas (Mexico), Rio Janeiro, and London
(Mr. Browne’s house). Comparing the results at each of his own
stations, with each of Captain Kater’s, he deduced ellipticities of =4,,
sia, and 353.

In 1822, Sir Thomas Brisbane took with him to Paramatta (near
Sydney,) an invariable pendulum that had previously been swung in
London, at Mr. Browne’s house. He deduced ellipticities of 54, and
giz, comparing his observations with those of Kater in London and
at Unst.

In 1817, the French Government fitted out a scientific expedition
under the command of Captain Freycinet, who was furnished with
three invariable brass pendulums, one of which was similar to Captain
Kater’s pattern, and the other two had solid cylindrical rods instead
of a flat bar. He had also a fourth pendulum, with a wooden rod
formed of two plates of deal firmly clamped together. Instead of a
clock he used an astronomical counter, (‘‘compteur astronomique”’)
whose beats could be adjusted to synchronism with those of the pen-
dulum. The counter had a dial, which showed hours, minutes, and
seconds, so that by comparing the time shown by this “ compteur”
with that of a chronometer, he obtained the number of vibrations
made by the pendulum in a certain interval, generally an hour or 40
minutes. The pendulums were first swung at Paris, and afterwards
at Rio Janeiro, Mauritius, Guam (one of the Ladrone Islands), Mowi
(one of the Sandwich Isles), Cape of Good Hope, Port Jackson,
Ravak (an island under the line, north of New Guinea), and Malouine
or Falkland Isles. Rejecting the determinations at the Mauritius,
Guam and Mowi, as they appeared affected to a remarkable degree by
local influences, Captain Freycinet deduced an ellipticity of z4, from
all four pendulums.

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 261

On the return of Captain Freycinet, the French government sent
out another expedition under Captain Duperrey. He was supplied
with two of Captain Freycinet’s brass pendulums, viz. one with a
eylindrical rod, and the one on Kater’s principal. He observed at six
stations, viz. Ascension, Mauritius, Port Jackson, Falkland Isles,
Toulon, and Paris. In deducing the ellipticity, he combined his

results with those of Freycinet only, and obtained values varying from
360 10 395:

During Ross’s voyage to Baffin’s Bay in 1818, some observations
were taken at Brassa, in the Shetlands, and at Hare Island, with a clock
fitted with an invariable pendulum vibrating on a knife edge, which
rested on hollow agate cylinders. Observations were repeated at these
stations, and a further set taken at Melville Island, on Captain Parry’s
first voyage to the North Pole in 1819-20. Captain Sabine conducted
both these experiments, using the same instruments.

In 1822, the English Government sent out an expedition under
Captain, now General, Sabine, for the purpose of extending the
enquiry commenced by Captain Kater; for both Kater and Biot had
come to the conclusion, from a discussion of the experiments, that
no decisive result of the earth’s ellipticity could be obtained from
them, on account of the smallness of the comprised arc, and the
variations of local density. Captain Sabine visited thirteen stations
between Bahia, S. Lat. 12° 59’ to Spitzbergen N. Lat. 79° 50’.
He had with him three pendulums of Kater’s invariable pattern,
which were all swung at each station, Besides these he had the two
clocks and attached pendulums which he had already used on his
arctic voyages. His method of observation was similar to Captain
Kater’s; all the pendulums were swung in London at Mr. Browne’s
house, both before and after the expedition.

The ellipticity deduced from the experiments at Captain Sabine’s -
stations was =4,-z, from the same combined with Kater’s 51,.;, and
combined again with Biot’s sis-p, and from’a general combination of
all of these, 535-7. The observations of the detached pendulums only
were used in these determinations; for though the clock pendulums gave
closely coinciding values of ellipticity, still being acted on by other forces
than gravity, their results are less reliable, and are only valuable in so
far as they afford an independent corroboration of the other results.

262 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

Captain Sabine was not at first aware of the strict expression for the
reduction to a vacuum, but after the publication of Bessel’s observ-
ations in 1828, he had an apparatus specially constructed, and ascer-
tained the proper correction practically, by swinging his pendulums
in air, and in vacuo.

The error from this cause, however, proved to be trifling, owing to
his observations being strictly differential, so that only the differences
between the corrections by the old and new formule entered.

The most widely differing buoyancy corrections at any of his or
Captain Kater’s stations of observation, computed by the old formula
were + 5.75 vibrations at Sierra Leone, and + 6.27 vibrations at
Spitzbergen, in amean solar day. These corrections, multiplied by
the proper factor, 1.65, to reduce them to the new formula, became ++
9.52 and + 10.38 vibrations, so that the number of vibrations in a
mean solar day at Sierra Leone required to be increased by (9.52—5.75)
3.77, and at Spitzbergen by (10.88—6.27) 4.11 vibrations. But the
acceleration between the stations would only be wcreased by the —
difference between these numbers, or by 0.44 vibrations. It so happened,
however, that even this difference was too large, for in the deduction
of the temperature correction, the old buoyancy formula had of course
been used; on applying a correction on this account, the above dif-
ference required to be reduced by 0.36 vibrations, so that the whole
error on the acceleration of the pendulum between Sierra Leone and
Spitzbergen was only -++ .08 vibrations.

Captain Sabine subsequently determined the difference in the
number of vibrations made by an invariable pendulum between London
and Paris, London and Greenwich, and London and Altona. He also
detormined the true buoyancy correction for Kater’s convertible
pendulum.

In 1825 M. Bessel made his experiments for determining the length
of the seconds’ pendulum at Kénigsberg, with an apparatus constructed
and partly designed by Repsold, the celebrated artist of Hamburg.
The apparatus was contrived so as to avoid any uncertainty in the
centre of oscillation of the pendulum, as well as any error in the
measure of its length, by observing the times of vibration of a pen-
dulum ball suspended alternately by two wires, whose difference in
length was known.

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 263

A toise was set upright on a narrow horizontal plane firmly fixed to
a perpendicular iron bar, and the contrivance by which the pendulums
were suspended could be placed either on the horizontal plane, or on
the top of the toise itself, so that the effective lengths of the wires
differed in the two cases by an amount exactly equal to the length of
the toise. The wires, which were of steel, were attached to a thin
strip of brass which unwound itself over a small cylinder. The pen-
dulum, thus suspended, described the curve called the evolute of the
circle. Atthe lower end of the iron bar there was a micrometer
screw, for measuring small differences in the height of the ball.

The system ‘of observation was as follows. At the commencement
of a series of coincidences with the longer pendulum, the thermometers
attached to the toise were recorded, and the reading of the lower
surface of the ball was taken with the micrometer screw; the pendulum
was then set in motion, and after a sufficient number of coincidences
had been observed, the readings of the ball and thermometers were
again taken. Exactly the same process was then gone through with
the shorter pendulum: then, from the times of vibration of the two
pendulums, whose absolute lengths were unknown, but whose difference
in length was accurately known, the length of the seconds’ pendulum
was easily computed.* There were a great many minute details to b®
attended to, all of which were carried out with the greatest ingenuity
and nicety, and all conceivable sources of error were considered, and
their effects computed and allowed for.

The coincidences were observed in a slightly different way from any
preceding method. The pendulum was enclosed in a wooden case,
faced with glass to keep out currents of air, as well as to preserve as
constant a temperature as possible; the clock was placed about 83

* Let t, & 1, be times of vibration and Jength of longer pendulum,

ty ly ” ” ” shorter %
l, — 1, = difference in length = a
L =length of seconds’ pendulum.
U
Then ¢, ? = 7? a to? 7? 25 l= 7? —
g gy
ees Bak Uns 1, —l, l, a
ne bsg temitys Ly ta2 st, 7)
1
Again [= =-orL=?3,= =

264 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

feet in front of the pendulum, and between the two, the object glass
of a telescope was adjusted to form an image of the detached pendulum
in the plane of the clock pendulum, to enable them both to be seen
simultaneously through the observing telescope, which was set up at a
distance of about 15 feet. On the wire of the detached pendulum
was fixed a small brass cylinder, painted black and called the coinci-
dence cylinder; it weighed something under 4 grains, and could be
brought exactly opposite the scale for measuring the are of vibration.

On this scale a black streak was painted, in the middle of which a
space was left white, equal to the diameter of the coincidence cylinder,
so that when the pendulum was at rest, the cylinder exactly covered it.
Again, to the bottom of the clock pendulum a piece of blackened
paper was attached, in which a hole had been cut of such a size that
when both pendulums were at rest, it exactly coincided with the image
of the white space on the black streak: hence when the pendulums
were moving in coincidence, the coincidence cylinder was visible
through the hole, and completely eclipsed the white space. Bessel’s
result was expressed in lines of the toise of Peru, the standard used in
the measurement of the Peruvian are.

In publishing these experiments, M. Bessel pointed out the true
correction for buoyancy, which he had investigated by swinging in air
two spheres of equal diameters, but of different densities, one being of
brass and the other of ivory, suspended by a fine steel wire; and again
by swinging the same brass sphere first in air and then in water.
These experiments showed that the old formula for reducing observ-
ations in air to a vacuum gave too small a correction, and that it should
be multiplied by a factor.

Mr. Francis Baily made a long series of experiments on the cor-
rection for buoyancy, which were published in the Philosophical
Transactions for 1832. He used about 80 pendulums, all differing in
form, weight, and mode of suspension. From these experiments he
deduced factors for pendulums of almost every description that have —
ever been used, and computed also the weight of the air adhering to
each, in other words deduced the vibrating specific* gravity of the —

* “The vibrating specific gravity of a compound pendulum is ordinarily found
“as follows; Let d’, d’ d’”’ ...denote the distance of the centre of gravity of each —

“body respectively from the axis of suspension: w’, w”, w’”, ...the weight (in air) —
“of each body: s’, s’, s’’, ...the specific gravity of each body determined in the

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 265

pendulum. He concluded from all his results, that even if a pendulum
is formed of materials having the same specific gravity, yet if it be
not of an uniform shape throughout, each distinct portion must be
-made the subject of a separate computation, in order to determine the
correct vibrating specific gravity of the whole body, since each part
will be differently affected by the surrounding air.

The last extensive series of experiments were those taken in
1828-31 by Captain Henry Foster, who was sent out on a scientific
mission by the Board of Admiralty. He took out with him four
invariable pendulums of different metals, two of Captain Kater’s
pattern, and two of Baily’s convertible pattern. These last consisted
of a plain straight bar, 2 inches wide, $ inch thick, and 5 feet 24
inches long, having two knife edges 39.4 inches apart, but no heavy
bob or sliding weights, as in Captain Kater’s pattern ; the synchronism
was adjusted by filing away at one end of the bar. Baily’s intention
was, that the pendulum should either be used as two different invari-
able pendulums, or applied as a single convertible one for absolute
determinations at any station. The objection to the form is, that both
the knife edges must be exactly perpendicular to the bar, or error is
entailed, as the bar is not flexible like Kater’s. Captain Foster
swung pendulums at all his stations, 14 in number, which were chiefly
in the southern hemisphere. He made a set of observations at Mr.
Browne’s house before the voyage; on the return of the pendulums
to England, they were again swung at the same place, but by Mr.
Baily, Captain Foster having been most unfortunately drowned in the
River Chagres, in February 1831, just as his mission was completed.
His observations were reduced by Mr. Baily, who obtained from them

an ellipticity of 515.5.

About this time the Russian government sent out an expedition
under Captain Liitke, who used an invariable pendulum, formerly used
by Captain Basil Hall. He swung it first at Greenwich, and after-
wards at Ualan, in the Caroline islands, Guam, Bonin island (to the

“usual manner. Then will the required vibrating specific gravity of the pen-

* dulum be aie
aw’ a’ + w" dt + w” gq’ ate an,
= 1 a’ we a” we a! ‘
p+ tt

Sal

s

(Philosophicab Transactions, 1832.)

266 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4;

south-east of Japan), at Sitka in Russian North America, at Petro-
paulowski, Valparaiso, St. Helena, and St. Petersburg. He deduced

an ellipticity of 54, from his observations.

Schumacher, the celebrated astronomer of Altona, conducted in
1829-30 a series of experiments with Bessel’s apparatus, at the castle
of Guldenstein, in order to determine the Danish standard, which was
to be a certain fractional part of the length of the seconds’ pendulum,
at the level of the sea, in latitude 45.° In order to estimate the in-
fluence of the air, he used, instead of a ball, a hollow cylinder of-
platinum, made by Repsold, inside which a second solid cylinder,
also of platinum, fitted perfectly true, The outer cylinder was closed
by covers of the same diameter screwing on to it, which were both
perforated; the clamp holding the wire was fastened on to the top,
and into the bottom was screwed a point with which the contact was
made in measuring the height of the cylinder by the micrometer
screw.

The pendulum was swung under four different circumstances, viz.
the long pendulum, with and without the inner cylinder, and the short
pendulum, also with and without it; and as exactly the same surface
was exposed to the air in each case, the influence of it could be
computed, which was done by a formula deduced by Bessel. The
reduction of the observations was made by Professor Peters. One
novelty was introduced, viz. that of computing out the attraction of
the ground on which the observations were taken. A square space
having a side of 600 toises (1279 yards), in the middle of which the
observatory was situated, was subdivided again into 36 squares of 100
toises (213 yards) a side; in each of these borings were made, and
specimens of the earth removed and their specific gravities determined ; _
as these were very nearly the same, a mean of the whole was taken.
The height of the floor of the pendulum room was 343 toises (220.6
feet) above the mean sea level, and the attraction of this plateau of
the earth’s crust introduced a change in the length of the second’s
pendulum of 0.000215 English inches.

Carlini, whilst measuring the Piedmontese are in 1821-23, took a
series of pendulum experiments at the Hospice on Mount Cenis, with
the view of determining the density of the earth. His pendulum was
formed of a heavy sphere suspended by a wire, which was attached to

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 267

a kind of inverted stirrup ; in the part corresponding to the foot plate
there was fixed a wheel with a sharp edge turning on its axis, This
wheel was placed on a grooved plate and formed the knife edge for
suspension ; the arrangements for observing were similar to Bessel’s.
Corresponding observations, though not with the same apparatus, were
taken by Biot and Mathien at Bordeaux. The result was a density
of 4.95.

One more attempt to determine the density of the earth, by means
of the pendulum,.was made in 1854, by the Astronomer Royal, Professor
Airy, at the Harton Colliery pit. Two invariable pendulums were set
up in the same vertical line, one at the top, the other at the bottom of
the pit ; and their coincidences with the pendulums of two clocks were
simultaneously observed, the relative rates of the clocks being deter-
mined by a galvanic apparatus. After each series of coincidences the
pendulums were interchanged. The distance between the upper and
lower pendulums was 1256 feet ; a careful description of the interven-
ing strata was prepared and specimens submitted to Professor W. H.

_ Miller who determined their specific gravities. The acceleration of
the seconds’ pendulums below was 2.24 seconds per diem, and the
resulting mean density of the earth was 6.565:

The best value of the earth’s ellipticity as yet deduced from pendu-
lum observations is undoubtedly that of Mr. Baily’s. He combined
all the observations taken with invariable pendulums, and after apply-
ing to them all corrections, obtained a mean ellipticity of st;.5. The
latest value of the same, from geodetic observations, is Captain
Clarke’s R. E. which includes the new Russian are and is 547.35.
The ellipticity obtained from observations of precession and nutation is
gigs (Aizy’s tracts).

The apparatus for the Indian experiments consists of two invariable
pendulums on Kater’s principle, a vacuum apparatus with air pump
for exhausting, an astronomical clock by Shelton, a good battery of
thermometers, and 4 transit instrument. Both pendulums have already
done good service: one having been used by General Sabine in his
extensive range of experiments, the other by Professor Airy in his
Harton pit experiments ; they cannot be considered, however, to have
retained their original length, as their knife edges have been reground.
Each is composed of a bar of plate brass 1.6 inches wide and rather less
35

268 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

than an ith of an inch thick; a strong cross piece of brass is rivetted
and soldered to the top to hold the knife edge, which consists of a
prism of very hard steel, passing through the bar and adjusted at right
angles to its surface, The prism is equilateral in section, but the edge
on which it vibrates is ground to an angle of about 120°; the length
of the bar from knife edge to the extremity is about 5 feet 14 inches.
At 3’ 22” from the knife edge, a flat circular bob, also of brass
nicely turned and pierced in the direction of its diameter, is firmly
soldered on; the part of the bar beneath the weight, called the tail-
piece, which is about 17” in length, is reduced to a breadth of 0.7 of —
an inch and is varnished black, in order to contrast better with the
white disc on the clock pendulum, in the observation of the coinci-

dences.

The knife edges rest on agate planes set in a solid brass frame,
which is provided with three levelling screws. On the outer side of
each plane are Y¥’s, which are moveable in a vertical direction by
means of an eccentric ; the knife edges rest in them when the pendu-
lum is not in use, and by their means the observer is enabled to lower
the pendulum down gently so as to bear always on the same parts of
the agate planes. Hach pendulum has its own set of planes, and will
give different results, if swung on any others.

It has been decided to swing the Indian pendulums in vacuo, in
order to secure the following advantages. When the pendulum has
been set in motion, it will vibrate for a whole day ; its temperature
will be more equable; it will not be disturbed by currents of air ;
and errors in the formula for the correction for buoyancy are unimpor-
tant. The vacuum apparatus consists of a cylinder of sheet copper
about 1 foot in diameter and rather more than 5 feet long, with
hemispherical caps, the upper one of glass and moveable, the lower
one of sheet copper and soldered to the cylinder. The upper end of
the cylinder carries a strong brass. plate, to which are attached the
frames containing the agate planes and a bar of the same metal and
shape as the pendulums ; placed side by side with a pendulum inside the
apparatus, the bar and pendulum will be of the same temperature, and
it is evident that thermometers attached to the former will give the
required temperature of the latter. Two delicate thermometers are
attached to the bar, their bulbs being sunk in the metal at points

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 269

equidistant from each other and the ends of the bar. The stem of the
upper thermometer is inverted, and placed side by side with that of
the lower thermometer, in order that they may both be viewed
through a moderate sized glass plate let into the cylinder. In the
lower part of the cylinder there are four other windows, two on the
line of the pendulums, to enable their coincidences to be observed ;
the other two at right angles to these, to give additional light and
enable the observer to ascertain whether the detached pendulum is
vibrating truly without wabble. There are two scales fixed at right
angles to each other, inside the cylinder, on a level with these windows,
one of which is used for measuring the arc of vibration of the pen-
dulum, and the other to measure the distance of the pendulum from
the former scale, which is necessary to furnish the correction for
parallax in the readings of the are of vibration: it is useful also in
placing the pendulum at a constant distance from the clock, which is
found convenient in practice.

The upper 4” of the cylinder is made of greater thickness than the
rest, and at the top is a strong projecting flange which is intended to
rest on a strong cast iron frame made in two pieces, so as to grip the
cylinder round the thicker part just below the flange ; the halves of
the frame are then firmly bolted together with nuts and screws. The
upper surface of the flange is ground perfectly true to receive a bell
glass, the cap already mentioned, which is like the receiver of an
ordinary air-pump. The eccentric for raising and lowering the pen-
dulum on to the agate planes passes through a stuffing box in the
upper part of the cylinder. Motion is imparted to the pendulums by
means of a fork and crutch turned by a spindle which passes through
another stuffing box.

The clock with which the vibrations are compared is firmly secured
to a wall, and the vacuum apparatus is erected in front, at a distance
of about 2 feet from it. The diaphragm for limiting the view of the
disc is fitted inside the clock case.

The telescope, for observing the coincidences, is placed on a small
masonry pier, at a distance of about 8 feet from the vacuum apparatus,
and is mounted so as to slide laterally on a graduated horizontal bar ;
it has also a slight vertical motion. The thermometers and barometers
are read from alongside of this pillar by means of a cathetometer, viz.

270 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

a telescope sliding up and down on a vertical rod. The object of this
is to obviate the ill effects of any defect in the isolation of the appara-
tus, as well as the influence of the observer’s person on the thermo-
meters.

As the disc on the bob of the clock and the tail-piece of the de-
tached pendulum are too far apart to be viewed simultaneously by the
telescope, a lens is placed between them, so as to throw the image of
the white disc upon ‘the tail-piece of the pendulum. The vacuum
cylinder and all its adjuncts, air-pump, &c. were made by Adie, and

are the only new portions of the apparatus.

The method of operation is as follows. After setting up the clock,
the vacuum apparatus is inserted in the iron frame and suspended
either on wooden trestles or masonry piers; the frame is roughly
levelled ; the t>mperature bar is fixed in position; the agate planes
are screwed on firmly to their bed plate, and are very carefully levelled
by means of delicate spirit levels provided for the purpose. A pen-
dulum is now inserted and let down upen its planes, but the clock
must not yet be set in motion. The telescope is next set up on the
prolongation of the line which passes through the two pendulums,
when both are at rest. For this purpose it is moved laterally on its
graduated support, until a very small portion of the paper disc, on the
bob of the clock pendulum, is visible on one side of the tail-piece of
the detached pendulum. The reading is noted, and the telescope is then
moved in the opposite direction, until an equal portion of the dise is
visible on the other side of the tail-piece; the reading is again noted
and the telescope is set to the mean position. The pendulum is then
removed, and the diaphragm in the clock case adjusted, until its cheeks
are tangents to the disc. The pendulum may now be replaced, and
nothing remains to be done but to exhaust the air out of the apparatus
and to set the pendulum in motion.

The observations are made in exactly the same way as already de-
scribed in the account of Captain Kater’s apparatus; the times of the
disappearance and reappearance are both noted, and the mean taken as
the true time of coincidence. The arc of vibration is then determined
by noting the reading of the arc, when it is cut by the same edge of
the tail-piece on each side of the vertical line. The thermometers and
barometer are read by means of the cathetometer. It is usual to

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 271

observe not every coincidence, but the first three consecutive coin-
cidences, and than the 11th, 12th, 13th, then the 21st, 22nd, 23rd, and
so on; after observing the first two or three, the times of the after
coincidences can be easily computed with sufficient accuracy to intimate
when the observer should be ready to note them.

It is intended to have observations made generally along the Great
Are at stations 2’’ apart in latitude, and at other points where it may
be desirable to obtain data regarding local variations in the intensity
of gravity.

The pendulum experiments in this country will afford an indepen-
dent value of the ellipticity of the Indian are, It is also hoped that
they will throw some light on the existing discordances between the
astronomical and geodetic latitudes of the Indian survey.

The amount of the deflections of the plumb line, due to the Hima-
layas and elevated table lands to the north of India, have been computed
by Archdeacon Pratt for the different terminal stations of the Indian
arcs; but these determinations are so much in excess of the results of
the survey, that it is evident that the effects of the mountain attraction
must be in a considerable degree compensated, either by a deficiency
of density in the strata to the north, or by an excess of density in the
strata to the south of the survey stations,

Now, the pendulum can undoubtedly be made the means of showing
whether the compensation is to be attributed to either of these causes ;
for, whilst the effect of a distant range of mountains on the vibrations
would be quite inappreciable, any local variation in the density of the
underlying strata would show itself most unmistakably ; so that by
taking observations both at a normal station, and at a few points in
its vicinity symmetrically situated around it, should there be any con-
siderable excess or defect in the density of the strata to counteract .
the disturbance due to the mountain mass, the pendulum observations
would not fail to point it out.*

* Professer Stokes remarks in his letter on these operations: “The pendu-
“Tam no doubt indicates only the vertical component of the disturbing force,
“whereas it is the horizontal component in the plane of the meridian that affects
“the measures of arcs ; at any one station, of course, a horizontal disturbance
“may exist without a vertical disturbance, and vice versi; but in a system of
“stations disturbances of the one kind must necessarily be accompanied by dis-
“turbances of the other kind. Indeed, it is theoretically possible, from the ver-
“tical disturbances, supposed to be known, actually to calculate the horizontal
* diturbances, and that without assuming anything beyond the law of universal

272 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

The Indian operations will eventually be combined with those taken
previously with similar instruments in other parts of the world, to
deduce the ellipticity of the earth’s mean figure. Both Sir John
Herschel and Professor Stokes have remarked, in their letters on the
proposed Indian operations, that almost all observations hitherto made
have been taken at stations either on islands or coasts, so that a series
along the centre of a continent is very much needed. A complete set
of observations has been already taken at the Kew observatory by
Mr. B. Loewy, with the Indian apparatus; and on the completion of
the experiments in this country it will be returned to Kew, in order
that final observations may be taken, to show whether the pendulums
have undergone any change in the interim.

It is to be hoped, however, that so good an opportunity will not be
lost of extending these observations to stations easily accessible from
India, though not included within its limits. On this head Professor
Miller’s opinion may be quoted at length, ‘“‘ Much would be added to
the value of the observations made at the stations of the Indian
survey, if, before the pendulums were brought back to England,
observations could to be made with them at some other points, especially
points nearer tothe equator, such, for instance, as the south coast of
Ceylon, Singapore, or on the coast of Borneo. Another accessible
point, interesting from being in a long line of depression, where a
large gravitation might be expected, is Aden.”

The intention of the Russian government, to have similar obser-
vations made along the Russian arc, has already been alluded to.
If, after the return of the pendulums to England, they were to be
swung at one of the Russian stations, it will be possible to combine
the Russian with the Indian operations, and deduce a value of the
earth’s ellipticity from exclusively Continental observations, extending
from cape Comorin to the northernmost part of Finmark.

“gravitation, Actually to carry this out, would probably require observations
“to be made at stations more numerous than can be thought of, but the fact of
“its possibility shows how severe a check pendulum observations are capable of
“ exercising on the results of geodetic observations.”

1865.] Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States, 273

Notes on a collection of Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan
States —OCollected by F. Fuvpnn, Lsq., 1864-65.—By W. Tuxosarn,
Junor, Esq.

[Received 17th July, 1865.]

Mr. Fedden having kindly placed in my hands for examination a
small collection of shells from the Shan states, I am led to offer the
following brief remarks, though I have not the requisite time at
my disposal at present, to describe the many novelties which the
cqllection contains, most of which, however, Mr. Benson will shortly
describe in the Annals of Natural History. Although the condition
of many of the specimens is very poor, for purposes of describing
specific characters, and many species are represented by a single
individual, still the collection affords conclusive evidence of the great
richness in terrestrial mollusca of the region where it was made, and
interesting proof of the distribution of some shells, hitherto rather
searce in Indian collections.

Fam. Menanrap.

‘s 1 Melania tuberculata, Mull. Species.
Large and fine ... 1.90 0.60.
2. 2 M. variabilis ... ‘Cees Melania, 2.

Of this melania there are five marked varieties, some of which
could doubtless be separated specifically by many systematists.

3. 1 Glabra. A smooth var. from the tepid springs of Nam-moo.

This var., in common with all the others, has the apex but
little eroded, and differs but little from the ordinary smooth
var. found in Pegu and Bengal.

An average specimen measures 2.00 X 0.75, the measurement being
taken along the long axis of the shell, and the transverse diameter of
the last whorl.

Qnd. Vittata. This var. is also smooth, but with more convex whorls
than the last. The shell too is paler, with a dark median stripe becoming
obsolete on the last whorls, but well marked on the earlier ones.
Average size 2.00 0.75.

. 8rd. Turrita. A black turrited var. sometimes slightly eroded at the
extreme apex, and with the whorls ornamented with two or more,

274 ° Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. [No. 4,

usually three, series of prominent tubercles, ranged in symmetrical spiral
order with four non-tubercular spiral keels on the last whorl towards the
mouth. The tubercles form oblique transverse ribs, but the ribs are
a subordinate feature to the spiral ornamentation. 2.00 0.75.

4th. Pyramidalis. Ornamentation like the last var. but form very
squat, with rapidly increasing whorls. The shell is slightly corulescent,
with four dark brown stripes visible in the interior, corresponding with
the spiral keels outside. Columella slightly yellowish, apex but little
eroded. 1.90 * 0.85.

Grotto in Nam-mah stream.

Qnd. Baccifera. This var. is intermediate in its character between
vars. 2 and 8. Its whorls are ornamented with four or five rows of
beaded keels, the transverse ribbing being often well marked likewise.
Most of the specimens were dead shells. 1.90 & 0.75.

It is noteworthy that the ordinary type of JZ. variabilis, or the huge
specimens of the race met with in the Arakan hills, are not represented
in the collection, though the abundance of calcareous rocks and eale tuff
would, primé facie, lead us to expect shells of similar, if not greater,
dimensions. Climate and a lower average temperature of the streams
in the Shan country may possibly explain the small size W. variabilis
there attains, since I have a Maulmein shell which measures 4.00
X 1.30, and Arakan specimens not rarely attain (decollated shells).
3.00 x 1.30.

3. 1 Paludomus.

A single specimen of a large paludomus, which I have not
yet identified, occurred in the collection.
Fam. Patoupinipz,

4. 1 Paludina naticordes, un. s.

Two marked varieties of this shell occur. A smooth one with one,
two or three filiform keels, and a strongly keeled var. with prominent,
rugose keels. The species is probably undescribed and may be thus
characterised.

P. naticordes, Th.—Testa turbinata, sub-polita, solida, pallide flaves-
cente cornea ad peripheriam carinaé munita; marginibus callo junctis,
callo columellari non raro valde incrassato, umbilicum obtegente,

Varietas fasciata, fasciis duabus castaneis ornatur, hac superperipheri- —
ali, illé juxta suturam posité. Anfractu ultimo tertia notest a carina

As: Soc: Bengal. Vol: XXXIV, Pt: WH. Pl: IX

Hi, Paludina naticoides mn. s. var fasctata.

d° d? var. carinata.

4. MNelamia. variabihs, Benson var vitlata
aN rie a var
6 a? ac van
7. a? a® Var,
DRAWN BY TY. W. TURNER AND ON STONE BY KRISTOHUPRY DOSS sov' SCHOO” OF AR
.

LITH: BY H.M. SMITH, S.@. Q. CALCUTTA NOV. 1865,

1865.] Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States, 275

paulum remota. Callo flavescente, ore interiori ccerulescente. Anfrac-
tibus 64. 1.45 « 1.10 !

