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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. XLVII.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)
(Nos. I to IV. — 1878: with 23 plates.)

EDITED BY

J"he Philological ^Secretary.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, pliilologers, and men of science
in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long
intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

FEINTED BY O. H. BOUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PEESS,

AND PUBLISHED AT THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY’S BOOMS, 57, PAEK STEEET.

1878.

T

I

t

CONTENTS

OF

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

for 1878.

Page

No. I.

The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr, rendered into English, with an introduc¬
tion and notes. — By C. J. Lyall, C. S . 1

Stray Arians in Tibet. — By R. B. Shaw, Political Agent, (with a

Plate), . 26

On Representations of Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes. — By
Rajendralala Mitra, Rai Bahadur, LL. D., C. I. E. (with

four plates), . 62

A Copper-plate Grant from Banda. — By Rajendralala Mitra,

Rai Bahadur, LL. D., C. I. E., (with a plate), . 73

Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations', communicated by Col. J. T.
Walker, C. B., R. E., Surveyor- General of India, (with a

Map), . 78

Notes on two Copper-plate Inscriptions found in the Hamirpur
District, N. W. P., by/Y. A. Smith, B. A., B. C. S. With a

note by Prannath Pandit, M. A., B. L , . 80

The Antiquities of Bagura, (Bogra). — By H. Beveridge, C. S., ... 89

No. II.

Mathura Notes. — By F. S. Growse, M. A., Oxon. C. S., ... 97

No. III.

The Song of Manik Chandra. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S., . 135

The Lokaniti, translated from the Burmese Paraphrase. — By Lieut.

R. C. Temple, B. S. C., Oft’g. Wing Officer, 1st Goorkhas, . 239

No. IY.

The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad — A Chronicle, (1713 — 1857).

By William Iryine, C. S., Fatehgurb, N. W. P., Part I, ... 259

The Pala and the Sena Rajas of Bengal. — By Rajendralala Mitra,

Rai Bahadur, LL. D., C. I. E., . 384

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

eor 1878.

PL I (p. 26). Arians (Dards) of the Upper Indus.

PI. II (p. 66). A Persian Embassy to an Indian Court (from Ajanta).

PI. Ill (p. 68). A Bactrian Domestic Scene from Ajanta.

Pl. IY (p. 69). A Bactrian Domestic Scene from Ajanta.

Pl. V (p. 69). Fig. 1. Bactrian. Fig. 2. Indian.

PL VI (p. 73). A Copper-plate Grant from Bandab.

PL YII (p. 78). Sketch Map constructed to illustrate explorations made
in connection with the operations of the Great Trigonometrical
Survey of India.

Pl. VIII (pp. 101, 102). Ground Plan of the Temple of Radha Ballabhiat
Brindaban.

Pl. IN (p. 102). Temple of Radha Ballahhi in Brindaban.

PL X (pp. 113, 114). The Chhatthi Palna,at Mahaban (from a photograph). •

Pl. XI (p. 115). Restored Elevation of the Sikhara over the Jag-Mohan
temple of Govind Deva, Brindaban.

PL XII (p. 116). Restored Elevation of the Sati Burj, Mathura.

Pl. XIII (p. 116). The Sati Burj, Mathura (from a photograph).

Pl. XIV Temple of Jugal Kishore at Brindaban (from a

photograph).

Pl. XV (p. 117). Mediaeval Hindu Pillars from Sahar (from a photograph).

Pl. XVI (p. 117). Inscribed Pillar from Sahar (from a photograph).

Pl. XVII (p. 117). Pillar with grotesque Mask from Allahabad (from a
photograph).

Pl. XVIII (pp. 114, 118). Buddhist Rails, Mathura (from a photograph).

PL XIX (p. 118). Buddhist Rail from the Bhutesvar Tila, Mathura (from
a photograph).

PL XX (p. 118). Miscellaneous Antiquities, Mathura Museum.

Pl. XXI (p. 130). Inscribed slab found at Mathura in 1878; and Pali
Inscription found at Mathura.

Pl. XXII (p. 141). Supposed to represent Vasu Deva; son of Manik
Chandra.

Y1

List of Plates.

PI. XXIII Fig. 1. (p. 136). Dharma Pal’s city. Fig. 3. (p. 144). Haris-

chandra Raja’s Tomb. Fig. 4. (p. 148) Saringa or Tambura.

PL XXIV (p. 384). Facsimile of the obverse of a copper-plate inscription
from Bhagalpur.

PI. XXV (p. 384). Facsimile of the reverse of a copper-plate inscription
from Bhagalpur.

WOODCUTS.

No. 1. An octave lower in a Song of Manik Chandra, p. 147.
No. 2. An octave Basso ditto, p. ib.

No. 3. An open note E flat ditto, p. 148.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No, I.— 1878.

The M.olallaqah of Zuheyr rendered into English, with an introduction

and notes. — By C. J. Ltall, C. S.

How war arose between ‘Abs and Bubyan from the Race of Dahis :
wbo fell therein, and who slew them : what famous Days were gained by
either kin : what songs were made to tell of valiant deeds done, and what
dirges over brave men that died : how the heads of Bubyan were slain at
the Cistern of el-Haba’ah, and how ‘Abs wandered forth thereafter through
many strange lands : all this may be told at another season. What is now
to be related is the manner in which peace was made, and the brother tribes
reconciled together.

1 There was a certain lord of Bubyan, by name el-Harith son of
‘Auf son of Abu Haritheh, of the house of Ghey'5 son of Murrah son of
Sa‘d, great in wealth and fame among the kindred of Fezarah. He said
one day to his uncle’s son, Kharijeh son of Sinan — “ Thinkest thou that
any whose daughter I asked in marriage would deny her to me ?” “ Yes,”

he answered ; “Who?” said el-Harith. “ Aus son of Haritheh son of La’m
of Tayyi’,” said Kharijeh. Then said el-Harith to his servant — “Mount
with me.” So they mounted one camel together, and rode until they came
to Aus son of Haritheh in his own land ; and they found him in his house.
And when he saw el-Harith son of ‘Auf, he said — “ Hail to thee, O Harith :”
“ And to thee,” said el-Harith. “ What has brought thee hither, O Ha¬
rith ?” said Aus. “ I have come a- wooing,” answered he. “ This is not
the place for thee,” said Aus, and turned his back upon him and spoke no
A

2

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqaii of Zulieyr.

word more. Then Aus went in to his wife in anger. Now she was a
woman of ‘Abs : and she said — “ Who was the man who stopped at thy
door, with whom thon hadst such short speech ?” He answered — “ That
was el-Harith son of ‘Auf son of Abu Haritheh the Murri, the lord of the
Arabs.” “ What befell thee that thou didst not hid him alight ?” asked
she. “ He dealt foolishly with me,” said he. “ How so ?” she asked.
“He came a-wooing,” he answered. “Host thou wish to wed thy
daughters ?” she asked. “ Yes,” said he. “ And if thou wilt not give one to
the lord of the Arabs to wife, to whom then wilt thou wed her ?” “ Nay,”

he answered, “ the thing is done.” “ Nay but,” said she, “ make amends
for what thou hast done.” “ How ?” he asked. “Follow after him and
bring him hack with thee.” “ How should I do so, when that has befallen
which has befallen between me and him ?” She answered — “ Say to him
— ‘ Thou foundest me in anger because thou didst propound to me suddenly
a matter whereof thou hadst not spoken to me before, and I was not able at
the time to answer thee but as thou heardest : but now return, I pray thee,
and thou shalt find with me all that thou desirest’ : verily he will do as thou
askest.” So Aus mounted and rode after those twain. “ Then,” (says
Kharijeh son of Sinan, who was with el-Harith and tells the tale,) “ By
God ! I was journeying on our way, when I chanced to raise mine eyes,
and saw Aus riding after us. And I went forward to el-Harith, but he
spoke nought to me by reason of the grief that was in him ; and I said to
him — ‘Here is Aus son of Haritheh following us.’ He answered — ‘And
what have we to do with him ? jDass on.’ And when Aus saw that we tar¬
ried not for him, he cried after us — ‘ 0 Harith ! wait for me a moment.’
So we waited for him, and he spoke to us that speech which his wife had
made for him ; and el-Harith returned with him in gladness. And I heard
that Aus when he went into his house said to his wife — ‘ Call to me such
an one’ — naming the eldest of his three daughters ; and she came forth to
him. And he said to her — ‘ O my daughter, this is el-Harith son of ‘Auf,
a lord of the Arabs : he has come asking a boon, that I should wed to him
one of my girls ; and I purposed to wed thee to him : what sayest thou
thereto?’ She answered — ‘Ho it not.’ ‘Why?’ he asked. She said — ‘I
am a woman uncomely in face, faulty in temper : I am not his uncle’s
daughter, that he should regard my kinship with him, nor is he thy neigh¬
bour in the land, that he should he ashamed before thee ; and I fear lest
one day he see in me something which may displease him, and divorce me,
and there befall me therein what is wont to befall.’ He said : ‘ Arise — God
bless thee ! Call to me such an one’ — naming his second daughter : and she
called her. And he spoke to her as he had spoken to her sister, and she
answered him after the same fashion, saying — ‘ I am ignorant and awk¬
ward : there is no skill in my hand. I fear lest he see in me something to

1878.] C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqali of Zuheyr. 3

disjfiease him, and divorce me, and there befall me therein what thou know-
est. He is not mine uncle’s son, that he should regard my right, nor thy
neighbour in thy land, that he should be ashamed before thee.’ He said:
‘ Arise — God bless thee ! Call to me Buheyseh’ — naming his youngest
daughter ; and she was brought to him. And he spoke to her as he had
spoken to her two sisters. And she said — ‘As thou wilt.’ He said
— ‘ Verily I offered this to thy two sisters, and they refused.’ ‘ Nay but I,’
said she (and he had not told her what the two had said), ‘ By God ! am
the fair in face, the skilful with her hands, the noble in nature, the honour¬
able in her father ; and if he divorce me, God will bring no good upon him
thereafter.’ And he said — ‘ God bless thee !’ Then he came forth to us
and said — ‘ I wed to thee, 0 Harith, Buheyseh daughter of Aus.’ ‘ I accept
her,’ said el-Harith. Then Aus bade her mother make her ready and deck
her for the wedding ; and he gave command that a tent should be pitched
for el-Harith, and lodged him therein. And when his daughter was decked
out, he sent her in to el-Harith. And when she was brought in to him,
he stayed but a little sjoace, and came forth to me ; and I said — ‘ Hast thou
prospered ?’ ‘ No,’ said he. ‘ How was that ?’ I asked. He answered
— ‘ When I put forth my hand to take her, she said “ Stay ! doest thou
thus before my father and my brethren F No, by God ! this is not fitting !” ’
Then he commanded that the camels should be made ready, and we started
on our way, taking her with us. And we journeyed a space ; then he said
to me — ‘ Go on ahead : ’ and I went on ; and he turned aside with her from
the road. And he had tarried but a little when he joined me again ; and I
said — ‘ Hast thou prospered ?’ ‘ No’, he answered. ‘ Why ?’ said I. He
answered — ‘ She said to me — “ Doest thou with me as with a woman-slave
that is hawked about for sale, or a captive woman taken in battle P No, by
God ! until thou slay the camels, and slaughter the sheep, and call the Arabs
to the feast, and do all that should be done for the like of me.” ’ I answered
— ‘ By God ! I see that she is a woman of a high spirit and understanding ;
and I hope that she will be to thee a wife who shall bear thee noble sons,
if God will.’ And we travelled on until we came to our country. And
el-Harith made ready the camels and the sheep, and prepared a feast ; then
he went in to her. And in a little while he came forth to me, and I asked
him — ‘ Hast thou prospered ?’ ‘No,’ said he. ‘ How was that ?’ I asked.

He answered : ‘ I went in to her and said — “ Lo ! I have made ready the
camels and the sheep as thou seest she answered me — “ By God ! I was
told that thou hadst a nobleness which I do not see in thee.” “ How so ?”
I asked. She said — “ Hast thou a light heart to wed women while the
Arabs are slaying one another ?” “ What wouldst thou have me do ?” I

asked. She said — “ Go forth to these thy kindred, and make peace be¬
tween them : then return to thy wife, and thou shalt not miss what thou

4

[No. 1,

C. J. I/yall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

desirest.” 9 ‘ By God !’ said I, ‘ a noble and wise woman ! and she has spoken

a goodly word !’ And he said — ‘ Come forth with me’ : so we went forth,
and came to the two tribes, and walked between them with peace. And
the peace was made on the condition that the slain should be reckoned up,
and the price of the excess taken from that tribe who had slain more of
the other. And we bore the burden of the bloodwits ; and they were in
all three thousand camels, which were paid in the space of three years.
And we returned home with the fairest of fame ; and el-Harith went in to
his wife, and she bore him sons and daughters.” So said Kharijeh ; and
these two, Kharijeh and el-Harith, are the twain whom Zuheyr praises in
his song. Such is the testimony of Mohammed’ son of ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz el-
Jauhari.

2 Now while ‘Abs and Bubyan were covenanting together for
peace, a thing befell that came nigh to setting them at war again. ‘Abs
had pitched their tents in esh-Sharabbeh at a place called Qatan, and near
them were many tents of Bubyan. Now there was a man of Bubyan,
Hoseyn son of Damdam by name, whose father Bam dam had been slain in
the war by ‘Antarah son of Sheddad, and his brother Herim by Ward son
of Habis, both of the house of Ghalib, of ‘Abs ; and Hoseyn swore that he
would not wash his head until he had slain Ward or some other man of the
line of Ghalib : but none knew of this oath of his. And el-Harith son of
‘Auf son of Abu Haritheh and his cousin Kharijeh son of Sinan had already
taken upon themselves the burden of the price of blood, and ‘Abs and
Bubyan mixed freely together. And a man of ‘Abs, of the house of Makh-
zum, came to the tent of Hoseyn son of Damdam and entered therein.
“ Who art thou, 0 Man ?” said Hoseyn. “ Of ‘Abs,” said he ; and Ho¬
seyn did not cease to ask his lineage until he found that he was of the
house of Ghalib ; and he slew him. And news of this came to el-Harith
son of ‘Auf and Herim son of Sinan his cousin, and it was grievous to them.
And the news came also to the men of ‘Abs, and they mounted and rode
in a body towards el-Harith’s tent. And when el-Harith heard of the
anger that was in their hearts, and how they purposed to slay him in requi¬
tal for the death of their brother, (for Hoseyn son of Damdam was also of
the line of Murrah, as was el-Harith son of ‘Auf,) he sent to meet them
a hundred camels, and with them his son, and said to the messenger — “ Say
to them — ‘ Are the camels dearer to you, or your own lives ?’ ” And the
messenger went forth to meet them, and spoke after this wise. And er-
Babi‘ son of Ziyad, who was the leader of ‘Abs in that day ( — 3 for Qeys
son of Zuheyr, their chief in the war, though he counselled the peace, yet
took no part therein himself, but withdrew from his kin and went away to
‘Oman, where he became a Christian and spent the remainder of his days
in prayer and repentance : for he said — “ By God ! never again can I look

1878.]

5

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

in the face a woman of Ghatafan : for verily I have slain her father or her
brother or some other dear to her”) — er-Rabk cried to his following
— “ 0 my people ! your brother has sent yon this message — ‘ Are the
camels dearer to you, or will ye rather take my son and slay him in the
stead of your slain ?’ ” And they said — “ We will take the camels and be
reconciled, and conclude our covenant of peace.” So peace was made,
and el-Harith and Herim gained the more praise.

4 And Zuheyr made this song to tell of the noble deeds of el-Harith
and Ivharijeh, and the rest of the house of GheyS son of Murrah :
for all shared in the peace-making, though the leaders therein were el-
Harith and Kharijeh.

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C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

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1878.]

C. J. Lyall — The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr.

9

Argument.

In vv. 1 — 15 the poet, after the fashion of his fellows, strives to touch the hearts
of his hearers and to prepare them to receive kindly what he has to say on his real
theme by the mention of women and the deserted pasture -grounds which the tribes¬
men leave at the end of Spring ; Umm Aufa was his wife : she bore him, we learn,
many children, who all died young, and one day in an angry mood he divorced her.
Afterwards he * repented of his deed, and prayed her to return to him, but she
would not.

Then he turns to praise the two who made the peace and bore the burden of the
price of blood (vv. 16 — 25). After that he exhorts the two tribes (vv. 26 — 33) to keep
faithfully their pact of peace, and after what they have known of War, to stir her not
up again. Then he tells of the deed of Hoseyn son of Damdam, how he slew his enemy
while the two peoples were making ready the peace (vv. 34 — 39). Then by a figure
he relates how the senseless war broke out afresh, and more blood was spilt ; for which
again the House of Ghey (5 paid from their herds, though themselves without blame
(vv. 40 — 46).

What follows would seem to be a store of maxims of life and conduct, some of
which are wanting in certain recensions of the poem, and all do not appear to be here
appropriate ; nevertheless many of them seem clearly to touch upon the generous deed
of the Peace-makers, and to be meant to praise them and to set them as an example to
men. In the last verse he warns those who heard him that though noble men may
pay for misdoers once and again, the time will come when the thankless shall find none
to bear the burden of his guilt. 1'

I.

1 Are they of Umm Aufa’s tents — these black lines that speak no word

in the stony plain of el-Mutathellem and ed-Darraj ?

2 Yea, and the place where her camp stood in er-Raqmatan is now

like the tracery drawn afresh by the veins of the inner wrist.

3 The wild kine roam there large-eyed, and the deer pass to and fro,

and their younglings rise up to suck from the spots where they lie

all round.

4 I stood there and gazed : since I saw it last twenty years had flown,

and much I pondered thereon : hard was it to know again — ■

5 The black stones in order laid in the jflace where the pot was set,

and the trench like a cistern’s root with its sides unbroken still.

6 And when I knew it at last for her resting-place, I cried —

‘ Good greeting to thee, O House — fair peace in the morn to thee !’

7 Look forth, O Friend — canst thou see aught of ladies camel-borne

that journey along the upland there above Jurthum well P

8 Their litters are hung with precious stuffs, and thin veils thereon

cast loosely, their borders rose, as though they were dyed in blood.

9 Sideways they sat as their beasts clomb the ridge of es-Suban

— in them were the sweetness and grace of one nourished in wealth

and ease.

B

10

C. J. Lyall — The J\Tolallaqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

10 They went on their way at dawn — they started before sunrise :

straight did they make for the vale of er-Rass as hand for mouth.

11 Dainty and playful their mood to one who should try its worth,

and faces fair to an eye skilled to trace out loveliness.

12 And the tassels of scarlet wool in the spots where they gat them down

glowed red like to ‘ishriq seeds, fresh-fallen, unbroken, bright.

13 And when they reached the wells where the deep blue water lies,

they cast down their staves and set them to pitch the tents for rest.

14 On their right hand rose el-Qanan and the rugged skirts thereof —

and in el-Qanan how many are foes and friends of mine !

15 At eve they left es-Suban : then they crossed its ridge again

borne on the fair-fashioned litters, all new and builded broad.

II.

16 I swear by the Holy House which worshippers circle round —

the men by whose hands it rose, of J urhum and of Qureysh —

17 How goodly are ye, our Lords, ye twain who are found by men

good helpers in every case, be it easy to loose or hard !

18 Busily wrought they for peace, those two T GheyS, Murrah’s son,

when the kin had been rent in twain and its friendship sunk in

blood.

19 Ye healed ‘Abs and Bubyan’s breach when the twain were well-nigh

spent,

and between them the deadly perfume of Menshim was work¬
ing hate.

20 Ye said — 4 If we set our hands to Peace, base it broad and firm

by the giving of gifts and fair words of friendship, all will be well.’

21 And ye steadfastly took your stand thereon in the best of steads,

far away from unbrotherliness and the bitter result of wrong.

22 Yea, glory ye gained in Ma‘add, the highest — God guide you right !

who gains without blame a treasure of glory, how great is he !

23 The wounds of the kindred were healed with hundreds of camels good :

he paid them forth troop by troop who had no part in the crime ;

24 Kin paid them forth to kin as a debt due from friend to friend,
and they spilt not between them so much as a cupper’s cup full of

blood.

Among them went forth, your gift, of the best of your fathers’ store,
fair spoils, young camels a many, slit-eared, of goodly breed.

25

1878.]

C. J. Lyall — The Mo1 alia yah of Zuheyr.

11

III.

26 Ho ! carry my message true to the tribesmen together leagued

and Bubyan — Have ye sworn all that ye took upon you to swear ?

27 It boots not to hide from God aught evil within your breasts :

it will not be hid — what men would hold hack from God, He knows.

28 It may be its meed comes late : in the Book is the wrong set down

for the Beckoning Hay ; it may be that vengeance is swift and

■

stern.

29 And War is not aught but what ye know well and have tasted oft :

not of her are the tales ye tell a doubtful or idle thing.

30 When ye set her on foot, ye start her with words of little praise ;

but the mind for her grows with her growth, till she bursts into

blazing flame.

31 She will grind you as grist of the mill that falls on the skin beneath ;

year by year shall her womb conceive, and the fruit thereof shall

32 Yea, boys shall she bear you, all of ill omen, eviller [be twins :

than Ahmar of ‘Ad : then suckling and weaning shall bring their

33 Such harvest of bitter grain shall spring as their lords reap not [gain ;
from acres in el- ‘Iraq of bushels of corn and gold.

IV.

Yea, verily good is the kin, and unmeet the deed of wrong

Hoseyn son of Ham dam wrought against them, a murder foul !

He hid deep within his heart his bloody intent, nor told
to any his purpose, till the moment to do was come.

He said — ‘ I will work my will, and then shall there gird me round
and shield me from those I hate a thousand stout cavalry.’

So he slew : no alarm he raised where the tents stood peacefully,
though there in their midst the Vulture-mother had entered in
To dwell with a lion fierce, a bulwark for men in fight,

a lion with angry mane upbristled, sharp tooth and claw,

Fearless : when one him wrongs, he sets him to vengeance straight,
unfaltering : when no wrong lights on him, ’tis he that wrongs.

V.

40 They pastured their camels athirst, until when the time was ripe

they drove them to pools all cloven with weapons and plashed with

blood ;

34

35

36

37

38

39

12

41

42

43

44

45

4G

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

C. J. Lyall — The Mo1 alia qah of Zuheyr. [No. 1,

They led through their midst the Dooms : then they drove them forth

again

to the pasture rank and heavy, till their thirst should grow anew.

But their lances — by thy life ! were guilty of none that fell :

Nehik’s son died not by them, nor by them el-Muthellem’s slain ;

Nor had they in Naufal’s death part or share, nor by their hand
did Wahab lie slain, nor by them fell el-Mukhazzem’s son.

Yet for each of those that died did they pay the price of blood —

good camels unblemished that climb in a row by the upland road

To where dwells a kin great of heart, whose word is enough to shield
whom they shelter when peril comes in a night of fierce strife and

storm ;

Yea, noble are they ! the seeker of vengeance gains not from them

the blood of his foe, nor is he that wrongs them left without help.

YI.

Aweary am I of life’s toil and travail : he who like me

has seen pass of years fourscore, well may he be sick of life !

I know what To-day unfolds, what before it was Yesterday ;

but blind do I stand before the knowledge To-morrow brings.

I have seen the Dooms trample men as a blind beast at random treads
— whom they smote, he died : whom they missed, he lived on to

strengthless eld.

Who gathers not friends by help in many a case of need

is torn by the blind beast’s teeth, or trodden beneath its foot.

And he who his honour shields by the doing of kindly deed

grows richer : who shuts not the mouth of reviling, it lights on him.

And he who is lord of wealth and is niggardly with his hoard

alone is he left by his kin : nought have they for him but blame.

Who keeps faith, no blame he earns : and that man whose heart is led
to goodness unmixed with guile gains freedom and peace of soul.

Who trembles before the Dooms, yea, him shall they surely seize,
albeit he set in his dread a ladder to climb the sky.

Who spends on unworthy men his kindness with lavish hand,

no praise does he earn, but blame, and repentance the end thereof.

Who will not yield to the spears when their feet turn to him in peace
shall yield to the points thereof, and the long flashing blades of

steel.

Who holds not his foe away from his cistern with sword and spear,

it is broken and spoiled : who uses not roughness, him shall men

wrong.

13

1878.] C. J. Lyall — The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr.

58 Who seeks far away from his kin for housing, takes foe for friend :

who honours himself not well, no honour gains he from men.

59 Who makes of his soul a beast of burden to bear men’s loads,

nor shields it one day from shame, yea, sorrow shall be his lot.

60 Whatso be the shaping of mind that a man is born withal,

though he think it lies hid from men, it shall surely one day be

known.

61 How many a man seemed goodly to thee while he held his peace,

whereof thou didst learn the more or less when he turned to

62 The tongue is a man’s one half, the other his valiant heart : [speech !

besides these two nought is left but a semblance of flesh and blood.

63 If a man be old and a fool, his folly is past all cure :

but a young man may yet grow wise and cast off his foolishness.

VII.

64 We asked, and ye gave : we asked once more, and ye gave again ;

but the end of much asking must be that no giving shall follow it.

Notes to the Introduction.

1 This story is taken from the Aghani, ix. pp. 149 — 150 ; it rests on the
following isnad : — el-Hasan ibn ‘All, who heard it from Mohammed ibn el-Qasim ibn
Mahraweyh, who heard it from ‘Abdallah ibn Abi Sa‘d, who heard it from Mohammed
ibn Ishaq el-Museyyibi, who heard it from Ibrahim ibn Mohammed ibn ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz ibn
‘Omar ibn ‘Abd-er-Rahman ibn ‘Auf, who had it from his father. ‘Abd-er-Rahman
son of ‘Auf was one of the first converts to el-Islam, and must have known well el-
Harith son of ‘Auf of Bubyan, who in his old age became a Muslim. There is some
uncertainty as to the names of those who bore the bloodwit at the peace between ‘Abs
and Bubyan : but the great majority of the authorities recognize el-Harith as the
leader in the peace ; some join with him Kharij eh son of Sinan, his first cousin, and
others Kharij eh’ s brother Herim. That two were foremost in the noble work is ap¬
parent from v. 18 of the Mo‘allaqah, as also that they were of the house of Grhey<5 son of
Murrah. If Herim had been one, it Seems probable that this glory would have been
claimed for him by name by Zuheyr, whose chief patron he was ; but though Herim
is praised in a large number of poems by Zuheyr, this particular deed is never claimed
for him. It is observable that, while two are spoken of in vv. 17 — 22 of the poem
(where the dual number is used throughout), afterwards, when speaking of the second
payment made necessary by the murder committed by Hoseyn (vv. 42 — 44), Zuheyr
uses the plural, as if many of the family of Ghey<5 had taken part in it.

2 This tale rests on the authority of the famous Abu ‘Obeydeh, and is also in
the Aghani (ix. pp. 148-9). It is told in substantially the same terms by et-Tebrizi
and Ibn Nubateh. In el-Meydani’s Proverbs (Freytag’s edn., ii. pp. 275 sqq.) it is
said that it was Kharij eh son of Sinan who offered his son and two hundred camels to
the men of ‘Abs in satisfaction for the murder of the man slain by Hoseyn ; and the
curious fact is added that of the two hundred camels only one hundred were paid, for
el-Islam came and diminished the amount of the bloodwit to that number. If this were

14

C. J. Lyall — The J\Io‘allaqali of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

true, it would be an important datum for fixing the year in which the peace was made ;
but it is not consistent with the other facts of the history. The date of the peace is
fixed by M. Caussin de Perceval, on grounds of great probability, at from 608 to 610
A. D. (Essai, ii. p. 499) ; it was not till the 8th year of the Hijrah (629 — 639 A. D.) that
‘Abs and Bubyan embraced el-Islam (id. iii, p. 218). According to the ‘Iqd el-Ferid
of Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, quoted by M. Fresnel (Journ. Asiatique, 3me serie, iv. p. 20),
the two persons whom Zuheyr praises in his Mo‘allaqah are ‘Auf and Ma‘qil, sons of
Subey‘ son of ‘Amr, of the line of Tha‘lebeh ibn Sa‘d. These two did indeed, accor¬
ding to el-Meydani, make peace between ‘Abs and their own tribe of the Benu Tha‘-
lebeh, who at first refused to join the rest of Bubyan in the engagement ; but it is
impossible to regard them as the two praised by Zuheyr if v. 18 is genuine, inasmuch
as they were not of the line of Ghey'S son of Murrah.

The name of the man who was slain by Hoseyn son of Damdam is given by el-
Meydani and the ‘Iqd as Tijan. ‘Antarah slew Damdam, Hoseyn’ s father, on the Bay
of el-Mureyqib, one of the earliest battles of the war (Fresnel, loc. cit. p. 6), and Ward
son of Habis slew Herim, Hoseyn’s brother, on the Bay of el-Ya‘muriyyeh, imme¬
diately after the slaying of the hostages by Ho'Seyfeh (Aghani, xvi. 30). Between
these two dates ‘Antarah composed his Mo‘allaqah, in vv. 73 — 75 of which he mentions
Damdam as slain by his hand, and the two sons as still alive.

It is worthy of notice that the Mo‘allaqah, in vv. 40 — 46, (if those verses are
rightly placed,) seems to tell of a graver dissension as having arisen out of Hoseyn’s
violent deed than that which this tradition relates ; for it would appear that the renewal
of strife which followed it was the occasion when the slain men named in vv. 42 and
43 (said in the commentary to be all of ‘Abs) met their death ; and that some bloodshed
ensued seems certain from the metaphor in vv. 40 — 41, where the camels, (that is,
the fighting men,) after a <tim', or period of thirst, are said to have been led down again
to drink of the pools of Death. The $im’ was probably the truce during which peace
was being arranged.

3 This parenthesis, telling of the end of Qeys son of Zuheyr, is founded on the
testimony of Ibn el-Athir, who is believed generally to follow Abu ‘Obeydeh (Kamil
i. p. 434.), and et-Tebrizi (Hamaseh, p. 223) ; it is vouched for by a poem by a man
of ‘Abs, Bishr son of Ubayy son of Homam, quoted in the Hamaseh, where it is said
of the horses that ran in the Race of Dahis —

S ? " G ^ & / • s ✓ /O * i/ C/« * o' '

<♦/* ^ J— ^

's' f ' y y yy ^

9

“ They brought to pass — so God willed — the spilling of Malik’s blood,
and cast Qeys away forlorn an exile in far ‘Oman.”

4 This paragraph is mine, and expresses what seems to me the most probable
view to take of the case. I should add that besides el-Harith, Herim, and Kharijeh,
another pair of the house of Ghey <5 are mentioned in the ‘Iqd (Journ. Asiat., Juillet
1837, p. 18) as having exerted themselves to establish peace between ‘Abs and Bubyan,
viz. Harmaleh son of el-Ash‘ar and his son Hashim.

Notes to the Mo‘allaqah.

The measure of the poem is the noble cadence called the Tawil, most loved of all
by the ancient poets. Each hemistich consists of four feet, arranged thus —

1878.]

15

C. J. Lyall — The Mo1 allaqcth of Zuheyr.

VJ _

KJ _

w _

w

(In the second foot the third syllable is occasionally, hut rarely, short : the only
instances of a short third syllable in the 128 hemistichs of this poem are v. 14, a and
*5, v. 28, b, and v. 33, b ; it is observable that it most frequently occurs with proper
names.)

In the English an attempt has been made to imitate the metre of the original.
The measure adopted is not absolutely unknown in our language ; it is to be found in
many lines of that wonderful organ-swell, Browning’s Abt Voc/ler ; the seventh stanza
of that poem in particular is almost entirely in the Taivil. The following lines are
exactly the Arabic cadence —

“ Existent behind all laws, that made them and, lo, they are !”

“ And, there ! Ye have heard and seen : consider and bow the head !”

Other verses of the same stanza exhibit the licences which I have found it neces¬
sary to take with the metre to adapt it to the English ; these are chiefly the following : —

(1.) Dropping the first short syllable, as in v. 10, b) 11, a.

This is a licence which the Arabs themselves allow, but only (except in a few
doubtful instances) at the commencement of a poem. It is matched by Browning’s —

“ Give it to me to use ! I mix it with two in my thought.”

(2.) Addition of a short syllable at the beginning of a foot, as in v. 12, a ; so in
Browning —

“ And I know not if, save in this, such gift be allowed to man.”

(3.) Exchanging the one long third syllable of the second foot for two short, as
in v. 4, a and b ; so Browning — •

11 But here is the finger of God, a flash of the Will that can.”

(4.) Changing ^ - into w w • — in the third foot, as in v. 9, a, v. 11, b

compare Browning’s —

“ That out of three sounds he frame, not a fourth sound, but a Star.”

The text above given and translated is that of Arnold (Leipzig, 1850), with two
slight amendments in the vocalization of v. 3 b and v. 59 5, and the substitution of lau
for in in v. 54 b ; of these the last two are indicated in Arnold’s notes, pp. 23 and 24,
and the first is adopted from ez-Zauzeni. Arnold’s recension agrees in the text and
arrangement of the verses with ez-Zauzeni’ s, except in v. 59, which the latter entirely
omits.

Another recension is to be found in Ahlwardt, Six Poets, pp. 94 sqq . ; this is based
on the MSS. of Gotha and Paris : it differs from Arnold’s chiefly in the arrangement of
the verses in the teshbib describing the' journey of the ladies, and in the omission of
several of the maxims which follow v. 49 and the arrangement of those which it retains.
The following is the order of the verses in Ahlwardt’ s recension as compared with
Arnold’s, the numbers of the verses being those of the latter and the arrangement that of
the former ; —

10

[No. 1,

C. J. Lvall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

1—8, (9 omitted) 11, 10, 14—15, 12—13, 18, 16—17, 19—22, 25, 23—24, 26—44
a, (after which Ahlwardt inserts a second hemistich which is not in Arnold, and com¬
mences the next verse with a first hemistich wdiichis also wanting in the latter. Arnold’s

44 b agrees with Ahlwardt’s 44 b\) 45 — 47, 49, 48, 50, 52, 51, 57, 54, 56, 53, 58, 60, 59.
vv. 55 and 61 — 64 are omitted ; they will be found in the Appendix, p. 192.

Of the two main differences above mentioned, it must be admitted that the arrange¬
ment of the verses describing the journey reads more smoothly and consecutively in
Ahlwardt’s text than in Arnold’s ; perhaps this is rather a reason for suspecting the hand
of a later adjuster than for rejecting the more difficult order : in such a matter how¬
ever no critical judgment is worth much. The second difference, the omission of vv.
55 and 61 — 64 among the sententious utterances which close the poem, seems to be
also generally in favour of Ahlwardt ; v. 55 might, as he suggests (Bemerkungen fiber
die Aechtheit &c., p. 64), find its proper place after v. 51. Of the last four verses of
Arnold I would retain v. 64, which seems a fitting close of the poem, and appropriate
to the tradition (of two payments by the Peace-makers) with which it is connected ;
the other three are clearly out of place where they stand, and belong to another poem
(perhaps two others), whether by Zuheyr or some other poet.

Among the minor differences of arrangement, Ahlwardt’s text seems to err in
placing v. 18 before vv. 16-17 ; v. 16 appears clearly to be the opening of the real
theme, and the change of person in v. 18 (called iltifat) is of frequent occurrence in the
old poetry and offers no difficulty. Of the transposition of v. 25 there is little to be
said one way or the other. The additions in Ahlwardt after v. 44 a are evidently to
be rejected, the second inserted hemistich being a mere echo of v. 24 a.

Of textual differences there are few of much importance; in v. 11 a, Ahlwardt reads
li-s-sadiqi for li-l-latiji : in v. 14 b , wa man for wa Team : in v. 15 5, mufa”ami for wa
mxif'ami : in v. 20 b, mina-l- amri for mina-l-qauli : in v. 22 a , wa gheyrihu for hadi-
tumd : in v. 25 b, ifdli-l-Muzennemi for ifdlin muzennemi (see note below on this verse) :
in v. 26 a, faman mublighu for aid ’ abliglii : in v. 27 a , tektumenna (wrongly) for tektu -
munna, and nufusikum for sudurikum (last better) : in v. 31 b, tahmil for tuntej (last
better) : in v. 35 b, yetejemjemi for yetaqaddemi : in v. 37 «, tefza,1 buyutun ketliiretun
for yufzi ‘ buyutan kethiretan (last preferable) : in v. 40 a, ra‘au mu ralau min iim'ihim
thumma for ra^au <tiw£ ahum hatta idd temma, and b, tesilu bir-rimuhi for tefarrd bis-siluhi
(last preferable metrically) : in v. 43 a, slidrakiifi-l-qaumi for shdraket Ji-l-mauti : in v .

45 b, talalat for taraqet (last preferable, since the former unnecessarily repeats the
tdlkdtin of v. 44 b) : in v. 46 a , tiu-l-witri yudriku witrahu for f. tu-d-dighni yudriJcu teb-
lahu : in v. 54 a, el-meniyyeti yelqahd for el-mendyd yenelnahu , and b , ruma for yerqa : in
v. 53 a, yufdi for yuhda : in v. 60, b , wa lau for wa in : in v. 59, for our reading Ahl¬
wardt has the following —

wa man lam yezel yestahmilu-n-ndsa nefsahu ,

wald yughnihd yauman mina-d-dahri , y us' ami :

in v. 63 b , (Appendix p. 192,) yahlumu (right : see note below) for yahlumi :
in v. 64 b, sayohramu for sayohrami (both are equally right grammatically, but the
former would be an iqwd if the verse really belongs to this poem).

The verses of the Mo‘allaqah quoted in the Aghani are the following : —

together on p. 146, Yol. ix, — vv. 1, 3, 4, 6, 56, 54 (in the last verse Ahlwardt’s
reading, not Arnold’s, is given) :

on p. 148, v. 18 :

1878.]

17

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allciqcih of Zuheyr.

on p. 150, vv. 18, 25 ( ifuli-l-Muzennemi , in accordance with. Abu ‘Obey debs
reading), 24 :

on p. 154, v. 60 (with the story of this verse having been quoted by ‘Othman son
of ‘Affan) .

The translation offered is as literal as I have found it possible to make it consis¬
tently with English idiom and the rhythm ; where it seemed necessary, I have ex¬
plained deviations from absolute literalness in the notes : where the change of phrase
was slight, I have not thought it needful to notice it. Thus in v. 3, a , khilfetan is not
“ to and fro,” but “ one after another : in v. 32, “ Boys shall she bear you, of ill
omen, all of them like Ahmar of ‘Ad,” is the word-for-word rendering. I have
not however consciously anywhere departed from the sense of the original, and
but seldom from the phrase. Of other translations, the only ones I have seen are that
by M. Caussin de Perceval, at pp. 531 — 536 of Yol. ii of his Essai sur Vhistoire des
Arabes avant VIslamisme, and that by Riickert (which omits the teshbib ) at pp. 147 — 150
of the first volume of his translation of the Hamaseh ; the translation by Sir W. Jones,
which I believe to be the only one before published in English, I have not been able
to consult.

v» 1. El-Mutathellem (according to the Marasid, el-Mutathellim) is a hill in the
high land stretching East of the northern Hijaz, in the country of the Bonu Murrah
of Ghatafan ; it is mentioned in ‘Antarah’s Mo‘allaqah, v. 4, in connection with el-
Hazn and es-Samman. Of ed-Darraj no particular information is given in the Marasid.

*

v. 2. “ Er-Paqmatan” : according to ez-Zauzeni two places are meant by this

name, which is the dual of er-raqmeh , a word meaning “ the meadow” (raudah) ; he
says that one village called er-Raqmeh is near el-Basrah, and another of the same name
near el-Medineh : they are thus far distant one from another. Maqmeh however
means, besides a meadow, the side of a valley, or the place in it where water collects ;
it seems more probable from the way in which the name is used that one place, not two,
is intended ; the same name, in the same dual form, occurs in a lament by a woman
of Ghatafan over the death of Malik son of Bedr given in the Aghani (xvi, p. 30) —

X X- S(j s * C * S> £

i f-. ^ ^

“ So long as a turtle moans in the groves of er-Baqmatan

or er-B,ass, so long weep thou for him that rode el-Ketefan.”

The second hemistich of this verse gives concisely a simile for the water- worn traces
of the tents which is found in a more expanded form in Lobid’s Mo‘allaqah, vv. 8 and
9, q. v. The tattooing over the veins of the inner wrist is said to be renewed, because
the torrents have scored deeply certain of the trenches dug round the tents, while others
that did not lie in the path of the flood have become only faintly marked, like the
veins beneath the tracery,
c

$ y s *

* j

c

(A ♦♦ J '
y y

18

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Mo^llaqdh of Zuheyr.

v. 3. “ The wild kine,” the antilope defassa , a species of bovine antelope. “ The

deer,” dram (for ar’dm), plural of ri’m. Ri'm is the white antelope ( antilope leucoryx ) ;
though identical in form with the Hebrew r’em ( reym ), it is very doubtful whether the
latter word means the same : the LXX translate it by povduepws (A. Y. “unicorn”).
The Assyrian is, like the Arabic, ri’mu, and there is a good discussion of the meaning
of this word in an article on the Animals of the Assyrian Sculptures in the Transactions
of the Society of Biblical Archaeology for 1877 ; it appears certain that it is not the
antilope leucoryx , but some larger and robuster animal, perhaps the wild buffalo (see
Job xxxix, 9-12).

v. 5. “ Trench” : round the tent a trench is dug to receive the rain from the

roof and prevent the water from flooding the interior.

v. 6. “ In the morn” : the morning was the time when raids were made, and

the word sabdh thus itself is used in the sense of a sudden attack. Yd sabdhdh was the
battle-cry {shikar) of Temim in the Day of el-Kulab. To wish peace in the morning
to a place is therefore an appropriate greeting.

vv. 7 — 15. The journey here described would take the wanderers along the
southern skirt of the tract called by Palgrave (Cent, and East. Arabia, Yol. I, chap,
vi) “the Upper Kaseem er-Rass is still a place of some importance, and will be
found marked on Palgrave’s map some distance to the North of ‘Oneyzeh. In the days
of Zuheyr the country was in the possession of the Benu. Asad, who were not always
on the friendliest terms with the Benu Bubyan, among whom the poet lived.

v. 12. Tassels of scarlet wool decorated the haudaj in which ladies rode. “ lIsh-
riq seeds” : habbu-l-fend ; the exact nature of this plant with a scarlet seed or fruit
is very doubtful : see Lane, s. vv. and

%*

v. 16. “ The Holy House” is the Ka‘beh. The mention of its building by the

Qureysh and the men of Jurhum must not be understood of the same time. Jurhum
was the name of two Arab stocks : the first the ancient race who peopled the lower
Hijaz and Tihameh at the time of the legendary settlement of Ishmael among them,
with whom he is said to have intermarried ; the second (whom M. de Perceval regards as
alone having had a historical existence) a tribe who ruled in Mekkeh from about 70
B. C. to 200 A. D. They were expelled from Mekkeh and dispersed so that no me¬
morial of them remained by an Azdite stock from el-Yemen called the Khuza‘ah (C.
de Perceval, Essai, i, 218. Aghanl, xiii, 108-111.). The second Jurhum are said
(Agh. id., p. 109) to have rebuilt the Ka‘beh on the foundations laid by Abraham after
it had been overthrown by a flood : the architect was one ‘Omar el-Jarud, whose
descendants were known as the Jedarah , or masons. The Qureysh settled in Mekkeh
during its occupation by the Khuza‘ah, and gained possession of the Iva‘beh in the
time of Qusayy, whose mother was of the race of the Jedarah, about 440 A. D. (O.
de Perceval). Qusayy, in the year 450 A. D. or thereabout, caused the building
erected by the Jurhum to be demolished, and rebuilt the Ka‘beh on a grander scale.
It was rebuilt a third time in the year 605 A. D., very shortly before the Mo‘allaqah
was composed. Mohammed, then 35 years old, assisted in the work. These three
occasions are probably those to which Zuheyr refers.

1878.]

19

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

“ Circle round,” tdfa haulahu ; the tawdf \ or going1 round seven times, was one of
the most ancient rites of the religion of the Arabs ; it was the mode of worship used
not only for the Ka‘beh, but also for the other objects of reverence among the pagan
Arabs : see Lane, s. v. Duwar.

v. 18. In this verse md beyna-l-lashireti must be understood as meaning the
friendship of the two houses of the family. Beyn (“that which is between”) has two
contrary significations : disunion, that which parts or separates, and concord, that
which joins ; so Tdtu-l-beyn means both enmity and friendship.

‘ Ashireh here means the stock of Baghid son of Reyth son of Gfhatafan, the com¬
mon father of ‘Abs and B ubyan ; according to the dictionaries ‘ asliireh is the smallest
sub-division of the tribe, but its use here is clearly opposed to that view. The various
words meaning tribe and family are very loosely applied in the old poetry, and the
distinctions drawn between them by lexicographers (see Lane s. v. shalb) do not seem
to be borne out by usage. In v. 24 ‘Abs and Bubyan are each called qaum, and in v.
34 ‘Abs is a hayy.

v. 19. The literal translation of this verse is —

“Ye two repaired the condition of ‘Abs and Bubyan (by peace), after that

they had shared one with another in destruction, and had brayed between them

the perfume of Menshim.”

The second hemistich is said to refer to a custom which existed among the Arabs
of plunging their hands into a bowl of perfume as they took an oath together to fight
for a cause until the last of them was slain. Menshim, the commentators say, was a
woman in Mekkeh who sold perfume. Such an oath was followed by war to the bitter
end, and so “he brayed the perfume of Menshim” became a proverb for entering on
deadly strife. That oaths so taken were counted of special force may be seen from the
tale of “the Oath of the Perfumed ones,” hilf el-Mutayyabin, taken by the sons of
‘Abd-Menaf and their partisans in or about 490 A. B. (see 0. de Perceval, Essai, i.
254. Ibn-el-Athir, Kamil, i. pp. 329-30.)

v. 22. Ma‘add was the forefather of all those Arabs (generally called mustalribeh
or insititious) who traced their descent from ‘Adnan, whose son he was. The name is
thus used to denote the Central stocks, settled for the most part in Nejd and el-Hijaz,
as opposed to the Arabs of el- Yemen or of Yemenic origin by whom they were bor¬
dered on the North and South. The name of Ma‘add’s son Nizar is also used in the
same way. Nizar was the father of Mudar, RabPah, and Anmar ; the last-named and
his descendants joined themselves to the people of el-Yemen; and “Rabi‘ah and
Mudar” is again a comprehensive term used to designate the tribes of Nejd and the
Hijaz.

v. 25. “ Slit-eared, of goodly breed” : min ’ ifdlin muzennemi. There are two
ways of taking this phrase : the first is that here adopted, whereby muzennem is ren¬
dered as an adjective attached to meaning “slit-eared.” Camels of good breed

had a slit made in the ear, and the piece of skin thus detached (called zenemeh) left to
hang down. The ordinary grammatical construction would require the feminine,
muzennemeh, to agree with ’ ifdl ; but the masculine is used by a poetic license. The
other, resting on the authority of Abu ‘Obeydeh, reads ’ ifdli Muzennemi , “ young-
camels (the offspring) of Muzennem” (or el- Muzennem) : Muzennem, he says, being the
name of a famous stallion-camel whose breed was much renowned among the Arabs.

20

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqali of Zuheyr.

It is worth remarking- that this line seems to contradict the assertion of et-Tebrizi,
in his commentary on the Hamasch, p. 107, that the young camels (seven or eight
months old) called ’ ifdl (plural of ’afil) were not given in payment of bloodwits.
Perhaps there was an exception in the case of the better breeds. The passage, how¬
ever, on which et-Tebrizi makes this remark does not necessarily bear him out.

v. 26. “ Tribesmen together leagued,” el-Ahldf , plural of hi If. The commen¬
tary says that those confederates were Ghatafan, Asad and Tayyi’ ; other authorities
quoted by Lane (s. v. hilfj restrict the appellation to Asad and Ghatafan, Asad and
Tayyi’, or Fezarah (a branch of Buby&n) and Asad. Since Bubyan, a division of
Ghatafan, is named separately from the Ahldf it would seem probable that the word
here means only Asad and Tayyi’. I do not, however, find that these confederates
took any part in the War of Bahis, except at the battle of Slirb Jebcleh, when Asad
joined Bubyan and Temim against ‘Amir and ‘Abs ; their presence at the oath-taking
between the various branches of Ghatafan would, however, render the engagement
more formal and solemn : they were a sort of “ Guaranteeing Power.”

vv. 27-28. Herr von Kremer ( Culturgeschichte dcs Orients unter den Chalifcn,
Yol. ii., p. 358, note*) regards these verses as interpolated, and alien fx-om the spirit of
the poetry of the Ignoi-ance. He says, moreover, that they are inconsistent with v. 48,
which expresses the true feeling of that age, that of the Future no man knows any¬
thing. Certainly their spirit is more religious than is usual in the old poetry, and the
mention of the Book and the Reckoning Bay points to a body of doctrine which we
arc accustomed to think was first planted among the Arabs by Mohammed. But it is
to be remarked that the passage where the verses come (vv. 26-33) seems thoroughly
consecutive and complete in sense : that the same number of verses is given, in the
same order, in all the recensions of the poem ; and that v. 28 exhibits a very curious
construction, easily intelligible indeed, but unlikely to be used in an interpolation :
this is the carrying on of the mejzum imperfect from the apodosis of the conditional
sentence in v. 27 b into the unconditional pi’oposition of v. 28.

As regards the possibility of such an exhoi’tation being addressed to the tx-ibes
settled in the counti-y East of Yethrib and South of the mountains of Tayyi’ in 610
A. B., I do not think that it should be hastily rejected. Few subjects are more obscure
than the real nature of the religion of the pagan Arabs. It would seem that at the
time when the Prophet arose there was extremely little religious faith in the people of
any sort : that their old divinities were held by them in much the same estimation as
that in which our own forefathers in Norway and Iceland held Odin and Thor when
Christianity first overspread the North. But beyond the reverence, such as it was, paid to

* His words are — “ Bas Gedicht, Zohair XYI, wird man wegen v. 27 (28), der von
der Abrechnung am jiingsten Tage spricht, fur unecht oder interpolirt erklaren miissen.
Ich entscheide mich fur das Letztere, denn v. 49 (48) spricht die echte, alte Idee aus,
dass man von dem Zukiinftigen nichts wisse.” In the same note, H. von Kremer sees
traces of Mohammedan recension in the name ‘Abd-allah in a poem of ‘Antarah’s. I
presume that he considers the occurrence of that name as belonging to the father of
Mohammed, the son of Jud‘an, and the brother of Dureyd son of es-Simmeh, as well
as to the tribe-fathers ‘Abd-allah ibn el-Azd (Ma‘arif, p. 54), ‘Abd-allah ibn Ghatafan
{id. p. 39), and ‘Abd-allah ibn Ka‘b and ‘Abd-allah ibn Kilab, sub-divisions of ‘Amir ibn
Sa‘sa‘ali (id. pp. 42 and 43), to be insufficiently vouched for.

1878.]

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqah of Zuheyr.

21

el-Lat, el-‘Ozza, Menat, Fuls, Wedd, and the rest, there was certainly a hack-ground
of faith in The God, Allah , whose name was, as it still is, in the mouth of every
Bedawi as his most frequent ejaculation. Without assuming such a faith as already
well known to the people, a great portion of the Qur’an would he impossible : that
revelation is addressed to men who join other gods with God, not those who deny Him.
Some tribes may have had more of this belief in the One God, and been accustomed to
look more immediately to Him, others (especially those who, like the Qureysh, pos¬
sessed famous shrines of idolatrous worship which brought them in much profit,) less :
probably contact with Judaism and Christianity determined in some measure the •
greater or less degree of it. Now among the neighbours of the tribes of Ghatafan
were the Jews settled from Yethrib to Kheybar and Teyrna ; to the North was Kelb in
the Daumat (or Dumat) el-Jondel, almost entirely Christian ; Christianity had made
some progress in Tayyi’, nearer still ; and we have seen how, according to a fairly
vouched for story, Qeys son of Zuheyr, the chief of ‘Abs, spent the last years of his life as
a Christian anchorite in ‘Oman. To the West was Yethrib, in constant relations with
the Kings of Ghassan, who were Christian, together with their people ; and to the
North-east was el-Hireh, whose King, en-Nofinan Abu Qabus, had long been a
Christian, and where Christianity had spread among the people long before his day.
En-Nabighah of D ubyan, Zuheyr’s famous contemporary, had dwelt long at the
Courts both of el-Hireh and Ghassan ; and in a well-known passage* (much con¬
tested, it is true, but in favour of the genuineness of which much may be said,) he
refers to a Kabbinical legend of Solomon’s power over the Jinn, and how they built
for him Tedmur. At the fair of ‘Oka <5 Quss son of Safideh had preached Christianity
long before Zuheyr made this poem. And to ‘Abs itself belonged one of the Hanifs ,
Khalid son of Sinan son of Gheyth (see Ibn Quteybeh, Ma‘arif, p. 30). These
things seem to me to make it not impossible that the lines may be genuine. The
objection that they are inconsistent with v. 48 appears wholly groundless ; the latter
refers to the vicissitudes of this world and the chances of life : the former to the
reckoning of God in the world after death. (See note on v. 32 for a further argument
in favour of the authenticity of these verses.)

#

v. 29. War, el-Harb , is feminine in Arabic ; as in vv. 31 and 32 it is personified
as a woman, it seemed best to use in the translation the feminine pronoun in vv. 29
and 30.

v. 31. “ Skin,” thifdl , is the mat of skm that is placed beneath the mill to

receive the flour. The comparison of War to a mill and the slain to ground grain is
common in the old poetry ; so says ‘Amr son of Kulthum (Mo'all. vv. 30, 31) —

AaJU)

1 1 - t -

/ •' / o' G ''G ^ \ y

Q U-; ffi J! JSxj

* "

of i y 5> ' ^ Sts

L ^ ^

0 ” y '

* En-Nabighah, v. 22 sqq. For a discussion of this passage, see Noeldeke,
Beitrage z. Kenntn. der Poes. d. alt. Araber, id. XI, and Ahlwardt, Bemerkungen fiber
die Aechtheit d. alt. Arab. Gcdichte, pp. 17-18 and 41. Noeldeke appears to overlook
the tradition (unless he rejects it) that en-No‘man was a Christian.

22

C. J. Lyall — The Mo^allacqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

“ When our War-mill is set against a people

as grain they fall thereunder ground to powder ;

Eastward in Nejd is set the skin beneath it,
and the grain cast therein is all Quda‘ah.”

“ Year by year shall her womb conceive” : telqali kishafan ; Jcishdf is said of a
she-camel that conceives in two following years. Another word used in a like sense
of War is ‘ awdn , which is applied to an animal with a hard hoof (as a cow or mare),
that after bringing forth her first-born (bikr)' conceives again forthwith and bears
another young one ; so harbun ‘ awdn is said of a war the fury of which is perpetually
renewed (see Hamaseh, p. 180). Again, hd'il, plural hiydl , is used of a war which lies
long dormant ; its meaning is a she-camel that does not conceive for two years, or some
years, and it is therefore the opposite of kishdf. El-Harith son of ‘Obad said of the
War of Basus after the slaying of his son Bujeyr by Muhelhil —

J' —

O x

✓ 9 o y

Ji);

4

“ The War of Wail has conceived at last, having long been barren.”

v. 32. “ Ahmar of ‘Ad.” According to the received story of the Muslims, it

was to Thamud, not to ‘Ad, that the prophet Salih was sent to warn them of their wick¬
edness. The sign that he gave them was a gigantic she-camel that issued forth at his
bidding from a rock (Qur’an vii. 71) : “Then said those among them that were filled
with pride — ‘ Yerily we reject that in which ye believed.’ And they slew the she-camel
and rebelled against their Lord, and said — ‘0 Salih ! bring upon us that wherewith
thou didst threaten us, if thou art indeed of the Sent of God !’ Then the earthquake
seized them, and they lay on their faces in their dwellings, dead.” (Qur. 1. c. vv.
74 — 76. The story is also told in Surah xi, vv. 64 — 71.) The leader in the slaying
of the Camel was Qudar el- Ahmar, “ Qudar the Red” ; and thus “ More unlucky than
Ahmar of Thamud,” and “ More unlucky than the Slayer of the She-camel,” became
proverbs. The people of Thamud ( — who are mentioned* by Diodorus Siculus and
Ptolemy, and as late as 450 A. D. in the Notitia dignitatum utriusque imperii: see
C. de Perceval, Essai i., p. 27 — ) dwelt in Hijr, a valley on the road Northwards from
the Hijaz into Syria. The race of ‘Ad, on the contrary, were settled in the South of
Arabia, in the Ahqdf \ now a vast desert of sand : Ibn Quteybeh (Ma‘arif, p. 15) places
them “in ed-Daww, and ed-Dahna, and ‘Alij, and Yebrin, and Webbar, from ‘Oman
to Hadramaut and el-Yemen.” To them was sent Hud (Q,ur. vii. 63 and xi). They
were thus separated by the whole distance of Arabia from Thamud, and, it is probable,
also by a vast space of time, if the Thamudeni of the Notitia dignitatum are the same
as the latter people. The commentators give two reasons to explain why Zuheyr
said, “ Alnnar of ‘Ad” instead of “ Ahmar of Thamud” : the first is the necessity of the
rhythm, which would not permit him to say Thamud ; the second is that some of the
genealogists say that Thamud was a cousin of ‘Ad, and after the destruction of the

* In Mr. George Smith’s “Assyria” (“ Ancient History from the Monuments”
Series), p. 100, Sargon, in 715 B. C., is related to have led an expedition into Arabia,
“ where he conquered the Thamudites and several other tribes, carrying them captive
and placing them in the cities of Samaria.”

23

1878.] C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

ancient race of ‘Ad the people of Thamud inherited their possessions and were called
lAd el- A Jc Mr eh, “the later ‘Ad.” The first reason must he rejected, for it would have
been easy to the poet so to frame the verse that Thamud might have been used instead
of ‘Ad : for instance, he might have said —

Fatuntej laJcum ghilmdna , hullun ha? annahu

Quddru Thamudin : thumma turdi1 fateftimi.

Moreover other poets also speak of Ahmar of ‘Ad : e. g ., Abu Jundab el-Hu'Sali,
quoted by et-Tebrizi in the Hamaseh, p. 421. The second is more probable, though
the Biblical genealogies framed for ‘Ad and Thamud by later Muslim writers can
hardly have been known to Zuheyr. According to these, the following was the
descent of these two tribes —

Nuh (Noah)

Sam (Shem)

Irem (Aram)

‘Abir or Jathir (Gether)

‘Ad Thamud

A third hypothesis is possible — that some version of the legend of Salih and his Camel,
and the judgment which followed its slaying, was current in the days of Zuheyr
which dropped out of mind when el-Islam overspread the land.

If this verse is genuine, it would seem strongly to support the opinion that
vv. 27 — 28 may also be genuine ; for it refers plainly to a legend (mentioned in the
Qur’an in a way which shows that it was well known to those addressed) of God’s
judgment on the wicked. That it is genuine and not a Muslim interpolation appears
highly probable from the mention of ‘Ad rather than Thamud : the latter would have
been named by a Muslim following the version of the legend embodied in the Qur’an.

v. 33. “ Of bushels of corn and gold,” min qafizin iva dirhemi : the coinage

called dirhem was silver, not gold ; but the latter is here used (like the word dirhem in
the original) in the general sense of money. The qafiz was a measure of capacity
containing eight mehhuhs or twelve su‘s of el-‘Iraq : one sd( of Baghdad is 5j rills, or
pints : the qafiz is thus 64 pints. The word is originally Persian, hawizh O */)■

v. 37. “ Though there in their midst the Vulture-mother had entered in,”

ledd Tieythu ’ alqet rahlahd ’ TJmmu qasMami: literally, “ In that place where the Vulture-
mother cast down her camel-saddle.” “ To cast down one’s saddle” (as “to lay down
one’s staff” in v. 13) means to halt in a place. “The Vulture-mother” is a name of
Death, or Calamity ; qasMam means an old vulture, and is used in that sense in the
last verse of ‘Antarah’s Mo‘allaqah.

v. 38. “ A bulwark for men in fight,” muqcdptaf : literally, “ one whom men cast

before them (in battle),” to shield themselves or to do a desperate deed.

r

‘Aus (Uz)

24

C J Lyall — The JT£olallaqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

v. 40. As explained at the end of the second note to the Introduction, this
verse appears to refer to the breaking out again of strife which followed the deed of
Hoseyn. “ They pastured their camels athirst,” ralau ftim’ahum : literally, “ They
pastured (their camels) for their <tim\ or period between two drinkings.” Camels in
Arabia are not taken down to drink every day ; in the greatest heat they are watered
every alternate day : this is called ghibb ; as the weather gets colder, they pass two days
without water, and come down on the fourth : this is called rib1; then follow Jchims ,
sids, and so on to lishr, when the ftim* is eight days, and they are watered on the tenth.
The camels are the warriors, and the pools the pools of Death. The image seems
intended to figure the senselessness of the strife, and its want of object and aim.

v. 41. “ Till their thirst should grow anew”: these words have been added in

the translation to complete the sense ; they follow from the description of the pasture
(held) as unwholesome, heavy (mustaubal), and indigestible (mutawakhkham) : such,
that is, as to stir their thirst again in a short time. The unwholesome pasture is the
brooding over wrong in the intervals of combat. In like manner Qeys son of Zuheyr
says, of the bitter results of wrong in this same War of Dahis (Hamaseh, p. 210.
Aghani xvi., 32) —

9 ^ 99**, 9 , | ✓ *,,**,, \'° $ \*

J ^

’ * t *

“ But the stout warrior Hamal son of Bedr

wrought wrong : and wrong is a surfeiting pasturage.”

v. 44. The commentary on this verse seems to me to err in taking Tcullan as
equivalent to kulla wdhidin mina-l-luqiUn ; it is, I think, equivalent to kulla wdhidin
mina-Uqaild : this follows from the hu in yalqilunahu at the end of the hemistich.
I have translated accordingly.

v. 45. This verse contains a difficult word which the dictionaries do not satis¬
factorily explain, viz. Midi in lihayyin hildlin. In form it is the plural of hull ,
“ alighting or abiding in one place” ; but it seems always to be used, as here, as an
epithet of praise. Lane fs. v. hall) says that it means “a numerous tribe alighting
or abiding in one place.” I have not found it in the Hamaseh, though hayyun holulun
(another plural of hall) occurs in a poem on p. 171 ; but it is used in a poem by ‘Amr
son of Kulthum given in the Aghani, vol. ix., p. 183 —

^ - aj) ^ j j ^Ij) ) )

" * 9 s * *

sffijl J1 * 1—J clkl Jill

> Sr

✓

Which seems to mean —

“ Ho ! carry my message to the sons of Jusham son of Bekr,

and Teghlib, (that they may know) as often as they come to the great tribe ,
How that the glorious warrior, the son of ‘Amr,

on the morn of Nata‘* bore himself stoutly in battle.”