Var. carinata, Cavinis quatuor fortissimis supra munitur, et infra
peripheriam sex vel quinque levioribus; colore albido; epidermide
flavescente ; fasciis nonnullis castaneis interdum ornata. 1.40 % 1.00.

These two varieties pass into each other, but the peculiar columellar
callus is pretty constant inall specimens. But for this character, some
of the smooth variety might be referred to P. Bengalensis, which
is an extremely variable species.

The strongly corded var. is well marked, but I have preferred taking
the smooth shell as the type of the species, and have regarded the
keeled individuals as hypertrophied, placing the greatest value, as a
specific character, on the columellar callus, occurring in both varieties.

2. P. melanostoma. Paludina...... 2.

1. Bithinia nassa, n. s.

Testi elongata, turbinaté, polita, diaphana, solidiusculé. Labio
expansiusculo, plicdé callos’ externd munita. Anfractibus quinque,
0.45 & 0.25.

This is the only species of Bithinia in the collection, and it is well
characterised by the strong rib-like fold strengthening the lip outside,
somewhat as in “ nassa.”’

1. Ampullaria, sp.

A small species similar to that found at Maulmein, but distinct
from the smaller species met with in the Arakan hills.

An ordinary specimen measures, 1.75. Aperture 1.25. A very large
specimen of the Arakan species. 1.45. Aperture 0.95.

Fam. Hettciws.

Of Helices of all sections, the collection comprises twenty-three
species, nearly one half of which seem undescribed.

1 Hehe, n. s.

A large dextral species of six whorls partaking the characters of H,
interrupta and H. semidecussata, but very distinct from either. All
the specimens are unfortunately dead shells. Lat. 1.55 % Alt. 0.75.

2. H. Blanfordi, Th.

This species was originally founded on a single shell from Darjiling
in my cabinet, which, from its sculpture, I had no hesitation in separat-

36

=

276 Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. [No. 4,

ing from its nearest ally H. cyeloplax. It appears to be a common —
shell in ths Shan states, though not so in the Hastern Himalayas, but
all the specimens are dead shells. They agree well with the type,
though a trifle larger and more convex.
3. Helix ansorinus, n. s. (MSS.)
A very marked form, but all the shells dead ones.
The sculpture is very ornate and well marked. Shape somewhat as —
in H. Peguensis. 1.20 x 0.60.
4. H. delibrata, B.

te MACS PRR
8. H....... (approaches H. Guerinz).
9. H. sanis, B.

Though a trifle larger than the type, I can see no sufficient reason
for separating this from the Andaman shell. A few dead specimens
only are contained in the collection.

10. 4. infula, B. one or two specimens,

11. #&. attegia, B. one specimen.

sR = (Aa
Ea: Apres oe
WAS. rcs

15. 4. similaris, Fer. var.

This shell is somewhat variable. It is usually banded, but occasion-
ally the band is obsolete. It tends to unite H. Zoroaster, Th. and
H, bolus, B., closely approaching the former, but being less depressed
and more tumid, though not so globose as the smaller sized H. bolus,
B. 0.75 X 0.40. Another variety occurs which might be ranked as a
large H. Zoroaster, Th., but it is not larger than the type of that shell,
bnt shows a tendency to approach H, delibrata, B. in form and expend
peristome. 0.80 x 0.40.

16. H. Oldhami, B.

A little larger than the type which was from near Ava. »

17. H. Hutton, Pi.

A single specimen of this widely spread species was in the collection.

18. . Arakanensis, Th. A single specimen of this shell c
accompanied the last, a trifle flatter that the type.

1865.] Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. 277

| Helix, ..... aaa wn 1D
1, Plectopylas,..)... sp. Plectopylis, ...... 1
A described species, but not identified with certainty.
1. Nanina vitrinoides.
Abundant.

2. N. consepta, B. TUTOR, Aon n< cotirein cacere megs ee Ok

Closer armed and one more whorl than the type, which was from
near Maulmein.

I Me sciowesas

1. Streptaxis Birmanica, Th,

The variety wanting the marginal tooth.

2. SS. Blanfordi, Th. Three specimens, ............ 2

1. Vitrina (Cryptosonea, Th.) prestans, Gould,

Tolerably common.

Si a4 Re ee

Type as the last. A small species of the same, ............ eet ae

1. Bulimus Sinensis.

A single specimen of this species which is tolerably common in the
Pegu forests.

2. By cecrccssscesees Of the “ Gracilis” type, common, with deciduous
epidermis.

SUPE E Totes oia's os aietaied ditto, common.
EEE OTACUAS, » oss onee common.
Cy

6. B. Niligiricus.

The occurrence of this shell is very interesting. It has eight
whorls and differs slightly from the type, but not to a greater degree
than Nilghiri specimens do from one another, Bulimus, ...... 6

Achatina,..four species,

SA es +

All of the ordinary Indian type.. Achatina, ..i...60. 4
Pupa.........In species with new.

Beets cance N. 8. 8 5 i Re cr
1. Clausilia, a large species, not rare.

2. C....... a small species, rather rare,

278 Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. [No. 4

3. C....... a larger species, common,
All three seem new species. Clausilia, ....... 3

Fam. Limyz1pe.
Lymnea, a small species, LY WEG, ae ae
Planorbis Coromandelianus, Fab.
Very common, rather small Plamorbis, ....2.... 1

Fam. Drrtommatinip2.
Diplommatina, five species.
As far as a cursory examination enables me to judge, all five seem
undescribed : two are sinistral, the others dextral shells.
Diplommatina,... 4

Fam. CycLostomipa.

1. Pterocyclos.

Probably a new species. Of the type of P. pullatus, B., but three-
fourths larger.

2. P. insignis, n. 8.

Forma typica. Testa albida; epidermide flavescente sive castanea,
decidua vestité, castaneo-fasciaté. Peristomate duplici, antice valde
expanso. Operculo intus concavo, extra planiusculo, margine valde
radiate hirsuto. Lat. 1.20. Lat. oris intus 0.65,

This handsome shell seems tolerably abundant.

Pierocyclos,, ~e-essue 2

1. Cyclophorus speciosus, Phil.

A common species, specimens of medium size.

2. C. cornu-venatorium, Sow.

A single specimen occurs in the collection, rather more tumid than
Ava specimens.

Se Ofer i

A distinct but not very well defined species, approaching near to
C. excellens, but wanting the funiculate keel of that species. — Only a
few dead shells were collected.

A, 1G) pease ‘

A single broken specimen, but evidently a new species, recalling in
form C. involvulus, only larger, and for its size a lighter shell. ‘

5. C. n.s. a very minute shell, smaller than C. Scissimargo.

Cyclophorus, ... 5

1865.] Land and Freshwater shells from the Shan States. 279

1. Pupina arula, B. Two specimens.

2. P. artata, B. Two specimens. Pupina, ...crssee 2

1. Alyceus, n.s. type of A. Ingram, BI.

2. A. n.s. type of plectocheilus, B.

3.) A:

BA:

5. A. amphora, B. Two small specimens.

6. A. Alyce; ia. “6

1. Pomatias, n.s.

2. P. n.s. near P. Peguense, but with more convex whorls.
Pomatias, ...... 2

CONCHIFERA,
Fam. Untonipz,
1. Unio czruleus. Very fine.
2. U.marginalis. Fine.
3. Sp. fine. BION * Kate vanei ds oe
One specimen occurs of a unio, remarkable for having two rounded
osculating teeth, one in each valve, very near the anterior end. These
teeth are smooth and apposed without interlocking. The species is
also found in the Pegu Yoma hill streams.

Fam. Cyctapmz,
©. Corbicuta ......... Common.
A small species with yellowish epidermis. Corbicula, cree L
Genera 24, species 77.

Screntiric [yteLrigEnce.
London, Sept. 17, 1865.
My pear Grore,

As you will doubtless print much of my last letter, I will add a
few more items of intelligence concerning matters ornithological, as
T have still been steadily engaged in my commentary on Jerdon’s work.
This has now grown so extensive that I have divided it into four
parts, which will probably spread over the Zbvs for next year. The
first three, treating respectively of Jerdon’s three volumes, and the
fourth, of Ceylon birds, not included by him, and a final tabular expo-

280 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

sition of the Ornis of the Indian special province of the Indian region.
This I divide into 24 districts, and give one to four asterisks to each
square, according to the amount of commonness of the species, and a
cross where I regard it only as a casual straggler. So that consider-
able information is conveyed at a glance. I next take up the Indo-
Chinese or Ultra-Indian province, for which I have a fair amount of
material. You will have received from Col. Phayre a short note from
me respecting the middle-sized Indian Cormorant and one of the
Ring-plovers. I now tell you about them more in detail. No. 1006
of Jerdon will stand as G. fuscicollis, Stephens: Syn. swlezrostris,
Brandt (figured in Gould’s B. Austr.), sulcirostris et stictocephalus,
Bonap., leucogaster, Meyer (apud Jerdon), lewcotis, Blyth, albiventer,
Tickell and purpuragula, Peale,—Sinensis (apud Jerdon), G. K. Gray,
cat. of Nipalese birds, Jerdon,—a somewhat formidable array” of
synonyms. Also, one common small Cormorant is the true pygmeus of
Pallas. Next, about the Ring-plovers. No. 849. This is, as I mentioned,
4G. cwronicus, (Beseke), minor, Meyer, and Jndicus, Latham : distinct
from 2. philippensis, (Scop.), which is a species intermediate to —
ZL. cwronicus and Zi. cantianus, obtained by Wallace in Borneo, 4.
philippensis in nuptial dress, has the usual white forehead surmounted
by a black band, also a black loral streak and auriculars in part ;
crown rufescent-brown with a more rufous periphery; some black
behind the nuchal collar above ; the black pectoral streak narrow or
interrupted in front ; and the tail unbanded, with the outermost three
feathers white ; legs pale in the dry specimens: length of wing 4 inch;
of tarse 14 inch. It should be looked for in 8. India. Of No. 850,
there are two specimens in the India museum, one of which is the
philippensis of Sykes’s list. After learning of the distinctness of phi-
lippensis from cwronicus, I re-examined Horsfield’s type specimen of
his puszllus ; and though in bad condition, especially about the nape,
I now recognise it as distinct. It is in winter dress, and has not the
white collar seen at all seasons in others of the present group. As
compared with cwronicus, the tail is more cuneated, with the dark
band considerably less developed, shewing only as a narrow cross”
stripe on the outermost feathers. Perhaps it is Ch. Peronii, Sanys, the
description of which I have not yet seen. It should also be looked
for in S. India. Jerdon omits to include the Ch. nigri/rons, (Cuv.), v.

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 281

melanops, (Vt.), his russatus, an Australian species, of which he obtain-
ed a single specimen near Madras in the month of June (7. e. during
the southern winter), and which is now in the Society’s museum :
of course an exceedingly rare and accidental straggler. The Indian
Neophron turns out to be distinct and new, N. orientalis, nobis. It is
not the Vultur meleagris of Pallas, which he describes as a rarity in
the Taurian Chersonesus, and which is the black-billed N. percnop-
terus. Four of our rarest Falconide I have made out to be Japanese
species, all priorly named by us ‘insulars.’ 1. Accipiter nisoides,
nobis (gularis, Schl., of which he notes a specimen from Nipal !)—2.
Buteo aquilinus (v. leucocephala), Hodgson (hemilasius, Schl.),—3.
B. plumipes, H. (Japonicus, Schl.),—and 4. Poliornis pygmaeus
(Buteo pygmeus, nobis, B. pyrrhogmys, Schl.), of which Helfer obtain-
ed a specimen in the Tenasserim provinces. Athene castanotus, nobis,
of Ceylon, is recognised as distinct, from castanopterus of Java by
Schlegel. Jerdon’s No. 145 is not Tockus gingalensis (verus), but
7. griseus (Buceros griseus, Latham, B. cineraceus, Sem.), as distin-
guished from 7. gingalensis of Ceylon, which, together with the other,
inhabits that island. The two were discriminated by Layard (Ann.
Mag. N. H. 1854, XIII, 260), though he describes both under cinga-
lensis ; and he also indicates a second Hydrocissa (akin to H. albiros-
tris and H. conoisus) as inhabiting the mountains of Ceylon. Spilor-
nis bacha inhabits Ceylon in addition to Sp. cheela ; and the Parda-
lotus pipra of Lesson is a second Cinghalese Prionochilus (seu
Piprisoma) unknown to Layard. The large crimson Chrysocolaptes of
Ceylon will rank as C. Strickland: (Layard, v. carlotta, Malherbe),
erroneously figured by Jerdon in his Jl/. Ind. Orn. as Brachypternus
Ceylonus !_ No. 197 should be Megalaima Hodgsoni, Bonap, of N. E.
India and the whole Indo-Chinese provinces, as far at least as Cambo-
jia; where the species is mistaken by Schlegel for the Javanese
corvina, which is wholly unknown in those parts: and J. viridis
(apud Schlegel), of Java is quite distinct from JZ. viridis (verus) o
S. India, and is probably the true lineata, Vt., as Schlegel himself
suggests. He also recognises the identity of No. 42 with the leuco-
rypha of Pallas. The latter holds just the same relationship to
H. rustica, which H. hyperythra (of Ceylon) holds to H. Daurica ;
also Falco rulen apud Schlegel (the Shdhia) to F. peregrinus,

282 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

Hypotriorchis severus to H. Subbuteo, Tinnunculus rupicolus (of
Africa) to 7’. Alaudarius, and <Athene castanotus (of Ceylon) to A.
vadiatus. In all these cases the deeper coloured bird is more subtro-
pical, less migratory (or even permanently resident), and does not visit
temperate latitudes. Schlegel, with much probability, refers F. pert-
grinator, Sundevall, to IF. macropus, Swainson (vy. melanogenys,
Gould), the Australian Falcon which occurs in the Malayan province.
I think I mentioned that I found a fine female Falco Babylonicus in
the Worcester Museum; and this is probably the ‘ Red-naped Fal-
con,’ LF. peregrinoides apud G. K. Gray, of his Catalogue of the Birds
of Nepal. The specimen in Worcester is like an adult female Pere-
grine, only much paler, with all the markings considerably less developed ;
nape light cinnamon-rufous marked with dusky; the moustachial
streak small; the upper parts cross-banded as in adult Peregrines :
this rare Falcon belonging to the Peregrine subgroup, as distinguished
from that of the Sakir, Lanan, and Lugger. About Ywurnix, I stated
(in Ibis, 1865, p. 33) that Ortygis luzoniensis of Horsfield’s list of
Javanese birds was the species I now recognise as 7’. tanki (B. Ham.,
vy. goudera, Hodgson) ; and such a distribution rather puzzled me, as I
knew no instance of 7’. tanki out of India proper. It is, however, of
a nearly allied but smaller species proper to the Malayan province, de-
scribed by Wallace from Timor as 7’. rufescens. Thus are here three
allied species, Z’. maculosus in the Indo-Chinese province with China,
T. tankc in the Indian special province, and Z. rufescens in the Ma-
layan province. The proper name for the Indian Curlew will be
Numenius lineatus, Cuv.: Syn. N. Major, Schlegel.

D. G. Elliot of New York was here the other day, and picked up a
few new Polyplectrons from Cochin China at Paris. He is about to
bring out the Phasianide in grand style, from drawings by Wolf, —
some already made, and which you would most heartily admire.

Now for some intelligence about what is doing in the Zoological
Gardens, Regent’s Park. There are two small female African ele-
phants now in London, one of which is safe in the Zoological
Gardens. Also a pair of the superb Gazella Dama. A fine healthy
Buceros Abyssinicus (Abba Gumba of Appendix to Bruce’s Travels),
the long-legged ground Hornbill, a most curious kind, which stalks
about in a style that would puzzle you altogether to make out —

1865.J Setentific Intelligence: 283

what it was, if you were to see it stepping about at a distance. Em-
phatically a snake-devourer. Two young Wapitis came to light this
week, the daughters of the fine Californian buck! A lot of Ammoperdix
Heyi; and different species of Pterocles. Pt. alchata (I may have told
you) has bred, and I saw the newly hatched chick, precox of course,
but inactive, from the shortness of its legs. The Felis macroceles and.
two Ursus Malayanus which I brought doing well. A pair of common
house Mainas at last ; and I wish I could see a pair of common Indian
crows, and the two common Indian vultures, Gyps indicus and G@.
bengalensis. Although the temperature has been extraordinarily high
all this September, and people are panting and languishing as if they
were in Sierra Leone, I observe with interest and considerable surprise
that the Arctic Foxes are rapidly re-assuming their white winter coat !
I hear of some extraordinary discoveries up one of the great tributaries
of the Amazons, where the few scattered human inhabitants had never
before been visited, and were unacquainted with the use of metal,
using stone implements; and the animals quite tame and unscared
by man—herds of Tapirs, which would allow their coats to be rubbed
by a stick and enjoyed the titillation. I just lost a fine thing the
other day atStephens’s auction, a splendid skull of Bubalus brachyceros
had been knocked down for eight shillings; and the purchaser would
not part with it. You would otherwise have had it.

P. S.—I have been thinking that you would do well to re-publish
my commentary on Jerdon’s Birds of India, if you could get Jerdon
himself to annotate it, and thus afford him a convenient opportunity,
of making known all that he may have to add, in order to complete
our information on the subject up to the date of publication in the
J.A.S. I much wish to know how his book has sold, and also what
progress he is making with the other classes of vertebrata. NV. B.
Felis rubiyginosa of the Coromandel Coast extends to Ceylon (Cingha-
lese specimen in Belfast Museum); and my Cinghalese Sevwrus Lay-
ardi is in the Worcester Museum from Malabar, sent (with Presbytis
Johnii, verus, &c.) by R. Cole of Madras. Also, in the Worcester
Museum, a fine adult female of the rare Falco Babylonicus, alleged to
be from Java, which I do not believe. Ihave seen a kitten of my
Felis Jerdoni from Malabar, and I have little doubt that this jungle-
cat there takes the place of /. rubiginosa of the Coromandel side of

37

284 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

the Peninsula. I adda list of desiderata for the Zoological Gardens.
You may smile at my enumerating common Vultures, Kites and
Crows, Frogs and Toads; but these are just what are wanted—
what nobody thinks of sending. The Batrachia might be sent in
damp jars, and would endure the voyage without food, though
cockroaches might be given to them if available. N. B. There are
Australian Rallide and Pelicans in the Zoological Gardens; also
Varanide, Scincide, and Snakes. Why not also Indian? and
operculated Shells (sent with opercle closed) as Ampullaria and Ceri-
thium telescopium ; even our big Achatina with its pseud-opercle
closed.

Mammarta. Gibbons—Hunumain Monkey and other species of
Presbytis—Wild Dog—Indian Woli—common Bengal Fox, one in
Dublin Zoological Gardens, labelled—Jackal, C. aureus !—Viverra
Zibetha—Arctonyx—Jungle-cats—4-horned Antelope—Gaydls and
common Buffaloes (fine, as those of Burma)—Tapir—Riinoceros
Sondaicus (from Sunderbéns or Burma) and Lh. Sumatranus—any of
the Himalayan ruminants— Z’upaca—Melogale—Pteromys—Atherura
—Porcupine from Chittagong or Tippera.

Avzs. Lories (any),—common Kites, 2 or 3 (not Brahmini)—
Limnaétus niveus (of Jerdon’s work)—Pontoaétus icthyaétus—Spilornis
cheela (especially, to contrast with Sp. Hlgini)—Poliornis teesa—
Aquila fulvescens (2 or 8 to contrast with the allied African species)
—Aq. hastata—Ketupa Ceylonensis—Urrua bengalensis—U. Coro-
manda—Ninox scutellatus—Gyps Indicus and G. Bengalensis (not Oto-
gyps calvus. With the exceptions of the two common Bengal species”
of Gyps, the series of Old World Vultures is complete. N.B. Neo-
phron percnopterus of Africa has a black bill, in India a flesh-eolowred
bill !)—Barbets—Centropus rufipennis (very desirable. N.B. The
two Indian Coéls are doing well)—Corvus splendens and C. culminatus
(pair of each, especially the former)—Dendrocitta rufa (very accept-
able—Bhimraj—Shdma—Sdt Bhai (Malacocircus)—Bdyas (Ploceus, 2
or 8 pairs of each, which would doubtless breed)—Mainas of each
species, Sturnopastor, and especially Temenuchus, pagodarum (2 or 3
pairs of each) —Bengal Jungle-fowls, with white ear-lappet—A djutants,
bothspecies—Ciconia lewcocephala—Geronticus papillosus—Threskiornis
melanocephalus; one already from Siam!—Gallicrex cristatus—Gallinula

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 285

phenicura—Sarkidiornis melanonotus—A nas pecilorhyncha—A. caryo-
phyllacea—Fuliqula rufina-—Pelicanus Philippiensis (small Indian
Pelican, common in South India). If Pelicans can be sent from
Australia, why not from India? I have mentioned that we have
Australian Rallide alive, and also Gidicnemus grallarius. By the
way, the middle-sized Indian Cormorant still remains an enigma. I
have seen.no specimen in England, nor is any such species recognised
in Schlegel’s elaborate notice of the genus. Specimens (skins) of
this bird would be most acceptable! It appears to be common in
Kashmir.

Tickell’s supposed new Gadidous fish is precisely what I told you it
would be. There should be a plentiful supply in the museum, several
dozens, which I procured in the Akyab bazar. It was described and
figured by Richardson, and since by McClelland (who associated it
with the Gadide). I cannot refer just now, but the synonyms in my
hand-writing should be on the label attached to the bottle ; and that
bottle I left near the specimens of Polynemus, which Jerdon agreed
with me in considering the nearest ally. It just holds that sort of
relationship to some of the Gadide, which the Scopelide do to the
Salmonide ; only the latter are really more nearly allied, I think.
There is a most interesting Australian Seal on exhibition at Cremorne,
which I am anxious to see, and will do so soon. Vide a notice of it,
in a letter from Bartlett to Gray, in a late No. of the Annals. So
high a price is wanted for it that the Zoological Secretary has declined
to purchase hitherto; but I fear that the exhibition of it brings in
some £11 or 12 per week to its proprietor! Of course I have been
to see the African Elephant, which differs very much from the Asiatic.
It is equally docile, but much more energetic and active, and Bartlett
considers it the more intelligent of the two! Moreover it is very
salacious, which the Asiatic is not (unless when regularly must). It
was rather in bad case when it arrived, but is now in capital condition. A
small African female Elephant is expected immediately ; and with it one
of the long-legged African ground Hornbills, Bucorvus Abyssinicus, or
Abba Gumba of Bruce. The other Hornbills are doing admirably, vzz.
8 Homrai, one B. rhinoceros, 1 albirostris, and one small African
Tockus. Two or three more of albirostris would be acceptable, and as
many more species as possible, especially the large kinds; for they

286 Scientific Intelligence, [No. 4,

shew well in the spacious aviaries allotted to them. The yellow-
quilled Porcupine (Malabaricus, Sclater,) turns out to be my H. Ben-
galensis, the yellow colour of the quills being only temporary. The
3 handed Armadillo is a most interesting form, very different from
Dasypus, and considerably akin to Glyptodon. There are a fine
healthy pair of Chimpanzees, and female Orang-utan ; but no Gibbons,
which are particularly wanted; especially as there seems every pros-
pect now of these Apes living, as they are so very much better accom-
modated. The Gazella dama lately added to the Garden is a fine
acquisition ; and Burchell’s Zebra has bred. The Eagle you sent has
assumed the mature plumage ; and I think I may say that all, which
you have sent, are doing well, the 2 Mycterie, 2 Tantali, also pair of
Hematornis Elgini, and pair of Hudynamys orientalis &e. Gallo-
phasis Uineatus has bred; and there is a young hen } Swinhoer; also a
half-bred Ocellated Turkey. Males of Phanicura Reeves and Diar-
digallus. Also the Heliornis or ‘ Sun Bittern’ (a very curious form) ; and
the black-necked Swans. Bengal Floriken in first-rate summer dress.
It was sent by Babu Rajendro Mullick in 1857. How is he getting on,
and his store of live-stock ? Three living Apteryx / Sturgeon still doing
well. Garrulax Sinensis from China, quite lively and well: the same
as the Tenasserim species. The new Cassowary which I described
turns out to be the finest of them all. A living female at Amsterdam ;
and its egg quite different from that of common Cassowary, or of
Mooruk. I have seen the magnificent fossil head in the British Museum
of Elephas primigenius lately dug up near Iford in Essex, with superb
tusks in socket—not curled up as in the Siberian specimens so often
figured. Head very different from that of . Indicus, more like Afri-
canus, but the grinders are of the same type as the former. Another fine
accession to the B. M. is an enormous aérolite from Australia,

I must now tell you a few results of interest at which I have arrived
concerning Indian birds. The paper is a very long one, and will probably
spread over the Jbzs for all next year. When I have quite finished
it, I contemplate working out the birds of the Indo-Chinese province
or sub-region, and then those of the Malayan Peninsula. You may
begin by expunging from your list Cotyle sub-soccata (identical with
Sinensis), Ruticilla phenicura (as distinct from pheenicwroides), Phyl-
loscopus trochilus (disavowed now as Indian by Gould), and I suspect

1865.} Scientific Intelligence. 287

also Sturnus unicolor (for which I believe old spotless specimens of
8. vulgaris have been mistaken); Rhodophila melanoleuca, Genus
quite identical with Oreicola, Bonap., as founded on two Timor
species, melanoleuca and luctuosa ; and therefore I now call the Indian
one O. Jerdoni, and do not agree that Pratincola ferrea should range
with it. (Vide Jerdon’s Appendix). The Horornis and Horeites
series puzzled us much. Horornis fulviventer = Phylloscopus fusca-
tus, nobis |—H. fuliginiventro, also a Phylloscopus, akin to last—H,
flaviventris a true Dumeticola ; and H. fortipes, I suspect, another
Dumeticola, (to judge from my description of Hodgson’s specimen in
J. A. S. XIV, 585, for I cannot find a specimen in the museums
here.) This disposes of the four species admitted by Jerdon; but
both in the British and India museums, I find numerous specimens
marked Horornis assimilis, Hodg., and these are identical with the
bird I formerly described as Drymoica brevicaudata, Afterwards I
thought that this was the adult of Neornis flavolivocea, Hodg., of
which I had only seen the young ; and this view is accepted by Jerdon.
It turns out that the two are allied species, and Horsfield’s Sylvia
montana constitutes a third; so I bring these three together under
Neornis, and sink Horornis altogether. As for Horeites, I know but
of two species, the large H. major, and the small H. brunnetfrons,
(v. schistilatus), of which pollicaris is the young! Jerdon sends me a
new Dumeticola ; making 3 (if not 4) of this form, which I think
might be very well merged under Locustella. Jerdon tells me that
my Accipiter nisoides is common in the interior of the Himalaya; I
can find no specimens, and two that he has sent me (as I presume for
this) are decidedly A. Virgatus, which he should know well. His new
swallow, Hirwndo Tytleri (mn Appendix), I cannot distinguish from
HI. cahirica of Palestine and Egypt; but Adam’s species (referred to
by Jerdon and H. fluvicola) is distinct, and Gould has named it
empusa. Two species of Woodpecker are confounded under Chryso-
colaptes sultaneus, viz. true sullaneus, H. (strenwus, Gould), which is
considerably larger, rare, and known only from Nipaél; and C. Deles-
serti, Malherbe, from all India, Indo-China, and Malayan Peninsula.
Zoothera imbricata, Layard—Oreocincla Nilgiriensis, nobis. Of Cuc-
koos, our Himalayanus is the canoroides, Muller, and optatus,
Gould; and this species is accepted as striatus, Drapeiz, by Schlegel.

288 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

It would seem to be the commonest species of the archipelago.
Wallace has also C. poliocephalus from Java. In the British Museum
there is a Nipal specimen of what seems to me a small race of H.
sparverioides, which I have named nisoides: wing 74 in.—Of H.
misicolor I have now seen several specimens. J. strenuus, Gould
(B. As.), I think doubtfully separable from sparveroides ; and his
hyperythrus is just the adult of Horsfield’s fugax, which I consider to
be distinct from the Indian varius. The fugax I now recognise as
H, flaviventris, (Scopoli. Syn. C. radiatus, Gm. ; H. pectoralis, Caba-
nis, and A. hyperythrus, Gould,—the adult; and C. fugaxz, Horsf.,
sparveroides apud von Schrenck,—the young.)—From China, Philip-
pines, Borneo, and Java. My Geocichla dissimilis is Turdus chrysolaus,
Temm., nec cardis (Jerd. No. 358). The Tragopan Duvaucelit, Temm.,
is Pucrasia castanea, Gould; and its true habitat probably Kashmir
(Kdfiristan being altogether out of the question). I suspect that
nipalensis, Gould, is merely a hybrid between it and the common
Himalayan species, Arboricola, I have made out a list of 12 species
of this group! Zurniw Dussumieria (vERUS) = Sykesi; and 7. Dussu-
miert apud Jerdon must stand as tanckz, B. Ham. (v. joudera, Hodg-
son). Gasarca leucoptera, nobis, is Anas scutulata, Miller.

This must do forthe present. I may add that the large striped
Derbian Eland has a very different form of ear-conch from the common
Eland, broad like that of the Kandoa, instead of lanceolate as in the
humped cattle. This is a notable distinction.

Nors on tue Prvra Patrivexrs (Arboricola, Hodgson). This groud
of hill Partridges, with long (or moderately long) straight claws and
spurless, is greatly developed in the jungle-clad hills of 8S. EH. Asia
and its islands, where probably several species yet remain to be
discovered. I think we can already enumerate—

a. With the throat well feathered.
1. A rorgunoxa. (Tem., p. c. 462-3.) The only species known to
me in which the sexes present a marked difference of plumage.

Himalaya. F
2. a. RuFoguLARIS, nobis. S. E. Himalaya (at a lower altitude
than the preceding race,) and also the Tenasserim mountains. (J. A.

S. XXIV, 276.)

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 289

- 3. A. BRUNNEOPECTUS, Tickell. (J. A. S. XXIV, 276.) Tenas-
serim mountains.

4. a, gavanica. (Brown, J. A. Zool. pl. XVII; Temm., p. c.
1488 : but quere—the red surrounding the eye?) Java. ;

5. A. (?) Aiguernosa. (Eyton. P. Z. 8. 1839, p. 106.) Malayan

peninsula.

b. With the throat thinly clad with feathers, shewing
the crimson skin beneath.

6. a. PeRsonata. (Horsfield, Zool. Pes.in Java, fig.; Tr. Lim.
Soc. XIII, 184.) Sumatra (?) and Java.

7. A. ATRoauLARIS, nobis. (J. A. S. XVIII, 819; Perdix oliva-
cea of Buchanan Hamilton’s drawings, not of Gray, Hardw. Jil.
Ind, Zool.) Hills bordering the valley of the Brahmaputra south-
ward.

8. A. INTERMEDIA, nobis. (J. A. S. XXIV, 277.) Probably from
Arakan.

9. a. omaritoni. (Hyton. Ann, Mag. M. H. 1845, XVI, p. 235.)
Malayan peninsula : not uncommon about Pinang and Province Wel-
lesley. (Type of Tropicoperdix, nobis, passim ?)

10. a. cutoropus. (Tickell. J. A. S. XXVIII, 415, 453,)
Tenasserim mountains.

c. With large bare space in front of neck.

11. a. punorutata. (Hardw. Jil. Ind. Zool.) Hab. ?

12. a. crupiguLaris. (Swinhoe, Lbs, 1864, p. 426.) Formosa,
Type of oreoperdix, Swinhoe.

N.B. The Perdix oculea, Tem. (Pig. e¢ Gall. III, 408; TZetrao
ocellatus, Rafiles, Zr. Lin. Soc. XIII, 332; Hardw. Jil. Ind.
Zool. ;) of Mergui province and Sumatra, is the type of my Caloper-
dix ; and P. thoracica, Tem. (Peg. et Gall. HI, 335, P. and Arbori-
cola sphenurus, Gray,) is the type of Bambusicola, Gould, to which a

second species has been added by Mr. Swinhoe from Formosa, B. So-
norivox, Gould. (B. As. pt. XVI.)

The Partridges of the Pewra group are best obtained from natives
of the country who understand netting them, Comparatively tew fall

“290 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

to the gun. They rise singly in such difficult places, in steep bam-
boo-clad hills, that even if occasionally hit by a snap-shot, they are
oftener lost than picked up, in localities where a trained dog is an
impracticable desideratum: but there are ways of netting them, for I
have received from Sylhet several dozens at a time of live A. atrogu-
laris ; and a lot of A, torqueola is similarly now and then obtainable
at different hill stations. A pair of A. torqueola are now doing well
in the Zoological Gardens, Regent’s Park, London.

Ep. Buytu.

Erratum in Mr. Parish’s paper in Part II. No. ILI. of the

Journal.

Page 139 Line 35, for Pinus longifolia read Pinus Massoniana.

’

Meteorological Observations. i

Abstrac of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of January, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c, of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

4 = 3 Range of the Barometer a 2 |Range of the Tempera-
) § S during the day. > # ture during the day.
o s

Dat, | #28 (2a
3 4x Max Min Diff. FA = Max, | Min, | Diff.
= =
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Cy) 0 ° rt)

1 | Sunday

2 30.083 | 30.159 | 30,044 0.115 68.0 774 59.2 | 18.2

3 .090 .158 046 112 68.4 77.8 59.2 | 18.6

4 151 .222 105 alla 69.4; 78.8 61.2 | 17.6

5 150 238 .099 139 68.8 77.8 60.4 | 17.4

6 113 .209 .047 162 68.2 77.8 60.5 | 17.3

7 055 137 | 29.997 140 68.7 77.5 59.8 | 17.7

8 | Sunday.

9 075 -156 | 30.017 139 68.6 76.8 62.0 | 14.8
10 075 148 019 129 65.7 73.4 59.0 | 14.4
11 .058 132 | 29.992 14.0 64.6 73.2 57.0 | 16.2
12 .058 -120 | 30.010 .110 66.4 75.7 58.6 | 17.1
13 .073 136 .026 .110 67.2 76.4 59.2 | 17.2
14 105 178 051 127 69.7 79.6 60.6 | 19.0
15 | Sunday.

16 119 191 .065 126 68.8 78.0 61.4 | 16.6
17 .089 165 .040 125 69.0 78.4 60.8 | 17.6
18 110 181 .062 cual) 70.0 81.0 60.8 | 20,2
19 102 185 .035 150 70.7 81.0 60.8 | 20.2
20 .089 169 .030 139 70.1 80.9 61.0 | 19.9
21 073 146 006 140 70.6 81.0 62.0 | 19.0
22 | Sunday.

23 .095 175 052 123 71.7 81.2 63.8 | 17.4
24 .086 169 .017 152 72.7 83.0 | 65.6 | 17.4
25 054 149 | 29.993 156 724 82.0 64.2 | 17.8
26 29.979 .053 -908 145 73.1 83.2 64.1 | 19.1
27 .914 | 29.993 844 149 73.6 79.1 69.2 | 9.9
28 .926 | 30,002 869 133 72.8 81,6 66.2 | 15.4
29 | Sunday.

30 30.003 090 922, .168 70.9 80.3 62.4 | 17.9
31 29.973 .050 908 142 69.0 77.2 65:5, | 7

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

ul

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

Daily Means, &c.

Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
im the month of January, 1865.

of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued).

= E “ Ha ie Tee
2 3 #12 vf se |S8 | es
& = & 2 es (Se [mes
S 2 3 ee PS ee nD >
4 © 3 - oe 250/425
: 5 St as 2 oa tee) 22s
Date. el 4 Q y oo =o Bes & Een
Bs is eae eS. | 25 |p| es
aes) 3 = Be | B2| ES | See) oo
I 2 FQ B. 2 eee aS) oes we cee)
3 # si Bo) be ee | Bel lee) eas
= A os) a z = a a
0 ° 0 0 Inches. T. gr. || Do ex.

1 Sunday.

2 61.6 6.4 56.5 | 11.5 0.465 5.13 2.40 | 0.68

3 62.4 6.0 57.6 {| 10.8 483 32 200 -70

4 62.8 6.6 57.5 | 11.9 481 -30 56 67

5 61.6 7.2 55.8 | 13.0 455 02 .69 65

6 61.7 6.5 Gale hl7 465 13 45 68

7 62.5 6.2 57.5 | 11.2 481 31 38 69

8 | Sunday.

9 61.9 6.7 56.5 | 12.1 465 ol} 54 67
10 58.7 7.0 53.1 | 12.6 415 4.61 AL .66
il 57.7 6.9 52.2 | 12.4 -402 48 30 .66
12 59.1 7.3 53.3 } 13.1 418 64 53 -65
13 60.4 6.8 55.0 | 122 442 -90 45 .67
14 61.9 78 55.7 | 14.0 453 99 94 63
15 | Sunday.

16 61.3 73 yaya || ley 450 97 -70 65
17 61.6 7A 55,7 | 13.3 453 5.00 76 64
18 62.5 75 565 | 13.5 465 kill 89 64
19 62.6 8.1 56-1 | 14.6 459, 04 3.14 62
20 62.1 8.0 55.7 | 14,4 0453 4.99 04 -62
21 63.2 7.4 97.3 | 13.3 A478 5.25 2.90 64
22 Sunday,

23 64.9 6.8 59.5 | 12.2 515 64 79 67
24 65.1 7.6 59.0 | 137 506 53 3.15 64
25 64,1 8.3 57.5 | 14.9 481 27 33 61
26 66.2 69 60.7 | 12.4 536 .86 2.93 67
27 68.8 4.8 65.4 8.2 .626 6.84 09 Piri
28 67.2 5.6 62.7 | 10.1 O72 26 45 72
29 Sunday.

30 62.8 8.1 56.3 | 14.6 462 5.07 3.16 62

31 64.9 4.1 61.6 74 .552 | 6.08 1.68 Alls)

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. iil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of January, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

S 8 | Range of the Barometer S 2 Range of the Temperature
aga for each hour during FQ 2 for each hour during
H 2 oe the month. bo the month.
our, = a 2 Qa EI
aco? ‘ , eS i
#24 | Max. Min. Diff. SH | Max. Min. Diff.
as =
i ennaeeanenee — —_———————
Inches. | Inches.) Inches.| Inches. tv) 0 0 o
Mid- (30.068 | 30.139 |29.884 | 0.255 | 65.5
night i ! 29. 2 : 70.8 61.4 9.4
ui O61 134 .878 .256 64.8 71.0 61.0 10.0
2 .052 128 872 -256 64.1 70.8 60.6 10.2
3 041 113 869 244 63.6 70.8 59.0 11.8
4 .046 L112 .883 .229 62.7 66.8 58.8 8.0
5 047 .130 .890 .240 62.6 70.6 58.0 12.6
6 .068 149 910 239 62.1 70.4 57.4 13.0
Ve .090 -180 .938 2242 61.8 70.2 57.0 13.2
8 118 -210 -963 247 64.6 70.2 59.4 10.8
9 .136 -235 983 «202 69.0 74.0 63.8 10.2
10 140 238 .993 245 72.1 75.6 65.0 10.6
it 121 210 .976 234 74.8 78.2 69.0 9.2
Noon. 094 173 | .938 235 | 7&2) 80:2 68.0 12.2
1 .060 138 917 221 77.5 81.8 70.0 11.8
2 .038 pli .890 227 78.4 83.2 71.8 11.4
3 .019 i Hef .868 243 78.5 83.2 V1.2 12.0
A .013 110 848 .262 76.9 81.6 70.6 11.0
5 .020 129 B44 21d 75,3 79.4 70.2 9.2
6 .027 134 .862 272 72.8 76.6 68.4) 8.2
Ei 041 149 .870 279 (Aleit hone 66.4 9.1
8 .057 161 932 .229 69.7 74.2 65.2 9.0
9 067 175 912 .263 68.4 73.3 63.6 9.7
10 .070 178 .883 .295 67.3 42.8 62.4 10,4
11 071 lial .950 221 66.4 72.0 61.8 10.2

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-~
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month.

iv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of January, 1865.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

2 3 3 S ao oo a3

eee eee i
@ Ay © & S 3 eS = ‘S 3s =

ee 5 5 8 2 2s ee = Shy et ea

Hou. | 2S B a 3 aa =O a 2% | me Ey

ae | os S@elea.| 24 |o2 | aati

= ae = 3 ie et Ss DS Oo

= ° Ss 3 Ss Flo = a2) 2 os a4 c a

ge | a | & |@g| ce | cad | gee) eee

Ss b E ray Plas go. |3e8 | ss

=m is ) ola = Ser eee soe
tv) ° tn) tr) Inches. | Troy grs.|Troy grs.

a 609 | 46 | 572 | 83 | o476 | 528 | 1.70 | 076
ak 60.5 4.3 57.1 wed ATS 27 56 Aris
D) 60.1 4.0 56.5 7.6 .465 18 A9 78
3 59.7 3.9 56.2 7A, 461 14 43 78
4, 59.0 Sul 55.7 7.0 453 .06 33 79
5 59.1 3.5 55.9 6.7 456 .09 28 .80
6 58.5 3,6 55.3 6.8 A447 .00 ef .80
vA 58.3 BH) 551 6.7 444 4.97 24 .80
8 60.1 4.5 56.5 8.1 -465 5.18 .60 76
9 62.2 6.8 56.8 12.2 470 18 2.58 .67

10 63.7 8.4 57.0 15.1 A738 18 3.35 61
11 65.0 9.8 58.1 16.7 A9L 34 92 58

Noon! | 6515) 120.79 16 be. iris.ge |!” 4R6 31 4.35 55
at 65.8 ilglez/ 57.6 19.9 483 22 82 52
2 66.3 12.1 57.8 20.6 486 25 5.06 noi
3 66.1 12.4 57.4 21,1 .480 18 il7; 50
4 65.3 11.6 57.2 19.7 476 16 4.70 52
5 65.1 10.2 58.0 17.3 489 32 08 57
6 65.3 7.5 59.3 13.5 511 58 3.13 64
7 64.7 6.4 59.6 145 516 266 2.62 68
8 63.9 5.8 59.3 10.4 oll 63 30 TL
9 63.1 5.3 58.9 9.5 -504 56 06 3

10 62.4 4.9 58.5 8.8 498 50 1.87 45
1 61.7 47 57.9 8.5 488 39 18 75

ee

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. ;

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

‘ in the month of January, 1865.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.
He | SE
‘o-3 |sad
.| 2-3 |S & 3| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
= uy = 2° of the Wind.
Als” jaro
© Inches,
a... .» =| Sunday.
2) 136.0) ... | N. Cloudless : also slightly foggy at midnight.
3,137.4! ,,. |S. H.&S.&N. 4H. | Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 7 a. M.
4| 139.0; ... |N.W.&N, Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 10 & 11
5} 136.2) .. N. & N. W. Cloudless. {e. M.
6) 133.0) .. N. Cloudless till noon: “i till 5 p. mM. cloudless
afterwards also fogey at 10 Pp. M.
AllSOOile ... | H..& N. Cloudless: also fogey from midnight to 2
A.M.
Sie hse w. | Sunday.
9| 132.4) ... - Cloudless,
TOV ASRO}” N. & N. W. i till 4 A, M. cloudless afterwards.
MPLS 3. | NW. & N Cloudless till 1 Pp. wm. “i & “i afterwards,
12) 183.0 os W.&N.W. i till 7 a, M. cloudless afterwards.
13| 1381.4) ,.. |N.W.&W.&N. | Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 9& 10 P.M.
14) 135.0] ... N. Cloudless.
TOW o.. nas Sunday.
16| 1382.4) .. |N.W.&S.&N. Cloudless till noon: Scatd, clouds till 6
p. M. cloudless afterwards.
17| 136:0) ... W.&N. W. Cloudless till8 a.m. “i till 5 p. uw. cloudless
afterwards : also fogey from 8 to 11 Pp. M.
SS peLaSe4s| se) || W. Cloudless : also foggy at 7 a. m. & from 9
toll P.M,
19| 142.4) ... W.&N. W. Cloudless,
Boller '.. |S. Ni & Ui till 7 a. om. cloudless afterwards.
Pile l37.0;|, ... S.f¢E&N, Cloudless.
2. ve =| Sunday.
23| 134.0) ... . Cloudless till 5 a.m. “i & Ni till 6 Pp, mu.
cloudless afterwards ; also foggy at 6 &
Tau. & at8&9P.M.
24) 141.0; .. | N.W.&N, Cloudless till 4 a. mw. “i till 7 vp. m. cloud-
less afterwards.
25| 142.2; .. |N.W.& W. Cloudless till noon: \i& “i till 7 P. wu.
cloudless afterwards.
26} 140.0 oat as Cloudless till11 a, m. “i till 8 Pp. um. cloud-
less afterwards.
774) epee 0.16 |S. W. &S. Cloudy : also raining at 34.u.8 & 9 P. u,
& thundering & lightning at 8 p, Mm.
28) 139.2) ... Ss. W. Scatd. clouds till 10 a. mM. “i afterwards,
PO ven we =| Sunday.
Sol tes.O)° . | N.&S. &N. W. Cloudless till 9 A, mu. Seatd. clonds till 8
Pp. M. cloudless afterwards.
Bill) een 0.32 |S. & N. W.

Ni Cirri,—i Strati
\ i Cirro cumuli,

Cloudless till 5 a. mM. cloudy afterwards:
also thundering & raining at noon.

» 01 Cumuli, “i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, i Nimbi

vi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of January, 1865.

Monruty ReEsvyts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee «. 30.066
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 A. M. on the 5th, s« 30.238
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 P. M. on the 27th, ee 29.844
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee = 0,94
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe oe ee 30.143
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ac aA «» 30.008

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee «=: 04185

o

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. . ee 69.5
Max. Temperature occurred at 2 & 3 P.M. on the 26th, .. o 83.2
Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. m. on the 11th, ae on 57.0
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 26.2
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, se ee eo 73.9
Ditto ditto Min. Giftio;, %. a ac a4 61.7
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 17.2
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. 55 ae 62.7
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 6.8
Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. ee ee 57.3
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, nc 12.2
Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe ee 0.478

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, o. ee a 5.26
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ae 2.62
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.67

Inches
Rained 2 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ee ee 0.32
Total amount of rain during the month, oo oe o. 0.48

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ee N. & N. W:

Meteorological Observations. Vil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of Jaunary, 1865,

Montuty Resvuts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

—

Hour.
c < rt a q ro] r=] s iy (oe
3} ae ie oF sie Of-|o Of |S .Jo/s
gslals elale| |siElel .|slElels|s|2
NJ S)z|2| E. |elsle|s.clalele lela sls \s|4
No. of days.
Midnicht. 8 1 1 1 3) al 6 5
1 8 1 a 1 3 1 7 4
2 6 a 1 1 3 1 7 6
3 7 2 3} 1) 1 5 5 3
4 8 1 1 2 2 4 4, 4,
5 7 al i 3 i! 5 6 2
6 8 1 1 3 2 5 6
i 8 2 2 2 4 4 A
8 7 alt ip 2 3 2 4 4 2
9 12 1 3 5 2 1 2
10 10 2 3 al! 4, 1 3 2
11 11 3 1 1 3 2 3 2
Noon. 10 1 3 1 4 BSG
1 9 2 1 2 3 9
2 13 1 2 1 9
3 10 i iL 2 4 8
A 9 ul 2 1 3 10
5 9 if 1 1 2 10 D.
6 6 il 1 al 5 il 4 7
7 7 il il il 5 il 4 6
8 6 a 2 ul 4 2| 115 5
a) 7 2 1 4, 2 6] 1} 4
10 i 2 1 4 2 6 4
11 6 2 1 4 3 4 4 2

Meteorological Observations. ix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of February, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements -
dependent thereon.

“nw 2s
5 is Range of the Barometer a 8 |Range of the Tempera-
“eh 5 3 during the day, ee ture during the day.
aaa 5 5
Date. | 74 BS es 5
ga2 | Max. | Min. | Diff. 6 | Max. | Min. | Dif
a a
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 ° 0 0
1 30.002 | 30.070 | 29.946 0.124 718 79.2 64.4 | 14.8
2 043 106 993 -113 72.1 79.6 66.6 | 13.0
3 036 115 986 129 73.0 81.2 67.4 | 13.8
4 007 086 -933 153 73.0 81.3 66.2 | 15.1
5 | Sunday.
6 .008 087 948 139°} 72,4 80.4 | 64.4 | 16.0
7 29.986 092 -909 183 | 71.2 80.1 61.2 | 18.9
8 907 | 29.990 829 161 74.5 84.6 | 66.0 | 18.6
g 891 976 846 130 72.8 79.5 69.2 | 10.3
10 873 953 .802 151 73.0 | 81.2 68.6 | 12.6
11 -900 998 835 163 70,3 76.0 66.6] 9.4
12. | Sunday.
13 30.008 | 30.101 .939 .162 72.8 80.1 67.2 | 129
14 .038 128 .985 143 71.5 80.6 62.2 | 18.4
15 .060 157 | 30.015 142 71.7 814 63.8 | 17.6
16 062 -139 004 135 72.9 83.3 62.6 | 20.7
17 29.982 .064 | 29.901 163 74.8 84.6 65:4 | 19.2
18 .913 | 29.986 851 135 77.0 87.1 68.0 | 19.1
19 | Sunday. |
20 -929 | 30.025 876 | .149 78.6 87.8 70.2 | 17.6
21 -903 -002 -826 176 78.4 86.1 70.6 | 15.5
22 -858 -000 -830 170 77.0 85.0 711 | 13.9
23 | -940 -040 .853 187 76.3 85.4 67.6 | 17.8
24 963 .066 .870 196 76.6 87.0 66.2 | 20.8
25 949 058 .880 178 74.3 80.8 | 68.8 | 12.0
26 | Sunday.
27 994 081 .886 195 71.6 78:2 G7aw |. 11
30.065 157 | 30.013 144) 72.2 80,2 64.6 | 15.6

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
ometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

x Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of February, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

Ps : z Ss Be [ag |2s
FS < ces 2 Bt theme | Be
al = at) aS 2 S ° One et Ey his.
2 Pu i c&, = Siers a ©
= o ° bee) Sa 2)|/ oss
z 5 E c= 5) 2.2 eee 4S
Date. ane s Qa e $s Ae Bes o = eo
o 5 2 ws ys eS ae = 8s
2.5 2 S = = & oe |5 08] OS
So = = 2 3 BS EO Speier | Vers ce
I 3 [=] =, a 2 a & a3 x) eles «ba
So oS Se = 9
é 8 = E bay aS $s |zean] Sea
= a os) a a = 3 =
0 fo) o 0 Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr
1 67.0 4.8 63.2 8.6 0.582 6.37 2.08 0.75
2 67.0 5.1 62.9 9.2 576 ol 22 74
3 67.3 5.7 62.7 | 10.3 572 26 50 72
4 65.0 8.0 58.6 | 14.4 499 5.46 3.30 62
5 Sunday.
6 63.6 8.8 56.6 | 15.8 467 ll 49 59
# — 62.5 8.7 55.5 | 15.7 -450 4.94 36 60
8 69.3 5.2 65.7 8.8 -632 6.89 2.29 75
4%) 68.8 4.0 65.6 7.2 .630 90 1.81 79
10 69.1 3:9 66.0 7.0 638 98 80
et 66.7 3.6 63.8 6.5 593 52
12 | Sunday.
13 64.4: 8.4 Bieial plow 485 5.30
14 62.8 8.7 55.8 | 15, 455 4.99
15 63.0 8.7 56.0 | 15.7 458 5.01
16 64.1 8.8 57.1 | 15.8 475 19
17 66.0 8.8 59.8 | 15.0 520 66
18 69.7 7.3 64.6 | 12.4 609 6.62
19 Sunday.
20 70.6 8.0 65.0 | 13.6 617 68
21 70.1 8.3 64.3 | 141 -603 53
22 67.3 Shir 60.5 | 16.5 532 5.77
23 65.5 10.8 57.9 | 18.4 488 .29
24 68.1 8.5 62.1 | 14.5 561 6.08
25 67.1 7.2 62.1 | 12.2 061 12
26 | Sunday.
27 66.5 5.1 62.4 9.2 567 22
28 63.9 8.3 57.3 | 14.9 A478 5.23

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. Xi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of February, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

S 3 a | Range of the Barometer = 5 Range of the Temperature
“294 for each hour during pq 2 for each hour during
H 2 2 the month, pb 5 the month,
our, = A g ; f=: FI =
Bo , eS
&22 | Max. Min. Diff. Se | Max. Min. Diff.
= =
——— — —S es
Inches. | Inches.; Inches.| Inches. ° 0) i) o
Bide 5 . 70.2
night. 9.967 | 30.053 | 29.873 | 0.180 B 74.6 66.6 8.0
i .957 .051 863 .188 69.5 74,6 65.6 9.0
2 947 04.4 853 191 69.1 "3.6 64.6 9.0
3 .937 .035 845 190 | , 68.7 73.0 64.0 9.0
4 .937 .036 842 194 68.1 72.2 63.0 9.2
5 .951 044, 854 .190 67.4 71.8 62.7 9.1
6 .969 -068 .862 .206 66.8 711 62,2 8.9
Lf -994 -086 888 198 66.7 WG 61,2 10.4
8 | 30.023 112 -913 199 69.4 74.8 66.0 8.8
9 .048 141 945. 196 72.8 78.6 67.8 10.8
10 .059 157 .953 .204 75.3 81.0 69.0 12.0
11 .048 «157 917 .240 ak 83.2 70.6 12.6
Noon. .020 134 904 .230 79.3 85.5 71.4 14.1
1 | 29.985 .081 .867 214 80.6 86.4 72.2 14,2
2 951 .048 843 .205 81.6 87.0 75.2 11.8
5 .932 .025 843 182 81.9 87.8 76.0 11.8
4 921 .O15 826 189 81.3 86.8 75.6 11.2
5 922 .019 822 .197 79,9 86.0 74.0 12.0
6 .927 .033 .802 .231 77.5 83.0 73.0 10.0
@ 943 047 824 .223 75.5 80.6 72.2 8.4
8 .958 .055 | .858 197 74.0 78.8 71.1 Te
9 974 -070 858 212 72.8 Pgh 70.1 7.2
10 .983 .077 .866 211 ler 76.4 68.6 78
11 .980 073 878 195 70.8 75,2 67.4 7.8

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dryand Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several howrs
during the month.

xii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of February, 1865.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

re) re 3 E 3 28 (| 658/23

a E = Bee 8 PS |252 (585

at gars. ane 5.2 it ee et Pia

ou (=) ‘oO ro) xs) -s ee =. eh

Hour. | 8 3 A 3 eae ee a a EO

q | 2 2 a= er ee ee rd €.2|33

eo | 3 2 ofS del(A shee ol Bee eo oe

se | a | & |ai] 22 | lee) 882] Bea

2S | bp B [pa | > | gsc] 558 | seg

a A s) fa) = See 2s

0 0 0 o Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.
ae 661 | 41 | 628 | 74 | 0574 | 632 | 1.73 -| 0.79
“a | 638 | 37 | 628) | 67 | .874 82 56 .80
2{ 656 | 35 | 628 | 63 | .574 33 45 81
3 | 658 | 34 | 626 | 61 | 570 29 40 82
4 | 648 | 33 | 622 | 59 | .563 21 34 82
5 | 643 | 31 | 618 | 56 | .555 14 25 83
6 | 636 | 32 | 610 | 58 |) ar! 5.99 27 83
#*| 6361) 31 }ver1 | 5.6] 643 "6.08 22 83
3 | 648 | 46 | 611 | 83 | 543 | 5.98 88 76
9 | 65.8 | 70 | 602 | 126 | .527 76 | 2.95 66
10 | 667 | 86 | 60.7 | 146 | .536 82 | 3.58 62
a1 | 678 | 98 | 604 | 167 | .530 75 | 417 58
Noon.| 67.9 | 114 | 599 |494 | 52a 63 .96 58
SUE eprtahizis econ Mato aY aa 50 | 5.51 50
2 | 685 |131 | 593 | 223 | 511 A9 85 AS
3 | 683 |136] 588 | 231 | .503 39 =| 6.05 AT
4 | 680 |133 | 587 | 226 | .502 38 | 5.86 48
5 | 679 |120 | 59.5 | 204 | .515 55 23 52

6 | 681 | 9A | 615 | 160 | .550 96 | 408 59
7 | 630 | 75 | 62.7 |128 | .572 | 622 | 3.24 66
s | 67.5 | 65 | 629 | 111 | .576 29 «| 2.75 70
9 | 668 | 60] 620 | 108 | .559 11 60 70
10 | 665 | 52 | 623 | 94 | .565 20 23 74
11 | 661 | 47 | 623 | 85 | .565 20 00 76

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. xili -

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
an the month of Kebruary, 1865.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.

He |e
pe er Reto
o-3 | sas Awe
-| 28 |S & &| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
2| 42 |8s¢ of the Wind.
e| SS jax
Ala” jared
0 |Inches,
1) 130.9} ... | S.W.& variable. | i& “i till 3p. mu. cloudy afterwards,
also drizzling at 3 a, M. 10 & 11 Pp. M.
2! 189.0) 0.10 | N. & N. W. Cloudy till 8 a. um. Scatd. clouds till 5 Pp. M. ~

cloudless afterwards also drizzling from
midnight to5 a.m. & foggy from 8 to

10 P. M.
3) 140.4) .., us Cloudy till 3 Pp, um. cloudless afterwards.
4 139.0} .. |N.W.&W. Cloudless till 3 a.m. cloudy till 8 a. M,
Ni & “i afterwards.
Bie. ; Sunday.
6) 145.5 W. &N. W. i.
7| 140.0) , N. W. & W. Cloudless till 10 a. uw. \i afterwards.
Grls7.2| y.. |S. W. Gs. Clondless till 8 a. Mm. %i till 6 Pe. mM. cloudy
afterwards also drizzling at 8 & 9 Pp. M.
Bie ses Pee Sauer CoN Wie Cloudy till 6rp.m, i & “i afterwards ;
also drizzling atl & 9a.m. Sat 1,5
& 6p. M.
10) 184.8] 0.72 |S. & N. W. Ni & i till 4 a. m. cloudy afterwards,
also thundering at 10 a.m. & raining
between 10 &11a4.mu. &at4,5&11P, mM,
1k. 0.20 |S.&S.E. & B. Cloudy : also drizzling after intervals.
EZ ans ide Sunday.

13) 140.4) .,, |N.W.& N. & N. 4E.| i till 4 a. uw. cloudless afterwards: also
slightly foggy at 11 p. M.

14) 141.2" ,.. N. W. Cloudless.

15; 139.5; ... N. W. & W. Cloudless till 2 a. m. Scatd. clouds till 11
A. M. cloudless afterwards.

16} 138.0 W.& N. W. Cloudless.

27) 1a9:2| ... | W.&S8 Cloudless till6 a, mM. Ni till 10 a. uM, “i
till 6 Pp, m. cloudless afterwards.

HS) 140:7)| -... |S. We Cloudless till 7 a. Mm. “i till 6 Pp. mM. cloud-
less afterwards, also foggy at5 & 6 A. M,

SD aa a Sunday.

20] 148.0] ... 8. &S. E. Cloudless.

BAY V4.4). N. W. & W. Cloudless.

22) 139.6) ... Ss. & N. W Cloudless till 5 a. m. Seatd, clonds till 2
p. M. cloudless afterwards, also slightly
drizzled between 10 & 11 a. mM.

23) 140.6) ... |W. &S.W. GN. Cloudless.

24| 143.0; ... | S.W.&S. Cloudless till 11 a, uw. 91 till 6 P. um, cloud.

less afterwards.

Mi Cirri, —i Strati, 9i Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, -i Nimbi
% i Cirro cumuli,

XiV Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

Ba oo

& ae: :

Sie) se Abie se AE

a eae q Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky. :
$] 43 |288] of the Wind.
ALA aed
o |Inches +
Cloudless till 7 a. m. Seatd, clouds after-

25| 139.5) ... | H. & variable,
wards, also foggy between 4 & 7 a. M.

& slightly drizzling at 9 a.m. &4P. uM. ©
261 ieee 0.66 | Sunday.
27; 136.0] 0.18 |N. W. & N. Cloudy nearly the whole day; also thun-

dering and raining between 1 & 2 a. M.
28) 138.0 No Wis Cloudless till 5 a. Mm. “i till9 A, M. cloud-

less afterwards.