* For the vocalization of Nata‘ here given see the Marasid, 5. v. It is a village

of el-Yemameh belonging to the Benu Hanifeh.

1878.]

25

C. J. Lyall — The MoUtllaq/ah of Zuheyr.

It may possibly mean numerous , and hence strong, this sense being- derived from that
of a body of men halting together in a compact host, on the alert and prepared for all
attacks.

v. 46. This verse is in praise of ‘Abs, and is in continuation of v. 45. The
second hemistich offers some difficulty : one does not expect to find their protection of
“him that wrongs them” set down to their credit; but the words el -j uni ‘ aleyhim
cannot be otherwise rendered. Probably the wronger spoken of is the man who by
slaying a member of another tribe involves his own in difficulties. It sometimes
happened that such an one found himself unsupported by his kinsmen, and turned out
from among them as a Jchali ‘, or outcast : for instance, el-Harith son of Balim, who
slew Khalid son of Jaffar of ‘Amir while the latter was under the protection of
en-No‘man son of el-Mun'Sir, King of el-Hireh, was so treated by his tribe of
Murrah, the same as that to which the men whom Zuheyr praises in this poem
belonged. Such a desertion, unless for the gravest possible cause, was held to be
disgraceful ; and ‘Abs are accordingly praised because they would not give up the
wrongdoer, though he brought evil upon them.

v. 47. Zuheyr was eighty years old when he composed his Mo‘allaqah ; if this
was in 608 or 610 A. D., as M. de Perceval supposes, he may well have been a hundred,
as the Aghani relates (ix. 148), when he was seen by Mohammed, who said— “0 God!'
grant me a refuge from his Devil ! ” — that is, his cunning in song ; it is added that he
made no more poems from that day till his death, which ensued shortly after. This
would be about 628 or 630 A. D. ; and we know that his son Ka‘b gave in his adhesion
to the Prophet in 631 (the latter part of the ninth year of the Hijrah), after Zuheyr’ a
other surviving son Bujeyr, together with the greater part of his tribe, the Muzeyneh,
had already embraced el-Isl&m.

v. 49. “ Blind beast,” lasliwa: literally, “a weak-eyed she-camel” — one that

sees not well where she is going, and therefore strikes everything with her forefeet,
not paying attention to the places where she sets down her feet (Lane). The word is
used proverbially : you say — ReJciba fulununi-l- las7iwd, “Such an one rides the weak-
eyed she-camel” ; that is, he prosecutes his affair without due deliberation ; and
— Khabata khabta-l^ashwd, “ He trod with the careless tread of a weak-eyed she-
camel,” he acted at random.

v. 50. If this verse is rightly placed next after v. 49, the rending, by the teeth
and the treading under foot should refer to the weak-eyed she-camel spoken of in that
verse ; and so I have taken it, the camel being blind Chance.

v. 53. I am far from satisfied with the translation given of this verse, in which,
however, I have scrupulously followed the commentary. The doubtful words are
mutma’ innu-l-birri and yetejemjem ; the former is explained as meaning birrun khdlisun ,
that is, “pure goodness”; and the latter as the same as yetar added, that is, “ he is
disturbed, confounded, perplexed.” But Lane renders mutmcC innu-l-birri as “ quiet,
at rest, in heart or mind” (s. v. birr , end) ; for tejemjema , he gives — “ he spoke indis¬
tinctly, he concealed a thing in his bosom, he held back from the thing, not daring to
B>

26

[No. 1,

R. B Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

do it” ; the sense of “being disturbed in mind” does not occur, though it may, per¬
haps, fairly be gathered from the last of those given by Lane. I should be inclined
to render man yuhda qalbuhu , §c — “ He whose heart is guided to quietness and rest of
soul is not disturbed in his doings, but acts without fear or trouble of spirit.”

v. 56. Among the Arabs, when two parties of men met, if they meant peace,
they turned towards each other the iron feet ( zijaj , plural of zujj) of their spears : if
they meant war, they turned towards each other the points.

v. 57. The “cistern”, hand, is a man’s home and family.

v. 60. This verse, the commentary tells us, was quoted by ‘Othman son of
‘Affan, the third Khalifeh.

v. 62. This accords with the proverb — innama-l-mar' u bi’asghareyhi — “ A man
is accounted of according to his two smallest things” — his heart and his tongue.

w. 60-62 seem consecutive in sense, and probably belong to the same poem ;
but it is very difficult to see how they cohere with the rest of this. v. 63, on the
other hand, seems separate not only from the rest of the poem, but also from the three
verses that precede it ; grammar would require that the verb at the end of it should
be marfi i‘, not mejzum — yahlumu, not yahlum : but to read it so would disturb the
rhyme, and be a fault of the kind called iqwd. The commentary says that the mim of
yahlum is originally mauquf (quiescent in a pause), and is read with Jcesr, because that
is the appropriate vowel for making a quiescent letter moveable ; but this reason is
very lame. On the whole, it seems certain that v. 63 does not properly belong to the
piece, and it is probable that vv. 60-62 are also intrusions. No other poem of those by
Zuheyr that remain has the same metre and rhyme as his Mo‘allaqah, and it is most
likely that fragments of other poems, now lost, in this measure and rhyme that have
survived have been included in it, because there was no other piece into which they
could be put. The rest of the maxims forming the conclusion of the poem can be
understood as arising, some more, some less closely, out of its subject; but the different
order in which they occur in different recensions, and the fact that some recensions
omit some of them which others supply, make it doubtful whether even they all pro¬
perly belong to the Mo'allaqah.

Stray Arians in Tibet. — By R. B. Shaw, Political Agent.

(With one plate.)

The line which divides the Musalman from the Buddhist populations
of Asia, where it crosses the valley of the Upper Indus, passes through the
villages of a small tribe which is worthy of some attention. It is Arian in
blood though surrounded on all sides but one by Turanians of the Tibetan
branch. The people of this tribe are proved by their language and their
customs, which are supported by their traditions of former migrations, to

1878.]

11. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

27

belong to the Dard# race, although they themselves are not aware of the
kinship. They are known simply as JB role-pa or highlanders). While
isolated among strangers they have preserved themselves with a caste-like
feeling from amalgamating with them, and seem to have only recently and
very superficially accepted the religious beliefs of their neighbours. The
greater part of the tribe is thus nominally Buddhist, while two or three of
their north-westernmost villages bordering on Baltistan have become
Musalman.

This tribe presents therefore, to the student of early institutions, the
interesting sight of a people of pure Arian race, isolated in the semi-
barbarous stage, and who enjoy the rare distinction of being practically
unaffected by the action of any of the great philosophising or methodising
religions ; although in some of their customs they have not altogether
escaped being influenced by contact with neighbours of another race.

I paid a visit to the Dah-Hanu district (the home of these so-called
Buddhist Dards) on my way down to India from Ladak (Western Tibet)
last winter (1876). In a wild gorge through which the narrow Indus
rushes, and where the grand masses of granite seemingly piled in confusion
on both banks scarce leave room for the passage of the river and conceal
the higher mountains behind them, my first camp was pitched. Close by,
the Hanu Bavine, which in its upper part expands into a wide inhabited
valley, escapes through a rocky chasm into the Indus. Here, on a little
triangular plain a few yards in extent between the cliffs and the river, the
only flat spot around, the people of Hanu were waiting to receive me.
The sun was setting ; the gorge was already in deep shade ; a line of women
in dark attire was drawn up along the side of the pathway, each holding
in her hand a saucer full of burning juniper-wood from which columns of
smoke ascended in the still air, uniting overhead in a kind of canopy and
giving out a pungent incense-like odour. A wild music of drums and
screaming pipes was playing. As I approached, the women bent down and
placed on the ground at their feet the smoking bowls which screened them
as in a cloud, while they greeted me in the peculiar manner of their tribe by
waving the two hands rapidly in front of their faces with fingers closed as
if holding something.

My attention was chiefly attracted by some witch-like old hags of the
number, with faces begrimed by juniper smoke, whose sharp haggard fea¬
tures and deep sunk eyes were in marked contrast with the flat Tibetan
countenances to which one is accustomed in Ladak. These were unmis-

* Although Dr. Leitner (in his Dardistan) states that the name Dard was not
claimed by any of the race that he met, yet I have heard the Dras people of that tribe
apply it to their parent stock in Astor under the form Darde. They are also known to
their Kashmiri neighbours by the name of Dard , and Dardu.

28

[No, l,

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

takeably of a different race. They wore long straight woollen smocks,
square Hat caps poised on their heads with one of the corners projecting
over the forehead, the hair done up into numberless slender plaits hanging
loose and straight, and sheep skins suspended like cloaks over the shoulders,
the only part of their dress resembling that of Tibetan women, excepting
the mocassin-like boots. The men were clothed just like Tibetans* with
caps, like black nosebags, falling over one ear.

These people were inhabitants of the Hanu side-valley, whose villages
lie some distance up it, but who had come down to the gorge of the main
river (Indus) to receive me. They have lost their own tribal dialect and
speak Tibetan ; but otherwise in dress and customs they resemble the rest
of their people.

My next day’s march led through similar scenery, the path now rising
up the side of the cliff suj:>ported on frail-looking scaffoldings of tree-trunks
resting on projecting rocks or on wooden trestles, now plunging precipi¬
tously down to the river-side where a stone could be thrown to strike the
opposite cliff across the Indus. We saw a village or two on the other side
at the mouths of lateral valleys, inhabited not by Brokpas but by Musal-
man Tibetans from beyond the mountain-range on the west. At length
we came to a succession of isolated villages on our own (north-east) side of
the river, mostly placed on high alluvial plateaux near the mouths of side
ravines (whence they obtain their water for irrigation), and divided by
vertical cliffs into terraces rising in successive steps. Here the warmth in
summer is great, the rays of the sun being thrown off from the granite
sides of the confined valley, so that where water is available the vegetation
is luxuriant. Vines trail from the overhanging cliffs and from the splendid
walnut trees, and two crops ripen each year on the same ground during the
summer season, nothing being grown in winter. The apricots, mulberries,
and apples of the district are celebrated. Between the villages there is
nothing but the most arid wastes of granite without a green thing to cheer
the eye. In this part the villages that occur in the other side of the river
are inhabited by Brokpas as well as those on this.

Dali is the principal village in this part. Situated on a long sloping
alluvial terrace about a hundred yards wide and at the highest part perhaps
a couple of hundred feet above the river, it is separated from a still higher
terrace by a wall of cliff which culminates in a point immediately
above the village. On this point a cairn surmounted by thin staves with
fluttering rags attached, marks the supposed abode of a local demon or
deity. The howling waste behind, invisible from the village on account
of its higher level, but rising into still higher mountain masses which tower
above, affords a fitting scene for all the supernatural doings of the
* Women are everywhere the most conservative of national customs.

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

29

1S7S-.]

mountain spirits. The scenery which inspires awe in a passing tra¬
veller, has made its mark on the minds of the inhabitants. These lofty
solitudes are, from their earliest years, connected with ideas of dread, which
shape themselves into myths. The priest affirms that sometimes in the early
dawn while performing the annual worship, he perceives a white indistinct
shape hovering over the cairn ; and this, he says, is the goddess of the spot
revealing herself to her worshipper. The people believe that this demon
keeps a special watch over all their actions, and in a country where frequent
accidents by flood or fell are almost inevitable, and where a false step or a
falling rock may cause death at any time, they put down such disasters to
the vengeance of the goddess for the neglect of some of their peculiar
customs which they have persuaded themselves are religious duties.

Foremost among their tenets is the abhorrence of the cow. This is an
essentially Bard peculiarity, though not universal among them. Unlike
Hindus they consider that animal’s touch contamination, and though they
are obliged to use bullocks in ploughing, they scarcely handle them at all.
Calves they seem to hold aloof from still more. They use a forked stick
to put them to, or remove them from, the mother. They will 7iot drink
cow’s milk (or touch any of its products in any form) ; and it is only recent¬
ly that they have overcome their repugnance to using shoes made of the
skin of the animal they so contemn. When asked whether their abstaining
from drinking the milk and eating the flesh of cows is due to reverence
such as that of the Hindus, they say that their feeling is quite the reverse.
The cow is looked upon as bad not good, and if one of them drank its milk,
they would not admit him into their houses.

Again in reply to a question, they ascribed this custom to the will of
their goddess. They found by experience that she would not allow them
to drink the milk of cows with impunity. The son of a certain head-man
of the village of Ganok, a Musalman Brokpa, had broken through the
prohibition after living some years among the Baltis. After a time the
goddess caused him to go mad and to throw himself into the river where he
was drowned.

Thus although the Brokpas of Dah-Hanu are nominally Buddhists,
yet their real worship is that of local spirits or demons like the Lha-mo
(goddess) of Dah.#

* In this, however, they are not singular ; for the Tibetans of Ladak also have a
reverence for similar spirits of purely local influence called Lha (cf. Lha-sa “ the city
of gods”), a reverence which seems to be neither founded on the Buddhist dogmas, nor
much countenanced by the more respectable members of the Lamaite hierarchy. An
annual incarnation of one of these demons (a female) takes place at She, a village of
Ladak, in the month of August ; hut though Lamas are so plentiful in the country, it is
to one of the lay members of, a certain family that the honour of giving a temporary
body to the deity belongs, while Lamas are rarely to be seen in the crowds that witness

30

II. B. Shaw — Stray Aria ns in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Her name is Shiriny-mo .* * A certain family in the village supplies
the hereditary officiating priest. This person has to purify himself for the
annual ceremony by washings and fastings for the space of seven days,
during which he sits apart, not even members of his own family being
allowed to approach him, although they are compelled during the same period
to abstain from onions, salt, chang (a sort of beer), and other unholy food.
At the end of this period he goes up alone on to the rocky point
before mentioned above the village, and after worshipping in the name of the
community the deity who dwells there in a small cairn, f he renews the
branches of the “ shukpa” ( Juniperus excelsa')\ which were placed there the
previous year, the old branches being carefully stowed away under a rock
and covered up with stones.

It is said that this deity or spirit accompanied the ancestor of the
priestly family from the original home of the Brokpas in Gilgit. Former¬
ly the priest used to be occasionally possessed by the demon and in this
state to dance a devil-dance, giving forth inspired oracles at the same time,
but these manifestations have ceased for the last twelve or fifteen years.
The worship is now simply one of propitiation inspired by fear, the demon
seeming to be regarded as an impersonation of the forces of nature adverse
to man in this wild mountainous country. Sacrifices of goats (not sheep)
are occasionally offered at all seasons below the rock, by the priest only, on
behalf of pious donors. They talk of the existence of the demon as a mis¬
fortune attaching to their tribe, and do not regard her with any loyalty as
a protecting or tutelary deity. In each house the fireplace consists of three
upright stones of which the one at the back of the hearth is the largest,
18 inches or 2 feet in height. On this stone they place an offering for the
Lhamo from every dish cooked there, before they eat of it. They also
place there the first-fruits of the harvest. Such is their household wor¬
ship.

Besides this spirit-worship, which is their tribal religion, they have a
superficial coating of Buddhism. They say that three or four cycles, that is

the performance and consult the oracle. Perhaps this may he the remains of a form of
local spirit worship which may have preceded Buddhism in these countries. I have
already treated this subject elsewhere.

* The affix mo is the Tibetan feminine affix, as bo is the masculine.

f The Sidh-posh Kafirs (probably Dards) have also a custom of “going once a year
to the top of a mountain as a religious exercise and putting a stone on a cairn” (Leit-
ner’s Dardistan, Yol. I, Part 3, p. 42).

t This is also a Tibetan custom with this difference, that each Tibetan householder
has a similar sacred bundle of shukpa branches and horns of animals on the flat roof of
his own house. But these customs are mere survivals (superstitions) among the
Tibetans, while they form the religion of the Brokpas.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

31

forty or fifty years ago, after a war between Shigar and Ladak, when their
country was occupied by the Ladak army, the Lamas converted them. The
head Lama at the monastery of Skirbuchan, further up the river, told me,
however, that it was only some twelve or fifteen years ago that the Brokpas
were converted by Lamas from his monastery who went on begging tours
amongst them. But this may have been a mere revival. At any rate,
there is a remarkable absence in the Dah-Hanu country, of those Buddhist
monuments (long stoiie dikes covered with inscriptions, and tall structures
surmounted by obelisks and containing relics, called respectively Mane and
Chorten ) which form such a conspicuous feature along the roads and in
the villages of Tibet. I saw one or two small chortens, evidently newly
erected, and in two villages small yompas or hermit-cells (the larger
monasteries of Tibet have the same name) inhabited each by a single Lama,
one of whom was a Tibetan and the other, whom they brought forward
rather as a curiosity, a real BroTcpd Lama, the only one in existence.
These yompas also were quite new.

The Brokpas burn their dead like the Ladakis ; that is to say in little
brick furnaces on the hill-sides. The upper part of the furnace is a short
upright cylinder into which the body is crammed in a squatting posture
with The head tied well down between the knees, while a fire is lighted in
the square base of the furnace. This method is probably adopted as saving
fuel in a country where it is so scarce, and where it would be difficult to
get logs sufficient for the ordinary mode of Hindu cremation where the
body is extended at full length on an open pyre. The corpse is carried to
the burning on a kind of sedan-chair raised by poles on men’s shoulders.
It is placed in the squatting posture in which it is to be burnt, but cover¬
ed up with flowing coloured sheets so that it might almost be taken for a
veiled woman being carried on a journey. Often in Ladak a broad-
brimmed Lama’s hat is placed on its head to secure a blessing for the soul
of the defunct.

Mr. Drew, who has given a most interesting short account of these
Brokpas in his “ Jummoo and Kashmir,” is, I think, mistaken in suppos¬
ing that they have no caste, as the other Dards have. I have heard of at
least three caste-like divisions, which we may call those of priests, cultiva¬
tors , and artisans. The priestly families (called LhabdaJc, Tib.) form
the highest division in each village. Although men of the next caste are
allowed to come into their houses, yet it is only on condition of washing their
hands and faces before doing so, especially if they have recently been among
the Gentiles (Tibetans, &c ), a precaution that does not seem to be considered
necessary on other occasions by the Brokpas, who are a very dirty people.
This next caste which forms the bulk of the people is called Biishen . The
younger branches of the priestly families become Bushens , since there can
only be one priest or Lhabdak in each village.

32

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Besides these there is a lower caste consisting, in the village of Dah,
of only five families. They were originally blacksmiths, it is said, but no
longer carry on the ancestral calling. They are called Iiuzmet (Tib.)
or Gargyut .* Their women are not allowed to approach the cooking-
hearths of the higher caste, nor are the Iiuzmet men, excepting after a
purification similar to that of the Hushen on going into the houses of the
priests. The higher castes will not eat what is cooked by them.

Reversing the custom of the Hindus in the matter of marriage, the
lower caste may take wives from the higher, but not vice-versa (except in
the case of the priests who, I gather, can marry Hushen women). Proba¬
bly as a consequence of this, a married daughter is never allowed to re¬
enter the house of her parents and may not touch anything belonging to
them. After three generations of marriages with the higher caste, the
progeny are admitted into it. While at Dah, I was questioning a party of
Brokpas, and one of them, an old man who, though sitting rather apart,
had been very forward in answering my questions, became silent and hung
down his head when I began inquiries into the caste-system. It appeared
that he was a Iiuzmet or low-caste-man. But presently he brightened up
and said : “ True, I am now a Iiuzmet, but in three generations I can be¬
come Hushen .” This thought seemed to console the old man, much to the
amusement of the others.

Polyandry is the rule in Dah-Hanu. As the Brokpas do not inter¬
marry with the neighbouring Tibetans, it would seem that the question of its
possible cause or effect in a disproportion of the sexes could be well studied
in this confined area. I had not leisure or opportunity to obtain exact
statistics, but if there were any notable excess of either sex in such small
communities, where there is no monasticism to speak of, it could hardly
escape notice by the more intelligent among them. I repeatedly put the
question: “ Why do several brothers take only one wife between them ?”
The answer given me was : “ Because the land is not sufficient to provide
food for the families of the several brothers, if they each took a wife.”
Again I asked : “ If an equal number of boys and girls are born in your

village, as you say ; and each family of two or three (or more) brothers takes
only one girl to wife between them, where are the other girls P Do they

* These castes seem roughly to answer to three out of the four castes prevalent
among the main body of the Dards : viz., 1st, Shin ; 2nd, YashJcun (these two castes
trade, cultivate land, or keep sheep) ; 3rd, Kraniin (? derived from Krum= work) (are
weavers, carpenters, blacksmiths, artisans in fact) ; 4th, Dom (are musicians and do low
drudgery ; this caste seems absent from the Dah-Hanu division of Dards). [See Leit-
ner’s Dardistan, Yol. I, Part 3, p. 48, 2nd note, and Drew’s Jummoo and Kashmir,
p. 426.]

1878.]

R,. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

33

marry into the villages of the neighbouring Tibetans ?” They answer, No.
“ Are there many unmarried women in your villages ?” They reply that,
on the contrary, they often find it difficult to procure wives. It would
seem therefore that there must either be a great defect in the number of
births of females, or an equal excess in their deaths while young. I could
not hear of female infanticide and do not believe that it is practised, as, if
it were, it must be known to the Kashmir officials.

It is not only in marriage that they keep themselves apart from their
neighbours. They will not eat with the Tibetan Buddhists or Musalmans
or other outsiders, nor will they allow these to come near their cooking
places. The caste prejudice seems to originate on the side of the Brokpa,
for their neighbours often eat in their houses, only separate dishes are given
them which are afterwards purified with burning juniper. No Brokpa
will eat in the house or from the dishes of a Tibetan ; nor will he eat fish
or birds or (of course) cow’s flesh. Formerly, if they had been among the
Tibetans, they would purify themselves with the smoke of the “ shukpa”
before entering their own houses again.

The tribe is subdivided into several groups of villages. 1st. Those in
the Hanu side valley (whose inhabitants have exchanged their own lan¬
guage for Tibetan, being situated on the main road between Skardo and
Ladak.) 2nd. The Bah group, consisting of Baldes, Phindur, Byema,
Sani, Dundir, and Bah villages. 3rd. The Garkhon group, consisting of
Garkkon, Barchik (large village on west of Indus), Sanacha (ditto), Urdas,
Gragra (up side-stream on east), and Watsara. These are all the Buddhist
villages. The people of each group consider themselves to be one commu¬
nity. The Bah people reckon from seven ancestors who first colonised
their villages and of whom they give the names : viz., LalusJio (from whom
the Lhabdaks or priests spring) ; Zone, Dalcre , Gochaghe (these three are
the ancestors of the Tushen caste) ; Duse , Gabilre, and TuJcshure (these are
the fathers of the Ttuzmet caste). The land of Bah is still divided according
to these families, though some of it has changed hands. In this fact we may
perhaps see a trace of the early Arian joint family holding, passing into
the stage of individual proprietorship. Each man knows his own ancestry
(real or imaginary), and each field is known as belonging to the patrimony
of one of the seven fathers of the tribe, though it may now be in the hands
of a descendant of one of the others. The remaining groups of villages have
similar traditions. The Bah people say that their ancestors, when they
first came, lived by hunting, not by agriculture. One of their mighty hun¬
ters dropped his bow (called in their language Dah) on the hill-side. It
became a water channel which fertilized the fields of what afterwards be¬
came a village. One of their Chiefs found certain seeds growing wild which
he sowed near the water-course. These seeds proved to be those of wheat

E

34

[No. 1,

R. B. Sliaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

and barley. Thus the village was founded. The story of the bow is pro¬
bably originated either by the curved course of the water-channel which
comes out of a side valley and bends round the hill side to reach the village ;
or else by a mere superficial resemblance of sound between the name Dah
(of which the origin had become forgotten) and the name for a bow.

Several of the villages possess a communal dwelling in which every in¬
habitant of the village has a place. That of Dah is very curious. It covers
a considerable space in the angle between the Indus and a side-stream, pro¬
tected on two sides by the precipitous declivities of the high alluvial plateau
on which it stands and on the third by a wall. It was thus fortified against
the raids of the neighbouring Baltis. The interior consists of an intricate
maze of passages, some open and some covered in, which may be considered
either as the lanes of a tightly packed village, or rather as the passages of
a vast single storied house which forms the common dwelling of the whole
community, each household having its separate apartment or den. Here
the people always live during winter, for warmth or for company. They
all, however, have other houses for summer, out in the fields. I could not
discover that there was any difference in tenure between the lands adjoin¬
ing the common dwelling and the outlying fields. The village of DarchiJc
likewise is cut off from the lower course of the valley by a vertical cliff, the
escarpment of the plateau on which it stands. There are only two ways
of approach. One high up and away from the river, is guarded by a forti¬
fied communal dwelling. The other, near the river, consists of a rugged
narrow staircase constructed in the face of the cliff and closed by a gateway
at the top. Such precautions were necessary in former days when the men
of Baltistan made raids on their neighbours, especially on such as were not
Musalmans, and .penetrated even to Ladak. Now all is peace under the
common rule of our Feudatory, the Maharaja of Kashmir.

So much for the (so-called) Buddhist BroJcpas. But the villages of
the same tribe which lie exposed to Musalman influences down the Indus
on the two roads leading north-west and south-west respectively, have all
been converted to Islam. Of the settlements on the former road, that
down the Indus, and in side-valleys near it, the village of Ganok is entirely
inhabited by Musalman BroJcpas, while those of Dangel, Marul, Chuli-
clian, and Singkarmon, are inhabited partly by Musalman (Shi’ah) JBroJcpas,
and partly by Baltis (Tibetan Musalmans) of the same sect. Below this
the population is entirely Balti. On the other road, that across a low Pass
south-westward to Kargil, the villages of Tsirmo and Lalung are also in¬
habited partly by Musalman JBroJcpas and partly by Musalman Tibetans
from the adjoining district of Purik. These Musalman JBroJcpas on both
roads speak the Dah dialect, and dress like the Dah people, and keep apart
from the Tibetan Musalmans both in matter of marriage and in eating.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

35

But they have no caste inequalities amongst them like their non-Musal-
man kinsmen, and generally they do not object to drinking milk, though
at Tsirmo, there seems to be a relic of the Brolcpa prejudice against the
cow in the fact that their women do not touch that animal.

A short account of the language of these Upper Indus Dards (or Dah-
Hanu Brblcjpas, as they are usually called), including both the Buddhist
and the Musalman sections, is given hereafter.

It is a question how these Arian Dards (for Arians and Dards they
undoubtedly are) reached their present abode. Both above and below them
in the valley of the Upper Indus and to bhe east of them in the parallel
valley of the Shayok, the inhabitants are all of Tibetan race. Dardistan pro¬
per, or the country of the Dards* * * § (the ancient Bolor'), is situated far away
on the lower course of the Upper Indus, and along that river no vestige of
their passage exists and no connecting link with their former home.f But
from the country of the Dards the Indus makes a wide bend westwards
and southwards, and from the concavity of this bend we find a line of
Dard communities running south at first and then trending off: to the east
until it almost abuts against the settlements of the Dah-Hanu Brolcpas on
the Upper Indus. These Dards are Musalmans, as are also the main body
of the Dard race in their own home. The Buddhist BroTcpas of Dah-Hanu
acknowledge no kinship with these people, although they say that their
ancestors also came from Gilid (Gilgit) and BrusJidl , that is, from Dardi¬
stan proper. There is, however, an unmistakable mutual affinity of language
and customs. Mr. Drew,J in explanation of the difference of religion, very
justly supposes the Dah-Hanu Brolcpds to “ belong to an earlier immigra¬
tion . separated from the main mass of their tribe brethren at a time be¬

fore the Dards were converted to Muhammedanism.Ӥ The Dah-Hanu
people, having Buddhists on one side of them, would the more easily receive
an outward varnish of that faith, while the later Dard settlements to the
west of them, surrounded by, and intermingled with, Musalmans, would

* See Mr. Drew’s excellent Race Map in Inis u Jummoo and Kashmir.” To illus¬
trate the present paper the whole of the lightly shaded region to the south, west and
north of Gilgit up to the Muztagh mountains, should he painted of the same colour as
Gilgit, for it is all the home of the Dards, though Mr. Drew’s plan only permitted him
to colour what lies within the Maharaja of Kashmir’s territories.

f The isolated settlements of Dards in certain villages of Baltistan, are apparently
of more recent origin and moreover do not bridge the chasm.

X Drew’s “ Jummoo and Kashmir”, p. 430.

§ If we are to believe the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, this had not taken place at the time
of its author, Mirza Haidar’s invasion of Dardistan, in the first half of the 16th cen¬
tury ; and, according to Mr. Drew, “Jummoo and Kashmir”, page 429, does not seem
to have been very completely effected so lately as 30 years ago.

3 G

[No. 1,

II. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

accept Islam, even if they did not bring it with them from their home. A
non-descript paganism (which was probably the religion of the early Dards)
does not easily resist the encroachments of one of the great dogmatic reli¬
gions when thrown into unprotected contact with it.

Did the Dah-Hanu Droltpas come by the same route as their later bre¬
thren, or did they come, as some of them say, up the valleys of the Indus
and Shayok ? In the latter case, it would be very strange if a migration
of Dards, with the whole upper course of the Indus before them, should
have stopped and located themselves precisely at that point on its course
where a subsequent migration of their kindred, starting from the same
point but coming by a different route (latterly at right angles to theirs),
happens, some centuries after, to have struck the Indus. It seems more
probable that the line of the later migration marks that of the earlier one ;
and that the ancestors of Dah-Hanu people took the route via Astor, Deo-
sai, the Dras river, and Kargil, (a route facilitated by the nature of the
country in that direction). Crossing by a low Pass into the Indus Valley,
they were there arrested by the more difficult mountains on the east of
that river. They probably found this district uninhabited ; for though
the valley of the Indus, both below and above was, and is, occupied by
Tibetan States (Baltistan or Little Tibet, and Ladak) ; yet so difficult is the
gorge of the Upper Indus in this intermediate portion, that all traffic from
Skardo (Baltistan) directed towards Ladak, is diverted round by the paral¬
lel Shayok Valley, only crossing back into that of the Indus by the Hanu
Pass, beyond Dah.

Both the Dah-Hanu people and the Dard communities (above men¬
tioned) settled on or about the Dras river, are called by their Tibetan neigh¬
bours j Brolt-pa (often pronounced Dolt-pa with a disregard to the spelling
peculiar to Tibetans and Englishmen). Droit means a “ mountain pas¬
ture” or “ alp”. The reference may be to the pastures to which they in
summer take their sheep (as do also their Tibetan neighbours however) or
to the fact of their having settled on grounds which were formerly pastures.
But the term Drolt-pa, or Highlander, seems more likely to have been ap¬
plied (as Mr. Drew suggests) to a tribe seen to arrive across the high
mountains and descending into the Indus Valley, than to a people coming
up that valley from its lower portion, and who have not, since their arrival,
taken to a life in the high mountains in any greater degree than their
neighbours.

A few words of notice are required for the Dras Dards of the later
immigration just mentioned. Their connection with their parent stock
is very close, and betokens a comparatively recent separation. They say
that their ancestors came from Darel ; and their settlements extend
far up the course of the streams leading down from the uninhabitable pla¬
teau of Deosa'i, which alone separates them from Dardistan proper.

37

1878.] E. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

The furthest settlements of these people at the embouchure of the
Dras river into the Indus, approach very closely to, without mixing with,
those of their unrecognised kinsmen of the Dah-Hanu Division. I have
collected a few of their grammatical rules and have made a very short com¬
parative table of some of the most ordinary words in the two dialects, by
which it will he seen that they are really only different forms of the same
mode of speech. These later Dards, as far as Dras, are intermingled with
Musalman Tibetans or Baltis. At Dras the former are Sunnis in religion
while the latter are Shi’ahs, hut lower down near the Indus both are Shi’ahs.
The Dards of the Dras district keep themselves quite separate, both as
regards marriage and eating, from the Baltis with whom they are inter¬
mingled in the same villages, and show also some slight traces of that ab¬
horrence of the cow which is so marked among the Dah-Hanu people, and
which is also prevalent in greater or less intensity among many of the other
Dards in their own home. To carry the linguistic inquiry a little fur¬
ther hack, a comparison with Dr. Leitner’s account of the Astori form of the
Dard language will show that the speech of the Dras JBrokjpas is almost
identical with that of the people of Astor or Hazora who are one of the
chief branches of the Dard race in Dardistan, only divided by the river
Indus from Gilgit. We have therefore a continuous chain of communi¬
ties leading from Dardistan proper to the settlements on the Upper Indus
at Dah-Hanu. The small gap that does exist in point of language and
dress between these latter and the most advanced (geographically) of their
brethren, would seem to indicate a lapse of time occurring between two suc¬
cessive migrations. The foremost may be in all probability considered the
earlier, and in either case they profess the religion of their environment.

Thus we have here the furthest extension in this particular direction,
of an Indo-Arian migration, a kind of side- eddy from the great stream.
As when one of our Indian rivers is filled by the melting snows, if a sud¬
den increase of the flood comes down, one may see the waters, dammed up
as it were by the too slowly moving masses in front, trickle oft to one side
in the endeavour to find a speedier exit. But soon, the temporary increase
abating or the circumstances of the ground proving unfavourable, this side
channel ceases to flow onward and stagnates to a pool, leaving the traces of
its abortive course as far back as the point of divergence. So it would
seem that long after the successive floods of Indo- Arians had poured over
the long water-parting of the Hindu-Kush, the latest or the most easterly
wave (the Dard one) expanding in its turn after a vast lapse of time, but
finding the southward way blocked in front of it by the earlier comers,
sent oft side-currents to the south-eastward. These were but puny streams,
wanting moreover sufficient vis a ter go to carry them onwards when they
found themselves amid a foreign element and progressing towards a higher

38

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet. [No. 1,

and more barren country, instead of reaching the fertile plains to which a
southerly course had formerly led their brethren, the Hindus. Here there¬
fore they remained, wedged in among alien populations, but connected with
their starting point by the living trail of their passage.

Note. — With reference to the question whether any and what degree
of connection exists between the Dards and the Ghalchahs of the Upper
Oxus (see my paper on the latter in the Asiatic Society Bengal, Journal
1876), — it is curious to see that Mr. Drew from native (Dard) information
classifies one of the Grhalchah tribes, the Wakhi (called by him JVdkhik or
Goijal ) amongst the Dards. See Drew’s Jummoo and Kashmir, p. 457.
The termination k of the word Wakhik is probably a mere Dardu affix,
(cf . clostek , grestok for dost, grest) .

Dr. Leitner also (Dardistan, Yol. I, Part II, p. 24) says that Gojal is
the name given by the Chilasis to the people between Hunza and Pamer on
the Yarkand road. Kow these people are the Sariqoli Ghalchahs. He
adds “ there are also Gojals under a Baja of Gojal on the Badakhshan
road.” These can be no other than the JVaklii Ghalchahs, called by Mr.
Drew also Goijal, and the idea suggests itself that perhaps Gojal may be
the Dardu form of the name Ghalcha given to the same tribes by their
Turki neighbours. It is formed by a mere inversion of the position of the

latter two consonants, viz., /, and j or ch : for or (as

Nucklow for Lucknoid). At any rate we see that there is an affinity asserted
by the Dards between themselves and the Ghalchahs, those neighbours
wh© seem to be, one the most primitive race of the Indian family and the
other the most primitive of the Iranians. This assertion of affinity is, to
some extent borne out by a comparison of the dialects (see Journal of
Asiatic Society of Bengal, for 1876, Paper on the Ghalchah languages).

Some Grammatical forms of the Dard dialects spoken by the D rok -pas of

if) Dah-ILanu and of (ii) Drds.

Sounds.

There is no broad a, like aiv in pawn, as in some neighbouring dialects
and languages.

The accented a to be pronounced as in father ; unaccented a as in ordi¬
nary, oriental.

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arums in Tibet.

39

1878.]

The accented e as ey in they, but more staccato. Unaccented e when
final is neutral in sound as in the English word the when rapidly pronounced
before a consonant ; this sound approaches that of unaccented a. When
not final, it is pronounced as in then or yes.

Besides the long and short o, o and u, u, there is a double-dotted o, pro¬
nounced as in German schon, and a double- dotted u as in German muhe or
French tu.

With regard to the consonants ; the dh represents the English soft tli
of the, this, &c., and not the Hindi aspirated d'h (which will be represented
with an apostrophe, as d'h, t'h). Similarly yh is £ (ghain) and not the

aspirated Hindi consonant.

Tch is the compound used by Mr. Drew, in a short list of Dah-Hanu
words given in his “ Jummoo and Kashmir,” to represent a ch pronounced
with the tongue curled back to the roof of the mouth. It stands, as he
remarks, to the English ch in the same relation that the Hindi palatal t
does to the dental t, [or that the Wakhi sch does to the English sh (see
my paper on the Ghalchah Languages in the J ournal Asiatic Society of
Bengal, for 1876) ; or that r (see below) does to r].

The n (with a mark over it) is the French nasal n which is felt rather
as affecting the previous vowel than as a distinct sound. When followed
by a vowel however, it acquires something of the sound of ng in the word
young, but never to the extent of allowing any distinct g to be heard as in
English younger , hunger. Thus mon “ I” is pronounced exactly like the
French mon “ my.” Again hahs “ I am” and byuhs “ I go” would
be spelt in French hanse , biounsse. But liana (where n is followed by
a vowel) is sounded (as regards the medial consonant) somewhat like the
English word hanger (not as in anger).

The r (with a dot over it) represents the palatal r of Hindi, pronoun¬
ced with the tongue turned back. It approaches the sound of a d.

The r (with a dot under it) represents a sound intermediate between
an r and a French j or the z in “ azure ;” that is, the r is not clearly trilled
but slurred over ; while the tongue is almost in the position for an r a
stream of air is passed, without vibration of the tip, between it and the
palate. Thus in the wordy>o£ro “ grandson”, the sound is intermediate be¬
tween potro SLYi&potjo (as in English we may sometimes hear people pro¬
nounce the word “ trill” almost like “ chill”).

The z (with a dot underneath) represents the French j or the z in
azure. It approaches the last letter in sound.

The y is only used as a consonant, as in English “ yes,” “ sawyer”, &c.,
(not as in “ by,” or “ every”).

40

[No. 1,

II. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

Singular.

N. e'i . a ewe

ei-sa (before Trans,
verbs not in Past
Tense)

G. eia . of a ewe

D. eiara . to a ewe

Acc. ei-za . a ewe

Abl. ei-zano . from a ewe

eia-suma . with a ewe

Instr. ei-ya . by a ewe

N. a . . a she goat

a-sa (before Trans.

Verbs not in Past
Tense)

G. oya or as . of a she goat

D. a-ra . to a she goat

Acc. a-za.. . a she goat

Abl. d-zano . from a she goat

Instr. d-ye . by a she goat

N. got . a house

got-sa (before Trans.

Verbs not in Past

T0

G. gotas . of a house

D. gotdra . to a house

Acc. gota-dze . a house

Abl. gota-yono . from a house

gotas-suma . with a house

Instr. got-ya . by a house

I. DahSanu Dialect.

The Substantive.

Plural .

eia . ewes

eia-sa (before Trans.

Verbs &c.)

eian . of ewes

eian-da . to ewes

eian-za . ewes

eian-zano . from ewes

eian-suma . with ewes

eian-ya . by ewes

oyo . . . she goats

oyo-sa (before Trans.

Verbs &c.)

oyon . of she goats

oy on-da . to she goats

oyon-za . she goats

oyon-zano . from she goats

oyo -ye . by she goats

goti . houses

guti-sa (before Trans.

Verbs &c.)

gbtin . of houses

got in- da . to houses

gotin-dze . houses

gotin-dono . from houses

gotin-ya . by houses

And so with go “ a cow,” Gen. gos, and the other cases go ; golo “ a
bull,” Gen. golos, other cases golo ; bid “ a boy,” Gen. bids , other cases biu.
But Genitive of tchiga “ a woman” is tcliugoya while the Dat. is tchilge -
ra, the Acc. teliiga-ze , the Abl. tcliuge-yono and the Instr. tchiga-ya. The
post-position suma “ with”, governs the Genitive.

The Plural is irregular though generally ending with a vowel for the
nominative and by the same vowel followed by n (and by the appropriate
post-positions, if any) for the oblique cases.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw- — Stray Arians in Tibet.

41

Thus the plural of bin “ a hoy” is be in the nom. and ben in the ob¬
lique cases ; got “ a house”, in the plural is goti and got in ; “ cattle”
(plural) is gble and golen ; “ women” is tsJiiigoyu, obi. tshugoyun. To da
“ fathers”, obi. bo dan ; apshi “horses”, obi . apshan.

Adjectives do not seem to change for the gender.

Pronouns.

Singular. Plural.

1st Person.

ba or beng .

N. mon (with int rails, verbs) n
mi-sa (with transitive verbs (
> in the Present and

or

ma-sa

) Future)

$

me

G. mi or miu . my

D. ma-ra . to me

Ace. mon-ze (with Present
and Future Tenses)

Abl. mon-yono or mon-deo from me
Instr. mi-ya (with Past j ^ me
Tense of Trans, verbs.) j

> we

with transitive
verbs in the Pre¬
sent and Future
Tenses

assii . - . our

assii-ra . ... . to us

assii- za . us

assii-yono or assii -deo . from us

ba-yci or beng-ya . by us

2nd Person.

N. til (with intransitive Y.)

ti-sa or tii-sa (with transitive > thou
Verbs in Present and Fut.) )

G. tin . they

D. tisa-ra . . . . to thee

Ace. tu-ze (with Present
and Future Tenses)

Abl. tu-yono . from thee

Instr. ti-ya (with Past l , thee
Tense of transitive Y.) )

thee

tsi.

tsi-sa or tsii-sa (with

he (here or

N. so (fern, so) or p'Jio
(with intve. Y.)
so-sa (with trans. Y.) | there)
Pres, and Fut.

G. tes or p'Jios
D. te-ra

j

of him (do.)
to him

Aec. te-za (with Pres. )

Tenses) )

Abl. te-yono

Instr. so-ya (with Past"), ,.
Tense of Trans. Y.) ) ^ 1

p

from him
him

trans. Y. in Pres, and
Fut.

tsi . ,

j y®

. vour

tsil-ra . . T.

. to you

tsii-ze .

. you

tsu-yono .

,. from you

tsi-ya .

,. by you

ns on.

te or p’ he (with intr.'l

y n ! they (here

te-sa (with tr. Y.) J

or there)

ten or giheun

of them

ten-da or p'heun-da

to them

ten-za or p^lieiin-za

them

ten- or p’heiln-yono

from them

te- or plie -y a

by them

42

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.
THE VERB.

[No. ],

The Intransitive Verb “ to go”.

Byasti = (in order) to go.

Bya -su — about to go.

Byunto = in going, or, whilst going.

Gyeto = gone or having gone. Bo — go (Imperative).

Indicative Mood.
Present Euture Tense.

Singular.

Plural.

r byuns... I go (masc.)
1. moil or mi < or will go

C binis... I go (fem.)

of" f byuna . thou goest

l binia . do. (fem.)

g £ so by alia . he goes

C sa bini . she goes

ba byenis . . we go or will go

tsi byeni . ye go, &c.

te byan . they go, &c.

1. moii byii . I go

2. til byuii . thou goest

3. so byun . he goes

Aorist.

ba byun . we go

tsi byeni . ye go

te byeni . they go

1 man f 9°s - 1 went (nO
( gyis... ditto (fem.)

Past Tense.

ba gyeiins . . . we went

2 til § g° ‘ * ^ou wen^es^ (m0

Lgy&ua ditto (fem.)

so go . he went

sa gyani ... she went

tsi gye or gyeui . ye went

te gyeani or gyeun . they went

Perfect Tense.

1. mi gyeils (? gye-hiis)* I have (or

had) gone

2. tu gye-astu . thou hast gone

3. so gye-astu . he has gone

ba gyeiins (? gye-huns ) we have gone

tse gyS-astin . ye have gone

te gye-ast in . they have gone

Euture Tense.

mon byiilco I will go (the other persons of this tense are the same).

* See Past Tense of Auxiliary Verb “ to be”.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

43

The Defective Auxiliary “ to be”.

Present.

1. mon or mi bans . I am

2. tic or ti liana . thou art

3. so ban . he is

1. ba or beng banis . we are

2. tsi bani . ye are

3. te bani . they are

Past.

mon bus . , . I was

tic bica (near) or astu (far) thou wast
so bica or astu . he was

ba buns . we were

tsi bici or astin . ye were

te bun or astin . . they were

The transitive Verb has some peculiarities about its subjects.
In the first place, all Tenses except the Past take the second nominative
form of Pronouns, ma-sa, ti-sa, &c., and they add the particle sa to substan¬
tives in the nominative. Secondly, the Past Tense puts the subject in the
Instrumentative case, and the object in the nominative, the verbal inflec¬
tion agreeing with the latter (not in gender, however, but in person), so as
almost to assume a Passive form. But as there is a separate Passive, this
Tense may be most nearly compared with the Hindustani Transitive Past
e. g.} us-ne eh aurat mari (Hind.) “ he struck a woman” ; where the
verb is in the feminine to agree with the object “ woman”. So in the
Brokpa dialect : Tdshis-ya moil kutudbos “ Tashi struck me”, lit. “ by
Tashi I was struck”, where “ kutudbbs>'> is the Past verb-form agreeing
with the 1st person singular. The 1st persons singular and plural (when
occurring as objects of the action) have each a particular form of the verb
assigned to them, while the remaining persons have a common form.

With this explanation we will proceed to the

CONJUGATION OF A TRANSITIVE VERB.

Kutisti — (in order) to strike, (on account of) striking.
Kuti-su = about to strike.

Kutyunto = in striking, or whilst striking.

Kutedbo = having struck.

Imperative.

Kuti = strike.

INDICATIVE MOOD.

Present Future Tense,

1.

2.

3.

Singular.

r kutyuns I strike (masc.)
ma-sa < or will strike

v. kutinis ditto (fern.)
r kutyuna thou strikest
< (m.) Ac.

v kutinia ditto (f.)
so-sa kutyalla he strikes &c.
sa-sa kutini she strikes &c.

tic-sa

i

Plural.

ba-sa kutyenis . we strike, &c.

tsic-sa kutyeni . ye strike, Ac.

fe-sa kutyan

they strike, Ac.

44

B. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Aorjst.

1. ma-sa kutyii . I strike

2. tii-sa kutyun . thou strikest

ba-sa kutyun . we strike

tsi-sa kutyeni . ye strike

3. so-sa kutyun . he strikes te-sa kutyeni . they strike

Past Tense.

Instr. Object. Verb. English.

S. 1. mi-ya

2. ti-ya

3. so-ya

PI. 1. beng-ya

2. tsi-ya

3. ten-ya

mo n
ba

kutudhos (masc.)
kutedhis (fem
kutedliens

I was struck
we were struck

(the rest) hutet\ thoU’ ^ ye 0r *** t .

( — wast, was or were struck

M>y me
by thee
by him

by us

by yon

by them

Singular.

1. ma-sa kutyiis ...I have (or had)

Perfect Tense.

Plural.

ba-sa kutyiins . we have struck

struck

2. tii-sa kute-astu thou hast struck

3. so-sa kute-astu... he has struck

tsi-sa kute-astin ...ye have struck
te-sa kute-astin ...they have struck

Future Tense.

1. ma-sa kutiko . I will strike (the other persons do not vary from this).

Future Preterit Tense.

1. md-sa kuti-su has.

2. tii-sa kuti-su hiia

3. so-sa kuti-su Jiiia

I was about
to strike
thou &c.
he &c.

ba-sa kuti-su hiins. . . we were about

to strike

tsi-sa kuti-su Tiiii ... ye &c.
te-sa kuti-su hiin . . . they &c.

Conditional Mood.

1. ?nd-sa kutetto if I strike (the other persons and tenses do not vary from

this form).

Passive.

1. mi kutellas... I am or have been

struck

2. tii kutella ... thou &c.

3. so kutella ... he &c.

beng kutellans . we are or have

been struck

tsi kutellan . ye &c.

te kutellan . they &c.

When there is a Dative case with a Transitive Past tense, the verb
may agree with it in person as it would with the direct object ;

1878.]

II. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

45

E. g. Tu-ya tin apsh mdra dotos = thou gavest thy horse to me.
Where the verb agrees with the person of the person in the Dative.
In short when there is both a direct object and a dative, one of which is
the 1st person (Singular or Plural), the verb agrees with that person by
preference, as

E. g. So-ya mon gobd-ra dotos = He gave me to the head-man.
and so-ya md-ra apsh eh dotos — He gave a horse to me.

Where the 1st person (whether direct object as in the first example,
or dative as in the second) governs the verb.

But mi-ya miu apsli tisa-ra det = I gave my horse to thee.

Brokpa Version of the 1st Story in Forbes’ Persian Grammar.

Aflatun-ra eh mush-ya shunat : Tic hisliti-a-ru hatuh sar bat'd ,

Plato-to a man-by it-was-asked : tliou ship-to many years satest,

tso-a-rii na-zito ye zit ?
sea-to (wonderful) what was seen ?

Ajlatun-ya razit : tso-a harang mi-ya na-zito zit

Plato by it-was-said : of the sea this me-by wonderful was seen
mon tralobo pd-r niipddos.

I safely side-to arrived.

Analysis : Of the verbs, shunat is the Past Tense Transitive answering
to the typical hutet , with its subject mush-ya in the Instrumentative case.
Sato is 2nd Person Sing, of the Past tense of an Intransitive verb, thus
answering to the form go of the specimen verb given above. Kishti-
a-ru is dative, from hishti-d obi. crude form of hishti (a foreign word).
Tsoa is oblique of tso (the Tibetan word for “ lake”). JVd-zito (lit.
il not seen”) is negative of Past Participle of following verb (to see) ;
zit is Past tense transitive agreeing with its object ye “ what” (i. e., not
taking the termination in — os or ehs appropriated to the 1st persons
sing, and plural) ; the instrumentative case of the agent, tu-ya , is under¬
stood. Uazit is the same form as slmndt , and so is zit which follows.
Nupados seems at first sight abnormal, for “ to arrive” is an intransitive
verb, and yet it has taken the form peculiar to the Past of transitive
verbs. But in reality it is quite normal : only the Brokpa verb means
“ to cause to arrive” (P. rasanidan) . E. g. mi-ya ddh nupat “ I delivered

the post” (lit. £ by me the post was caused to arrive’). Thus mon .

niipddos of the text, is literally : “ I .. ... was caused to arrive” or, as we
should say: “I arrived.” The full form would be: Kishti-ya mon
niipddos (lit. by the ship I was caused to arrive) “ the ship caused me to
arrive.” • .....

But although this Past tense of Transitive Verbs so much resembles
a Passive in construction, yet there is as much distinction kept up in the

46

[No. 1,

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

mind of the speaker between it and the real Passive, as there is for
instance in Hindustani between us-ne aurat mari, and aurat mart gad.
The sense is active though the form is passive. In the one case the agent
is known and generally mentioned in the Instrumentative case ; in the
other the agent is no’t known or mentioned.

Dah-Hanu Love Song.

Mi miishii Slcishur qaniya Jcdslcye slcyet-to

I young-man (pro. name mountain below if-I-look

of place)

Bos pay iil zi-chun ; toto hunshye slcyet-to

Father’s home see makes; and above if-I-look
JVumes payiil zi-chun. Zu-lo Qoda nasib tuni te.

(name of woman) home see-makes. Pray God fate joined make,
in genitive

“ If I look below, from the Skishur mountain,

“ My father’s home is seen (makes itself seen)’;

And if I look above,

“ Niime’s home is seen. Grant, 0 God, that
our destinies may be united !”

Analysis : SJcyet-to is the Conditional, answering to Jcutet-to. Bayul
would seem to be compounded of the Tibetan word yul “ village” and a
prefix pa. Zi-chun is composed of the verb “ to see”, plus the 3rd pers.
sing, of the aorist of the verb “ to do”, answering to the typical form
Jcutyun. Zu-lo is the Brokpa form of the common Tibetan salutation ju
or ju-le , which is like the Hind. ji. Qoda ( Khuda ) and nasib are words
borrowed from their Musalman neighbours, apparently in the absence of
any words of the same meaning in their own dialect. Te is the Im¬
perative.

eze ..
eze-sa

II. Dras Dialect.
The Substantive.

Singular.

N. esh or ez . a ewe

esh-sa (before transitive
verbs, not in Past Tense)

G. ezo . of a ewe

D. & Loc. ezu-re . to, or at a ewe

Acc. ezu . . . a ewe

Abl. ezu-zo . from a ewe

ezu-sei nala . with a ewe

Instr. ezu (before Trans. 7

Verbs in Past tense) i a ewe

ezo .

ezo-re .

ezo .

ezo-zo
ezo-sei nala
ezo-za .

Plural.

. | ewes

. of ewes

. to, or at ewes

. . ewes

— . from ewes

. . with ewes

. by ewes

1878.]

B B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

47

t

N. ai . a she-goat

ai-sa (before Trans.

Verbs not in Past Tense)

G. aiio . of a sbe-goat

D. & Loc. ai-re... to, or at a sbe-goat

Ace. ai . a sbe-goat

Abl. ai-zo . from a sbe-goat

ai-sei nala . with a sbe-goat

Instr. aio ...(before... by a she goat
Trans, verbs in
Past Tense)

die |
aie-sa )

she -goats

aio . of sbe-goats

aio-re . to, or at sbe-goats

aio . sbe-goats

aio-zo . from sbe-goats

aio-sei-nala . with she-goats

aio-za . by she goats

N. gor . a house

gor-sa (before Tr. v.

not in Past Tense)

G. gor-o . of a bouse

D. & Loc. gor-re ...to, or at a house
(sometimes — rd)

Ace. gor or gor-re a bouse

Abl. gor-zo . from a bouse

(in some-wo)

Instr. gor-i . by a bouse

(before Trans.

Verbs in Past Tense)

qori -) ,

J t . bouses

gori-sa )

goro . of bouses

goro-ra . to, or at bouses

goro or goro-ra ...bouses
goro-zo . from bouses

goro-za . by bouses

Adjectives do not seem to change for Gender.

Pronouns.

N. mon . I

mon*sa (before Tr. V.,

not Past T.)

G. onion .

..of me, my

D. \ „

& Loc. j mon-re .

..to, or at me

Ace. onon .

..me

Abl. onon-zo .

.from me

Instr. mi (before Tr.

by me

Vbs. in Past Tense)

be, . we

be-sa (before Tr. V.,
not Past T.)

asso .

. . of us, our

as so -re .

. to, or at us

asso .

. us

asso-zo ......

. from us

asso-za .

. by us

[No. 1

48

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

N. tii .

tii-sa (before Tr. f

thou

Y. not in Past (

Tense) J

G. to (or turn P) . of thee, thy

D. tic-re . to thee

Ace. tu . thee

Abl. tii-zo . from thee

tuin-sei ndlct . with thee

Instr. to . by thee

ye

tso (f. tsd)
tso-sa (before Tr.

Y. not in Past
Tense)

tso (or tso in ?) . of you

tso-re . . . to you

tso

.you

tso-zo . ...from you

tso-sei nald . with you

tso-za (ttsa-za f.) . by you

Pronouns Substantival and Adjectival.
Singular. Plural.

>-this

N. nu or do or ana or"'1
ain (fem. ni or a or
ani)

nusa or anu-sa (f .ni-sa
or ani-sa (before Tr.

Y. not in Past T.)

G. niso or nisei , or of this
ani-so, ani-sei

D. nise-re . to this

Acc. nise-or ain . this

Abl nise-zo . from this

Instr. nisi . by this

m or am -v

ni-sa or ani-sa /
(before Tr. V. ^
not Past T.)

j

these

nino or anino . of these

nino-re or anino-re ...to these

nino or anino . these

nino-zo or anino -zo ...from these
nino-za or anino-za ...by these

When these pronouns are prefixed to substantives, their case-affixes are
detached from them and placed after the substantives only, in the form
peculiar to the latter ; e. y., ani mazar-tang-o , not ani-so mazdr-tang-o.

N. ro (re fem ) v

ro-sa (f. re-sd). |
before Tr. Y. not
in Past Tense

)

that

G. so or aso (f. reso)... of that
also ase-sei

D. se-re or as6-re . to that

(f. rese-re )

Acc. se or ase or do... that
(f. rese )

Abl. se-zo or ase-zo... from that
(f. rese-zo)

Instr. sesi or asi . by that

(f. resi)

re or per o (f. ra) .
re-sa (f. ra-sa ) be- f
fore Tr. Y. not j

those

Past Tense

reno or perano . of those

(f. rano)

reno-re or per ano -re to those
(f. rano -re)

reno or per ano . those

(f. rano )

reno-zo or perano-zo... from those
(f. rano-zo )

reno-za or perano-,,. by those
za (f. rano-za)

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

49

Relative Pronoun.

N. he or Jcesi (P)
G. Tceso
D. hese-re
Ace. hese (?)

Abl. Jcese-zo (?)
Instr. he- si

who

of whom
to whom
whom
from whom
by whom

Personal Adjectival Pronouns.

miano my own

tano they own

resano or tomo his own

assano

tsano

renano or tomo

our own
your own
their own

The Relative Pronoun is used like the Hindustani jo, jis-lca , &c., fol¬
lowed by a corresponding demonstrative pronoun later in the sentence : a
pronoun do seems to be specially employed for this, like so in Hindustani,
but the other demonstrative pronouns are also used.

The Verb “ to be.”

Present and Future.

M.

F.

S. 1.

moh lianos or hans

ni on hanis

I am or shall t

2.

tu liano or ha on

tu hdni

thou art &c.

8.

ro hdno or haoh

re hdni

he, she is &c.

PI. 1.

be hanis or hans

be hains

we are &c.

2.

i (so hanet or hant

tsa haiht

ye are &c.

3.

/ 7 v **

re nan

ra hanie

they are <fcc.

Past (Imperfect).

S. 1.

mon asilos

moh dsilyis

I was (lit. I w

2.

tu asilo

tu dsilie

thou wast

8.

ro asilo

re dsilie

he, she was

PI. 1.

be asilis

be dsily is

we were

2.

tso asilet

tsa asiliet

ye were

3.

re asile

ra dsilie

they were

Conditional.

Past.

S. 1.

moh dsilozto

moh asilazto

if I were

2.

tu asiloto

tu asilato

if thou wert

3.

ro asilto

re asilto

if he, she were

PI. 1.

be asilezto

be asilaseto

if we were

2.

tso asiletto

tsa asilateto

if ye were

3.

re asilto

ra asilato

if they were

The Irregular Verb “ to become.”

Present.

Infinitive and Supine: bono “to become,” or, “in order to become.”
Imperative, be “become.”
a

50

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Masc.

Fem.

S. 1.

mon bomos

mon bomis

I am becoming

2.

tu be

tu be

thou art becoming

3.

ro beno

re bene

he, she is becoming

PL 1.

be bonas

be bonas

we are becoming

2.

tso bat

tsa bat

ye are becoming

3.

re bena

ra bena (?)

they are becoming

Present Future.

S. 1.

mon bom

mon bom

I become or shall become

2.

tu besh

tu besh

thou becomest &c.

3.

ro bei

re bei

he, she becomes &c.

PL 1.

be bon

bb bon

we become &c.

2.

tso bat

tsa bate

ye become &c.

3.

re ben

ra beni

they become &c.

Imperfect.

S. 1.

mon bom-alos*

mon bom-alis

I was becoming

2.

tu bialo (?)

tu biale (?)

thou wast becoming

3.

ro bialo (?)

re bialie (?)

he, she was becoming

Pl. 1.

be bon-ales

be bon-alyis

we were becoming

2.

tso bialet (?)

tsa bialiet (?)

ye were becoming

3.

re ben-ale

ra ben-alie

they were becoming

Perfect.

S. 1.

mon bilos #

mon bilies

I have become, i. e ., I am

2.

tu bilo

tu biliesh

thou hast become, i. e.,

' ' -

thou art

3.

ro bilo or bil

re bili

he, she has become, i. e ., is

Pl. 1.

be biles

be bilies

we have become, i. e., are

2.

tso bilet

tsa bilieti

ye have become, i. e., are

3.

re bilen

ra bilyen

they have become, i. e.,

are

Pluperfect.

S. 1.

mon bilalos

mon bilalyis

I had become

2.

ta bilalo

tu bilalie

thou hadst become

3.

ro bilalo

re bilalie

he, she had become

Pl. 1.

be bilales

be bilalies

we had become

2.

tsa bilalet

tsa bilaliet

ye had become

3.

re bilale

ra bilalie

they had become

1878.]

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

51

Conditional.

Present.

S. 1.

mon bilozto

mon bilazto

if I become

2.

tu biloto

tu bilato

if thou becomest

3.

ro bilto

re bilto

if he, she become

PI. 1.

be bilezto

be bilaseto

if we become

2.

tso biletto

tsa bilateto

if ye become

3.

re bilto

ra bilato

if they become

The

Intransitive Verb

“ to go.”

Infinitive and Supine : bozono “ to go” and “ in order to go.”
Imperative ; bo or boze “ go.”

Verbal Adjectives : bozensto “ going”, bozeta “ having gone.”

Present.

Masc.

Fern.

English.

S. 1.

mon bbzumus

mon bozumis

I am going

2.

tu bozaon

thou art going

3.

ro bozon or boze'un
• •

re bozani

he, she is going

PI. 1.

be bozunas

we are going

or bonus

2.

tso bozat

tsa bozat

ye are going

3.

re bozena

ra bozein

they are going

Imperfect.

S. 1.

mon bozum-albs*

mon bozum-alis

I was going

2.

tu bozalo

tu bozale

thou wast going

3.

ro bozalo

re bozalie

he, she was going

PI. 1.

be bonales

be bonalies

we were going

2.

tso bozalet

tsa bozaliet

ye were going

3.

re bozenale

ra bozenalie

they were going

Present Future.

S. 1.

mon bozum

I go or shall go

2.

tu boze

3.

ro bozei

re bozie

PI. 1.

be bozon (or bon ?)

2.

tso bozat

tsct bozate

3.

re bozen

ra bozeni

52

11. B. Shaw — Stray Arians

in Tibet.

[No.

Future.

S. 1.

mon bozum bil

.«• ••• ••• •

.. I shall go &c.

2.

tu boze bil

... ... •

thou wilt go

3.

ro bozei ...

• , , ...

he will go

PI. 1.

be bozon bil

••• ••• ••• •

.. we shall go

2.

tso bozat bil

• •• • • • • • • •

.. ye will go

3.

re bozen bil

• •• 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

.. they will go

Compound Future.

S. 1.

mon bbno bans

••• ••• •

.. I am to go

2.

tu bbno haon

• • • • • • ••• •

.. thou art to go

3.

ro bbno haon

• • • • • • • • • •

.. he is to go

PI 1.

be bbno hdnis

a • • * * • ••• •

.. we are to go

2.

tso bbno hanet

• • • ••• # • • •

.. ye are to go

3.

H bbno ban

• •• • • • ••• •

.. they are to go

Past.

S. 1.

mon gas*

mon gyes

I went

2.

tu ga*

tu gye

thou wentest

3.

ro gau *

re gy£e

he, she went

PI. 1.

be gyes

be gyees

we went

2.

tso gyei

tsd gyeti

ye went

3.

re gye

ra gyee

they went

Perfect and Pluperfect.

S. 1.

mon gdlos *

mon gdlis

I have or had gone

2.

tu galo

tu gale

thou hast or hadst

gone

3.

ro galo

re gdlie

he, she has or had

gone

PL 1.

be gdlis

be galyis

we have or had gone

2.

tso galet

tsd galiet

ye have or had gone

3.

rb gaU

ra gdlie

they have or had yone

Conditional.

Present Future

S. 1.

mon bozeto

• • • • •

... if I go

2.

tu bozeto

• * • ••• •••

if thou goest

3.

ro bozeito

• •• • • * •••

if he goes

PL 1.

be bozunto

• » • • « »

if we go

2.

tso bozdtto

000 *00 000

... if ye go

3.

re bozenio

•00 000 •••

... if they go

Preterit.

S. 1.

mon galbsto

mon galazto

if I had gone

2.

tu galoto

tu gdlato

if thou hadst gone

3.

ro gielto

re gielto

if he had gone

53

1878.]

E.

B. Shaw — Stray Arians

in Tibet.

PI. 1.

be galezto

be galaseto

if we had gone

2.

tso galetto

tsa galateto

if ye had gone

3.

re gielto

ra galato

if they had gone

Masc.

Fern.

English.

PI. 1.

be galezto

be galaseto

if we had gone

2.

too galetto

tsa galateto

if ye had gone

3.

re gietto

ta galato

if they had gone

Probably all these tenses (Imperfect or Past, Perfect, and Pluperfect)
are compounded of some auxiliary verb-tense running as follows (there is
actually such a verb meaning “ I came, &c.”) :

Masc.

Fern.

Masc.

Fern.

albs .

. alls

PI.

ales .

. a lies

alo .

alet .

. aliet

alo .

. alie

ale .

. alie

to which are prefixed the various verbal stems or complete verb tenses, per¬
son for person. In many cases the combination has subsequently suffered
from elision.

JE. g ., bil-alos, &c., would be an uneorrupted example. The stem and
the auxiliary tense are both perfect, and the former does not vary with the
persons.

In galos, goto, &c., the verb root (probably go) has suffered its vowel to
coalesce with the initial vowel of the auxiliary.

In bozum-alos, boz-alo, &c., the auxiliary has destroyed the final syllables
of the verb tense, excepting in the 1st pers. Sing, and the 3rd pers. Plural.

In asilos, bilos, &c., the initial vowel of the auxiliary has itself suffered
alteration from the pressure of the verb-root before it.

In the root as (of asilos “ I was”), and the root bi or be (of bilos ? bi-
alos , “ I have become”), we have perhaps representatives of the universal
Arian roots, bhu and as for the idea of “ being” or “ existence.”

In some verbs the terminations are os, -o, -o.

If again we subdivide the auxiliary tense albs, &c., into its root al
and its terminations -os, -o, -o, es, - et , and -e, it would appear that it was by
the addition of these latter to the Present Future Tense, that the Present
Tense was formed :

E. g. Pr. Fut. Tense. Termn. Present Tense. Pr. Fut. Tense. Termn, Present Tense.

bozum . os ... bozumus.

• •

boze . o ... bozao (n).

bozei . o ... bozeu (n).

bozon . es bozonas.

• •

bozat . et . bozat.

• •

bozen . e . bozena.

• •

Transitive Verbs are conjugated like intransitive ones. But they
show traces of the quasi- Passive formation with the subject in the Instru-
mentative Case, such as we find in the Past Tenses in Hindustani and in

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

51

the Dard dialect of Dah-Hanu (see above). As in the latter, the subject
takes a special form in the Past tenses, the singular taking an affix or
termination, generally - i , and fhe Plural -za (cf. Dah-Hanu -yet); but unlike
in that dialect the verb agrees with its proper subject (in the Instrumenta-
tive case) and not with its object. In the other Tenses the subject takes
the affix -sa as in the Dah-Hanu dialect. This in both, dialects is now a
simple variety of the nominative.

These facts I think corroborate the hypothesis that the Dah-Hanu
people formed an earlier migration than the Dras Dards. For they retain
most fully the quasi-Passive formation of the Past of Transitive Verbs,
which we find again in the Indian dialects (from which they had less op¬
portunity of borrowing than the Dras people had). It was therefore
perhaps an early Dard formation of which all but slight traces have been
lost by the later Dards.

The Teansitive Veeb “ to strike.”

Infinitive and Supine = kutino “ to strike” and “ in order to strike.”

= Icutiokuni “ in striking.”

Imperative : kute “ strike.”

Verbal Adjectives : kutiensto “ striking,” kuteta and kutetato “ having
struck.”

Present.

Masc.

S. 1. mon-sa kutemus

2. tu-sa kutaon

3. ro-sa kuteno or kuteun
PI. 1. be-sa kutonas

2. tso-sa kutiat

3. re-sa kutena (or kuty-

ona.

Fern.

mon-sa kute mis
tu-sa kutan (?)
re-sa kuteni
be-sa kutonas
tsa-sa kutiat
ra-sa kuteiii (?)

English.

I am striking
thou art striking
he, she is striking
we are striking
ye are striking
they are striking

Present Future.

S. 1. mon-sa kutem

2. tu-sa kutez or kute

3. ro-sa kutei
PI. 1. be-sa kuton

2. tso-sa kutiat

3. re-sa kuten

. I strike or shall strike

. thou strike st or wilt strike

re-sa kutii he, she strikes or will strike

. we strike or shall strike

. ye strike or will strike

ra-sa kuteni they strike or will strike

Compound Future.

S. 1. mon-sa kutiono bans mon-sa kutiono hanis I am to strike

2. tu-sa kutiono haon tu-sa kutiono Jiani thou art to strike

3. ro-sa kutib?io haon re-sa kutiono hani he, she is to strike

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

55

PI. 1. be-sa Jcutiono Jidnis

2. t so -set Jcutiono Jianet

3. re-sa Jcutiono Jian

be-sa Jcutibno Jiains
tsa-sa Jcutibno Jiaint
re-sa kutiono hanie

S. 1. mon-sa Jcutemalos

2. tu-sa Jcutalo (kutalor)

3. ro-sa Jcutelo
PL 1. be-sa Jcutonales

2. tso-sa Jcutialet

3. re-sa Jcutenale

Imperfect.

mon-sa Jcutemdlts
tu-sa Jcutdle
re-sa kutelie
be-sa Jcutonalyis
tsa-sa kutialiet
rd-sa Jcutenalie

Past.

S. 1. mi Jcutds (in some verbs -os)

2. to Jcutd(-o )

3. se-si Jcutaio(-o)

PL 1. asso-za Jcuties

2. tso-za Jcutiet

3. reno-za Jcutie

mi Jcuties
to Jcute
re- si Jcuti
asso-za Jcutiees
tsa-za Jcutieti
rano-za Jcutiee

we are to strike
ye are to strike
they are to strike

I was striking
thou wast striking
he, she was striking
we were striking
ye were striking
they were striking

I struck
thou struck est
he, she struck
we struck
ye struck
they struck

Perfect and Pluperfect.

S. 1. mi Jcutalbs mi Jcutalis I have or had struck

2. to Jcutalo {Jcute-asUbr) to Jcutali thou hast or hadst struck

3. se-si Jcutalo re-si Jcutali he, she has or had struck

Pl. 1. asso-zo Jcutialis asso-za Jcutialyis (?) we have or had struck

2. tso-za Jcutialet tso-za Jcutidliet (?) ye have or had struck

3. reno-za Jcutiale rano-za Jcutidli they have or had struck

Conditional.

Present.

S. 1. mon-sa Jcuteto if I strike

2. tu-sa Jcuteto if thou strikest

3. ro-sa Jcuteito if he strike
Pl. 1. be-sa Jcutunto if we strike

2. tso-sa Jcutiatto if ye strike

3. re-sa Jcutento if they strike

Past.

mon-sa Jcutalozto
tu-sa Jcutdloto
ro-sa Jcutilto
be-sa Jcutdlezto
tso-sa Jcutdletto
re-sa Jcutilto

if I have or had
struck

if thou hast or
hadst struck

if he has or had
struck

if we have or had
struck

if ye have or had
struck

if they have or had
struck

5G

11. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. I,

TRANSLATION OF STORIES FROM FORBES’
PERSIAN GRAMMAR.

1.* Ek-i kozalo Afratun-re : “La bariri nawi-za ( ? ra)

one (Instr.) had-asked Plato (Loc.) many years skip in (Loc.)

betalo ; to sara-za ( ? ra) lab safar t’ka. To sara
(thou) hast-sat thou (Instr.) sea in (Loc.) much voyage madest. Thou (Ins.) sea

-za ( P ra) ‘ajaib zok pasha?” Afratun-i rajau: “mon salamat-gi

in (Loc.) wonders what sawest ? Plato (Instr.) said : I

sara-zo katos cbupe-re, ain mi pashas ‘ajaib.

sea from came-out shore to this I (Instr.) saw wonderful.

2. Ek pacjirek gau grestok-o darr-re di zek

a beggar went farmer’s door to (?) something

in-safety

mangau

demanded

Ara-no jawab kati : Gor-re che'i niish. Paqir-i

Inside from answer came-out (f.) : House (Loc.) woman is not. Beggar (Instr.)

rajau: mi tiki torik mangalos mi chei ne mangas,

said : I (Instr.) bread piece had-demanded I (Instr.) (the) woman not demanded,

mon-re a jawab lados.f

me to this (f.) answer arrived.

4. Ek hakim dezgao bozalo mazar-tang-ra ; tomo pasho muka-re

a doctor daily used-to-go grave-yard-to his own shawl face to

palieta bozalo. Zako-za kozie : Ani-sei zok sabab hani ?

having-wrapped used-to-go. People (Instr.) asked : this of what reason is (f.) ?

Hakim-i rajau : Ani mazar-tang-o miio-re mon sharmanda

Doctor (Instr.) said : This (f.) grave-yard (Gen.) dead (Loc.) I ashamed

hanos : rnion rabati keta miie.

am : my medicine having-eaten (they) died.

8. Ek manuzo-re bwaro krum lado. Ek dostek (mubarak)

bubarek

a man to big work (office) arrived. A friend congratulation

t’hiono alo. Se-si kozau : Tu koi bilo, ki alo ? So dost

in-order-to-make came. That (one) asked : Thou who art, why earnest ? His friend

* The numbers are those of the stories in the order given in Forbes’ Persian
Grammar.

f Here the verb seems to he governed by the person of the Locative or Dative as
in other cases it is by that of the Instrumentative. Normally one would think this
mon-re d jawab lado or mon d jawab -

ought to he

me to this answer reached (3rd pers.) I this answer received (1st pers.)

1878.]

57

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

sharmanda bilo, rajau : Tu-sa moh suzan t'he niish da.

ashamed has-become, said : Thou (2nd nom.) me recognition makest is not ?

Moil to purono dost bilos, moii to mutro rono alos ; mon parados
I thy old friend am I thy presence to weep came ; I heard

tu sbeilon t'he.
thou blind makest (becomest).

COMPARATIVE TABLE OF A
THE DRAS DIALECTS OF

N. B. Kashmiri words added

Gaddi (Hindi) G.

H. Resemblances

English.

Dali-IIanu.

man

mush

father

bo

mother

ai

son

biu

daughter

mole!

girl

child

sina

elder brother

bayo

younger brother

rza

• *

wife or woman

tchiga

grandson

potro

heart

ho

stomach

kriitpa (Tib.)

head

shish

eye

at chi

ear

kani

nose

nuto

tooth

dani

beard

rmaghra

breast

kro

waist

doko

hand

hat'h

foot

kuti

lower leg

kankan

knee

kuto

thigh

patali

. FEW ORDINARY WORDS IN
DAH-HANU AND OF DRAS.

for comparison are marked K. and
ordinary Hindi are not noted.

Dras.
manuzo
babo

aze (ef. Gaddi Hindi ijji)
push
dib
molai
bale
kako

za

«

cbei
potro
bio
der
sbisb

ache (K. ach)
kon
noto
doni
dai
kroo
dakhri
bat
pe

kin (pi. kiiiyi)
kuto
patald

H

58

K. B. Shaw — Stray

Arians in Tibet. [No. 1,

English.

Dah-Hanu .

m

Eras.

bone

ati

ati

hair

zakur

•

zaku

•

mouth

uzi

azi (K. as)

up

oti

( azino = upper
l karino = lower

tongue

gip

zip

cliin

mulsuti or chamukhi

finger

giili

anguye

name

nun

nom

grass

ghas

kash

road

pun

pon

apricot

zii

•

zuzu

• •

leaf

pani

pate

birch (tree)

rush (ziisk)

zozi

wheat

gum

gum

barley

ghono

yo

field

tresh

•

cultivator

grestok grest ( grost Kashmir)

flower

pusho

pushi

cow

go

gao

crow

qu

korkus

horse

apsh

ashp

dog

shiid

shun (Kashm. hun)

cat

biilu

jiushu

ram

churdi

kard

ewe

\ ••
ei

esh

he -goat

mingyar

mugir

she-goat

a '

v ••

ai

bull

golo

dono

calf

bitok

batsar ( ivatsir , K.)

lamb

run

urun ( urnu , G. H.)

kid

chal

chal ( chelu , G. H.)

cattle

gole

doni {dand} G. H*)

male

phbg (Tib.)

biro

female

mog (Tib.)

sonti

milk

diit

dud

cream

iispris

shamal

wool

pash

pash

bear

ish

frog

chiistrak

manok

* ok or ok seems to be a termination and not a part of the word. Cf. dostek for dost,

1878.] R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet. 59

"English.

Dah-Sanu .

sun

siiri

star

turi

earth (ground)

pa

moon

gyiin

mountain

rung

pasture (alp)

nirda

rock

churr

ravine

barr

river

sin

water- course, canal

gyap

rain

eharchii

snow

aru

•

avalanche

ice

gans (Tib.)

water

•• V

ua

year

sar

month

muhs

day

dis

spring (season)

bazun

summer

ulo

autumn

sharo

winter

yuno

to-day

ash

yesterday

run

to-morrow

rutti

the day before yes-

dog-dis

terday

night

rat

work

krum

bread

manili

village

bon

house

got

the town of Bras

Hembabs (Tib.)

door

darr

bow

sha

arrow

qun

iron

chingar

smell

ghun

big

bono

little

so

Eras.

sur

tare

sum

yun ( zun K.)

qaniya

shiai

chir

skung

sin

yap

meg

hin (K. shin), dzo (rain or snow)

hmai

sor

we'i

barir

moiis ( mans K.)

chag

bazono

uwalo

share

yono

ash

rati

krum.

tiki

gor

Hunmas

darr

dahnu

qon (K. han)
chimir
gon
bwaro

chuno ( chun Tib.)

[No. 1,

60

It. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

English.

Eah-Hanu.

Eras.

old

purono *

new

no

nao

wet

haridho

azo

•

dry

shuko

shuko

black

kyono

kino

white

sno

~ho

red

lodo

lalo

I

moil ( Gen. miii)

moii (Gen. mion, K.

we

baorbeng (obi. assii)

be (obi. asso, K. as)

thou

tii

tu

ye

tsi (oi/-tsii)

tso (K. tse)

this (masc.)

so (obi. te) (K. so)

nu (obi. nise)

this (fem.)

sa

ni

these (m.)

te (obi. ten)

ni (obi. nino)

that (m.)

p'ho

ro (obi. se)

that (f.)

p'ha

re (obi. rese)

those (m.)

p'he (obi. p'heun)

re or pero (obi. reno)

those (f.)

ra (obi. rano)

who (reive.)

kesi

who ?

ko

koi

what ?

ye

zok

•

beyond

beski

pari

this side of

azii

•»

wari

towards

suri, lokhshye

wari

there yonder

pari

pera

with

siima or tsi-siima

sei-nala

thus

hang

first (adv.)

yar

meza

there

potsi

there is

la, (pi. Ian) or bet

much -\ m.

lao

or >

many ) f.

lai

very

la

I do

ehii or tii

t'hiono (to do)

I did

tet

t'has

* Pronounced also prono and prdn ; as in Prdn-Dras , a village near Dras, called by
Englishmen Pandras, and sometimes wrongly derived from Pay in “ low.” The name
given by Moorcroft for the Dras lucerne grass, viz. prangos , is perhaps merely prdn -
leash “old grass,” i. e. “hay j” as lucerne forms the winter fodder of the cattle in^ the
state of hay.

61

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

’English .

Eah-Hanu.

Eras.

strike

kute

kute {Inf. kutiono and dibno)

died

mii

mun {Inf miriono)

broke

pitit

potau

bear

qun-te (imp.)

paruzono {1 nf)

write

zbri-te (imp.)

likiono {Inf)

drink

pi (imp.)

piono {Inf)

eat

ke (imp.) (K. Jche.)

sleep (imp.)

SO

so, {Inf sono)

sleep (subs.)

nish

nish

lick

li

weave

bo (imp.)

wi&no {Inf)

cultivate, plough

bahe (imp.)

bahn t'hiono {Inf)

give

de

de {Inf diono)

see

zi

pashe

look

skye

trakie

•

towards

lokh-skye

downwards

ka-skye) Ico = down.

Astori)

upwards

hun- skye (hunn =

above. Astori)

lost

nut

noto

come (imp.)

ye

e {wolo K.)

came

ulla

alo

rise

ote

ute

dig

akii

okoe

I speak

razuns

razem

one

ek

ek

two

dii

du

three

tra

tre

four

chorr

char

five

punsh

ponsh

six

sha

sha

seven

sat

sat

eight

art

art

•

nine

nii

nau

ten

dash

dais

eleven

kudish

akai

twelve

budish

buai

thirteen

trdbish

troni (tro’i)

fourteen

chudish

chodei

62

Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No

English.

JDahSanu.

Bras.

fifteen

pandish

pazilen

sixteeen

sliobish

shoni (sho’i)

seventeen

satunsh

satai

eighteen

artunsh

artai

nineteen

kiinja (P for ek-tin-
biza 20-1

kuni (P for ek-un-bi) (20-l)#

twenty

biza

•

bl

twenty-one

• biza-ek

hi-ek

thirty

bize-dash (20 + 10)

tri

forty

du-buzu (2 x 20)

dii-bio (2 x 20)

fifty

du-buzu-dash (2 x 20
+ 10)

dubio ga dai (2 x 20 + 10)

sixty

tra-buzu (3 x 20)

trAbio (3 x 20)

seventy

tra-buzu-dash

•

tre-bio ga dai

eighty

cliar-buzu

•

char-bio

ninety

ehar-buzu-dash

•

char-bio ga dai

hundred

sho

shal

On Representations of Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes. — By
Rajendralala Mitra, LL. D., C.I.E.

(With 4 plates.)

The Ajanta Pass first came to the notice of Europeans during the
great battle of Asayi, which broke down the Marhatta power ; hut the caves
near it were not visited by any Englishman until several years afterwards.
According to Mr. Burgess, some officers of the Madras army were the first
to visit them in 1819, and Col. Morgan of the Madras army wrote a short no¬
tice of them, which appeared in Mr. Ersldne’s ‘ Remains of the Buddhists in
India.’ Then followed Lieut. J. E. Alexander in 1824, and his account was
published by the Royal Asiatic Society in 1829.f Dr. Bird visited the place by
order of Sir John Malcolm in 1828, at the same time when Capt. Grisley
and Lieut. Ralp were at the place. The account of the former appeared in
his “ Researches into the Cave Temples of Western India,” a meagre and
faulty account, utterly untrustworthy for all historical purposes. The
description of the latter appeared in this Journal. J It is graphic and en-

* These seem to retain a trace (k for eh) of the deducted unit itself, which Sanskrit
had lost (cf. unavinsati), hut of which Pali seems to show the original presence,

( ekimavisati ) .

f Transactions R1. As. Soc., I, p. 557.

| Ante Y.

1878.]

63

Foreigners in the Ajantd Frescoes.

thusiastic, but calculated more to rouse than to allay the curiosity of the
reader. Mr. Burgess says, “ A somewhat interesting and correct topographi¬
cal account of them, was subsequently (1839) published in the “ Bombay
Courier”, and republished in a pamphlet form, but I have not seen the
brochure. Soon after, came out Mr. Fergusson’s description in his Memoir
on the “ Bock-cut Temples of India,” (1843) and laid the foundation
of a critical study of these remarkable works of art. It drew to them

the attention of the Court of Directors, and Capt. Gill was, six or seven

years after, deputed to prepare facsimile drawings of the fresco paint¬
ings which adorn most of the caves. His rep>ort was published in

1855, but it was meagre, like the works of his predecessors, and subserved,
like them, only to whet the desire for further information. Dr. Wilson’s
account, in his paper on the “ Ancient Bemains of Western India”,
published in 1850, in the Journal of the Bombay Asiatic Society*,
is a mere resume of what was then known, and Dr. John Muir’s

subsequent notice professes to give nothing more than a foretaste of what
may be seen at the place. Dr. Bhau Daji came to Ajanta in 1865,
and took facsimiles of most of the inscriptions, some of which had
been previously noticed by James Prinsep, and published translations
of them in the Bombay Journal, f The translations are generally correct
and of great value, but the general remarks on the nature of the caves
and their ornaments are brief and not always satisfactory. The learned
gentleman had the intention of writing a sejDarate paper on the subject,
but his untimely and lamented death prevented his carrying out the
intention. Since his death several notices have appeared in the e Indian
Antiquary ’ which are highly interesting, but none of them is exhaustive.

When Major Gill’s copies of these curious works of art were sent to
Europe, it was expected that antiquarians in England would take them in hand,
and submit to the public a full and comprehensive critical account of their
character, and the subjects they pourtray. But the copies were destroyed
by fire in the Sydenham Crystal Palace, and nothing came of them. In
the meantime the originals suffered greatly from leakage in the caves and
want of care, and it was apprehended that in a few years more they would
be totally lost. A representation was accordingly made to Government to
adopt some measures for their preservation. Thereupon a party of drafts¬
men, under the superintendence of Mr. Griffiths, Principal of the Art School
at Bombay, was deputed in 1872-73 to prepare copies of all the printings
which were still legible. The result was a “ collection of excellent copies
of four large wall-paintings covering 122 square feet of canvas, 160 panels
of ceiling, aggregating about 2S0 square feet, 16 moulds from the sculp¬
tures, and several drawings.” In reporting on these Mr. Griffiths says :

* Yol. Ill, pp. 7 Iff. f Yol. VII.

61 Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No. 1,

“ The artists who painted them, were giants in execution. Even on the
vertical sides of the walls some of the lines which were drawn with one
sweep of the brush struck me as being very wonderful ; but when I saw
long delicate curves drawn without faltering with equal precision upon the
horizontal surface of a ceiling, where the difficulty of execution is increased
a thousand-fold, it appeared to me nothing less than miraculous. One of
the students, when hoisted up on the scaffolding, tracing his first panel on
the ceiling, naturally remarked that some of the work looked like a child’s
work ; little thinking that what appeared to him up there as rough and
meaningless, had been laid in by a cunning hand, so that when seen at its
right distance, every touch fell into its proper place.

“ The condition of mind in which these paintings at Ajanta were origi¬
nated and executed must have been very similar to that which produced the
early Italian paintings of the fourteenth century, as we find much that is
in common. Little attention paid to the science of art, a general crowding
of figures into a subject, regard being had more to the truthful rendering
of a story than to a beautiful rendering of it ; not that they discarded beau¬
ty, but they did not make it the primary motive of representation. There
is a want of aerial perspective — the parts are delicately shaded, not forced
by light and shade, giving the whole a look of flatness — a quality to he de¬
sired in mural decoration.

“ Whoever were the authors of these paintings, they must have con¬
stantly mixed with the world. Scenes of every-day life, such as preparing
food, carrying water, buying and selling, processions, hunting-scenes, ele¬
phant-fights, men and women engaged in singing, dancing, and playing on
musical instruments, are most gracefully depicted upon these walls ; and
they could only have been done by men who were constant spectators of
such scenes, by men of keen observation and retentive memories. # # # #
In every example that has come under my observation, the action of the
hands is admirable and unmistakeable in conveying the particular ex¬
pression the artist intended.

Adverting to the second picture he says : “ Parts of this picture are
admirably executed. In addition to the natural grace and ease with which
she is standing, the drawing of the woman holding a casket in one hand,
and a jewel with a string of pearls hanging from it in the other, is most
delicately and truly rendered. The same applies to the woman seated on
the ground in the left hand corner. The upward gaze and sweet expression
of the mouth are beautifully given. The left hand of the same woman... is
drawn with great subtlety and tenderness.”! “The third picture”, he
remarks, “ contains eight figures and portions of three others, all of which are
seated or standing upon large lotus flowers with nimbi round the heads. The
* Indian Antiquary, III. 26. f Ibid., loc. cit.

1878.]

Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

65

action of some of the figures, especially the standing ones, hears such a very
striking resemblance to what is characteristic of the figures in Christian
art, that they might have been taken from some mediaeval Church, rather
than from the caves of Ajanta. The delicate foliage which fills in the
spaces between the figures will give some idea of the power of these old
artists as designers, and also of their knowledge of the growth of plants.

Referring to a picture in cave No. 16 he observes: “This picture, I
consider, cannot be surpassed in the history of art. The Florentine could
have put better drawing and the Venetian better colour, but neither could
have thrown greater expression into it. The dying woman, with drooping
head, half-closed eyes, and languid limbs, reclines on a bed the like of which
may be found in any native house of the present day. She is tenderly
supported by a female attendant, whilst another, with eager gaze, is looking
into her face, and holding the sick woman’s arms, as if in the act of feeling
her pulse. The expression on her face is one of deep anxiety, as she seems
to realize how soon life will be extinct in one she loves. Another female
behind is in attendance with a panka, whilst two men on the left are look¬
ing on with the expression of profound grief depicted in their faces. Below
are seated on the floor other relations, who appear to have given up all
hope, and to have begun their days of mourning, — for one woman has
buried her face in her hands, and, apparently, is weeping bitterly. ”f

And he sums up the value of the whole by saying — “ For the pur¬
poses of art-education, no better examples could be placed before an Indian
art- student than those to be found in the caves of Ajanta. Here we have
art with life in it, human faces full of expression, — limbs drawn with grace
and action, flowers which bloom, birds which soar, and beasts that spring, or
fight, or patiently carry burdens : all are taken from Nature’s book — growing
after her pattern, and in this respect differing entirely from Muhammadan
art, which is unreal, unnatural, and therefore incapable of development.”];

It is to be regretted, however, that as yet no attempt has been made to .
secure for the public a detailed, descriptive, critical and historical account of
these relics. At one time a proposition was made to place the drawings at
the disposal of Mr. Fergusson for the purpose ; but, I believe, it has since
fallen through.

The Government of India has, however, in the meantime, caused pho¬
tographic impressions to be taken of Mr. Griffiths’ drawings, and copies
thereof sent to Societies interested in Indian Archeology. Three batches
of these photographs have, from time to time, been received by the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, and they fully bear out Mr. Griffiths’ remarks regarding
their value.

* Loc. cit., p. 27 .

I

f Ibid,, p. 27.

X Ibid., p. 28.

[No 1,

GO Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of

A large number of the photographs represent architectural details and
floral scrolls of much importance as illustrations of ancient art-designs in this
country, and are well worthy of careful study. There are others representing
scenes in the legendary life of Buddha, which are of considerable value in
connexion with the antiquity of the legends which they illustrate. While
a few depict scenes from private life, or state pageantry, which afford inter¬
esting details regarding the manners, customs, habits, social condition, and
intercourse of foreigners with the people of Western India, two thousand
years ago.

Messrs. Ralph and Grisley were the first to notice the existence of
foreigners in these frescoes. In their animated and scenic correspondence,
mention is repeatedly made of foreigners as distinct from the natives. In one
place they say : “ Here is a lovely face, a Madonna face. What eyes ! She
looks towards the moon. Observe, these are Hindu faces — nothing foreign.
Elsewhere, “ Observe that Abyssinian black prince seated on a bed — remark
his ornaments. Now the woman seated on his left knee whom he embraces
is as fair as you or I. Did these fellows get Georgian slaves ?” Again:
“ Here are evidently three beauties in this apartment — one an African, one
copper- coloured, one of a European complexion. Yes; and how frequently
we see these intermixed. See this, R. is a fair man, a eunuch.” Again, “How
often we see people of three complexions in the same panel ! Now this is
the most extraordinary thing we have found. Here are three placid por-
traits — they are Chinese. Nothing can be plainer ; — observe the style of
their hair ; — the women have locks brought down in ringlets over their faces,
and falling on to the neck, like some of the Hampton Court beauties.”
The writers did not, however, attempt to define the character of these
foreigners, in any detail. It will not be uninteresting, therefore, to examine
at length the peculiarities of a few of the figures shown in the photographs.

The first picture I have to notice is a court- scene on the south side of
the cave No. I. In Messrs. Ralph and Grisley’s paper it is thus described :
“ Here is a fair man of full age, dressed in a robe and cap, like some monk
or abbot. Here is, next to him, a half-naked Brahman, copp>er-coloured,
with shaven crown, and the single lock on his head. Here is a man
presenting him with a scroll on which something is ivritten. He is in a
crowded court, — he has come to an audience.” In the original this picture
measures 15' X 6-6". (Plate II.) It represents a large audience chamber
with colonnaded side aisles, and a large portal in front. The room is
carpeted with some stuff bearing sprigs on a black, or dark-coloured,
ground. On the centre is a oharpai or bedstead, which serves the pur¬
pose of a throne. It has four feet of the ordinary modern make, with
a tape-woven top, such as is to be met with in every decently furnished
house in northern India in the present day. Over it is a mattrass of
striped cloth, and on the off side a large pillow or takia, having behind

* Ante> Yol. Y, p. 558.

1878.]

Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

07

it an ornamented head-piece shaj)ed like a corona. A king or chief
is seated, squatting on this throne in the usual oriental style, dressed in a
flowing dhuti or body-cloth, a cJiadar tied round the waist, and a tunic

of some kind whose character is not apparent. He wears a rich heavy

crown, bracelets and necklaces, one of the last being worn athwart the chest,

■

very like a Brahmanical cord. The face and parts of the arms and chest
are destroyed or smudged over. In front of the throne there is a man
seated, holding an ox-tail ehauri , and having in front of him a curious orna¬
ment, shaped like a cornucopia. To the right there are four other persons
seated on the ground, one of them having in front a tray placed on a

tripod stand. The pose of the person is like that of a Brahman engaged

in worship. Behind and on the two sides of the throne, there are several
persons, — officers of state, courtiers, body-guard, and menials, — standing in
different attitudes, some dressed in dhuti only, others with tunics or made
dresses, the character of which, owing to the smudgy condition of the
picture, cannot be satisfactorily made out, except in one case in which a
pair of close-fitting trousers and. a chapkan are unmistakable. Some are
armed with clubs, and one , near the entrance to the hall, upholds a standard.
Their shaven chin, oriental head-dress, dark complexion, and characteristic
features leave no doubt in my mind that they are all Indians. Among
them there are four females, one standing behind the throne, and three
seated on the carpet on the left side. In marked contrast to these are three
persons standing in front of the king, and four others at a little distance.
The foremost among them has a sugar-loaf-shaped hat with a black band,
a large flowing gown of white stuff, a striped jacket, and a dagger held in
a cloth girdle. The lower part of the gown or long coat is partially cover¬
ed by the figure of the Brahman engaged in worship, but from the portion
which is visible, it is evident that it extended below the middle of the leg.
Between the girdle and the lower edge of the jacket there is a waist-band
buckled in front. Bound his neck there is a necklace with a large locket.
He is in the attitude of making a courtesy to the king, with his right hand
passed under the jacket and placed on the left breast, and the left holding
out a folded letter. The second person, dressed in the same style, but with a
black jacket, is standing with folded hands in token of respect. His hat
has no band. The third has a Persian helmet, with a crescent on top and
a rosette on one side. He is bearing a tray full of presents of some kind.
At a little distance from the last, just entering the hall, there is another
person of the same nationality, bearing a tray, and outside the door there
are two or three others who are evidently servants of the persons who have
entered the hall, and 'belonging to the same nationality. The lower part
of the gowns of these is not visible, but it must be the same as in the case

GS Bajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No. 1,

of the foremost figure. The coat of the man with a helmet is probably
short.

The complexion of these persons, except the first, is markedly fair.
Studying the group carefully the conclusion appears inevitable that it
represents an embassy from a foreign country. The foremost person is the
ambassador, who is presenting his credentials in open court to the Indian
potentate. Behind him is his secretary, and then follow the bearers of the
nazr or presents from the foreign court.

But whence is this embassy P and what is the nationality of the persons
who compose it ? We are aware of no Indian race or tribe which differed
so materially and markedly in complexion, features, and dress from the natives
of the country as represented in the court. From beyond India on the
north and the east, there was no nation which, two thousand years ago, could
have presented such a group. We must look to the North-West, therefore,
for the birth-place of the ambassador and his suite. Now on that side we
had the Afghans, the Bactrians, the Scythians, and the Persians. But
the Afghans never had the peculiar sugar-loaf hat, nor the flowing gown,
nor the crescented helmet. -Their features too, were, as shall be presently
shown, coarser and rude. The Bactrian and the Scythian dresses, to judge
from numismatic evidence — the only evidence available in the case, — were
also different. The coat was short, the trousers tight-fitting, and the
head-gear very unlike a sugar-loaf hat. The Persian dress, however, as we
now have it, is the exact counterpart of what appears in the picture. The
hat, the gown and the jacket are identically the same.

The helmet appears repeatedly in the sculptures of Khorsabad and
Nineveh, and the features and the beard are in no way different. We may,
therefore, safely conclude that the picture represents a group of Persians,
either merchants, or an embassy from Persia to an Indian court, probably
the latter, as the letter in the hand of the foremost person would be redund¬
ant in a merchant. I am not aware of any mention of such an embassy
in Buddhist religious history ; but I have read but a small portion of Bud¬
dhist literature, and as it is abundantly evident that the frescoes of Ajanta
were not confined to representations of religious history, it is not necessary to
hunt up any relationship with it of Buddhist legends. Nor is it material to
know whether the representation is historical or an ideal one. In either case
it shows that the Indians of old had free intercourse with the Persians, and
were thoroughly familiar with their features and dress. Literary evidence
on this subject may be had in abundance in Sanskrit literature, but it is not
necessary to adduce it here.

The second scene I have to describe is a domestic one, and three editions
of it occur in the collection of photographs before me. There is no indica¬
tion, however, to show whence they have been taken. The scales attached

1878.]

69

Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

. show them to be of large size, about 80 x 28 ft. In it's simplest version
(Plate III) it represents a divan placed in front of a cloth screen, and covered
with cushions and a check pattern coverlet ; and on it are seated a big, stout,
burly-looking man and a lady by his side. The man is seated cross-legged,
and is in an amatory mood, perhaps somewhat befuddled with wine. His face
is heavy and square, and he has both a beard and a moustache. He wears
long hair covered by a thick conical cap with a turban, or a fur band around
it like the Qilpaq cap of the Central Asiatic races of the present day. On his
body is a coat or tunic reaching to the knee and trimmed with, what appears
to me, patch-work decorations ; knee-breeches and striped stockings com¬
plete his dress. He holds a cup in his left hand, and before him, on the
ground, in front of the divan, there is a covered tray. The lady beside him
has a gown reaching to the knee, a shell-jacket, (both set off with patch-
work trimmings,) and a pair of striped stockings. She has a skull cap on
her head, and earrings. Her right hand is lifted as in the act of telling some¬
thing interesting to her lord. To the right of the man, in front of the
divan, there stands a maid, arrayed in a long flowing gown which leaves only
the tips of her shoes visible, and holding a flagon, shaped like a soda-water
bottle with a long narrow neck, ready to replenish the cup of her lord.
Behind the mistress there is a second maid with a wide-mouthed covered
jar in her hand.

In the second version the man holds the cup in his right hand, and a
stick or straight sword in his left. He has also an elaborately-worked belt,
and the trimmings of the coats and gowns are of different patterns. The
lady leans on the shoulder of her lord by her right hand, and by her attitude
expresses great solicitude to please him. There is also a third maid,
squatting in front, and ready to serve out edibles from the covered tray
beside her.

The third version is even more developed. (Plate IV). The screen
behind the divan is set off with floral designs. The coat of the hero and the
gown of his lady, and also that of her maid, are set off with triangular striped
streamers flying from the back. The features of the lady are vivid with
life, and the exjwession of endearment on her face is truly admirable.
The second maid holds a surahi or goglet instead of a jar. The lady has,
instead of a cap, a fillet round her head with an aigrette in front, and the
maids similar fillets, but without the jewel. The third maid is replaced
by two bearded, thick-lipped Negro-looking servants who are serving out
dishes from the covered tray. The stockings in the last two versions are
white. In two small panels the male figure is reproduced in company with
another male, — two jovial companions, engaged in pledging their faith to each
other over a cup of liquor. (See Plate V, fig. 1). The striped stockings are
distinctly seen in these, as also a pair of check-pattern trousers, not striped.

70 Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No. 1,

There are more than five hundred representations of Indian men and.
women in the photographs, but they appear totally unlike the human figures
shown in these plates, and, bearing in mind the fact that the artists of these
frescoes were most faithful in delineating the peculiarities of their subjects,
it is impossible to deny that they took their models for these from other than
Indians. It is difficult, however, to determine what nationality they had
in view. The features, the cap and the turban of the principal figure, are
the exact counterparts of what may be every day seen in the Kabulese fruit-
sellers in the streets of Calcutta ; but the coat is different. I have never seen
an Afghan woman in her native dress, but the gown and the jacket of the
female figures appear very like those of Jewesses. The patch- work trim¬
mings are peculiar to them, and the best specimens of the kind of work I
have seen are of Jewish make. The Afghans, however, are in no way inferior
in this art : they bring to Calcutta every year a number of rugs and other
articles of patch-work, which are remarkably beautiful. Knowing how such
domestic arts as needle-work and patch-work are perpetuated for generations,
and looking at the complexion, the cap and the turban, I was first disposed
to believe that the figures on these plates represented Afghans, the thick-
lipped servants being Negroes.

In the Zodiac Cave (No. XVI) Dr. Bhau Daji found an inscription
which once “ contained the names of seven or eight kings of the Vakataka
dynasty, but only that of Vindhyasakti, the oldest and most eminent, was pre¬
served intact.” “ By a strange fatality,” says the writer, “the inscription
has been obliterated wherever a royal name existed, so that one is tempted to
suppose that the destruction was intentional. But,” he adds, “ the destruc¬
tive influence of the rainy weather is sufficient to account for the gaps.”#
The name of this Vindhyasakti’s country is mentioned in the Seoni copper¬
plate ; but the chief himself is not named there. Dr. Bhau Daji identifies
this Vindhyasakti with a chief of the Kailakila Yavanas who, according
to the Vishnu Purana, once ruled in India. Having advanced thus far,
he takes Ivailikila to be identical with an ancient city and citadel named
Ghulghuleh near Bamian, mentioned by Mr. Masson in his paper on the
Antiquities of Bamian {ante, v. 708), and Vakataka with Bactria, thereby
suggesting, though not positively asserting, that the Bactrian Greeks were
the authors of the Ajanta caves. If this reasoning be admitted, the figures
we have shown would be those of Bactrian Greeks. But there are various
difficulties to overcome before we can accept the identification. The name
Vindhyasakti is too thorough a Sanskrit word to be the name of a Bactrian
Greek, and there is nothing to connect him with the princes of the Seoni
plate, except the word Vakataka, which, as given in the Seoni plate, is

* Journal, .Bombay As. Soc., VII, p. 65.

71

1878.] Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

unmistakably the name o£ an Indian, and not of a trans-Indian locality,
particularly Bactrian, for which the usual and very extensively-employed
term is Valliika. In the Puranas these Valhikas are said to have reigned
after Vindhyasakti. Denying, however, the accuracy of the identification
of Vakataka with Bactria and of Vindhyasakti having been a Bactrian, it
might still be said that the figures under notice are Bactrians. In some
Kenerki coins the cap is conical, and surrounded by a turban or a band of
fur like the Qilpaq cap ; the cut of the coat is of the same style, and the
close-fitting trousers and stockings are, as far as can be made out in coins,
the same. The coarse square face of the Mongolian type is particularly
remarkable, and, as the Bactrians exercised supremacy for some time in
India from a little before the commencement of the Christian era, to nearly
a century after it, it would be much more reasonable to suppose the
representations to be of Bactrians, rather than those of Afghans, who
attained to no political distinction at the time, and were to some extent
included among the Hindus.

The stockings of the peculiar pattern which has hitherto been thought
to be the outcome of modern European art, are remarkable : I have
noticed them nowhere else in Indian paintings or sculpture. The Hindus
seem to have borrowed the stockings from their neighbours ; for in a
panel in Cave No. I, there is a representation of an Indian bacchanalian
scene, unmistakable from the features and dress, in which they have been
reproduced on the legs of a man and his lady-love. Before the importation
of stockings from Europe, the Indians got their supplies from Kashmir.
I do not, however, know when knitted stockings were first introduced
into that country. To England they first came in the reign of Henry
VIII, and it is extremely doubtful if they were of much more ancient
date in Kashmir. And after all what I take to be stockings might be
sewed hose of cloth or milled stuff of some kind.

The indulgence in spirituous drinks was common all over India, Bactria
and Persia in ancient times, and the evidence of it in the frescoes does not
call for any notice A That the cup and the flagon indicate something
more potent than sherbet, I believe, none will question.

The curtains behind the divan suggest the idea that the sites of the
Bactrian domestic scenes were tents, and that the peojfle shown had not be¬
come settled inhabitants of the country. But the evidence in this respect
is too meagre to attach any importance to such an idea.

Looking to the made-dresses of the Persians and the Bactrians, it might
be supposed that the Indians got theirs from those sources ; but, as I have
shown in my “ Antiquities of Orissa,” such was not the case, at least when
the Ajanta frescoes were painted. In the Indian bacchanalian scene above
noticed, the dresses of the Indian man and woman are quite different, and

* Vide passim my paper on ‘ Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India,’ ante, XLII,
PP. 1 ff*

72 Bajendrakila Mitra — On Representations in the Ajantd Caves. [No. 1,

by no means such as to justify the assumption that they had been designed
from foreign models. In the very affecting picture of the death of a lady
of rank in Cave No. XVI, the bodices shown on some of the maid-servants
engaged in grinding corn in hand-mills, are quite unlike the jackets of the
Bactrian women.

In an Indian scene in Cave No. I, where a large number of sable
beauties are exhibited, there is a figure seated cross-legged, whose dark
features, punchy belly and style of sitting, leave no doubt in my mind of his
nationality ; and he is dressed in a dhuti which leaves a part of his thigh
exposed, and a mirzdi of flowered muslin which is thoroughly Indian, and the
like of it has nowhere been seen out of India. (See plate V, fig. 2.) The
'mirzdi is in use by the Hindus to this day all over northern India, and its
make seems not to have changed in the least since the time of the fresco.

It is not my intention to enter into a discussion here as to the date
of the Ajanta Caves. The late Dr. Wilson of Bombay took them
to extend from the third or second century before, to the fifth or sixth cen¬
tury after, Christ.* Mr. Burgess, after a careful study of the Caves, states
“ that the oldest of them cannot be later than the second century before the
Christian era.” Long before him Mr. Fergusson came to the same conclusion
in his ‘ llock-cut Caves of India,’ and in his ‘ History of Eastern Architec¬
ture’ remarked that Cave No. XII, “the facade of which so much resembles
that of the Nasik Chaitya (B. C. 129), cannot he far off in date” (p. 122).
The latest are supposed to be of the 5th or 6th century. Accepting
this opinion for my guide, and there is not much to show that it is untenable,
and bearing in mind that Cave No. I is one of the largest and richest in paint¬
ings which long preceded sculpture, I may fairly come to the conclusion that
the scenes I have described above represent phases of Indian life from
eighteen hundred to two thousand years ago.

* Journal, Bombay As. Soc., Ill, p. 73.

1878. J

78

A Copper-plate Grant from Banda. — By Rajendralala.

Mitra, LL.D., C.I.E.

(With a plate.)

The Society is indebted to Mr. A. Oadell, Asst. Magistrate, Banda,,
in the N. W. Provinces, for the sight of a Copper-plate found in Parganah
Augasi of the Banda district. The plate measures 16i inches by 10|,
and is in an excellent state of preservation. (See plate YI.) It is a
hammered one ; very rough on the outer face, hut moderately smooth on
the inscribed side. Bound its edges slips of metal have been very roughly
and clumsily rivetted on to form a raised rim for the purpose of pre¬
venting the inscription from being easily rubbed oft. At the middle of
the lower edge, close by the rim, is a round hole, half an inch in diameter.
It was intended for a ring which bore the seal of the donor, and perhaps
also held together two plates, one of which is missing. If a second plate
did once exist, it was intended only as a cover for the first and bore no
inscription, for the latter contains the whole of a deed of conveyance, with
a colophon giving the name of the writer and engraver of the record, and.
hitherto no document of the kind has been found which contains any thing
after the name of the engraver. The record is inscribed longitudinally,,
and comprises nineteen lines, the first four of which have a break in the
• middle, caused by an outline figure of the goddess Rajalakshmi with two
elephants standing on expanded lotuses, and pouring water on her head.
The writing is of the Kutila type, but slender in body, and verging to the
modern Nagari character. It records the grant of £ ten ploughs ’ of land in
the village of Ramurada, which is situated in the circle of Sudali, to a
Brahmana named Gabhanta S'arman, the son of Jata, the grandson of Satti,
and great-grandson of Vapana, a member of the Yajasaneyi school of the
Bharadvaja gotra, having the threefold Pravara of Bharadvaja, Angirasa,
Varhaspatya, and an inhabitant of the village of Dhakari. The boundary
of the plot is given in detail, and the date of the gift was Monday, the 5th
of the waxing moon in the month of Magha, Samvat 1190 = A. C. 1135.

The donor was Madanavarma Deva, a devout follower of S'iva. His
immediate predecessor was Prithvivarma Deva, who had succeeded Kirti-
varma Deva.

The first monument of this line of princes was brought to the notice of
the Society by Lieutenant William Price, in 1813. It was a large inscribed
stone found on a rocky hill in the vicinity of the town of Mau, about ten
miles from Chhattarpur. The record was in a bad state of preservation, and
the transcript and translation of it published in the ‘ Asiatic Researches’ #

* Yol. XII, pp. 359 et seq.

K

74 Rajendralala Mitra — A Copper-plate Grant from Banda. [No. 1,

are full of lacunae. It comprises the history of nine princes with the names
of their ministers.

The second record was found by Capt. T. S. Burt in 1838. It too was
an inscribed slab, which had been detached from one of several temples at
Khajraha, nine Jcos from Chhattarpur, which is on the high road from
Saiyar and Hamirpur, close by the fortified town of Rajgarh, on the right
bank of the Kam river, S. W from Chhattarpur. It gives the names of six
predecessors of Dhanga. #

The third was communicated to me by Major-General Cunningham,
who found it at Khajraha. f It was a short record of 13 lines, but it was of
value in settling the date of the dynasty on a sure footing. In commenting
upon it I pointed out the relation it bore to the two preceding monuments,
and the results deducible from a reading of the three inscriptions together.
The conclusion I then arrived at regarding the date of Madanavarma, the last
prince of the line, was, that he must have lived about the middle of the twelfth
century. The exact date given by the copper- plate now under notice is Sam-
vat 1190 = A. D. 1135. The name of the immediate predecessor of Prithvi-
varma, the father of Madana, in Lieutenant Price’s inscription, is Sallak-
shanavarma ; but this appears to be an alias or title, the real name being
Kirtivarma in the copper- plate. Putting the names found in the four inscrip¬
tions together with such corrections as the several records have helped
me to make, I arrive at the following genealogy. Altogether we have sixteen
names. Of these, documentary evidence exists for the dates of three ; the 7th
king, Dhanga, being assigned by two records to Samvat 1011 and 1019 re¬
spectively; the 13th by one to Samvat 1173 ; and the 16th by another to
1190. For the rest we have to depend upon averages. For reasons assigned
in my paper on the Khajraha inscriptions, the earlier reigns may be taken to
have been long, but some of the later must have been very short. Dhanga
is said to have lived 109 summers, and then to have resigned his life at the
confluence of the Yamuna and the Ganges, and this led Mr. Sutherland and
those who wrote after him to suppose that the prince had committed suicide.
Such is, however, not the inevitable meaning of the passage. To this day
the ordinary civil way of announcing a death is to say, so-and-so has sur¬
rendered his life to the holy river so-and-so or the sacred pool ( Kshetra )
so-and-so, and the inscription has probably adopted the same mode of
expression.

1. Nannuka, of the Chandrartreya race A. D., . 746 771

II. Yagyati or Vakpati, son of I, . 771 798

III. Yiyaya, son of II, . 898 823

IV. Yahila or Kabila, son of III, . 823 848

* Journal, As. Soc., YIII, p. 159.

t Ibid., XXXII, pp. 273f.

1878.] Rajendralala Mitra — A Copper-plate Grant from B nidi.

V. S'riharsha, son of IY, .

YI. Yasodkarma, son of Y, by Kankuta, .

, ( son of YI, by Narmadevi, Minister ]

VII. Dnanga, ( _prabhdsa, j

VIII. Ganda Deva, Minister — Prabkasa, .

IX. Yidyadhara Deva, Minister — S'ivanama, son of last,

X. Yiyayyapala, Minister — Mahipala, son of last, ...

XI. Kirtivarma Deva, Minister — Ananta, . . 1024

XII. Yarma Deva, Minister — Yogesvara, son of last,...

XIII. Jayavarma Deva, Minister — ditto, . 1110

XIV. Kirtivarma Deva alias Sallakshana, Minister —

Vatsa and other sons of Ananta, . 1120

XV. Pritbvivarma Deva, ditto, . . . . 1120

XYI. Madanavarma Deva, Minister — Gadadhara, . 1130

The annexed translation of the record has been prepared for me by
my young friend Babu Durgarama Basu, Pleader, High Court of Calcutta.

B nidi.

75

848

873

873

900

900

962

952

988

983

1103

1103

1023

1024

1045

1045

1065

1110

1120

1120

1130

1120

1130

1130

1150

id for

me by

Translation of an inscription from Barganah Augasi, Banda .

May this be auspicious !

The dynasty of the kings of the lunar race, glorious as the moon on the
forehead of the god of the universe, (Yisvesvara) gladdening the universe,
prospers. In that noble and flourishing dynasty, rendered resplendent by
heroes like Jayasakti and Yijayasakti, the king of Kalanjara, the fortunate
Madanavarma Deva, the highly revered, the great king over great kings, the
supreme lord, the devout worshipper of S'iva, successor of the highly revered,
the great king over great kings, the supreme lord, the fortunate Pritkvi-
varma Deva, icho was the successor of the highly revered, the great king over
great kings, the supreme lord, the fortunate Kirtivarma Deva, reigns supremer
He, having subdued his enemies by his irresistible majesty, untroubled holds
the earth like a married wife, and thereby keeps his intellect unclouded, and
his conscience unsullied. He commands all his relatives, Kayasthas, and
other great men inhabiting the village of Ramurada within the district
of Sudali : — “ Be it known unto you that, on Monday, on the day of
the full moon, in the month of Magha, of the Samvat year eleven hundred
and ninety (in figures 15th Sudi, Magh, Samvat 1190) I have, after having
duly bathed in holy water, after offering oblations to the gods, having
worshipped the sun and the lord of Bhavani (S'iva) and after offering obla¬
tions to the fire, for the promotion of virtue of my parents and of myself,
with water held in my hand and consecrated with kusa grass, and having
pronounced the word Svasti (let this be auspicious), bestowed, for the
period of the duration of the sun and the moon, on the Brahmana Gabhanta
S'arrna, son of Jata, grandson of Satti, great-grandson of Bapan, of the
Yajasaneya branch (S'akhd) of the Bharadvaja gotra having Bharadvaja, An-

7G Rajendralala Mitra — A Gopher -'plate Grant from Banda. |_No. 1,

girasa and Varhaspatya for his threefold Prabara, an inhabitant of the village
of Dhakari, making the gift descendable to his sons, grandsons and succes¬
sive descendants, ten ploughs of land (in figures 10 ploughs) in the above
named village, the said land requiring seven and a half dronas of seed for
cultivation, and hounded on the east by the boundary post of the village of
Ranamusra, on the south by the post of the village of Ramasaida, on the
west by the tope of Madhuka trees, and on the north by the post of the
village of Bijauli : the sacred lands thus hounded with fields of jddya * and
lands and water comprised therein, and with right to make all present, past,
and future collections from debtors. Knowing this, you should render
unto him, in compliance with my orders, shares, usufructs and all other
dues. No one must make any opposition to his enjoying these lands with
all duties and all Xsavas, sugarcanes, cotton, saffron, flax, mango, Madhuka
(mowa) and other trees, as well as salt mines, and with all other things
within the boundary, whether above or below the soil, and whether he enjoys
the lands by himself cultivating them, or getting them cultivated by others,
and whether he makes a gift of, or mortgages, or sells, them. This
grant is irrevocable and interminable, and it should be so preserved by
future sovereigns. Thus has it been said : ‘ This earth has been enjoyed by
many kings including Sagara and others. To whomsoever belongs the earth
for the time being, to him is due the fruit (of such gifts).’ Written by
Sudha, the clerk of the edict department, and inscribed by the well-con¬
nected Jalpana.”

Transcript of an inscription from Pa/rganah Aujdsi , Banda.

\ i i i ?rst-

|| JR'-

trcTOfK'W-iiTCT-

•i l fcraiwa J Wii^T fiarat ll *r vv

If-

* Probably Joari, Serghaim joar.

| in tbo original.

X in tbe original. The is obviously an incorrect writing for ^ and

the ^ should be vocalised.

77

1878.] Rajendralala Mitra — A Copper-plate Grant from Banda.

< l ii mTf?t^wc.'5T-

•o i ft^r *r4r*r TWT-srm-ifcr ^ =r: smuft

\®*ra=Ri|MK srrsm^in;-

« l t(?) sfrwdktH wrarcp it4^ri f^fat i ^fg-

ftfsi ^WTO^TORJgf I ftfat TTSI^f-

& | 1 ^tTt; ^ JgfiT:

3IpS'*IT:§'?'J!I ■H'ol'sUSJ^tr ?HjMl=l<.3pf5'-
\° I TIT *TraJTO>JcIVlF=l by flH(%:^gr<T4|50f%clT ^^TfiWWlfiW-

u i ^cw ani wf?r js'&u^j irfirorat %w?r^ wr

\V£.° i1* %m n rjw^%*r Frfsw-

| cj_ ^tc^t 50*fng wwF ’en^ ^ci^fst

»iTfnftr?TCT(*R^ rrw^r i^i^terraflrPrirara sitst-
^3 l BvNanf^ i vr^isr i i ammw i s-

5TO5 i i sTTfMtrhra i i

\'i i nvraarWrin *mm*T fai^ctT^ ^t^st ^jftigr^snjet' t^isr-
tratn^rq^Frurffl^r ?w-

’<i I *T ^Flfcr TWT jl<5ft HIJWTJUf^fi ^4-

n?s ^apRcicg ri^spg jgfri ?ifit3iTra^-
| 4fi ■■fun °=t ■hht as c i i*=i*i^Tf^>i'^i ^r^r(jir)i§pifiiqx-

*iWM<cfij ^faprprra%fw

I ^i^T'ffT’ai’Ti^ft^iWT a^Tircjr 3)®rerax ^r«irqnj|f%^i?j‘ err gjsfcri'
ir %?if^rci ^ffejT ^cf

V= i nwT^qwrfisRfxr WTfafwKpT Jifatn§: m^ribfofcT n g
STSfwIw WWU TX*lfW SRraftfw; |

| }4^-l 3JX?T Sjf^l^r^T iW cKl II
B*r r3?€tiN g

1/ v\/wvv

[No. 1,

\

78

Recent Trans- Frontier Explorations , communicated by Col. J. T. Walker,

C. B., B. E., Survey or -General of India.

(With a Map.)

During the year 1876, the Mulla, one of the explorers attached to the
Great Trigonometrical Survey, made a survey up the course of the Indus
from the point where it enters the plains above Atak, to the point where it
is joined by the river of Gilghit. All other portions of the course of the
Indus — from the table-lands of Tibet, where it takes its rise, down to its
junction with the ocean — have long since been surveyed ; but up to the present
time this portion has remained unexplored, and has been shown on our maps by
a dotted line, the usual symbol for geographical vagueness and uncertainty.
Here the great river traverses a distance of some 220 miles, descending
from a height of about 5,000 feet to that of 1,200 feet above the level of
the sea. Its way winds tortuously through great mountain ranges, whose
peaks are rarely less than 15,000 feet in height and culminate in the Nanga-
Parbat, the well-known mountain whose height, 26,620 feet, is only ex¬
ceeded by a very few of the great peaks of the Himalayas. The river in
many places is hemmed in so closely by these great ranges, that its valley
is but a deep-cut, narrow gorge, and, as a rule, there is more of open space
and culturable land in the lateral valleys, nestling between the spurs of the
surrounding ranges, than in the principal valley itself.

The positions and heights of all the most commanding peaks in this
region had been long fixed by Captain Carter’s observations at trigono¬
metrical stations on the British Frontier line ; but no European has ever yet
penetrated into it.* Very difficult of access from all quarters, it is in¬
habited by a number of hill tribes, each independent and suspicious of the
other, who are in a great measure separated and protected from each other
by natural barriers and fastnesses. As a whole, the region has never been
brought into subjection by any of the surrounding powers. Each com¬
munity elects its own ruler, and has little intercourse with its neighbours ;
and with the outer world it only communicates through the medium of a
few individuals who have the privilege of travelling over the country as
traders. The Mulla possesses this privilege, and thus in the double capa¬
city of trader and explorer, he traversed along the Indus, and through some
of the lateral valleys, leaving the others for exploration hereafter.

* Several itineraries which were obtained from native information are published
in Dr. Leitner’s Dardistan, and they have been combined together, with considerable
ingenuity and very tolerable success, by Mr. Ravcnstein, in a map published in the
Geographical Magazine for August, 1875,

1S78.] J. T. "Walker — ■ Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations. 79

This work done, he proceeded, in accordance with his instructions, to
Yasin, marching through the Gilghit Valley, but not surveying it, because
the labours of the lamented Hayward, who was murdered at Yasin, already
furnished us with a good map of that region. From Yasin he surveyed the
southern route to Mastuj through the Ghizar and Sar Laspur A" alleys ; this
has furnished an important rectification of a route which had hitherto been
laid down from conjecture only, and very erroneously ; for the road, instead
of proceeding in a tolerably straight direction from Yasin to Mastuj, as was
supposed, turns suddenly from south-west to north-north-east at Sar Las¬
pur, which is situated at some distance to the south of the direct line, in a
valley lying parallel to the valley of Chitral. At Mastuj the Mulla
struck on to his survey of the route from Jalalabad, via Dir and Chitral, to
Sarhadd-i-Wakhan, in 1873, and then proceeded along that route towards
the Baroghil Pass, as far as the junction of the Gazan with the Yarkun
Liver, and then along the northern road from Mastuj to Yasin. This
road turns up the Gazan Valley, crosses the Tui ar Moshabar Pass — which
is conjectured to be probably not less than 16,000 feet in height — and, after
traversing a deep crevassed glacier for a distance of about eight miles,
reaches the point where the Tui Liver issues in great volume from the
glacier ; the road then follows the course of the river down to its junction
with the AVarchagam Liver, a few miles above Yasin.