Meteorological Observations. Xv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of February, 1865.

Monrnuty Resvrrs.

Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. «. eae 29: 972,
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 & 11 a. M. on the 15th & 28th, 30.157
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 6 Pp. M. on the 10th, «. 29.802
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee 0355
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. nic es ee 30.062
Ditto ditto Min, ditto, .. we ne «- 29.907
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. e- 0,155
o
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae ee 73.7
Max. Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 20th, ee ee 87.8
Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 7th, Ae Bic 61.2
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. - 26.6
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, oe an Je 82.1
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. se ee ee 66.5
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. os 15.6
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. aw ae 66.5
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 72
Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. Ae Se 61.5
Mean Drf Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ae 12.2
Tuches
Mean Blastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ne oe OLHO
Troy grains
Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ae oc & 6.01
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, BF 2.95
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.67
Inches
Rained 10 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, 46 ne 0.72
Yotal amount of rain during the month, ae ie ee 1.86

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. oe oe N. W. & W.

xvi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
im the month of February, 1865.

Monruny Resv.ts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,-
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.
S1.15 4 ey a Went ede: ee) Ga
eles elaje| |S|Els! |e lslsls
NS [o|| BE. lations |e |S.\ca los [ce [Ele hea le 1S |
No. of days
Midnight. 11 gs} | 3! | 4 116
il 1 il a s| 2} 41 14) Pela
2 1 1 5} | 41 116] | 71
3 1 1 2} | 3! | 9127
4 1 1] Pa) | 2) | 6) ipo
5 3 1) Jal f 2) Pz apaa
6 3} TL 1} fa) pal fal dst tz
7 5| | 2 1 1) 1-3), 4 ales
8 6; | 2 2} |1| Jal fal f2i 6
9 5] 113 gol g 2] 1) 3) 11 6\"
10 3} 15 2} | 3/1 4) | 3] [4
11 3} | 4 4, 12 [ite Jaa
Noon. 4 4 2 3 2 a 2 4,
1 5] | 4 1) ota) Pal 03) apa
2 iil el 2} }2i pal fs} [4
3 1] fi 1, .2) 2a) 23) 7 is
4 4 1/1) 2) Jal fol f4) Toa
5 3} fiat 1 | 5) 1) 2) | 6/116
6 1 1] | 2) | 4) af5) a6) [5
7 1 1 5} |6| Pe [5
8 2 1 4, | 6) 116) 75
9 2 1 5} | 5) | 4) 117
10 2 1 7] 14) 114) 16
i 1 s| |2| | 6) 27

SSS

Meteorological Observations.

XVil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

rEg
Baga

ore
2 3,
Date. | “oS
ee

a

Inches
1 | 30.017
2 29.966
3 923
4 -909
5 , Sunday
6 927
7 -930
8 -929
9 +924
10 948
11 962
12 | Sunday
13 .937
14 951
15 .957
16 30.004:
ay 29.998
18 961
19 Sunday
20 ~ 948
21 946
22 .893
23 .859
24 .838
25 848
26 | Sunday.
27 851
28 828
29 852
30 859
31 .880

Range of the Barometer
during the day.

Max.

Inches.

30.094
-040
-000

29.971

992
30.021
29.996
30.00

043

023

009
.057
.029
094
-090
.039

-032
-039
29.975
948
-908
925

932
-912
921
940
963

Min.

Inches.
29,957
.907
832
.820

852
867
.880
874
888
914

893
-887
-900
952
937
586

894
881
819
174
-790
795

781
-765
790
813
828

Diff.

Inches.

Mean Dry Bulb
Thermometer,

I
we
oO

75.9

Range of the Tempera.
ture during the day.

86.7
§3.8
843
86.6
87.8
91.4

93.2
91.2
94.8
94.4
94.7
96.3

97.6
97.8
94.3
93.8
95.0

The, Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

XVili

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

= A 5 S eRe og A 3
Fa 3 - | a 2 Beret) Exe
5 2 2 3 p22 3.) Be
| @ 5 - “6 |25 0|e%¢2%
a ie 5 = © L& BSS] CRE
Datpalts oa. 2 a x S Zoe PEE] SE wo
reer) 3 is wig): tom = 3.3 ir)
o 9 2 a=) = au Oi —~39a| os
eo = 2 as me zo Sees rey, OG
I g FQ B. 2 a = ac o58 Pas]
a Le me a anes miso
® 8 ie g PAY o> os Bs ae] ots
a A 3) a = = e =
0) oO o 0 Inches.| 'T. gr. | gr.
1 64.5 8.5 57.7 | 15.3 0.485 5.30 3.46 0.61
2 69.3 6.6 64.7 | 11.2 611 6.65 2.92 -70
3 69 6 7.3 64.5 | 12,4 .607 .60 3.26 67
4 68.7 6.7 64.0 | 11.4 597 50 2.93 a
5 Sunday.
6 68.5 3.1 66.0 5.6 .638 7.00 1.40
7 69.9 3.2 67.3 5.8 .666 .28 51
8 68.5 3.7 65.5 6.7 -628 6.88 67
9 70.9 5.5 67.0 9.4 .659 Ale 2.55
10 72.0 5.9 67.9 | 10.0 .679 36 -80
ii 72.3 6.0 68.1 | 10.2 684 40 88
12 Sunday
13 70.6 8.5 64.6 | 14.5 .609 6.58 3.95
14 69.6 7.2 64.6 | 12.2 .609 62 21
15 69.0 ee 63.6 | 13.1 .590 .40 40
16 65.9 11.0 58.2 | 18.7 A493 5.34 4.52
17 65.1 ne 56.9 | 19.9 A472 <a! 72
18 66.9 13.1 57.7 | 22.3 485 «22 5.59
19 Sunday.
20 70.0 13.3 60.7 | 22.6 536 72 6.21
21 70.5 12.4 61.8 | 21.1 .555 .95 5.84
22 72.4 11.3 64.5 | 19.2 .607 6.50 57
23 72.4 10 2 65.3 | 17.3 .623 .69 4.99
24 92.7 10.9 65.1 | 18.5 619 63 5.40
25 73.7 10.6 66.3 | 18.0 644 .89 .39
26 Sunday.
27 74.6 11.7 66.4 | 19.9 646 88 6.14
28 74.3 11.4 66.3 | 19.4 644 .88 5.92
29 77.8 6.7 73.1 | 11.4 .803 8.60 3.75
30 75.7 8.1 70.0 | 13.8 727 7.78 4.32
31 74.4 10.2 67.3 | 17.3 .666 12 5.27

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenw ich Constants

Meteorological Observations. xix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

a i
S 3 a; | Range of the Barometer = 3 Range of the Temperature
zg = for each hour during my for each hour during

p 2 2 the month. bo the month.

our, | fe, aé

so , 4 a2 5 :
gS | Max. | Min. Diff, Sa) ova Min. Diff,
= =

Inches. | Inches.; Inches.| Inches, ty) 0 ° °
Mid- 2 99 2 "5 «
night. 9.919 | 30.054 | 29.822 | 0.232 5.0 81.3 68.0 13.3
1 -910 043 813 .230 74.3 80.8 67.0 13.8
2 .898 .033 .805 .228 73.7 79.4 65.8 13.6
3 .888 .018 .798 .220 73.2 78.8 65.2 13.6
4 .888 .003 .802 201 72.7 78.8 64.4 14.4
5 -905 -019 813 .206 722 78.6 64.0 14.6
6 .926 031 832 199 Wt, 78.6 63.8 14.8
fi .948 042 854 .188 72.3 78.4 63.6 14.8
8 .975 .065 .888 Bile iri 754 81.3 68 2 13.1
9 993 .083 .906 Bir 78.8 86.0 68.4 17.6
10 .998 -094 .905 189 81.7 89.4 68.1 | 21.8
11 .987 .088 .896 192 84.2 93.2 74.0 19.2
Noon. .963 071 .872 .199 85.9 95.0 74.2 20.8
1 934 -040 851 .189 87.1 96.2 75.0 21.2
2 .898 .005 811 194 88.0 97.6 76.0 21.6
3 877 '29.977 776 .201 88.1 97.8 75.6 220,
4 .867 .965 -770 .195 87.7 97.6 74.9 22.7
5 .865 959 -765 194 86.4 96.1 72.6 23.5
6 .872 .957 Beare 180 83.4 91.6 71.8 19.8
a .888 .969 -791 178 80.9 88.0 70.8 17.2
8 .906 -988 | .812 .176 79.2 85.2 70.2 15.0
9 918 {30.001 831 170 78.0 83.8 69.6 14,2
10 -928 .015 .837 178 77.0 82.2 70.3 11.9
ant 924 .008 823 185 76.1 81.4 70.0 11.4

~The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month.

XX Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

2 3 3 E = 6 | oom ee
a Bet So 1 8 peep 4) & See oe
° e @ x) ro) 3 "30 = o 2-3
os 3 2 3 2 a pee | fac
Hou. | #8 a a 3 iy hs Cie) ae oe
PW Ree 3 Seiko es sulle & @.2|33°3
a) EI = 34 Ao Steed Seep eS
a| fa’) a. fa-3 == sH-_a | BOE) sea
= Rat fF [pu | S> | 82/358 | Sag
a fa ‘s) a = Sam Es
0 0 ° ° Inches. |Troy grs./Troy grs.
Mid- | ¢97 | 53 | 66.0 | 9.0 | 0638 | 695 | 236 | o7s
ine i : . ; ; : i
1 69.5 | 48 | 661 82 | .640 .99 13 Mii
2 69.3 | 4.4 | 66.2 75 | .642 | 7.01 1.95 18
3 69.2 | 4.0 | 66.0 7.2 638 | 6.98 84 79
4 68.9 | 38 | 65.9 6.8 | .636 .96 72 .80
5 68.5 | 3.7 | 65.5 6.7 | .628 .88 67 81
6 68.2 | 35 | 65.4 6.3 | .626 87 56 82
7 68.6 | 3.7 | 65.6 6.7 | .630 .90 .68 .80
8 70.0 | 5.4 | 66.2 92 | .642 .99 2.44 74
9 70.9 | 79 | 65.4 | 13.4 | .626 17 3.67 65
10 1.7 |100 | 64.7 |17.0 | 611 BT 4.80 58
11 72.0 | 12.2 | 63.5 | 20.7 | .588 27 5.97 DL
Noon.| 72.0 | 13.9 | 623 | 23.6 565 01 6.86 AT
1 72.1 | 15.0 | 63.1 | 24.0 | .580 16 17 AG
2 72.4 | 15.6 | 63.0 | 25.0 | .578 ae BD 45
3 72.3 |158 | 62.8 | 25.3 574, 10 62 45
4 72.2 |15.5 | 62.9 | 248 | .576 ll A5 45
5 71.9 |145 | 61.7 | 247 | 554 | 5.89 17 45
6 7.7 (11.7 | 635 |199 | .588 | 629 5.67 53
7 71.9 | 90 | 656 |15.3 | .630 79 4.31 61
8 Wi | T7Ol* 66.2" 18.0.1 {640 92 3.64 66
9 12 | 68 | 664 |116 | .646 | 7.00 .19 68
10 71.0 | 6.0 | 668 | 102 | .655 a 2.78 72
1 70.7 | 54 | 66.9 9.2 | .657 15 48 14

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations.

XXi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

24/25,
os aod
.| 2-8 |S § 8| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
£ 4S & oe of the Wind,
a
Al a” |zed
© |Inches
wreisne |... || W.a N. We Cloudless.
Bi Lao Os se. ||... Clondless till 9 a. m. Scatd. clouds after-
wards.
3| 134.0; .,. |S. Cloudy till 7 a. m. Scatd. clouds till 8
p. M. cloudy afterwards.
4| 135.0} ... |S.&N.E. Clondy till 10 a.m. oi & “i till4p.M.
cloudy afterwards.
BP. 1.08 | Sunday.
(2 eee 0.54 | HE. & N. Cloudy also raining at midnight & 2 a. mM.
& drizzling from 4 to 8 p.m. & at 11
p. M& thundering at midnight & 5
p. M. & lightning at 1 A.M. & at 8 P.M.
7| 135.4) 0.25 | N.&N. W. Cloudy till 10 a. mt. i till 3 Pp, w. cloudy
afterwards: alsoraining at9 & 10 A. M.
& drizzling from 5 to 9 Pp. M.

8]... . |S.W.& W.&S., Cloudy: also drizzling at 2,5 & 7 Pp. M.
9) 137.0)... | EB. & W. Cloudy till 7 a. 1. “i & i afterwards,
10) 141.0} 0.09 | E.&N. HE. & N. W.) -i till 6 a.m thin clouds till 10 a. M.

*~i & Ni till 5 ep. M. cloudy afterwards ;
also drizzling from 7 to 10 pu. &
lightning at 7 P. M.
11| 189.8 Rar NV siGa.Ne We Cloudless.
Lira) eRe . | Sunday.
13) 145.8 N.W&N Cloudless till 3 a. M, “itill3 P. mu. Scatd,
clouds afterwards.
14) 184.9) .. \|\N.W.& WL GN, Ni & “i till 2 p.m. Scatd. clouds after-
wards.
15) 185.0) |... | N.W. & N. i till 4 Pp. m, cloudless afterwards.
16; 140.1} ... |W. &N. W. Cloudless,
Dyyelet.o) -... | N. Wi & W. Cloudless till 11 a.m. “i till3 yu. Mi
till 6 Pp. M. cloudless afterwards.
18} 141.0} ... |W. &N. W. itil 7a.m. “i till 6 Pp. M. cloudless
afterwards.
LO! sas Sunday.
20 146.4 W.&S.&N, W. Cloudless till 10 a.m. i & “i till 2 P, uw
cloudless afterwards.
ALAN O!| oo. S.W.&N. W. &S.| -i till 1 P. mw. 71 afterwards.
22) 142.2!) ... S.W.&W.&S. i till 4 p.m. cloudy afterwards, also
slightly drizzled at 8 p. mM. & lightning
, ‘ at 7 P. M
23) 142.0] ... S. & N. W. i till 6 a. mM. cloudless afterwards.
24) 141.0) ... |W. &S, W.

Cloudless: also foggy from 3 to 6 a. M,

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, %i Cumuli, “i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, -i Nimbi

\ i Cirro cumuli.

XXil

Meteorological Observations.

‘Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

# . (Se
Papen se
0.9 |\s Qo :
.| 24 |S = 2} Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
lens 5 2 ;
S| £309 of the Wind.
| os fae 5
Al SH lgwd
0 |Inches
25) 142.0| ... |S. W.& W. Cloudless: also foggy from 5 to 8 A. M
26)... es Sunda
27| 141.6) ... |S. &GW.&S. W. Cloudless.
28} 141.0] ... s. Cloudless,
29] 137.0 Ae ales) Cloudless till 3 Pp. Mm. i afterwards.
301) ASV) | oe, vpsseraS. VA Cloudless till 8 a.m. i & “i till 4 P, mw,
Scatd. clouds afterwards, also raining,
thundering and lightning at 8 P. mM,
dl) 144.0| .. |S W.&S Scatd. clouds til 6 a.m M & “i till6é

Pp. M, cloudless afterwards.

Meteorological Observations. XXilL

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Montuty Resvtrs.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. o e. 29.920
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a.M. on thelst & 16th,.. 30.094
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 Pp. M. on the 28th, es) 29,765
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee 0.329
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee a e- 30.000
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. aa as e. 29.859
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. oe» = O14.

o

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee eo 79.4
Max. Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 28th, ee ac 97.8
Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 1st, Sc es 63.6
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, aa AF 34,2
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, ee ee an 88.5
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. He ee oe 71.6
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 16.9
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. be. Ss 70.7
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 8.7
Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. 50 ts 64.6
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, . .. 14.8
Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. we s- 0609

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee ee ws 6.58
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, <a 4.04
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.62

Inches
Rained 6 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, an & 1.08
Total amount of rain during the month, ee ve Pe 1.96

Prevailing direction of the Wind, ., ee . S.&W.& NW.

XXxiv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1865.

Monruty Resvxts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.
ra = a 5 s iS] S rt
° SWS Sie ° of .| Oo On| o hire)
elei|s elle! |siEle] |slElets/ as
NJ21Z |2| E. |2lale|S.clalaielelaleis |S
No. of days
Midnight. 2 8 7 2 5| 1
alt 3 1 8 5 Fi 3
2 il! Sina 8 5 6 4
3 1 2 1 5 5 8 4
4 2 1 ih 5 4. 8 4
5 2 1 1 5 5 8 A
6 2 1 a! 5 6 9 3
7 2 il 7 3} fil 3
8 2 i 2 5 6 4 7
9 3 2 a ade) ats) 5|. | 6 4
10 4 2 2) 1} 1 1 ih 5 5
11 4 1 3 1 4 2 vf 5
Noon. 3 1 2 1 4 2 5 9
il 1 2 1 5 1 6) 11
2 3 1 2 5 2 5/ 1] 9
3 2 1 2 6 7 9
4 ave fea it 5 4 8 7
5 2) 1} 1 Zaid 6 3| 11 8 5
6 eh ee il 9 3 5 6
Ji 2) 1) 2) 2 1 10 2) 1) 5 5
8 2) 1 3| 2 9 3] 17 7) 18
9 1 aU 2 1 10| 1} A 4 4
10 2 1 12h 1f 4 4 4
iit Sie at iat 5 4 3

Meteorological Observations.

XxvV

Abstract of the Results of the Tourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East,

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft. 11 in,

Daily Means, &c., of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

os,
Bea
th

Date. r Fe RS
Sse

Ss

Inches.

1 29.885
2 | Sunday.
3 843
4 842
5 1885
6 814
7 .786
8 788
9 | Sunday.
10 811
11 825
12 872
13 897
14 .877
15 816
16 | Sunday.
17 729
18 824
19 879
20 -761
21 701
22 744A
23 | Sunday.
24 714
25 .706
26 .736
27 782
28 “729
29 .639

30 | Sunday.

dependent thereon,

Range of the Barometer
during the day.

B

Inches.

29.974

908
918
94:7
.888
.878
853

885
908
949
-985
-964
885

795
-905
-969
852
778
795

-786
786
.808
845
802
715

Min.

Inches.

29,802

789
735
811
737
715
731

-746
771
.785
.833
-794,
.731

675
716
809
664
622
673

647
629
653
693
637
526

Mean Dry Bulb
Thermometer.

fo)
Bo
©

Range of the Tempera.
ture during the day.

Max,

Min.

0
75.0

78.4
73.4
72.4
77.0
79.0
81.6

Diff.

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day,

XXVi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

5 : é 6 22 |s28 | 38
= | aan oO eee | ae
e 3° o ms > fo} ° oe me] Dry
2 o onl HES Bo} wo ies S mw Oo
E Ta eee cee
Dapeslity sate 2 A 35 S azo |S55| 82s
gaske 3s a. woe |S) 2 es
oo ‘2 | AN isa oS =54)| Do-m
Bol 3 |e free [Fe | bo Nee. | ee
ao a 3 gs | g¢% |250| 28
$a b 3 by SP S84 |sgaa] $35
= A ie) A = = 3 =
Co) Co) 0 0 Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr.
1 78.2 6.7 73.5 | 114 0.814 7 3.79 0.70
2 | Sunday.
3 74.8 8.8 68.6 | 15.0 695 7.44 4,59 62
4 75.5 8.3 69. 14.1 -720 whl .39 -64
5 72.6 7.8 67.1 | 13.3 -661 13 3.81 65
6 77.8 5.8 73.7 9.9 .819 8.78 25 -73
7 79.3 6.0 75.1 | 10.2 .857 9.15 49 12
8 80.8 6.7 76.8 | 10.7 905 61 88 offi
9 | Sunday.
10 78.0 9.5 72.3 | 15.2 783 8.32 5.17 62
11 77.6 8.6 71.6 | 14.6 .766 15 4.84 -63
12 77.7 7.4 72.5 } 12.6 787 Al 16 67
13 75.1 9.2 68.7 | 15.6 .697 7 AA 84 61
14 77.6 7.8 72.1 | 13.3 778 8.31 37 -66
15 77.8 7.9 72.3 | 13.4 .783 36 AA, 65
16 | Sunday.
17 74.9 6.6 70.3 | 11.2 «734 7.90 3.41 .70
18 75.9 6.7 AZ a Le, -756 8.12 56 70
19 77.8 6.6 Tew Na dil .806 .63 .68 .70
20 78.3 cal 13-3 ||) L21 .809 .63 4.05 68
21 79.9 6.3 75.5 | 10.7 868 9.25 3.74 sik
22 75.2 A, 4 72.1 5) 778 8.39 2.30 19
23 Sunday.
24 78.8 3.7 76.2 6.3 887 9.54 10 82
25 80.8 4.9 77.4 8.3 922 85 95 fice
26 80.8 5.6 76.9 9.5 908 .66 3.40 7A
27 78.9 5.7 74.9 7 .851 .09 .30 73
28 79.3 6.3 74.9 | 10.7 851 .08 .68 BA
29 78.6 6.4 W4.1 | 10.9 .830 8.87 66 71
30 Sunday.

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. XXVil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

Suse. Range of the Barometer : = 5 Range of the Temperature
por : J ‘
eeilagt ice for each hour during Ae for each hour during
H BPS fu the month. bo the month,
our | Ha 2 G&
ao? . : eS ; ¢
aS | Max. Min. Diff, Sm | Max. Min. Diff.
= =
———— rt a
Inches. | Inches.} Inches.| Inches.| 0 ty) ° 0
eh 29,806 | 29.904 |29.700 | 0.204} 80.3] 834] 73.6 9.8
1 793 899 | .686 218 | 79.9} 83.0.) 73.8 9.2
2 -780 884 | .673 211) 79:0" 82.6 74.0 8.6
3 770 -878 | .642 .236 | 792) 826 73.8 8.8
4 771 875 | .646 .229 | 79.1 | 82.8 72.8 10.0
5 .790 898 651 247 78.5 82.6 72.8 9.8
6 804 913 652 261 78.5 82.4 72.4 10.0
7 .826 -930 659 271 79.6 84.0 72.6 11.4
8 848 962 .675 287 82.2 85.4 76.0 9.4
9 863 974 | .697 .277 | 85.2 | 87.8 79.4 8.4
10 864 .985 | .686 .299 | 87.6 st 6 82.0 7.6
11 854 IMs |) 678 .298 | 89.7 2.7 84.0 8.7
Noon, | .830 | .953| .651 | .302| 91.2 | 946| 85.7 8.9
al (99 936 | .623 318 ||) 92:3" | 970 86.4, 10.6
2 769 Okt -598 319 92.8 97.4 88.4 9.0
3 744 .883 558 325 92.6 98.2 84.0 14,2
4 729 855 | .543 312 | 91.0) 97.8 75.0 22.8
5 725 .836 526 310 89.6 96.2 73.8 22.4
6 740 543 .039 804 86.6 93,4 73.6 19.8
7 763 .900 .099 801 84,2 90.8 72.8 18.0
8 784 927 647 .280 82.9 86.8 73.8 13.0
9 805 931 694 237 81.7 85.0 73.8 11.2
10 815 .906 648 208 81.4 84.4 73.6 10.8
il S811 919 | .648 271 | 80.5 | 84.4 73.4 11.0

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.
mometer Means are derived from the ‘Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

XXVUl Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteoroloyical Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

2 3 = E S 28 ose | 33
a 5 Be HG g Pe |eos|Hes
» ms 2 & o-2 oe e | 623
ox ° 5 S 2 2s open 323
Hour. | 8 3 = "s ie =? a Dae be eo
FI 2 2 == @.2|3¢3
ES = = ao Ao Ba. aes BOM
o 8 a a AS eae Piper an merely. Sal Regie
zs b g po | > | $8. | sek) oes
& a io) fa) = Ee ON ae ae
0 o 0 0 Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.
Mid- | yee | 3.7 | 740 | 63 | 0.827 | 8,93
nigit M F 1 ; 82 : 1.98 0.82
1 76.6 3.3 74.3 5.6 835 9.01 ive 84
2 76.3 3.2 74,1 5.4 -830 8.98 68 84
3 76.1 3.1 73.9 5.3 824 -92 64 85
4 76.4 2.7 74.5 4.6 -840 9.09 44 .86
5 75.6 2.9 73.6 4.9 819 8.84 ol .85
6 73.8 2.7 73.9 4.6 824 -92 43 .86
7} 76.4 3.2 74,2 5.4 832 9.00 .69 84
8 Wied 4,5 74.5 toll .840 .03 2.51 78
9 78.7 6.5 74.1 ileal 830 8.87 3.74 .70
10 79.2 8.4 74.2 13.4 832 .85 4.67 .66
11 79.6 10,1 73.5 16.2 814 62 5.75 60
Noon. 79.7 11.5 72.8 18.4 195 40 6.62 -56
1 79.8 12.5 72.3 20.0 «783 24 7.26 203
2 79.6 13.2 CLE 21.1 .768 -08 64 ool
3 79.5 13.1 71.6 21.0 766 05 08 52
4 78.8 12.2 71.5 19.5 763 04 6.89 04
5 78.5 TATE 71.8 17.8 Arial 15 18 Tey
6 78.0 8.6 72.8 13.8 795 AT 4.67 .65
7 77.6 6.6 73.0 11.2 801 57 3.67 .70
8 77.0 5.9 72.9 10.0 797 56 23 .73
9 76.8 4.9 73.4 8.3 S11 73 2.64 ALAS
10 76.8 4.6 73.6 7.8 817 9 A8 .78
i 76.5 4.0 73.7 6.8 819 83 ld .80

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. XXIX

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.
Solar Radiation, Weather, Xc.

ace one
ah la6.
rs) 3 aod f :
-| 23 |S & 2 | Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
2 4S z| se of the Wind.
Ala” jase
o Inches
REO), 40. | 8. Cloudless till 1 p.m. “i & i afterwards.
Zl ie ve =| Sunday.
3) 138.4; ... |S. H.&S. Cloudy till 9.4, m. Scatd, clouds till 6 P.M.
i afterwards drizzled at 4 p. M.
4) 141.0) 0.73 |S. W. & 8. E, i till 9 a. Mm. “i till 4 p. uw. cloudy after-
wards, thundering, lightning, raining at
6-7-9 & 10 pe. mM, & hailstones fell between
5&6 P.M,
5} 132.0| ... | W.&S.&N. W. Litill 1p. mM. cloudless till 7 Pp. mM, i
afterwards.
6| 136.0) ... S.&S. EH. Scatd. clouds till 9 a. mM, “i till 3 Pp. mM.
cloudy afterwards, thundering, lightning
& raining between 6 & 7 P. M.
MW ABTA och | Se SH. Cloudless till 4 a, m, cloudy till 10 a. M.
cloudless afterwards.
8) 139.0) .. 8.&8.W. & W. Cloudy till 8 a. M. i till 8 Pp. m. cloudless
afterwards,
Sasa . =| Sunday.

10; 1360) J. | 8. W.&S. Cloudy till 9 a. m. cloudless afterwards.

Zl 141.0 - SESE We Flying clouds till 6 a. mM. cloudless after-
wards.

BA ASoD| ss | 8 Clondless till 5 p.m. cloudy afterwards.

a3; 132.0| . S.&8 W. \ till 7 a.m. 91 till 3 Pp. Mm. “i afterwards.

14) 134.5) ... |S. &58, W. Cloudy till 7 a, M. -i till6 Pp. mM. cloudless
afterwards,

fo tee0) ... | S.& 8. W. i till noon, cloudless afterwards,

IG} ae ww. =| Sunday.

a7) 136:5| ... |S. 8. &S8, i till 10 a. m. cloudy afterwards,
lightning at 9 & 11 Pp. uM.

18} 1382.0| 0.17 | E.&8.&S8. E. Cloudy till 4 a. mM. Scatd. clouds after-

t wards, raining & thundering at 4 Pp. M.

19)/131.0| .. | S.&S. W. Cloudy till 7 a. mM, “i & itillS ep. u,
cloudless afterwards.

BO 137.0} .. |S. &S. W. Cloudless till 2 a. Mm. i afterwards.

21! 132.8". 8. & 5S. W Yi till 4 A. M. cloudy till 8 a. um, i till 4
p, M. cloudless till 7 p. mM. cloudy &
lightning afterwards.

22) 127.5| 1.67 |S. &S. B. Scatd. clouds till 1 Pp. mu. cloudy afterwards,
raining between midnight & 1 a. mw. &
from 4: to 7 pe, M. thundering & lightning

: from 5 to 7 Pp. M.

75) A 1.36 | Sunday.

|

°

Mi Cirri, —i Strati, %i Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, .-i Nimbi
\ i Cirro cumuli,

XXX

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

General Aspect of the Sky.

er

Cloudless til 3 a.m. i & “i till 7 vp. uM,
cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 5 A. Mm. 11 & i afterwards.

Lithh4a.me-ié itil 2M. i till 6
p. M, cloudy afterwards, lightning at 7,

Cloudy till 11 4. mu. “i till7 P. u. cloud-
less afterwards, drizzling at 2 a.m. &1
Pp. M. lightning at midnight.

ni till 8'4. mM, -i afterwards,

Scatd. clouds till 6 p,m. cloudy afterwards,
raining between 9 & 10 P. M. lightning
& thundering from 8 to 10 p. mu,

4 ONe

& see!

OC jaa ; es

.| 2S |© & B| Prevailing direction
= Hig S| 2 2 of the Wind.
A) ae laed
o {Inches
24) 128.9]... |S. HE. &S8.
Pay) TBE S)| |! Wee SE
26 TSO sea dose
10 &1l pv. uM.

CA aeRO 55 BIS
28] 124.0] ... |S. (high.)
29) 127.0] 0.35 | 8.
30 wee =| Sunday.