Leturning to Sar Laspur, the Mulla next surveyed the route to the
south-west, up the valley leading to the Tal Pass. This pass is situated on
a plateau of the range which connects the mountains on the western
boundary of the valley of the Indus with those on the eastern boundary of
the valley of Chitral, and is generally known by the people of the country
as the Kohistan. The sources and most of the principal affluents of the
Swat and the Panjkora rivers take their rise in this region, all the most
commanding peaks of which were fixed by Captain Carter’s triangulation ;
but of the general lie of the valleys relatively to the peaks, nothing
at all definite has been known hitherto. The Mulla has done much
to elucidate the geography of this region. On crossing the Tal plateau he
descended into the Panjkora Valley, and traversed its entire length down
to Dodbah, at the junction of the Dir river with the Panjkora, where he
again struck on his route survey of 1873.

It would have been well if he could then have gone done the Panjkora
to its junction with the Swat Liver, but circumstances prevented him from
doing so. He therefore travelled along the Havildar’s route of 1868 as
far as Miankalai, and then surveyed the road to Nawagai and on to Pashat
in the valley of Kunar j and finally, returning to Nawagai, he surveyed the
road from there down to the British fort of Abazai.

80

Y. A. Smitli — Two Chctndel copper-plate Inscriptions.

[No. 1,

Thus the explorations of the Mulla have added much to our know¬
ledge of the geography of the interesting regions lying beyond our nor¬
thern Trans- Indus Frontier. A good deal, however, still remains to be
done before our knowledge of these regions is as full and complete as it
should be, and every effort will be made to carry out further explorations
as soon as possible.

The accompanying sketch map has been constructed to illustrate the
Mulla’s operations ; it also shows the localities where more information
is wanted. In the north-east corner the results of a recent reconnaissance
of portions of the Karambar and the Nagar Valleys by Captain Biddulph
are given, but somewhat modified from his map of the country.

Notes on two ancient copper-plate Inscriptions found in the Hamirpur

District , N. W. P. — By Y. A. Smith, B.A., B.C.S. With a Note

by Peannath Pandit, M.A., B.L.

In 1872, a peasant when ploughing in the lands of Mauza Nanyaura,
Parganah Panwari, Zila Hamirpur, tinned up two inscribed copper-plates.
The plates were brought to Mr. W. Martin, C. S., who is now on furlough,
and were left by him in the hands of a local pandit (Muralidhar) who was
in his service. With the assistance of this man, I have had Nagari trans¬
scripts prepared, and have made translations of the inscriptions.

Plate No. I is 15 inches long by 11 inches broad, and is covered
with an inscription of 19 lines, very well engraved and in good order.
This record is interesting as throwing light on the chronology and order of
succession of the Chandel kings. It tells us that Vidyadhara Deva was
succeeded by Yijaya Pala Deva, and that the latter was succeeded by Deva
Varmma Deva, lord of Kalin jar, who in 1107, Samvat, bestowed the lands
to which the record relates. The statement that Yijaya Pala Deva suc¬
ceeded Vidyadhara Deva is in accordance with the testimony of the
Chhattarpur Mhau inscription, but that document gives Kirtti Varmma as
the name of Yijaya Pala’s son and successor, whereas my copper-plate
instead of Kirtti Varmma names Deva Varmma Deva. Both inscriptions
apparently refer to the same prince.

General Cunningham conjecturally assigns 1122 Samvat (1065 A. D.)
as the date of the conclusion of Vijaya Pala’s reign and the accession
of Kirtti Varmma. Whatever was the name of Vijaya Pala’s successor,
it is clear from this copper-plate inscription that he had begun his reign
previous to 1107, Samvat (L050 A. D.).

1878 ] Y. A. Smith — Two Gliandel copper-plate Inscriptions. 81

Plate No. II is 14 inches long by 8 inches broad, and has the
edges turned up all round, so as to form a raised rim. The inscription is
in 14 lines, and the letters have evidently been made with a punch, because
their outlines are visible on the back of the plate. The writing is more
crowded, and the characters more difficult to read than those in Plate No. I,
but with the exception of one or two epithets which are unimportant to
the general sense, I think my readings and translation are pretty complete
and correct. I have not been able to make a facsimile. Like No. I, the
document is a deed of gift of lands to a Brahman. The donor is Baja
Dhanga, and in accordance with the Khajuraho inscription, it is recorded
that he was the son of Yaso Varmma, who was the son of Harsha Deva.
The date 1055 Samvat (998 A. D.) is written both in words and figures.
The Khajuraho inscription which records Dhanga’s self-sacrifice in the
sacred waters of Prayag is dated 1056 Samvat ; this copper-plate shows
that he was still living in 1055 Samvat.

This record, therefore, adds but little to our knowledge of Chandel
chronology, but it is of value as corroborating the evidence of the Khajuraho
inscription, respecting the order of succession of the kings.

It is noticeable that the recipient of the grant recorded in this copper¬
plate is Budra Sri Yasodhara, a member of the Bharadwaja got , which
traced its descent from Angiras, Bharadwaja and Varhaspatya : probably
he was the same person as the Prime Minister Yasodhara, mentioned in the
Khajuraho record. The donee wdiose name is recorded in Plate No. I,
belonged to the same family, and this is perhaps the reason why both
inscriptions were found together.

I have not had an opportunity of visiting Mauza’ Nanyaura, but I am
informed that an ancient Gaharwar tank exists there, and that there are
also the remains of an old village site.

The present village is said to have been founded by one Noni Sail
Kurmi, and to be named after him.

Note. — Dhanga’s name has been sometimes incorrectly written Banga, the mistake
is evidently due to the similarity of the characters for b q and for dh ^ in Kutila
writing.

No. 1. Nanyaura Copper-Plate.

Ndgari Transcript.

(1) i

L

82 Y. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 1,

hujt *r swrit i

^Jsfi faf qrtfw

WIT™ (2) II qif4q<: SJX? I 3kW ^qT^qaT(q)^

J

(3) ^rr U°*> qs*T*H?T% ^riT^T^f ^TTCT-

^Tar^TT^r^f qralpqmf^rfa ^Tffjojirq^Tcr qi^T-

^jcr ^rsm^fa qT^rafa- (4) i <nTwfaraTm i

' v» ^ _

*1% fqfqq^mT fq?ipr ^«ffr^r^%cr ^r wiqqi

*TqT*ftqfcf WW® *Wqr[ ^rrvrfoT ^ (5) | W <nfqf KfiJPR q^q¥[Tfa-

s3 v3

-g^ (6) i sqriYt ^iqTflfqf^JTrTT^ (7) vrrrfTqjJTTqTq qjfjnrg qi^^Fq MlT*
qi^r fasmT^ *j^^snfw qrfVrqqjq *TfqwmT*? *rqq?^rqjq q^i’-

qjjiqK?uq q^^Tfa^qrq (8)^iw««r: (9)

wmrwrreNP (10) w^t^:(11) ^%Twq<nTq^ (12) ^q*rf*p*T*n (13)
^g^T?n^fq^!(14) ^^r^«nYfrrj[r^x:q^^.,(15) q^Ti^w^^f^iw^lG)
S^Tp I (17) ^TOWflWiqPCP^W ^<HT-

^r^Tf^^f^rri^f^ri(18) c^Tq^rr^ i ^repqjNajqf^r ijT^rT ^?qqqrq?jqiHir
in?rq qT snr^<j ^j$r ^t q^ig fqqrNn<j ^qg- ^qrqqg- qr q ^fq-
^rfq^mf^: qftqfcjfqqfqqqj (19) i q^fa qqir ^T^fVr: qjKTfqfq: i
W W fT^T II (20) vrr^T qi qfq72WTfcT ^ Vffq

si^frr i <rr q^qsqim ^qjnfqtn 11 (21) w qqvq^f tow
q^qT^W I qfaqTTO fwfa W ^jf; ll (22) t q^qf qT %
^T<T TO^TO I ^r fq^Tqf VJ3T fq<gfa: q^fq 11 (23) ^Wqqf JITqq>f
*lTO2fawrq|*l 1 ^sr^qrqrfq qTqqyqcrq^qq || (24) wi^q^psft:

qfatqqqi^q: i

Translation.

Om Svasti. The supreme master, 3Iahdraja Adhirdja , the supreme
lord Sri Vidyddliara Deva , whose feet were adored by the supreme master
Maharaja Adhirdja , supreme lord, Sri Vijaya Tala Deva, whose feet were
adored by the supreme master, Maharaja Adhirdja , supreme lord, the devout

follower of Mahesvara , the lord of Kdlinjara, Sri Deva Varmma Deva -

may he prosper ! The fire of his ( Deva Varmma’ s) prowess devours the
extremities of space ; and he is the preceptor in the rite of giving
widowhood to the wives of foemen slain in the arena of battle. Who by
truthfulness conquers Yudhisthira ; by munificence, the lord of Champa
i. e., Kama ; by depth, the great ocean j by sovereignty, the god beloved

1878.]

V. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions.

S3

of Sachi, i. e ., Indra ; by beauty too, over Manobhava ; by eloquence, over
Sulcra with Vachaspati ; wbat is the use of recounting bis other qualities,
white as the clear splendour of the moon ? Wise, religious, valiant, truthful,
subduer of his passions, grateful, the producer of the gladness of good men
and of auspicious appearance. Thus bis body (is) adorned with many quali¬
ties. Reckoning this world to be insubstantial (worthless), yet beautiful to
look upon as the pith of a plantain tree ; on Monday the third date of the

black fort-night of the month of Daisakha, Sam vat 1107 -

- (25) in Dajapurdvasta , informs the principal inhabitants, of whom

Brahmans are the foremost, of the village Kathadau attached to Danamaullar
and all Royal officers. On the anniversary of the death of my mother, Sri
Dhuvana Devi, Queen, having bathed in water according to sacred precept,
having satiated the Manes of ancestors with kusa , sesamum and water, after
satisfying gods and men, having presented an Argliya to the Sun, having
duly worshipped the god, the lord of Dhavdni , i. e., Shiva , and having
presented oblations in the fire, according to usage ; For the increase of the
virtue and fame of my parents and myself, to the Brahmana Abhimanyu ,
son of Dhatta Ella, grandson of Jayavara, originally an inhabitant of
Tabari Dhatta Grama ; a member of the Bhdradwaja gotra and the triple
pravara of Angirasa, Drihaspati and Dhdradvdja, skilled in the Vedas
and Vedangas , engaged in the six acts proper for a Brahman, and of excel¬
lent disposition — to him this village has been granted by us with its land
and water, its mango and madiua trees, with its hollows, waste and stones,
its rocks and tillage (?) — with its mines of metal and salt, with its forest
and concealed treasure, with its clear defined boundary, with all grass,
watering-places (?) and pastures for kine within its limits, excluding aught
previously given to the gods or Brahmans, as a Sasana. Therefore, by you
all complying with the orders (herein conveyed) all the rents in kind, taxes,
gold payments, fines, hereditary rights and the rest should be made over
to this person. Till the moon, sun and earth endure, he with his son,
grandson and descendants should enjoy (the grant) or assign it, or give
away to another, till it or cause it to be tilled, none who enjoy the
kingdom after me, should prove an obstacle in the way. By many kings,
Sagara and others, the earth has been enjoyed. Whosesoever has been
the land, his has been the fruit. He who accepts lands and he who grants
lands, both these doers of virtuous deeds certainly go to Heaven. A
Conch, a throne, an umbrella, fine horses and fine elephants, these mark the
grant of lands ; and the result is Heaven, O Indra ! He who resumes land,
whether given by himself or given by others, becomes a worm in filth and
falls with his ancestors. By stealing a single suverna , a single cow, or even
a finger-breadth of land, (the thief) remains in hell till the end of the Uni¬
verse. Great prosperity. Sri . Srimad Deva varmma I)eva.

84

V. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 1,

No. 2. Nanyaura Copper-Plate.

Nagart Transliteration.

<ii 1 rT^J frith] ^rff f^TWT *TWT-

II I fh^RF^r

q<TFqT W II

rr^^rfT^lrrWT^IT^T^^T^T II W.^F I $<*FT^-

jt^t: an<Tn n <t^f qfr srqf^i: i w«fj-

v» C\ »

^tWTrT: WqFTTqKTsFW II fM ^f^Rfarf PR^F^I-' I

T^Rttofo^r^Tfa q^ir ii vipf^: qf^qn^* ^T<f*trte ti qn*?q^: qnfe^j

I Vi i

fi^T ^t: fif^^rrT ^ sraipfagfw: I qifrqTffr fiT^T^

tfarTT II <R*FV? RWSKT^Tfa-

^qj^^TWq^^fTCqi^FTF^FfhTT^qY^^qn^ofNqfw^JTfq: I *-
q^qww^fMr qnf^qFqTf^F^T ** w^cn q»Tfw-

^ ^V3R(?)3iTfaqiR7t I YTI^’f^-

I ^I^TW^rirT^T^ frqTOq ^RTT^T qTW?S

^irfwfqfaRq^FwqFwfaqRRJ ^~

^ ^f^racr *TW«qr ^witTqrq^TfT

^P^mqssM i Tpjjfcni?^TjR?*i i w^ qw^^T^TrrTfq^R^t^^J i ^Rjq^T^j

J x vj

^rfc<r: ^ q;^r wq<^.* i ^?rrf^f[ rr^^i^r ^-fi^crqr^fq^: i *rrw*if^-
^Tf^q^T^: ^WT^^mr I *tof ^frrq<TT: I qssfa ^r

I w w ^q;r <t^f <t^;t qr^^t i vrffl ^ qfrowFfrr *rg

*rf?r s^^f?r I ^3§r Wf f?nmT ^ianfinrT ii JFF^qrf ^qw^qi

^ Vi

wfrc3fai*np^roi ^sKqmreTfa ^^FwnfarqqT n ju^st

W^nf^T | qrrrqrTTfqWTnfrr^qi^ jfRTqf^T: || |

Translation of the Inscription of the Nanyaura Copper-plate , No. 2.

Om. It is well. Sri Harslia Deva, the king, of the great family of
Sri Brahmendra Muni, was [as] the kalpa vriksha the root of joy to well-
wishers, the water of immortality for the eyes of good friends, a very ketu
in the destruction of hostile armies, a bridge in the surging sea of good
men’s burdens, the Jewel on the diadem of the three worlds, the sovereign
whose hand dearly loved the sword, whose glory like that of the summer
sun was insu]3 portable. From that abode of generosity sprang Yaso
Varmma, a very Indra in the destruction of the dark hosts of (his)

1878.] V. A. Smith — Two Channel copper-plate Inscriptions.

85

enemies, an axe in cleaving the trunks of the elephants of (his) enemies,
by whose radiance like the whiteness of the moon and jasmine were illu¬
minated, the caves of Kulacliala frequented by the consorts of the
kinnaras ; his son was Sri Dhanga Deva, the favourite of the Goddess of
Victory the prowess of whose blade’s edge was famous in numberless battles.
Wonderfully did he kindle in the hearts of the enemy’s wives the flame of
separation, which unceasingly spread, though besprinkled with the water
of tears. [In his undivided reign] there was flight in the wavy curls
[alone] of the denizens of the antahpura , in amorous dalliance [alone]
there was seizure by the neck, in female breasts alone was hardness and
brows [alone] were crooked, on the moon [only] were spots, and in the
plantain tree [only] was saplessness : the poets spake well, and amidst
clusters of the Kairava \Nymphcea esculenta\ alone there was enmity
at the rise of Mitra (meaning both Sun and friend). The king and
sovereign lord Harsha Deva, the destroyer of the' exultation of enemies,
succeeded by the king and sovereign lord Yaso Varmma, destroyer of the
exultation of enemies, succeeded by the king and sovereign lord Dhanga
Deva, destroyer of the exultation of enemies, ruler of Kalinjar, in the
Samvat year 1055 at the full moon of Kartik, on Sunday the 15th day of
the bright half of the month, to-day here in Kasi, when the orb [of the
moon] which is a joy to the heart of Rohini, and is marked with the form
of a deer, was seized as a mouthful by the son of Sinhika [i. e., Rahu] —
to the member of the Bharadwaja gotra, and the threefold pravara of
Bharadwaja, Angirasa and Varhaspatya, belonging to the Vajasaneya
saklia , to him originally an inhabitant of Tarkayika residing in the village
of Durbahara, named Rudra Sri Yasodhara, the son of Rudra Jaya Kumara
— to him with its waste, streams and tanks, land and water, upland and
lowland, and mango and mahua trees, the village of Chulli bounded on
the four sides by Sasaroshara — for the sake of increasing his own and his
parent’s merit, he the lover of religion gave — # # # # #

# # # # # , and having given the beloved of the

people addressed those present saying — Remain happy by continuing to
pay (the donee) rents in kind and in money and the rest. Om. So the
writers of Smritis (have said) : Many kings, Sagar and others, have
enjoyed territory, so long as any retained his lands, so long has his been
the fruit. He who receives land in gift, and he who bestows it, both these
are meritorious and assuredly go to heaven. He who filches a single cow,
a single gold-piece, or one finger’s breadth of land, goes to hell till the end
of all things. This is the decree of STi Dhanga who is steadfast in the
practice prescribed by the Vedas and whose ruling prowess pains the circle
of his enemies. Sri Dhanga.

86

V. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 1,

Note by Bdbu Branndth Bandit.

The Society is indebted to Mr. V. A. Smith, B. A., B. C. S., for these
two copper-plates recording the grant of two villages by two kings of the
Chandel Dynasty, Dhanga Deva and Bern Varmma Neva in Samvat 1055
and 1107 respectively. Mr. Smith has sent transcript and translation of
both the plates, which I have revised for publication in the Society’s Jour¬
nal. Some parts of the translation however, sj^ecially of plate No. 2,
remain tentative and far from literal. The Note appended by Mr. Smith
gives the most salient points in the grants, and after the exhaustive notice
in General Cunningham’s Arch£eological Survey of India, Yol. II, there is
nothing to he added to the ample materials which exist concerning the
chronology of the Chandel Dynasty. I have added some philological
parallels gathered from several grants, and those who care to pursue the
matter further may consult the Khajuraho inscription in the Asiatic
Researches, Yol. XII, and the Ujjayini grants in the Transactions of the
Royal Asiatic Society. Yol. I, reprinted in Colebrooke’s Works, Yol. II,
and the Banda copper-plate, ante p. 73. The village Tarkayikd , of No. 2,
is the same as the Talcdri of No. 1, and the Dhakari of the Banda copper¬
plate, ante p. 76. All three may he safely identified with the Tikri of
modern maps.

NOTES.

(1.) Compare ^ ^

•sjT«T, &c. in J. A. S. B. Yol. YIII, pp. 491, 492. Also ^ ^

&c. in J. A. S. B., Yol. X, pp. 99, 100.

(2.) Compare the partly decyphered sloka
^T^T^fcr: in the 9th line of the Bliavala Inscription, J. A. S. B., Yol. X,

p. 820.

(3.) Compare ‘SU^or* I J. A. S. B., Vol. YIII,

p. 297. The sloka I &e. in J A.

S. B., Yol. Y, p. 379.

(4.) Compare

ifT^qfrT I j- A. S. B., Vol. Y, p. 379. fqqqqfrT

I J. A. S. B , Yol. YIII, p. 297. The royal
officers are set out in great detail in the Kumbhi grant. J. A. S. B. Yol.
YIII, p. 492, and in the Fyzabad grant. J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(5.) Compare | J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379.

cT^pqt fqfaqrt ^T<3T WWrk \ J. A. S. B. Yol. YIII, p. 492.

^-^TTTWi *n»*TOT frrf^q-^-

ott i J. A. s. B. Yol. X,

p. 100.

87

1878-] V. A. Smith — Two Cliandel copper -plate Inscriptions.

(6.) Compare *TTrrTfawn?T*rg I J. A. S. B. Yol. V,

p. 379. i J. A.

S. B. Yol. V, p. 729. ^TcTtWkt^^ W*rcrf*ri^i? I J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII,
p. 492. xr^irrfaer^ l J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(7.) The phrase occurs in the Copper-plate

grant of Arjuna (Samvat 1267) in J. A. S. B. Yol. V, p. 379 but has not
been translated. A similar omission is noticeable concerning the adjective
prefix to the donee’s name in the copper-plate grant of

Karka II (Saka 734) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 297. The etymological
signification of the word fwf^T^I«T is “ gone out or from,” but I suppose that
in passages like the above, it is used to denote the original residence of the
donee.

(8.) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492, Vol. X, p. 100.

(9.) These words occur in the copper-plate grant of Ajaya Binha Deva
(Samyat 932) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492, and have been translated into
“ mango trees and honey” (p. 486). Compare of the

copper-plate grant of Jayachandra (Samvat 1243) J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100,
which has been correctly translated into “ with gardens of modliio and man¬
go trees” (p. 103). signifies the tree Bassia latifolia , and is never so

far as I am aware used as a synonym for honey.

(10.) Compare seemingly a mistake for in Jaya¬

chandra’ s copper-plate grant. J. A. S. B. p. 100, which has been translated
at p. 103 into “ with caves and fertile farrnsT according to Wilson

signifies saline soil. The phrase in Ajaya Sinha’s copper-plate

grant J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492, where it is translated into “together
with . salt-pits.”

(12.) Compare in J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492.

in J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(13 ) Compare in Pravara Sena’s copper-plate grant.

J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p 729. ^r*pre«TS in Ajaya Sinha’s copper-plate grant.
J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492 ; and in Jayachandra’s

copper-plate grant. J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100.

(14.) Compare in the copper-plate grant of Karka

II. J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 298. in Ajaya Sinha’s copper¬
plate grant. J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492 and in

Jayachandra’s copper-plate grant. J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100, the first
half of which compound seems to have been omitted from the translation at
p. 103. The words in the present plate may also be read as
which synonymous expression also occurs in Arjuna’s copper-plate errant,
J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379.

(15.) Compare in Ajaya Sinha’s copper-plate grant, J. A.

S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492. in Jayachandra’s copper-plate

8S H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagurd. [No. 1,

grant. J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100, where it has been translated into “ which
extends as far as Trinayuthi .” (p. 103).

(16.) This is the usual reservation about previous endowments. Com¬
pare in J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 298.

Yol. Y, p. 379.

(17.) Compare in J. A. S. B. Vol. Y, p. 379.

in J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(18.) Compare *J*IT J. A. S. B. Yol. Y,

p. 379, which is translated into “ the full usufruct of all the rights and dues
heretofore paid to Government,” (p. 382). Also

in J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100 which is gener¬
ally translated at p. 103 into “ its revenues, as settled, or are to be settled.”
(19.) Compare &c. in J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 729.

&c. in J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 298.

(20.) This sloka occurs amongst others in J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379.
Yol. VIII, pp. 298, 493. Vol. X, p. 100.

(21.) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 494. Yol. X, p. 100.

(22.) Compare J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 494 where is a mis¬

take for ^CTUTJ, and Yol. X, p. 100.

(23.) J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379. Yol. VIII, p. 493. Yol. X, p. 100.
In Bravara Sena's copper-plate grant the latter half of the slok is different :

wrarew ^^f<T ■^rffafrT II J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 729.

(24.) In this sloka should be substituted for the sake of the
metre for Compare J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 493.

(25.) The words in the original seem distinct enough,

but I am unable to attach any meaning to the compound.

The Antiquities of Bagurd ( Bogra ). — By H. Beyekidge, C. S.

Though Bagura is almost a by-word among the Officers of Government
for seclusion and dulness, yet like most places in this world it has attract¬
ions which only require unveiling. Perhaps to most Anglo-Indians,
Bagura is chiefly interesting, because it was the residence of Sir George
Yule and the scene of many of his tiger-slaying exploits, but in reality the
district has claims to attention of another and more enduring order.
Foremost among these is the circumstance that it occupies an important
place in the legendary and historical annals of Bengal. It is traversed
from north to south by the sacred Karatoya, which divides it into two
nearly equal portions. This river has now dwindled into an insignificant
stream, easily fordable in the cold weather and scarcely navigable except

1878.]

89

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

in the height of the rains. But in old times, it was a great river, and
formed the boundary between Bengal and Kamrup. The western bank has
apparently undergone little change. The old rampart, known as Bhim-
jangal, still runs alongside of the western bank, and the ancient mound
and fortification of Mahasthan continues to overhang the sacred bathing-
place at Sila-dwip ; but on the east the appearance of the country has
been greatly changed. The old river-bed has been nearly filled up, and
long and wide churs, “ made blithe by plough and harrow”, now cover
the channel up which the ships of the famous Chand Saudagar used to sail.

Though no longer a territorial boundary, the Karatoya is still remark¬
able for the demarcation which it makes between two distinct kinds of
soil. On the west, Bagura is a veritable land of Edom, the soil being
almost as red as blood. It is at the same time so hard and tenacious, that
ditches cut in it retain their sharpness of outline for years, and that the
walls of the peasants’ huts are almost invariably made of earth. The ant¬
hills so common on the edges of the fields testify to the peculiarity of
the soil, for they stand up in sharp and many-pointed pinnacles and are
like Adens in miniature. On the east of the Karatoya, however, all is
sand and alluvium, and the ryots have to construct the walls of their
houses with reeds or mats. This difference of soil is said to affect the
crime of the district ; for burglaries are reported to be rare in the western
thanas, as it is no easy matter for thieves to break through and steal, when
the walls of the houses are so thick and hard as they are in the “ Khiar”
land. The etymology of the word Karatoya is indicative of the antiquity
and sanctity of the river. The name is derived from kar ■ the hand’ and
toyd 1 water’, and is held to signify that the river was formed by the water
which was poured on the hands of Siva, when he married the mountain-
goddess Parvati.

I find also that, there is the same tradition in Bagura as in Maiman-
singh about the origin of the name Das-kahania as applied to Sherpur. The
Bagura Sherpur is called Das-kahania as well as the Maimansingh Sherpur,
and the explanation given is, that the Karatoya was once so broad that
ten kahans had to be paid for crossing it. The explanation, however, does
not seem a very probable one, for ten kahans means 12,800 kauris, i. e., one
rupee, and I can hardly believe that any Bengali ever paid so much for
crossing a river. It is just possible that the charge had reference not to the
breadth of the river but to the fact that it separated two rival kingdoms.
The charge may therefore have been in the nature of an embargo or an
export-duty, and went for the most part into the pocket of the king or his
representative, and not to the ferryman. It would be quite in accordance
with the principles of native finance to levy such exorbitant duties on
people leaving the country or taking merchandise abroad.

H

90 H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bag lira. [No 1,

By the Hindus Bagura is popularly identified with the country of king
Virat, where the five Pandavas remained hidden for a year. Bagura, they
tell us, was the Dakshina Go-grih or southern cow-house ( Scottice byre) of
king Virat, the northern one being in Ghoraghat, i. e., Aswasala. Bhim,
they say, disguised himself as Yirat’s herdsman, and built the rampart known
as Bhim’s Jangal to make a pen for the cattle. So say the Pandits, while the
ryots improve the evidence got from this by pointing to the stone-pillar in
the Badalgachhi thana and calling it Bhim’s pdnti, i. e ., Bhim’s ox-goad.
Additional corroboration is sought from the fact that there are villages in
Bagura, known by the names of Virat and Kichak (Virat’s brother-in-law).
Unfortunately, however, names of places are more likely to be the offspring
of traditions than to be evidence of their genuineness, and even if the village
of Kichak be old, it more probably derives its name from the wandering
gypsies and robbers of the last century who were called Kichaks, than from
the villain of the Mahabharat.

A more convincing indication of the antiquity of Bagura was obtained
only last year when a tank was being dug in the middle of the town. The
tank had been excavated to a considerable depth, when the workmen came
on the top of a brick well. The well is still standing in the tank and may
be seen by the curious. It is circular in form and solidly built with large,
thin bricks which are so broad in proportion to their length as to be nearly
square. The mode of building seems peculiar, for the bricks are arranged in
layers which are alternately composed of flat and perpendicular bricks.
The top now visible appears to me to be the real top of the well, and it
is some fifteen feet below the present surface of the country. The
remarkable thing is that the earth is not sand or chur-earth, but is
solid, red soil. How the well came to be where it is, I cannot explain ;
but if the fifteen feet of earth were really gradually deposited above it, then
the well must be many centuries old. Close to this tank, and only separated
by the public road, there is an interesting proof of the antiquity of the soil
in a magnificent Banyan tree. It is, I think, the finest tree I have seen next
to that in the Botanical Gardens at Calcutta, and it is much more attract¬
ive than the latter, because it is still in the heyday of its career of
beneficence. The Bagura market is held under it and twice a week hundreds
of men and cattle are sheltered by it from the sun and rain.

The real glory of Bagura perhaps is the Badalgachhi pillar which bears
an inscription of the Pal Bajas, and which has been described by Sir
Charles Wilkins and more recently by a native gentleman. I have never
seen this pillar, and I hear that it is now so shrouded in jungle as to
be almost inaccessible. As it is situated in the Government Estate of
Jaipur, it is to be hoped that the authorities will look after its preservation.
It is locally known as Bhim’s pdnti or ox-goad.

1878.] H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura. 91

The most widely-known antiquity in Bagura is Mahasthan, or the Great
Place, which is situated seven miles north of the Civil Station. Mahasthan
probably originally owed its importance to its being near a sacred bathing-
place, and hence some have with a perverse ingenuity suggested that the
true name is Mahasnan. Afterwards it became the habitation of a
Kshatriya prince named Parasuram. Some traditions identify him with
Parasurama the destroyer of the Kshatriyas, though to do this, it is
necessary to change his caste and make him a Brahman. He was defeated
and slain by a Muhammadan, named Muhammad Shah Sultan, and probably it
is this circumstance which has done most to perpetuate his fame. Muham¬
mad Shah Sultan is buried at Mahasthan, and his tomb is annually visited
by thousands of pilgrims. There is no inscription on the tomb, and no one
seems to know exactly who he was or where he came from. He bears the
title of Mahi-suwar or fish-rider, and Hindus who swallow their own tradi¬
tions wholesale, think they must rationalize this epithet by referring it to
the figure head of the ship which brought the faqir. It is hardly worth
while to do this when there are so many more marvels connected with him.
The name Mahi-suwar probably has its origin in invention, pure and
simple.

The only genuine inference which we can make, I think, from Muham¬
mad Shah’s history is, that he was the hero of a popular rising. He was
not a fighting man apparently, and is never called a Gliazi, like the famous
Isma’il of Rangpur. Parasuram was probably a bigoted tyrant, and
was killed by those of his subjects who had turned Muhammadans. This
view is supported by the local tradition that Parasuram could not bear
the sight of a Musalman. It seems also certain that Muhammad Shah was
helped by Parasuram’ s own subjects ; for the tradition is, that one Harpal,
the Raja’s sweeper, used to convey information to Muhammad Shah of what
was going on inside the palace. The sweeper’s tomb is still pointed out
on the mound of Mahasthan, and until Muhammadans got more puritanical,
they used to make offerings at it of sharab and fcabab, i. e., meat and wine.
Muhammad Shah’s tomb is in good preservation and is lighted up every
night. It is surrounded by a wall, and close to the doorway there is a large
stone Gauripat (not a lingam) lying on the ground. Mr. O’Donnell has
described Mahasthan in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1875, Part I,
No. 2, but there are some errors in his account. As far as I can learn,
the legend of the beautiful Sila Devi has its origin in a mispronunciation.
The original name of the place is Siladwip, i. e., the mound of stones,
‘ dwif in Bagura being used to mean any high place and the epithet Stla
being applied to this one on account of the large stones lying about on it.
The populace, however, have lost sight of this meaning, and so started the
tradition of Sila Devi. There is no flight of stairs at Sila Devi’s Ghat, only

92

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

[No. 1,

two old trees. The sacred part of the river extends over reaches or
about two miles, from Skand (a name of Siva) ghat to Gobindghat in the
village of Gokul. The place called Sila Devi’s ghat lies about half-way
between the above ghats. An annual fair is held in the month of Chait,
but the most sacred time is when the conjunction of the planets admits
of the bathing’s taking place in the month of Pus (Pus Narayani).

Mr. O’Donnell speaks of the grant for the lakhiraj of Mahasthan
having been confirmed in 1666 by the Governor of Dhaka. In fact,
however, the confirmation is dated 7th Jumada I, 1096, A. H. (1st
April, 1685) in the thirtieth year of the reign. I have seen the original
sanad, which is in the Becord-room at Bogra. The deed bears the seal of
Kokultash Muzaffar-Jang [Husain]. It is in the form of an order addressed
to the officials of Silbaris in Sirkar Bazuha, and directs them to respect
the lakhiraj of the saint Muhammad Sultan Mahi-suwar’s Astan. The
word ‘ astan’ suggests to me the idea that Mahasthan may after all be a
Muhammadan name meaning the Great Astan. The Hindu name perhaps
was Siladwip. The place is also often called Mastangarh and under this
name it appears in the Survey Map. I send a copy of the Sanad along
with these remarks.* With regard to the resumption-proceedings, noted

* The following is a transcript of the copy of the Sanad —

—

J J tjUaiLof j (Jla. d/

i . . . Ijk. (jjaLa j

jfsis o oS[)Lm./c lb b Loj j

b j dA~vj|j>

g j2* j <W>,£/o <x.'L)L«f j(jj j jjjj &T lj

H

V

*» I

^uiy

J^tp jsk* I

1878 ]

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagurd.

9 3

by Mr. O’Donnell, I must in justice to our Government observe that no
attempt was made to resume the whole tenure. All the land within the
garh or fortification (some thousands of bighas apparently) was admitted
to belong to the lakhirajdars. The dispute was only about 300 bighas
of ckur-land which had formed between Mahasthan proper and the river-
cbannel. The resumption-proceedings, however, must have been rather
harassing to the proprietors ; for they began in 1824, and did not end
till December 1843. Sila Devi’s Ghat is in this chur which was sought
to be resumed, and this perhaps is enough to show the baselessness of
the story about her, for clearly the chur was formed long after Mahasthan
was made.

Translation.

It has been ordered that the Mutasaddis of all present and future matters of go¬
vernment, and the Chaudhuris, and Kanungos of Pargana Silbaris in Sirkar Bazuha
should bear in mind that, inasmuch as it has come to the knowledge of government
that according to the far mans and sanads, granted by former rulers, the service of the

sacred shrine of the king of saints, Hazrat . and income of

Mastangarh and the land comprised within the bend of the river, in the said Pargana,
have been settled on Sayyid Muhammad Tahir and on Sayyid ’Abdur-rahman and on
Sayyid Muhammad Raza and on their children, without anyone else being a partner, it
is necessary that the above-mentioned persons should he looked upon as the servitors of
the illuminated shrine, and that they should he left in possession of Mastangarh and of
the above described lands, so that the lands may go down to their heirs ; that they
may perform the vows and prayers as usual at this holy shrine ; that they may apply
the income to defraying the expenditure of the religious house, on travellers, and on
themselves for their own livelihood, so that they may occupy themselves with loyal
prayers for the continuance of the present government. Every care is to he taken in
this matter.

Written on the 7th Jumada I, of the 30th year of the present reign, corresponding
to the year of the Hijra 1096.

(Signed) Muzaffar Jang Bahadur, foster-brother ( JcoJcultash ) of ’Alamgir Padshah-
i-Ghazi.

It is impossible to reconcile the particulars given in the sanad copy with historical
facts. First , the name should he Muzaffar Husain not Muzaffar Jang. It is possible
that the copyist mistook for Secondly , Muzaffar Husain Kokultash (also

called Fidai Khan A’zam Kokah, Jcokah being the same as kolcultash ) was governor of
Bengal from the middle of 1088 H., [A. D. 1677] i. e., the 20th year of ’Alamgir, to
the 9th (or 12th) Rabf II, 1089 (i. e., the 21st year of ’Alamgir), when he died at Dha¬
ka.

But the 7th Jumada I, 1096 [1685, A. D.] falls in the 28th year of ’Alamgir, whose
30th year commences with the 1st Ramazan 1097 [A. D. 1685].

The name of the saint is written at the top instead of in its proper place in the body
of the deed, in order to do him honor. This is in accordance with Hindu customs, as
may be seen in sanads for lands dedicated to an idol.

94

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

[No. 1,

I could find nothing Buddhist at Mahasthan, and my impression is
that Messrs. Westmacott and O’Donnell have been somewhat too ready to
believe that Buddhism once prevailed in Bagura. Bardankuti is a com¬
paratively recent place, and has nothing to do, I think, with the Pandra
Varddhana of the Chinese pilgrim. There are two statues at Mahasthan.
One appears to be Basudeb (Krishna), and the other is simply a mermaid.
It has no theological signification at all, I think, and is just a fantastic
figure such as are common in Hindu palaces. The “ right hand clenched,”
referred to by Mr. O’Donnell is, I think, a foot.

One curious remain at Mahasthan is a large brick well with rude stone
■steps leading down it. The steps are simply large stones jutting out from
the brick work and look very awkward things to descend by. However I
was told that many persons go down by them at the time of the fair. The
well is called the Jiyat-kund, or well of life, and the tradition is, that Parasu-
ram for a long time got the better of Shah Sultan, because when any Hindu
soldier was killed, Parasuram revived him by sprinkling water from this
well over him. The sweeper Harpal told Shah Sultan of this, and then he
destroyed the efficacy of the water by throwing pieces of beef into it. The
fortification of Mahasthan is quadrangular in shape, and is popularly said to be
two miles square. There are four openings in it, and these are pointed out
as the gates. One is called the Tamar Darwazah, because it is said to have
been sheathed with copper. Outside the rampart there is on one side a
large lake, called the Kalidoha Sagar. There are islands in it, and a promon¬
tory on its banks is called Bish-Mathan, because it is said that on it the
goddesses Lutta and Padya mixed the poison which destroyed Chand
Saudagar’s family. Chand Saudagar is, as is well known, the impious
merchant who would not worship Manesha, or the Lady of the Snakes. He
is said to have lived at Chandmoa, i. e., Chandmukh, near Mahasthan, and
the foundations of the house he built for his son are still pointed out.

Another antiquity in Bagura, the importance of which, however, is a
good deal exaggerated by the people, is Jogir Bhaban, or the Ascetic’s house.
It lies some seven miles west of Bagura. It appears to have been an early
settlement of the Gosains, or followers of Siva. The remains consist of
some temples with elaborately carved wooden doors. One temple has the
Bengali date 1089, and the name Meher Nath Sadak. One of the doors
has the date 1119, and the name of Shukhal Nath Gosain. There is one
curious tomb with three monuments of different sizes. The largest is the
guru’s, the second is the disciple’s, and the third and smallest is said to be
that of the guru’s dog (“his faithful dog shall bear him company”).
There is a well of life here, too, but it is quadrangular in shape. The
jogi in charge of the temples gave me a curious instance of faith. There
are several images inside one temple, and the jogi candidly said that he

95

1878.] H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

could not tell what god one of them represented. However, he said, as it
was in the temple he accepted it and worshipped the unknown god. To
the west of Jogir Bhaban, there are said to be the remains of the house of
the Baja Salbon (Salivahan ?) and to the north of it, the remains of the
house of the Baja Sri Nath. Perhaps they were ancestors of Parasuram.

Beturning to Mahasthan, I have to say that Parasuram was evident¬
ly a devoted worshipper of Siva. Indeed, he seems to have meditated
setting up a rival to Banaras. In and about Mahasthan, there are places
called Kashi, Brindaban, and Mathura.

In 1862, or thereabouts, a number of gold coins were found at Baman-
para, near Mahasthan. The most of them have disappeared, but I have
seen two, and have sent them to the Asiatic Society for identification. The
records of the case which is said to have taken place about them have been
destroyed. In 1874, a pot of old rupees was found in the village of Maha-
sthan by a labourer who was digging a ditch in a pan garden. The
owners of the pan garden wrested the coins from him, and were convicted,
rather harshly I think, of robbery and sentenced to six months’ imprison¬
ment. On appeal, their sentence was reduced to three months. Some of
the coins were bought from the owners by Major Hume and were after¬
wards sent to the Asiatic Society. One coin was lying in the Magistrate’s
Malkhanah, and has been sent by me to Professor H. Blochmann.# I have
also sent down two other silver coins which are said to have been found
at Mahasthan.

* The silver coins were described in Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, Part I, for
1875, p. 288. The coins now sent are five in number, viz., 2 gold coins, regarding
which Dr. Eajendralala Mitra says : — u One of them, with the Hon on the reverse,
“ belongs to Mahendra Gupta, or as given on the margin of the obverse, Sri Mahendra
“ Sinha ; and the other to Chandra Gupta. Both have been figured in Thomas’s Prin-
“ sep. The princes belong to the 2nd and 3rd centuries of the Christian era.”

The three silver coins are — (1) a silver tankah of Shams-uddm Ilyas Shah of Ben¬
gal, as published by Thomas in his ‘ Initial Coinage of Bengal.’

(2.) A silver tankah , struck in 862 H., by Mahmud Shah I, of Bengal as figured
in this Journal, for 1875, PI. XI, No. 7. The reverse is the same as in Nos. 5 and 8,
hut the reading is still doubtful.

(3.) A silver tantcah by the same king, of coarse manufacture, similar to Nos. 2
and 3, of PI. XI, loc. cit .

ERRATA.

Page 114, 1. 40, for Plate XIII read Plate XVIII.

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>>

XIX

)}

>>

XXI

For 11 read 14 Plates.

i

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I .—HI STORY, LITERATURE, &e,

No. II.— 1878.

Mathura Notes. — By F. S. Growse, M. A. Oxox., B. C. S.

(With, eleven plates.)

The following scraps from my note-book have been hastily thrown
together in the midst of the worry and confusion occasioned by my sudden
and most unexpected transfer from a district, to which I had become great¬
ly attached, and where I had confidently hoped to spend with much pleasure
to myself and some slight advantage to the public the few years that yet
remain of my career in the executive branch of the service. I cannot avoid
this personal explanation, as it supplies the only adequate apology for the
very unfinished state in which these fragments appear. I had intended to
work up several of them into separate articles ; but the opportunity of
doing this has been denied me, and I have no choice but either to send
them as they are, or else allow them to perish amidst the general wreck in
which all my household gods are now involved.

1. Gosciin Mari Vans of Brindaban , and the sect of the Bddhd Vallabhis.

One of my inchoate projects was the compilation of a series of notices
illustrating the life and doctrine of the different Vaishnava Reformers of
the lGth and 17th centuries, who all made Brindaban their head centre.
Though both the men themselves and their writings are scarcely known by
name to European Orientalists, they have had an enormous influence on the
tendencies of modern Hindu thought, and the sects which they founded
still continue to gather converts from all parts of India. To last year’s
volume of the Society’s Journal I contributed an article on Swami Hari

08

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

I)as and his descendants, the Gosains of the temple of Banke Bihari ; and in
the Introduction to the first Book of my translation of the Ramayana I
have given an account of Tulsi Das, which I had intended to supplement,
on the completion of the poem, with a disquisition on his theological system.
But both translation and disquisition must now be indefinitely postponed ;
for a certain amount of quiet and composure is necessary for the adequate per¬
formance of so long and laborious an undertaking. I was under the impres¬
sion that such a series, however dull and occasionally repulsive the separate
articles might be, would still be of interest to the student and supply sound
material, out of which to construct one short chapter at least in the great
book of the future, the History of Comparative Religion. This project
however is very summarily disposed of, since it is only at Mathura that
MSS. are obtainable, nor would the Gosains communicate them to any one, in
whom they had not by long intercourse acquired confidence : so suspicious
are they of European interference. The language moreover in which the
poems are written is not without difficulty and requires some special study,
even on the part of natives, before it is readily intelligible. These are pro¬
bably the reasons why Prof. Wilson in his ‘ Religious Sects’, is able to give
very full and accurate accounts of the great teachers of earlier times, who
wrote in Sanskrit, while his notices of the more modern schools are meagre
and apparently, as a rule, not derived from original sources. Thus, though
he devotes five pages to the Radha Yallabhis, he does not mention the name
even of the Chaurasi Pada, which is their great authority, and to illustrate
their doctrine, translates a passage from the Brahma Yaivarta Purana,
which is rather the standard of the Vallabhacharis, a different sect, who
have their head quarters at Gokul.

The founder of the Radha Yallabhis was by name Hari Yans. His
father, Yyasa, was a Gaur Brahman of Deva-ban in the Saharanpur district,
who had long been childless. He was in the service of the Emperor and on
one occasion was attending him on the march from Agra, when at last his
wife Tara gave birth to a son at the little village of Bad, near Mathura, in
the sambat year 1559. In grateful recognition of their answered prayers,
the parents named the child after the god they had invoked, and called him
Hari Yans, i. e., Hari’s issue. When he had grown up, he took to himself
a wife, by name Rukmini, and had by her two sons and one daughter.
Of the sons the elder, Mohan Chand, died childless ; the descendants of the
younger, Gopinath, are still at Deva-ban. After settling his daughter
in marriage he determined to abandon the world and lead the life of an
ascetic. With this resolution he set out alone on the road to Brindaban,
and had reached Charthaval, near ITodal, when there met him a Brahman,
who presented him with his two daughters and insisted upon his marrying
them, on the strength of a divine command, which he said he had received

1878. J

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

90

in a vision. He further gave him an image of Krishna with the title of
Radha Vallabh, which on his arrival at Brindaban was set up by Hari Vans
in a temple that he founded between the Jugal and the Koliya Ghats on
the hank of the Jamuna. Originally he had belonged to the Madhvacharya
Sampraclaya and from them and the Nimbaraks, who also claim him, his
doctrine and ritual were professedly derived. But in consequence of the
mysterious incident, by which he had been induced to forego his intention
of leading a celibate life and take to himself two new wives ; or rather
in consequence of his strong natural passions, which he was unable to
suppress and therefore invented a fiction to excuse, his devotion was all
directed not to Krishna himself, except in a very secondary degree, but to
his fabled mistress Radha, whom he deified as the goddess of lust. So
abominable a system was naturally viewed at first with no little amazement,
as is clear from the language of the Bhakt Mala, which is as follows :

II *n?r ll

C\

%F3i snfr t ii

Iff I

fqfyj ??vNl qarat I!

fqfa srft fra •sr;rai snrard n
^fbirai^T ’spraf %it; qtwf*r f i

fifa SSrT %F3i SiTpT f n

Translation of the text of Nahh a Ji.

“ The Gosain Sri Hari Vans : who can understand all at once his method
of devotion ? with whom the feet of blessed Radha were the highest object
of worship ; a most staunch-souled devotee ; who made himself the page in
waiting on the divine pair in their bower of love ; who gloried in the enjoy¬
ment of the remnants of all that was offered at their shrine ; a servant who
never pleaded obligation or dispensation ; a votary of incomparable zeal.
Account him blessed who follows in the path of Vyasa’s great son, the Gosain
Sri Hari Vans : who can understand all at once his method of devotion ?”

In the gloss, or supplement of Priya Has, the same sentiment is ex¬
panded and a reference made to the legend of the Brahman and his two
daughters.

100

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes,

[No. 2,

II TtaT II

Ttfa %F3T qrrafsw qq; 3ii%“

C\

W*1 *IT^' qiW $**!! ^JTT^ I
fqqz fqqfZ wq %Tq 51 W3 ^
^q#tft aqTffg mtt ii

fqfq %t fqiN iq mqqn^: fW

fare fq5i qiq ftq fqq qf STTtil I

iqq qq rfncf; fqfqq sft%’

snsra qfqg qi^T q<fql ii

m fJITfq 5TU q^T ftqT ifcfR %t
fqq qswq qfw*TT qt s#W I
%rt w im snqqqi ^%t *tto

gsr% %T a'q qqq 5i*i ntf^ra n

fTTlt ^ W fqqiTT fspj Wftfqqft

- #

^srqfqqi't qffT %t qf%i qfwfqq i
flifn fqq qTTT qq n^T iq qriT qq
q»% fq 5JT71 qq qqq ST qffqq It

^TfqqiTqiHqTTqj qiT^T %T ^T^T qt
%qT %T qqiTH 'St f%"TT*J $5iqTq%T I
%Tt fq^TT ^qqTT fq^q fqaft
fqq-^ s'fqq; fqq qf% qm%T n
fqfq fqq qjq ?q qTq ^

fq^jq qqr q;ru qifaiqiTq^ i

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

101

%T qifl liWsfi qi%‘

\J C\

5*jf JH TTT^ ^TT irm%T II

Translation.

“ Would you know the one point in a thousand of Sri Hit Ji’s ways ?
he adored Radha first and after her Krishna. A most strange and un¬
natural fashion, that none could even faintly comprehend save by his favour.
He obliterated all distinction between obligation and dispensation ; his Be¬
loved was in his heart ; he lived only as her servant, singing the praises of
the divinity night and day. All the faithful know his many edifying and
holy actions ; why tell and repeat them since they are famous already.

“ He left his home and came ; his passion for Radha and Krishna had
so grown : but you must know Hari had given an order to a wealthy Brah¬
man : * Bestow your two daughters in marriage, taking my name, and know
that their issue shall be famous throughout the world. By their means
my worship shall spread among my faithful jDeople, a path for the pathless,
of high renown.’ Obedient to the loving order he went home ; the delight
of all was past telling, for it was more than the mind could even conceive.
Radha’s dear spouse gave the gracious command : ‘ Publish abroad my
worship and the delights of my sylvan abode.’ He drank in with his very
eyes the essence of bliss and gave it to every client who supported the cause
of the female divinity. Night and day imbibing the honeyed draught of
sweet song and cherishing it in his soul, with no thought but for Syama
and Syam. How is it possible to declare such incomparable merit p the
soul is enraptured at the sound more than at that of any other name.”

By his later wives he had two sons Ban Chand and Kishan Chand, of
whom the latter built a temple to Radha Mohan, which is still in the pos¬
session of his descendants. The former was the ancestor of the present
Gosains of the temple of Radha Yallabh, the chief shrine of the sect. This
was built by one of his disciples, a Kayath named Sundar Das who held
the appointment of Treasurer at Delhi. One of the pillars in the front
gives the date as samhat 1683. An earlier inscription, of 1641, was no¬
ticed by Prof. Wilson, but this would seem to have been over the gateway
leading into the outer court, which since then has fallen down and been
removed. The temple is in itself a handsome building and is further of
special architectural interest as the last example of the early eclectic style.
The ground plan is much the same as in the temple of Haridev at Gobar-
dhan (described in my Mathura Memoir, Part I, page 172) and the work
is of the same character, but carried out on a larger scale. The nave has
an eastern fa£ade, 34 feet broad which, as will be seen from the accom-

102

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

panying photograph, is in three stages, the upper and lower Hindu, and
the one between them purely Muhammadan in character. The interior is
a fine vaulted hall (63 ft. x 20 ft.) with a double tier of openings north
and south ; those in the lower story having brackets and architraves and
those above being Muhammadan arches, as in the middle story of the front.
These latter open into a narrow gallery with small clerestory windows
looking on to the street. Below, the three centre bays of the colonnade
are open doorways, and the two at either end are occupied by the staircase
that leads to the upper gallery. Some of the carved panels of the stone
ceiling have fallen ; but the outer roof, a steep gable, also of stone, is as
yet perfect. Some trees however have taken root between the slabs and
unless carefully removed must eventually destroy it. The actual shrine, or
cella, as also at the temple of Gobind Deva, was demolished by Aurangzeb
and only the plinth remains, upon which a room has been built, which is
used as a kitchen. As no mosque was ever erected at Brindaban, it is not a
little strange that Mr. Fergusson in his History of Indian architecture,
when speaking of this very locality, should venture to say “ It does not
appear proven that the Moslems did wantonly throw down the temples
of the Hindus, except when they wanted the materials for the erection of
mosques or other buildings.” A thorough repair of roof, eaves and east
front would cost Its. 4,500, and as a typical example of architecture, the
building is worth the outlay. A modern temple has been erected on the
south side, and the nave of the old fabric has long been entirely disused. In
fact this is the last temple in the neighbourhood in which a nave was built
at all. In the modern style it is so completely obsolete that its distinctive
name even is forgotten. On the opposite side of the street is a monument
to the founder, which however the present generation of Gosains are too un¬
grateful to keep in repair. They are the descendants of Braj Chand’s
four sons, Sundar-Bar, Badha Ballabh Das, Braj-Bhukhan and Nagar Bar Ji ;
and the heads of the four families so derived are now Daya Lai, Manohar
Ballabh, Sundar Lai and the infant son of Kanhaiya Lai.

Hari Vans was himself the author of two poems ; the one, the Ghaurdsi
Pa da, or 4 84 Stanzas,’ in Hindi, the other the Pddhd S 'udhd Nidhi , or
c Treasury of lladha’s Delights,’ in 170 Sanskrit couplets. The latter,
though not much read, is held in great esteem and, regarded solely as a piece
of highly impassioned erotic verse, it is a spirited and poetic composition.
There is a good Hindi commentary upon it by one Bansidhar, dated sam-
bat 1820. It is written in a very florid style and its interminable compounds,
to be rendered into intelligible English, would require a greater expenditure
of time and thought than I can now bestow upon them. But as MSS. are
scarce and Sanskritists may like to see a specimen of the text, I subjoin the
first 25 and the last couplet in the original.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

103

II II

*mr. ^Tfq qqqTiqj^^T^q^xft^qqift srn&n*ft i

<tot ftirsfq it \ n

q§TW^qqfqfiqT^fij^5T fifti II ^ II

5ft *i qwr q^ra frei i

qsrNifl-wiq i§*v*r*rofti 7} ^rfj? 11 3 11

G\ \> x

qjrcjTq ar|ft ^q^^iira: qtT^ q^ ftq^fq fq^sfiir. 1
HT^T^qq »rsmf tt ^Tfwq^mTft ^xfti n u 11

f^qjft^qqT^fqqiT^fq'tqqqtfqfqqt^qqqTrft I
q^af^Tfzq^n^qqs^qq^l^qt siqlT? cfilfq I1 1.11

ttst. qfqwwsifTqT^qnqrrq^fl^f^ra^tir^fw i

^nnqq- ft ?iwyqraTftviTwft»5ftsift q«iT ^ftsaqi^R n ^ n
qinr. w q<T^mft ft si q^ gwa ftrawti: i
rrar. qi?T ^ft%Vn^TqT^r€f^ij?iwqTfq^T^^T»iii'3ii

l^Tft qq^qraq^xq qqreft qq: i

qTfTT'jftsq^iq^TTqtq TraTlW^ft^ fts|ft*ITSffit% II ^ II

%qifq qpnq^ qt ftrcsj ^rrf^^qiqftwt^T^q'rar. 1

siftT^ftiH: cji^T a sfftiftft qft *ftift fift: sptfti 11 tn
qrqT3[q^|q^q^fti^3TqT ft^Jiftsri ftfflfq jftqqwq«[fw I

C\ C\

^T^TTqTqqTi^qr^f^: qx ^xfw flftl qi^Tfq l.qf qftig II V II
g^flTq^qTftftwtf^tftq qwqiTq?ft%iqqiqT: i

C w

101

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

[No. 2,

iron H^rlT II W II

rlfq q^fqi^ I

fjyq^: ^R7|Tq*fCi fqlTqqrq?;»TO'ta*mTWf% II II

TT^ramf ^TUt, TcRT=ra‘i % TTVt1^^TTf^fq% Tflflf H%T ^ II \q ||

S3*? f^W "TKJ •RT'T ^T ^%%R^5|T7i II \8 II

qti ^rti^ifn* qfwf^TUT gFI nvm ii \*. ii

^5|T»TT qp#T^l firiqflt 5 g^T^RlTJI I

Wfa?TTl% wlq IMTfsiTIT ^ TJW5R^T ^fafo ^Wf^ffiTfinil^

^ A

^ liv® II

''sf sj \l

f §q q»qqiqmq ^fl^irlTfl gi ^ fij'ajrg q |

«T 37JTH^TJ7«iT^u‘t5WT?i: iftrlT qfrsfrig flt iqw^qq't II \c II
^hxf^% qn^qiTqqi^qqi^T^Tl: i

WIr^I T^ZTfa: II \<t II

\i /I

*w qfgyfi ii v ii

*iMfa% FR qj^r q^rnfq^iTTlq^sftqq^ fss^l q^Tffl II II

qt<T^fR f^i»i^q^sRi»rflT^ |

<qr q<Tfl%^iTH%q ^ q*pgf ttv r qtf?i q^qtgq^Hqwfi h^h

1878.] F. S. Growse — Math uni Notes. 105

rR cR^T wfit ngqqq fwg^ftq II ^ II

qHHJTCTfsro^T fqqiqqjTFfi I

TT^tg ^ qq q>^r 5 fMNifMi 11 ii

1 ^3^nqpTfq%t%fqqiTqqT^ TT^Tftw WT J|%Tif%^qp;qT^ II =111
^§?iPP^%Pft^raT pppnfqfa'. i

^itus qiw<*m^<qT qtam q*ir. n \ ^ ° u

w

f^f^T WJPOTTT || ° II

C\

The Hindi poem, the Chaurasi Pada, is much more popular and most
of the Gosains know at least some of its stanzas by heart. There is a com¬
mentary upon it by Lok-nath, dated sambat 1855, and another in verse,
called the Paliasya artha-nirujpana by Rasik Lai, written in sambat 1734.
Neither of the two, however, is of much assistance to the student ; all the
simple passages being paraphrased with wearisome prolixity, while real
difficulties are generally skipped. I subjoin the text and a translation of
the first 12 stanzas.

TT^T II

II \ II

§tU[ mPT 5f»V %Tt Wf% HTl
wt %Tl %Tt %lt ^ |

TtToRT <TT W^rTT ZVK «T«TH

wui ^t! tNf*r% tip?- ii
irr It qq TRTTTPir h skn faq

O

10G

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

%TfefI TTTtJT ^TT I

sr|t ^ 5ra?Trafl ^TT II

II * II

sjt! Iral ^tsj #fit srrfalt iis rafa n

tfira^TT **t£ mlf sr %«t ira n

s>

i sftffrT^ois! Sjqq l1??! Wt TTfw ^lf fa«ft ^T^l^TTfu^t ||

II ^ II

|T3i tj? siqj are fra 71 ^flqra I

\i ^ C\

3R3Tftgi ^ h^i ^*t1% ^ n

T§T WRTgf^ T^fi^ra UT%T I

§ f|^IT*I Tt*T tfsf t”! Sfifc ^f«l ||

II 8 II

?JT5T It SjqTft %^T q^T 'SIT*^ HTm't faq% 3*TO% ^71 ^q!> I

^T~i^ qfwr Ira IT*!^ fq^lf%7! ^sf ||

fl^ra f%T?T %g % lfa?T jftlrl JIT^ H *T I

TRW ^ TTqTT qqr sj qpr ^ qqq ra»T7l 5iq II

C\

^>T%tf Wfc *raz *fcw qqflra ^ra fit *?tt jT*t i
*i%* ^f% *ira flsra f^f%sflgira i?itf^riif^g7! «i?itj3^ *N n

B I i II

*?ira HHTfT q?q7J ^rq sjira qr |

*TT^T?l ^fwra W WT q* ||

^ Tf^l?f fsraraf% *JT»W I

1S7S.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes .

107

W JTS# qiqi fq3T |

^qfq qrfq ^TT»I ff^rT ^ »TT*r 5R7I WT qWC II

» ^qffpiq qqq qpqq mi?! qrf% ^ *?wp n

II $ II

5pf*T q<JT 5jq?ft fqqT 3lTf^ fsi^frf "IT?! ?!TT# t'1 |

^qfq qgrq ^ *jfq sitt pra »iw qq« q q n
<3? qqq^ fqpq q Z ^3qt% lq I
§ ’sftf^frqu ?fqqi ?T*iTqm Trofqq ffq ii

II $ II

TT*T ft*TWT It

'qT'q fqqjswsiir q?i?T qqqrfqisft'T qqfa I

'qfq WW qiqTTq q?PT Wq >jq?I q* %rrt ||
feq qsfjqi fqfqfa fqfpq *!? qqqiq?qTTq q I

\* Oi

%rmq f%qqq t q ^qqq qiq? qnq fqqfqq qrft n
frroq mfq qf^Tf% qpqq q'ta q;qqq cct?i q? i
q'T? ^jtti ajsi q^ qM qqq iirqq qVt n
qfrqT wqfl- fq%Tf% qiqqqT f%*^?T fqq?q UTqqq Wt?} I
fqqq; wq qqrTT qmfaq fqq qfqfqq qqn; fqtpt ii
qfq qfq qqqreq ifq ^fq q;qq i

q qftf^rRfqqq qqq qp«qq qqq %q TIT?!Tqf% qT?t II

C\

II G II

qifqqt up q q qfqq ?t i

qraqqq Tqnq Piqq «q fqfqqrqT nfqq fifsjq t! ||

108 F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes. [No. 2,

ftrggj 'gzg gigiggfg fqv*rr gng w\ «gg gfa g ft i

li sttf^figg ^'qq;<*iqTfgg gg|g gg wqffgt giqitg ft II

II £ II

gft *w %Tft i

T3;gtgigfw ggg ggre* giggj'g gg gift n
grgi fggra fgrgqi gff grfgfg fgq^Tft i

*i5i gn=fi w ara ga^fg gfg iwh fg%Tft n
»fN» fgaia srafg gigg qzqtg aigqr fa? gift i
a sftftgiffq* tfgqi *raTqfg *3 *g *a g* gift 11

II \° II

ana qmTtfgwTT giggl Ofaq §trc
mi gift gig gig q^ggiaft 1
qgg %f% 4z gfa grs^f gg *f§
q*g grg TTaarre g;gat aft 11
gugg^ft %* grift *ifg gn;
ga? atq gq*rf^ f%'f%grt aft 1

^ c^J

§ at ^qfg affqa anfa fg^gt gga at1%
grff qiffgfg qrcr gg gV qrft 11

II u #

gaa ga ^'aga w^ff fqs^gst
ogigg $g^'v snfggt 1

Digging qiaarag fg??g fgfa t^gg
^ g)^ ggj qjgg ^xfggt u

1878.]

F. S. G-rowse — Matlmrd Notes.

109

q^q^q qfa qrfqqr I

si

^ ^ Si.'l' *S SVi'

qq ^T^rT fqq q q

qTq qfrTff^ II

%T^qqq wra fITT q*qq $q *ftqt ^TT

qqspjq qfq qfq qqq qifqqf i
sRSTiq qW}%f% qj? fqfq q? q^[q 53 fa
qTW.q^qq^ qqqqTqqf ||

II ^ II

qqfa ufa% q^nq qr: faq qqfaqiq
?Tq Wq q3 q>fa^qfatf |

fqqq qqqqfqqq uqfa ^fqq;^
qTqq ^qj?q qTfiqqfT 'Siqfaq't II

C\ SI N

qqfqz fqqis qf?T q^q^qqwfq q^f
qqfqqqq; qqiq q% qT*J qfaq't i
stTrft fq^fqqiTq qqqq ^qfqqq qqTq
TTqufqq q^jqq fqqq qffaqt II
q^q^q nq fNu; qiqqqfr qfqqifV

si

qqfqq qWt qqq ^qfqqtfaqt I
fqqqn qq qfq qfa qifqfq qqfqfa #fa

qq fqqfa wq %fa qqqqfaqt n

Translation of the first twelve Stanzas of the Chaurasi Pacta,

I. “ Whatever my Beloved doeth is pleasing to me ; and whatever is
pleasing to me, that my Beloved doeth. The place where I would be is in
my Beloved’s eyes ; and my Beloved would fain be the apple of my eyes.

110

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

My Love is dearer to me than body, soul, or life ; and my Love would lose
a thousand lives for me. Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans ! the loving pair, one
dark, one fair, are like two cygnets ; tell me who can separate wave from
water ?#

II. “ 0 my Beloved, has the fair spoken ? this is surely a beautiful
night ; the lightning is folded in the lusty cloud’s embrace. 0 friend,
where is the woman who could quarrel with so exquisite a prince of
gallants ? Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans ! dear Radhika hearkened with her
ears and with voluptuous emotion joined in love’s delights. f

III. “ At day-break the wanton pair, crowned with victory in love’s
conflict, were all exuberant. On her face are frequent beads of labour’s dew,
and all the adornments of her person are in disarray, the paint- spot on her
brow is all but effaced by heat, and the straggling curls upon her lotus face
resemble roaming bees. (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) her eyes are red
with love’s colours and her voice and loins feeble and relaxed.

IV. u Your face, fair dame, to-day is full of joy, betokening your
happiness and delight in the intercourse with your Beloved. Your voice
is languid and tremulous, your cheeks aflame, and both your weary eyes are
red with sleeplessness ; your pretty tilak half effaced, the flowers on your
head faded, and the parting of your hair as if you had never made it at all.
The Bountiful one of his grace refused you no boon, as you coyly took the
hem of your robe between your teeth. Why shrink away so demurely ?
you have changed clothes with your Beloved, and the dark-hued swain has
subdued you as completely as though he had been tutored by a hundred
Loves. The garland on his breast is faded, the clasp of his waist-belt loose
(Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) as he comes from his couch in the bower.

Y. “ To-day at dawn there was a shower of rapture in the bower, where
the happy pair were delighting themselves, one dark, one fair, bright with
all gay colours, as she tripped with dainty foot upon the floor. Great
Syam, the glorious lord of love, had his flower wreath stained with the
saffron dye of her breasts, and was embellished with the scratches of his
darling’s nails ; she too was marked by the hands of her jewel of lovers.
The happy pair in an ecstasy of affection make sweet song, stealing each
other’s heart (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) the bard is fain to praise, but the
drone of a bee is as good as his ineffectual rhyme.

* That is to say : it is nothing strange that Radha and Krishna should take such
mutual delight in one another, since they are in fact one and are as inseparable as a
wave and the water of which the wave is composed.

f The first line is a question put to Krishna by one of Radha’ s maids, asking him
if her mistress had promised him an interview. The second line is a remark which she
turns and makes to one of her own companions,

1878,]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes .

Ill

VI. “ Who so clever, pretty damsel, whom her lover comes to meet,
stealing through the night P Why shrink so coyly at my words ? Your
eyes are suffused and red with love’s excitement, your bosom is marked with
his nails, you are dressed in his clothes, and your voice is tremulous.
(Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) Radha’s amorous lord has been mad with love.

VII. “ To-day the lusty swain and blooming dame are sporting in their
pleasant bower. O list ! great and incomparable is the mutual affection of
the happy pair, on the heavenly* plain of Brindaban. The ground gleams
bright with coral and crystal and there is a strong odour of camphor. A
dainty couch of soft leaves is spread, on which the dark groom and his
fair bride recline, intent upon the joys and delights of dalliance, their lotus
cheeks stained with red streaks of betel juice. There is a charming strug¬
gle between dark hands and fair to loose the string that binds her skirt.
Beholding herself as in a mirror in the necklace on Hari’s breast, the silly
girl is troubled by delusion and begins to fret, till her lover wagging his
pretty chin shews her that she has been looking only at her own shadow.
Listening to her honeyed voice, as again and again she cries ‘ Nay, nay,’
Lalita and the others take a furtive peep (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) till
tossing her hands in affected passion she snaps his jewelled necklet.

VIII. “ Ah, red indeed are your lotus eyes, lazily languishing and
inflamed by night-long watch, and their collyrium all faded. From your
drooping eyelids shoots a glance like a bolt, that strikes your swain as it
were a deer and he cannot stir. (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) 0 damsel
voluptuous in motion as the swan, your eyes deceive even the wasps and
bees.

IX. “ Radha and Mohan are such a dainty pair, he dark and beautiful
as the sapphire, she with body of golden lustre ; Hari with a tilak on his
broad forehead and the fair with a roll streak amidst the tresses of her
hair : the lord like a stately elephant in gait and the daughter of Vrisha-
bhanu like an elephant queen : the damsel in a blue vesture and Mohan in
yellow with a red Icliaur on his forehead (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !)
Radha’s amorous lord is dyed deep with love’s colours.

X. “ To-day the damsel and her swain take delight in novel ways.
What can I say ? they are altogether exquisite in every limb ; sporting
together with arms about each other’s neck and cheek to cheek, by such
delicious contact making a circle of wanton delight. As they dance, the
dark swain and the fair damsel, pipe and drum and cymbal blend in sweet
concert with the tinkling of the bangles on her wrists and ankles and the
girdle round her waist. Sri Hit Hari Vans, rejoicing at the sight of the
damsels’ dancing and their measured paces, tears his soul from his body
and lays them both at their feet.

* Abhut , not created, self-produced, divine.

112

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

XI. “ The pavilion is a bright and charming spot ; Radha and Hari
are in glistening attire and the full-orbed autumnal moon is resplendent in
the heaven. The dark-hued swain and nymph of golden sheen, as they toy
together, shew like the lightning’s flash and sombre cloud. In saffron ves¬
ture he and she in scarlet ; their affection deep beyond compare ; and the
air, cool, soft and laden with perfumes. Their couch is made of leaves and
blossoms and he woos her in dulcet tones, while coyly the fair one repulses
his every advance. Love tortures Mohan’s soul, as he touches her bosom,
or waist-band, or wreath, and timorously she cries ( off off.’ Pleasant is
the sporting of the glorious lord, close-locked in oft-repeated embrace, and
like an earth-reviving river is the flood of his passion.

XII. “ Come Radha, you knowing one, your paragon of lovers has
started a dance on the bank of the Jamuna’s stream. Bevies of damsels
are dancing in all the abandonment of delight ; the joyous pipe gives forth
a stirring sound. Near the Bansi-bat, a sweetly pretty spot, where the
spicy air breathes with delicious softness, where the half-opened jasmine fills
the world with overpowering fragrance, beneath the clear radiance of the
autumnal full moon, the milkmaids with raptured eyes are gazing on your
glorious lord, all beautiful from head to foot, quick to remove love’s every
pain. Put your arms about his neck, fair dame, pride of the world, and
lapped in the bosom of the Ocean of delight, disport yourself with Syam in
his blooming bower.”

If ever the language of the brothel was borrowed for temple use it has
been so here. But, strange to say, the Gosains, who accept as their Gospel
these nauseous ravings of a morbid imagination, are for the most part highly
respectable married men, who contrast rather favourably both in sobriety
of life and intellectual acquirements with the professors of rival sects that
are based on more reputable authorities. Several of them have a good know¬
ledge of literary Hindi : but their proficiency in Sanskrit is not very high :
the best informed among them being unable to resolve into its constituent
elements and explain the not very recondite compound suduruha, which
will be found in the second stanza of the Radha-sudha.

To indicate the fervour of his passionate love for his divine mistress,
Hari Yans assumed the title of Hit Ji and is popularly better known by
this name than by the one which he received from his parents. His most
famous disciple was Vyas Ji of Orchha, of whom various legends are repor¬
ted. On his first visit to the Swami he found him busy cooking, but at
once propounded some knotty theological problem. The sage without any
hesitation solved the difficulty, but first threw away the whole of the food
he had prepared, with the remark that no man could attend properly to two
things at once. Vyas was so struck by this procedure that he then and
there enrolled himself as his disciple, and in a short space of time conceived

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes .

• 113

such an affection for Brindaban that he was most reluctant to leave it, even
to return to his wife and children. At last, however, he forced himself to
go, but had not been with them long before he determined that they should
themselves disown him, and accordingly he one day in their presence took
and eat some food from a Bhangi’s hand. After this act of social excom¬
munication he was allowed to return to Brindaban, where he spent the
remainder of his life and where his samadh , or tomb, is still to be seen.

Another disciple, Dhruva Das, was a voluminous writer and composed
as many as 42 poems, of which the following is a list : 1, Jiv-dasa ; 2, Baid-
gyan ; 3, Man-siksha ; 4, Brindaban- sat ; 5, Bkakt-namavali ; 6, Brihad-
baman Puran ; 7, Khyal Hulas ; 8, Siddhant Bichar ; 9, Priti-chovani ; 10,
Anandashtak ; 11, Bhajanashtak ; 12, Bhajan-kundaliya ; 13, Bhajan-sat ;
14, Sringar-sat ; 15, Man-sringar ; 16, Hit-sringar ; 17, Sabha-mandal ; 18,
Bas-muktavali ; 19, Bas-hiravali ; 20, Bas-ratnavali ; 21. Premavali ; 22,
Sri Priya Ji ki namavali ; 23, Bakasya-manjari ; 24, Sukhmanjari ; 25,.
Bati-manjari ; 26, Neh-manjari ; 27, Ban-bihar ; 28, Bas-bihar ; 29, Bang-
hulas ; 30, Bang-bihar ; 31, Bang-binod; 32, Anand-dasa ; 33, Bahasya-
lata ; 34, Anand-lata ; 35, Anurag-Iata ; 36, Prem-lata ; 37, Bas-anand ; 38,
Jugal-dhyan ; 39, Nirtya-bilas ; 40, Dan-lila ; 41, Man-lila ; 42, Braj-lila.

Other poems by different members of the same sect are the Sevak-bani
and the Ballabk-rasik ki bani ; the Guru-pratap, by Damodar Das ; the
Hari-nam-mahima, by Damodar Svvami ; the Sri Bup LAI Ji ka ashtaka,
by Hit Ballabh ; and the Hai i-nam-beli, the Sri Lai Ji badkai and the
Sri Larili Jii ki badkai by Brindaban Das,

2. The Chliatthi Pdlnd, or Assi Khamha , at Mahahan.

The description of this building given in my Mathura Memoir, Part
I, page 149, is not very accurate. The pillars of the colonnade are mostly,
if not all, anterior in date to Mahmud of Ghazni, and probably belonged to
a temple, or it may be to several different temples of the Jaini faith, which
he destroyed when he captured the fort in the year 1017. After they had
been lying about for centuries, the Muhammadans in the reign of Aurangzib
roughly put them together and set them up on the site of a modern Hindu
temple that they had demolished. The building so constructed was used
as a mosque till quite recent times, and its connection with Krishna, or his
worship even, at any earlier period is entirely fictitious. That is to say,
so far as concerns the actual fabric and the materials of which it is con¬
structed : the site, as in so many other similar cases, has probably been
associated with Hindu worship from very remote antiquity. In Sir John
Strackey’s time I obtained a grant of Bs. 1000 for the repair of the buil¬
ding, which had fallen into a very ruinous condition, and in digging the

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

114

foundations of the new screen- walls (the old walls had been simply set on
the ground without any foundation at all) I came upon a number of re¬
mains of the true Hindu temple, dating apparently from about the year
1500 A. D. The Iconoclast would not use these- sculptures in the con¬
struction of his mosque, since they had too recently formed part of an idol¬
atrous shrine, but had them buried out of sight ; while he had no scruple
about utilizing the old Jaini pillars. Whatever I dug up, I either let into
the wall or brought over to Mathura for the local Museum, which in all
probability will now never be instituted.

On a drum of one of the pillars is an inscription, which I read Rdm-
dasa has iknavi team, meaning, it would seem, £ Column No. 91, the gift of
Ilam Das.’ This is now upside down and from this fact as also from what
has been said above, it may clearly be seen that my statement in the
1 Memoir’ that ‘ the pillars, as they now stand, occupy their original posi¬
tion’ cannot be maintained. I still think, however, that in the main they
represent the original design and that height was gained, from the first, by
the simple expedient of placing one pillar on the top of another. For some
of the inner columns are so carved, that they seem to be broken in two in
the middle, though they are really each a single shaft.

3. The Hindu sikhara ; its origin and development.

If Mr. Fergusson had ever been able to visit Brindaban or to procure
photographs of the temples there, it is possible that he would not have
found the origin of the Hindu sikhara such an inscrutable mystery as he
declares it to be. He conjectures that the external form may have been
simply a constructural necessity resulting from the employment internally
of a very tall pointed horizontal arch, like that of the Treasury at Myceme.
But so far as my experience extends, no such arch was ever used in a
Hindu temple. On the contrary the cella , over which the sikhara is built,
is separated from the more public part of the building by a solid wall
pierced only by a doorway small enough to be easily closed ; while the
chamber itself is of no great height and is covered in with a vaulted cieling,
as to the shape of which nothing could be learnt from a view of the sikhara
outside. And vice versa. Thus at the great temple of Gobind Deva the
central dome of the nave (or porch as Mr. Fergusson very inappropriately
calls it) is perfect ; but it is impossible to determine from thence with any
certainty what would have been the outline and proportions of the tower
that the architect proposed to raise over it. I have no question in my own
mind that the origin of the sikhara is to be found in the Buddhist stupa
of which a representative example may be seen in Plate XIII sculptured at
the back of a small pillar. Nor do I detect any violent breal in the

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

115

development. The lower storey of the modern temple which, though most
commonly square, is occasionally, as in the Madan Mohan example, an
octagon and therefore a near approach to a circle, is represented by the
masonry plinth of the relic-mound ; the high curvilinear roof by the swell¬
ing contour of the earthen hill, and the pinnacle with its peculiar base by
the Buddhist rails and umbrella on the top of a Dagoba. From the original
stupa to the temple of Parsvanath at Khajraha, of the 11th century, the
towers of Madan Mohan and Jugal Kishor at Brindaban of the lGth, and
the temple of Vishveshvar at Banaras the gradation seems to be easy and
continuous.

A description of the two Brindaban temples is given in. the Journal
for 1872 (pages 318-320), but it is only now that I have been able to get
photographs taken of them.

4. The temple of Gohind Dev a at Brindaban.

Mr. Fergusson in his Indian Architecture speaks of this temple as
“ one of the most interesting and elegant in India, and the only one per¬
haps, from which a European architect might borrow a few hints.” I
should myself have thought that ‘ solemn’ or ‘ imposing’ was a more appro¬
priate term than ‘ elegant’ for so massive a building, and that the sug¬
gestions that might be derived from its study were ‘ many’ rather than
‘ few’ ; but the criticism is at all events in intention a complimentary one.
It is, however, unfortunate that the author of a book, which will long and
deservedly be accepted as an authority, was not able to obtain more satis¬
factory information regarding so notable a chef d' oeuvre. The ground-plan
that he supplies is extremely incorrect : for it gives in faint lines, as if
destroyed, the choir, or jag-mohan , which happens to be in more perfect
preservation than any other part of the fabric, and it entirely omits the
two chapels that flank the cella on either side and are integral portions of
the design. The cella itself is also omitted ; though for this there was
more excuse, since it was razed to the ground by Aurangzib and not a
vestige of it now remains beyond the rough rubble wall of the choir, to
which it had been attached. The three towers, over the two side chapels
and the dome in the centre of the nave, were certainly never erected.
Those over the choir and the sacrarium were both finished, and of the former
I annex a plan. Its restoration was completed last month, (March 1877)
with the exception of the finial and a few stages below it, which had entirely
perished, and which Sir John Strachey on that account would not allow me
to replace, on the general principle that in all such cases the new work must
be more or less conjectural and therefore untrustworthy.

As in the later temple of Badhd Ballabh (described in the first section

11G

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

of Ibis article) the triforium is a reproduction of Muhammadan design,
while the work both above and below it is purely Hindu.* It should be
noted however that the arches in the middle story are decorative only, not
constructural : the spandrels in the head might be — and, as a fact, for the
most part had been — struck out, leaving only the lintel supported on the
straight jambs, without any injury to the stability of the building.

Its restoration was commenced in September 1873, and has been
carried on under my supervision, without any professional assistance, up to
the present time. The cost was estimated, in the D. P. W., at Rs.
1,32,387, but for the comparatively modest sum of Rs. 38,365 I have been
able to accomplish almost all that was ever intended to be done. I had
applied for a small supplementary grant of Rs. 3,642 ; but if it is sanc¬
tioned, there will be no one on the spot to see it expended. f

5. The Sati Burj at Mathura.

This is a slender quadrangular tower of red sandstone which stands on
the bank of the Jamuna, at the very heart of the modern city. It com¬
memorates the Queen of Maharaja Bihar Mall of Jaypur, and was erected
by her son, the Maharaja Bhagawan Das, in the year 1570 A. D. The up¬
per part, which had been destroyed long previously, was replaced about the
beginning of the present century by an exceedingly ugly and incongruous
plaster dome, which may help to preserve what remains of the original
work, but quite destroys its architectural effect. The lower stories being
also in a ruinous condition, I suggested to the reigning Maharaja that he
should undertake its restoration as a family monument. It is not at all
likely that the work will ever be set on foot ; but the design that I had
prepared for it may be deemed worthy of preservation. No small amount
of time and thought was bestowed upon it, and I hope that architects will
consider it both a pleasing object in itself and a probably faithful repro¬
duction of the destroyed original.

* Thus eclecticism, which after all is only natural growth directed by local circum¬
stances, has for centuries past been the predominant characteristic of Mathura archi¬
tecture. In most of the new works that I have taken in hand, and notably in the
Catholic Church, which I had commenced and now have to leave unfinished, I have
conformed to the genius loci and have shewn my recognition of its principles, not by a
servile imitation of older examples, but rather by boldly modifying them in accordance
with special requirements and so developing novel combinations.

f The grant has been sanctioned and the work is being carried on, under the
supervision of the Executive Engineer in the Archaeological Department, by the same
local agency and the same body of stone-masons that I had collected and organized.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

117

6. Mediaeval Hindu columns from Salt dr.

Sahar is a small town in the Chhata Pargana, which was of some im¬
portance last century as the favourite residence of Thakur Badan Sink, the
father of Suraj Mall the founder of the present Bharatpur dynasty. A
short time ago a dispute arose between the Muhammadans and the Hindus
as to the possession of a site on which they wished to erect, the one party
a mosque, the other a temple. The real fact, as afterwards more clearly
appeared, was that the Hindus had originally a temple there, which the
Muhammadans had thrown down and built a mosque over it. This too had
fallen and the ground had for some years remained unoccupied. The case
when brought into Court was decided in favour of the Hindus, who there¬
upon set to work and commenced the erection of a shrine to he dedicated
to Radha Ballabh. In digging the foundations, they came upon the re¬
mains of the old temple, which I rescued and brought into Mathura. They
consist of 10 large pillars or pilasters in very good preservation and
elegantly carved with foliage and arabesques and also a number of muti¬
lated capitals, bases, &c., the whole series proving an interesting illustration
of the mediaeval Hindu style of architecture. Their value is increased by
the fact that two of the shafts bear inscriptions, in which the date is clearly
given as samhat 1128 (1072 A. D.). With the exception of the date,
I have not succeeded in reading much else ; but the accompanying
photograph* of one of them is on a scale large enough to he legible.
The style that I call ‘ the mediaeval Hindu,’ and of which these pillars
afford a good late example, began about the year 400 A. I), and continued
to flourish over the whole of Upper India for more than seven centuries.
It is distinguished by the constant employment in the capital, or upper
half column, of two decorative features, the one being a flower- vase with
foliage over-hanging the corners and the other a grotesque mask. The
physiognomy of the latter is generally of a very un- Indian type, and the
more so the further we go back, as is well illustrated by Plate 13, a photo¬
graph that Sir John Strachey was kind enough to send me of a pillar in the
underground temple in the Allahabad Fort. The motif is precisely the
same as may be seen in many European cinque cento arabesques, where a
scroll pattern is worked up at the ends, or in the centre, into the semblance
of a human face. The fashion with us certainly arose out of the classic
renaissance , and in India also may possibly have been suggested by the
reminiscence of a Greek design. But it was more probably of spontaneous
and independent origin ; as also it was among our Gothic architects, in
whose works a similar style of decoration is not altogether unknown. In

* The base, shown in this photograph, is more than a thousand years older and
belongs to the Indo- Scythian period. It has been used simply as a socket in which
to imbed the pillar and so raise the inscription above the ground.

118

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

the earlier examples, such as that at Allahabad, the face is very clearly
marked ; though even there the hair of the head and the moustaches are
worked off into a scroll or leaf pattern. In later work, of which numerous
specimens may be seen in the accompanying illustrations of different dates
ranging between the two limits fixed by the Allahabad pillar at the begin¬
ning and the Sahar columns at the end, the eyes are made so protuberant,
and the other features so distorted and confused by the more elaborate
treatment of the foliage and the introduction of other accessories that the
proportions of a human face are almost and in some cases are altogether
destroyed. The tradition however exists to the present day ; and a Ma¬
thura stone-mason, if told to carve a grotesque for a corbel or string¬
course of any building, will at once draw a design, in which are reproduced
all the peculiarities of the old models.

7. Miscellaneous Antiquities , Mathura Museum.

Plate No. 13 shews two Buddhist rails of early character. The one
giving the representation of a stupa , to which I have already referred, was
brought from the khera of Jaysinhpura, a village on the road between
Mathura and Brindaban. The other I dug out of one of the Chauwara
mounds, where I found also a copper coin of Kanishka’s reign. The
columns with their bell-capitals surmounted by winged lions, and the
miniature window-fronts or pediments, with which the architraves are
decorated, illustrate the characteristic features of the architecture of the
period. The upper group represents a sacred tree, enclosed in a railing,
with two devotees worshipping it, the one having a wreath in his hand and
the other a chauri. Below is an inscription in a single line ending with
the word danam , which records the name of the donor ; but though most'
of the letters are clear, I cannot determine what the name is. The second
group is probably a scene from one of the Jatakas, to which the two birds
will probably at some time give a clue.

Plate No. 14 shews a Buddhist rail, also of the Indo-Scythian period,
of unusually large dimensions, the height of the stone, though a piece of it
has been broken off at the bottom, being still 6 ft. 4 in. It is sculptured
with a female figure, almost nude but for her metal ornaments, who carries
a wicker-work umbrella, the stick of which is so long that it rests upon the
ground. In the compartment above is a very curious bas-relief represent¬
ing two monkeys and a bird, seated on basket-work chairs, with a hideously
mis-shapen dwarf standing on the ground between them and apparently
shedding tears.

In Plate 15 the two Buddhist rails placed on either side of the lowest
range of sculptures are the same of which a back view is given in Plate 13.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

119

The draped Buddha, which I rescued from the bed of the Jamuna at
Jaysifihpura, is of early date and executed in a different style from most
of those found in the neighbourhood. The arabesque pilaster next to it
is a good specimen of the mediaeval Hindu period. I found it in opening

out the new paved way along the river bank in the city. The fragment of

. * ■

wall-decoration and the head are from the Kankali tila, and the larger stone,
covered with miniature temple fa£ades of the same style as the caves at
Karli and Ajanta, I brought from Mahaban.

In the second tier (over an intermediate row of three Buddhist cross¬
bars) the small bas-relief, that occupies the place in the centre, is very
curious. It represents a rustic wooden throne, with drapery thrown over
it and a footstool set in front, and two attendants standing at the back,
each with a chauri to keep off the flies. The object of veneration is a
relic-casket, which is exposed upon the chair. Next to the pillar with the
figure of Maya Devi under the sal tree is a stone that I brought from
Shergarh in the Chhata Pargana, where I found it imbedded in' one of the
towers of a Fort built according to tradition by the Emperor Slier Shah.
It is the only example that I have seen in India of the use of the trefoiled
circle as a decoration. It is the special characteristic of the architecture of
Kashmir, a style which I am inclined to believe once spread much farther
south, and was of purely Indian origin ; while the later styles were modified
more or less by Greek influences. The festoon is the same, as in the two
flanking pillars (from the Kankali tila) which I ascribe to about the
year 400 A. D. the flower- vase being here used only, without the grotesque
mask which was of somewhat later introduction. On the other side of the
enthroned relic is what ajipears to be the spandril of a doorway with an
outer border of grapes and vine leaves, and in the jamb the model of a
triumphal pillar with bell-capital and winged lions and an elephant stand¬
ing above the abacus. The upper portion of such a pillar with an inscrip¬
tion on the abacus, dated in the reign of Huvishka samhat 39, is also in
the museum, and is figured by General Cunningham in volume III of his
archaeological survey.

Of the two nude Jaina figures in the third tier, the one with the group
of devotees below it, adoring the chalcra , is of special interest on account of
the inscription, which gives the date both in letters and figures as
samhat 57. It would seem either that the century is omitted, or that
some other era than than of Vikramaditya is intended : for the figure has
rather a modern appearance, and the letters, which are very scratchy and
ill-formed, are quite unlike the bold characters in the other inscriptions,
when the king’s name is given as well as the date and which are therefore
known to be of the Indo-Scythian period.

120

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

In the upper tier, the female figure with a child in its lap (from the
Manoharpur quarter of the city) is of exceptional character and uncertain
date. The square box, with a seated Buddha fully draped, on each of the
four sides, is shewn by the flanking columns to be of great antiquity. I
brought it from the Mahavidya tila, which is unquestionably one of the
oldest religious sites in Mathura and probably has many relics of the past
buried under the modern temple. The architrave, with defaced figure
sculpture at either end. I found in the progress of the repairs of the
Chhatthi Palna at Mahaban, being part of the Hindu temple there which
was destroyed by Aurangzib. It is a good example of a simple but very
effective style of decoration.

8. The Festival of the Holi , as kept in Braj.

In 1877 the Festival of the Holi fell unusually early in the year, while
the weather was still cool enough to allow of a mid-day ride without serious
inconvenience. I took advantage of the opportunity thus afforded me and
made the round of the principal villages in the Chhata and Kosi Parganas
where the rejoicings of the Plni.1 Dol, for so these Hindu Saturnalia are
popularly termed, are celebrated with any peculiar local observances, visit¬
ing each place on its special fete-day and jotting down what I saw in my
note-book. Several of the usages are, I believe, entirely unknown beyond
the limits of Braj, even to the people of the country, and — so far as I could
ascertain by enquiries — they had never before been witnessed by any
European. The following extracts from my diary may therefore be thought
worthy of preservation.

Feb. 22ncl, Bars ana, the Bangila Noli. — In the middle of the town
is a small open square, about which are grouped the stately mansions and
temples built by the great families who resided here during the first half
of the 18th century. I find a seat in the balcony over the gateway of the
house still occupied by the impoverished descendants of the famous Katara,
Rup Ram, the founder of Barsana’s short-lived magnificence, from which
I have a full view of the humours of the crowd below. The cheeriness of
the holiday-makers as they throng the narrow winding streets on their
way to and from the central square, where they break up into groups of
bright and ever varying combinations of colour ; with the buffooneries of
the village clowns and the grotesque dances of the lusty swains, who with
castanets in hand, caricature in their movements the conventional graces
of the Indian ballet-girl,

Crispum sub crotalo docta movere latus,

all make up a sufficiently amusing spectacle ; but these are only interludes
and accessories to the great event *of the day. This is a sham fight between

1878.]

F. S. Grovvse — Mathura Notes.

121

the men from the neighbouring village of Nand-ganw and the Barsana
ladies, the wives of the Gfosains of the temple of Larli Ji, which stands
high on the crest of the rock that overlooks the arena. The women have
their mantles drawn down over their faces and are armed with long heavy
bambus, with which they deal their opponents many shrewd blows on the
head and shoulders. The latter defend themselves as best they can with
round leather shields and stags’ horns. As they dodge in and out amongst
the crowd and now and again have their flight cut off and are driven back
upon the band of excited viragoes, many laughable incidents occur. Not
unfrequently blood is drawn, but an accident of the kind is regarded rather
as an omen of good fortune, and has never been known to give rise to any
ill-feeling. Whenever the fury of their female assailants appears to be
subsiding, it is again excited by the men shouting at them snatches of the
following ribald rhymes. They are not worth translation, since they con¬
sist of nothing but the repetition of the abusive word said, applied to every
person and thing in Barsana. That town being the reputed home of
Kadha, the bride, its people are styled her brothers ; while the Nand-ganw
men account themselves the brothers of Krishna the bridegroom.

«1TT |

nrat n

^TfspEjf STT; % i

qTFT^TT "

qUI qqfqT 93# «TT J?TT qfqqqTT I

^UIT^ II

qmsft sitr^f sfa i

fqaRTT ^ ATT II

Feb. 28 rd, Nand-ganw. — Another sham fight as on the preceding day,
only with the characters reversed ; the women on this occasion being the
Q

122

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

w

. men of Barsana. The combatants are drawn up more in battle-array,
instead of skirmishing by twos and threes, and rally round a small yellow
pennon that is carried in their midst ; but the show is less picturesque in
its accessories, being held on a very dusty spot outside the town, and was
more of a phallic orgie.

Feb. 27th, the Iloli. Flialen. — Here is a sacred pond called Prahlad-
kund, and the fact of its having preserved its original name gives a clue,
as in so many parallel cases, to the older form of the name now borne by
the village. The local pandits would derive the word Fhalen from the
verb phdma, “ to tear in pieces,” with a reference to the fate of Prahlad’s
impious father, Hiranya-Kasipu : but such a formation would be contrary
both to rule and to experience, and the word is beyond a doubt a corruption of
Prahlada-grama. Thus : 1st, the r in the compounds pr and gr is elided
by Yararuchi’s sutra, Sarvatra lava-ram , III, 3, as in kos for Jcros ; 2ndly,
the d in lada is elided by Vararuchi II, 2, as in pau for pada ; 3rdly, the
initial g of gdma is elided by a further application of the last quoted rule ;
dthly, the m in gam becomes v, these two letters being ordinarily inter¬
changeable, thus dhimar — dhivar ; Bhamdni Bhavdni ; gauna — gamana ;
and 5tlily, a nasal is inserted, which can always be done at pleasure. The
result is Pahlau-aunw, from which to Phalan or Phalen is a transition so
easy as to be almost a phonetic necessity.

Arriving at the village about an hour before sunset I found a crowd
of some 5000 people closely packed in the narrow space on the margin of
the pond and swarming over the tops of the houses and the branches of all
the trees in the neighbourhood. A large bonfire had been stacked half-way
between the pond and a little shrine dedicated to Prahlad, inside which the
Khera-pat, or Panda, who was to take the chief part in the performance
of the day, was sitting telling his beads. At 6 p. m. the pile was lit and
being composed of the most inflammable materials at once burst into such
a tremendous blaze that I felt myself scorching, though the little hillock
where I was seated was a good many yards away. However, the lads of the
village kept on running close round it, jumping and dancing and brandish¬
ing their lathis , while the Panda went down and dipped in the pond and
then, with his dripping pagri and dhuti on, ran back and made a feint of
passing through the fire. In reality he only jumped over the outermost
verge of the smouldering ashes and then dashed into his cell again, much to
the dissatisfaction of the spectators, who say that the former incumbent
used to do it much more thoroughly. If on the next recurrence of the
festival, the Panda shews himself equally timid, the village proprietors
threaten to eject him, as an impostor, from the land which he holds rent-
free simply on the score of his being fire-proof.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

128

Feb. 28th, Kosi. — After sitting a little while at a nach of the ordinary
character given by one of the principal traders in the town, I went on to
see the ehaupais, or more special Holi performances, got up by the differ¬
ent bodies of Jat zamindars, each in their own quarter of the town. The
dancers, exclusively men and boys, are all members of the proprietory clan
and are all dressed alike in a very high-waisted full- skirted white robe,
reaching to the ankles, called a jhaga, with a red pagri, in which is set at
the back of the head a long tinsel plume, Kalangi, to represent the peacock
feathers with which Krishna was wont to adorn himself as he rambled
through the woods. The women stand at one end of the court-yard with
their mantle drawn over their faces and holding long lathis with which at
a later period of the proceedings they join in the Holi sports. Opposite
them are the bands-men with drums, cymbals and timbrels and at their
back other men with sticks and green twigs which they brandish about over
their heads. The space in the middle is circled by torch-bearers and kept
clear for the dancers, who are generally G in number, only one pair dancing
at a time. Each performer, in the dress as above described, has a knife or
dagger in his right hand and its scabbard in his left. At first darting-
forward they make a feint of thrusting at the women or other spectators
and then pointing the knife to their own breast they whirl round and round,
generally backwards, the pace growing faster and more furious and the
clash of the band louder and louder till at last they sink down, with th en¬
dowing robe spread out all round them, in a sort of curtsey, and retire into
the back ground to be succeeded by another pair of performers. After a
pair of men comes a pair of boys, and so on alternately with very little
variation in the action. Between the dances a verse or two of a sons: is
sung, and at the end comes the Holi khelna. This is a very monotonous
performance. The women stand in a line, their faces veiled, and each with
a lathi ornamented with bands of metal and gaudy pendents, like the Bac¬
chantes of old with the thyrsus, and an equal number of men oj)pose them
at a few yards’ interval. The latter advance slowly with a dedant air and
continue shouting snatches of scurrilous song till they are close upon the
women, who then thrust out their lathis and without uttering a word fol¬
low them as they turn their back and retreat to their original standing-
place. Arrived there they let the women form again in line as they were
at drst and then again advance upon them, precisely as before, and so it
goes on till their repertory of songs is exhausted or they have no voice left
to sing them. To complete my description I here give some specimens of
these sdkhis or verses, and have added notes to all the words that seemed
likely to require explanation. They are too coarse and at the same time
too stupid to make it desirable for me to translate them.

1

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

^>^fT U9 ^ v^Z %TT| |

TJ9> #% 4m =fi4'9T THfi %1T TTUf Tfffi \\\\\

Nj

?9 9f%99 SRT9 Ti?T %^T I

T9 9tWT i(TT ^fT9T* jj ^T 9TT S39Tt 9TT || !> II

f%99ff mf? T9! 31ZT?r I

<s ?; ^%%t ^Tfi wft -m iifi zzt t wh 9TT??r 11 3 11

'J v C\ C\ N

1%5*s%aft ^jrII q% =gn#rir 1

»lVt% ^T 95| ormf Tf99T9 f%9i9l ut%t 11 « 11

%Td** 99 ^ 9T9 TTO qMt I

T” 9?9i irTT 99T9 fq^rr | fit 9^T %Tfltt^T3 W39f || * ||

99 %T*mt %9tt ^ %Tfft I

9TJ| ^t?9 9f *HT&¥£ ?f %Tt 9h 9?t %Trft II ill

95IT JTT^Iill 93IT 3TT ^ 11 ^ 9 9TT II

95IT tfT9 ^ ^ $W 9T9I "^T % 51T9 « a II

iff? UT9 'qTt 9T"f* ** T!3TT% f 11^ II

* Sydhi, a woman’s dopatta.
f Jhagd, a man’s dress.

X Adhbar , in the middle.

§ Bard, an ornament worn by women on the elbow.

|| Su/c, the planet Venus, which is regarded as auspicious.

IT Chdlan, the same as the more common gauna.

** Jori , for zori, zabrdasti.
ft Jom , lust, passion.

JJ Dyaus , the day-time.

§§ Khaddna , a clay pit.

HU Thera , fix, for thahra.

ITU Chonda , the knot of hair at the top of a woman’s head.

*** Gal katana , to have the cheek kissed.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

125

^T3l fire ufl HOI

sifaq ?t^t i

»ifitir^T 155*1 «re %' n \ 0 11

C\ >

a»h wq %r*il qqir qreit vt* jw*t 1

Wf*l^T*$f qjsfi qwret *TT^qft sgjqd dWt || \ \ ||

March 1st, Kosi. — Spend an hour or two in the afternoon as a spectator
of the Holi sports at the Gomati-Kund. Each of the 6 Jat villages of
the Denda Pal§ has two or more chaugais, which come up one after the
other in a long procession, stopping at short intervals on the way to dance
in the manner above described, but several at a time instead of in single
pairs. One of the performers executed a pas de seul mounted on a daf, or
large timbrel, which was supported on the shoulders of four other men of
his troupe. Bands of Mummers (or swangs) were also to be seen, one set
attired as Muhammadan fakirs ; another (ghayalon lea siccing) as wounded
warriors, painted with streaks, as it were of blood, and with sword-blades
and daggers so bound on to their neck and arms and other parts of the
body that they seemed to be transfixed by them. Some long iron rods were
actually thrust through their protruded tongue and their cheeks, and in
this ghastly guise and with drawn swords in their hands, with which they
kept on dealing and parrying blows, the pair of combatants perambulated
the crowd.

March 2nd. — At 2 p. m. ride over to Bathen for the Holanga mela, and
find a place reserved for me on a raised terrace at the junction of four
streets in the centre of the village. Every avenue was closely packed with
the densest throng, and the house-tops seemed like gardens of flowers with
the bright dresses of the women. Most of them were Jats by caste and
wore their distinctive costume, a petticoat of coarse country stuff worked
by their own hands with figures of birds, beasts and men of most grotesque
design, and a mantle thickly sewn all over with discs of talc, which flash
like mirrors in the sun and quite dazzle the sight. The performers in the
chaupai could scarcely force their way through the crowd much less dance,
but the noise of the band that followed close at their heels made up for all
shortcomings. There was a great deal of singing, of a very vociferous and

* Bhaungara , a thicket,
f Nara, a twisted string-, izar-band.
t Jliatalc , a knot.

§ Any subdivision of a Jat clan is called a Pal, and the town of Kosi is the centre
of one such subdivision, which is known as the Benda Pal.

120

V. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

[No. 2,

probably also a very licentious character ; but my ears were not offended,
for in the general din it was impossible to distinguish a single word. Hand-
fulls of red powder (abir) mixed with tiny particles of glistening talc were
thrown about, up to the balconies above and down on the heads of the peo¬
ple below, and seen through this atmosphere of coloured cloud, the frantic
gestures of the throng, their white clothes and faces all stained with red
and yellow patches, and the great timbrels with bunches of peacocks’
feathers, artificial flowers and tinsel stars stuck in their rim, borne above
the players’ heads, and now and again tossed up high in the air, combined
to form a curious and picturesque spectacle. After the music came a posse
of rustics each bearing a rough jagged branch of the prickly acacia, stript
of its leaves, and in their centre one man with a small yellow pennon on a
long staff, yellow being the colour appropriate to the Spring season and the
god of Love. The whole party slowly made its way through the village
to an open plain outside, where the crowd assembled cannot have numbered
less than 15,000. Here a circular arena was cleared and about a hundred
of the Bathen Jatnis were drawn up in a line, each with a long bambu in
her hands, and confronting them an equal number of the bow-men who
are all from the neighbouring village of Jau. A sham fight ensued, the
women trying to beat down the thorny bushes and force their way to the
flag. A man or two got a cut in the face, but the most perfect good
humour prevailed, except when an outsider from some other village
attempted to join in the play ; he was at once hustled out with kicks and
blows that meant mischief. The women were backed up by their own
husbands, who stood behind and encouraged them by word, but did not
move a hand to strike. When it was all over, many of the spectators ran
into the arena, and rolled over and over in the dust, or streaked themselves
with it on the forehead, taking it as the dust hallowed by the feet of Krish¬
na and the Gopis.

The forenoon had been devoted to the recitation of Hindi poems ap¬
propriate to the occasion. I was not on the spot in time enough to hear
any of this, but with some difficulty I obtained for a few days the loan of
the volume that was used, and have copied from it three short pieces. The
actual MS. is of no greater antiquity than 1776 A. D., the colophon at the
end, in the curious mixture of Sanskrit and Hindi affected by village pandits,
standing thus :

Sambat 1852 Bhadrapad sudi 2 dwitiya, rabibar, likhitam idam
pustakam, Sri Gopal Das Charan-Pahari#-madhye parhan arthi Sri Seva
Das Bari Bathain vasi :

* Charan-Pahari is the name of a small detached rock, of the same character as the
Bliaratpur range, that crops up above the ground in the village of Little Bathen.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

127

but probably many successive copies have been made since the original was
thumbed to pieces. The first stanzas which are rather prettily worded,
are, or at least profess to be, the composition of the famous blind poet Sur

Das.

II ^ II

'?rr*w n

^ I >sq ju i

fqq mz qf n

qq qpfl« qsqsq? fqqn ffiT i

quu q;%if qfi wt n

firT Ht iqiU: 3TT J^TT =fiT m q\U »T<C I

qi^q qtq q^q? q^rrfi sisw sit ii
qrsiT <q» Tqin wr i fawq *ir i
w: qf?w f%qqw qg qiq< sf n

Translation.

“ Thy ways are past knowing, full of compassion, Supreme Intelli¬
gence, unapproachable, unfathomable, beyond the cognizance of the senses,
moving in fashion mysterious.

“ A lion, most mighty in strength and courage, dies of hunger ; a snake
fills his belly without labour and without exertion.

“ Now a straw sinks in the water, now a stone floats : he plants an
ocean in the desert, a flood fills it all round.

“ The empty is filled, the full is upset, by his grace it is filled again ;
the lotus blossoms from the rock and fire burns in the water.

“ A king becomes a beggar and again a beggar a king, with umbrella
over his head ; even the guiltiest (says Sur Das) in an instant is saved, if
the Lord helps him the least.”

The second piece, in a somewhat similar strain, is by Damodar Das.

128

F. S. Growse — Mathura Jfofcs.

[No. 2,

II ^ II

^ *r i

Til 1TTOH wt %T3i q^?J Hfl «T*?T II
TO «fgri HTqt TJTW ITtl HUT I

3f71 TOTq qTTOT ^cfi^T II
qfT^T %H qiTqrr THWTkI qfT% I

^THT^ f?U q itrft 5iq« II

Translation.

“ Come, my soul, adore Nand-lala ( i . e. Krishna) whether living in the
house or in the woods (i. e. whether a man of the world or a hermit) there
is no other help to lay hold of.

“ The Veda, the Puranas and the Law declare that nothing is better
than this ; every day honour increases four-fold, like the moon in its de¬
grees.

“ Who has wealth P who has house and fortune P who has son and
wife ? says Damodar, nought will remain secure in the world, it is gone in
a moment.”

The third piece, an encomium of the blooming Spring, is too simple to
require any translation.

*T*T 3*TcT II

qqn 3TO I

C\ C\

hI sfiU? qqn qq qrq't Trtigsj II
qq# fliq qqi 3TOI Wl l

toith qqn ?w i

The only divinities who are now popularly commemorated at the Holi
Festival are Kadha, Krishna and Balarama ; but its connection with them
can only he of modern date. The institution of the Ban-jatra and the

1878.]

F. S Growse — Mathura Motes.

129

Bas-lila and all the local legends that they involve is traceable to one of the
Brindaban Gosains at the beginning of the 17th century A. D., viz. Narayan
Bhatt, a disciple of Krishan Das, Brahmachari, whom Sanatan, the leader
of the Bengali Yaishnavas in Upper India, ajrpointed the first Pujari of his
temple of Madan Mohan. The fact, though studiously ignored by the
Hindus of Mathura, is distinctly stated in the Bhakt-mala, the work which
they admit to be of paramount authority on such matters. But the scenes
that I have described carry back the mind of the European spectator to a
far earlier period and are clearly relics, perhaps the most unchanged that
exist in any part of the world, of the primitive worship of the powers of
nature on the return of Spring. Such were the old English merry-makings
on May Day, and still more closely parallel the Phallic orgies of Imperial
Borne as described by Juvenal. When I was listening to the din of the
village band at Bathan, it appeared to be the very scene depicted in the
lines —

Plangebant alice proceris tympana palmis,

Aut tereti tenuis tinnitus sere ciebant,

Multis raucisonos efflabant cornua bombos,

Barbaraque horribili stridebat tibia cantu.

Or again in the words of Catullus :

Leve tympanum remugit, cava cymbala recrepant,

Ubi sacra sancta acutis ululatibus agitant,

Quatiuntque terga tauri teneris cava digitis.

While the actors in the chaupai , with dagger in hand, recalled the
pictures of the Corybantes or Phrygian priests of Cybele, the very persons
to whom the poet refers. In Greece the Indian Holi found its equivalent
in the Dionysia, when the phallus, the symbol of the fertility of nature, was
borne in procession, as it now is here, and when it was thought a disgrace
to remain sober. In like manner the Gosains and other actors in the In¬
dian show are quite as much inspired in their frenzied action by their
copious preliminary libations as by the excitement of the scene and the
barbarous music of the drums, cymbals and timbrels that accompany them.
Mathura, April 6th, 1877.

Postscript.

1. Recent Archaeological Discoveries.

Since my transfer from the district, the mound adjoining the Magis¬
trate’s Court-house, which has often been explored before with valuable
results, has been completely levelled as a Famine relief work. A large
number of miscellaneous sculptures have been discovered, of which I have
received no definite description. But the more prominent object is a life-
size statue of Buddha, which is said to be very finely executed and also in
R

130

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

[No. 2,

excellent preservation, though unfortunately it has been broken into two
pieces by a fracture just above the ankles. On the base is an inscription in
Pali characters, of which a transcript has been sent me by a clever native
draughtsman. I decypher it as follows : —

“ Deyadharmayam Sakya-bhikshu Yasa-dittasya. Yad atra punyam,
tad bhavatu mata-pitroh sukha rya paddhya yatam chasarvva-satv-anuttara-
j nana- vaptaye.”

I have probably misread some of the letters printed in italics, for as
they stand they yield no sense. ( Vide PI. XIX.) The remainder I trans¬
late as follows :

“ This is the votive offering of the Buddhist monk Yasa-ditta. If
there is any merit in it, may it work for the good of his father and mother
and for the propagation of perfect knowledge throughout the world.”

In Sanskrit the primary meaning of deya-dharma is the duty of
giving ; but in Pali it ordinarily stands for c the gift’ itself. The literal
signification of the monk’s name Yasa-ditta is ‘ Resplendent with glory
ditta being the Pali, Prakrit, or Hindi form of the Sanskrit dipta, by a
rule of Yararuchi’s, under which the examjfle given is sutta (the modern
sota) for supta. Vapti, ‘ the propagation’ is from the root vap , to sow;
from which also comes the Hindi word hap, ‘ a father,’ like the Latin sator ,
from sero.

A second inscription of some length commences with the words Malm -

rdjasya Devaputrasya Muvishkasya Samvatsare 51 Hemanta masa 1 div .

but I have not been able to read further, as the only transcript that I have
received is a very imperfect one. A great number of fragmentary sculp¬
tures of different kinds have also, as I understand, been discovered, and
some of them have been photographed for General Cunningham, who spent
several days at Mathura for the purpose of examining them. His account
will doubtless appear in some future volume of his Archaeological Survey.

Since Gen. Cunningham’s visit a third inscribed slab has been found.
A transcript has been made and sent me and a facsimile of it is herewith
given. I have not yet succeeded in decyphering it. It begins with the
word siddham ; then apparently followed the date, but unfortunately there
is here a flaw in the stone. After the flaw is the word etasya * The second
line begins with the word Bhagavat. In the third line is the name Ma~

* The word following etasya begins with the letters pu the remainder being
defaced, and was probably purvaye. This phrase etasya purvaye is of frequent occurrence
in these inscriptions and is translated by Gen. Cunningham ‘ on this very date’. I do
not think it can bear such a meaning. It might be literally rendered ‘ after this’ ;
but it is really an expletive, like the Hindi dye , or occasionally the Sanskrit tad-ananta -
ram , with which an Indian letter generally begins — after the stereotyped complimen¬
tary exordium — and which in the absence of full stops and capital letters serves to
indicate a transition to a new subject.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

131

thura ; at the end of the sixth line matapitroh ; in the middle of the
seventh line hliavatu sarvva.

2. The Tadha-sudha-nidhi.

The delay which has occurred in publishing these notes, enables me
now to add a translation of the text of the Sanskrit poem of Hari Vans. It
has been written at a considerable disadvantage, since here in Bulandshahr
I am unable to consult the commentaries which I had borrowed at Mathura.
Even in this district there is, I find, at least one temple of the sect, at the
town of Shikarpur.

Translation.

1. Hail to the home of Vrisha-bhanu’s daughter, by whom once and
again even Madhu-Sudan — whose ways are scarce intelligible to the greatest
sages — was made happy, as she playfully raised the border of her robe and
fanned him with its delicious breeze.

2. Hail to the majesty of Vrisha-bhanu’s daughter, the holy dust of
whose lotus feet, beyond the conception of Brahma, Siva and the other
gods, is altogether supernaturally glorious, and whose glance moistened with
compassion is like a shower of the refined essence of all good things.

3. I call to mind the dust of the feet of Radhika, a powder of in¬
finite virtue, that incontinently and at once reduces to subjection the great
power, that was beyond the ken even of Brahma, Rudra, Sukadeva, Narada,
Bhishma and the other divine personages.

4. I call to mind the dust of the feet of Radhika, which the noble
milk-maids placed upon their head and so attained an honour much desired
by the votaries of the god with the peacock crest, dust that like the cow of
heaven yields the fullness of enjoyment to all who worship with rapturous
emotion.

5. Glory to the goddess of the bower, who with an embrace the
quintessence of heavenly bliss, like a bountiful wave of ambrosia, sprinkled
and restored to life the son of Nanda, swooning under the stroke of Love’s
thousand arrows.

6. When will there visit us that essence of the ocean of delight, the
face of Radha, with sweet coy glances, bewildering us with the brilliancy of
ever twinkling sportive play, a store-house of every element of embodied
sweetness !

7. When shall I become the handmaid to sweep the court-yard of the
bower of love for the all-blissful daughter of Vrisha-bhanu, among whose
servants oft and again every day are heard the soft tones of the peacock-
crested god ?

8. O my soul, leave at a distance all the host of the great and affec¬
tionately hie to the woods of Brindaban ; here Radha’ s name is as a flood

132 F. S. Grows© — Mathura Notes. [No. 2,

of nectar on the soul for the beatification of the pious, a store-house of all
that is divine.

9. When shall I hear the voice of blessed Radha, that fountain of
delights, crying ‘ Nay, nay,’ with knitted brows, as some gallant suitor, fallen
at her feet, begs for the rapturous joy of her embrace ?

10. When, oh when will Radhika shew me favour, that incarnation of
the fullness of the ocean of perfect love, the marvellous glory of the glis¬
tening splendour of whose lotus feet was seen among the herdsmen’s
wives ?

11. When shall I attain to the blissful vision of the goddess of the
blooming bowers of the woods of Brindaban, her eyes all tremulous with
love, and the different members of her body like the waves of an overflow¬
ing ocean of delight P

12. O queen of Brindaban, I betake me to thy lotus feet, fraught
with the honeyed flood of love’s ambrosia, which, planted in Madhu-pati’s
heart, assuaged by their grateful coolness the fierce fever of desire.

13. Fain would my soul loiter in the woods sacred to Radha’s loves,
where the sprays of the creepers have been plucked by Radha’s hands, where
the fragrant soil blossoms with Radha’s footprints, and where the frequent
birds are madly garrulous with Radha’s praises.

14. When, 0 daughter of Vrisha-bhanu, shall I experience the con¬
ceit induced by excess of voluptuous dalliance, I your handmaid, charged
with the message, ‘ Come and enjoy Krishna’s dainties,’ and answered with
the smile, ‘ Only stay, friend, till night comes.’

15. Ah ! when shall I behold Radha, with downcast eyes, bashfully
stealing a distant glance at the moon-like orb of the face of the lord of
lovers, as she trips with twinkling feet, all graceful in her movements, to
the music of her own bangles ?

16. When, 0 Radha, will you fall asleep, while my hands caress your
feet, after I have tenderly bathed you and fed you with sweet things,
wearied with your vigil through a night of dalliance, in the inmost bower,
in the delicious embrace of your paragon of lovers P

17. O that the ocean of wit, the singular ocean of love’s delights, the
ocean of tenderness, the ocean of exuberant pitifulness, the ocean of love¬
liness, the ocean of ambrosial beauty and grace, the ocean of wantonness,
blessed Radhika, would manifest herself in my soul !

18. O that the daughter of Vrisha-bhanu, looking up all tremulous
and glistening in every limb like the flowering champ a, would clasp me in
her arms, charmed by my chanted praises of Syam-sundar, as she listens for
the sound of his pipe !

19. Blessed Radhika, cool me with the multiplicity of love, that
breathes in the swan -like melody of the girdle that binds your loins red-

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Moles.

133

dened with dalliance, and in the tinkling of the bangles, like the buzzing of
bees, clustered round your sweet lotus feet.

20. Blessed Badhika, wreathed with the surge of a Ganges wave of
heavenly dalliance, with lovely lotus face and navel as a whirl in the stream,
hastening on to the confluence with Krishna, that ocean of sweetness, draw
near to me.

21. When, 0 blessed Badhika, shall I rest upon my head your lotus
feet, Govinda’s life and all, that ever rain down upon the faithful abundant
torrents of the honeyed flood of the ocean of perfect love P

22. When, 0 Badha, stately as an elephant in gait, shall I accompany
you to the bower of assignation, to shew the way, bearing divinely sweet
sandal wood, and perfumes and spices, as you march in the excitement of
love’s rapture ?

23. When, 0 blessed Badha, having gone to some secluded slope of
the Jamuna and there rubbing with fragrant unguents your ambrosial
limbs, the very life of Love, when shall I see your prince of lusty swains,
with longing eyes, mounted on some high Jcadcimb tree ?

24. When, O blessed Badhika, shall I behold your heavenly face,
clustered — as if with bees — with wanton curls, like some lotus blossoming
in a lake of purest love, or a moon swelling an ocean of enjoyment, an
ocean of delight.

25. Ah ! the name of Badha, perfection of loveliness, perfection of
delight, sole perfection of happiness, perfection of pity, perfection of honeyed
beauty and grace, perfection of wit, perfection of the rapturous joys of
love, perfection of all the most perfect that my soul can conceive !

170. 0 ye wise, if there be any one desirous of marvellous happiness,

let him fill the pitcher of his ears and drink in this panegyric, called the
Masa-sudhd-nidhi, or 1 Treasury of Love’s delights.’

Buland-sJiaTir , April 15///, 1878.

JOURNAL

OF TIIE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1878.

The Song of llanik Chandra. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S.

Introduction.

In my notes on the Rangpur dialect, I promised to give an account of
the song whose name heads this article, and that promise I shall now do
my best to redeem. I find, however, that the task has been more difficult
than I anticipated. I do not doubt but that king Manik Chandra, and
his terrible wife did once exist ; but the traditions current concerning him run
so counter to ascertained history, that I have been able to discover very few
grains of truth amongst the legendary chaff that has accumulated about his
name.

To begin with ; the first name we meet with is a crux. Manik
Chandra’s brother was a Bala king.

Manik Chandra himself was certainly not a Bala , for he was a
baniyd by caste, while Abul-Fazl describes the Bdlas as Kay as Bias *
Moreover, I know of no dynasty of Bala kings, containing names ending
in “ Chandra,” like Manik Chandra, Gopi Chandra, or Bhava Chandra.
The brother’s name was Dharma Pal.

The following account has been drawn from various sources. I have
consulted Buchanan throughout, and wherever his story differs from mine
in important particulars I have recorded the points of disagreement.

* Cf. however, Mr. Westmacott’s article on the Pal Kings, in Yol. LIX of the
Calcutta Review , on which I have drawn freely, and gratefully, while treating- on the
present subject.

S

o o

136

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra.

[No. 3,

In tlie D/mld Thana situated to the north-west of Rangpur, and nine
or ten miles to the south-east of the sub- divisional head quarters of Bdg-
doJcard is the city of Dharma Pal. Buchanan thus describes it — “ It is
in the form of a parallelogram, rather less than a mile from north to south,
and half a mile from east to west. The following sketch (Fig. 1) taken
in riding round it, will enable the reader more easily to understand it than
my account. # The defences consist of a high rampart of earth, which at
the south-east corner is irregular, and retires back to leave a space that is
much elevated, and is said to have been the house of the Raja’s minister
(Divdn-Jchdna) . On the east side I observed no traces of a ditch, nor gate ;
but a ditch about 40 feet wide surrounds the other three faces, f In the
centre of each of these is a gate defended by outworks, and in these
are a good many bricks. At each angle of the fort has been a small square
projection, like a sort of bastion, extending however only across the counter¬
scarp to the ditch ; and between each gate and the bastion at the corner
are some others of similar construction. The earth from the ditch has been
thrown outwards, and forms a slope without a covered way. At the dis¬
tance of about 150 yards from the ditch of the north-east and south sides,
are parallel ramparts and ditches, which enclose an outer city, where it is
said the lower populace resided. Beyond these on the south is another
enclosure, in which it is said the horses were kept. Parallel to the west side
of the city, at about the distance of 150 yards, runs a fine road very much
raised ; but its ends have been swept away by changes that have taken
place in the rivers.”

To the west of this city at a distance of two miles, was the city of
Manik Chandra, now, however, called, after his more famous wife Magana
Matir leot.%

Here Manik Chandra reigned over the half dozen square miles of
territory which constituted him a rajadhiraja. His wife Mayana was
deeply skilled in magic, an art which it appears in those days, though un¬
lawful for a man, was lawful for a woman. § She was (so says the legend)
the pupil of a mighty magician who by his intense devotion to and abstrac¬
tion into the Holy Name had acquired immense powers. His mere word
was sufficient to strike one dead. He could cause the sea to cease to move,

* The plan given is Buchanan’s, and is very fairly accurate. The city is noted
for containing within the inner walls three remarkably fine tanks.

f The ditch and rampart are called in Rangpur the Kot ( ^

oSJlfq^T ^ A- Gr-

t #T3T. Tllis lady is said to have founded several other important

towns. Amongst names which still survive I may mention Mayana talir hat
cTrffc and Dayana Gucli jy^j-)

§ See verse 60 of the poem.

1873.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Ma n ih Clumdra.

187

and the lights in his dwelling burnt with surpassing splendour, though
only fed with Ganges water.

Now this man was a sweeper.

The Ha'di Siddha.

He was a Uadi, the caste which acts as sweeper in Bangal. In Rang-
pur its impurity signifies nameless abomination, a fact which should be
specially noted. Rangpur forms part of Kamarupa. Hither one of the
five Bandavas never set his foot, and the land is consequently impure.
Its men are not as other men, nor its laws as other laws. It has a special
code of its own, most of which can be found in the Yog ini Tantra ; and
this law allows many things (such as certain kinds of flesh eating) to its
straitest sects of Brahmans. Hence impurity in Western India frequently
becomes purity in Rangpur ; while Rangpur impurity includes things
simply inconceivable in Arya varta.

The Hadi of the poem, and of the popular legends of the present day
was a Yaishnava ; and as Mayana was also of the same sect (in which the
members are practically all of one caste) it is not impossible that she should
have had such a man for her Guru.

I say only “not impossible,” for I consider it highly improbable, and
for the following reasons : — It is evident that the true story has been much
transformed in its passage from mouth to mouth, and I believe that the
principle recasting (if I may call it so) was due to the influence of the
Yaishnava followers of Chaitanya. Translated into common English the
story is that Mayana’ s chaplain was a man of remarkable sanctity, whom
the populace credited with supernatural powers. He was a great saint, and
his religion followed that of his historians. The Yogis who narrate his
history are at the present day followers of the teachers of the religion of
Vishnu (not, be it observed, the popular Yaishnavas , vulgo Boishtoms) ; and
they naturally claimed their hero as belonging to their own sect. It is
peculiarly the tendency of this beautiful, almost Christian, religion to preach
the doctrine of the equality of castes ; — how every valley shall be exalted,
and the rough places made smooth. The lowest amongst the low, — the
despised and rejected amongst men, is fully capable of attaining equal holi¬
ness with the strictest Brahman of the holiest sect which worships at the
shrines of Yrinddvana. Such being the case, what is more natural than
that the ignorant and illiterate members of the same religion, who (like the
Yogis) have the traditions of a missionary priesthood in their family, should
instinctively point out how even an abominable Hadi can attain the terrible
powers which their fathers attributed to a Yasishtha or to a Darvdsa.

But, now that I have shown that it is quite possible for such an idea
to have arisen, I would point out that the man who is now called the

138

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of MdniJc Chandra.