Meteorological Observations. XXXi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Montuty Resvrts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee o. 29.795
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a. M. on the 13th, e. 29.985
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 p. M. on the 29th, ee 29.526
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, o. es 0,459
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe ee ee 29.871
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ee oe ees aly/
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee =: 0,154

o

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. oe oe 84.5
Max, Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 4th, oe oe 98.2
Min. Temperature occurred at 6 A. u. on the Sth, 5h ae 72.4
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, ae we 25.8
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, oe «es oo 93.5
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. sd oe ee 77.8
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ss 15.7
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. a aa 97.7
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 6.8
Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. es ae 72.9
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, As 11.6
Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ve ce O47

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, se ee « 8.52
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, me 3.83
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.69

. Inches
Rained 8 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, és at 1.67
Total amount of rain during the month, ee ee aa 4.28

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. oe oo S.&S. W.

XXAXil Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1865.

Monrunty Resvurts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.
= = g = a S = a ¢
} ic) i) S) Oo} .|o Of l|ot .lo
elas eal] |slels| .|slelelsis
Nie tz [ce | EB. | foi [oe |S.\c2 ls (oo IE lett lea 1S |S
No. of days
Midnight. 1 3) 417 i 1
1 1 4) 1918 1 1
2 2 2| 718 2 1} 1
3 1 2 1); 718 2 1
4 2} #15 2 2 1
5 2) 712 4 2 1
6 a 3 13 a 1
Zi i 5| fll 7 1
8 2 5 9 7 1 atl
9 1 4 9 ) a 1
10 1 3| 410 ff 3 3
11 it 1; #11 8 4
Noon. 3} fll 5 5 it
1 6| 410 6 3
2 i 6 7 8 3
3 9} | 7) 16) [3
4 5) Lil Alec (aes Ppl
5 1 4, 1116 3 1
6 2| 1 5} 2416 2
7 1 4) 1318 1 Wal
8 1 1 3} 917) 1] 2 1 i
9 1] 1j 3) 71s 1 2
10 1} 1; 2) [20) 17 1
Hdl U 3} (20 1

Meteorological Observations. XXX1

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor’ General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Hust.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft. 11 in.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

o 5 2
2oe Range of the Barometer = |Range of the Tempera-
fe) 5S during the day, co g tans during the day,
- cl ° ~
Date. eS 0 % g ra
$S%-| Mox. | Min. | Dif. | 2&4 | Max. | Min, | Dif.
a a
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 ° OF f| 6
1 | 29.542 | 29.609 | 29.452 | 0.157} 84.9 92.0 | 77.6 | 14.4
2 698 673 551 122] 85.6 92.6 | 79.4 | 13.2
3 507 625 .438 187 | 85.9 926 | 78.4 | 14.2
4 506 .589 447 .142-| 87.4 92.6 | 83.2 | 9.4
5 545 657 476 181 | 87.0 948 | 80.3 | 14.5
6 +682 .806 590 .216 | 81.9 93.4 | 73.0 | 20,4
7 | Sunday
8 .680 745 593 152 | 79.8 85.6 | 77.0 | 8.6
9 619 .678 534 144{ 81.9 | 898 | 74.9 | 149
10 643 739 .589 150 |- 79.8 | 863 | 73.0 | 13.3
11 610 .669 521 148 | 84.0 90.5 | 78.0 | 125
12 729 824 639 185 | 79.8 86.6 | 73.0 | 136
13 .799 854 725 129 | 83.3 89.0 | 77.0 | 12.0
14 | Sunday
15 707 .781 598; .183| 86.1 92.5 | 80.2 | 123
16 712 WWD .639 136 | 84.1 92.0 | 75.6 | 16.4
17 754 .826 684 142 | 84.0 92.1 | 76.8 | 15.3
18 764 823 WOU |.” ¥.122"h 86:4 92.4 | 79.6 | 12.8
19 .786 851 716 | 1185 | . 86.6 93.201 "82.0 | 41.2
20 767 844 674 170; 85.2 92.6 | 78.4) 14.2
21 | Sunday.,
22 87 .831 750 .081 | 79.8 87.8 | 76.6, 11.2
23 vig 844: .709 135 | 82.4 90,0) )77.1 G29
24 705 785 605 180 | 82.1 | 88.2 | 76.8 | 11.4
25 .639 692 543 149| 788 |. 846 | 768) 7.8
26 622 681 582 099 | 81.1 86.3 | 78.0 | 83
27 617 .652 565 .087 | 82.3 88.5 | 79.0} 95
28 | Sunday.
29 487 549 427 122 | 84.6 92.2 | 81.3 | 10.9
30 .459 501 415 086 | 85.1 91.5 | 80.6 | 10.9
31 486 520 442 078 | 83.4 87.8 | 81.4] 6.4

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

XXXIV Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

s B = of 9 eat ee
o : : o s ee
= Ns 8 B. VieReniolies &
z S 2 5 > Sl Seer lo
=| o eS 5 - wo |e ole 2s
: E |. Bo| Seclorceen| « Seceuteeeh oaa
Date.| ™ . 2 a x 3 Bo |SE5] 3 x
338 : 2 Si: | ws |Eee) £8 s
oo a ia) = ae os = oe | Wows
eo = i Ss ez zo Sere CL
e Fe = epee 5. 8:3 na
so = 3S Es jens BoL ELS
as ra E PAY or $5 are) Oo Gs
a =) io) A a = 3 =
o 0 0. ers Inches. | 2. gr. | To gr:
1 798 5.1 AEN SVE 0.887 9.49 3.00 0.76
2 79.9 5.7 COD) etOrr 879 38 88 74
3 80.4 5.5 76.5 9.4 .896 57 30 74
4 82.2 52 79.1 8.3 .973 | 10.36 09 Er li'f
5 81.0 6.0 77 A 9.6 922 9.81 48 74
6 76.6 5.3 72.9 9.0 797 8.57 2.87 75
7 | Sunday.
8 76.3 3.5 73.8 6.0 822 .87 1.88 83
9 TES 4.6 741 7.8 .830 92 2.52 78
10 75.2 4.1 72.3 7.0 -783 46 13 80
iit 80.2 3.8 77.5 6.5 .925 9.90 27 -81
12 Theyas 4.7 71.8 8.0 771 8.31 44, arte
13 77.9 5.4 74,1 9.2 830 91 3.02 75
14 Sunday.
15 79.3 6.8 74.5 | 11.6 840 .96 99 69
16 78.8 5.3 75.1 9.0 857 9.17 .04 75
17 79.4 4.6 76.2 7.8 .887 51 2 66 .78
18 80.4 6.0 76.2 | 10.2 .887 A7 3.59 AS
19 80.1 6.5 762 | 10.4 .887 AT .67 72
20 78.9 6.3 74.5 | 10.7 .840 8.98 63 Ay/ll
21 Sunday.
*
22 - 77.0 2.8 75.0 4.8 854 9,22 1.53 .86
23 78.5 3.9 75.8 6.6 .876 Al 2.20 81
24 78.5 3.6 76.0 6.1 .882 48 .03 82
25 76.6 2.2 75,1 Bye 857 27 1.17 89
26 77.8 3.3 75.5 5.6 868 35 82 84
27 79:9 2.4 78.2 4.1 946: |" TONG | Aad .88
28 Sunday.
29 81.0 3.6 78.5 6.1 955 2.3 2.16 83 \
80 80.9 4.2 | 78.0 Tedd 940 -05 52 .80
31 80.8 2.6 79.0 4.4 -970 AZ 1.54 87

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

ee

Meteorological Observations. XXKV

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

Me .
‘S $5 | Range of the Barometer = 3 Range of the Temperature
aga for each hour during mg for each hour during
H oe the month. bo the month.
eee —| 4:
ao? ‘ £ 2 . é
$34 | Max. Min. Diff. | §& | Max. Min. Diff.
= =
Inches. | Inches.; Inclies.. Inches. o on} o °
Mid- {99.661 ! 29.827 {29.465 | 0.362 | 80.6 85.0, 768 8.2
night, * Fn . , . A . . . .
1 651 811 458 353 80.2 85.0 75.4 9.6
2 .635 804 447 307 79.8 85.0 73.0 12.0
3 642 -806 463 843 796 84.8 73.6 11.2
4 .630 -808 445 .363 79.7 83.8 73.2 10.6
5 651 +824 449 375 79.5 84.0 73.6 10.4
6 .667 -826 468 358 79.7, 83.8 73.6 10.2
7 .681 -832 ATT 13855 80.7 84.6 73.0 11.6
8 .693 842 A75 .367 82.7 87.0 74,2 12.8
9 -705 -854 492 .862 84.7 88.8 74.3 14.5
10 -702 .851 497 854 86.2 90.3 76.0 14.3
it .692 843 A82 361 87.5 92.0 77.9 14,1
Noon 671 .827 473 854 88.6 92.6 80.8 11.8
1 .650 .806 445 361 88.7 93.6 77.3 16.3
2 .625 (784 427 1357 88.8 94.3 77.5 16.8
3 .605 773 418 355 88.5 94.8 76.4 18.4
4 .587 .750 415 335 878 94.8 77.3 17.5
5 592 .759 423 336 86.5 94.4 78.0 16.4
6 .601 .753 429 324 84.6 90.2 77.8 12.4
7 .626 ACH 446 .325 82.7 87.9 75.6 12.3
8 645 773 { 454 .319 81.6 87.7 75.6 12.1
9 .661 .786 469 317 81.3 86.7 76.3 10.4
10 .678 .815 .486 .329 81.1 85.6 75.8 9.8
at 674 824 A473 ol 80.6 85.0 73.0 12.0
| |

$$.

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month. .

XXXVI Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

a

arg ae
EI
i 3
a | oe
‘ ou ° o
Hour. es 8 3 S
g = 3
= ee)
| 2 | a z.
= 3 be g
a a 3
° ° 0
Mid- | 76 | 3.0 | 75.5
night.
i 77.5 2.7 75.6
2 77.2 2.6 75.4
3 77.0 2.6 75.2
4 77.3 2.4 75.6
5 77.8 2.2 758
6 ides 2.4 (Ee
7 77.9 28 75.9
8 78.9 3.8 76.2
9 79.9 4.8 76.5
10 80.4 58 76.3
11 80.9 6.6 76.9
Noon. 81.2 7 A, 76.8
1 81.3 7A 76.9
2 81.2 7.6 76.6
3 80.9 7.6 76.3
4 80.6 7.2, 763
5 79.9 6.6 75.9
6 79.5 Ball 75.9
7 78.4 4.3 45.4
8 77.6 4.0 74.8
9 CT 3.6 75.2
i0 77.9 3.2 at,
11 kod 2.9 75.7

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Dry Bulb above Dew

———— |— | |

f

Mean Plastic forceo

0.868

871
865
.860
871
.876
871
879
.887
.896
.890
.908

905
-908
899

890
-890
879
.879
865
849
-860
873
.873

Mean Weight of Va-
pour in a Cubic foot

Vapour required for

Additional Weight of
complete saturation.

1.64

49
40
39
32
-20
32
57
2.20
83
3.49
85

4.33
384
A6
42
14

3.74

2.99
42
21

1.98
76
-60

Mean degree of Hu-
midity, complete satu-
ration being unity.

Meteorological Observations. XXXVIL

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

gg (25
° Pc] SeOcd
.| 2:3 |S & 8) Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
2| #3 |838] of the Wind.
Ala” |ged
0 |Inches.
1) 125.8) 0.48 | S, (high.) Cito8a.mM. Scatd. Xi & -ito4r. mM
overcast afterwards, Rain from 7 to 9
P. M.

2) 129.0; ,.. |S. &S8. W. (high.) | Overcast to 8 a.m. %i to 5 p.m. Scud.
afterwards. Thin rain at 1 a, M.

3; 123.0} 0.89 | S.& 8. W. (high.) | Overcast to 4 a. M. “i to 10 a. mM. Seud to
2 Pp. m. Overcast afterwards. Rain be-
tween 5 &6pr.M. Thunder & lightning
from 7 to 9 Pp, M.

4| 127.8) ... |S. (high) &S. EB. | -ito4 a.m. Scatd. oi & “i afterwards

lightning at 8 P. M.

5] 182.7; ... |S. &S. W. Overcast to 9 a. m. Scatd. ni & “i to 5

P. M, overcast lightning & thunder after-

wards. Thinrainat6a.m.&7&8 P.M.

6, 127.0)) .. |S.E.&S.&E. Overcast light rain at 6, 7 & 11 p. mM. thun-
1,46 der at 6 & 11 P. M. lightning at 11 P.M.

ileneh Sunday.

8) 124.0} 0.36 |S. E,&N. Overcast to 7 a. mM. Scatd. “i & “i to 6

p. M. “i afterwards. Rain from 1 to3
P. M. thunder at 2 P, M.

9) 125.0) 0.62 |}S.&S.8.&8.W.|-i& ito5 rp. m. overcast afterwards.
Rain, thunder & lightning at 8 Pp. M.
10) 126.0) 1.65 /|}S.&8. W. Overcast to 11 a. M. Scatd. 91 & “i to 6
P. M, overcast afterwards. Rain from 2
to 7 A. M. thunder & lightning from 1 to
7 A.M.

11) 120.0) 0.97 |S. Scatd. 11 & “ito 5 p. M. overcast after-
wards. Rain at8 &9p. mM. thunder &
lightning from 7 to 10 P. M,

12) 121.6) 0.98 |S. EH. & E. & N. W.| Overcast to 7 a. mM. Seatd. 11 & “i after-
wards. Rain from 2 to 7 a. M, lightning
at midnight & 2 a, m. thunder at 2,6 &

7 a.M.

Moiet25.0) E.& N.E. Scatd. 911i & -ito4a.mM, “i to 9 a, M,
i to 5 p. M. cloudless afterwards.

14)... | ... | Sunday.

do) 135:0! ... S.E. & 8. Cloudless to 4 A. M, “ito 8 A.M, i after-
wards,

16) 183.0) 0.71 |S. &S. E. Scatd. \i & ito 6p. M. overcast after-

wards. Rain from 6 to 8 P.M. lightning
from 8 to 10 P. M.

LALAT Olle tes, [Se & Sa We Scatd, 1i & “i to9a.M. oi to4d Pe. M.
overcast afterwards, lightning at 9 P. M.

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, \i Cumuli, \i Cirro-strati, ~i Cumulo-strati, .-i Nimbi
Wi Cirro cumuli,

XXXVill

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

| Max. Solar

radiation.

Rain Gauge
5 feetabove
Ground.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

Prevailing direction
of the Wind.

E. & variable.
E.&8.&S.E.

E.&8.H.&S8.,

Sunday.
S.B.&8. & W.

General Aspect of the Sky.

oe

Overcast almost all day: Lightning from
7 to 10 p. u. thunder at 8 & 9 2. M, light
rain at 11 P, M.

Scatd. 1i & -i to 6 P. M. overcast after-
wards,

Overcast to 6 A. u. Oi & i afterwards,

Scatd. “i & i whole day, Rain at 6, 8,
10 a.m. 2 & 3 p. M, thunder at 10 a. m,
lightning at 9 Pp. M.

Scatd. “i & i to 7 p. m. cloudless after-
wards. Thin rain between Noon & 1
P. M.

Cloudless to 3 a. M. Scatd. 91& ito noon
overcast afterwards. Rain at 10 a.m.
1,5, 6,8 & 9p. u. lightning & thunder
from 5 to 10 Pp. mM.

Overcast allday. Rain from noon to 5 P.M.

i to 5 A. M. overcast to 7 P. M. “i after-
wards, rain between 9 & 10 a. M.

Scatd, 1 & i to7 Pp. mM. cloudless after-
wards. Rain at 3 A. M. noon to 2 P. M,

Scatd. 91& ito 2 p. M. overcast to 7 P.M.
cloudless afterwards. Rain atl a. Mm.
& at 4,5 Pp. M.

Scatd. 91 & i drizzled at 3 P. Mu.

ito 3 A. M. overcast to 5 Pp. mM. Seatd. 71
& iafterwards. Rain from 10 a, M.
to 2 P. M.

Meteorological Observations. XXXix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
~ taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

Montuty Resvrts.

; Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee os 29.651
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 a. M. on the 13th, -- 29.854
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 Pp. M. on the 30th, es 29.415
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, oe «- 0.439
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures, .. or ee ee 29.719
Ditto ditto Min: ditto, .. ae ee +» 29.578
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee «=, 141
o
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee ee 83.4
Max. Temperature ocewred at 3 &4P.M.onthe 5th, .. oe 94.8
Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 10th, sc ma 73.0
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, Ae on 21.8
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, Ae ee os 90.3
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. oc oe 80 78.0
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. we 12.8
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ve sp 78.9
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 4.5
Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ae ee 75.7
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ae Lf
Inches
Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. mc so. OLS7S
Troy grains
Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, 56 AC ne 9.36
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ee 2.60
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.78
Inches
Rained 22 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ae an 247
Total amount of rain during the month, ae as =e 15.94

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. os ee 8. &5S. E.

xl Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of May, 1865.

Monruny Resvuuts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.
Ss} .|6 Ss] 1S] |S] 5) |Sp-lée sid
elale gla)s] |SiEl|e| .|sE Sle lal2
wldlal2| &. lalate leslie lelelelsieis
No. of days.
Midnight. i 1 4 13 4
1 ik 3 3 13 3
2 1 2 3 iUsf ag) ab
3 il 2 1 6) 14 8 4
4, 1 2 5 10 3} 1
5 2); 1 5 6 7 3
6 i 4) 1 5 7 6} 1j 2
th it 1 8) 11 6 8 2
8 | 2| 1 8 7 6 4
9 A 6 9 6 5
10 7| 1] 6} 1111) 2) 3
11 5 vi 10 3
Noon. aa 3) 2)-7) [11 5
1 4| 2) 5) 17 9) 1] 5] 1
2 ih ah 3} 1} 2 nee Meal M4) oa
3 Auge dl 2) 1) 4) 1/14) 1) 6
4 2) 1 4) 115 14 2
5 1 3] 2) 2) 1) 7, $12 at
6 2} 1f 3] | 8! afi] a} 2) 2
of ale at tal 3 9} 1911
8 4 8} 1712) 2} 2) 2
9 ah 3 6) 1715) 2) 1
10 1 2 if 16 il
il aN al 2 8 12 3] 1

Meteorological Observations. xli

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of June, 1865.

Latitude 22° 3371” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft. 11 in,

Daily Means, &c, of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

O35 =r :
2c Range of the Barometer a S |Range of the Tempera-
"Sp 3 a during the day. > & ture during the day,
oe a
Deve. | HAS +e as
222 | Max. | Min. | vie. | 32 | Max. | Min. | Din.
a A
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 Cy o °
1 29.526 | 29.582 | 29.491 0.091 83.9 90.8 80.2 | 10.6
2 085 633 -539 094 84.2 89.0 80.4 | 8.6
3 634 692 574 118 87.0 91.4 82.8 | 86
4 | Sunday.
5 646 701 71 130 88.3 93.6 83.4 | 10.2
6 -663 722 593 129 | 88.4 94.4 83.2 | 112
7 +670 740 .589 151} 88.3 94.6 83.8 | 10.8
8 617 .688 539 | 149 88.6 94.4 84.2 | 10.2
9 517 .569 433 136 88.4 | 93.0 850 | 8.0
10 AQL 567 449 118 87.5 91.8 84.0 | 7.8
11 572 .628 511 sual 84.7 87.8 82.8 | 5.0
12 581 632 510 122 | 86.4 95.4 80.0 | 15.4
13 523 572 447 | 125] 848 92.3 80.5 | 11.8
14 478 524 .418 106 86.5 92.4 80.8 | 11.6
15 484 526 446 .080 83.9 86.7 82.0 | 4.7
16 495 41 439 102 82.5 87.1 79.6 | 7.5
17 456 488 AlL 077 81.5 83.2 80.4 | 2.8
18 451 533 405 128 79.7 81.0 78.6 | 2.4
19 561 642 495 147 82.0 86.7 ee) |, NOE
20 ° 643 .700 597 .103 85.8 91.2 81.4] 9.8
21 .636 674 580 | 094 87.4 93.2 83.1 | 10.1
22 615 662 567 095 88.2 93.8 84.0 | 9.8
23 573 Aa 502 117 89.0 95.0 84.2 | 10.8
24 543 .607 A491 116 88.3 96.0 81.0 | 15.0
25 538 .600 AZ1 129 89.0 96.0 85.4 | 10.6
26 .567 605 .510 .095 87.8 94.2 84.2 | 10.0
27 552 613 468 145 88.9 95.4 84.3 | 11.1
28 -590 551 408 143 86.2 89,0 83.4 5.6
29 433 492 370 122 85.2 90.8 82.2 | 8.6
30 417 507 B52 +155 84.2 88.8 82,0 | 6.8

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther
mometer Meaus are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

xiii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the TIourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of June, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

a : - E S Be aq 3 3
Fa 3 a a 2 a Wee ss
i= £ o = pe Sa eal ts
3 ae 8 ze «3 |SSiel > 22
a 5 A =, ° Le |.2o8 ae
Dates der ou 2 A S a) BEE 2 Fes
38 is s 2 Sa | 3S |S ore
ES < 2 B.; aa = 5 Si a 4 oS
e ay FS ap: a st 8 ae
ao a io) as as ‘Soul eFLnS
oA Be E PAY a> | 88 |2ee] Bas
a a o a a = Z z
0) o O) 0 Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr
1 80.9 3.0 78.8 5.1 0.964 | 10.34 1.79 0.85
2 81.1 3.1 78.9 5.3 967 37 87 85
3 82.6 4.4 80.0 7.0 1.001 66 2.63 80
4 | Sunday.
5 82.5 5.8 79.0 9.3 0.970 381 3.49 75
6 82.6 5.8 “On 9.3 973 84 .50 75
al 82.7 5.6 79.3 90 979 .40 .40 75
8 82.9 5.7 795 hil -986 AT 45 75
9 84.0 4.4 81.4 7.0 1.047 | 11.11 2.73 80
10 82.9 |. 4.6 80.1 7.4 005 | 10.69 -80 ao)
11 80.3 4.4 77.2 7.5 0.916 979 63 The
12 81.6 4.8 78.2 8.2 946 | 10.09 97 77
13 80.8 4.0 78.0 6.8 -940 05 Al 81
14 81.6 4.9 78.7 7.8 961 24 86 78
15 81.4 2.5 79.6 4.3 989 .60 1.53 87
16 80.0 2.5 78.2 4.3 946 ab? AT 87
17 79.7 1.8 78.4 3.1 952 .25 .06 91
18 78.5 12 CALE 2.0 931 06 0.66 94
19 79.3 2.7 77.4 4.6 922 9.91 1.56 86
20 82.2 3.6 M7 6.1 992 | 10.59 2.24 83
21 83.2 4.2 80.7 6.7 1.024 89 56 81
22 83.8 4.4 81.2 7.0 040 | 11.05 vA .80
23 84.3 4.7 81.5 7.5 050 13 95 79
24 83.2 5.1 80.1 8.2 -005 | 10.67 3.13 at
25 84.4 4.6 81.6 7.4 053 | 11.18 2.90 79
26 83.3 4.5 80.6 7.2 021 | 10.86 74 80
27 83.3 5.6 WS 9.0 0.998 59 3.45 75
28 83.1 3.1 80.9 5.3 1.030 SN) 2.00 85
29 81.8 3.4 79.4 5.8 0.983 49 12 83
30 81.5 2.7 79.6 4.6 -989 58 1.66 :

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations.

xiii

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Oaleutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

Hour,

Mean Height of
the Barometer
at 32° Faht.

Inches.

29.564

D4
543
527
533
042
555
572
582
591

Be
—
Oa” ae
ot

mon re

KFOCONAN

load

084

570
552
082
513
497
496
508
.525
548
567
578
578

Zz
°
°
i=]

RPOUOMNTAMNS Whe

ee

590 -

Range of the Barometer
for each hour during
the month,

Max.

Inches.

29.684.

682
677
-667
653
669
689
706
1737
-740
728
122

dependent thereon,

Min.

Inches.

29.416

404
898
391
1389
395
417
A29
438
432
429
426

405
384
369
356
352
.366
370
B85
394
405
426
432

Diff,

Inches.

0.268

278
279
276
264
274

202
277
299
308
.299
296

805
801
.290
.282
262
-250
243
242
.265
278
.262
.260

Mean Dry Bulb
Thermometer,

Range of the Temperature
for each hour during

Max.

the month,

Min.

Diff,

°

SO OUST: ST
CUDoa~ &

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month.

‘liv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

a a wey EB Ss
3 2 a= S =
o A °
"a "4 ie :
ape 8 5 3 ‘8
Hour, = s 3 Aa < = .
| 2 3 23 | ee
=e) EI = Ble Fo
& 8 FQ a. AAs he
so be g bay SS
SS =) ° i
& a iS) (a) =
° ° ° to) Inches.
ee 81.6 | 23 | 80.0 | 39 | 1.001
ak 81.3 2.2 79.8 3.7 0.995
2 81.2 2.0 79.8 3.4 .995
3 81.0 1.9 79.7 3,2 -992
4 81.0 1.9 79.7 3.2 -992
5 80.9 2.0 79.5 3.4 -986
6 81.1 1.9 79.8 3.2 .995
7 81.2 2.5 79.4, 4.3 -983
8 81.8 3.3 79.5 5.6 .986
9 82.2 4.3 79.6 6.9 .989
10 82.7 5.1 79.6 8.2 .989
11 83.1 5.7 79.7 9.1 .992
Woon. 83.1 6.7 79.1 10.7 973
af 83.5 6.8 79,4 10.9 983
2 83.4 7.0 79.2 11,2 .976°
3 83.4 7.0 79.2 11.2 .976
4 83.1 65 79.2 10,4 .976
5) 82.6 6.0 79.0 9.6 .970
6 82.0 533 78.8 8.5 964
Fh 82.0 AL 79.1 7.0 973
8 81.7 3.5 79.2 6.0 976
9 81.7 3.1 79.5 5.3 .986
10 81.7 2.7 79.8 4.6 .995
11 81.6 2.6 79.8 4.4, .995

All the Hygrometiiical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

pour in a Cubic foot

Mean Weight of Va-
of air.

Troy grs.|Troy grs.

10.72

.66
69
66
.66
60
.69
4
53
04
52
53

Vapour required for
complete saturation,

$$$ —r—r—r—r—r—r—r—r—r———————————————— a ror

Additional Weight of

Mean degree of Hu-
midity, complete satu-
ration being unity.

?

Meteorological Observations. xlv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of June, 1865.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.

Ed | SE
o2 |sad
.| 2-8 |© & & | Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
= We |e 2 of the Wind,
Ala” ae
0 |Inches

1) 123.0} 0.30 | E.&S.E.&S8. Overcast nearly the whole day. Lightning
towards 8S. from 7 toll p.m. Rain at
11 P. M.

PNP 0.09 |S. &8. W. Overcast. Light rain between Noon & 1
p.M. Thunder & Lightning at midnight
&1la.m.2,5&8 P.M.

8/ 128.0) ... |S. &S. W. Overcast to 6 A, M. Seud afterwards.
ANN oats uae Sunday
5} 129.6) ..: |8.&S8S.W. Cloudless to 7 A. M. i afterwards.
Sisto... | 8. Cito6a.mM.%ito2~p. uM. ~“i& %ito7 vm,
Cloudless afterwards, ‘
74115310 | a eS Cloudless to 2 a.m, “ito 6 A. M. i to
6 p. M. overcast afterwards,
8-230:0:|.... |S. Scud to 9 a, M. “ito 5 Pp, M. Seud after-
wards,
9) 124.2) .., Ss. Scud to 2 4. M. overcast to8 a.m. i & 2
i afterwards.
10) 124.0| ,.. |S.&S. E. Overcast to 3 A.M. X1& ito 1 P. M. over-
cast afterwards. Thin rain at 1 a. M.
AY ns ae S.E.&E. &S, Overcast. Drizzled at 1 a. m.
12) 134.0; 0.91 |S. W. & LE. Light clouds to6 a.m. “-i& “ito4p.M.
overcast afterwards. Rain at 6,8 & 9 *

P.M. Thunder at 6 P. mM.

13] 129.6| 0.10 |S.W.&N.& W. | Overcast to8 a, mM.7i & “i to 6 P. mM.
Overcast afterwards, light rain from 7 to
10 Pp. M.

14) 126.8} ... | W.&S. W.&S., Light clouds to 2.4, Mm. “ito 114. M. i
& i afterwards.

DELS sree 0.53 | 8. & 8. W. i to 3 A. M. overcast afterwards. Rain
at 6. & 7 A. M. noon, 3 & 4 P. M.

16) ... 1.16 | W. &8. W. Overeast, Rain from 1 to 3 a.m, light
rain at 1 p. mM. & from 7 to 10 P. M.

IZ bea ces 0.14 | W. & S. W. _Overeast. Light rain after intervals.

WSs | *2.62 | W. & S. W. Oyereast. Rain whole day. Lightning at
10 P. M.

19)... |71.26)5S. W.&S. ree Light rain from Midnight to

A, M.

20} 129.0) 0.41 |S. &S. W. Overcast to 7 A.M. i& -itoll a. uM, “i
& “iafterwards, Rainatl & 4 a, mM.
& at 5 P.M.

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, \i Cumuli, -i Cirro-strati, ~i Cumulo-strati, -i Nimbi,
“ni Cirro cumuli.

* Fell from 9 vp. M, of the 17th to Noon of the 18th,

+ Fell from 1 pv, M. of the 18th to 7 a. M. of the 19th,

xlvi

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of June, 1865.

[ Max. Solar

radiation.

ie)

=
wo
aa!
on

130.2
133.0
138.0

128.0
127.0

137.0

120.8

Rain Gauge
5 feet above

Ground.

Inches

0.12

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e,

Prevailing direction
of the Wind.

———

8.
8. &S8. E.

S.E. & E.
E. & S. & variable.

E.&N. E.
S.E.&N,E.&E,

General Aspect of the Sky.

—_—

Light clouds to 8 A. M. Cito 4p. uM. “ito
7 p. u. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless to 4 A. M. i afterwards.

Y-ito4Aa.M.; light clouds to noon, “i
afterwards,

Overcast to 10 A.M. Mi & “ito 4P.M. Vi
& Oiafterwards. Rain at6&7 a. mM.
Lightning towards W. at midnight.

Cloudless to 5 A. M. 91 to 3 P. M. overcast
to 8 p. Mm. 91 & -i afterwards.