Hadi Siddlia cannot have been originally a Yaishnava at all, and was never
by caste a Hadi. He is still occasionally addressed as Haripa (not Hadipa,
or Haripa), which is quite a possible name for a follower of Hari ; but
on going back even so short a space as the first decade of the present
century, we find that Dr. Buchanan, whose powers of observation are un¬
questioned, describes the Guru of Mayana Mati as a Yogi by caste, whose
name was Haripa while he never once mentions the fact of his being
Hadi, which is now much the commoner name. Now in the Rangpur
dialect, a is frequently lengthened, and r is interchangeable with d so that
the change from Ilari to Hadi is easy, and such a change, having once
taken common currency, would have itself suggested the idea so pecu¬
liarly Vaishnava to which I have before alluded. (Cf. Max Muller’s
lectures on the science of language, for evidence as to the tendency of false
etymology and of phonetic decay in originating popular legends.) This
Haripa, according to Buchanan was the pupil of Kan ip a, # who was the
pupil of Gorakshanath. Thana Dimla, where these Yogis live, is close
to Nipal, and we must go there to find out who Gorakshanath is. I am
now writing in Supaul, in the north of Bhagulpur, and not twenty miles
from the Nipal frontier ; and what I have heard about him here, confirms
in a remarkable degree what Buchanan tells of him. The dwellers of the
low lands will have nought of him, and we do not find his cultus till we
reach the half savage Buddhist dwellers of the interior. Here we discover
a curious mixture of the J\Ialid Bhdrata and Buddhism. They say that
during Yudhishthira’s journey through the pathless tracts of the Himalaya
to heaven, his brethren (as we know) fell behind, one by one, and perished
miserably. Here, adds the Nipali, only one survived, — the club-bearing
Bhima. He was saved by a Buddhist saint called Gorakshanath who after
performing many wondrous acts made him king over Nipal.fi

* I know of no religious teacher called Ivanipa. There was a Kanapa, who was a
teacher of the Jamgama sect of the S'aivas, (Mackenzie apud Wilson I. 227), who was
of some celebrity, and it is just possible that his name may have been adopted by the
Yogis, who were originally a S'aiva caste.

f The above is the popular tradition I have gathered from oral accounts. The fol¬
lowing summary of what is noticeable about Gorakshanath and the Yogis is gathered
principally from Wilson.

The first teacher of Buddhism in Nipal, was Manju, who came from Mahachm and
who made the valley of Khatmandu, formerly a lake, habitable by cutting through the
mountains with his scymitar. He taught a pure form of Buddhism, which became
afterwards impregnated with Brahmanical ideas through the invitation given by
Narendra Deva, king of Nipal, to one Matsyendra Nath a teacher of the Pasupata form
of the S'aiva religion. This was apparently about the 7th century A. D. This Matsy¬
endra was in reality the Lokes'vara Padmapani, who descended to the earth by command
of the Adi Buddha, and hid himself in the belly of a fish, in order to overhear Siva
teach Parvati the doctrine of the Yoga , and Wilson shows that Padmapani came either
from the east or from the north of Bangal.

1878.]

130

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Chandra.

It is quite natural that the Buddhists should claim him as their saint,
but in reality he was nothing of the sort. He was a teacher of the Saivci
religion, and one of the reputed founders of the sect of Yogis. "Whether
the Yogis of Bangpur are an off-shoot of the Xipali converts, or whether
Gorakshanath and his fellows came from north-eastern Bangal, or from
Asam, where the Tdsupata cultus , whose followers finally became Yogis ,
was established I cannot pretend to decide. I am inclined to believe in
the former hypothesis, for they themselves have a tradition, that they came
from the icest, having formerly been pupils of Sankaracharya, who were ex¬
pelled by him for indulging in spirituous liquor. Besides, they reject, to the
present day, the authority of Brahmans, and have their own priests ; and this
is just what would he expected from people coming from Buddhistic Xipal.
They rose too to power under a dynasty of Palas, most of the members of
which family were Buddhists. Be that as it may, this much however
is certain, that at the time of Manik Chandra, the Yogis practised a
S'aiva religion and worshipped a deified teacher of their sect, also worship¬
ped in Xipal, named Gorakshanath. Gorakshanath moreover, had already
supplanted S'iva himself, and was alone worshipped by his followers.

The poem annexed bears abundant witness to this. At every Nodus
whether Vindice dignus or not, he is brought in as a deus ex machina ;

Sixth in descent from Matsyendra Xath, in the time of spiritual teachers, comes
Goraksha Xath, who, according to this, ought to have flourished in the 8th century.
There must however he some mistake here, for it is known that Goraksha Xath was a
contemporary of Kabir, and held a controversy with him which is extant (Gorakh
Nath lei Goshthi, W. I. 213), and Kabir lived in the loth century. Hence, unless the
list of teachers in the Hatha Fradipa (W. I. 214) is incorrect, Matsyendra Xath must
have lived at a much later period than that tentatively assigned to him by Wilson.
Another Xarendra Deva reigned in Xipal in the 12th century, and it is possible that
it is he who introduced Matsyendra Xath, in which case the discrepancy would not be
so outrageous. But, here another difficulty arises, we find that we must date Goraksha
Xath’s pupils’ pupil as flourishing in the 14th century, a fact which agrees better with
the theory of Xarendra Deva II ; but then, what becomes of Kabir ?

We have seen that Matsyendra Xath taught Fdmpata SUivism, and it is a well
known fact that the Kdnphdtd Yogis , to which sect those who sing the MdniJc Chandra
song belong, are the representatives at the present day of that form of religion. The
above account in no way tallies with the tradition mentioned later on, in the text, that
the Yogis were errant pupils of Sankaracharya, nor is such a story home out by the
S'anJcara Yijaya. In chapter 41, Sankara successfully combats the Yoga doctrine, but
he treats his opponents with a respect which he would never extend to backsliding
disciples (S. Y. c. 41. Bibl. Indica, Ed. p. 198).

That the Yogis rapidly became an important sect is evident from the numerous
temples dedicated to Goraksha Xath, not only in Xipal but in the Panjab and Xorth
West Provinces. We read that the Emperor Akbar consorted with them. He was ini¬
tiated into their learning, and, on one occasion, ate with them, at one of their festivals.

140 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

not as an ordinary saint, but leading the whole Hindu Pantheon, and the
characters of the Mahabharata to boot. It is Gorakshanath, and not Siva,
who grants a boon, or comforts a sorrowing widow on her husband’s funeral
pyre. As he is considered in Nipal, so he is here, a saint whose austerities
have rendered him not only an omnipotent but The Omnipotent, and who
has always been proof against the charms of the most wanton Apsarases
ever sent for a holy man’s seduction by a terrified Svarga. We are bound
therefore to assume that the guru of the Lady Mayana, whatever his
name was, and whom for the sake of simplicity we can call the Siddha
was a Yogi, i. e. a S'aiva by religion, and professed doctrines which were pro¬
fessed also by semi-Buddhist races in Nipal.

As this introduction relates to the Manik Chandra poem, I shall, now
that I have stated my opinion concerning his identity, for the future call
him as he is called in the modern edition of the poem, the Hadi Siddha.

Dharma Pa'la.

The Hadi Siddha was, as I have already said, of great power, but his
pupil Mayana, by dint of continued practice of her magic art, became
greater still. She could control everything but fate ; and the whole of
the poem is nothing but a description of her struggles with that resistless
passive energy.

According to universal tradition both in Buchanan’s time, and at the
present day, her husband, Manik Chandra was brother of Dharma Pala.
This I have before shown, is an impossibility if the names are correct.

In order to obtain an approximate date for Dharma Pala it is neces¬
sary to consider two lists of dynasties. They are now-a-days the traditional
history, and they agree with Buchanan’s account. The following are those
I have collected :

1. Dharma Pala.

2. Manik Chandra (his brother ; died early).

3. Gopi Chandra.

4. Bhava Chandra.

5. A Pala Raja. Name unknown.

6. Here Buchanan reasonably suggests a period of anarchy.

7. Nila Dhvaja.

9. Chakra Dhvaja.

10. Nilambara.

According to Buchanan, Nilambara was defeated by Husain Shah
about the year 1500 A. D. ; and thus, allowing six reigns to a century,
(a moderate estimate), we must date Dharma Pal as having flourished

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. 141

about the year 1350 A. D. ; he certainly (i£ he ever existed, and if the
djmasty lists are true) cannot have lived much before the commencement
of the 14th century, i. e., before our English King Edward III.

Abul-Fazl gives a list of ten Pala Kings quoted by Mr. Westma-
cott ; and they became extinct about the middle of the eleventh century
thus leaving a space of 250 years to be accounted for. Hence it need not
necessarily be determined that Dharma Raja was a member of the great
family of Pala Kings. Buchanan suggests that he may have represented
the remains of a family which survived the wreck of the dynasty, to save
a portion of the kingdom which remained unconquered, by the successors of
Adi Sura in Rangpur ; and the fact is not rendered less improbable when
we consider the history of the Hadi Siddha, We know that the Pala
kings were, when we first meet them, Buddhists and that subsequently
some branches of the family changed their religion to some one or other
of the many varying sects of Hinduism. If then Dharma Pala ruled in
a country in which such a holy man was arch -priest, it is rather a
confirmation than otherwise of this theory. I myself think it certain
that Dharma Pala was a member, or descendant of the great Pala
family, for Dr. Buchanan gives an illustration of an image found in his
city, which contains the typical Pala emblem of an elephant borne down
by a lion. (Fig. 2.)

We thus I think can be certain of the following facts, — that early in
the 14th century a king named Dharma Pala ruled over a small tract of
country near the Karatoya river in the present districts of Rangpur and
Jalpaiguri. That this Dharma Pala was a member of the great Pala
family which once ruled over northern Bamga. That in his territory there
was a saint of considerable sanctity, then living, who professed tenets bor¬
rowed possibly from Nipal. And that close to his capital city there lived
in a fortified stronghold a powerful chief named Manik Chandra, who was
married to a lady called Mayana. It may be gathered from local tradition
that Mayana was an ambitious and designing woman, and that she acknow¬
ledged the saint above-named as her spiritual instructor.

Between the king and the chief, according to local tradition, a war arose,
which ended in the defeat and disappearance of the former, and triumph of
the latter, in a great battle fought on the banks of the river Hangrigosha.
The battle-field is still shown, a mile or so to the north of Dharmapur.

Ma'nik Chandra.

After this victory, Manik Chandra took up his residence at Dharma¬
pur, while the Lady Mayana remained at her old home Mayana Matir Jcot

142 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

probably to be near her old Guru, the ruins of whose home are still shown
in the neighbourhood.

The further particulars regarding Manik Chandra will be gathered
from the annexed poem. Who he was we cannot tell, we must be content
with knowing that he was a neighbouring chief of Dharma Pala and his
conqueror.

He appears to have governed at first with vigour and success. We
read of rustic wealth and security, and light taxation. The revenue
system is worth noticing, it was a peculiarly elastic and simple land tax.#
The land in those days was little more than a wild forest, and the soil poor
and barely cultivated. The sparse prajds scraped with their flimsy ploughs
the surface of the sandy soil immediately round their homestead and strug¬
gled lazily for bare existence. I suspect that, even in king Manik’s time,
life and property were not over secure, and under these circumstances it
was necessary that the taxes should be light. Each plough-owner was
therefore required to pay for each plough in his homestead thirty kaovis per
mensem. f Under the light taxation which may be inferred from this absurd
exaggeration of the text, the prajas were necessarily happy and contented,
until Manik Chandra did what was in Rangpur the most unpopular
thing a zamindar could do. He engaged a Bangali Divan. I have in my
previous paper enlarged on the hatred of the Rangpun peasantry for a
genuine freshly imported native of the south, and I need not dwell upon
it here. Suffice it to say that the new Divan fully bore out the character
of his nation, for he immediately doubled the land-tax. The result was a
rising of the peasants, and according to their account, the mysterious death
of the king shortly afterwards from the effects of Rangpur fever. He left
no living child, but his wife Mayana was subsequently confined of a pos¬
thumous one. The child was not born till eighteen months after Manik’s
death, — and ill-natured people might feel inclined to consider Manik
Chandra’s claim to the title of father not proved ; but the poem chivalrously
comes to the rescue of Mayana’ s reputation, and makes her pass through
a long series of puerile adventures (the old tale of Orpheus and Eurydike
with the characters reversed), and finally obtain from Gorakshanath, and
his attendant gods, the boon of having a son of such perfect vigour and

* The same system prevails to the present day in parts of Nipal, where the demand
for land is not so great as it is in the more settled British territory. A plough is there,
however, only considered as equivalent to eight higas, the average rent for a plough
of land being considerably below that current on this side of the frontier.

f The text says 1^ budis of Jcdoris. A budi is five gandas or twenty. One budi of
Jcaoris — a pice. 1^ pice a month = 4 anas, 6 pie, per year per plough. In the light
soil of Bangpur, one plough can easily cultivate fifteen bigas or five acres of land, so
that the annual land-tax was, according to the text, less than 3§ pies per big a, or than
a penny farthing per acre.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Munih Chandra.

143

virtue that it would take at least twenty-five months to fashion him.
As a matter of special grace he was presented to her with seven months of
his growth already accomplished, so that he was in fact born only eighteen
months after his conception. #

During Mayana’s pregnancy she became sati for her dead husband,
and mounted the pyre with his corpse. I need hardly say that the flames
refused to touch her, although the relations of her late husband did their
best to aid them, by thrusting her more and more into the flames with long
poles, f

Mayana after passing through various adventures survives them all,
and in due time gives birth to a son, who is called Gopi Chandra. It is he
who is really the hero of the poem, and not his putative father who gives
it his name. All references to the latter end before the 154th verse, and the
remaining 550 narrate the fortunes of his son.

Apparently from the birth of her child, Mayana deserted Mayana
matir kot and went to dwell in Dharmapur. She was a clever woman and
managed to keep up without great difficulty the high rates of land
revenue, which had caused the death of her husband.]; When Gopi
Chandra was nine years old, it was time for him to be married, and so
Mayana looked round for a suitable match.

Ra'ja' Hari's' Chandra.

At the present day, seven or eight miles south of the ruins of Dharma¬
pur, in the thana of Darvani, there is a village called Char Chara. § Here
there is a large mound of earth called Haris Chandra Rajar Pat, i, e., the
seat of king Haris Chandra.

Buchanan described it as a circular mound of earth about 40 feet in
diameter. “ In searching for materials to build a pig-stye, the heap was
opened by an indigo-planter, and a building of stones was discovered. The

* The Yogis of course see nothing extraordinary in this ludicrous idea. They say
the events occurred in the Satya Yuga , when all things were possible. I asked a Yogi
once why the child was presented to Mayana already seven months developed, and he
explained that it was “to prevent excessive scandal,” which might have occurred if the
child had been born twenty-five months after his father’s death ! ! This is straining at
a gnat, and swallowing a camel with a vengeance.

fi The description of this rite in the poem is curious enough : whether such con¬
duct on the part of the relations was common in the performance of it I do not know.
I have been unable to identify Chand the merchant, who figures in this part of the
poem with any other legend.

x I gather this from the last verse of the poem, from which it is evident that it
was not till Gopi Chandra’s return that the land revenue was reduced to its former level.

§ it is a short distance due east of the better known

Ramganj Tupamari .

T

144

[No. 3,

G A. Grierson — The Song of Man ih Chandra.

upper parts of this, consisting of many long stones, were removed, when a
friend of more science in antiquities, recommended the planter to abstain
from further depredations. In its present state the lower part only of the
building remains and is a cavity of about 13 feet square at the mouth, and
8 at the bottom. The sides are lined with squared stones, which form a
deep stair on each side, and the walls are exceedingly thick. My description
will be more easily understood by consulting the plan (fig. 3). I have no
doubt that this is a tomb.”

Since Buchanan’s time it has been still further desecrated, and, now
little remains beyond the mound of earth and the name.

Haris Chandra had two daughters Aduna and Paduna. # These he
gave in marriage to Gopi Chandra with a hundred maid- servants to wait
upon them.f By his eighteenth year Gopi Chandra had no child. It had
been foretold to Mayana that at that age he would die unless he became a
Sannyasi.J So he prepared, much against his will, to go forth wandering
in the forests with the Hadi Siddha. His two wives Aduna and Paduna
tried hard to persuade him to stay, and their arguments form, in my opinion,
by far the best portion of the poem (vv. 243-302). They contain many
touches of true poetry.

This flight of fancy, however, almost immediately leads us into the
most unnatural — the profoundest bathos. The king tempted by his wives,
in order to put the correctness of his mother’s words to the test, makes
her pass through the ordeal of boiling oil. Although the king has strength
of mind to keep his mother in boiling oil for nine days, it is gratifying to
learn that he really was a tender and affectionate son ; for when he found
at the expiration of that time that his mother had been boiled to death, he
began to weep. Mayana of course was really not dead, she had only
changed herself into a grain of mustard seed, and soon reappeared in her
proper form. After the usual preparations, the king sets out on his journey
with the Hadi Siddha. His minor adventures need not be recorded here.
He passed through many trials as preparations for his future, and finally
in an evil moment promised to let the Hadi have twelve Jcdoris wherewith
to buy ganja. When he would have given it, he found that the store from
which he intended to take it had been spirited away. Thereupon, rather

* In Buchanan, Hudna and Pudna.

t Buchanan says that Gopi Chandra had a hundred wives, hut I can find no trace
of this in any modern legend. The maid-servants may have been concubines, but not
wives. They are the hundred damsels mentioned in verse 242. They are it is true
called queens in verse 410, — but that is only part of the gross and puerile exaggeration
displayed there, Aduna and Paduna being still kept separate.

X V. 241. The term Sannyasi should be noticed. It is the ordinary term for a
Saiva mendicant, Vairagi usually representing a Vaishnava one.

1878 J

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Chandra.

145

than break his promise, he told his companion to pawn him for the money.
The Hadi took him at his word to the bazar , where all the women fell in
love with him, which gives rise to an amusing scene. However they could
not afford the twelve Icaoris demanded j so the Hadi finally took him to the
house of a harlot named Hira.

Hi'ra' the Harlot.

According to popular tradition, Hira is said to have lived at “ Khola
Kuta a village in the west of the Dinajpur District.” This place I have
been unable to identify. Mr. Westmacott, who has most kindly taken
much trouble in assisting me on this point, suggests that the place may be
Khola Hati, a village in the east of that District, where the Dinajpur and
Rangpur road crosses the river Karatoya. There were lately extensive ruins
to its north, but they have been excavated by the Northern Bengal Railway
people for ballast. This theory is not at all so improbable as it might
seem at first sight, for every tradition leads us to believe that Hira’s residence
was near the Karatoya. Dinajpur is to the west of Rangpur, and if the
original belief was that Khola Ivuta ( ? Khola Hati) was “ to the west in
Dinajpur” the change for “in” to “ of” need not surprise us, The locality
of Hira’s house is not mentioned in the poem, but a reference to v. 658
will show that it probably was Khola Hati.

Hira, of course, fell in love with the king, and, being a woman of pro¬
perty, easily found it in her power to borrow the twelve fcaoris from a
neighbouring banker. The banker drew up the deed of transfer, conveying
Gopi Chandra to the harlot’s sole use and possession for a period of twelve
years, and she then and there paid over the money, and took delivery. The
procedure of the sale is worth noticing (vv. 537-546).

After obtaining possession of the king, Hira had him bathed and
adorned in gorgeous apparel ; she then sent for him and tried to tempt
him, but though she exerted all her fascinations, and the king was almost
yielding, she failed ignominiously, Gopi Chandra piously remembering
his mother’s parting words. * Indignant at her repulse the harlot went to
the other extreme, and put him to perform the meanest and vilest offices of
her household. The king was continually ill-used, and beaten, and one
of his hardest daily labours, was carrying twelve bhangi loads of water
from the Karatoya to her house.

On the last day of the twelve years he went to draw water as usual, — •
but his strength failed him and he fell into the river.

* Gopi Chandra is much lauded for his continence, hut, as it appears that tho
Hadi before leaving him made him a neuter, there is really little ground for credit.

I

146

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manila Chandra.

[No. 3,

The beginning of the end.

When the king left his home, his two queens retired from the outer
world and shut themselves up in a well-guarded palace. The hundred
concubines appear to have become the willing property of a foundling
called Ivhetu, whom Mayana had cherished and brought up together with
her son. This man had subsequently entered Gopi Chandra’s service, in
the days of his power.

Aduna and Paduna set themselves to playing dice, for they knew that
as long as lucky numbers were thrown, the king their husband was well.

The dice continued to fall prosperously until the king fell into the
Karatoya, and then they fell in disarray. A parrot and his mate beheld the
tears of their mistresses, and consoling them, offered to go in search of
Gopi Chandra.

After some days* the birds found their master, and gave the message
of his queens. The king, thereupon wrote a letter on the leaf of a wild
plant which grew by, and sent it by them to his mother, who on receiving
intelligence of her son summoned the Hadi, who in his turn went to
the king.

The Hadi then proceeds to distribute poetical justice allround. All
the woes which Hira had inflicted upon Gopi Chandra, she is made to suffer
herself. He then cut her in two, her upper half becoming a bat, and her
lower half a minnow.

The Harlot’s maid-servant was cursed to become as her mistress had
been, and in her old age to marry a peon, who would beat her every day of
her life. Finally we have the fruit of all the king’s penance in his being
imbued with a knowledge of the magic art by his eating a filthy mess of the
Hadi’s concoction, and he returns home, still however wearing his pilgrim’s
weeds. His maid-servant was the first to see him, but she did not recog¬
nize him. His own wives wavered in their recognition when he denied
his identity. The only being that did not hesitate, was his faithful ele¬
phant who made obeisance to him while he was yet afar off.

After the usual festivities Gopi Chandra again ascended the throne,
and made his subjects happy by fixing the land revenue again at the old
rate of thirty Jcdoris.

Concluding remarks.

Such is the epic of Kangpur, containing here and them a tiny pearl of
interest, hidden amidst the rubbish, which is mainly presented to our view.
I have ventured to write so much about it, and to submit it to the Society
for three reasons.

* There is considerable confusion here amid dates.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Chandra.

147

First, I believe that men more competent than I, may be able to add
a little to the history of the Pala kings, after considering it. Second,
because it exhibits a curious, and most instructive lesson as to how a purely
S'aiva hero celebrated by men of a S'aiva sect has given rise to a poem of
S'aiva foundation, but of Vaishnava superstructure, and sung by the de¬
scendants of these same men. Nay more, how a distinctly S'aiva sect, has
become to all intents and purposes a Vaishnava one, while it still retains
its old gods, and its old heroes. It would not be difficult to find parallel
transformations in more modern religious history. Thirdly, and more for
this reason than any other, because it is a very fair specimen of the peculiar
Rangpuri patois. And here it may be noticed, that any parts purely and
distinctly Vaishnava interpolations or additions ( e . g. the introductory lines)
are written in a Bengali much more classical, than the rude language of
the S'aiva ground- work. This will be evident to any one who pays attention
while reading.

The song is usually sung by four men, — and in parts, not in unison.
I am not sufficiently acquainted with Hindu music to give the technical
name of the chant. It certainly is the only song I have heard in this
country in which harmony is introduced. The top notes of the chant are as
follows :

To he sung an octave lower than written.

This is sung chant -like, so as to go once to each line, but leaving the
three last notes without words. To these last three notes, the words “ He !
Raja !” “ He ! Mayana !” “ He ! Yame !” or some such apostrophe which
depends on the person whose adventures are being immediately narrated,
are sung as a sort of burden. An example will make this clear. Take the
first line of verse six. It is sung thus —

8 vo Basso . . . .

rtHi

6)

dx ^ ^

//C\ *

7 zLJL^J

1

1

v \7 • r' ii '

i J

— M

'<'0

]\Gr

1

manikchandra raja banga ba-da sa- ti He ra- ja

I do not give the harmonies of this, because I cannot. I tried to
reproduce them on a harmonium, but though I believe I got the separate
notes of each part correctly first on a violin, from the mouth of each

148

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra.

singer, when I tried them together I got nothing hut a common-place soit
of chant, containing one or two consecutive octaves, and not a particle of
the spirit of what I had just heard sung. The above is the music of the
narrative portion of the poem. Each il duyaf has a separate melody of
its own.

As the song is sung, the upper part is accompanied in unison on the
saringa, of which an illustration, taken from Buchanan is appended.

(Fig. 4.) The open note is tuned to E flat

and the higher notes are formed by pressing down the wire on the various
projecting knobs over which it passes.

In conclusion, as I stated in my former paper, the poem is in many
places unintelligible to every body I have met. In such places (satya yuger
Jcathas) the singers have sometimes traditional interpretations. In one or
two cases, however, they do not profess even to such : and, I trust, that
I may he pardoned under such circumstances for giving a literal transla¬
tion, without attempting to educe sense out of the arrant nonsense thus
arrived at.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manile Chandra.

149

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fk II \

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*it% erf^is; ms: 11 1

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^i^fiT gsrrc ft% tfi^T Jits' 11 ®

3g^1%^T %5 § T5^t hr 3Tnra 1
cm: wg wra tfi*r T3ig 11 *=

merger %g i trer mfz Ttbng i
ciir wg jtto urn Tgig 11 £

ifr RTpra RT^rr sregi JIT^R ^T |

^^TcI*T ^f^fct^T %(T 5 T§T3C^ clR ^giRcT ^tfT I

Per Jnpg *nff ft=g mix Tt^gr 11 \c

3iT^T RTfl^T JIT TRTf

3ITO 5p<I 3rf JTT TjTTg n \\

^ I | The usual form for Nom. Sing, in Eangpuri. See my “Notes.”
Most of the irregular grammatical forms contained in this poem will be found therein,
and hence I shall not usually draw attention to them here, n ^ j m\vx =

i = irre 3rix*ni a 1 ^fV^gr = ^wfT^T l VI

TOfR WrT^T=^^r ^|rf ^TiT*r I f*R = ^T ^Tf^T,

^1* W 3ifXNT II

150

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

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I ^|T^ = «nsri ^^I^ = qw^:| ♦TTJTT^f is connected with the dhatu
W II

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Gr A. Grierson — The Song of ManiJc Chandra.

151

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38 I *jrq = 803 II 33. I 3t% = 5U7 II

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152

G. A Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

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1878.]

153

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra.

srN gfs to ftstfro vift-iT i
tot tot ^irf^r ttttitt f\rr n ta

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fsRT TOT WTTOT TO TifiRT 3TR TOT ||

^ * *

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tot to ^frox tot Rfro RtfcR.r ii

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Cir. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Ohandr

yp ^Tffl 3JT3C HTpyT I
ffcT HT^IT y»T cfN yp ytPpT II

'J

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wc ttist: « nt ntpnt i
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in Trent rim itr ip repnt n
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ryt wp yypl PrtiP Hip npt I
cirfP ypy nrat ip yprt it ii

^1 yn = y<n II ■ot I ys;x — mx i|

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra. 155

SIK sra f*T3X HTlf% wftxJT I
%xr xxfwi ^xsn^ ix^T gferr n

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Si • ♦

** i ^ufa = ^T*ft ii i ^rw^rr — ii kc i fara;f*r =■ ^sj[)S n
| ii c® i = kj* II

150 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra. [No. 3,

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rerm rafarer res?; fire refe reran; rere 11 is

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renrererem; jq'i^re infirm re: refe reifer n ty.

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rerejre xirerer refre fere fe retire i

re?ij reXS WJTTW IJTX II £«

ref ^ir reire rerereT re^rrex refer I

nJ ♦ ♦

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rear urere jffrer rere frererr rnxr 'irere i

rererer rerw =?rere refxretre rerrre fe 11

rererre rererer refre fere rerre i
♦ * ♦ ^ «

rererrere rerre rerererre rerrerre rerre ii

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(N ^ Vj # ^

= I H ££ I = X3 II \°\ I f*T = ^ T*\T II

1878.]

157

G. A. Grierson — The Song ofManik Chandra.

33 jfpx 3Tpqr 33*; i

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wf 33 3J3 333T 3333 3pC3t I

-Si * *

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158

[No. 3?

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ilc Chandra .

^ 'zrscn ??SRT |

Si • *

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^mr?: !T !im mm fefimt: life! i
ferns?? feirs m irmns! n
fecit: ifem wttji mm im^is: mfei 11
?fe jffer mi mifsm 5f5srt: i
mrfet ^m; 'ft^ tm it! n
fefetr mm ism tram gmr m^ms^n- I
mmi is;a ?flm mm w sifem n
mst IScT iffe tm ft! ITO ism I
mims ^tf ism in immsm n V?.8

mfem life: rnifa mfem iii ifem i
sfifartJT mSfe timer mfeii ^ffex n

IIT! StmiT WTt ifel! !t 1X1 |

♦ * ♦ ♦

imis: tim trim?; mmi ttrj h
mr ^tf isn trim ^^venc mfem i

felTS ^1 13151 twit i?m mtirsm II \Ra

mi fens:?: ?rmsft femfeti fens: ism i
ifsm imfe IS IS! ife-Il || vr=

m mu ms fei ms is;i i
imifem jfttr ffefem mmi ms;! n \i£.

tint iss jffer n?w ?jfe!r?i ithtsu i
stfeim mm tram mmt mmmet ifes n w

ms iffer mi mifem s^t?; i
mrwi?; mfet fern ^fsir fei !ii n
mf mu w i?i tjnm: !fem i

^ m ^cf n

rnmiit: tirfem is:i mmr sifem i
mss?: si its mu sfem n
turn mi isi mm sfem i
%srn: ?rr#n mfem iii sfem i

l m = K?r ll I mitllff — e.'i'0 ujtjZ II ?,^8 I — ornjr u

1878.]

159

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra ,

TITR || *38

wit Wf| *RR 3R '3TR I
wii ^trirt ms it
mt *j3Rt jrrit srkcr stirs? i

wf s?f% =fj^t TT^prr srs smsucsT it \\i

rst wflR smst fsst1%RT wfw iist i
%sr srilst sifjrs? ira "sfsts? i
ss ssttsr jttsr ;3ir sirs sfrs? ii \3«

SSJIS WlRl si W3C %Rt *RtSR |

%?s ssss ^TMVitft mris shr ww ii
3rt ns jfrcr sn wfw sfest l
ssssr i'sR ssra ws?3C«t n
%s ns nss? nfs wms sfigst i

fss? snr sras sfsst ii ^a®

nrf^r son5? n?SR st mfrsT i

ifiST gn m^tisst wtf^sr ii \»\

Hlf^ ^S ’STS^r nSST SSiST SiftST t

mTSSR ^S ^3R5f SSS S^TTST ||

$ct jftST SSSt SpCSt firffST I
rst mm mgsr igs mtfs«t sstf^sT ii
sts tjfe fsfs msss smfls sins? i

nSSR XRfl't Snr Sin# ST*^ STpSST I

■?Tsr irflsrir stift fss? fg g?s. st!?t3cst ii \U9

nss? ss is sn sfs fitter i
strtr wwt ss mst sir ^tF?st it m

STSR mint SS HT fsS Wlfsm I

SS nSST TTRt TT3S ^rs STfjtS || \8<

sitor sfs s?3c s^: ^ #Rtrs
mtfn SIR SRSJ SST SfsS SSS || SST II

*.?< i *t wfw = jj-h ii i nr>fi = >j«j ii ^si?, i ^r^rx: — .

sf?ms ii \ku i ms = st^intm = mrasRts i gqsts = fsqs II

160 G. A. Grierson — The Sony of JtfaniJc Chandra. [No. 8,

g7? g7? siftsT ssst sits wrf?^ I
SS flfs sssi ststsst II
gar si artss; fssrrss i

Bf% SFfi STfa"T STSS *jfsSS |l \«i.

TORR fcrfecf STfflSt sffar *1%SPC I
ssn sri sits ihs sitsm srgs ii V*#

srs wts stsis srfnsi sis: sis i

SS STS gfs STfiprT STS ilST stl3T STS II UT,

StTSTS ’SST arSST SS WS SiftST I

\j ♦ 'O •

iiissi sris xisss sf^st wfsrsr n sur

S^tT SIS r^T SIS sfts^T fssrras I
snsrs ys snfs^ sfsgT n

SWK WTpT SSSI ST ss ^TfSST I
JTtest SIS si %TS %TSn^TS ||
ss gfs JTS ssw4 srfssr I

3RSSTS! Sirei^TS ss || TT. 8

ST ST SgST stsTSI tsstm ss I

SITS TTTfs li Tls? sgrs fiTSS II VM.

%S TTS stsss SIT^14tS f%ST |

W ^TcT ^ifl^T sfi% Hlft %T$X il«T II

‘3TC 311% 37^ W7T I

f^FcTre |

ir *ns wpsrif ^rr wtt ii
$ WIT *l*KT T$T \

^r^Tcr ^crft^r firar h

WT 3TfT f^T Wcf ^ft^TT |

JT^TC 3T*T II

^TT ^ fk*n f%pT |

JRT^I (| %£o

i **ffr = n u® i ^rarqK = ? n i f«?rre = ? y1^

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra. 1G1

f? r to %irrft TOsinpg i

^nsi? xjtjs wtfji^r li

tox *rfroxr fxx*r gnfjx«x i

xpT 'snfcf 5XJT *5[XfTOT 5TTO f^T ||

^fixTT cfta ^nf^T *XWf% II ^

totoxx fg«x xxif% |

5fr7^t fife? wpett5TO) ^nnsrsjT n xi\

'fftro jxr xxtot jtosxxx; i

Wfro gifTOrc grxfrot tjrwTC gxxfjx topt ^fror g a
'STO <rf%% fTOIT ^r^xffigr i

mfz mf^Ji to’str mf^r 'n \<*u.

?ro frox JNxiTO ^X5t l

SrfTOTX' fTOX TOTT f^t f^3I5:^T II \<{i{

TO to: gfrorx +-i*l*u *lVrn I

?rmra jfk^r 5rr*i ^rfcm xgr?T

rw to: vm to iftrox faroro i

xroft topti cffara fro to ii

tost to*; TOft% toxto fim ii

tox«t wf# totto txfro TOft^x i

txxir ^rrft jttot nftstpr i

xgro TO^xf*: toto sra frox t5 *rici gifoxx i

^Tt<. frox %TtTT5^IT II ^'S®

TOPXTO 5X5*1 5XTO f%cXT*X %X |

5XTO5 TO 'ITO fl*ITO fTOR f^T || Vs*.

toxtoxx xg^ft f^x TOtx to; i

toto^x xrft igx gxxfjxgx it ^

TO^XT TOTO 1^51551 TOT TOXTO I

SEpra TOTO5*TT *X15 ^XX 5f?X || X,TO

g^tr^c toto flpx to xtttoit to i

162

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra. [No. 3,

crt^i 3^ fggr it V®8

gg ^t^tt ggra gra =frit ®ra fggj i

gtfggr ggi lira lira lira f^i i

Tfr %ra gftgT ^ngg gunggj Pra n v®^

gg git h^it ggg gig ins;g i

gt gt gtfggj ^igg spaing *nf5ra n v®3

gig fgg ggft grag gggr ggrag fggg i
gf%g iftfr gr gra gfgvigg ggirs n v®®

gfWt gisrra tfrfiggr gggr gaarra mz i
gg gggi g% gira gg ggg: jftgis: n
gf^w grara irtsugr m zfzm ggT i
gg gii gggi gfg gg giigx %rgr n v®4

wgn 3?^^ 'gigtr mg i
ftra Ptra ggrt ,?ran ggra u v=®

gggr git g% wra ggrag fggg i
gggr gi gg giw gig grat ^^g fggg 11

fira gi gg 'srerr ggra n
wte ^ren 33?giig ^ran wi i
gi=gg ggrgg gg gfaraj gr* n v=g

^t3 grig gtgr gr^ g^mg i
fg otigrtg gg gggrg ggigg 11 v5^

gw ^gr^ ggnrg ggrc gNgg. i
j§gfg<g ^grg fggr srgrg gfarg u v=s

gig %g ww ggra gn3rar f% gggg II v=«.

gig fgg gsft gncg gggr gtg^g fggg i

gg grfr gr* gig gggr ^gg n v=<*

g gggr grggra Jrtggr grag gg i
ggggg ift^r gr gig ggg gr fg gg 11
fgg ^g sfggt ira gr gig ggg gg i

V°y I ^T = II I If# ^T^== II

1878.]

163

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manilc Chandra.

crra *nfV=TK 'Erwft urat *rem u
ETrsfPnsf ffe %T^fT MMihift ^trf^cj i

Ensm wpr imra n

grprar Jiffrax i

♦ >J ♦ * ♦

»ft*r trrarra $^rf g^icr ^tf^ij u ^d

*j»ra verier %psr wran^i: i

flptw suft^TT «n^Tt *TfW ^ifTt^IT II \d°

$ 3T5JT ll^TT '5TW *TT mftrst |

?nt¥T wto qrara ?roow erPpjt n ^d\

n^jsn Tifcra Efiftm ^f^rax ^fci-ir i

jrt»f m<tii«t f^r wiPsprr ii

?rr nsprra Pm wrarspir |

fi?*tT«T EfiftEJI 'STW ira || ^d^

^T3TC ^T3TC PpT W*ptTC iNf Ejftprr I
ipT SJpR TJ5fT Efraa W^t I

fl?TTH fllTW ^PraT A33T EfiTp^R ErTlpm II \d8

^npiT 'gt’T fl^pTT Jnft^T TfpTOT |

WT^hrm f fe %r^fi Ermum mfzm « \dy.

wwrir wm etPt-tt Pm era cm ^Pm i
'tifw %T% §3 ^rNj Jif^r ii \d<

5m ETEfRT3! Jilrl'^r4! TTpS^T I

^Pir ^Pjt erP^t fciPr ect^ ^ips^r « \d-s

^ ^T^rr htj; i

f%%?: 'em tfwR 3is; ii \d*=

xmi ^urai 'ErPrcj i

jf^pn Em ^ ^tcit etIt 3ft tra 11 ^dd

et? ^estpc nmEft ^jrt srrans^T 1
^mifam dm rat ^rtfii^r 11 r° 0

ets ^ nr^rat ^rRrram htstrett 1

yfm Eism m^cr ii =^n

W 1 = E)ftmrn 11

101 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

utsi cT"T ssssr srif% sra sis; sis I
sncmsr ht? stw sis sis ii S°S

VST vft VVTS ’VSTSiTS I

Si S* SJ Nj *

SIN TTcT^T ST fvs 3TSTT 'Slfti STTS II S°S

s>

siiifivs 'fsv si«js first; i

fsWTS ST ST^ STfis fHSS II S° 8

sii 5tv iftiST snsv a trfvs vss i S0*.

^ t.T^TTcT ^ft^TT |

iTf^T3\ ^rrfjr^T II

cffa irk I v*®

cn^riki; 5t^t Tff^T 1

f^T || ^oT=

^>ft i^nr; *n1% iN gftrsrr i
w\ f*m f^r *nfim i

si *

STSSlfs ifa H=?VSi StlfiiST ||

^rrfsr snf5i snfv srrfsr siftsr srrs fss =§sv i

sss f^s xmsr srsrr stifssT %tstsst ii sv

wrf^r SETTf^T sitfst srtfv ssfsvr SV fts 'f SSI I

^Sf f^S STVT S SVT Sifssi || ST\

fast fsv STsiT f%tsrr stfsv, sisHs sffssrs snfiisr i
=5USTT VSiST STtfvST S'S Siftsi || STS

SS Wfs VSiVSi *fNs SiStSV I

s^ sf% usst vfs vaj ssv siftst 11 =?s

STTfst VTf^T SiTfsr SiTfST SiftST SSi S(?S 1SV |

SiSi S3?T Sit SS5 fss VlftTST || SI 8

^ITfv srtfst SifSST si^ S^S 'IS^ I

sss fssrs sf%sts ftsr 11 sii

^rfs Sisi% sTwtSi fsrcgT fsnmssr i

snfs sifvt sifssj sirs sajs issr u si ^

STV ST5ITS sstss STffesr |

T°<t i srf^ = sifw ii i s<s = s^j i sts — sjs ii

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. 16

fllpRi 315TT31 H3T iftftf R=jf HTR \\ 9 VS

htrr iV wsrf: str %3rr w n
Wlfsi RRlt HiftRJ «rwt HHJ3: R3R1 I

H3§fJT 3R3|X flfd HiR RUT Rf3R II

?r hrrt; fnrgifr Him HfRHT3; mfi.R 11

3rt 3ir hr htrr HR?r «k wf i

r5? ijrti; mi rItht 11 sr\

hr ht mi ^^rr n^rr hrdi ^srh i
hr mi mm hit 5R ir^m; fkcrc: i

$ RHJT 3jf%37X m?3T HTHTH II

3t RRT irfsTRI H1RR 3TfR *TX ’STlf^iR 3RJ I

=fft RHf RT5IR HIRt HR Rf%HT II

% ft RHl KRTT HplRT gpSRT ^T§ 31Tm|- I

HT f^r =fft RHf 311511 Hlffi fci H1RT || R!> 8

HfnfH 3Tf31 ^f%RT RT HJiXfl II

f^5 ftRRR HfmxR fsRT |

rhu htrr fRj fgrgrar RttR n ^

HR %R 3TH HTRR HH f3l 3T3R II =?a

R?jRf tjrsTj^rr f^t nfaR i
HtflR 3R HRtf mi R^HT H^T 1

HTR 3jfRHX3: RTU. 3T3JHX iRR II ^’c

31313113; HR ^(i 3TRR3: fHcR I

♦ \J

HT% f%HT fRHR RR. 3RHX ^KR II SR£

3(1 3JI =| 1^3(1 Hl% I

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3T3TX HR RlfSHR HR HIRR HR 5J3I ||

313(1 HR RTfHRT RVillW HfifiR |

f%Hl%31 pR cHHH* RfTR || ^5>

»»• I HRRR = WHITT II

166

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3>

f3RT HRRT RlfRRTH fRH I

RfRRTR fRRi fRRrt wfRRTR ^nf^t n 3^

wg jit1% whir Jim 'gfRHRi rihir h^hr infsw i
%TRTHf RUHR RTpR HIRRR HRRH || 33 8

R3( RRTRt RURR HITfRH RTW fRRJ I

RH RTW HR RjfRRTR HlfflH || 331.

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RW HR RTJRt f3% RIIR^TH WIR% || 33 <(

RRi HR RIRRi f3H 31% HfRRT I

RW HR ’fpR fRW 31% RfRR.T II 3^S>

RRf HR r'T7?! f3H 3T% yfolT |

RW HR KTfR tRW 31% RfRRT II 33c

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R1RRT HRRT HfR HR Rl=*i< RRTTRi fRHRXR WfRH || 33£.

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HtRTR RfR% JTifR 5K RT5(T I

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RR Rf»R RigT RT RTR% WTf?RT || 333,

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fRRR HR% RTRT 1£R 3fRHR I
RRfW WHIRR W RR RT%R RR ||

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IRTHl RR %HT 3lf3 HIT RRfgR qj |

RRH WIH RRRt HFft fRR WHy RFRt || s8 3

38S I JimiRt RR[R IlfH^^I || | Kt = 3fRt II ^8«a | faff = f^R) II

1878.] Gr A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. 167

?rf? ^rr ii

♦s

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<rP^rr qra ^ryn; qui u sm*l

fw<Hi< mit i

if%^T qm^J R3jqt II =11°

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firiT 3T5t iti JTJr WT3FT qf^f || R'il,

ftrara qrfs (wj fqi qral% %^rq tn% i

^ infill w qrir ii qy^

w *srrfq ht^t wifq qifqi i

*nm: qng^v?; %rr ^gfq gflii, *t^fq fsi^ n ^
#E{ eRli qqqcf fqg qqf qwa qT$T i
«ra TTit% f%i iftm Jtr% n ?y3

*nq *nt% fai f%cf flfqrq*: Hire i

f«3T ^rcs yjq> qn:lq %m n rii.

?qqrr qi iq qRqT if?: qfe i

qjq qr*: wqj qtsqn: jit qqrf n q.i<C

qqr 'ffe qqr J5i3[% qqr qifti %rqrr i

qrax qf?i qqi qsfr jppt n ?y«

qrqt 'fq rt^r fwr qqqr %sjt ^rsT i

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fjRRI qftq qraft qi^f YURT || =>1''=

qrct '^kt qiqfa qi fiw qr fqq sis: i

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qqr fqqqq qtfr 3THR: qqiqK || Ki°

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^ cR qifiqqf Rq $R[ fqqj I
^nn: ^zzx qqy W7?j i

^H8 I q'tq=qfani ^ 4,c I fjHRI = JZq^I I — wl<T II I

fqqu?T= ii i awra = ? ii ^ ^ i q»r = qiq n

Y

1G8

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

w ST* hrr %y yy Jjfeyj 11 ^

^TcRT ?pfT JI*TR tuSIT HI I

yRR yi^y. fjRi fegr *nfe n R<C3.

rrr yifer jr r^rr jrj irt yy.R hr ii yyj ii

ktstt yy Ry fyfy Sfeg yyr srra i
fe rrr Sfisr nsii yftyiyR nif n
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%3 ri§ yyy yiy yfeyj ysi% n

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rr nfey gy yRt?R rj? yRj n

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yy^R h9 fe yiy yR istr, i

RT 3TRT RRT H3 JJ3 yTHiyR RyR, || RO°

jyRyT HRy yiy yiyt yiy ir i

fey yRir rjr H^y; RTfjR; yyyyf n

gfe ny ys yyj yrrfe aruK yyr i

rt^t rjr yfeyi yiJj yiRsyj yiy %wr u rsr

yiyy Rifey Rife hi ym y^ i

si

cRR yj?f yfet RRTT HI JRR RSflfe H 3CR II

yiyy hrs yyy hr! hr; yteuR i

rt% sgifeyj ny ingfiy Ry yfem irr 11 rss

yfefe rr ynn Riyy rr yfy; jifeyr i

yifeR jtrr hh yiyy rsjih nyyx n Ray,

y i^= yRiyfc yR yiyyj y5 yiy i

yRt hjri rs yy Rife'S y»y yyy 11

| yfgjfl = sitji II

1878.]

169

G. A. Grierson — The Song ofMdnik Chandra.

^rf^T wtf^x i

fxR=rfy Jfiti sn^r ^ixxxt ^rax u

^mr^; f^rr? xfitrxrx gx% xrt 'g^raj ^t=St ctor ^xfxr i
awxx: ?tot vns ttr: %3 xn* i

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»fif*Rn *RfxRix nfeg n

sj • \j ♦

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Wif AT ftxJX H^TcT ftrat ||

=f RT TRI XXlXfxT S$xr 3rtf%5t TfiTST Xjxgt |

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xgxjr i%x: xix^xr fqi xrx^x i
irrfsxn ifesj sns xrxi?*rr xri ^*u ^x: n =^=£.

^8

v^° i ftWH = ii

170

G. A. Grierson — The Song of ManiTc Chandra. [No. 3,

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TOTN NiTT Nf^ra TTNj I|%T TNT TjfNNT I NT1

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=?< » I fNT = fN^ TOIN INI II =?T T I riTNftN = ? NIT T1TN II
Ti= I NTTNT = NiTN II =?<»£ I TT — TO II

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song ofManih Chandra . 171

mt nfw ggx fft nf^ firm i

flit nm srftim trait ^raftgra 11

strapr traur rrftm tuft tuft I

gsmitt fgtrra gg fgt ftr wnsift n \°i

tnmt rgig mrfm ngsnt wr trrsft I

tprmt gtgTtrr ira tgm Hfg flimt \\

«t grreuft ^ gran i

%fr ttffr rsTfi itm ngm ggt n g<”=

gfegr trar mr trttTtr i

irara rrer mfmgr ^ grain n g°<s.

tift gm to igm gt i
mr gfz turret grai ter toftmm n
It gw tiftt gsr rii trsjre nggr i
mnra gfn mra g=gt gg mggr n
tra irm <ftgr mra ffttftgi ntm i
gif% grr gg gsi fmrr? traim n
mfm mrm tpg gum gtm rniftrgi I
gtrt vt ^ isig gtrar gfngr n
trar gtg ^T ^ trait fment i
gm gtg mi mt fgmt 11 gra

#t Tftg *n mt rgiflit «fk |

ntt grg m mg- get ggtfr || svj.

mrfteT Him nit irm gpmfr n gig

gt *u vtfmm hits t?rnm jit rgig i

mtifggr! tit 'ftm gnu ^if% mg a gig

mrum gfsm vnr? *f g gra rgrt i

sirnci wi%gi fgm wgt mrait 11 gv=

jzfmgig mf^ wim gNut mig it i

Pegr *n %rf <fft Hirst fwrt n ggt

V< I t^Rt = Ij'wiX-o || | ^TmTff = lari'0; ljJJ II t°c I ? TT I tfa

= S|f<T II I tigr II t<3 I WTJIT = gig I cf. the Braj Bhasha

WfJf II

172

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of Mdnik Chamlra. [No. 3,

•\

fii^T ft*i ffwtt %jr it i

^ gx^x i %x% frftt i

rft i%t: ht^t *ii7t ii ggx u 5=?°

*i3jx*r ffifti KTsrr it ira i

frlxraf: ^wkt wi^iT gfra 3<T5^r ii

%n*r it it frri: irat^x *nfiigx i

%jr wi tix tRfegx n ggg

fra xrft^X %^T flfRTC II

i xrft^ig fixg fift ^ftgx i

Jrera fjffgx fit Ulix ^SJTfT ’fJRX || ^=?3

^7 ffim ^fsrar KT5IT «TT fjxft^ tgT I

77frx7 ^nfjifTT m^ll ira Rftgx n g^a

TfRXt ^ftrsiT 7T5If t'BrftfX *R I

ggrt wi7 iit^H igffi st% fit fR ii ggy.

tit 3%x Jifara ig^x frxra txr: r i

TUfR jr?xsra ^nfjigx fixit fra Rftgx n

vt firax ifftgx fix fixftra igx n g=s>

vj ^rax *ra ftgx flgfjR xxRi; i

tx "X nftrax ftfnr Rxg traxr rir ii

fX7 wr ^ftgx fignx =5xftii rafara i

frxfirc wfs «ra fra fra^R rsr i

SJ ♦ >J

3J<T qfe fsT^TOt ||

^ w vfcmj fk% I

cig Tj^TR m€\ ter: ii ^o

mm 3%T «Tnt3T % WF® %!*: sr; || ^

^TaT^T TTTcn^^T T?W %€?T ^ |

fcRZT 5nf^T^ ^ ?ffW fefwtj || 335>

W i q^fe^T = q^r n w i n *** t f*Kpj\ =

■srt^ i\

G. A. Grierson— The Song of Man Ik Chandra.

^TflT x^HR7T I

®s • • ♦ *

^TRTt ^T'T cT^T 3nfT3;cT ||

^rr^r ^ttr f%^r i

^R«ft 3Rlft^T cJpjRJ ||

^Tcf f^T XT^rT mm ^ f*T^*T ||

^ f^T f^T f^T =f5R |

^TTcT f<R ^FfRcT ^Riff II

^ 3TC?T WmK *RTR |

mm ^rhrt % ^rs: h

^ ^ft^rr ^ft^rr^r to^r: \\
t% ^r%*r gf?r |

^ mm mm fjI^T TTR5 II

^ mfcm tor: ^s;*r ^jotr to^t j

^T*TT cRR ^ iTT mm ||

?ttc mm mi ?ir ^:rk rnmn mm \

?trir ^fficr fm mfcm 11

^rt mmsm U5fi^ =rt^r 11
*r mm ^trt rfte^iR 1
SRR 3TR^T 3T5TT ^T^JT fmm II ^

$ JimW pRJ TTfel*T P%*TT |

*\mr ^m Tmm ^cr mmir*n 11 ^8 8

mm *r T\mmr 3% mfmm 1

*jt ^r mftmj mmm mmm ^rx fkm \\ \m,

cf^Tcf XTf^^TT *}SRT mfkm Timj 15R |

^tw% ^irat ?w i^fs^x w^tv nr$ n ^

mmz ^fisraT ^t^tt =?s«r i

jtNth jtNtjt ^1%% 9g^i *>: lira} trrfs^ n s«a

^heTt gprl^TT 1

^T f^r *Tft'5T 5IT*T %^Tt ^sf^r || ^8*=

5? 8° I —jk^ II

173

w

w

s^a

w=

w.

^8°

174 G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniTc Chandra. [No. 3,

^ ftn ftn ftn ftn =55^ |
nft ’JTT TI^T ■H'tlcR I

>J ♦ 4

nrftnrr?: nq 'f^r nogr ng^iggr n sat

nnft ftn njnTCfr i§g xnqnt ^ais:^ i

srnnt *it gftraj % qfiftqir qqftnr n 3i.°

q? qrgr nmim Krair i

tit nrc qsftgr ira w nr: ii 3y\

qrrc: sri quift; xrrt ^rx: i

fscgi sm nr x§rg nmn qg sr ii gin.

*n ht gftrgT <T5Tt qnpgqm nqftnj i gig

ftft «nimiti flTwr^x mftni gfrnra t 1
gs ft<a txjri i

ntign 'fxcst %^t n ygr n gi«

qn; gs qfNx sn^r gnrcr q;ftqj |

fhrq xtwifT %^rg ^ rftrar n gn

gqr I'ra 511 lint ftn ura gin 1

ftn =fT^R: nrog irragr ^STin u

*TfT Hft nil nnnTl nmnig ftctq || ^

%mr mg nnrt mgri mtiif nrftni 1
?rtm}fr ft mgr tm ismiin ciftraj 11 gia

*ri yf qfftnj sqnm nw ftnr 1
nrftnrTq nq gggT ^rrg nnrregj 11 gi<=

gig niiftin; nrrfjra 1

i§gq nunft ngnm qgr im 11 gi*.

'fii i'4*u mn^T iti^rm gg mggn gim nm 1

gi ggnT qrsr nr w ngnm ftctg n ^o

mxis %t*r m?Ti mint ggtn qtftgr 1

KTsre: fqqr ^rfsrg mftgi 11 gs(g

gw 1 nn = nfa u ^ 1 nit = *j» (Nom. Piur.) n

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Ohandra. 175

ggi grfggi ?)Tff qft^TT fg^T |

*JTrT ^JclfggT iNl || ^

gran g% ^g ggjfi flffi nr g'g i
gg ^xg fgfiig %Tg ftrsig sis: n
gra ^ig fgfegig gr€jr %ig girssig si? i
gg "srrg fgf%g Jagg? grgg sis: i

fgf^grg grift* Tam ^ft%g sig n 3<y.

mfcg gfggT grsiT gigg fggt ^tct i
gyjg grsji gifftg fg^Tfr n ^

rfTfg ^P5 SITffT gftn§igT fggnggj •TT giT ^ I
grg?i gw gi^T ns^r gifgg ^ifsg; ggw g 3<a

g*RT g% g^r grj gtfggj gigg graT i

=flf% gg jit g% gfirgra fg% gfgg ggtg g ^<=

gig gjrfggr ugta *i% 1% gig fft% i

$ ugtg sgrarg gg Jiffig g% n

gg gfs gg]g ^ts gig ggfggig gg i

gg gfft gftg 'wrfgg Tgggrg fftag g ^a«

gnig gg grig Trfg gmrrg gg gig i

gigg grgxgrg gfggi gr^x grg n ^a\

gggrg gifting graT %gfgg gg i

ggtg gig ?rsrm % gx% gg gg n ^

%Tgrg itg gig girit gig gng i

gig gnfggt gfeggi irrfgg gtfgg n ss^

gg grar ifggi % gi gif^g ggx i

gfwgg *rfgg> gifiigT iN grfgtgj 11 ^aa

gig< g%t gfwg sifg gigg %g gg i

grgi ggg gig g^gg fftgg i

gtggfg gfggT gt% gig gggig n s-sy

gts i 3T? = (gfg)wg (?) ii

Z

170

G. A. Grierson — The Song of ManiJc Chandra. [No. 3y

yfff n3*fi ift nft?ITn t

ir? hit ft% jraTf gftraj n fs^

nti HftfT i

3CT5T *nftf t "tiftra irfefT n f&a

n?: ^TWrft ITH HHT |

tn inf irr?T ’f *1 nfen?: fin?: n f®=

WI?3R 4 Pdf I WW STRUCT |

fin 3"ftfr n'fT^ra irh irtti » fat

nirfT ^TfR ^ftfT HlffcT SflTSI I

H blfi?. H 3TfH fHnft || f^®

%H ftnt ?I5tR 13T fl1TT% liftt lilT |

si

%m ftnt iran ht sm ii f^=f

%m ftnt nTra®T g?rw mft§% I

I.R ftnT inf HI \x ^n ift% II f«*

%m ftnr inf m ir? ^ftn trf%% i

%R ftlT ftl IT?: HHT %f R1 II f^f

%m ftnr =5% hit?: Pfti urnn i

h? jrt nftir hiti toit ii f^a

in in ^ftfT qf^ii H%? i

Hwft ftrsTHi i%h i% hit ftf t ii f=n.

nff^Tn ftn ftnift wfti w i

fiHH ftn fsi?? mm ii ^

HfHftirc?; ftn m? ntfin i

IsfiHil ftn ITH ift% ii f^a

wmi ftn tm ^n ift% i

iftram ftn w irs iftn qft% b

iftni ftn tm ^ ran ^tiri I

$ ftin =?% hstt Pfti jrh ii f^t

H?t ittt ftf t n% itort fft nnn ftft i

ftieS f-.T§ ft% %TOT3i 5T?rt ITft ftf T I

HT ftvf Pft HIT Hft ftft II ft®

Sc«, * ^ II

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of JhXdniJc Chandra.

177

HIR f%f ^:7§ HtfaRT HJRcf |

HR*] SJ5RT JTR HTHRi f%Cf %RR SRcf II

%rr nfhjR 'sitjr hr*: ^rrft i
?tr j^tsir nfofR ■?% hr iris? h% i
^rrarf^ *itjr rfjhi f%% fgfeRT n
f%fRHT HRffii fnt tjtcrht rrt i

fjRRJT %RT ^ JRT HRT ||

%rt hrjt ^ct^RT gfirai *r%jt wif? i
HF3 H%HT %TJfTJRJf WR HRJf HTfH II

>J 4

hrh< gfsHT hurh wra hrjr nri] i
HR?; SIJRHT ^3R% HPR JRT JR II
f%ftr*TT HTfRT ^T2T 5RR fTl% |

f^rerg w i% hr hr mt% II

•

5CT5H HHT ST^R %JHT I

JT^cf ftffl HR fiRTHT Prfe^i |

SHFST3C HRR HHR URR JR II
%RR. JRI HR Sg RTJRT HR fHIJJ I
HR HfWHT f*RJ fHHig H<flRT fH? II
fiif HTH pRl fHHR HffjRT fW I

JfftR HiRR JTTftRHi HfrfjRJ IfftR HR II
JTTftcR JTfHTHf HTlfjRT JR ffpRT |

HrPrciHf h% ^rfjR ^rt%HT i
HR« ^ HRHT HITH RfHRI ||

v» ♦ ♦ ^

*nc ^ ^T*T |

%*T 3iT% ^FfT ^TfacR: fTC ||

^•JT ^T5TT |

mz wf ^yumj sjffi^rre j

*\rz %i^r iNr ii

JTTW JTT^TpT WT I

ifbft ^Ttzj *um ii

w i = toit H l = ^y0 h y ® ^ i *n^

V*

V*

Vs

v<

Vs®

v*-

goo

8c^

8®^

= ^ 11

178

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of Man ik Chandra. [No. 3

stxfemwi; street m5W mrfw i

trtw wftiT ^5w wnre mft i

<TT5 WTWIct^ 3ttft ftWTW5 WtttlTft || 8 0 8

'fftww mwttmwx 3tx^ wftm 'fx^xmwr i

%wn? ctxwlw wrim n e -i

ftftmT WTHtct 3fft feftm TT^t; |

ftmtxft: iirai5^ Jt^rf gt% f j5 11 8 ° i

^reWWrreT cTNfTWRT 3)5: 3i5 i
WW3ft? JtlfW 3n=e %t§T 5TteT JtT5 II 8

IftftWTWT? ’fTfct tTSTCIcT Wlft sft“ST I

m3 w-gw*: wTre^r fit% strm sfftT h
?*ft wet Jtif% =tn=^ nwxtj ww ftm i

stmt gf% fxtT ^iis^ et^ct nff-TX II 8 »i

Vj% wtt 5I^t Wftm? JTf ft?T l

’W^JtT tr^m wrft %r wmt stfftr || 8\»

=5TSI 'fTW wnfw W MTWIW WTf^m I

% mftrax ’gw ^ai ftwr « e\%

5T5iT5 WT WmtT ’Xitft WWtfT TTrfsT ft?T I

ww wnfw mfrc 5tw wtjrt5w wxftm » 8\?

WsffaT5W mett ’Wlftw wfaxswx I
WtW? mfset W5W WW ETftlWT II BIX

wit 5T3TR wrmw ?ftm ftw ww i
5X551 WTW fw’fTWSt *tft 3WJW II 8\8

=555 wftwr mftctw ?rer wgfl^et tttx i

^T5 sftw wr itre 'fTwmct srxm? 11 8\*

w?jtt wxfw: %3i wttw: qre mwt i

wfc wtwt *ttTWT5it m fgwr^ft i

ftm ftwr mfsst ft? wftw ft? ft ft ii 8 xx

»»a i ftrerm; = fsnNc i a** i rtrwtfi ^ret — » a»e>

m=R3x: = Doctor it a °c I ’ftft = ii a|a i «ra = «ra n

" C\

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra. 170

srr ^1% i

Sf si

T?T5g 'fTftg %75T 5fif% || 81.-2

s» s» ^ '

m gfelT gg< 513 f%«T KTWR %i51 JjffiSKT*! gf?ai |

Jrift 1531 gfigir ^ifji^r « ev=

gg gg giftgT 5)ggi wrfs^r i

%t^t 5tg gfg srircr 3iffl*i n
3^53 grffl*i iuggi fg^rax; i

uf%gn!% «nffl^t 3Rg gfggg n eg,®

gi%r3T5: Prf3cT giffigT it^T fll^TT |

gggtgx% gifagr Tt^r ^ftrxigrgg n 8=x

grg 3T5 annig giftm sis; 315 1

313 31 3T 'flff %53T 31151 315 || 83.3.

3f515: 33T f%3T ggg Ulf%3 |

5WT3 %fegT 5)?I3T 31PggTC Wrfjl^T || 8^3

31m: ^5 3333 3T3T t i ^tt 3% gun i

3TU1T5: %gi 3I53T 5 II 11 W II 838

3Tfg33 ^5 ^5 51531 3iTt%3r I

SJ ♦ ♦

$ ^TR^TT^R: ^ R fx^T ^f%^T ||

^R TR ^RtfiRT m qRR |

* s>

3RT 515 gf^l 315113 ^533 3ilfs5T || 83s(

anfegiK graf^r 313131 133153 l

3JigT3 g^r ggfggj 3111153 ii sga

grg gagg ^ftgr gsfgg irsisgiK 3ifJi3 |
g iir giftg grr^n^ff wi53 11 gg^

gm 5% gf3 fgat 1

3i^g grat -g+rig gf3 f%3 || 83£

5rfi ifax wrtfi 3f%g 3ti?t gftgre 1
5i% %f%gr gigg 3313)3 gm 11 8g 0

€l%ggi PnsTJpg grfggi gig fgrai 1

^gg gagg gigai gmgg fiigr 11 eg?,

ag» 1 arifagm = gsra%5 11

180

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

ftrgr Rf%gr rtstr htPrrr ^nfira i
=fTfcT irsx toi rthtr % Prgi f%^r I

$ fvr^TT JTRR xRffcT f%5JT RRRTTT HfR«T || 8^R

RT Rt RT3TR R3T RTTnH 1%R RR |

ffiTR %TR fufRfR Sf%RT ir% HT RT$T RRR RR II 83R

%r r% RfW? rtstt %rt rrt 'if"T |

RWR gfRJTR RJTcT Rf% it^f II 838

iib? tier 5i% rrut rtcrtr hIrst i

=df%RT 1%5t rrr tirrt %T^R5t firaT n e^i.

*T5 fbjT RH RTR R^TO 3JRR R*RR RfR-IT |

^RR RTTOT RR t%% RRf%RT || 8 3^

f%v|?RR TRTf%R 5J5t 1%%H U7f%RT |

^R JgT$T RR TRTRT RT5T gRT%lRT I

=?ifcraT R|f%RT RTRT RRRRH RTfjTRT II 8^-S

RR RR RTRR RR I

hrtrr nrfRRT rr RTf%RTR wRi^t n e^=

RRTR RTf^TR TIT RT5RR srtr |

RTRR RTHR RR RflRR fRRTR || V\t_

RTRR =fTR %F3THR fRHlfR I

sj

RJRR RTRR RIR TRTRR RT RTfR || 88®

RRi TRTR H~TTR RTR RlfRR RrtfRRT I

RT^TR Rf%H HRR Tnf%Rtll 88\

RTIfT g^T RITfRRT yfR?)T |

RTVTR 5J"T RjfijR <rU.'ti CTf%<]T || 8 8 s?.

=fTRR gi§cT 5T~T f%RT %TR TO RifRR I
RTt HR Rf%RT RR HRR gf%RT f%RT |

RH JITR gR JIT% HI JIRT TRT5RT II 8 8^

RR 1ITRT 5TRR ftJTcf RTR |

wrffT g^T fggi rrtr n 888

s$i I RRR = R3iR II 88^ I JllR = TIT^J II

J

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of ManiJc Chandra »

181

Jsfetmre murem mm m«tm mfe Tmmm i

^fme mm erfm mmm mffm n 8 bi

frf% %g ermre jt« mre mfem i

mmm mele eimre mfmji mfmm ii a 8sf

meJIT mfe^IT Hem miPo ie || 88 0

mrme mm m? *H i i fflfmmT ft% II || V3T || 88^=

me^% ^mc^rr mere mfm mra i

WTTT J5T% flrfxtra mmFT cI^TO II 8 8£

mrfflcT mmim ^f^T JIT mfemT fmr I

Jim meJim m^Ji mre nmm mm ii si®

etfemrm me ^mmtm ffJi i

?re% mg me^me fern n ei\

mm inim mm jit rnifmaj i
mrat ifiS^r Sm JIT JTtftl ii
me #tm 'fr^r jit mfeg i

^TJIcf JTT Tr*7 ftmt tTW fflWT mJJ II 88.3

%Tm mrfJi mfs f^m JflTW5! rnimresT 1

mmte mm jit me mre mee merce ii syg

* v»

wim «mr mfemr mfmm mzig i

mme me =frfee mi mw mfei 11 m

mm me eret Jim iige merme i

m^Jir it^jit im mTHJrre m^m ii

mre mniTJi mfm irti me rnmre mjrr i

mfee nm i mimt mw ii ay.'a

me mm mjgr msmte ^T^mm I

fmt irmre we mm3 mrmr mrfjim u ay.^

mrer yfem mfmm mm jit mfemj 11 bu,.!.

^ ftJt we mmr mfmm mretmeT l

m fee me muft mrem mfemr n

182 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra. [No. 3,

ctssj wit srr! wrpc i

9

'frf? i^str ira tr^?f ^rf^cr 11 as?\

^ spra sr wre ^ ira i

’iR’T TT51K ^ nf^K ^TTfjI"T || 8^

ipT %R WI% R1R f*R% ^%-JX || y-IT || 8 ^

SR fRT \T fRT W fRT 'WIR |

PfiSTT RT^ PfRT ftjf ftfirTO ^TrfjpsT || 8^8

rrir gsiR ^rfw mu iN i

'fift *r% 5T5{ ftftx rr stra^nc qpsr n a£a..

g*ni "irzn ^rpiri 3;t5it rjtotr 3RRre i
f%f gi§ sm ufsRR f«cR n a«

gn gn 3rfi;gT =?t% i^TR ^xfpr i

girraiRi irrft; Otst stj-’st Oirttr n asfo

ilis stw^t iifigx *r? srwtr m% 1

ms TR3- 3J3FT7"! gi§ *nt wr$r 11 a^

igr^Rcf ^iftsira igif "gf^raj 1
%% wj *rra, rt^tt sr^r ?ftraj 11 a€t

*fsi ms ftrfa ms KWf tfi *ir i

IlferR *11 HR RT3TT ^URT Rf TiR || 83°

^irr vx ^ir wr« 1

3R y*r firgR*t 11 11 ygr 11 a a\

rr fmio ^-.r f^t Rift fRJT 1

3CT5TR srpg’ra fiffr; ggT i

3TR£ RRR fRT^JTSRR II 8-sg

5^ cf^TcT *fRI *J3fT BWT irTfiRT I

itligMcf ^RRcT ^Tt3RI f*RT II 8 >03

gj^i vrrffx'jT srrai »ni%gT *p? ^ ^ i

HrNT "WfrtRig ?R|T xg*18) RTf*l *5R || 8 08

»4'° I SSRRH = S^Rlif II I ^sft*|=S3qfgj^ spjf II
I f^T*f = fsRT II 8«8 I '*T = qr?Rm II

'S

1878.]

183

G A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra.

*rHin ^ Jifenre fer i

ffere fei ^rar fere nfe ii a-ay.

g? wfex =fift 5?;rre ^rfer i
3TX1 ?fcT *T3T 4 1 PngT II ija^r

■frft 3% 5rrc: i

?itct =fTcr ijrerr?: jtrfir ^ i

$£■ fTct cnfaj f?f 3JT$T gifere*; II

^ ^rei ifei jfi 'sjTfere irer i

3H% STlfef SJTT 31 W 'xlfelT II
¥(Tcr =flcr ^TOT3: 33tf% ^ I

vz arrfet fir gifem?; *np: n

• >•

’igure ^fejj sjfrc ^rfer i
ftif f%f wnsret wtjii?^ n
^ gferr *nfer i

3T3S 3T^ ^felT 31X511 ^ifelT gfe ||

*nf% mfejx wtfn i

Tniiit ii
5n; tit^t islw ftifej i
cr% ixnxx^t re^r-iT gxs: h

“v *v C1 * ^ *

^ |

KW X.W 3l%ST ^cT TTcT f^*T ||

^ 3T^TM 1§T«T 3P5 %f if! I

vj\*\ ^rnrre^ ^ct ^jts;% ^ 1

^T^JTX ^TffcT *FFT II 8^yt

^^TcT 7T^ ^KT ^T^T5T ^T |

si

cTKT WT^re ^TSf 5JT3C ftifej 3T II 8<=$

«iTire ^rtfet 'tTf? 'emfeix ^fex n a’^a

Trf% 3t^ wre ^rft ^re i

tjjTJi?: Ttinjcr ^rtiire «fx#t ^tsit^t trre n a^

3J3: AT AW ^X^TcT -ST1T |

%x«t 3jrrf3t 3Rf% fe? w^'sre fere u a^t

a-aa

8^

B^e

2^\

2^

8^

2^2

A A

yc^ 1 ^ ^ ii

184 G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Ghandra. [No. 3,

gg gg g<fg i?T7ft wrf?^ I

%x«r gjriixg gsrg g^x fgg ii 8t=

grrg ifxg grfggx gg; %x*r grg* gx^ug f%4x*5t i

wifi gfggT yfax ktstx -gfjigr?; 11

% % gif% gfgrax 'f if% gxF3t%grc grxfixgr i

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G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra. [No. 3,

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1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song ofManik Chandra. 180

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191

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rt^t fflRfR rr fHjj hrh RTftraj ii at

^rr3T^r ^rr hrh EtftiHT i

ffl^T RH yfifl RTRT RRR RRTRHT || i{So

'ftut r<thr rthtr ftHTH fgiR i

pRR fRHi «it HTRRT RH XfTftR SHR II

jir hr htr rrr hth ^fen fngH fnsR i

faH f%H JIT ftHTH ffR II ^

rtr htrr rt htrr fRRjT %st htr rht rtrhht i

RHRT RRtR RTJTTH HR HR HfRHT II fT &3

trig JlftH R3 ftHT RJTH RTfRHT |

RTHRHTR RRR RH R?TTH HfRHT I

HTR RTJTR: RH Rfxf RRR HfRHT || s(S8

cftH Hf?H RTWT HHR HTWH RH I

RH %t%HT HHTHH Rf ftH II ^-sy.

RRR RH RT RTTH HTRTR fRT RHH |

HR RHR rtjtth hr rtr rto|rtr ii ^

gR gR RftHT % Tft STIRR ^TftH 1

HTR HHRR ftTRT RRlRH RTJnRH || <aa

ft ft feR R HifRHT HR RTR TRTRHf I
RJSET ft3T RTHT gigcT RTfilR ||

ftiR HRRT TORT: RRT W %TRT HfRH I

0

1878.]

197

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

^«Tr ^igis Jim i

wi\ cngsix p

**TRrT ^TTp5[ fg«T |

TtT^r fligr: ^ifcr %rar%itnt p

3TPT un*[cf 3TTpg f^ST xf~ST I

Jit^t ^rfcgr f^r jrffi ii
g* g^ ^ftgr gig] syri irf%^r i
*rnfte ^rjfi ^rsx ^r^rc n«m qfg«r p
Prgig wf =?, 3t^ vth ctft i

^ ^1% ^nftf gift ii

'WTcre; "^iro gfttgi fg^t tjsitt t?t?r; i
tigfc ^•Tcf ^T3IT IRRURT 5TT*IT5*t II

sgrat Srtfl w?rr *tr*T mgfr ^ftgr i
fggr -gf^gi gig ^tsit sj^n^tgr p
Tift ftrai ,5T% ^ ig^r ^ftgr i
wrftgx ^iwr Praig p
^iniJi^re *n*tcr firgi tp-t Tjf%gi i
gxs g*s ^ftgr ftfaig Trarg i
Pr^ ^nfipr ^cfJt ^gr *ng n
*rft grer gf? ^mfira i

f%*t ^TJg t?T3^ ^w|gi gf%«r p
infs g uCw srf^T^T*; ^nfji^t i
STCft HtTTgcT KT3TT gf^TTC ^ufjI^T ||

'sn^RT tr^rc wfegr gfs^r |
xft Rjsfr gji *ra gx-r i

irw^fcr grct *ig wr gsg ii

^I^tcT '*)(*.'!) ^ I

^rorc ggsrrc *w»t t p p ggT p

<^=8

<■=1

<C^

^£.°

<4\

trrgi? ira srF^t wrogi gig sig i

%ig^iTR; gmfa ^rtri fggrg g<fg ftg p <tg

^ I ii ^ i = fa'vro n

198 G. A. Grierson — The Song of JSLanih Chundra. [No. 3,

firsjT P% Fxram grpm u
P^T *Nt JTpTT |

fjlfe STCF gp| PiPp SRirT m*. II <^8

yfpg *ujfpT sspp ¥iP 5tm sr^nnp I
gTpt wrey Trarr fw-cST gy% srr giP 11 <pi

3p P^T ^ q% FTiygiP 5T^t |
ci% p^rr 1,5:% gip gmpy 11 «ps£

f. ^gfp gfsgr i

^ict ^«f *it wf pgr f gspgr n pa

gupFrr tT^t gpt ^sqn; gym I

yprg WRft«rr mp 'furci *rw ®nt"gip I

ypp 'gTnF p^T ’fund FTSp JIT trip || p^

gp P^t p wum: grtygPt Fmt i

»P greiT FRgry iP^r |

PWT Np ^T ^T?r X5TfT =5*31 Fp^ || spe

py ip^fip gWk w* grnjy jgp^r i

Pgtt gp ^^yr y^yr yipy 'tygr ii «® °

PctT yyff p^x yyfT ypp ifpiy i

ppy yiy 3-3 ip Prpyj yyy my 11

yyy yntpr ypp 'ftp ym sr^rmp i

yyt %ray p^x mP *iyy fit mP n

Flp PWT %Ff TTWIF FTimy e^TF |

cp P^T ^7% mp yipF fjFR. ||

SpFJj Sit-iT Pt ^TTff^ pFsTTS^T |

F^P %P WIFiTT -3IR: |

%TF|F.T =fy yfTFUy FJT^JTF; ^yy || ■S® 8

FTKT Tip FEraP FFF P?T || «»«.

Ff**?! ^T^Tcr Fi'iT grip rjypy gpiT |

^rap gymy?; ^ry«t pyi fggp giyy yiyy n s®^
3111% TT3?ciTFTt ^y5T I

yy gp =§ym % iNr Fipyr u -s®^

gri%r mym grw Fny?r ^i%x iiim^ i

wiirg ■qiPi^T ^TiP %rsr %ra «r^ yK n '®®T=

1878.]

199

G-. A. Grierson — The Song of Manifc Chandra .

^fe ira wjNtt inn i

1 fen; ^xwr ^Tfs^JX 11

%re: %r5Tfrr fifi finr sfifcsr |
fi%%t w% wfi^rr n

*5%*: fit ^nfexiT i

-5?:% =?fer ^T5^r gferai «

T5T ^TSIT^i Xf^irf ^fejST I
IT fi?r yfrxiT x^stra ginger ||

sift ^rfiit 'sfei v4 yfcxrf l
?it^ct jit ^rre:% ^t spun n
▼fen: fife ?J5IT xjfirani snfira I
W yfi «fpgr ^STI KTWnfi ▼X'TT jfsr I

▼rfin?t xlfinjT fintx gwr fi«t li
%jw xre tra ▼mi fi*r ?nfan: fern: i

sl

%mi ^fife ^T^ff %TC *mnc II

%i*rrat *rfrni ^Rfei sRfinjT i

^r^mTc ?n% ife ▼finrr n

^TW^TT STCT SITC Wlfe^ I

frxpfl flfi ▼TCTsT _3Tt^T fi*T ||

ife iimiT gJ5f 3g sn^^i l
♦ ♦

▼zfiniT sifhs xcf^irre: n

ssjfT R ^fWT %K ^fenjfc ^T%fiT II
nWTC %?T ^J5JTT JJT ^Rf gfe^IT |
apfifi xR^ *1511 tfe «fira.T II
*ra *rrfici^ ▼tfe^rr |

nJ ♦

^rsfi f%*r ▼rfign: wifira i

*trt f^r ll
^fbns: i

*TTcT ift^TI UR ^^CTcT ^fOrT ||

Jrwfi tw5^ ▼frcfe t??~t m* i

sj

fieri *mrr tfn; n

51T2I 51% fRISTT fiilTg gfiniT |
vrfiniTtt TCci %r^T5^i ▼▼*: figj ii

^0£

'3^

c c

^b i cf. v. 436.||

200 G. A. Grierson — The Son rj of Munile Chandra. [No. 3,

WTcT tp^TG g^ I

ffPT gipT 5T5^T gifsrai II 'SRI

VTftg ^fjIRT grpT WTf^f I

cngfiT "flit "snftrej RfTfT V5RT || SR<

SP3g VT*T -513 f^T RTP?R I

Pp: Pig gspi gpg i

ftp: VC3 fR% ^TSiTC RgRg II s=;S

Trg g^g 5f5T f^rr gug gtfg’st |

rrf gprff gf% |

gtp ure ^ jug irg ira ^ucsr ii ■sr'=

5jt?( gnr^rr ?pj gg i

fn<¥rg grnftg 5i% *Rfg«r ^nvgg n -agt

qsNft ilf gfiprr grsng ggt% Pew i
gi'siigg 'writ g^igg ^f% n ■•o^®

gisrrg tri3 wncm ugp; gifggr I

SI ♦

v^gur rw nrfsr^i i

-J ♦ ♦

mz wpg ^nrg gips^x n <a^\

grsn Pr vigrs nfsgrg ^tipra i

gg Ppjt afggr rraTtR ^n^cr wst*3[ u

^ITSf Rigger RTCR ws^tt IpR i

grgrg greg gggig gfgg i

gg Ptrt gfg gigra meg ggigg n ^3

gf? gf? iRiggr gifagig grPra 1

tj^c{ 'f^r ii ^8

gfg 11

I am sorry to say that the above text was copied out by an energetic bdbu who
had the greatest contempt for the dialect it illustrates. He showed his contempt by
carefully correcting the text, wherever it differed much from his idea of the sddhu
Uidshd. I did not discover this until the first two hundred and fifty verses had been
printed off 5 so, thus far, the above must he taken cunt grctoio suits. The principal
improvements will he noted in the terminations of the genitive and locative. I may
point out here, that Eangpuri possesses an instrumental ending in ^ which may
easily he confused with the Bangali locative. Thus in Eangpuri means “ with a
hand , while in Bangali it means u in a hand,” of which the Eangpuri would he
^TcfcB

1878.]

G-. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra.

201

Translation of the Song of Ma'nik Chandra.

1. Think on the name o£ Rama, meditate on him with a single mind.
If thou utterest the name of Rama what can Yama do. 2. The wicked
man did not utter the name of Rama in the sloth of his tongue : and eyen
though it was a receptacle of ambrosia, his body was devoured by poison.
3. Who walketh uttering the name of Rama, along with him goeth a ser¬
vant of Rama armed with bow and arrow. 4. The ship that is called by
the name of Rama, hath for its pilot the Holy Master himself. Opening
out his arms he crieth out “ Come, I will ferry thee across.” 5. I have
placed the worship of Rama upon my head. I pause awhile from consider¬
ing his virtues, and sing the virtues of one who hath accomplished (his path
of holiness). By praising him I obtain the accomplishment of my desires.

6. Manik Chandra was a very pious king in Banga. Each month he
used to collect a tax on each plough of seven and a half gandas * of kdoris.
7. The people paid a tax of seven and a half gandas of kdoris , and on
the day of the Ashtami pujd used to bring him a herd of goats. 8. The
fuel-seller, who supplied him with fuel, had six months’ taxes remitted to
him in consideration thereof. 9. The leaf- seller, who supplied him with
bundles of leaves, had six months’ taxes remitted to him in that consider¬
ation. 10. Such a king was Manik Chandra that his rah ig at s’ fences were
built simply of thin reeds ; the man who lived at hap-hazard, even he had
a horse at his door. So proud were they, that not even the maid-servants
wore saris made of jute. 11. ~No one had need to use the foot-path of
another, and no one had to drink the water of another’s tank.f

12. From the south there came a Bangdld with a long beard ; and
that Bangdld, when he came, made money from the country. 13. Where
the tax had formerly been 7\ gandas he took 15 gandas. 14. They sold
their ploughs, they sold their yokes, and some sold their ploughshares ;
through the distress caused by the taxation, some even sold their children
at the breast. 15. The misery of the poor unhappy widows became very
lamentable ; all through the country the villages became broken up. 16. The
little rahiyats said to the big ra'iyats “ Brothers, let us all go to the
pradhdns.”% 17. Saying, “ What advice will all the pradhans give,” all the
raHyats after consulting together, went to the house of the pradhdns. 18.
“ What advice shall we adopt, brothers, and what course of conduct P The
king within the kingdom hath become unjust.” 19. The Bradhdns said
to all the ra'iyats , “This advice I have no power to give ; come to Siva.
Let us see what command the mighty Bholanatha will give us.” 20. All

* A budi is five gandas or twenty.

f i. e., every one had his own private path to the hat, and his own private tank.

i The Rang purl term for the village head-man.

202

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnik Chandra.

the ra'iyats after consulting together, went to S'iva’s (temple). 21. Calling
him “ S'iva Thakur,” they cried with a loud voice. S'iva Thakur was in
the temple, and put his foot outside the door.# 22. When they saw Siva,
all the ra'iyats made obeisance. Tying their clothes round their necks, did
they make obeisance.

STva spake.

23. “ Long may ye live, long may ye live, 0 ra'iyats , may Dkarma

bless you. May the days of your life be as many as the sands of the sea.
21. Why, why 0 ra'iyats , have ye all come ?”

The Ra’iyats spake.

25. “ What advice shall we adopt, and what course of conduct. The

king within the kingdom hath become unjust.” 2G. The ancient S’iva
meditated, and after meditating looked up, and found in the fate of the
king that the limit of his life was six months distant.

STva spake.

27. “ If ye tell this word unto Mayana she will assuredly destroy
my kingdom of Kailasa.”

The Ra’iyats spake.

28. “ One oath, two oaths, three oaths in the name of Hari. If we
speak thy word, may we die in great sin.” 29. All the ra'iyats , after con¬
sulting together, went to Srikala hat. 30. They filled an earthen pot
with incense and vermilion. They filled a coop with geese and doves. 31.
They also took a white goat, tying him with a rope. Fasting on a Sunday,
they took them to a tirtha on the Ganga. f 32. They tied the goat at a
place sacred to Dharma on the banks of the Ganga, and sacrificed it there. J
33. They offered several geese at the ghat , and burnt incense and vermilion
there. 31. They rooted up unblown binna grass and brought it. And then
wringing out his languti , he (S'iva) gave vent to the curse ; and that curse
they (the ra'iyats) took up in the corner of their garments.

35. On the Sunday S'iva gave the people this curse. On the Monday
the fever seized the king. 36. On the Tuesday the king became weak ; on

* It is worth noting how entirely the ideas of the author of the poem are circum¬
scribed by the incidents of his village life. Every one, God or man, acts and lives as if
he were a simple Rangpuri villager. This verse is an instance. When one ra'iyat goes
out to see another, it is the village etiquette, to bawl out to him, “ He ! so-and-so,”
while the visitor is yet a hundred yards or so from the house of him on whom he is
about to call. If the latter is “ at home,” he goes outside his door, and greets the
comer. This latter action is called “ putting one’s foot outside the door.” Compare
the English expression of “ calling on a person.”

f By the Ganga, is meant the Brahmaputra. See note to v, 159,

J bib LUS a b°le f°r lb-6 sacrificial post in the same.

1878.]

203

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MciniJc Chandra.

the Wednesday he ceased to eat or drink. 37. On the Thursday the king
gave up the ghost*: and on the following Tuesday, Chitra Govinda, the
accountant of Yama, opened out his account papers. 38. He found in the
account papers, that Manik Chandra had six months to live ; and turning
his head, he began to speak to Saman Raja Yama.

Yama spake.

39. “ A king within his kingdom hath become unjust. Bring hither

that king within the house of Yama.” 40. He began to call for Abal
Yama. He sent a letter (for the king) by Goda Yama.

Yama spake.

41. “ I tell thee Goda Yama, and take thou heed unto my words.

Bring Manik Chandra Raja here, with his hands and neck tied.” 42. He
took his leathern rope and his iron hammer, and tied them in a knot ; and
then Goda Yama started on his journey. 43. Many miles he went, many
roads he met. He went a great distance and reached the house of Manik
Chandra. 44. During the six months’ illness within the palace, the fair
Mayana did not enquire about the true state of affairs.

The King- spake.

45. “0 Nenga my servant, 1 tell thee, carry my message : go to
Mayana and tell her about this. 46. Say, ‘ For six months the king
hath been ill within his palace. The King of Kings wisheth to see thee.’ ”
47. Nenga heard these words and did not tarry. He went off to the pa¬
lace of Mayana. 48. Inside the door the Lady Mayana was playing dice,
and through the lattice of the door Nenga made obeisance to her.

Mayana spake.

49. “ Why, why, 0 Nenga hast thou come ?”

Nenga spake.

50. “ Hear, 0 lady, hear the news ; for six months the king hath
been ill within his palace. The King of Kings wisheth to see thee.” 51. The
lady Mayana became absorbed in contemplation, and, in her contemplation,
her eyes fell upon Yama. 52. She took a bangdla hetel-nut and sweet
onitha bhari pan leaf, and divided the nut into two pieces with a knife.
53. In t\ie pan leaves she put a little lime, and folded together the het Jchili
and the upar Mili.f 54. She put sixteen scores of charms on the top of

* Or perhaps “lost his power of sensation.”

t The little conical shaped parcels of prepared pan, which we see in the bazars,
enclosing a piece of hetel-nut and some lime, are called khilis. The outside wrapping
is made up of two leaves, of which the lower one is called the het Jchili , and the upper
one, the apar khili,

[No. 3,

201 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra.

it ; and put the plate of pan on the head of the maid-servant. 55. The
Lady Mayana went out, seeing that it was a lucky time, and arrived at the
palace of the king.

Mayana spake.

56. “ Why and wherefore did the great king summon me ?”

The King spake.

57. “ The king hath been ill for six months in his palace, and the fair
Mayana did not enquire about him.”

Mayana spake.

58. “ Hear, 0 king of kings. Learn the magical arts which I have
acquired, and then the river of my life will dry up upon thy shoulder. #

59. In my life time great trees will live and die, and we two shall live
together in everlasting youth.”

The King spake.

60. “ Hear, 0 Mayana : let Yama carry off me, Manik Chandra ;

but nevertheless let not the knowledge of a woman he heard by me.”f 61.
The king, although offered the arts of women, neglected them ; and at
exactly midday CuckoldJ Yama started. 62. He brought the thirsts of
death and struck him with them. The king arose crying “ Water, water.

63. Give me, O give me water, O fair Mayana. Give me one vessel of
water, and save my life.”

Mayana spake.

64. “ There are a hundred queens in thy palace. Drink water at
their hands, O king of kings.”

The King spake.

65. “ Water, at the hands of even a hundred queens, would smell of
fish. It is when I drink at thy hand, that I find great solace.”

Mayana spake.

66. “ If I go now to bring thee water, that cuckold Yama will bind
thee and carry thee away.”

* i. e. thou wilt five as long as I.

f Lit. my womb.

t The word Bhdduyd is an abusive term, and means, more correctly, a man who
makes money by the sale of his wife’s person.

1878.]

205

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra.

The King spake.

67. “ List 0 Mayana. Take heed to my words. Place the knife

for sacrificing goats upon my bed. 68. When that cuckold Yama
cometh, like a Daitya, or a Danava, him will I strike and slay with the
sacrificial knife.” 69. As soon as the Lady Mayana took the vessel in her
hands, many men were heard to sneeze,* and many death-watches sounded,
70. Just as the Lady Mayana passed outside the house, seven men from
the seven quarters came in with a noise like thunder. 71. They tied him
with leathern thongs, and with an iron mallet they began to heat him.

The King spake.

72. “ Who beateth me so often ? The Lady Mayana hath gone
to fetch me water. Let me fill my belly with one vessel of water.”

The Yama spake.

73. “ Thy wife hath got a boon from Gorakh Nath. If Mayana
meet us, little good will it bode us. She will kneel upon us, and beat us this
very midday.” 74. Being unable to bear the beating of Yama, the king
gave up the ghost, uttering the name of Mayana. 75. That ghost took
Goda Yama and tied it up in his languti , and to the seven quarters went
oft the seven men.

76. But Mayana went to the banks of the Gangaf and spake “ Hear,
0 Ganga, I make known unto thee my petition. 77. There is a king whose
worship thou hast enjoyed for these twelve years ; give one vessel of
water and save his life. 78. For one vessel of water thou shalt have
forty-two vessels ; therefore do thou restore to life a pious king.”

Ganga spake.

79. “ For whom thou art taking thy vessel full of water ; that pious

king hath himself been taken away.” 80. On hearing this Mayana be¬
gan to weep, and hurled away her vessel worth a lakh of rupees. 81.
Mayana dived fourteen fathoms beneath the water, and sat in contempla¬
tion, and saw that the vermilion on her forehead had become discoloured.

82. She saw that her shell bracelets had turned black, and she broke on
her head the two bracelets worth a lakh of rupees.

The biteden of hee song.

83. “ I have lost my Lord. How many days must I wait and watch
for him.”

84. Mayana walked to the palace. When the Lady Mayana entered
the temple, she lit both the front and the rear lamps, 85. Mayana walked

* Sneezing is a sound of ill omen,
f See note to v. 159.

206

[No. 3y

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of Mdnilc Chandra.

to Yama’s abode ; the Lady Mayana arrived on the banks of the dread
river. 86. When Mayana saw the river she became fearful. It is a
river six months wide. The ferry-boat finishes its voyage in a year. Each
wave seems vast as mountain peak.

The Burden of her song.

87. a My fate hath become a lot of misery, as Krishna was of Binda.
The boat is broken and the ropes are worn ; how can I pass over, O my
guru. That is, if my guru is by me to help me. 88. I will hold the
rudder of virtue. O my guru, the boat is broken, and the ropes are worn,
but I will cross over.”

89. Half her scarf she spread upon the water, and thinking upon
virtue, she took her magic seat. 90. Mayana uttered the words “ tudu ,
tuduf and the journey of six months was accomplished in six quarters of
an hour. 91. She walked to Yama’s palace, where thirty-six krors of
Yamas were sitting in the hall of audience. 92. As soon as the Lady
Mayana stood in Yama’s abode, on this side and on that side the Yamas
began to run away. 93. When Mayana came to Yama’s palace, she
spread great alarm ; some got colic and some got pains in their heads. 91.
She became a Muhammadan doctor and a Hindu doctor, and extracted the
poison from their bodies ; but when she came to give them medicine every
one ran away. 95. As soon as Goda Yama cast eyes on Mayana, he ran
away as fast as his legs would carry him to his own palace. 96. He went
to his own palace and hid himself in a room, and from where she, the Lady
Mayana, was, she lost sight of him. 97. The Lady Mayana went into
contemplation and gazed about, and in her contemplation she saw him in
his room. 98. Mayana collected herself together, and laid aside her own
proper form. She put on the appearance of a gardener’s wife, and went
into the palace of Goda Yama. 99. “ Goda, Goda”, Mayana cried to
him with a loud voice. 100. As soon as Goda Yama saw Mayana he
burst through the tati walls of his palace and ran away*. 101. Mayana
cried “ mar mar ” and chased him through a treeless field, where a hundred
ploughmen were ploughing. Like a deer did Mayana chase Yama. 102.
Thence Goda Yama lost his senses and turned himself into a prawn, and
jumped into the sea. 103. The Lady Mayana went into contemplation
and gazed about, and in her contemplation her eyes fell on the prawn.
104. Mayana uttered “ turn turn ” with a terrible cry, and changed
herself into forty-two buffalos, who jumped into the sea. 105. Eating
cress she chased Yama. In mid-sea she caught Yama by the neck. 106.

* Compare note on v. 21. All the houses of the peasantry in Rangpur are built
of tati (mat) walls. When a thief is caught in such a house, he attempts, usually
successfully, to escape by bursting through these flimsy obstructions.

1878.]

207

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnik Chandra.

There Goda Yama, mighty as the thunder-bolt, burst the staff she held
in her right hand and fled. 107. Thence Goda Yama lost his senses and
he became a minnow and began to swim in the water. 108. Leaving
her former shape, Mayana concentrated herself and became a TanMuri
and Vdnoyar ,* by a change of her form. 109. With flappings of her
wings she chased him, and in mid-sea she snapped up Goda Yama in her
bill. 110. Then Goda Yama, mighty as the thunder-bolt, thrust Mayana
off, and ran away. 111. Thereafter what did Goda Yama do ? He
became an eel, and hid himself in the mud. 112. Thence the Lady
Mayana went into contemplation, and her eyes fell upon him in the mud.
113. Mayana uttered “ tudu , tudxdn with a terrible cry, she became a
swan ; pecking at the mud she chased Goda Yama, and in mid-sea she
seized Goda Yama by the neck. 114. He thrust off the Lady Mayana
and fled away. He cast aside his former form, and Goda Yama concen¬
trated himself. 115. He took the form of a maggot and went off to
Patala. 116. When he arrived at Patala, Yama twisted his beard (boast¬
fully). “How, how will the sydli , the Lady Mayana, recognize me.”
117. The Lady Mayana went into contemplation and gazed about, and
in her contemplation her eyes fell on the maggot. 118. Leaving her
former shape Mayana concentrated herself, and became an ant by a change
of her form. 119. She went to the world of Patala, and, seizing Goda
Yama by the throat, gradually pulled him up out of the ground. 120.
Leaving her former shape Mayana concentrated herself, and became her
ownself by a change of form. 121. She threw him down on his face,
and began to belabour Goda Yama. She continued belabouring him till
her hands were weary. She then turned him on his back, and began to
kick him. 122. Then Goda Yama, mighty as the thunder-bolt, became
a house pigeon and flew off to the sky. 123. Mayana changed her shape,
and became a falcon and a hawk, and she pecked at him and cast Goda
Yama down from heaven. 124. Thence Goda Yama lost his senses, and
became a mouse changing his form. 125. He went to Kathiya the oil¬
man’s house, and hid himself under his machd. f 126. The Lady Mayana
went into contemplation and gazed about, and in her contemplation her
eyes fell upon the mouse. 127. Leaving her former shape Mayana
concentrated herself, and became a cat by a change of form. 128. She
changed herself from being one cat into forty-two cats, and surrounded the
house of Kathiya the oilman. 129. One danda, two dandas, three dandas
passed, and the ill-natured woman caught good-natured Goda Yama. 130.
She made him descend from the machd , and with a sudden leap the Lady
Mayana seized him by the neck. 131. Thence Goda Yama, mighty as the
thunder-bolt, slipped out between the interstices of her claws and fled.

* Two kinds of fish-eating birds. t A bamboo bench.

D D

208

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G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manila Chandra.

132. Yama left his former shape, and concentrated himself. He became
a Vaishnava and changed his form. 133. He used the earth castings of
crabs instead of sandal-wood paste, and made his rosary of Sail seeds.
134. Hopefully he took a branch of a castor-oil tree (for his stick), and
going into a Vaishnava puja house, sat himself amongst the worship¬
pers. 135. The Lady Mayana went into contemplation and gazed about,
and in her contemplation her eyes fell upon the Vaishnava. 136. Maya¬
na gave up her former shape. She concentrated herself, and took that of
a bee. 137. In the place of one bee she became forty-two bees, and set
out for the place of worship, and she flew around the heads of all the
Vaishnavas there. 138. All the Vaishnavas said, “ Brothers, hear the
news. What sinful Vaishnava is in this assembly ?” 139. As soon as Goda
Yama saw the bees, he slipped under the quilts of the Vaishnavas. 140.
As soon as the Lady Mayana found out where he was, she settled down
upon Yama’s neck. 4 41. Not being able to bear the stings of the bees,
Goda Yama ran away from the jflace. 142. Mayana laid aside her bee-
shape, and, after concentrating herself, took her own form. 143. She
seized Goda Yama, and plucked up from the ground an armful of eluyd
grass. 144. Fifty- two times sixteen scores of ropes she twisted, sitting
at a place where three roads meet,* and tied her own waist to that of Goda
Yama. Then she carried off Goda Yama beating him with a rod of cane.

Mayana spake.

145. “ Hear, 0 Goda Yrama, while I make my petition. Set free
my husband, who is my only wealth.”

Goda Yama spake.

146. “ Thy husband I will not set free”, and thereupon Mayana be¬
gan to weep.

The bttkden of her song-.

147. “ My husband is no longer in my house, 0 lord of the unhap¬
py. For whom shall I abide in the days of my youth ?”

148. Mayana uttered “ tudu , tudu ” with a terrible cry, and all the
Heavenly Munis came down on hearing her voice. 149. In a chariot of
flowers, came Gorakh the Vidyadhara. Biding upon a flail, came Narada

* The fact that a place, where three roads meet, is considered especially favour¬
able for performing magical rites, is worth noticing. I need hardly draw attention
to similar customs obtaining in Europe. In Tirhut, — it is customary, when a per¬
son is sick, to cast away at midnight at a place where three roads meet, an offering
of some yellow cloth, a fowl, and some condiments, over which some charms have been
recited. It is believed that the disease will then leave the sick man, and seize upon
the wayfarer who first comes across the offering in the morning.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra.

209

the best of munis. 150. On the back of Vasoya came Bhola, the lord of
the world. Riding on a bow and arrow came Rama Chandra and Laksh-
mana. 151. The five Pandava brothers came down here and there : there

• • • 9

is no counting the number of munis who came from heaven. 152. Mayana
parted her hair in two, and fell at the feet of Gorakh Nath.

Mayan! spake.

153. “ Help, help, 0 Gorakh the Vidyadhara. He hath carried off
my husband, who is all my wealth. He will not give back my husband,
who is my wealth.”

Gokakh Na'th spake.

154. “ Hear my words. All the munis have taken advice, and have
blessed thee, Lady Mayana. 155. Go, O Mayana, we give to thee a
boon. Let there be a foetus developed for seven months now within thy
womb.” 156. Even as the munis blessed her, ' her body which was as
light as sold (pith) gradually became heavy.

The Munis spake.

157. “ In eighteen months, it will be born, in its nineteenth year it
will die. But, if it worship a Hadi’s feet with steadfast mind, it will not
die.” 158. On hearing this Mayana delayed there no longer. She start¬
ed for her palace and arrived there in safety. 159. She took nine hdoris
in her hand, and departed to the banks of the Ganga.# 160. With the nine
Jcaoris she bought a piece of land, and then returned to her own palace.
161. She broke up the old house and made a bier, and with it went some
firewood on litters on men’s shoulders. 162. Oil, gin, mustard, and sesa-
mum began to go. She called all her relations, and she cut some fresh
bamboos and made a bier. 163. She took the pious king away upon
the bier she had prepared, and the Lady Mayana herself was carried oft
upon the door of the house. 164. Mayana began to sing the Song of
the Excellence of Hari. She began to praise him as she was carried to
the river’s bank. 165. She built a funeral pyre running north and south,
she buried posts and made a platform. 166. By the side of each post she
set a jar of gin. Beneath each of them she set a jar of oil. Mustard seed
and sesamum she scattered over the pyre. 167. Mayana uttered the
words “ Guru, Guru” with a terrible cry, and Gorakh Nath came there
and stood visible.

Mayana spake.

168. “Protect me, 0 protect me, O Gorakh the Vidyadhara.”

* It must he noted, that throughout this poem, the word Ganga does not refer to
the river commonly known as the Ganges, It always refers to the Brahmaputra,

210

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra. [No. 3,

S

Gorakii Nath spake.

“ Go forth Mayana, I have given thee a boon. Within the fire thou
shalt perceive the cold of Magha. 169. Mayana began to spread vermilion
all over her forehead. 170. She put on a silken scarf. She took a golden
knife and a mango branch in her hand, and she laid out the king towards
the north and south. 171. Mayana laid the king’s head on her right
hand, and she put her own head on his left hand. 172. In each house¬
hold a citizen gave one piece of firewood. The pile of firewood almost
touched the sky as well as the earth. 173. Water and sandal-wood did
Chandra, the merchant, scatter upon the pyre. Not a single near relation
was present to set it alight. 174. One who lived near the door of the
king, — a brahman guru, — stretched forth his hand and applied the torch.
175. Each relation cast one vessel of water on the pyre. Together they
lustrated the pyre, once, twice, and five times. Saying “ Hari bolf they
set it alight. 176. E’en as the fire smelt the smell of the ghi , it blazed
up with a great roar. 177. For seven days and nine nights Mayana stay¬
ed within the blaze, and even her apparel though offered to the flames did
not take fire. 178. Mayana burnt the body of the pious king, and placed
the ashes in her lap. There sat Mayana, like a Gosvdmi in his house.
179. Mayana burnt the body of the pious king and the smoke rose up to
heaven. There sat the Lady Mayana like unmelted gold. 180. The
little relations said to the big relations, “ Brothers, thrust at her. Let
all the relations thrust at her.” 181. The Lady Mayana is sitting with¬
in the fire. She cries : “ Hear, 0 relations, I have a child of seven

months in my womb. Let not all the relations thrust at me.” 182. The
little relations said to the big relations, “ Brothers, let us go to Chand the
merchant, and ask his advice. 183. Ye know Chand the merchant from
childhood. Let us see what answer he will give.” 184. Behind the door
sat the merchant playing dice ; and through the lattice, did they make reve¬
rence to him.

Cha'nd spake.

185. “ Why, O relations, why and wherefore have ye all come ?”

The Relations spake.

186. “ For seven days and nine nights Mayana hath been in the fire,
and yet the Fair Mayana hath not been burnt.”

Cha'nd spake.

187. “ This Mayana hath obtained a boon from Gorakh Nath. Fire
doth not burn her, nor doth she sink in water. Were the three worlds to
come to an end, she wrould not go to Yama’s abode. And yet, 0 relations,
ye wish to slay her. 188. Sit ye in a place where three roads meet, and

1S78.]

211

G. A. Grierson — The Son g of Man ik Chandra.

twist of grass fifty-two hr or 8 of ropes ; carry ye off a stone weighing
twenty-two mans. 189. Thrust her forth from the fire, and tie ye the
twenty-two man stone upon her chest. 190. Cast ye Mayana and the
ashes of the fire away on the stream, that they may float away. Then
bathe ye and return to your homes.” 191. On hearing this the relations
no longer stayed. They carried away the stone of twenty-two mans. 192.
They thrust the Lady Mayana forth from the fire, and tied the stone of
twenty-two mans on her chest. 193. They cast her and the ashes upon
the stream, and bathed and returned to their homes.

194. At the expiration of eighteen months and eighteen days Mayana
became filled, and then the (future) pious king turned himself in her womb.
“ I die, I die,” said Mayana, and she began to weep. 195. She brought
into use her magical art called hharupa (the art of cutting), and by it she
cut open her fifty-two Jcrors of ropes. 196. “ I die, I die,” said Mayana,

as she landed at the foot of a Nim tree ; and as she ascended, a sound was
heard like unto the roaring of heaven in the intermediate quarters. 197.
The Maharaja fell upon the ground amid the after-birth and birth waters ;
and he began to cry, saying “ omya and chomya .” 198. The little relations
said to the big relations, “ Brothers, let us go and see whose child is crying
thus.” 199. They took one step, and they took two steps, and they arrived
at the spot. Mayana said unto them. “ Hear, 0 relations and mark my
words. 200. Decorate th Qpalhi of the old king and bring it here, and take
this child-king to the palace.” 201. They decorated the pallet of the old
king and brought it, and they mounted the pious king within it. 202. Big
drums, and little drums, guitars, and cymbals sounded in all directions.
Cymbals, side drums and kettle-drums sounded in all directions. 203. There
was firing of guns and a thick darkness caused by the smoke. Father could
not recognize son ; he only could call for him. 204. There was a poor man
who had a child in the kingdom, and he could not give it food and water in
his own house. 205. So he cast it down at a place where three roads meet,
amidst its after-birth and birth waters. 206. That child did Mayana also
take up into her bosom, and carry to the palace.

Mat ANA SPAKE.

207. “ I say unto thee, my maid-servant, pay attention to my words.”

208. The maid-servant went and called the wet-nurse and brought her.

209. The wet-nurse cut the navel strings of both the children. She took
all the presents that Mayana gave, and went to her own house. 210.
What with to-day and what with to-morrow seven days passed, and during
the seven days the king caused a concert of flutes and drums to be made.
211. What with to-day and what with to-morrow, ten days passed, and
after ten days the king held the first srdddha after his father’s death. 212.

212

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mamie Chandra.

[No. 3,

On the thirteenth day the king held the final srdddha, and held a concert of
drums and cymbals, and all the relations came and sacrificed. 213. He
gave a feast to all his relations, and at that hour the Lady Mayana first
touched fish. 214. What with to-day, and what with to-morrow, a year
passed, and after one year another day came. 215. What with to-day, and
what with to-morrow, five years passed, and she gave him to be taught by
a guru. 216. He taught the king to write in four lessons. What with
to-day, and what with to-morrow, seven years passed. 217. The king was
then named. Manik Chandra Raja’s son was called Gopi Chandra. 218.
And his younger (foundling) brother was called Lankeswar “ Found in
the Field.”* 219. What with to-day, and what with to-morrow, nine years
passed ; and then, what did the Lady Mayana do ? 220. She spake as

follows to the Guru brahman.

Mayaha spake.

221. “ Go, go, 0 guru brahman, pay attention to my words. Go

quickly before the king Haris Chandra. 222. He has two daughters
in his palace, named Aduna and Paduna. Arrange a marriage between
them and my son, and return.” 223. The Reverend Brahman on hearing
these words did not delay. But hastened to the palace of king Haris'
Chandra. 224. He cried out with a loud voice “ Ho ! King Haris' Chan-
dra.”f The king was in his house and he stepped out. 225. The reverend
and learned Brahman made salutation. 226. The king gave him a god¬
like throne to sit upon, and after supplying him with camphor and betel,
enquired as follows. 227. “ Why and wherefore, 0 guru brahman, hast

thou come so great a distance ?”

The Bra'hman spake.

•

228. “ Mayana hath sent me to thy presence. In thy palace are two

damsels named Aduna and Paduna. The fair Mayana wisheth to form a
marriage with them. 229. Mayana hath a son within her palace, and to
him doth she wish to give them.”

The King spake.

230. “ Go, go, I consent,” and ordered him away. And the Brah¬
man on hearing this returned to Mayana. 231. They took a load of
betel nuts and a load of pan leaves. And five brahmans began to cut the
betel and the pan. 232. They cut the betel and pan and searched for a

* He is also called Ivlietu, or Khetuwa, and appears to have become Gopi
Chandra’s servant. He took over his concubines when the latter went on his pilgri¬
mage. See also note to verse 290.

f Compare note to v. 21.

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra.

213

1878.]

lucky day, and then did they fix the time o£ tlie marriage. 233. On the
Saturday, Mayana fasted, and on the Sunday, slie made arrangements for
the marriage. 234. They planted five plantain trees in King Haris' Chan¬
dra’s palace, and they lit the golden lamps and the censers on the day
fixed. 235. They then sent for five singing women, and cries of “ ulu,
ulu ” were heard around. 236. He gave Aduna in marriage, he gave Pa-
duna, and he gave a hundred maid-servants to wait upon them. 237. He
gave as wedding-presents a hundred villages, and a hundred elephants.

238. He gave as wedding presents a hundred horses and a hundred cows.

239. After giving them in marriage he allowed them to depart. And im¬
mediately afterwards the Lady Mayana sent an invitation to all the kings
of all the kingdoms. 240. From that time that pious king was called
Gopi Chandra.

241. After eighteen years, at the advice of his aged mother he
became a SanydsiT 242. A hundred beautiful damsels, weeping, fell at
his feet, “ O pious king, do not depart and leave us.”

The Queen spake.

243. “ Nay, nay, thou shalt not go, my King, to a far country. For

whom but thee, have I built up this cold dreary house (of my life). 244.
I built a humble* dwelling, nor yet is it sullied by old age. Why art thou
leaving me in my youth, and turning my bridehood into vanity ? 245. In

my dreams shall I see my king. I shall throw my arm on the couch ; but
the wealth of my life will not be there. 246. Behold, everyf mother
and sister of a man of modest wealth shall have her master to sleep upon
her bosom, while I, unhappy one, will remain weeping in an empty house.
247. When a house is empty and the doors are closed, men come and
kick the walls outside. In the time of her youth all voices cast scandal at
a widow. 248. Therefore shalt thou take me with thee. I am the life,
the wealth of thy life ; let thy damsel go with thee. 249. In the time
of thy hunger I will cook thy food. When thou art thirsty I will give
thee to drink. 250. In mirth and laughter will I pass the night. 251.
If we have a long field to traverse, I will wile away the time in talk.
When we approach the dwelling of a householder, there will I reverence
thee like my guru. 252. A cool mat| will I spread for thee ; on a pil¬
low shalt thou rest thy feet. Laughing and joking will I shampoo thy
body. 253. When I hurt thy hand I will shampoo thy feet, and amidst
our sport and laughter, I will devour thy bosom, and thou shalt devour

* Lit. pent-roofed.

f Lit. ten. This use of “ ten” for “every,” is of frequent occurrence in Rang-
pur. Thus Das'jan hi kay ? is the stock expression equivalent to “What do peo¬
ple say ?”

f Vulgo, Seetul-jpat .

214

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniTc Chandra.

mine. 254. In tlie hot season will I fan thy countenance with a palm
leaf. In the cold month of Magha I will nestle into thy body for warmth,
255. In the cold month of Magha I will cook for thee spiced viands.*
Indra’s favourite sweetmeat, the lap of a hundred wives, will I alone cause
thee to enjoy.”

The King spake.

256. “ List, 0 daughter of king Haris Chandra. In many varied

ways art thou displaying thy charms, nor can I bear them. 257. Thy
teeth are white as the sold pith, from eating the Vansa Sari nut. When
thou speakest, they glisten (like white flowers), and the bees come humming
towards them. 258. If thou goest with me, thou wilt be a woman of
fresh and fair appearance, and I will be a man clad in one rough blanket.
When they see us, all the people will say — * There goeth a pilgrim, but
he is a stealer of women.’ 259. And if they say this, no householder
will give us shelter. In thy word and in mine, 0 daughter of a prince,
will they put no trust.”

The Queen spake.

260. “ Hear me, my King, thou loved one not to he deceived. f One

petition, and no more I make unto thee. 261. Like thee will I put
around my neck a Kama rosary. Like thee will I wear nought hut a
single tight and scanty cloth. 262. My two breasts will I tie up in
tattered clothes. I will break six of my front teeth. My tresses which
hang down unto my knees, them let me cut and cast away. 263. I will
take in my hand a hollow gourd. I will cast a rough blanket round my
neck. I too will become a pilgrim. Following thy footsteps will I beg
for alms.”

The burden of her song.J:

264. “ 0 ! the pipe of S'yam. My mind whirls. My eyes flow with
tears.”

The King spake.

265. “ 0 mighty fate. I am encompassed amidst a net of charms.
What love is this which I have for a woman. 266. If thou goest with
me, thou wilt he going with a pilgrim. There there are tigers of the wood,
and when thou seest them thou wilt be afraid. There there are tigers of
the wood, and great is the fear of them that be mighty. 267. When a

* Lit. curries made of cold weather chillies.

f Lit. “ English.”

% This Duya forms the first verse of a song in honour of Krishna, which is given
in the appendix.

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra. 215

man and a woman, in such plight as thou and I, go along the road ; the
tiger of the wood seizeth the woman and eateth her. 26S. Whether the
tiger eat thee or eat thee not, he will assuredly kill thee. Why therefore
wilt thou kill thyself because thou wouldest follow an ascetic.”

269. The damsel began to laugh freely.

The Queen- spake.

“ Who sayeth these words ? and who believeth them ? 270. What

tiger slayeth and eateth the woman that goeth with her husband ? These
words are but to deceive, and a pretext for thy flight. 271. Let the
tiger of the wood devour me, I fear him not. It is better to die at the
feet of my husband than to lead a life of perpetual disgrace. 272. Thou
wilt be my banyan tree, and I will be thy creeper. To thy feet will I
cling, and then whither wilt thou flee ? 273. When I was in my father’s

house, 0 pious king, why didst thou not then become a pilgrim ? 274.

Now I have become a comely woman, and worthy of thee. If thou leavest
me and becomest an ascetic, I will surely die. 275. Let the stream of
my youth fall down before thee. When the hairs of my head turn gray,
then do thou turn pilgrim. 276. The branches of fair jasmines bend
down to the ground (with age). I am now a full grown woman, and how
long shall I retain my comeliness ? 277. How long shall I keep my

youth, e’en though I bind it and tie it down. For continually my heart
weepeth for my husband.”

The BURDEN' OE HER SOHGL

278. “ Thou hast wedded me, and thou art going. I weep for thee.
Thou hast thy father, and thy brethren ; but I, unhappy one, have none.
I have left them all for thee, 0 king.”

279. He had chosen Aduna and Paduna, and had married them. A
bhatta brahman had named her Aduna. 280. He himself had called her
Aduna and given her maid- servants.

The Kinh spake.

“ How can I break such love in my house P 281. I will take alms
from one door, and will go to the door of another : easily will I lose my
Kshetri birth and my Baniya caste. 282. Where’er I shall see a
woman like thee, my youthful lovely wife, there weeping will I lay me
down and die. 283. Where’er I shall see a woman like my lovely
wife. First will I address her as ‘ mother,’ and then will I ask for alms.”

The Queek spake.

284. “ Alas, alas, my own husband, thou hast uttered a black word.

Thou hast married me in my childhood, and thou desertest me in my
youth.”

E E

21G

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra.

The King spake.

285. “ Now also wait thou with thy hand upon thy heart. Until I

return after fifty years have passed away.”

The Queen spake.

285. “ Lift up thy head, O king, and see a pair of juicy cocoa-nuts

over my heart. The pair of cocoa-nuts shine forth with lustre. 287. I
will open the nuts and put them to thy mouth, thou hast not strength in
thy body (to pluck them). It is a fruit, which if a man refuse, he will
suffer the pangs of hell four times fourteen times.

The King spake.

288. “ Hear me, 0 lady, daughter of Haris Chandra. When a secret

hath been divulged, the meaning of its words become plain. 289. In
front rideth an elephant’s mahaut , behind him the king. Far have I gone,
and (I have learned that) the great house of my pilgrimage is at a far dis¬
tance. 290. I have tasted the fruit of the cocoanut and my belly was
not filled. In vain have I, a householder, suffered* in my servitude.”

Tiie Queen spake.

291. “ Hear me, my king. My pleasant loved one, one petition have

I to make unto thee. 292. “ Ho not, 0 pious king, go to a far country.

Give me one little child, that I may keep him in my lap. 293. I will keep
him and nurse him in my lap, and I will touch thee when I see my darling
child. 294. I will place the sun-shade and staff of thy royalty over my
child’s head. I will be the mother of the king and will enjoy the king¬
dom.” 295. The queen spoke of a child, and the king heard her words
and said,

The King spake.

296. “ What thou desirest is not a chini champa plantain, that I

may mix it with water and give it thee to eat. It is not the fruit of a tree,

that I can pluck it, and place it in thy hands. 297. Fate hath not given

thee a child. What can I do P 298. I will rejDeat the charms of the
gurus of old, and will become a seven months’ child within thy womb. 299.
Thou shalt call me ‘ son.’ Thou shalt open the covering of thy breast,
and shalt give me milk.”

The Queen spake.

300. “ I spake to thee of a child, and thou speakest to me of milk.

Thou art my wedded husband, how can I call thee ‘ son.’ 301. I knew

* Lit. Died. A popular song makes Gopi Chandra charge his wives with intrigu¬
ing with Khetuwa Lankes'var as a last resource for getting away. But this is not borne
out by any copy of this poem which I have seen.

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra, 217

not, 0 king, that there were but a sheep # and a jackal within thy heart.
Not one kaori of sense hast thou in thy body. 302. (Thy mother) be¬
cause she is a widow, wisheth to make her daughter-in-law a widow too.
Even if my husband pass her house, (jealously) doth she turn her eyes
upon him.”

The King spake.

803. “ Ha ! thou daughter of a vile one ; thou hast abused my mother.

I might have stayed a few days, but I will go to-morrow.” 304. He
could not bear the childishness of the damsel, and so the fair king went to
the place of audience. 305. (There was a grove) of twelve supari trees
and thirteen tdl trees, and in its shade sat the king’s son. 306. The
brahmans and the relations all sat in a row, and Bir Simh, his Bhandari,
gave him the accounts of the kingdom. 307. On a golden seat sat Maya-
na with her feet on a silver stool. The Lady Mayana went to the audience
of her good son. 308. The full cutcherry hummed with the noise of the
crowd, and there the fair Mayana stood. 309. When the king saw his
mother, he made obeisance ; as he made obeisance, he tied his cloth around
his neck.

Mayana' spake.

310. “ Long live the widow’s son. May Dharma bless him. May

the years of his life be many as the sands of the sea. 311. I thought the
widow’s son had gone to be a pilgrim ; but lo, till to-day he is here with
his fair wife. 312. The Satya Yuga is passed, we are in the second Yuga,
the third Yuga will come. But in the Kali Yuga sons will marry early.
313. The Kali era is a foul era, and hath now approached. Each sitteth
alone and enjoyeth another’s wealth. 314. Kings will no longer do jus¬
tice in their kingdom, and sons will no longer offer sacrifices for their
fathers. 315. Wives will no longer be faithful to their husbands. Pupils
will no longer reverence their teachers. 316. Behold, four miscreants
went to destruction. 317. The miscreant who doth not reverence his
teacher, him even jackals will not eat. Even crows will not touch the body
of a Vaishnava. 318. Let a miscreant be cast into fire and he becometh
dust and ashes. Let him float upon the water and he becometh food for
fishes. 319. He is buried beneath the earth and he becometh food for
worms. No where do I see salvation for a miscreant.”

The burden of her song.

320. “ My darling blue lotus, how canst thou become an eremite P Men

will say there goeth one who hath no mother.” 321. The king made up
his mind to be a pilgrim, and at a cross-road his queen began to weep.

* I, e. That your heart contained nothing but cowardice and treachery.

21S

Gr. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

The Queen spake.

322. “ How canst thou wish to go to a far country ? Oh wait and

pass the charms of Mayana through an ordeal. 323. Oh put her to
the test of burning oil. If she survive that ordeal, then shave thy head
and go forth a pilgrim.” 324. The king heard this and hastened to the
hall of audience. 325. He sat in the audience chamber, and could not
make up his mind. Often and often he called for his servant Khetu, his
younger brother.

TnE King spake.

320. “ My servant Khetu, take heed unto my words. Go* unto my

mother’s palace.” 327. On hearing this, the servant did not delay. 328.
“ Say this to Mayana — (‘ Thy son) would put thee to the test (of burning
oil’).” 329. Hearing these words, Mayana laughed. “ This is not thy

thought, but a conspiracy between thy wives. All the thoughts they teach
thee, will become barren. 330. Instead of one ordeal, I will pass through
seven, and then will the Prince leave his house.”

The King spake.

331. “ I say unto thee, Khetu, and take thou heed unto my words.

332. Build thou up a furnace deep and wide. Strip oft the three fibres of
three cocoa-nuts, and place the bare (nuts round the furnace as supports for
the cauldron).” 333. Khetu set a cauldron holding sixty mans upon the
furnace, and into the cauldron he poured eightyf mans of oil. 334. He cast
upon the flames fuel of sal wood, and set it blazing. Over all he placed a
cover. 335. For seven days he ceaselessly added fuel. 336. One day,
two days, five days passed. After seven days he lifted the cover. 337.
“ The oil is hot, even as fire,” such words did Khetu speak unto the king.
338. “ Thy servant was ordered to make (preparations for) the ordeal by

oil. 339. What command hath the king of kings for his servant ?”

The King spake.

“ Go and say this unto my mother. 340. ‘ The ordeal by oil is
ready before the king. The king doth summon thee • O Mother, come
quickly’.”

Mayana' spake.

341. “ Ho I eat at thy fathers’ hand, or at the hands of the fathers of

the king. At thy command, what ordeal shall I pass through ?” 342.

* Note the force of here, and in vv. 328 and 332. It has entirely lost any
special meaning of its own j and is used as a pure expletive to add strength to an
imperative.

f 8ic in original.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manila Chandra.

219

These words Khetu told the king, who heard them, and became furiously
enraged. 343. The king took his evening towel for washing his body,
and flung it to Khetu. 344. And Khetu shook that towel, and with it
bound tightly the lady Mayana, and cast her into the oil. 345. Even as
the lady Mayana fell amid the oil, the flames rushed up with a roar to
heaven. 346. Mayana sunk into the oil up to her neck, and, as she did
so, she took the oil into her hands and patted it into her head as if she were
bathing. 347. Seeing calamity (approaching) the king became furiously
enraged. He called Khetu, calling him, “ Slave, slave,” and began to
abuse him. 348. “Lift up the cover and place it over my mother, and for
nine days continuously, do thou add fuel to the flames.” 349. One day,
two days, three days passed away. But Mayana concentrated herself and
took the form of a grain of mustard. 350. After nine days, Khetu lifted
up the cover and when he could not see the queen, he began to cry. 351.
Thus did he say unto the king. “ Thy mother is dead, and gone to Yama’s
abode. 352. Wherefore dost thou keep thy gdgari on thy head ? Be¬
hold (I am unclean) and the assembly of brahmans will not drink water
at my hand.” 353. The king cried “ Mother, mother” and began to weep.

The burden oe his song.

354. “ Fate hath made me motherless, O lord of the unhappy.

Such was written in my destiny. No longer will I see my mother.” 355.
He took a handful of twigs in his hand and began to search amidst the oil.

356. Once, twice and thrice he searched. At the third time of searching
he fished up the towel. No trace of Mayana’s body was within the fire.

357. Sixteen men took the cauldron on their shoulders, and they flung out
the oil at a place where three roads meet. 358. With a loud roar the
flames rose to heaven, but Mayana in her form of a mustard seed remained
hidden in the Tub grass. 359. Suddenly Khetu began to weep, and when
she heard the sound of his -weeping, Mayana felt pity for him.

Mat aha' spake.