“id %ito3 Pp. M. overcast afterwards;

Lightning towards 8. at 8 P.M. Light

rain at 9 Pp. M.

i & -ito8 A.M. ito 7 P. M. cloudless
afterwards.

Cloudless to 3 A. M. overcast to 3 P. M. 91
& i afterwards: Light rain from noon
to 3 P.M.

i & Mito 8 A. M. overcast to6P. M. Oi
& -iafterwards. Rain at 3 P.M. 4

Overcast. Rain after intervals from noon
to ll Pp. M.

Meteorological Observations. xlvii

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of June, 1865.

Montuty Resvpts.

Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. = -. 29.550
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 A. M. on the nth, e. 29.740
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 Pp. M. on the 30th, es 29.352
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, od ae 0.388
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee . ee 29.607
Ditto ditto Man; ditto, <. 4 ste es 29.489
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the maith, ae sa OLS
°
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae ee 86.1
Max. Temperature occurred at 4 P. M. on the 24th, oe “3 96.0
Min. Temperature occurred at 5 A. M. on the 19th, Ae a 77.0
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, ae —_ 19.0
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, hie ae wa 91.3
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ir ee “ie 82.2
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 9.1
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. bs ne 82.1
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 4.0
Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. ae pe 79.3
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, Se 6.8
‘ Inches
Mean Blastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ve ee ©=—0.979

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, * hie a 10.44
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, Aa 2.51
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.81

Inches
Rained 17 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, iG ae 2.62
Total amount of rain during the month, + 2 st 8.63

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ae S.&8. W.

xlviii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of June, 1865.

Montuty REsv.ts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

Rain on.
Rain on.

N. E.

Midnight.

Mell sell sell nell ell OS)

WAT wde
BEEP eee ep

BDH
a

wrwreww wODeH He
e
DNF NrPwWKENYNWEE
I
LOL
a
DOETAMMWWWNNWEW
PBOonrnwneswnwhd ke
PERE NENDHED NH

i =o? 2)
pee
HH

He
He

Noon.

Dore

e bo

—
(oolllaed
rt
eH po
iy

iS) co ore bo

Hep eH

pa
e
xe)
bo et

FPOUVONornskWNe
Herero mh woow bt
oww es we wpb & wp
He
oe
Woh SP LONITA Doin
NwWwwWNNHNHEHENDe

He
BPH ee
—\
Hee e

a Fe

Meteorological Observations. xlix

Abstract of the Results of the Howrly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of July, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft, 11 in,

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon. ;

65 2
2os Range of the Barometer = 5 {Range of the Tempera-
bo 5 2 during the day. re 3 ture during the day,
o eA A z
Date. e ae 5 ;
s+ | Max. | Min. | Dif, aa Max. | Min. | Diff.
a =
Inches. | Inches, | Inches. | Inches. 0 0 ° 0
1 29.523 | 29.584 | 29.465 0.119 84.3 88.6 80.8 7.8
2 550 -590 487 103 85.2 90.8 SL |k D1
3 548 .596 A477 119 85.5 92.6 82.0 | 10.6
4 494 573 417 156 85.0 | 89.5 82.0 7.6
5 445 A484 381 103 84.6 88.5 81.4 Gil
6 «455 -490 410 -080 | 84.6 88.3 S16) * 627
v4 440 A484 .380 104 83.7 86.9 81.6 5.3
8 434 483 .388 095 | 83.4 | 88.0 | 80.2] 7.8
9 457 506 ALL .095 84.2 89.0 81.0 8.0
10 494} 547; .456| .091| 9854 | 914 | 816] 98
11 5389 .605 A82 123 83.8 90.1 78.0 | 12.1
12 522 C7 44h 133 81.4 85.0 78.4 6.6
13 512 .553 465 .088 84.2 91.2 81.4 9.8
14 537 2092 483 109 84.8 90.6 79.0 | 11.6
15 535 .587 .482 105 82.6 85.6 79.6 6.0
16 524 -562 486 .076 825 87.1 79.2 7.9
nn | .536 .587 495 .092 82.7 85.6 80.0 5.6
18 558 597 003 094 84.2 87.4 81.8 5.6
19 .540 -585 479 -L06 85.4 90.5 81.4 9.1
20 .582 631 0386 .095 85.2 88.6 82.6 6.0
21 .598 .656 0387 119 85 3 88.9 82.9 6.0
22 .604 655 007 098 85.7 90.8 82.5 8.3
23 .640 699 585 114 85.2 89.6 80.2 9.4
24 .687 .739 .628 All 83.5 89.0 79.8 9.2
25 725 774 .666 -L08 81.7 83.8 80 2 3.6
26 .719 772 678 094 83.4 88 4 79.5 8.9
27 .708 758 .659 .099 83.2 87.7 79.8 7.9
28 .749 .803 .700 .103 83.3 87.6 79.4: 8.2
29 759 .798 707 O91 82.1 85.2 78.5 6.7
30 714 772 646 .126 82.0 88.4 Tiga 1d..0
31 .678 .726 601 125 82.6 88.6 78.8 9.8

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

1 Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
. in the month of July, 1865.

Duily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

s E = Eee
. o ~
2 3 2 a 4 I 0S EE
= 8 2 p> 2 ARM as SS
2 Pa = 4g) ee SEIN || Peri So
3 > ze 3 oS |mes| Sas
a 8 2 % 2 ree Foes) = | eae
pen (et ee Pe eS |) ene
ee |i 4 | G8 eho ee eee ce
Fs 3 a Ae 9 | BO |8ee) See
a6 Fa a ae Sl ep gs% |286| sB6
38 mb 5 aly Se $84 |3228.] S35
a A S) a) a = = =
o 0 ° o Inches, | Digr |i
al 81.4 2.9 79.4 4.9 0.983 | 10.51 ae
2 81.9 3.3 79.6 5.6 989 56 :
3 82.1 3.4 79.7 5.8 992 59 5
4 81.9 3.1 79.7 5.3 992 61
5 81.8 2.8 79.8 4,8 995 64
6 81.4 3.2 79.2 5.4 976 45
7 80.7 3.0 78.6 51 -958 28
8 80.1 3.3 77.8 5.6 934 OL
9 79.8 4.4 76.7 7.5 902 9.64
10 81.0 4.4 "79 7.5 937 | 10.00
aby 80.5 3.3 78.2 5.6 946 13
12 79.5 1.9 78.2 3.2 946 as)
13 81.3 2.9 79.3 4.9 979 48
14 81.3 3.5 78.8 6:08 964 31
15 80,4: 2.2 78.9 3:7 .967 39
16 79.9 26 78.1 4.4 943 14
17 79.9 2.8 77.9 4.8 .937 06
18 81.4 2.8 79.4 4.8 . .983 51
19 81.3 4.1 78 4 7.0 952 17
20 81.8 3.4 79.4 5.8 .983 49
21 81.8 3.5 79:3 6.0 .979 46
22 81.5 4.2 78.6 ial! .958 23
23 81.1 4.1 78.2 7.0 946 11
24 80.8 2.7 78.9 4.6 .967 37
25 19.7 2.0 78.3 34 949 22
26 80.7 2.7 78.8 4.6 964 34
27 80.4 2.8 78.4 4.8 952 21
28 80.7 2.6 78.9 4,4. 967 39
29 79.6 2.5 77.8 4.3 934: 05
30 79.6 2.4 77.9 4.1 937 08
31 79.7 2.9 hh 4.9 931 .00

Meteorological Observations. li

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
‘in the month of July, 1865. :

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.

S 2 |; | Range of the Barometer = 3 Range of the Temperature
Bq = for each hour during £9 s for each hour during
H oe the month. bo the month.
our, cae a o a 8
go”? 5 : a3 : :
$4 | Max. | Min. Diff. Se, | Max. Min, Diff.
= =
Inches. | Inches.} Inches.| Inches. to) 0 0 o
Mid- | 29.587 | 29.778 82.1
night i : 29.4382 | 0.346 A 84,0 774 6.6
al 574 .761 421 .340 82.0 83.8 77.9 5.9
2 563 756 .410 3846 81.9 83.8 77.8 6.0
3 554 737 .395 42 81.7 83.4 77.8 5.6
4 564 .740 3893 847 81.6 83.5 77.8 5.7
5 .561 «752 .388 864 81.5 83.4 77.9 5.5
6 577 .765 .409 B56 81.6 83.0 78.0 5.0
Us 591 777 | 421 356 | 82.2 | 84.0 79.2 4.8
8 604 .790 438 .852 83.6 85.4 80.2 5.2
9 615 803 A76 B27 84.7 87.5 81.8 5.7
10 615 .803 .469 334 85.8 88.9 81.9 7.0
11 608 798 457 341 86.5 90.4 80.8 9.6
Noon 595 788 444 344 86.8 91.4 82.2 9.2
i) .576 .768 431 337 87.4: 92.6 82.6 10.0
2 .053 737 413 B24 87.2 91.4 83.2 8.2
3 .535 .729 | .380 349 87.1 91.2 83.1 8.1
4 525 Ayala! 381 .330 86.2 90.0 81.4 8.6
5 527 -708 381 227 85.8 89.4 80.2 9.2
6 .535 .739 384 .355 84.4: 87.6 79.4 8.2
7 553 753 A414 339 83.2 86.4 79.8 6.6
8 577 Att 431 .340 82.9 85.8 79.4 6.4
9 594 .789 A445 344 82.4: 84.8 78.6 6.2
10 .606 793 458 .3835 82.3 84.6 78.0 6.6
11 .606 +784 468 316 82.2 84,4 78.1 6.3

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mB&meter Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
uring the month.

lit Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of July, 1865. °

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

oe ewe. ee
i) A rs) = e055 Sp
ede | @ he Sula || sea eee
ous ° ° ° 2s Osea ee
ner, BS | 2 | Boe ) S| ec | eee
g 2 3 So; as os S eeeeall coy eal
~ es 3 3 as AS6 Bao) eee Coo
S 3 ~Q a As rt ey er =” Oo Sma
= 3 > 8 po | S> | $50 |5 58 | S88
S La} ° x Bo a> § = 2
= a is) Q = = a as
° ° ° ° Inches. |Troy grs. Troy grs.
nent 80.1 | 20] 737 | 3410961 | 1035 | 136 | 0.90
il 80.0 2.0 786 3.4 -958 -o2 15
2 79.9 2.0 78.5 3.4 -955 .29 15
3 79.7 2.0 78.3 3.4 -949 22 15
4 79.6 2.0 78.2 3.4 946 19 15
5 796 1.9 78.3 3.2 -949 122 09
6 OME 1.9 78.4 3.2 2952 .25. .09
7 80.1 2.1 78.6 3.6 .958 .30 «24
8 80.8 2.8 78.8 4.8 964 34 .69
9 81.2 3.5 18.7 6.0 -961 29 2,13
10 81.6 4,2 78.7 Fail 961 .26 57
11 81.9 4.6 79.1 7.4 973 Aots] 72
Noon 82.0 4.8 79.1 et 973 36 85
1 82.5 4.9 79.6 7.8 989 52 93
2 82.4 48 79.5 “Af .986 49 88
3 82.4 4.7 79.6 G5 -989 52 81
4 82.0 4.2 79.1 fie! 973 08 61
5 81.7 AL 78.8 7.0 964 29 54
6 80.9 3.5 78.4 6.0 952 19 12
7 80.4 2.8 78.4 4.8 952 21 1.68
8 80.3 2.6 78.5 44 .955 27 52
9 80.1 2.3 78.5 3.9 .955 27 34
10 80.1 2.2 78.6 3.7 958 .30 28
11 80.1 2.1 78.6 3.6 958 .30 24

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. lili

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of July, 1865.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

ics oo
ee
on |s ou P
.| 23 (© & & Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
2\ 43 Ef S of the Wind,
esos. 10 O
o |Inches,
1) 113.8; 0.60 |S.E. & E. oi & i, Rain after intervals.
2) 129.4; 0.43 |S. BE. & HE. & 8. ig i. Rain at 1 a. M. noon 4,6 &
8 P.M.
8) 123.4) 0.20 | N. E.&S. BE. ai&-i. Rainat2 & 4. mM.
4) 125.4| 0.21 | N.E.& EH, Overcast to 10 a. M. Miafterwards. Thin
rain after intervals.
Discs 0.43 |S. BE. Overcast to 3 Pp. M, %i afterwards. Rain
occasionally,
Dl uss “ch SA Scud from S. to 5 a.m. Overcast to 1

PM. OT & “iafterwards. Thin rain
at 6 A. M. & noon.
A) tow, 0.26 |S. ni& Vitolla.m.Witod5 pm, W& ri
afterwards, Thin rain at 5 a, M. from
noon to 8 p. M. & at 11 P.M,
Beas aa ASA Witolla.m.%ito7 p.m. Wiafterwards.
Light rain from 6 to 8 A. M,
SeetgGi). 44. |S. Wi to 4p. Mm. -iafterwards. Thin rain
at 10 a.m, &4P. mM.
10) 127.5] 0.18 |S. &S. W. Wito7 a.m. “i & Tito4 P.M. Wiafter-
: wards. Kain from 7 to 9 P. M.
11 one s. & Ss. W. Ni to 6 A. M. ~i & Oi to noon: Wi to "y
P.M. Overcast afterwards. Rain be-
2.43* tween 1 &2r.mu. & from 4toll Pp. mM
Lightning towards W, at 11. p. m.
all vee 8. &58. B, “i nearly the whole day. Rain after
intervals. Lightning towards W. at
: midnight.
13) 114.0) 0.57 |S. ni & -ito2 p.m. VW-iafterwards, Rain
from 3 to 6 P.M,
14) 119.0] 2.79 |S. ai& “ito 9 a.m, ito 7 P.M. Wiafter-
wards, Rain from 6 to 9 P. M.
45 jh Re 0.85 |S. & 8. W. Overcast nearly the whole day. Rain from
5 to 8 A. M.
13) 0.31 | S. : Overcast nearly the whole day. Rain after
intervals.
ei) Sas 0.11 |S. EH. &S. Overcast nearly the wholeday. Thin rain
at 8 a. M. & from 10 tol Pp. Mm.
PSeLr45 |... 8. E. Overcast to5 A.M. Ai & “i to 6 P.M.
Cloudless afterwards, Light rain at
midnight, 1 & 9 a. M,

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, i Cumuli, i Cirro-strati, ~i Cumulo-strati, \-i Nimbi,
“ii Cirro cumuli.
* Fell on the 11th & 12th.

liv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Calcutta,

27

28

29
30

3]

Max. Solar
radiation.

&
eo
So

5 feetabove

Rain Gauge
Ground.

Ii
B
2)
_ e
co)
nm

Meteorological Observations.

in the month of July, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.
of the Wind. :

——s

8. &S. E. Cloudless to5 A.M. 11 & Nito3 P.M. Wi
to 7 p. M. cloudless afterwards.
8. &S8. E. Cloudless to 4 4. mM. i & Nito7 A. M. Wi
to2p.M.“-i1& 91 afterwards Rain at
llam1&7 P.M.
8S. &S58. E. \i & ito 9 a.m. 71 & Seud. from S to 4
P.M. Overcast to8 Pp. M. cloudless after-
wards. Rain at 5 P.M.
Ss. Cloudless to 44... 11 & “i to 7 P.M,
Overcast afterwards.
Ss. Overcast to 5 A. M. %i & Seud from §. to
5 ».M.“-iafterwards. Thin rain be-
tween 7&8 a.m. &at9&10P. mM,
S. Wito2a.m. \i& Scud from S. to 10
A.M. Overcast afterwards. Rain be-
tween noon &1 p.m. & from 4tollP. u,
Ss. Overcast. Rainfrom7 to 11 a.m. & from
8tolle.m.
8. Overcast nearly the whole day. Rain at
midnight & 1 &104. mu. & from 5 to9
P.M.
Ss. Overcast to2 P.M. 11 & “i afterwards.
Light rain from 7 to 10 a. u. & between.
6&7P. M.
Ss. Overcast to 9 A. M. Mito5 P.M. Overcast
afterwards. Light rain at 4, 6,7 a. Me
4 p.m. & from 6 to 10 P. m.
Ss. Overcast, drizzled after intervals,
8. & W. Overcast to8 a. M. V-iafterwards. Light
rain from midnight to3 4.M.&at3& |
6 P. M.
8. & W. Overcast nearly the whole day, Lightning
& Thunder from 5to9 p.m, Rain from
2to 11 Pp. uM.

* Fell on the 29th & 30th,

Meteorological Observations. lv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of July, 1865.

Montuty Resvtrs.

Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. an es 29.575
Max. height of the Barometer oc¢urred at 9 & 10 A. M.on the 28th, .. 29.803
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 3 P. M. on the 7th, e. 29.380
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, 6 o- § «=: 0,428
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe ee ee 29.625
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. he ee ee 29,5019
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. «+ 0,106
‘ °
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for,the month, .. aa == 83.9
Max. Temperature occurred at 1 P. M. on tho 3rd, a0 a 92.6
Min. Temperature occurred at. Midnight on the 30th, oe ee 77.4
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. Ae 15,0
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, es a 35 88.5
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ee ee oe 80.5
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month,.. ae 8.0
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae aa 80.8
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 3.1
Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. oo ae 78.6
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, a 5.3
' Inches
Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe es 0,958
Troy grains
Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee ee s, 10:28
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ae 1.85
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.85
Inches
Rained 29 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, a sc 2.79
Total amount of rain during the month, “ A se LATS

Prevailing direction of the Wind, ..* ee es S.&S8. E.

lyi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of July, 1865.

Montuty REsvuxts.

Tables showing the number of days on which*at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

N.

es eee ements mm | mm | | cen | | mm | a P| | a | |

Midnight.

Pe

fat et
HFPOUOMDNONAERWNHE
DPDNDNNHEE HER
bo eee
DHHODWEDOVTI]AIA
To
to
wow rons wonn ewe
Rp nwwprwpoeeee pp
eet

HR

Noon.

Ee Se pe
Prope ye
iy

PerPP DEP NHN HH

FOUOONOUBWNe
[So ll lll ell eel ell ell SOLS SS)
a
ANTOWE ONTO OOD sT
eb
eb
eo)
CO OLOUNT OO DATO DD OU

3
2
3
2
2
1

ee
bok bo wre
bo

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,
Ceylon, nm the month of January, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 87’, N. Lat. 7° 17/.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

_ The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been
found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by
Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Ed. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on-a square foot of
ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from 6 P. M. to 6 A. M.
or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The rain guage is 43 feet above the ground.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current by the
vane, and of the currents above this by the direction in which the
Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently
motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or
nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts
move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from
different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the

ease before thunder storms.

Entries, such as W S W and NN W or ES signify that

N N W to calm,

the clouds are evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those
in the lowest stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher
from N N W;; those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s
Anemometer.

In the column for Lightning and Thunder

L =“ Lightning” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR =“ Lightning Reflection” when the flash is so distant that
only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Morn,” is6 a. M., “ Even,’ 6 P. mM. and “ Night,” 12 Pp. m. and
“ fore” and “ after” are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to ‘“ Noon,”
to denote the 3 previous and 3 following hours.

R H. Barnes.

il

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Meteorological Observations.

Barometer

P. M.

3.30

reduced to 32°.

P. M.

10.0

Pressure of

Dry Air.

A. M.

9.30

Pp. M.

3.30

| | fe) | | Le

2

s

ia

Salt Aun
5

Fs" | "9130
1 | 28.393
2 .370
3 372
4| .406
5 .365
6 | .360
7 392
8 ”
9 »”
10 »
il »
12 .410
13 .420
14, 874,
15 378
16 .369
17 382
18 875
19 .393
20 419
21 442
22 .400
23 .380
24 380
25 .401
26 887
D7 e888
28) 88
29 403
80 | .395
31 403

——— | ——____

28.265} 28.362] 27.769) 27.677] 27.780

254.
-256
.269
229
268

294
-291

277
263
-268
-260

284
-289
-286

28.390} 28.267

376
371
349

28.376

757
-765
828
717
776
783

”
»
»
”

-795
-736
-788

27.835) 27.690] 27.843] 71.4| 76.0

a

-606
.666
628
498
723

2

”
?
”

597
599
1665

623
653
653
749
692
799
-782

745
-733
-633
715
689
.646
-748

792
-830
197

782
-840
714

808
773

Thermometer. | Dew Point.

A. M.|P. M.|P. M./A, M.|P. M.|P. M.

9.30} 3.30; 10.0] 9.30) 3.30} 10.0

0.2) 65.3

72.8) 75.1) 7
68.8} 64.8
6
69.

63.
72.5) 7 66.
7
7

waw

70.0 6.1| 64.5) 63.
70.2
71.5] 7
73.5) 7

72.0

owtbooH

6.
5.
3.
5.
5.

64.9] 68.1
»» | 68.0] 67.8) ,,
68.2) 63.5] 64.2| 62.4

68.3} 64.7] 64.9) 62.7

-791
785
898
879
-905
-929

-933
-856
765
848
-802
842
-906

-881
-895
-931

——

65.0) 60.4] 63.5] 61.9
69.4 63,1) 64.2| 63.4
69.7| 64.3] 58.9] 57.1
67.7) 57.0] 62.3] 59.1
8.5

6

70.5
67.6
69.2
71.1

67.6| 58,0) 58.5] 5
68.7| 54.9] 59.7) 57,

68.1] 55.6] 61.5] 57.6
70.4| 59.7/ 60.6] 60.3
70.8 62.7/ 65.8} 64.8
69.8, 62.6) 62.3] 60.9
68.9, 59.3] 62.9162.8
69,6, 62.2/ 65.2/ 60.7
(68.8, 59.5] 59.7/ 57.0

56.7| 58.6! 58.9
60.0] 56.6] 59.2
58.6] 58.4| 57.5

71.9
71.5
72.0
73.0) 7
71.4
72.9
72.0

71.0
71.6
71.2

69.1)
69.5,
68.9,

68.8 61.8) 62.9) 60.7 —

Meteorological Observations.

Li

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CrerLon.

Humidity.
A. M.| P. M. P. M.
9.30} 3.30 | 10.0
779 | 672 | 785
774 706 838
825 676 830
780 783 892
835 820 ”
708 624 »
780 ” ”
» ” ”
» ” ”
»” » ”
” ” »
746 790 ”
875 820 »
746 688 820
810 678 824
728 | 634; 910
796 | 631 | 813
805 ; 563 | 636
685 | 630 | 740
668 562 725
563 565 670
561 610 | 685
662 590 706
725 | 682] 810
700 624 732
654 636 833
694 670 760
646 582 650
606 530 696
666 536 695
642 523 660
721 647

In Sun’s Rays at
12 o'clock.

»

»
136.5
135.8

132.4,
134.1

136.0
131.9
139.6
135.9
135.2
137.4
141.6

133.2
136.6

Minimum on the Grass.

55.8
52.7
55.1
54.1
50.8
50.0
53.3

54.4
52.2
59.6
59.0
56.2
59.9
55.9

51.2
51.2

132.7) 53.2

760 | 135.6) 55.2

| Maximum in Air.

~
for)
ve}

Difference.

Rain.

A.M. | P. M.
Total,

9.30 | 10.0

0.000} 0.000] 0.000
0.000} 0.000} 0.000
0.000} 0.000} 0.000
0.000} 0.009} 0.009
0.006 | 0.392} 0.398
0.000} 0.000} 0.000
0.000] 0.000] 0.000

0.309 | 0.029] 0.338
0.110} 0.000} 0.110
0.010} 0.046} 0.056
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000} 0.000} 0.000

|| 0.000} 0.000} 0,000

0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000

0.000} 0.000} 0.000
0.000} 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0,000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000
0.000} 0.000; 0.000
0.000; 0.000} 0.000
0.000 | 0.000} 0.000

Meteorological Observations,

iv.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

RROOMOS COOOSSOS YRESSSOH HOSOAAGS Aus | w
e Oo L
T2407, BOWSOH S Ooo ASH WSOSAAWBS Br | »
aacenco OCC oooSo oCcieo ooo Coc moSco coo ro)
*snjvayg Wy SNqUIIN So 8 | ae
SonScoos SOSCSCOOR ANH WOR HAMSDSO S =
S ‘snyer}g-oTnumNy a) qd oSH256 GS OH Of Nan | =
0) eocoooe Coo ocooSoMooooooo OCooCcoo) ooo So
3 “snug, | S
a SOOCOCCOO SGOSCSCOCON SCOSCSSSS SSOSSHSS ATS a
*SN[NUINA -O1IT—E) (—) i) roo) on | So
SOOOO00O COSOOOCO SCOOOSDSSO SCOSHSSS CSO =
*gN4B1}G-OLILO | CB | i
Ree ISTE SON I OS CISION Cay a Sa OS SS SSIS =
‘snag | M0 bt f=) ee) OD 03 10 EVEN) myo i YE | i
Tee Geoggas Ganges Peonses sie 1B
oon Q SHWRSOGSOS SSCHKMBHR HS Noy
*[840], a =
SSSSRSS SSSSSSS SSSSSSS 55950555 S505 | Ss
‘SnqeIG W SN UAENT | 3 | ¢
HOSOCSOO SCOOCCON SOSCOCSOO SCONONOMO OW ; a
“snyea4g-o[nung | RS a 6 @ SiS SC oR 3S
S Se ee ee a eee
= ‘snug | ©COS00SSD SCSOS00SD9DSD SOO0O0DSD SCOSD00909 COO | 2
A | SSSSegos SSSSSSS HSSSSSS SSSS5SSS G55 19
4 *SN[NUINY-OLILD, | for) ° qo So
rsnyeang-o32%9 | oocooc3e eeessos ooooocfo OSCE ooo | 2
SHHOCOCO SSSCOCSCSCS HSSHAHSS OBNSOHMSWS SSS roy
rong | ood SBASASG SADE KG | x
7-360 eS eee
5 x SCHAMA WOKRDROH AMA MOND Gon
post ‘Anenuee | AWG Or HOSA AMARA AN ANNANAN 0000 |

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

MDOOSSO OO or) oo ~ 4 ;
spare SaaAN eooSS ARRGSRS FR2RaR4SH AG | &
aod yooz ur Aqro0[a A HOBANS HG ONSNHer CaNntoos S30 Ne}
E bays 2 © 2200 & <a
i 2 oO s © . hoe ee 20 (o) o ) ro) (>) a
td 5 sSH2,, :t FPiLrii:H ggegggegsg Bahar a ga :
a Sz oe tt Piiiiiz 2£0,99,,9,5 SA oy oA ,5 of o :
e 8 Bae See Ses BZAAAAAA AeA aoA Aw :
é = Om A cI
A te ° x
q ° 4
g 8
of |
eo o ey ne a 4 Ae
8 g | BOS i itiiii BERS Ee? -2 Le een pas
=) q AAaog S.) ree e- oe iee ee zy 2a 27, Ara 2 ae. :
3 = Betae id ifiiiig S22 ica” sezcece ase :
AZ se Ja ie a 4 i “A | ic] AAR ia .
| Pe FLA» zw Ze
: oars SSSSSSS SSSSSSS SSOSHANA AGHAAGHAN A= | w
g Wd 9 Ps
8 = SSOSODOOO COSOOSOSS SOOHAAHT HAV KN ANH DAH a
fo) H'V 9 | ry
NASOwWOSCSOO SSSCSCSSOO WSSwWOwWW SSW wWMNBQ SSCS 2
“TeqoOL o ow mo COMMUN FN DORMrDAS for) x
SSOMOOS COSOSOSSS SSOSCSCSGSOS SCSOSSSSS SSS :
snQEg P snquITNY Be |
| SSSSSSS SSSSS5S SSSSSSS SCHBAANSS SOS %
S ‘SRS OLN | QAADS for | a
re
sj ‘sang | SOQOSCCO SOOSCSCOS SGoooCooSo cocoooo Coco g
ay
‘snqueng-o1319 | ©CSS9C0SDO0SD SCOO0DSDSDS CSO00S9DS SSOO0SDS9DS SCO | <
renqeag-o12%9 | SeSCCOSO CD00 O0SDD oSoSOOCOO SOOSSSS ooo | xs
Lent
NOWGDSSS SOSSSSSD WOSWoOHVqQ SHROWKHO SOO R
So on eo SOHN BPN DODO PHD | a

“ana |

V1

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CrYLon.

HP Seonm sOMBenH | January, 1864.

12

I &

3.30 P.M. 2 10.0 P. M a

= »~

Direction of wind. 2 Direction of wind. 2

| |
cs rs
Vane. Lower Clouds. ss 8 Vane. Lower Clouds. = 3
ESE oa

o oO

e >
E NE 3.52 ENE None 5.19
N W by N Calut 3.70 NE None 5.28
W by N Calm 5.28 EN E None 1.41
N NE 4.49 NNE by 6.51
WN W Calm SO NEF seats poo cid 0
ee ee | re Bs el ee ; 0
seeeee ee . 0 ooeeee eerree 0
«ene tee 0 PE ae ocak 0
eontee oe 0 eeene . tee 0
iences aeaissie 0 ata eer (0)
Jia wchawe 0 oaitos Seong 0
eee oJ . woe 0 eeere we 0
ceMaceler ep mcameds 0 sift gaia 0
N W NE 3.80 NE None (0)
WNW Calm 5.28 NE None 6.95
wees Calm 4.14 Calm None 0.00
N W SE,NNW&Calm! 4.58 N E None 3.84
WN W None 4.05 NNE None 2.64
WNW Variable 4.22 | N Eby E None 3.87
N W by W None 2.64 ENE None 4.22
KE ? 5.28 E by N None 10.91
ENE Variable 6.69 NE None 8.54
S Eby E Calm 9.59 | NE by HE wsw 5.28
WwW W, Calm 6.42 Ww ENE 0.09
WNW SS E (?) 4.58 | NE by E None 5.54
ESE ENE 9.59 NE None TAS
N W Variable 2.38 NNE None 9.94
ESE None 8.71 NE None 8.62
ENE Calm 7.48 ENE None 1.85
EH Variable 748 | NEby EB None 10.03
Eby 8 None 8.10 E P 7.04
aApedn 5.45 aaaeath Bhoand 5.45

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

vil

Distance in Miles in
24 Hours.

> OO
oN
Ne
oO

Lightning and Thunder.

Vili

a ee
DIAM BWHHOHOO NOMBRE NWe | January, 1864.

19

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, CEYLON.

-

GENERAL REMARKS.

ee ee ee eee

Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

Fog till 8 a, M.; then fine, warm, dry and fresh,

Fine & fresh till noon; heavy nimb and drizzling rain after.

Fine till 8 a. M.; then nimb & light rain; cloudy all day & rain in fore even,
Fine, dry & fresh all day.

Cloudy with nimb ; showery & damp all day.
Light rain fore and after morn; fine afterwards, squally wind.
Cloudy with nimb ; damp & showery nearly all day.

A little very light rain at 1 P. M.
Dull & cloudy with nimbus but no rain; squally wind in after even.
Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

Fog till 8 a. M.; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.

Fog till 8 a. M.; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.
Cold & damp at morn, mild to very warm, dry and fresh day.
Fog till 8 a m.; after, mild to very warm, dry and fresh day.
Fog till 8 a. M.; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.
Fog till 8 a. M,; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.
Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

The same as above; high wind till noon; moderate after.
Cold to warm, fresh; very dry afternoon; squally wind. [after even.
Fine, dry and pleasant till noon; close and oppressive afternoon, fore and
Damp at morn; very warm & close after 8 A.M. threatening nimb. in afternoon
Cool to warm, dry & fresh day; squally wind, at times high, [& fore even.
Cool to warm and fresh till noon, then sultry till 8 p. m. and again fresh.
Fine, dry & fresh all day ; in after even, squally wind, at times high.

Cold to hot, dry and fresh all day.
Cold to hot, dry and fresh all day.
Cold to hot, dry and fresh all day.

Solar Halo on 15th. Lunar Halos on 14th, 15th and 16th.

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,
Ceylon, in the month of February, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 37’, N. Lat. 7° 17’.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been
found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by
Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Kd. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on a square foot of
ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from 6 Pp. M. to 6 a. M.
or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The evaporation is given by a Babington’s Atmidometer placed
under cover so as to be protected from the sun, rain and dew, but
freely exposed to the wind.

The rain guage is 43 feet above the ground.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current by the
vane, and of the currents above this by the direction in which the
Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently
motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or
nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts
move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from
different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the

case before thunder storms.
Entries, such as W S W and N N W, or CEE doe signify that
"NNWtocalm, ° y
the clouds are evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those
in the lowest stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher
from N N W ; those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s
Anemometer.

In the column for Lightning and Thunder

L =“ Lightning” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR —“ Lightning Reflection” when the flash is so distant that
only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Morn,” is 6 a. M., “ Even,” 6 P.M. and “ Night,” 12 p. m. and
“fore” and “ after” are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to “Noon,”
to denote the 8 previous and 3 following hours.

R. H. Banrnzs,

x Meteorslogical Observations.
GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, Cryton.
. Barometer Pressure of 3
8 dened dnote Dry Air. Thermometer. | Dew Point.
ri
P
E A. M. Pp. M. Po Ms A. M. bey a is P. M. |A. M.|)P. M.|P. M./A. M./P. M.|P. M.
“o
Fa 9.30 | 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30 3.30 10.0 | 9.30} 3.30! 10.0} 9.30) 3.30] 10.0
1 | 28.433} 28.335] 28.433] 27.907] 27.759] 27.892) 72.5] '75.2| 70.6) 60.4) 63.0| 61.2
2 454 14> 454 .832| .713) .880| 73.2) 73.9] 70.2) 65.2; 67.0| 62.9
3 443) .335) .451 -772| .660 » | 71.3] 73.7| 69.6| 67.4) 67.6) .,
4 466 .369 .509 795 .739| .859| 73.0] 72.8] 69.2) 67.4) 65.6] 66.5
5 509} .3886 soll 911 .796| 28.041| 73.8] 77.0] 69.2] 64.1] 63.7] 57.3
6 507 «389 .488 .909 769} 27.898] 71.1] 71.5) 67.1) 64.1] 65.1) 63.7
| 480; .359 -469 -894 .822} .919} 71.6} 76.8) 70.7| 63.5| 61.0) 61.7
8 453 319 428 .944| 828] .885)| 73.6) 78.9 71.5) 59.5) 58.5) 6L.3
9 .426 309 418 .902 797 872) 75.1| 79.9] 72.5) 60.3] 59,7| 61.5
10 A421 293| .3899 954) 748 .815) 75 6| 80.4) 72.2) 57.1161.4 63.4
11 417 300) .409} .903) .763 885) '75.0\ 80.0) 71.2, 59.8] 61.0 60.3
12 AAA 336, .426]) .933 .807 .898) 74.6) 78.3) 70.8] 59.6] 60.6, 60.5
13 .432 293 .387 .912| .764 801) 73.8, 80.0 71.8] 60.1 60.6 63.5
14 391 262| .333) .829]) .688]} .705) 75.2| 79.4) 71.0) 62.3] 62.9] 65.5
15 830 210} .816) .802; .813 .770| 73.0} 82.3) 67.1) 60.5] 52.6] 61.5
16 foo 219) .326 -923] .730 .665| 71.6) 80,0) 71.4' 58.5] 58.4) 67.0
lye .369 Q4| 384 .864 .691 .650| 71.8} 82.1) 73.2) 59.3] 60.4] 68.0
18 .008 188| .297 .879| .697 .677| 72.3) 82.2] 69.8) 57.8] 58.5) 65.1
19 .825 183) .306 -769| .676 .633| 73.9; 82.9) 71.7| 62.0] 59.4) 67.5
20 By 181 314) 715 .661 .648} 75.0] 83.2! '71.2}65.0) 60.1] 67.2
21 .o74 244) .870) .701; .713) .676) 77.0) 82.6} 74.1] 67.5] 60.7) 68.4
22 408 276| .891) .884) .778 .831] 75.4 82.2! 68.5} 62.9] 59,2) 62.2
23 .308 218) .842) .844! .720 .72'7| '73.2| 82.4) 69.4) 59.8] 58.9] 64.9
24 .046 197! .295|) .790| .686 .727)| 73.4 81.8 68.0) 62.0] 59.6] 62.6
25 344 214) .835) .786] .650 .722) 73.4) 82.6] 69.8) 62.1) 62.4] 64.8
26 sola 235) 2 Suol esau shot 714) 73.2 82.6} 74.1) 60.8} 58.9\67.0
27 384 ODT od -cOUl .Se0l sO25llface 84.6, 74.8 63.4) 52.6] 69.3
28 .o00D L178) <31'2) iow, .722| .637| 75.6] 85.6 72.0) 63.1] 56.4) 67.6
29 .848 204) .336] .815| .808] .608) 74.8) 84.5! 75.0| 60.8 spcelegie .

28.400] 28.271! 28.383) 27.845) 27.743] 27.774| 73.7

————

80.0 71.0

|

61.8| 60.3] 64.4

Meteorological Observations. xk

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

F
mn
3
Humidity. ro) 3 Rain.
3 oa |B | 4
n ire 4 —
a4} a|.4| 4 d
Pap Sal as ee | eos 3) 3
amir. ule. mM} os | £ |] 9) € | g Siam | pm
gol ele|a—| és E Total
e =] “3 mH fo! e
9.30|3.30|10.0,2% | | 2 | 3 |8|2| | | 9.30 | 100
A Siew aitee tet ss he le

—_ |__| —__—__

654 | 656) 719) 149.0} 56.0) 77.0] 61.3) 15.7

762 | 791| 775| 136.4) 64.4) 76.2] 68.0) 8.2|72.1) 35/8289] 0.010} 0.029} 0.039
871 | 815) ,, | 120.2) ,, |'76.0| 67.9} 8.1) 71.9 5614346] 0,019| 0.468| 0.487
880 | 783) 911) 118.0| 67.0| 74.9] 68.5) 6.4|/71.7| 0/5569} 0.026) 0.037 | 0.063
718 | 638} 660| 139.9! 62.3) 77.2) 68.0) 9.2) 72.6} 111/8954| 0.000| 0.000] 0.000
780 | 800) 886) 137.8) 57.1) 74.6] 62.5} 12.1) 68.6] 156/4019) 0.000} 0.013] 0.013
750 | 586] 728) 144.5) 56.8) 77.1) 62.8] 14.3] 69.9] 3834/5662} 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

69.2} 146.9686} 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

619 | 497] 698) 138.5| 60.0) 78.8] 67.2) 11.6} 73.0' 181|8391} 0.000| 0.000] 0.000
597 | 500) 680) 138.5) 60.7) 79.8] 68.3) 11.5) 74.1) 158/8644| 0.000} 0.000} 0.000
526 | 521) 742) 141,9) 56.3) 80.5] 63.5) 17.0| 72.0! 157/7734| 0.000} 0.000} 0.000
588 | 521| 682) 149.2) 61.2) 80.5} 68.8] 11.7|'74.6| 91/5359) 0.000} 0.000] 0.000
592 | 545] 698) 139.4 60.0) 78.6 68.0] 10.6) 73.3) 84/8341} 0.000) 0.000} 0.000
624 | 515} 745) 142.6) 54.2) 80.2) 62.0) 18.2) 71.1] 1381/3185] 0.000} 0.000} 0.000.
641 | 566} 825/ 149.1) 56.0) 80.7] 64.0) 16.7) 72.4) 153/5945| 0.000} 0.000) 0.000

652 | 351{ 825] 144.5) 56.3) 81.8) 63.4) 18.4) 72.6) 228/5915} 0.000] 0.000} 0,000
524 | 476] 855] 148.0) 49.8] 79.9] 57.7) 22.2) 68.8} 211/5662) 0.000} 0.000; 0.000:
646 | 480} 840) 144.3, 57.0] 81.7} 63.4) 18.3) 72.5] 1395358) 0.000} 0.000] 0.000
598 ; 444) 850} 141.9) 55.3) 81.6] 61.8] 19.8) 71.7] 234/6724) 0.000 | 0.000) 0.000
664 | 447| 863} 141.8) 54.4/ 82.0] 61.5) 20.5| 71.8} 252/6419| 0.000} 0.000] 0.000
708 | 455) 865) 146.0] 60.0) 82.4) 66.8) 15.6] 74.6] 98/5763) 0.000) 0.000} 0.000
726 | 485| 825] 148.6} 61.3) 83.5) 67.5| 16.0|75.5) 141/5288) 0.000] 0.000} 0.000

648 | 456) 805] 143.8] 59.1| 82.2) 67.3) 14.9] 74.7] 2256268} 0.000} 0.000} 0.000
633 | 447) 855] 147.8] 52.0) 82.0) 59.7) 22 3) 70.9) 286/6268} 0.000} 0.000} 0.000:
676 | 465| 830) 144.8) 59.3] 81.7| 65.0, 16,7} 73.3] 182/5985] 0.000} 0.000} 0.000
680 } 507| 840) 147.6] 53.9) 82.2) 61.3] 20.9) 71.8; 272/5510| 0.000} 0.000} 0.000
656 | 444| '785] 150.2) 55.4) 82.7] 63.0] 19.7| 72.8] 235/6066] 0.000} 0.000) 0.000
652 | 334) 8380) 149.7) 57.5) 84.1| 64.7) 19 4! 74.4) 196/7330] 0.000, 0.000} 0.000
648 | 366] 865) 149.8) 58.0) 85.2! 64.9) 20.3) 75.1) 187|6774)| 0.000} 0.000) 0.000

616 | 334) 840} 150.6) 55.0) 84.5/ 62.2] 22.3) 73.4) 288)7229] 0.000] 0.000} 0.000

ss ee ee Ss eS ee ee

685 | 525) 797| 142.9] 57.7) 80.3) 64.5) 15.8 72.4/4967|6437| 0.055) 0.547 | 0.602
J

Meteorological Observations.

xil

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

SAQSCSCOH MOmanH WRMHOnQy ounmoan x |
‘TRIO, SASSHSONM WHHAHGSOH SCHAHGHAS RKoHdit SS SC |
ORR CSOSS SOSOSCOS SSSOSCSCSCS SGOSSGSGCO OS
"SnYVI4G WW SUQUILN GH® |
Se SeooNn DOV eo SOCCER Oe SiriMgomm &
Q | ‘snyeyg-opuumg S to G6 SCOtHHSOD sooloeo Goomlooe Ss |
$3 SSSCO0SCS0O SCOOD00C0S SCO000GS SOSCSDSSGSO OS
3 ‘snug |
a SCNMMOCOD SCOSOSSSSSO SCOSOSSSS SOSSSSS Oo
“Sn[NUAnN ys) -O11T/) Sono oS ery |
SoouooS SSoSooooOo ScoSoSooeoo Ssocoocoo 6
*S1YVI4.G-OLIIQ | Ps) |
SOSCSSCOD SOONSSCS MNMHASHS QHHOONS =
renatg | jl ie) So SaAOnNTe CHdid Oo 3 |
BNSSRoON doris oO Som qousis ON oS Seo >
GWOSSCHADA SS SSS SAMNSSSS HSOAHSS
*[2IO.L an oa Lal
PS ES 2 ee
SSSSCOHSO SOSOSCSCSGS SSOSCSSCSS SoSoSoSSoSSo Ss
“snyeayg wp Sng UITNy | Sk ae |
HSSSONSS SCOSMMOS SOSCSCOHHR ASSRSHS SO |
renqenyg-ojnaing | fom) mi Ko) oo -O 8 mimi ©
S = SS eS SS SS SS ee
2 ‘snag | SS9900009 S900090 Sseo0c09DcDo SC90990909 © |
a | exnegess S5oo5555 SSO55599 S999999 9
<4 mnLUM-omD | iS ~ es
‘snqeng-o1119 | SS099909 SSOODe000o CO009D90S9 S99090099 © |
SSSSCOON AMOSCOHS MSNNSCSO BHYSONGORSO O
“SILI See roo) SARBSS SS 998
. HAH WOK DROH ANH WOKND D
post ‘hronsqeg | AAT OO OOS NN FORTIN ANNANAN Gt

5.2

3.4) 1.8) 0.0) 0.7) 0.0) 1.6} 1.1

0.3)0.0 | 0.4| 1.2

1,5] 0.0

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

xiii

Pp. M. 10.0
9.30 a.M.
| Ozone.
a a = Direction of wind.
a] 5 3 Bel eS re
iB 2 # nM
Ore i a (a) |
a Ei } nD
a 8 ois | ae 3 | Vane. Lower Clouds.
EI\EIE)#/#/8| 2 lis
SeieonO | O | Oo |e H |e]
0} Oo} O| 0! 98 O| 98] 2 2| Eby S WwW
OPO eon OF Z.0)e Op = 2.0 | 1B 2 KE ENE
oOo; o}; OO; O 0/10.0} 10,0 |3.5) 8 NE ENE
0} O 0 0 0} 10.0} 10.0 9) 38 E E
0} o| o| of of of of 5 2} EbyN E by N
OO Oe <0} 1.0/ * oO} “Lo |] 2h 8 N NE by E
O70} O} OO} O2| - Oo} 0.2 | LO) 2 NE E by N
oO; Oo 0 0 0 0 0 Dipey KE None
OOF! Oho o| (0 Oi) TP 2 ENE E
0; oO 0 0; 02 0}; 0.2 4| 2 NE None
oO; Oo 0 0] 2.0 O| 2.0 2) 2 E by N NE
0.2} 0} O} O |) SO} 980;2) |) 2 eek 1} E
0} O 0 0} 3&3 Oo} 38 aly 1 NE None
3.5} 0/3.5| O o 60k «O70 | «68y (0 ENE None
10.0} O 0 0 0 0} 10.0 Oo} 0 SE None
0} O 0 0 | 10.0 0} 10.0 0} O ws W None
Oo; O 0 0} 9.0 0} 9.0 Oo} 0 N None
0} O| O} O| 40} OO}; 40; 0; O| Variable None
Oo} oO 0 0} 8.5 O| 8.5 0} O S W None
0; Oo 0 0] 9.0 0; 9.0 0} 1l| SWbyS Calm
oor; Ol" O} 9:2) 0] 9.2 oe 2 NNW Calm
mal 0} Onno OW SOM T9259) AZ Rl Wilby Calm
0.2} O 0 0 Ol Ob FO? 0} 0} Variable None
0.3) O 0 0 0 Oo; 0.3 0)0.5) Variable Calm
4.0} O 0 0 0 Oo} 4.0 0} 0.5 WS W Variable
0.44 0/ O} O} 96} OO}; 10.0; O| 0} NWbyN None
Oo} O 0 0; 9.3 OW Sis Oo} 0 SSE Calm
Oo} oO 0 0 0} 10,0! 10.0 OG S W None
20} 01) (0) 0 0} 8.0; 8.0; 0; O N W None

oe ff | | | | |

1,0} 0.0 |0.1 |0.0 | 3.0) 1.3 5.4 | 1.8) 1.2 toneee seceee

Velocity in feet per

5.46

xiv Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

wu wm

3.30 P.M. 3, 10.0 P. Me 2.

~~ »

<i Direction of wind. 3 Direction of wind. 3

ry) o on}

e A A
5 ro rs
8 Vane. Lower Clouds. e 8 Vane. Lower Clouds. = 8
R= 2D LHR

®o {<>} oO

& e e
1 ENE Calm 5.14 NNE Too dark 4.27
2 E NE 2.43 Variable Too dark 0.39
3 | EbyN E by N 12.32 E by N Too dark 6.16
4] EbyN iE 16.63 | NEby E Too dark 8.62
5| EbyS ENE 9.94 E None 16.98
6 1) ENE 1.41 WNW Too dark 2.82
vi E by N ENE 17.60 E by N Too dark 7.66
8 E by S Calm 14.52 ENE None 11.00
9 ENE Variable 3.87 EN E None 12.85
10} ENE EN E Calm 7.57 ENE Too dark 9.50
11 iE Calm ? 14.26 NE Calm 8.10
12 EbyS NNE 18.39 ENE None 7-5
13 ENE Calm 9.59 E by N Calm 11.62
14! WNW Calm 6.51 | S W by W None 1.06.
15 | Variable None 2.73 Calm None 0.00:
16 N W None 5.98 N Calm 1.41
17 | Variable Calm 4,49 NW Calm 1.06
18/| WS WwW Calm 8.27 NNW Variable 2.38
19 W Calm 5.81 SWhbyS Calm 0.18
20 WwW Calm 8.18 WN W N 2.99
21 | Variable Calm 4.22 WNW ENE 0.62
22 N Calm 4,22 Calm None 0.00
23 | WNW NNEP 5.98 NN W Eby S 3.08.
24, ws WwW Calm 5.90 NNW None 2.99
25 WS W Variable 5.19 N N W None 2.20
26) WNW Calm 5.90 NNW Calm 0.44,
27| WNW Calm 6.60 WwW Calm 0.88
28; WNW Calm 8.45 N W ? 2.64
29 E Calm 10.30 N by E Variable 1.14

Distance in Miles in
24 Hours.

164,14
173.00
177.13
203.20
201.11
149 41
102.09

37.33
41.39
43.24
58.59
60.72
47.45
43,58

53.90
43.33
46.53
46.31
41.80
48.06
48.31

56.09

Meteorological Observations. XV

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Lightning and Thunder.

LRtoS S W in after even.

L to S in after even.

L RtoS in after even,
L R to W in after even,

LtoSS W at even.

L to S W ward at even,

LR toS W in after night,

Xvi Meteorological Observations.
GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.
3
= GENERAL REMARKS.
7
eS
E
o
&
1 | Fine, dry and pleasant day.
2 | In fore and afternoon heavy nimbi from N B; a little light rain,
3 | Nimbi from N E & BE nearly all day; light showers throughout the day,
4 | Nimbi from E all day ; a little very light rain.
5 | High wind at night, more mod. in the day, which fine, dry and fresh,
6 | Heavy nimbi from N E & E; a few light showers in afternoon.
7 | Fine, mild to warm, dry and fresh day,
8 | Cool at morn, warm to hot & very dry day.
9 | Mild to hot and dry; sultry & oppressive in afternoon.
10 | Cool and fresh at morn, warm to very hot and dry day.
11 | Squally wind at times high; mild to hot and very dry.
12 | Squally wind at times high; mild to hot and very dry.
13 | Cool and fresh at morn, mild to hot and dry day. [& till about 8 P. m.
14 | Cool at morn & after 10 p. m., hot & dry day; close & oppressive afternoon
15 | Cool at morn & after 10 Pp. M.; fog at morn; very hot & dry day.
16 | Cold & fresh at morn; hot & dry day, sultry & oppressive after 12.
17 | Cool to mild & fresh till 10 a. m.; hot & very dry fore & afternoon, sultry &
oppressive after 6 A. M. [even,
18 | Coolat morn; & after 10 Pp. m.; hot and very dry fore & afternoon & fore
19 | Cool to mild to 10 a, M.; hot & very dry tiJ] 6 P. m.; close & sultry after,
20 | Cool to mild to 10 a. M,; hot & very dry till 6 P. m.; close & sultry after,
21 | Cool to mild to 10 a. M.; hot & very dry till 6 Pp. M.; pleasant after even,
22 | Cool to mild to 10 a. M.; hot & very dry till 6 P. u. ; cool & fresh after 8 P. M.
23 | Cold &dampat morn; fog till nearly 8 a. M.; hot & very dry till 6 Pp. mu. then
24 | Cool at morn & after 10 P. mM. ; warm to very hot & dry till 6 Pp. m. [pleasant,
25 | The same as 24th but sultry & oppressive at even and till 8 P. mM.
26 | The same as 25th; fog at morn & till 7 a. mM.
27 | Cool at morn ; hot & very dry but fresh till 9 p. m. then close & sultry.
28 | The same as 27th, but sultry in early part of after even; pleasant later,
29 | The same as 28th, but sultry & oppressive all after even.

Solar Halos on 8th, 16th & 27th. Lunar Halos on 15th and 22nd,

Heteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,
Ceylon, in the month of March, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 37’, N. Lat. 7° 17’.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

_ The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been
found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by
Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Ed. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on a square foot of
ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from 6 Pp. M. to 6 a. M.
or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The evaporation is given by a Babington’s Atmidometer placed
under cover so as to be protected from the sun, rain and dew, but
freely exposed to the wind.

The rain guage is 43 feet above the ground.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current, by the
vane; and of the currents above this, by the direction in which the
Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently
motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or
nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts
move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from
different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the
case before thunder storms.

, ws w ows Ng
Entries, such as nwyw’” WNW calm, signify that the clouds are

evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those in the lowest
stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher from N N W;
those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s
Anemometer.

In the column for Lightning and Thunder—

L —“ Lightning,” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR =“ Lightning Reflection,” when the flash is so distant that
only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Mor,” is 6 a. M., “ Even,’ 6 p. mM. and “ Night,” 12 p. m. and
“fore” and ‘ after’ are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to “ Noon,”
to denote the 3 previous and 3 following hours.

R. H. Bares.

.|P. M.|P. M.|A. M./P. M.|P. M.

XVili Meteorological Observations.
GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.
Barometer Pressure of
- reduced to 32°. Dry Air. EOE Oe.
=
ie3)
ri
3 A. M. |} P. M. Pp. M. A.M. P. M. P.M. |A. M
i]
= | 930] 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30 | 3.30] 10.0 |9.30/ 3.30! 10.0
1 | 28.385] 28.244) 28.386] 27.815] 27.788] 27.734| 77.0] 82.9| 73.9
2! .390| .267} .400| .849| .780| .684|75.8| 83.1] 73.5
3 .395| .260) .374) .805) .706 750| 76.7| 83.1) 69.3
4, .408} .279| .406) .962) .785! .888| 75.0] 81.5] 73.7
5 | .444) .297]/ .404/ .901| .799] .816) 75.7| 81.0] 73.0
6 446} .829} .420) .816| .677| .798) 74.4} 73.9] 71.6
7 | .416| .290] .887| .824) .708| .789| 77.4] 78.2| 73.8
8} .403° .271/ .384] .802| .630] .745]| 78.0| 80.7) 73.7
9] .385| 278} .406] .944) .756| .740| 78.5| 82.4| 72.6
TO | .433} .308/ .438} .930] .779} .777/| 77.8) 83.1| 73.4
31 [{ .448| .297} .381| 882) .875] .825) 76.3\ 81.4) 71.5
12 .379| .270| 879) .8571 .702| .764) 77.3) 82.5| 74.5
13 | .394| .278| 875} .802| .700| .742| 78,2| 80.2| 73.7
14} .363| .235) .385| .795) .519) .672| 78.4) 77.3) 71.5
15 | .870| .232| .884) .737) .599| .653| 76.3] 82.8| 72.0
16 |} .380] .260} .416] .784) .694) .667| 76.0) 82.5) 75.2
37) .427| 284) .411] .803} .724| .705] 77.0) 83.7) 74.1
18 .427| .267 396} .790| .666) .660[78.1) 83.3) 74.5
19 | .882] .269| .391| .802] .645| .653/77.8| 80.6} 75.2
20 403] .265| .401| .781| .935| .688]76.5| 86.0] 76.0
21 391) .263| .396| .922) .878| .678}77.8| 85.6] 73.1
22) .885| .262| .871) .839| .821| .648]79.1| 85.7) 74.1
23 392| .244] .859) .830} .795| .660]77.9| 85.3] 74.0
24 353, 247.875; 941] .835] 731] 79.2) 85.8! 73.2)
25 | .875| .269| .390} .838] .792| .664| 78.4| 86.0) 73.8
26 | .417| .276| .378) .843/ .769| .732| 80.5| 86.6| 76.9
27 | 891] .261) .385/ .845| .784| .667/ 80.0] 86.7/ 75.6,
28| .881} .270| .867| .785) .557/ .646) 79.5] 76.5) 72.2
29] .397| .263/ .378] .769| .662| .629/77.4) 83.2 74.3)
30 | .414] .298} .404] .832] .767| .710| 77.8| 84.7 75.1
31 | .395| .279} .400| .805| .670] .664| 78.0|843 76.2
28.399 te aia | 27.735] 27.715] 77.2) 82.6 73.7

Dew Point.

9.30} 3.30} 10.0

56.4) 66.6
58.3] 69.3
61.9/ 65.3
58.7| 60.0
58.9] 63.6
66.6] 65,2
63.3] 64,1

62.7
61.2
63.7
55.8
61.3
65.6
63.8

64.2) 66.1) 66.0
55.5| 60.2] 67.2
59.2| 60.6) 67.0
62.5] 54.3) 62.0
60.2] 62.6] 64.9
63.8] 63.1) 65.7
62.6] 69.3) 69.2

65.7| 65.7| 69.9
64,0] 62.5} 70.6
65,3] 62.2|68 9
65.9} 64,2} 70.1
63.2| 65,3} 70.2
65.2) 47.6] 69.2
57.2| 51.8) 69.4:

61.5
62.3
53.6
61.0
62.9
61.5
64.0

62.2) 60.6 67.5

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR EKanpy, CEYLON.

Humidity.

A. M./P. M.(P. M.

12 o'clock.

9.30) 3.30} 10.0

In Sun’s Rays at
| Minimum on the Grass.

614 | 402) 783) 151.0) 57.2
606 | 424! 870) 150.0) 57.1
646 | 490} 871) 153.6) 59.1
514 | 457} 625) 141.0) 50.6
609 | 464) 724) 135.2) 58.2
738 | 783) 800) 134.0) 66.2
632 } 600) 718) 145.2) 65.9

626 | 609) 775| 159.0) 63.5
452 | 471| 835) 150,2) 60.0
530 | 466} 806) 155.2) 59.3
628 | 386] 715) 150.0) 58.2
557 | 513) 720] 146.3) 53.4
612 | 554) 766] 143.2) 61.4
573 | 762) 926/ 159.2) 60.0

702 | 561{ 930] 150.4) 65.0
670 | 510} 855} 150,5) 60.3
674 | 484) 840} 155.1, 69,1
663 | 525) 865} 150.7| 66.8
612 | 592) 845) 153.9) 63.6
686 | 267) 790) 151.9] 60.1
533 | 315) 885} 150.0) 62,1

548 | 354) 860) 148.8] 59.8
591 | 366} 835) 146.9) 59,9
414 | 330] 792) 148.6] 55.2
559 | 376) 870] 145.2) 56.3
545 | 391| 702) 146.5) 58.8
530 | 368] 810) 145.0] 58.5
587 | 779) 920) 147.8] 62.8

670 | 528] 885) 154.1] 61.4.
616 | 442) 796) 151.1) 61.2
614 | 513) 811) 146.9) 59.9

598 | 487) 814) 148.9] 60.1

Maximum in Air.
meetin in Ade.

| Difference.

82.3 #8
82.0 63.5) 1
82.6] 66.6, 1

7.5
8.5
6.
81.7 58.0) 23.
5.
9.
2.

C

=

ti

a

1
82.8] 70.2} 12.6
83.4] 69.8] 13.6
83.1} 67.2] 15.9
83.4] 66.2) 17.2
81.7) 65.4) 16.3
82.8) 59.9) 22.9
82.1) 68.0) 14.1
83.2] 66.4) 16.8

82.8] 67.8) 15.0
83.0| 65.5) 17.5
83.4| 66.3] 17.1
83.6] 70.9} 12.7
84.9) 68.7/ 16.2
86.0| 65.2} 20.8
85.9} 65.1) 20.8

86.3) 66.7) 19.6
86.2) 64,8) 21.4
86.4) 62.2) 24.2
86.2) 63.2) 23.0
86.7] 65.6) 21.1
86.9) 65.3) 21.6
83.5] 68.2) 15.3

85.4) 65.7) 19.7

86.3| 66.7| 19.6
86.5] 65.8) 20.7

83.9] 66.0) 17.9

| Mean.

| Dew in Grs, per sqr. ft.

Evaporation in Grs. per

sqr. ft.

5915

4 8038

8239
4802
6672

6622
8391
6673

4)'7229

7178
6925
5005

3913

| 5894.

5561
5156
5085
7613
8563

5) 9201
7835

1060

5/7987

9756
8341
3973

4691
6399
5864

6763

6168
25894

A.M. | P.M.
Total.
9.30 | 10.0

0.050} 0.537 | 0.587

ee SS

Meteorological Observations.

xx

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, CEYLON.

DODHOARD WOWOCHOH MOMMOWH YQOWOWOS Mer rw
“TeqO7, rABDBSIBS BAWSCHHOH ~~ COBHSS BSSHAGS ares | ©
|
eoooooNnn 5 oO
‘snyedyg P Suquatyy HO oO | oF
OIWOM ANOS Chmcqgnoo MOQOS wd DBOWoOwRQoO ONT ba
iS *snye1jg-o;nUInYD CASSS HHOMd ~ © WOO COOK AA Or~o | a
- a EO Ooo oO
Bo SOSOOOOO SCOOOHTO NOSSCSSS SOSCSCSCSS HAH | SC
3 ‘snjnuing) oo oS ooo | —)
Telli. We ee ee SOROS TE
o | SOOOO00GO SCSOSSGSONM SDOSDSSOSDSD S9909090909 99° =
“Sn[MUINnD -O.LIT—) | on ao | oO
SoOOoOOnRnm ONODOCOHR SCSOSSSCSSO 999999% N99
*SNYCIYG -O.LIT/) | ar +4 1S cr) xa Oo | oO
ee ee SL ee ee
AMQNDOSO SCNSOHOSSD SCORSSSS mWmOoOSCSORS MOO 19
‘sng | HOMO re wo S a x S | =
oP ee i ee Lot en aed he oe Se ie a ee ee eee
FRSSCSSOS RANHANCH Noeenses THING ORS GQ ost Rone S
BRODSCOSHM COHNOHTH SC HHSOOCO CONOCOSSoo 98°n al
*[eqO NL, aa
ee eee
SISiSSlS GIO ISlO ClO CISION ESIOIS I OIOISION FOICISOSISC (SO FOSS ; 2
“‘SNgVIYG WD SNQUILN for) | 5
ee, Ae oe 2 ee ee ee
Seer rim DCOMAHOD NOSCSCHSS SCOSSWHR _ BRO | @
‘nqenyg-ornuing | HH © © ONOHO COC AMOS Sow SSO | S
8 ae eT Cee
a ‘snug CODCOD COO COO OCOoOoD COO COSoCoOSoD COO SSeSoSeSe Ze | 2
SAI a IS aie Siege ie | seta, 1 steer Pai eptnremeneaen ae
a } aoooone Sy SOoOoOoO0OSo SCOSCOSCCOn WOO q
4 “SN[MUINA -OLIT/) | oS oo SS) o
eae! eee ae ee SS
“snqenyg-011i9 | COSCCDOCOo COCO CoD Coo SDSDSoSo Coe Se9S99o 989° | S
pie ee a a a ee ee ee =
ei

ren | CADW SSHSoOo A SO SHS aa on

P98I aox0yt | POI 62 SHAD KON

xxi

Meteorological Observations.»

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

F DHAGBNARDO AALOMAM OO 4
puoses RADETRSH SNGRASS AO HARASS BASLSSS Sad | x
sad yooy ur Ayrooja A. DHADTODHS BHAwWHHAS N CSHANS SNATKRAHS DHA a)
= Han a 4 4° 4 |
a
E cs Am n a mae he
e2oo Q -g2 ao ©oeoo 2 = :
z 5 7A S Bing & ae ph . Hebe g8e28..38 8s ci
c 4 2° SAS A os so 5 iS HOO COCO SAE ‘so :
ie 3 R4445 A200 _F 7OSO04A AZAAG SO Se .
: 2 cs] | Ss ar iS s
ao }
ee 4
g 8
=| aie
Oo o :
2 ¢ re A AoeZee bp. FE, peeoepP oP :
A | AeA > a iE a as a A :
ra 3 oy al a A oe Suse ee tre 7, BO &
i . 3 :
& Feaii=>| lao | Eade ae <a mM |
3 [| 8ORaAMe WR WOW COOMA Oi9w S
og WES SSeS HOO Smo! VSciS SS OF So | 3
8 5 SSSCOAMA AMHONMO ODOOOOO SCOOHHMO OOO i
ro) WV 9 | So
Qe SSS Ce ORO WSS Qo eooor occ ce Torrens R
"TRIO, PAGS GB GANSCSCHS AGRSGAVBIGD SCHSninASwW Hoa Ney
Qmooceot SCoocscooceo esosooo 9e9°900000 0906 i
‘'snyeg DY snquItyy aa rors ~ Nc) ASG | a
| SSSSROS SONSSOARS SSSSSSS SCHSSSRS Saw ra)
g ea) So or io) for) ADO Fy BHAA HON | a
rc
e ranqaaing | Gooooce Foooccoo Goaacce SScoSeScoS oS | 2
ry
‘sn: “oui SS99090900 SC9000S9D SCODSD0DDS CO800000 SOO Cr)
(Urn) -O-4IT = = =) i)
Come coo CoC ooo, So cee CO Co CoO C Oo (OCS
*S04RI4G-O1ILQ ry 3 | S
p SSSSRSS SSSSSAS SSSSSSO SRSSSHRQ S99o So
Lior) mw =) On | taal

*BILLITA) |

Xxii Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CreyLon.

w be

3.30 P. M. 2, 10.0 P. Me a

» ond

Direction of wind. & Direction of wind. &
Z pt SS
qa we > e
2 Vane, Lower Clouds. | -& § Vane. Lower Clonds.| -3 8
A gu ck

a > &
1 | Variable Variable 6.60 N W by Calm 1.76
2 NE Variable 7.74 Calm Too dark 0.00
3 | N W by Variable 3.87 WbyS None 0.35
4 E E 14.17 E by N None 8.45
5 E Eby S 13.73 Ki Too dark {11.88
6| EbyS E | 13.38 ESE E 8.62
7 E E 11.35 E by N Too dark | 11.62
8 NE Eby N calm /|19.89 ESE Too dark 6.78
9|) EbyN Calm 15.40 | EN E by Too dark 0.53
10|NEbyN|] WN Wealm 686 | N W by W Calm 0.00
ll | EbyN Calm 13.20 SSW None 0.00
12 ENE Calm 12.94 | ES E by Calm 1,94
13 | EbyN Calm 23.67 E by None 1.23
14 'N W by W Variable 8 80 N P 2.82
15} NNW ENE 5.37 W by Calm 0.09
UG: il Sages oreth liad dh dmeeeece 0 Ww Variable 0.70
17; WNW Variable 3.52 N W Variable 0.09
18 | WbyS Variable 8.98 NW N W by 0.70
19 ws Ww EH 1.76 WwW Calm 0.09
20 | Eby N Calm 13.20 WbyS Variable 2.46
21 | NEby Calm 9.24 Calm Variable 0.00
22 E Calm 8.27 S W by None 0.00
23 | NE by H E by calm 11.00 Variable ESE 1.32
24: KH Calm 14.08 NN W None 3.87
25 | EbyN Calm 17.07 Calm EbyS 0.00
26 EK by N EH 14.78 E E 6.25
27 E by Variable 8.80 | WN W by Calm 1.67
28; SSW Variable 9.50 Ss Calm 3.17
29 NN Variable 2.20 Calm 3 0.00
30 | N W by N Variable 1.58 WNW None 2.64
31| WSW | Variable Calm | 6.07 NW ? 2,29

Meteorological Observations. xxiii

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Distance in Miles in
24 Hours.

88.29

Lightning and Thunder.

Th. in fore even & at even to S W Faint L R.

In afternoon Th, to S Wward.

In fore even Th, to N E. In after even L R to S.
Th. in fore even to S W and in after even,
In aftereven LR toNNNE&S W.

In after evenL RtoNW&S W,
In fore even Th. & in after even L R to N W.
Th, in afternoon & fore even,

In fore even Th. to S W,
In afternoon Th, to S Wward.

At even & some time after L & L
In aftereven LRtoSW&WS

In after evn L&ELRtoW &SWNW&WSW,SSW. Th. very distant,
In afternoon Th, In after even L R to ES EH, WS W,S by W.

In fore even L & Th. to N W at 10 rp.m.L RtoS W.
In after even L R to S.
Th, in afternoon & fore even,

ae es

XXIV

March, 1864.

CO NOoakwn

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, CEYLON.

GENERAL REMARKS.

eee

Cool fresh morn; hot & dry fore & afternoon; warm & very, sultry after,
with heavy clouds, some light rain.

The same as above, clouds gather earlier: but no rain,

Fine, warm to very hot day. Cool & fresh after even.

Fog at morn: cold & fresh, dry, warin to hot day. Mild after even,

Cool & dry at morn: as above for the rest of the day.

Mild to warm & damp, light showers throughout the day.

Fine dry & fresh till noon, in afternoon heavy clouds & storm to S W ; in after

[even some very light rain,

The same as above, but light rain in fore even, & fine after 8 P. mu.

Cool & fresh at morn : fine, hot & dry till fore even, when heavy clouds gather-
ed but only a few drops of rain,

Fine, warm to hot & dry day ; threatening Nim at even & after, but no rain.

Warm to hot & very dry day, in later after even mild to cool & fresh.

Cool fresh morn; hot & very dry day ; heavy clouds fore & after even till 9
p. M, when clear, cool & fresh. Leven,

Mild to cool morn; hot & dry till even, heavy clouds & light shower in fore

Mild at morn; fine, hot & dry till2.45 Pp. . after warm & mugey, some light rain.

Very damp at morn ; hot, dry oppressive day, heavy Nim. gather & break up ;
rain in fore even.

Cool morn fine, hot dry day, afternoon heavy clouds gather & break up.
Cool at morn, fine, warm to hot & dry day, close & muggy at 10.0 P. mu.
Mild to hot & oppressive day, in fore & after even, heavy Nim. [here,
Fine & pleasant morn; hot & sultry day ; heavy clouds in afternoon, no rain
Cool morn; clear, hot & very dry fore & afternoon, sultry after even, sky over.
The same as the 20th. [cast with Cum. Stratus.

The same as above, but in after even sky covered by Electric Cirro-stratus ;
squally wind in fore & afternoon. (Cum. Str. & Cir. Cum.
The same as above, in after even very sultry & oppressive, sky overcast with
The same as above till even, but after even fine, clear & fresh. [& afternoon.
The same as above till even,after even fine & clear but sultry,squally wind fore
The same as above till even, after even fine, dry & pleasant; squally wind
from 9 A, M. till even, [out rain, very sultry fore & after even.
The same till 4p, m. then heavy Nim. gathered over the sky, but cleared with-
Hot & oppressive, dry till 2 Pp. m., then damp heayy clouds gathered in forenoon
and smart showers at 4 P. M.

Fog at morn; hot, dry very oppressive day; heavy Nim. gathered in after-
noon & covered the sky fore & after even, but no rain.
Cool at morn ; warm to hot dry & sultry all day, clear till 2 Pp. m. when heavy

Nim. gathered ; a few drops rain fell. (afternoon, but no rain.
Cool at morn; hot, dry day, sultry at even & after, heavy clouds gathered in

Solar Halo 5th, 6th, 11th, 3lst. Lunar Halo 22nd.

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,
Ceylon, in the month of April, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 37’, N. Lat. 7° 17’.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been
found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by
Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Ed. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on a square foot of
ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from_6 P. M. to 6 A. M.
or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The evaporation is given by a Babington’s Atmidometer placed
under cover, so as to be protected from the sun, rain and dew, but
freely exposed to the wind.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current, by the
vane; and of the currents above this, by the direction in which the
Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently
motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or
nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts
move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from
different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the
ease before thunder storms.

WS We oo W Sa
NNW ” NN Weal,
evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those in the lowest
stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher from N N W;
those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s
Anemometer. |

In the column for Lightning and Thunder—

L =“ Lightning,” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR =“ Lightning Reflection,” when the flash is so distant that
only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Morn,” is6 a. M., “ Even,’ 6p. M. and “ Night,” 12 p. mu. and
“ fore” and “ after” are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to “ Noon,”
to denote the 3 previous and 3 following hours.

R. H. Banryes.

Entries, such as signify that the clouds are

XXVI Meteorological Observations.
GAaNGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.
Barometer Pressure of °
romcea ness epee Thermometer. | Dew Point.
Ps
ey _———————————
ma A. M. | P. M. P. M. A.M. ipa P. M. |A, M.|P. M.|P. M.|A. M./P. M./P. M.
Ry
el 9.30 | 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30 | 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30} 3.30; 10.0) 9.30) 3.30} 10.0
1 | 28.422) 28.256] 28.396) 27.805] 27.666] 27.704) 78.9) 84.6] 74.9] 65.0; 63.7] 68.3
2 .410} .272) .395| .790| .884) .694! 78.5) 85.9] 73.0) 65.1) 52 0] 68.7
3 429) .284| .385| .881] .890 701) 78,5) 85.4) 73.5| 61.6] 52.4/ 68.0
4 .896| .276) .3884) .770] .675! .769) 77.3) 83.2| 75.2) 65.4) 64.2) 64.9
5 .879| .244] 848) .766| .662| .612) 78.2] 85.9] 73.5) 64.8) 68.3] 70.1
6 .303| .251/ .336} .673) .564| .616| 79.3] 71.9) 72.0) 67.8) 68.1] 69.4
7 .338| .207 322] .637 .520| .596] 76.7| 80.7| 72.0) 68.7) 68.1] 69.7
8 305) .171| 287) .664) 532] .527) 77.5} 83.7, 73.2! 66.1| 66.0) 71.0
9 .301} .158} .280) .628} .553) .481) 77.4) 86.4) 76.1) 67.5) 64.4) 72.5
10 .807| .221{ .320) .615} 562! .616/ 80.1] 81.3! 72.3] 68.3] 66.9) 68.8
11 .3829| 206} 360) .651) .514] .596)| 79.01 82.2) 73.1 67.7] 68.3] 71,2
12 .306| 189) 344) .642! .445 .590) 77.4| 82.4) 72.5| 68 4) 70.4! 70.8
13 .343| .205| .321) .610) .544 .603 78,3) 82.3) 72.0] 70.0] 67.0! 69.4
14 254) .153) .280| .604) .548) .534) 77.2)| 84.3) 73.6] 66.5] 64.4) 70.5
15 280) .153| .274) .593} .489) .530| 77.4) 84..7| 77.0) 68.1| 67.1] 70.4,
16 .299) .171| .271) .543} .378| .517|'78.8| 79.2) 72.5) 70.9] 72.3! 70.8
Wy -292) .152| .286) .533] .403) .575|'78.3) '73.7| 72.6|71.0| 70.6] 69.1
18 O}) lope -oL2 O)) Avail, e579 0} 79.4! 71.8 0| 67.8} 70.0
19 .807| .202) .289) .541 .005| .583] 73.0) 74.7; 71.4] 71.3] 68.5] 68.9
20 .281| .193) .271; .580) .419) .494) 73.6] 74.0 72.2) 68.7) 71.6] 71.7
21 .289| .153] .260) .566; .374) .522|'75.3) 73.0] 71.3] 69.6] 71.8] 70.2
22 .284| .134 262} .530) .890) .501|75.6| 74.1] 72.0] 70.8] 70.4].71.1
23 -291; .211) .339) .558) .462) .621| 74.3] 72.2! 70.1] 70.0] 70.6] 69.4
24 341, .285: 374) =.668] 567} 651) 75.6] 71.0! 70.7| 67.5] 69.4! 69.6
25 | .402} .327| .421] .791| .621| .739| '74.6| 79.2| 69.7) 64.7| 68.91 67.9
26 420} .314) 409) .832] .653) 731] 74.0) 80.1] 71.2! 63.6] 67.0, 67.7
27 .892| .280} .381) .770| .572| .680] .6 80.1|.71.0 65.2] 69.0] 68.7
28 .365| .260) .385) .708] .494} .592!'77.6 82.0 75.7) 66.8) 71.3) 72.3
29 -365/ .288) .401} .586] .509/ .629]'78.5) 82.4 74.6 71.8] 71.8) 71.5
30 408} .307| .380} .690] .589] .691} 78.5] 80.0 71.0 69.4) 69.4! 68.2
31 0 0 0 0 0 0; Oly (0; 0) 0) S0mano
28.342] 28.223 28.336, 27.663) 27.549] 27 609] 77.1 ae 72.6, 67.7| 67.2| 69.7

Sun’s Rays at

12 o'clock.

P. M.|P, M.

3.30) 10.0

ax .1m

M

800} 150.9
865) 151.1
830} 153.6
716) 149.9
890} 153.2
915) 155.8
925

925
885
890
935
942
915
900

151.2
150.8
155.3
147.2
154.3
145.1
148.8

946
942
890
942
920
983
965

970
976
964:
940
882
922

890

152.0
153.0
147.7
140.8
98.4:
133.0
155.3

144 3
127.8
14.6.0
137,5
132.2
140.0

900) 141.7

155.0) €

139.0} 6

| Minimum on Grass.

Meteorological Observations.

Maximum in Air.
Minimum in Air.

|
|

139.2
0

904,

145.0

65.1

lo ofle oie e) @ @

82.5] 68.4

| Difference.

NWROWNO ND

—"
to
So

=
NS
eo

aa SIT
QD OG CLO

Ia
NOW AAA
So Aan tI TICwW Wb

Grs. per

,

Dew in Grs. per sqr. ft
sqr. ft.

Evaporation in

to
~J
wo

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Rain,

At 4% feet.

A. M.

9.30

Rain.

XXVil

At 39 feet,

P. M.

10.0

11.614

Total.

0.000
0.000
0.000
0,000
0.046
0.583
0.003

0.001
0.000
0.001
0.479
0.224
0.000
0.000

1.982
0.235
0.654
0.109
0.153
0.148
4.779

0.050
0.887
1.427
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000

0.000
0.006
0

11.767|0.128 !11.512

A. M. | P. M.

9.30 | 10.0

0.000 |0,000
0.000 |0,.000
0.000 |0.000
0.000 |0.000
0.000 |0.044
0.000 |0.561
0.001 |0.000

0,000
0.000
0.000
0.000
0,003
0.000
0.000

0.001
0.000
0.000
0,490
0.221
0.000
0.000

0,000
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.121
0.001
0.001

2,019
0.218
0,618
0.093
0.015
0.134
4,755

0.001
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
(000
0.000

0,033
0.880
1.423
0.000
0.000
0,000
0,000

0.000 |0,000
0.000 |0.007
0 0

11.640

————

songuang y suqury | BAU HAR

mNSDSSOS COS
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P.M. 3.30

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8.2

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‘snye1}G-o[nuIND |

Meteorological Observations.

Roti in a eine nS SA 8 | ere ed
AISSSSS aw

east de

0.5

eoooooo ocooooocoe

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

SSOSOMHBS SCOSONGO

A. M. 9.30

“SH[NUIN()-O.LITD

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~Y

aARwooas
& od So

XXYV1IL

wWOm~dRDOn
Seem NN

1.2

1.1] 0.0

2.5/ 0.6

29
30

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

p. mu. 10.0
wn zone.
a : Ozo:
aa £\£
yy gE ln ae
s | 4 -|n |x
5 =| a n
Pie ied a | Bel. | a) s
3} da ie
EIEIEIE ela! @ Jale
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Gaon o | 0' 80 of Bo} Oo 1
Molo |-0] 0.7| of 0.7} 0) 0
mao olo} oF 0 0| o| o
ma On wt) 0. | 43.3) 0} 338) 2) 1
9.0 o| O| 0O| 1.0) Oo} 10,0 }0.5/1.5
0.3 0; O 0 0} 8.5) 88 Oo} 3
moo) 0} 1.0) sof 10) oO} 1
0.5 0; O OP) 1.5 0} 2.0 QO} O
aero) a} 0] 9,0) 9.0 | o05
on OM @\ «0°! 9:0, 0} 9.0 | 0} 1
3.0 oO} O 0 0| 7.0) 10.6 o| 1
1.5} 5.0] 0.2 0 0) 0.3) 7.0 Oi) 2
S4) 'o} 0} 0} 1.0) of 94] oO 1
0 oO} O 0} 2.0 Oo! 2.0 0| 1.5
o| of 0] 0] 96 of 96] of 1
0} ollo.0| o| of oOo} 10.0 jos) 1
0 0| 9.8 0} 0.2 0} 10.0 Oo}; 2
0 0o| O 0 0} 100) 100 2) 2
oO} ooo} o| of oO} 100} 01.5)
Geecnz) o| 0] so) 9.7 3} 1
0} of 0o| of{ _0/10.0] 10.0] 0/05
8.5 0} 0.3 | 0.2 0 Ol 916 Ol pl
0} 9.8) O 0; 0.2 0} 10.0 0} 1
0}10.0/ 0| o| oO} 0; 10.0] 0} 0
eo oO} o| 8 0} 0.0 | +0105
o| of o| o| of} of 00/05) o
Meron | 0 | O7l< Ol OF | a) 1
o| of O| o|] 8&5} OF 85 Jo5) 1
moy 0) 0%} O | 1.0) O20; 4) 1
Ge OF OO) 20) Bo 20) 2
1.1/0.9 |}1.1 |0.0 | 1.7] 1.8] 6.6 | 0,4) 1.0

9.30 A.M.

Direction of wind.

Vane.

Variable
Variable
NE
Ww
Variable
Variable

W by N

W by
Variable
Variable

W by
Variable
S by W
N E by

NN W by
W by
N by

ENE by
NNE
Variable

SW
S W by W
W
WNW

SSW

SW by N

Xxix

BR

ro¥

as)

oO

oa)

4
3
ba
LowerClouds., -5 8
ZR

@o

=
Variable 1.67
aD) 243
ENE 6.16
NE 3.34
Calm 2.16
Variable - 2.02
Variable 5.11
Variable 0,00
Variable 0.35
Calm 2.29
Variable 2.55
None 2.20
ESE 7.57
None 1.58
Eby S 2.64
H 2.11
ENE 0.79
wee 0
? 0.18
? 106
E 0.18
Calm 2.82
W by 1.76
S by (?) 5.28
None 3.96
ee 0

SWbyS | 10.91
S by W 7.57

ter ees 3.38

XXX Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, Crynon.

% he
3.30 P.M. 5, 10.0 P. A,
> >
Direction of wind. 2 Direction of wind. 2
x A a
oO . :
ee — Be
ie Vane. Lower Clouds. | -2 § Vane Lower Clouds.| -& §
<q a e
1 ws WwW Variable 6.25 Calm Too dark 0.00
2| HbyN Variable 14.08 | N W by N Too dark 3.17
3 NH Variable 7.39 Ws W W by 1.94
4 N W Variable 6.25 SW Calm 3.08
5| WNW Variable 7.83 NNW Calm 273
6 NE EN HE by Calm | 2.38 N W by Too dark 1.67
7|WS W by NN E by 3.78 | NN W by P 0.02
8| WNW Variable 7.83 Calm Too dark 0.00
9| Wby N Variable 6.86 N W Too dark 0.62
10 aS Variable 12.41} NWby W | Too dark 0.09
11 | NEby# E 748 N by Calm 0.10
12 W Calm 10.38 Variable Too dark 0.18
13 |S W by W Variable 9.06 N W ENE 2.46
14! WS WwW ES E (?) 783 NW N E (?) 1.94
15 N W E by S by 7.83 NN W N by E 0.00
16 | S by (?} Variable 7.48 NW None 2.29
17 | EN E by Calm 1.50; ENEb Too dark 4.93
18 | N N E by H 6.42 WS W Too dark | 3.17
19 E Calm ? 6.07 Calm None 0.00
20 EN H ENE 0.26 N W ESE 0.26
21 | Variable Calm 2.29 NE re. 6.51
22 SSE W by 1.14 WNW None 0.88
23 ESE Calm 0.26 Variable Calm 0.00
24] W by S by 0.88 Nb None 0.70
25 W by S WwW 14.87 | N W by W None 1,50
26 | W by N WS W by 9.68 W by None 0.35
27 WwW WwW 16.72 WN W Too dark 1.85
28 | WhyS Calm 12.67 W Too dark 8.10
29 W S W by 19.18 S W by ? 0.26
30 S by Calm. 6.34 WN W Too dark 3.87
BOOCROe Me Ma MU morte os 745 ee 5apens 1.75

Distance in Miles in
24 Hours.

Meteorological Observations. XXx1

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Lightning and Thunder,

—

Between 7 & 8 vp. M, brilliant L R to N N W—N.

[L R to W by S—W N W.

Between 9 & 10 p. um. L & Th, barely heard to W N W—N W & brilliant

At 4 Pp, m. one clap of Th. heard. {fore even L & Th, not far.

In fore & afternoon & fore even Th, at even L & Th. dist. to S W & in early

At 2e.m. L & Th. not far at 3.30 p. ms L & Th. to N W & in fore even
L & Th. dist. a few miles at 8 p. mM. vivid L R to W—W S W.

At 2 p.m. Th. in fore even L & Th. in N W quarter between 7 & 8 P.M.
LRtoN-—NNW&SSW.

feven LL RtoS by W,SSW&NNE,

At 3.30 p, m. Th. & shortly one flash L to S E by E dist. 4 miles.. In after

From 2.30 to 3.30 p.m L & Th. to E N E dist. 1 or 2 miles. At even
frequent L in a mass of Cumulus to N W.

At noon, after 2 p.m. &infore evenTh. At even two flashes L with Th.
to W, WN W dist. 7 & 12 miles, between 7 & 8 Pp. mh. L R to WN W,
NNW&SW&S after 9 ep, mh. L R to W—S W, S—S EF & dist. Th:

After 2.45 p, um, Th, & after 4.30 tillevenL & Th toS W—N dist. several
miles. In after even frequent L & Th. more or less dist, & at 10 p, Mu.
LRtoWNW&ENE.

At 3.30 p. M. & in all fore even Th_—at 8 p.m. L R toW N W.

Between 7 & 8 p.m. L & Th. dist. several miles. (L RtoN N W.
Between 1 & 2 p.m. Th.in foreeven L & Th. dist. several miles & at even
At 2p.m. Th. & shortly L with Th, not far dist, AtlO er. mu. L R to E.
Between 2 & 3.30 Pp. M. Th.

From 2.30 Pp. M. to 6 Pp. M, L with Th. not far dist, some flashes very near.

In afternoon Th. L R at even in Cumulus to N W by W, at 8.30 to E &
at 10 p,m. L & L Rin Cumulus toS W by 8,8 Wby W& NW.

At 1.30 p.m. Th, from 2 to3 Pp, M. frequent L & Th. dist. lor2 miles & more.

From 1.30 to 2 p.m. L & Th, some flashes quite close, at 3.30 Pp. M. dist, Th.

[8 p. u. bright L R to W S W.

Between 7 & 8 rv. mM. L R to N E & brilliant Lin Cumulus to E by S after

At 1p. mM. & after Th. at 3.30 p. wm. L & Th. dist. several miles, & in fore
even L & Th. in all, N half of sky dist. a few miles.

XXxil

es | April, 1864.

ReoOowo or OD oO BWP

aa

a
to

13

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Fog & very damp at morn; hot & dry day, sultry inafter even, heavy Cum.
Str. & cover, large part of sky for rest of the day. [squally in forenoon,
Cool & fresh at morn, warm to very hot & dry, not much cloud, wind rather
The same as above, but at even heavy threaten. clouds in N W quarter.
Warm to very hot & dry but sultry & oppressive all day ; more or less Cum.
Str. all day, very threaten. in fore even.
Cool at morn, warm to very hot, dry & oppressive till 4 P, M. when some rain
& after pleasant. Heavy Nim. gatherd. in afternoon.
Cool damp morn, warm to hot & oppressive till the rain, then raw & damp
heavy rain in afternoon & afterwards light rain. [but broke up without rain.
Cool damp morn, fine &clear till Noon, Nim. gathered in afternoon & fore even,
Cool fresh morn, warm to hot pleasant day, Nim. gather. in afternoon covered
the sky in fore even but broke up with only a few drops rain.
As on previous day. [but broke up with a little rain,
Mild to very hot & oppressive day, heavy Nim, in afternoon & fore even,
Fine & pleasant till 10 a. m. heavy rain for an hour in forenoon, Nim. cover-
ing the sky afternoon, fore & afternoon & some rain.
Raw & damp with fog till 7 4 mM. warm to hot, at times muggy, at times
pleasant, after Noon Nim. & rain in fore & after even.
Very damp morn, warm to hot & pleasant day. In fore even Nim. covered
the sky but only a few drops rain.
Very damp with fog at morn, cloudy but fine, warm to hot, dry & pleasant day.
Damp morn, fine, dry & pleasant till even, very heavy rain fr. 6.45 till8 P. M.
& then again fine. [3.0 vp, M. & 4.30 to 9.0 P. M.
Mild to very hot, damp & oppressive day, Nim. at Noon & after, rain 2.30 to
Fog at morn, mild to hot, damp & oppressive day, heavy Nim. gathered at
noon, rain 2.30 to 3 & 4.30 to9 Pp. M. [from E rain fr. 4.15 till after 8 P. M.
Mild to hot & pleasant till fore even, then damp Nim. more or less passing over
Mild to raw, damp cloudy day, light rain fr. 2.4, M. till9 4.™M, showers in
fore & after Noon. [light showers.
Mild to warm, damp day, Nim, more or less all day, generally fr. E N Hor H
Mild & very damp day, heavy Nim. gatherd. in afternoon, fr. 2.30 to 3.30 P. M,
38 inches rain fell, rain all fore & after even, [& in afiernoon & fore even.
Mild to warm, damp, muggy & cloudy day, light rain between 10 P.M. &6 4. M..
Very damp, at times raw, oppressive day, Nim. gathered in forenoon, heavy
rain 1.30 to 3.30 p.m. & lightrain in fore even,[lightrain all fore & after even.
Oppressive at noon, raw and damp after the rain. heavy rain fr. 1.30 till 3 Pp, M.
Very damp with fog at morn, mild to warm, dry & fresh day,
Cool, fresh morn, mild to hot, dry, pleasant day, sky nearly cloudless.
As on previous day. [less clouded.
As on previous day till afternoon, then sultry & oppressive, & sky more or
Muggy morn, fine, hot, pleasant, more or less cloudy day, sultry after even. —
Mild to hot plessant day, heavy Nim. in afternoon & fore even, but they
broke up with only a little rain here.

‘Solar Haloseenon 6th, 7th, 12th,14th, 15th, 22d, 23d, Lumar Halo seenon 18th.
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