360. “ Weep not, weep not, Khetu, my servant. Cease thy tears. I

am Mayana. I have not been burnt within the furnace.” 361. He took
up the sixty -man cauldron in his hand and brought it before the king. 362.
Mayana in fact underwent seven ordeals, and passed them all.

The King spake.

363. “ Hear, O lady Mayana, my mother. From what siddha hast
thou learnt thy magic arts ?”

Mayana' spake.

364. “ Thou askest me from what holy man I have learned my arts.
I have learned them from Gorakh Nath himself. 365. I tell thee, learn

220 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ih Chandra. [No. 3,

thou thy knowledge from Khola the Hadi.” 366. When the king heard
the name of a Hadi, he stopped his ears with his hands. For she had
uttered an impious word with her tongue.

The Kinh spake.

367. “ A Hadi is of a vile caste. He cleanseth privies and doth not
bathe. Shall I, a king, make obeisance to a Hacli for twenty-two dandas !

Mayana spake,

368. “ Hear me, my child, speak thy words in a whisper, so that the

Hadi may not hear. If he cursed thee, thou wouldest die at once. 369.
Thy subjects feed their lamps wdth oil and ghi : but that Hadi feedeth
his lamp with merely Ganga water. 370. As many lamps as there are in
the houses of thy subjects, so many hath that Hadi in his little hut, 371.
In whosesoever house he eateth, to whosesoever house he goeth, simply at
the word of his mouth he causeth the sea to stop its motion.” 372. The
king sat in his audience chamber and could not make up his mind. Re¬
peatedly he called his servant Khetu, his younger brother. 373. “ Where

hast thou gone, my brother ? First would I eat jpdn* then I would have the
pandit of the days of my father come to me.” 374. Khetu heard these
words and made no delay. He hastened towards the pandifs house. 375.
“ I say unto thee, 0 reverend pandit , and pay thou heed unto my words. The
king would see thee in his palace. Haste thee to the hall of audience.” 376.
He dressed himself in a dhuti of modest kind. Loosening out his brahma-
nical cord, so that the threads appeared in pairs, he passed it round his
neck. 377. He took his papers relating to the Almanac under his arm,
and proceeded to the king’s hall of audience. 378. The hall was full, the
crowd gave forth a confused noise. At this time did the pandit , the son of
a pandit , present himself. 379. “ Incarnation of justice” he said and

made obeisance. “ Tutelary Deity of my family” said the king making
obeisance in return. 380. He called him “ Reverend Brother,” and made
him sit upon the couch. “O reverend Sir, thou art the crest-jewel among
prophets. 381. What day will the king sew for himself a beggar’s
wallet and quilt P What day will the king shave his head ? 382. What

day will the great king besmear himself with ashes P What day will the
pious king pierce his two ears ? 383. What day will the pious king

wear nought but a languti ? What day will I carry a beggar’s platter in
my hand ? 384. What day will I start for a far country ? Read me
aright, and prophesy me this.” 385. Taking every precaution to ensure
good luck, he produced his Almanac. Such power was there in that Alma¬
nac that it could speak itself.

* That is to say, “ immediately.” Chewing pan is such a mechanical and conti¬
nuous action with a Hang-pun man or woman, that the phrase “ to do a thing after
eating pan”, means to do it at once. Cf. vv. 398, 553 and 692.

1878.]

221

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnile Chandra.

The Book spake.

886. “ On Tuesday will he sew his wallet and his quilt. On Wednes¬

day will he shave his head. 387. On Thursday will he besmear himself
with ashes. On Friday the king shall pierce his two ears. 388. On
Friday the king shall pierce his ears, and on Saturday shall he put on a
languti. 389. On Sunday the king shall take in his hand a beggar’s
platter ; on that day the king shall set out for a far country. 390. He
will take thee from thy home and will give thee advice and hope. For
some days he will distress thee in the midst of the forest. Other sorrow will
he give thee in the sandy waste. 391. Other sorrow will he give thee in the
city of S'rikala. He will pawn thee for food in the house of Hira the Har¬
lot. 392. The Harlot’s dress will he a linen sari bright as fire. Thy
dress, O king, will he a knotted rope. 393. Unsifted rice will she give
thee and hrinjals full of seeds. She will give thee hrinjals full of seed, and
thou wilt burn them and eat them. A pitiless harlot is she ; thou wilt be
forbidden oil and salt. 394. The harlot will seek the privy, and it wilt
he thou who wilt cleanse it. Thou shalt close thy eyes, and proffer her the
water of her sin.# 395. Early in the morning shalt thou rise, and she
will beat thee with a broom. Thou shalt lift up the bed of her sins, of
countless, countless sins. 396. JBliangi ropes will she give thee and a
hhdngi stick and two water jars. Twelve loads shalt thou measure out
every day.”

The Iaihg spake.

397. “ Hear, Reverend Sir. Happiness and misery are written in our

destiny. Methinks, I see death written by the Creator in my fate. ’Tis not
in two syllables and a half that it can be cancelled.” 398. Brother Khetu,
where art thou gone ? First would I Q&ipdn. Then would I give the Brah¬
man a present and bid him good speed.” 399. He gave him a present
and bade him speed. “ Make present the barber of my father’s time.” 400.
He went to the ndpit and called him to the king, saying “ Brother, fetch
thy razors and come.” 401. The hall was full. The crowd gave forth
a confused noise. At this time did the barber, the son of a barber, present
himself. 402. Even as the pious king saw the barber, he descended from
his throne f ; and as he did, the theatrum of the temple, and other walled
buildings fell to the ground. 403. The forest trees, and the shrubs, the
very leaves of the trees began to weep. The forest deer bent their heads

* Not a literal translation.

f The word used is “ pdf', A pat in Rangpur is the term used for one of those
solid blocks of masonry found here and there in the district. Kings of the olden days
are said to have sat upon them, and there to have dispensed justice. One of them,
however, (Haris' Chandra Raj dr Pat , see fig. 3), is almost certainly a tomb.

222 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra. [No. 3,

and wept. 404. At the ghat of the Qhdtwdl there were twenty-two
kalians* of ships, and they all wept. Twenty- two kalians of ships wept
and twenty-three kalians of boatmen, and amongst them Vis'ves'var the
boatman also wept. 405. The deer-park wept and the children’s summer¬
house. Even the school of harlots wept. 406. The Titiya Manjar wept
within its cage. And nine hudis\ of dogs wept as they were hunting. 407.
The hospital and the tosha-khana wept at intervals. Water-houses, sum¬
mer-houses and cow-houses}; (?) wept in countless number. 408. In the
elephant stalls, the elephants wept. In the stables, the horses wept. In
the throne-room, all the dresses were wet with tears. 409. A hundred
cows wept, throwing their tails round the king’s neck §; and nine hud is of
dogs wept at his feet. 410. A hundred queens rolled upon the earth and
wept. Aduna and Paduna clasped his feet and wept.

Adtjna' and Padttna' spake.

411. “ Alas, alas, my husband, my wealth. Thou art deserting me.
Who now will protect me, and bring me ghi and rice to eat ?” 412. The
king’s mother wept with tears falling from her eyes, and they brought a jar
of Ganga water. 413. They brought a leaf of a Newaij tree, and they
poured water on him from a golden cup. 414. As they poured water
on the head of the king, the royal throne quaked. 415. The barber
grasped his razor and gazed around. But he received no order to shave
the king.

Mat ana' spake.

' 416. “ O barber, towards whom art thou looking ? Scorn not thou

to shave the head of my darling. Diamonds will I give thee and mounted
work ; pearls will I give thee as a token. 417. Shave off all his hair,
leave only one crown-lock. If thou shavest it off, thereby wilt thou lose
thy quilt and wallet.” 418. He took his razor in his hand and for a hun¬
dred days the king’s hair fell upon earth. It became a hairy Ganga and
began to flow away. 419. Mayana uttered “ Tudu , Tudu ” with a terrible
cry, and sixteen hundred Munis came down on hearing it. 420. In his
chariot of flowers descended Gorakh the Vidyadhara. On a flail came
riding Narada, best of munis. 421. On the back of Vasoyar descended the
mighty Bholanath. On bow and arrow came down Bama and Lakshmana.
422. In different directions descended the five Pandava brothers. There

* A Icdhan == 16 'pans of 20 gandas or 1280.

f A badi = 5 gandas or twenty.

X The meaning of gohida here is unknown to every one whom 1 have consulted.

§ I know of no other flight of poetry equal to this in the whole poem. I have
tried hard to persuade myself that the translation is incorrect ; hut in vain. The
words are too plain to admit of any other meaning.

1878.]

223

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra.

is no counting the number of Hadi Siddhas, with their ears cut. 423. A
Had! hid his face with the dust of cow-dung fuel j and seeing danger at
hand, Mayana began to weep.

The burden oe her song.

424. 11 The apple of his mother’s eyes. Alas, my child ! Who took my

own away ?” 425. They snatched the razor from the hands of the nap it,

and gave it into the hand of the ear-cutter. 426. Even as the ear-cutter
took the razor in his hand, he cried “ Ram, Ram ” and cut both the ears of
the king. 427. They fastened to the king’s ear an ear-ring of crystal.
They clothed him in a cloth covered with holy symbols. 428. Five Vaish-
navas came and dressed the king in a languti. A languti with a string did
they put upon him. 429. They placed round his neck a Rama rosary.
They put into his hand a gourd-platter. 430. A torn quilt, a torn langu¬
ti, a torn (heart at) departure. All the followers of Chaitanya were col¬
lected near the door. 431. Holy Chaitanya and Nityananda, also Radha,
Sit a, and the High Priest of the Vaishnavas sang the Holy Lay. 432. The
king’s son began to weep, and cried for alms. His servant Khetu gave him
alms : elephants, horses, his royal staff and umbrella. Those alms he placed
with reverence at the feet of his guru.

The Guru spake.

433. “ Depart, depart, O king, I give to thee a boon. Thou shalt go

to the three corners of the earth, but shalt not go to Yama’s dwelling-
place.” 434. As the king turned his head to one side, all the heavenly
Munis returned to heaven. 435. Mayana bathed herself in five lotas of
water, and glad in heart she entered into her own home. 436. In a mo¬
ment, # she cooked a dish of rice and fifty curries. She touched it, and placed
it in a golden dish. 437. She filled a golden vessel with water. “ Eat,
eat my darling. Happy and light of heart, go thou on thy pilgrimage.” 438.
When he saw the rice in a (golden) plate, he struck his forehead with his
hand, and wept.

The King spake.

439. il When I was lord of my kingdom, 0 my mother, then did I
eat rice in many a golden dish. 440. Now I am a beggar, not worth a
single Jcdori. I cannot eat from a golden plate.” 441. He took a plan¬
tain leaf and cut it. Thereon he placed a little rice. 442. He took the
shell of a broken gourd and from it he drank a little water. 443. He
washed his face and hands with water. Then what did he do P He uttered
the words “ S'ri Krishna” and ate the food. 444. One mouthful, two

E E

* Lit. at a stroke,

224

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

mouthfuls, five mouthfuls he ate. Then he looked towards the water, which
was trickling out of the broken gourd. 445. He put his face to the earth
and sipped up the water, and as he did so Devi’s brother S'ani# came over
his destiny. 446. S'ani and Ketu took up their abode in the king’s heart.
And all his body became defiled. 447. Then Mayana wept in pitiful ac¬
cents.

The burden oe her song.

448. “ My son is all my fortune. Who will make us meet again.

449. Thou art going to a far country. Thou wilt dwell in the house of
a strange woman. First the householder will eat and then he will think
of thee. 450. When thou seest an Atita or a Vaishnava do not thou
despise him. With thy head touching the ground reverence thou him who
weareth a rosary. 451. When thou shalt see the mustard plant scanty,
and the dub grass thin ; then wilt thou know that thou art in a far coun¬
try.”

The King spake.

452. “ If I see a flower, I will not pluck it. If I see a bird, I will
not fling a stone at it. 453. If I see another’s wife, I will not smile at
her. First I will call her mother, then will I ask for alms.” 454. She
put sixteen Jcahans of Jcdoris in his wallet. “ See that thou tellest not
thy guru about these Jcaoris .” 455. “ In dust and ashes will I spend the

money. Following the Hadi will I go to Yama’s abode.”

456. The hundred queens went to Khetu. But Aduna and Paduna
went to their own palace. 457. In that palace, there were guards in twelve
places, and thirteen tlidnds. No Atita or Vaishnava was allowed to enter
that house. 458. And e’en as the two damsels entered their dwelling-place,
the doors of virtue shut themselves without keys. 459. They set them¬
selves to play at dice in silence.

The Queen spake.

460. “ What day the dice will fall from my hands in disorder, I shall
know that that day my husband is dead.”

461. The burden of the kingdom remained in the lap of Mayana,
the king’s mother. And the Hadi and the king started for a city in a far
country. 462. One Jcros , two Jcros, five Jcros he went. And the king’s feet
were cut and covered with blood.

The burden oe his song.

463. “ Alas ! Fate, sitting in a lovely place, hath written misery on

my destiny.” 464. One day, two days, seven days passed. Night and

* S'ani and Ketn of course mean ill-luck. If, however, by “ Devi” is meant
Durga, she is certainly not S'ani’s sister.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manilc Chandra.

225

day he journeyed on. 465. So the king left his home and went to ano¬
ther country, and the Hadi said, “ Glory to fate. This is the fruit of my
destiny.”

The Ha'di spake.

•

466. “ A proud word did the king speak concerning me. Verily, in

a short space, I will bring him into trouble.” 467. “ Tadu , Tuduf cried

he, with a terrible voice ; and in the atmosphere that wondrous Hadi creat¬
ed a forest. 468. They passed through a small forest, and came to a
great one. The spittle in the king’s mouth was dried up, nor could he
speak. 469. In the vacant atmosphere the Hadi went along. While the
king toiled slowly along, thrusting the jangal aside with his hands. 470.
Prickles pierced him and thorns pierced him. His blood poured forth in
streams. He could not travel further, and (in despair) the king struck his
forehead with his hand.

The btjrdeh oe his song.

471. “ To whom shall I tell my woes. Even my guru hath become
pitiless.” 472. More pangs he gave the king. He took him through a
sandy waste. At the king’s tears the Hadi’s heart was touched, and he
created a pleasant Kadamba tree upon the road. 473. The king went to
a place deep (under the foliage) by the foot of the tree, and sleep came
upon him in handfuls,

The King spake.

474. “ What with ploughing through water, and what with plough¬

ing through sand, I have undergone great hardships. Place thy left thigh
upon the ground, that I may rest awhile. 475. The Hadi laid his left
thigh upon the ground, and the king rested his head upon it and fell asleep.
476. The Hadi cried “ Tudu} Tadu ” with a loud voice, and summoned an
hundred Yamas.

The Ha'di spake.

•

477. “ Hear, 0 ye Yamas, take heed unto my words. Build ye a

road from hence to Daryapur, seven cubits broad and chest high.” 478.
The Yamas heard his words, nor did they delay. They departed to build
the road. 479. From thence to Daryapur they built the road, seven
cubits broad and chest high. 480. “ Hanumdn ” he cried with a loud

voice, and made them plant trees at intervals along the road. 481. He
smote the king with a slap like a thunderbolt, and crying “ Guru, Guru”
the king arose, weeping.

The Ha'di spake.

•

482. “ I have built a road with great labour. Give me twelve haoris ,

that I may buy happiness and enjoy myself. 483. I would buy and eat

226

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

twelve kdoris worth of ganjd : then will I take thee on to Ghadapur.” 484.
When the pious king heard these words, he closed his ears, and cried “ Ram,
Ram.’’

The King spake.

485. “ I know nought of such a thing, O father guru. He who

goeth with such a transgressor, will surely die. 486. Nay, nay, there is
no need of binding me. Instead of twelve kdoris take twelve kalians , and
return unto thy house.” 487. The Hadi was in contemplation and sud¬
denly started. 488. He went into contemplation and gazed about, and in
his contemplation his eyes fell upon the sixteen kalians in the king’s wallet.

The Ha'di spake.

489. “ His mother excelleth me in charms. She hath put sixteen
kalians of kdoris in his ■wallet.” 490. He cried “ Tudu , Tadu ” with a
loud voice, and took the sixteen kdhans of kdoris , and flew up into the sky.
491. He created two stones weighing half a man each, and put them into
the wallet. And the pious king took his hhdt and began to eat. 492.
“ Give me, give me the kdoris ,” he began to coax. But after saying so
twice or thrice, he became angry. 493. The king opened the wallet
and became amazed. Wonderful thing ! No kdoris were within the
wallet.

The bukden of his song.

494. " Why do my eyes dance in my head ? I know not what is writ¬

ten in my fate. 495. Why, why, O father guru, hast thou wrongfully
given up pity ? In my wallet there are no kdoris. Give me, unhappy one,
in pawn for the kdoris I have promised.” 496. Immediately the Hadi
called his mother-earth to witness. “ I call thee to witness, that he himself
hath offered himself in pawn. ’Tis not the Hadi who hath given him.”

497. He put the pious king in his wallet, and took him to the city of Dar-
yapur.

The Ha'di spake.

•

498. “ A man for pawn, a man for pawn. Take him, 0 mother, thou

seller of milk. I would pawn him for twelve kdoris. I wish to get twelve
kdoris to eat ganja .”

The Gowalini spake.

499. “ See, see, we would see what kind of pupil this is of thine.”

500. He pulled the king out by one hand, and the king arose radiant in
person,

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manila Chandra. 227

The Gowalini spake.

501. “I perceive that he is of beautiful form and accustomed to eat
royal food.# Can such as he eat in the house of a Gowalini ? 502. Fill

up my milk-pail with money, and fill up thy wallet again. Leave my quar¬
ter of the town, and go thou elsewhere.” 503. He seized the king by the
hand, and wandered about amongst the shop lanes. 501. “ A man for

pawn, a man for pawn, O mother, thou seller of crushed rice” and as soon
as the crushed rice-seller saw the king, she upset her stall of crushed rice.
505. She clasped him round the waist, saying, “ I die (of love for thee)” ;
and with great difficulty the king separated himself from her. 506. 11 A

man for pawn, a man for pawn, O mother, thou seller of turmeric. A man
for pawn, a man for pawn, O mother, thou seller of sag. 507. A man
for pawn, a man for pawn, O mother, thou seller of vetch. A man for
pawn, a man for pawn, O mother, thou seller of pease.” 508. And as
soon as the seller of pease saw the king, she immediately called her own
husband her father. 509. She upset her stall ; she caught the king by the
waist exclaiming “ I die.” 510. The crushed rice-seller arose and said to
the pease-seller “ You get away. Let go the waist of the king. I first
caught hold of him.” 511. They both caught him by the waist and began
to pull ; and of a sudden the king began to weep. 512. The Hadi felt
pity at the tears of the king, and called on Indra with a loud cry. 513.
With great noise, hail began to fall in the bazar. And they let go the
king’s waist, and every one went to her house. 514. “ Don’t stop up the
door, don’t stop up the door, O sister, seller of pease. Don’t you see that
I’ll catch my death out here in the wet” ? 515. And when the seller of

pease heard that word, she made a great fuss, and left the door free for
passengers. 516. The Hadi took the pestle for pounding pease, and with
it began to pound the king. 517. He cut the king’s nose, and his hair,
and made proclamation by beat of drum. He put his hand upon the king’s
neck, and pushed him out from that bazar. 518. He left that locality,
and went to Vijaya the ploughman, and stopped before him. 519. “ A

man for pawn, a man for pawn, O house of a halwa.” 520. “ Out-

wardlyf he is of comely form. How can he eat in the house of a plough¬
man P 521. Fit for him is the house of Hira, the harlot ; but how wilt
thou go within her house ? 522. She hath hung a pair of drums by her

door, and if the king of any quarter come to her abode, 523. And if
he strike the drum one blow, she will demand a thousand rupees at the
door.” 524. Vijaya went away with them, and showed them the harlot’s
house. 525. He took down the stick and smote the drum, and by its
sound his arrival was made known in the house of the harlot. 526. She
* Lit. “ a king over his bliat.” t Lit. over the vessel.

228

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Ma n ilc Chandra.

began to call to her maid-servant. “ The king of what country has now
come? Allow him to enter, and fan him with a chamara.” 527. The
maid-servant heard her, nor did she delay, but went into the presence of the
Hadi.

The Maid- servant spake.

528. “ Why, Reverend Sir, hast thou come so far a distance ? Why
hast thou left thy throne, to lie upon the earth ?”

The Ha'di spake.

•

529. “ It is not bamboo oil vessels, nor bazar cups that I carry in my
wallet. Herein have I a pupil. 530. I would pawn him for twelve
Moris, to buy gdnjd that I may eat. 531. Will Hira, the harlot, take him
in pledge ?”

The Maid-servant spake.

“ Let me see, let me see what sort of pupil he is.” 532. He pulled
him forth by one hand, and the king arose radiant in person.

The burden of her song.

533. “ On seeing his beauty, my eyes run with tears.” 531. The

maid-servant told the harlot what she had heard. “ The king is more
beautiful in his feet than thou art in thy face. 535. The king for
whom thou hast been offering sacrifices these twelve years ; him thou hast
found at thy very door.” 536. On hearing this, the harlot did not delay,
but went before the king.

The Ha'di spake.

537. “ Hear, oli harlot, what I have to say unto thee. A good pupil

is this whom I would pledge with thee. 538. I would pledge him for
twelve Moris, that with them I may buy gdnjd.” 539. On hear¬
ing this, the harlot did not delay, but sent to the bazar for a sdud banker.

510. She collected the paper and pens and counted out twelve Icdoris.

511. In a clear voice, the Hadi told the banker to write, and he wrote the
year, the date, and the word S'ri on the paper. 512. He wrote the name
of Hira, the harlot, on the paper and also the twelve Moris. 513. He wrote
the name of Hliarma on the paper, and threw the pen to the Hadi. 511. And
when that mighty Hadi took the pen in his hand, he uttered the words “ Ram,
Ram” and made his signature. 515. She counted out the twelve Icdoris
and gave them to the Hadi, who on his part made over the king to the
harlot. 516. And from the day that the Hadi gave the deed into the
harlot’s hand, the king lay pawned with her. 517. The Muni Hadi
tightly tied up the passions of the king and made him neither a woman nor
a man. 518. When Hira, the harlot, turned her head to one side, he

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ilc Chandra.

229

buried the twelve kdoris in the earth. 549. And when the pious king
turned his face away, he turned himself into a golden pumpkin and went
to the regions of Patala. 550. Beneath fourteen fathoms of water he
took his magic seat, and for twelve years he stayed there in contemplation.
551. When the king turned round again, and could no longer see his Guru,
he began to weep.

The Haklot spake.

552. “ 0 king, why dost thou weep ? For thy sake I have been

doing penance these twelve years. 553. Where art thou gone, my maid¬
servant ? Bring me pan to eat# and then bathe the king, and make him
put on all the radiancy he can.” 554. The maid-servant brought the
king after bathing him. The harlot well knew how to spread a bed. 555.
Over a coarse mat she spread fine mats as high as the chest, and over all
she laid an indra-kambal. f 556. She made ready cloves,, nutmegs and
camphor for eating : so much, that there would be no counting the number
of times the king would spit. 557. As soon as the pious king entered
into the room, she took him in her lap, and sat him on the bed, and offered
him a vessel oi pan. 558. “ Eat a khili% of pan, and eat a single betel-

nut, O king. Lift up thy head and gaze upon this luckless harlot.” 559.
The king was pleased in his heart when he saw the cloves, nutmegs and
camphor, and at one time she gave him four or five Ichilis. 560. Once,
twice, and thrice he bruised the khili in his fingers, and then the warning
of his mother came into his remembrance. 561. “ Thou art going to a

far country. Thou wilt dwell in the house of a strange woman. First the
householder will eat, and then he will think of thee. 562. When thou
seest an Atita or a Vaishnava do not thou despise him. With thy head
touching the ground, reverence thou him who weareth a rosary. 563. If
thou seest a flower, thou shalt not pluck it. If thou seest a bird, thou shalt
not break its eggs. 564. If thou seest another’s wife, thou shalt not
smile at her. 565. When thou shalt see the mustard plant scanty, and
the dub grass thin, then wilt thou know that thou art in a far country.”
566. When the words of his mother came into his mind, the king cried,
“ Ram, Ram,” and flung the khili of pan away. 567. Thereupon the
harlot became angry, “ Why, 0 king of kings, dost thou not eat the pan ?
For thy sake I have been doing penance these twelve years.” 568.
She took five Ichilis in her own hand, and put them in the pious king’s
mouth, but he cast them out, saying “ thu, thud' 569. As the king moved

* See note to v. 373.

f A kind of "blanket.

f See note to v. 53.

230 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manilc Chandra. [No. 3,

from place to place and sat down, the harlot followed him and sat close
up to his body. 570. She began to scatter white and red sandal-wood over
his body, hut the king began to call her “ Mother, mother”, and she replied
“ My heart doth not let me, O king, be called ‘ mother’ by thee.” 571.
The harlot placed the king’s hand upon her heart, but he called her mother,
and asked her to suckle him. 572. Once, twice, and thrice the king
became angered. He even three or four times abused the harlot.

The burden oe his song.

573. “ I tell thee the words of thy heart. TJnholy is such love.

Vainly hast thou lit thy wax candle, and passed a waking night. I am
blessed by Rama ; and Kubuja was not (loved by Krishna) as Radha was.
574. A harlot hath no loveliness within her, her beauty is nought but
copious locks of hair. She is but a gift fit for a barber, like the dhatura*
flower. 575. I see a harlot’s dealings to be like a ferry-boat. Men pay
Icdoris at the landing-stage, and pass over. 576. I see thee, O harlot,
to be like traffic in things of no value. Thy beauty is like that of a dark
well. Low caste had is and doms as well as brahmans, bathe (to wash
off the defilement) after touching thee.” 577. For four watches, the
harlot argued, but still the pious king addressed her as “ Mother.” 578.
Once, twice, and thrice did the harlot become angry, at last she kicked the
pious king off the bedstead. 579. She called for her maid-servant, who
turned the king out with her hand on his neck. 580. The harlot’s dress
was a linen sari bright as fire ; but the king’s became a knotted rope.
581. Unsifted rice and brinjals full of seeds she gave him ; brinjals
full of seeds, and he burned them, and made chutney of them. A
pitiless harlot was she ; she forbade him salt and oil. 582. In the cold
month of Magh, she gave him an old tattered sari, and a goat hut
to live in. 583. Bhangi ropes she gave him, and a hhangi stick, and
two water- jars. Twelve loads of water did he measure out the livelong
day. 584. If one amongst the twelve was not supplied, in payment for
it seven men would beat him. 585. He took hhangi ropes and a hliangi
stick and two vessels of water ; and he went to fill them at the Karatoya
river. 586. One, two, or three loads he filled. - The whole day the
Maharaja was carrying the twelve loads. 587. Seven vile men seized
the king and laid him on his back and then the harlot would put on her feet
golden pattens. 588. Hira, the harlot, after bathing would laugh glee¬
fully, and proudly stand upon the king’s chest. 589. After bathing her
body, she shone with excessive brilliancy, and she took off her wet clothes,
and put on a dry linen sari. 590. The wet clothes she would wring
out over the king’s face. At midday the king would cover his face and

* Fair to look upon, but has no scent.

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnik Chandra. 231

weep. She then would seize him by the neck and thrust him out. 591.
What with to-day and what with to-morrow twelve years passed. 592. He
took bhang i ropes and a bhangi stick and two water-jars, and went to draw
water at the river Karatoya. 593. On the bank of the river, the king
became giddy and fell into the river. “ Alas ! I heard not the words of
Aduna and Paduna, and have lost my life through attending to the voice of
an old mother.”

594. Even as the pious king mentioned the names of the damsels,
the dice fell from their hands in disarray. And lamentably they began to
weep. 595. “ Twelve years have passed and my husband doth not let

his voice be heard, and now the thirteenth year has come. 596. To-day
why have the dice fallen in disorder ? Of a surety my husband is dead
and gone.”

The burden of her song.

597. “ My love, how may I go forth P To-morrow at dawn and in a

lonely place will I tell thee the tale of my woes. He playeth his pipe in
Vrindavana : and my heart saith unto me, let me go and see Krishna.”

598. The two sisters went out to the theatrum of the temple in tears.
And a jay and a parrot from their cage heard them weeping.

The Jay spake.

599. “ 0 parrot, my elder brother, let us see why our mother

weepeth.” 600. They united their strength and burst the bars of their
cage, and through the broken walls they flew away. 601. After resting^
for a moment on the straw of the thatch, they each alighted on the arm of
the damsels. “ Why, why, mother, art thou crying in the theatrum?”
602. Ths damsel said, “ Listen to me, ye two dear birds. Your father
should have returned according to his agreement after twelve years. It is
now the thirteenth year and he hath not come. 603. Why did the dice fall
in disorder from our hands ? Of a surety I believe that your father is dead
and gone.” 604. “ Mother, let us two loose. We will search where our

father is.” 605. “ Speed ye, speed ye, my pretty children, to a far country,
and find out where your father is.” 606. The birds made obeisance at the
feet of their mistress, and flew away in a southern direction. 607. For
seven days the birds flew, but found no trace of the king. 608. On the
banks of the river there were a banyan and a pippal tree, and the birds flew
and rested on a branch of the banyan tree. 609. The birds flew from the
western branch to the eastern branch, and underneath them passed the
king bearing his burden. 610. He descended into the water and cleansed
his teeth, and over his head the birds began to hover.

* Lit, Scratching.

Gt a

232

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra.

The birds spake.

611. “Art tliou the king Gopi Chanclra? We two brothers have
come for news of thee.” 612. He stretched forth his arm, and the two
birds settled down upon it. 613. The eyes of the king flowed with affec¬
tion, as he commenced the tale of his woes. 614. He plucked the leaves
of some wild plants (that grew by), and with his teeth he mended a reed
pen. 615. He cut his left thigh with his little finger, and wrote a letter
with the blood. All his woes he wrote within it. 616. “ If thou art a

good mother, thou wilt rescue me. If thou art a bad mother, thou wilt
leave me in sin.” “ This letter give ye to your grandmother.” 617. The
birds made obeisance to the king and flew off to Mayana’s abode. 618.
They made a hole in the roof and threw in the letter “ See, see, oh Gran-
dam, see if thy head* is in this ? 619. If thou art a good mother thou

wilt rescue him.” 620. She opened the envelope and began to read : and
lamentably the birds began to weep.

The burden of her song.

621. “ My son left me in the morning. I fear that he hath died in

the fierce heat of the sun.” 622. Mayana went into contemplation and
gazed around, and her eyes fell upon the Hadi sitting beneath fourteen
fathoms of water. 623. She brought into play her magic art called
Icliaru'pa (or cutting), and she cut away the Hadi’s seat of contemplation
and himself. 624. He began to float away through the cold sea ; but
Mayana seized him by the hair and pulled him on land. 625. She struck
him a slap forcible as a thunderbolt ; and the Hadi who was still in con¬
templation got up with a start. 626. In his contemplation the Hadi
gazed around, and his eyes fell upon Mayana. 627. “ 0 sister, I am going

to the king. I will first rescue thy son, and then will I eat my gdnja .

Mayana' spake.

628, “ If I find that my son hath learned only a few charms, I will

burn thee, 0 Hadi, to ashes, and send thee to Yama’s house.” 629. The
Hadi started, and arrived at the ghat where the king was sitting. 630.
As soon as the king saw the Hadi’s face, he laid down the two water-jars
and broke them. 631, He divided his hair in the middle and fell at the
feet of the Hadi. 632. Thereupon the Hadi put him into his wallet and
carried him off to the harlot’s house. 633. When he arrived there, he
uttered a loud cry, and the whole city began to quake with a rumbling
noise. 634. The harlot said to her maid-servant “ Daughter, see who it
be. If it be a beggar, send him away.” 635. The maid-servant hastened
to the door and when she saw the Hadi she returned to her mistress. 636.

* i. e., if this concernetk thee.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra.

233

She said unto the harlot, 11 It is not an Atita, but the Hadi the lord of
Lanka.” 637. When the harlot heard this, what did she do ? She went
inside the house and hid herself. 638. The harlot said to herself “ I am
hidden.” But the mighty Hadi saw her by his power of contemplation, and
grasped his staff. 639. “ I tell thee my staff, and pay thou heed unto my

words. Bind Hira, the harlot, and bring her forth.” 610. The staff received
one order as if it were a thousand, and with a roar it entered the harlot’s
house. 641. It thrust the harlot forth, and then the Hadi. took up the
twelve haoris. 642. The harlot brought forth the deed executed twelve
years ago, and he counted into her hands the twelve hdoris. 643. She gave
the deed into his hand, and the Hadi said, “ Bam, Bam,” as he tore it up.
644. The Hadi brought a cauldron of Ganges water, and seven vile men seized
the harlot and threw her on her back. 645. He put on the king’s foot
pattens weighing twenty-two maunds, and stood the king upon the harlot’s
breast. 646. As he swayed upon her in mounting, he crushed the har¬
lot’s thirty- two ribs into small pieces. 647. As soon as the Hadi sprin¬
kled water on the king’s head, saying “ Bam, Bam,” all his sin was put
away from him. 648. After bathing his body, he shone with excessive
brightness, and he took off his wet clothes and put on a dry linen dhuti.

The Ha'di spake.

•

649. “ O prince, pay heed unto my words. For twelve years the

harlot hath done penance in her house. Do thou fulfil to some extent
her desires. 650. Go forth, 0 Hira the harlot, I give to thee a boon.
Become a bat within the kingdom.” 651. The Muni’s word was not
spoken in vain : she became a bat, and flew up to heaven. 652. He caught
hold of the harlot in his left hand, and divided her into two parts. 653.
The forepart flew up to heaven, but he cast the rear-part into the sea.
654. As she fell into the sea she cried “ dohdiT

The HaTu spake.

•

655, “ Go forth, O Hira, thou harlot, I give to thee a boon. Be¬

come a minnow, and dwell within the water. 656. Go forth, go forth,
O Chapai, thou maid- servant, I give to thee a boon. Become a harlot,
and live within the kingdom. 657. In thy youth earn thy living out
of the work of thy caste ; and in thy old age, take a pdik for thy husband.
He will beat thee and kick thee and break thy thirty-two ribs. 658. Go
forth, O wealth of Hira, I give to thee a boon. Come into the town of
Ivholahati, and be a petty bazar of tiles.” 659. He utterly destroyed
I lira’s house, and then took the king away to teach him magic arts.

234

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

The Ha'di spake.

•

660. “ I say unto thee, O king, and take thou heed unto my words.
Go thou into the market and beg for alms. Let us sit together, as guru
and disciple, in the town of Parda.”

Tiie Kino spake.

661. “ I am a king’s son, and have become a Brahmachari. How can
I beg P I know not how to do it.” 662. So the Hadi gave him three or
four directions, and the king took a platter in his hand and went to beg.

The Ha'di spake.

•

663. “ Victory to fate, this is the fruit of my works. I have in my

house a pupil, beautiful in every limb. He will drive the daughters-in-
law and the daughters of the householders mad. 664. He changed him¬
self into Nengadi the Kotival and went about fastening the door bars in
every house. 665. He is bending forward entreating for alms, and they
are setting the dogs at him. He will not get any alms, and will return
to the Hadi.” 666. The king went about begging, but the Hadi cried
out with a loud voice. 667. And from heaven there came down at his
call five damsels, who placed five dishes of food before him. 668. He
ate his own share, and put aside that of the king with care, and in it he
put two and a half times sixteen scores of charms. 669. He mixed it
with spittle and phlegm, and added to it the juice of refined* sugar. Sail
seeds, Jceld seeds and dura seeds he added to the mess. 670. Meanwhile
the pious king went about crying for alms. 671. He bent forward
entreating for alms, and they set dogs at him. He was unsuccessful in his
quest, and returned to the presence of the Hadi.

The Kenh spake.

672. " O guru, the people of thy country I have seen to be pitiless
and stony-hearted. They gave neither alms nor charity, and set the dogs
at me.”

The Ha'di spake.

673. “ Thou hast not obtained alms. It mattereth not, my son.

Accept the leavings of my food. I met a pious woman on the road. 674.
She gave me a little rice. I have eaten my share, and carefully put
some aside for thee.” 675. With tottering steps the king drew near the
food. And when he saw it he struck his forehead with his hand. 676.
A rice which my dogs would turn aside from ; such have I, a king, come to
eat. 677. “ Tudu , Tuduf said the Hadi with a great voice ; and the

king felt an-hungered as if he had fasted for twelve years. 678. He took

* Lit. covered.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

235

his first mouthful with expressions of disgust, hut it came to his taste like
sweet ambrosia. 679. When again he put forth his hand to take a
mouthful, he snatched at it, thrusting aside the Hadi’s hand, and took two
and a half mouthfuls at once. And therefrom he learnt two and a half
times sixteeen scores of charms. 680. By his charms in his meditation
he bound up his top-knot as a woman ties it, and embraced the mother of
Goda Yama. 681. By his charms, in his meditation, he tied up his top-
knot as a man ties it, and lamed Goda Yama himself. 682. The Hadi
uttered the words “ Tudu , Tudu'’’’ with a loud voice and thereupon the
affairs of his home came in the king’s remembrance.

The King- spake.

683. “ Give me leave, O guru, and let me journey forth in the bark

of virtue. Travelling in a chariot of light, would I see my wife and home,
and then return to thee.” 684, He placed his staff in the hands of the
king, who thereupon fell at the feet of the Hadi. 685. The king carried
the stick over his shoulder (although it weighed) eighty maunds ; and
started off for his own home. -686. The mighty Hadi laughed aloud, and
the king left him and started on his journey. 687. He reached his palace,
and cried “ Tuclu , Tudu ” with a roar like a lion. The damsels were asleep
but now awoke. 688. Without being struck, the gongs at the gate
sounded ; and without fire being applied, milk and rice began to boil. 689.
In all the little bazars the lamps began to blaze. The king began to float
in a sea of delight. # 690. A swarm of bees flew up around his head.

The king saw the delights of holy Vrindavana before his eyes. And all
pregnant women gave birth to their offsprings.

The Qtteeh spake.

The btjkpek oe hek song.

691. “ A pilgrim hath come, and standeth in my door. 692.
Where is the maid-servant. I would first eat pan, f and then (would
I enquire) whence the pilgrinl hath come, and dismiss him.” 693. The
maid-servant made ready alms. 694. u Take alms, O reverend pilgrim,

I am the maid of a householder, and would return within the house.”

The King spake.

695. “ I am a pilgrim from the south : I call myself a Brahmachari. I

cannot take alms from the humble hands of a maid- servant. 696. If
a lady give me alms, then this pilgrim’s son can take it.”

f See note to v. 373,

* Lit. coldness.

236

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manila Chandra.

[No. 3,

The maid- servant spake.

G97. “ Wait awhile, O pilgrim, thou who sittest and heggest shame¬

lessly. Long will it he before thou obtainest alms, even though thou criest
for them.” 698. The maid-servant went weeping to the damsel. “ He
is a pilgrim from the south, and calleth himself Brahmachari. 699. He
taketh not alms from the hands of a maid-servant, but saith, 1 Let the
ladies give me alms.’ ” 700. When the two damsels heard this they took

alms and arose. Behold, without a key the door opened of itself. 701.
Aduna and Paduna went out with the alms. “ Take alms, take alms, O
reverend pilgrim. We are the daughters-in-law of a householder, and
would return within the house.”

TnE Kino spake.

702. “ I am a pilgrim from the east. My name is Brahmachari. I

cannot take alms from the hand of a woman. 703. If the umbrella*
that shadeth thy head can give me alms, then can this pilgrim’s son ac¬
cept them.” 704. The ladies pointed out the ring upon his finger. “We
see a woman’s ring upon thy hand. 705. Thou art the umbrella of my
head. Thou art a pilgrim, and I am a pilgrim, pupils of one guru.”

The King spake.

/• •

706. u One evening I stopped at a house, and they gave to a man
thakari haldi dal and aus rice. 707. He ate it greedily, and was
attacked with cholera and died. 708. First one man took something!
off his body, and then another ; and as my share they gave me these two
rings.”

The Queen spake.

709. “ Where is my maid- servant ? First will she eat pan.% Then
shall she cut the rope which ties the elephant. 710. If this be my
husband, he will recognize him. If he he a pilgrim from the south, he will
trample him to death.” 711. She cut the elephant’s rope, and the ele¬
phant came from a distance. 712. While, yet afar off he made obeisance
to the king. And when he approached, he lifted him on to his shoulder with
his trunk. 713. The elephant awaited awhile and stood steady, that the
damsels might approach. 714. The king descended from the back of the
elephant, and the damsels took him by the hand and led him within the
house. Amid laughter and jokes, they began to speak familiarly with him.

* I. e., thy husband.

f So explained to me. It means literally, “ First one gave a blow, and then
another gave the last blow.”

£ See note to v. 373.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man He Chandra.

237

The Qheeh spake.

715. a How hath the Guru taught thee magic arts ? Let us see how
thou wilt approach thy mother.” 716. He changed himself into a golden
bee, and flew to his mother’s palace. 7 17. He appeared in Mayana’ s house,
and, uttering a loud cry, made her spinning-wheel fly up into the air. 718.
But Mayana also was skilled in charms, and with a jump she seized the
spinning-wheel by its head.

Mayaka' spake.

719. “ Come, come my son, the darling of an unhajjpy one.” 720.
The king divided his hair and fell at the feet of his mother. 721. He
sent for Mathu the barber. He began to clear oft his vow,# and the
Brahmans came, and collected materials for sacrifice. 722. The king: be-
gan to perform the celebration of the office of sankirttana and gave away
the contents of seven barns in charity. 723. f He himself crossed the
Vaitarani on the tail of a cow, and his ancestors crossed (the river of life)
into paradise. 724. Mayana bathed herself with five lotas of water, and
laughing returned quickly^ into the house. 725. After cooking a dish
of rice and fifty different curries, she cleaned three (brass plates) with
tamarind juice. 726. Mayana summoned the Hadi with a loud voice, and
he immediately came and stood before her. 277. The first plate she gave
to the Hadi. The second she took herself, and the third she gave to the
king. 728. After washing their hands and mouth, what did they do ?
They uttered the holy name of Krishna, and, beginning their meal, ate one,
two, and five mouthfuls each. 729. After eating and drinking, their hearts
were glad, and they washed their mouths with water from a golden
vessel. 730. Then the Hadi, who came from paradise, placed his feet on
the head of the king, and returned to his own place. 731. They cleaned
the king’s throne ; and Hanuman took the staff and umbrella of royalty, and
marched about ; and the throne-elephant approached dressed in his trap¬
pings. 732. The king clothed himself magnificently, and the elephant
mounted him on his shoulders by his trunk. 733. He took the king to
the throne, accompanied by the music of drums and trumpets ; and bowed
himself down before it, and with his trunk placed him upon the seat. 734.
Then the king immediately fixed the land revenue at one and a half scores
of haoris , (as it had been in old days) and ever since reigned happily within
his kingdom.

* By cutting- Ais nails and hair which he had allowed to grow.

f This is most essentially a “ Balya yugcr kathdT What does it mean?

f Lit. At a hound.

238

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra.

APPENDIX.

The following are the lines referred to in the note to verse 264. I
give them as an example of the very peculiar nature of the dialect. It is
difficult, and requires a very literal translation, which I give.

The word for “ fresh butter” appears in two forms, — qfq and qqfq ;
and it is worth noting how the latter has remained almost unchanged from
the time of the Aitarega BraJimana .#

1 qqiq- qrrc ii

i?T*T q#T qp£ I

Jlfaq jpm; qfW I

qq qK qm fq*q ii

WZf qqq ^feqr qfq*T I

qf%qqr qiif^ qfqq qnfji^r ii

qr^ ii^ fqqrq q?rqT T3T i

qfiaqf qqfq qm ^ ii

fwqm q\fcqT q^ qrfrr qm i

• ♦

Iwqq qfqq fq;qj qm i
^Tqfeq qr^ fq*; qfq qrrq ii

fqr; qfq *HTqT qr<£ <J2 qq l
^Tiq fqnrrc qr-# qm qmqqj ii

O the pipe of S'yam (Krishna). My mind whirls, my eyes continually
run with tears. The mother said “ 0 Yadu, how art thou sleeping on the
deep bed of flowers in the north ?” Hearing the mother’s voice, Yadu sat
up ; he could not open his eyes, and began to rub them. Yadu goes to bathe ;
Yasoda remains in the house, and divides out this rice-milk and fresh
butter.

After finishing his hath, he goes towards the house — his mother gives
him a grand throne to sit upon j being pleased, Yadu eats the milk, and the
fresh butter.

After eating the milk and fresh butter, Yadu’s mind becomes satisfied ;
and he washes his mouth with water in a grand golden pot.

* Ait. Br. i. 3. qqqlqqnqwfm n

f wq = q fqr ii X ^qqq = wmqq ii

1878.]

239

The Lohaniti translated from the Burmese Paraphrase. — By Lieut. R.
C. Temple, B. S. C., Offig. Whig Officer , Ltf GoorJchas.

Introduction.

There is probably no book so universally known to the Burmese as the
Lokaniti, pronounced in Burmese Lawkanidi. It is read in all schools o£
any standing whether they belong to the Government or to enterprising
Hpongyis or Priests. It has been copied into hundreds of palm-leaf MSS
with more or less accuracy according to the learning of the various scribes,
and about five years ago the Roman Catholic Missionaries published it at
Bassein in Burmese and Pali, and soon afterwards the Government itself
published an edition of it in Burmese and Pali in an issue of 10,000 copies.
The book is as its title signifies a collection of Proverbs or Maxims on sub¬
jects of every day life, and as it now stands, is not I think of any great
antiquity. It has a semi-religious character which it bears in common
with many^ Buddhist works of a similar nature, and seems to belong to a
series of books of Proverbs, though of very different dates to it, which are
known respectively to the Burmese as the Dammanidi, Yazanidi, and Law¬
kanidi, i. e ., Books of Proverbs concerning the Law and Religion (“ the
Law” having much the same signification to a Buddhist as it had to the
Jews of the Bible), the King and Common Life. These titles are in Pali
respectively Dhammaniti, Raj anit i and Lokaniti.

I was never able in Burmah to find out much about the history of this
book which is professedly merely a collection of passages from older reli¬
gious works, although I have personally and through the kindness of several
friends made many enquiries from the Burmese Sayas or learned men.
According to one account, it was written originally (date unknown) in
Sanskrit (? Pali) by the Pongna (Brahman) Sannekgyaw (Burmese name)
and paraphrased into Burmese in 1196 Burmese Era (= 1826 A. D.) by
the Hpongyi U Pok of the Maha Oung Mye Bong San Ok Kyoung (the
Great Brickbuilt Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava. This U Pok’s
name as priest was Sek-kan-da-bi, to which the king of Ava added the
titles of Thiri Thaddamma-daza, Maha Damma-yaza Guru, (= Sanskrit,
Sri Saddharmadhaja, Maha Dharmaraja Guru) or the True Teacher of the
Law, the Great High Priest, Master of the Law. Again one of my cor¬
respondents writes that the author was a priest “ with no very extraordina¬
ry knowledge of Pali” who either collected the maxims from old books or
what is more probable collected some of them and added others of his own
composition. This opinion is corroborated by the unequal merit of the
original Pali verses, and by the many grammatical and other errors observa-

H II

240

11. C. Temple — The JLokaniti translated

[No. 3,

ble in them even upon a superficial examination. Lastly in one of the
MSS. in the Bassein District there is a preface partly in Burmese and
partly in Pali, according to the usual custom, which was forwarded to me.
This contains much the same information as the account above given, and
is almost identical with what is given as the last or 165th sloka of the
Government printed edition of the Lawkanidi, a rendering of which will be
found at the end of the following translation of the whole work. From
these sources of information it is difficult to tell whether the book was
compiled or only revised by the Hpongyi Sekkandabi, but I think the latter
is probably the correct assumption.

The Lokaniti is divided into seven khandas or chapters, each contain¬
ing a series of proverbs on the subject of the chapters. These subjects are
(1) the Wise, (2) the Good, (3) the Wicked and Foolish, (4) Friendship,
(5) Women, (6) Kings, (7) Miscellaneous Subjects. In the first of these
chapters, and in fact throughout the whole work, there is a strong religious
element, but they contain at the same time many spicy bits of shrewd
worldly wisdom, while the quaintness of the similes with which the pro¬
verbs abound should I think of themselves attract attention.

In reading the rendering of this book it must be borne in mind that it
is a Buddhist work, and that such words and expressions as “ the truth,”
“ the Law,” “ God,” “ angels,” “ the world to come” and so on, have a
Buddhist and not a Christian signification. However, it bears so strong a
resemblance to our own “ Proverbs of Solomon, the son of David, King of
Israel,” that I thought it advisable to translate it into Biblical language,
deeming that the Buddhist mode of religious thought would be more forci¬
bly brought before English readers by that than by any other mode.

Lastly, when making the following translation in 1875, I had the assis¬
tance of Moung Shwe Tha, a well-known “ Munshi” of Bangoon.

THE BOOK OF THE PROVERBS OF COMMON LIFE.

Glory be to him that is blessed , that is holy , that is the Author of all

Truth*

Chapter I.

1. Making my obeisance to God,f the Law, and the Assembly of the
Perfect, J I have written in one book, called the Book of the Proverbs of

* This is the usual heading of Buddhist hooks. In Pali it runs as follows : “ Na-
mo tassa bhagavato arahato samma Sambuddhassa.”
f Or Buddha or the All Wise.

X Or to the Three Precious Things. The “ Three Precious Things” are (in Pali)
Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha, which are translated by Childers in his Khuddaka
Patha as Buddha, the Law, and the Church.

1878.]

from the Burmese Paraphrase.

211

Common Life, many things from out of many holy books ; which things
I have briefly set forth in the language of the Scriptures.* * * §

2. The Book of Proverbs that speaketh of divers matters is unto man
as an heart ;f as father and mother, as a teacher, as a friend ; therefore he
that knoweth this book is as one that hath seen and heard much and be-
cometh excellent and wise.

3. He that is idle from whence shall he obtain knowledge ? He that
is without knowledge, from whence shall he obtain riches ? He that is
without riches, from whence shall he obtain friends ? He that is without
friends, from whence shall he obtain happiness ? He that is without happi¬
ness, how shall he do well ? He that hath not done well, how shall he at¬
tain unto the perfect state

4. There is no wealth like unto knowledge, for thieves cannot steal it :
in this world knowledge is a friend and leadeth unto happiness in the world
to come. §

5. Think not the wisdom that seeth and heareth a little thing, and
ponder this in thy mind. It is a drop of water that falling often times on
an ant-hill filleth it. ||

6. Think it not a small thing to be learned in thy books or with thy
hands : if thou learn well but one of these only thou canst live.

7. Not every mountain hath precious stones ; not every elephant hath
a charm ;^[ not every forest hath the sandal- wood ; not every place hath a
wise man.**

8. Surely he that is searching after knowledge should go with much
yearning to the place where he heareth the wise man is that is filled with
knowledge.

9. By degrees wisdom is learnt : by degrees riches are gotten : by

* Or Pali Language or Magadhi Language. The Pali language is literally (i the
language of the Scriptures.” The following is from Childers’ account of the Pali
language — “ The true or geographical name of the Pali language is Magadhi,
‘ Magadhese language’, or Magadhabhasa, language of the Magadha people.” The
word pali in Sanskrit means “ line, row, series” and by the South Buddhists is extend¬
ed to mean the series of hooks which form the text of the Buddhist Scriptures.
Thence it comes to mean the text of the Scriptures as opposed to the commentaries,
and at last any text or even portion of a text of either Scriptures or commentaries.
Palibhasa therefore means “ the language of the texts,” which is of course equivalent to
saying “ Magadhi language.” Childers’ Pali Diet. Preface, footnote.

f Or solid thing, or pith, or core, or best part.

J Or the night of perfect rest, or nirvana, or negban.

§ Or life to follow.

|| Or hill of white ants.

H Or charm against danger.

* * Or a wise man of great fame, or a wise man of the Council of the King.

242 R. C. Temple — The LoJccmiti translated [No. 3,

degrees be climbeth that climbeth a mountain : by degrees desire is appeas¬
ed : by degrees anger cometh : by degrees are these five things.

10. The knowledge of seeing and hearing : the knowledge of the sta¬
tutes* : the knowledge of reckoning : the knowledge of carpentry : the
knowledge of the Books of Proverbs : the knowledge of healing by charms :
the knowledge of music : the knowledge of throwing : the knowledge of
shooting with the bow : the knowledge of the ancient writings :f the
knowledge of medicine : the knowledge of jesting : the knowledge of the
stars : J the knowledge of juggling : the knowledge of the Book of Words :§
the knowledge of the arts of messengers : the knowledge of the ways of
speech :|| the knowledge of charms : these are the eighteen kinds of know¬
ledge.

11. In the world if none asketh aught of the wise man he is like a
drum that is not beaten ; if any asketh aught of him then his wisdom
floweth forth as the rain : but the ignorant man whether any asketh aught
or asketh not alway talketh much.

12. In the world the knowledge that is only in the books, or the
riches in the hand of another, when thou hast cause to use them, then the
knowledge that is only in the books thou eanst not call knowledge nor the
riches in the hand of another riches.

13. In the world by the stalk of the water-lily thou shouldest know
the water whether it be deep or shallow : by his deeds and the manner of
his speech thou shouldest know a man whether he be base-born or of high
birth : by his words thou shouldest know a man whether he be' wise or a
fool : by the green herb and the parched thou shouldest know the land
whether it be rich or poor.

14. In the world he that hath a little knowledge thinketh that little
knowledge much and is proud : wherefore is it thus P A young frog that
hath not seen the sea thinketh the well wherein he dwelleth to be a great
water.

15. In the world if a man gather not knowledge in his first age : if
he gather not riches in his second age : if he keep not the law in his third
age : how shall he begin these things in his fourth age ?

16. My beloved children, learn knowledge and wisdom : wherefore are
ye idle P My beloved children, learn knowledge and wisdom every day.
He that hath not knowledge and wisdom becometh the servant of another
and rightly unto him that hath knowledge and wisdom is homage paid in
the world.

17. In the world the mother is an enemy to her children, likewise the
father is an enemy to his children ; wherefore is it so ? In the time of their

* Dammathat. § Or Sanchan.

f Or Puranas. || Or Thadda.

\ Or Vedas. IT Or on the palm-leaves.

1878.]

243

from the Burmese Barciphrase.

youth they make them not to learn knowledge : therefore their place is not
in the midst of the assembly, as the place of the bittern* is not in the
midst of the wild-duck. Because they make them not to learn knowledge
are they called their enemies.

18. Doth any sharpen the thorn that groweth in the valley ? my
son,t it hecometh sharp of itself. My son,f hath any given his keen eyes
to the deer ? my son,+ they are keen of themselves. Doth any give the
sweet smell to the lily that is in the mud ? My son,f the smell is sweet of
itself. Doth any teach his good manners to the child of high birth P My
son,f he must teach them to himself.

19. The betel-nut that is without lime hath an ill-savour : he that
hath not riches hath an ill-savour when he putteth him on ornaments : that
which is eaten without salt hath an ill-savour : he that hath not knowledge
hath an ill-savour when he writeth a book.J

20. He that listeneth and marketh carefully with his might becometh
filled full of knowledge. By learning knowledge increaseth : from the
knowledge that is learnt cometh understanding^ He that hath under¬
standing of that he should know hath happiness ever with him.||

21. In the world both unto the ox and to the man is the appetite and
lust and sleep, but learning is unto the man alone ; wherefore if thou fall
short of learning thou becomest as the ox.

22. In the world there is no friend like knowledge : there is no ene¬
my like disease : there is no lover like unto thyself : there is no strength
like unto fate.

23. In the world the place of the duck is not in the midst of the
crows : neither is the place of the lion in the midst of the oxen ; neither
the place of the horse in the midst of the asses : nor the place of the wise
man in the midst of fools.

24. Surely though the ignorant man sit at the feet of the wise all his
days he knoweth not the law : wherefore is it so ? It is even as the ladle
knoweth not the taste of the pottage.

25. Surely he that is wise if he sit at the feet of the wise even for a
moment, quickly will he know the law : wherefore is it so ? It is even as
the tongue knoweth the taste of the pottage.

26. The strong man goeth not to the battle if he be not armed ; like¬
wise the wise man speaketh not but according to the scriptures ; even as
the merchant that goeth on a journey afar goeth not without companions ;
nor journeyeth any any whither by himself.

27. In the world, if he lose his wealth, if there be sorrow in his mind,

* Or paddy-bird. § Or the meanings are known.

f Or Sir, or my masters. || Or beareth happiness.

X Or sacred verse. Or without companions.

244 34. C. Temple — The Lolcaniti translated [No. 3,

if there be evil in his house, if any deceive him, if any mock him ; the wise
man telleth not of these things.

28. In the world he that knoweth what he should say whatsoever
happeneth ; that knoweth whom he should love ; that knoweth how to be
angry : the same is called a wise man.

29. He that would eat of good things without money ; he that would
fight without strength ; he that would dispute without knowledge : these
are like unto madmen.

80. Going often times unto the house of another, not being called ;
disputing often times with another, not being questioned ; being proud of
his own conceit : these three things are a sign of the mean man.

31. He that is not comely babbleth much : so he that hath a little
wisdom showeth it publicly : so the pot that is not filled with water trou-
bleth the water so the cow that giveth not milk kicketh.

32. The young frog when he sitteth him downf thinketh, Now am I
a lion, but when the crow snatcheth him up he coaxeth him saying, Friend,
friend : likewise the fool that hath no wisdom thinketh himself wise, but
when the wise man asketh him a question, then he speaketh unto him kind¬
ly saying, My lord, my lord.

33. Because the young frog sitteth in the like manner, shalt thou say,
It is a lion P because the pig grunteth in the like manner shalt thou say,
It is a leopard ? because the cat hath the like colour and form shalt thou
say, It is a tiger ? because their form appeareth the same in thine eyes
shalt thou say, All wise men are equal in knowledge ?

34. No ruler is satisfied with his wealth ; so also is no wise man satis¬
fied with the good word : as the eye is not surfeited by looking on the
beloved, nor the sea surfeited with water.

35. It is not right that he fail in wisdom and learning that hath
come to a full age, if he be of them that are noble. It is even as the acacia
flower J that hath no smell.

36. In the world though a man be base-born he becometh a minister
of the king ; though a man be a fool’s son he becometh wise ; though a
man be the son of him that hath no riches his wealth becometh abundant :
therefore be ye not scoffers of men.

37. Whoso learneth much by his yearning after knowledge cannot
interpret that which he hath learnt, as the dumb cannot tell that which he
hath seen in his dreams.

38. The potter striketh not the pot to break it, but that it may be-

* Or troubleth the water by shaking.

f Or sitteth on his haunches as a lion.

X Or agati flower or the beautiful acacia flower.

1878.]

from the Burmese Paraphrase.

come goodly ; so the teacher beateth not the scholar to make him misera¬
ble, but that he may increase in knowledge and wisdom he beateth him.

39. If any bind the flower of the periwinkle tree in the leaf of the
butea tree, then to him it is not the flower of the periwinkle tree only that
hath a sweet smell, for the leaf of the butea tree likewise smelleth sweetly :
therefore it behoveth to follow both the wise man and them that cleave to
him. Here endeth the book concerning them that are wise.

Chapter II.

1. Be ye companions with the righteous and keep ye company with
the upright : the upright man knowing the law of the just becometh excel¬
lent and is not wicked.

2. Forsake the company of the wicked, but cleave unto the righteous
for he is worthy of companionship. Work righteousness day and night,
remembering alway that all things change continually.*

3. The fruit of the water fig tree when it is ripe without is red, but
within it is altogether full of flies : as it is with these so is it with the
heart of the wicked.

4. The fruit of the jacaf tree when it is ripe without seemeth cover¬
ed with thorns, but within it is full of sweetness : as it is with these even
so is it with the heart of the righteous.

5. In the world the sandal- wood though it be deadj loseth not the
sweet smell ; neither loseth the elephant his comeliness in the e}res of men
on the place of battle ; nor the sugar-cane his sweetness in the mill : even
so he that is wise and good forsaketh not the law though he become poor
and wretched.

6. That which is called a lion though he be an-hungered eateth not
of any green thing ; that which is called a lion though he become lean
eateth not of the flesh of the elephant : for being noble he keepeth the law
of the noble. § So he that is born noble though he become poor doeth not
that which is not noble.

7. In the world the sandal- wood || is sweet, and sweeter than the
sandal- wood is the moon ; but sweeter than sandal-wood and moon is the
righteous word of a righteous man.

8. Let not the words of the righteous transgress even for a moment,
saying, Behold ! the sun that hath rays innumerable riseth in the West :
Myinmo^[ boweth his head : or the fires of hell are cold, or the lily flow-
ereth on the mountain-top.

* Or that the state of life changeth continually.

f Or jack-fruit tree.

I Or dried up.

§ Or guardeth his nobility.

|| Or almug tree.

H Or Mount Myin-mo or Mount Meru.

246

It. C. Temple — The Lolcaniti translated

[No. 3,

0. The cool shade of a tree is sweet ; and sweeter than the shadow of
the tree is the shadow of thy family, thy father and thy mother ; and
sweeter than this is the shadow of the learned ; and sweeter yet than this,
is the shadow of the king : hut very much more sweet is the sweetness of
the law, that is called the shadow of the good God.

10. As the humble-bee desireth the flower, so loveth the righteous to
be of good report : as the fly hankereth after all manner of rottenness, so
longeth the wicked man after sin.

11. He that hath a wicked mother speaketh wickedness, and the son
of a wicked father worketh wickedness : but if his father and his mother
be both of them wicked, then both that which he saith and that which he
doth becometh evil.

12. He that hath an excellent mother speaketh righteously, and the
son of a good father worketh righteousness : if his father and his mother
be both of them good then all that he saith and all that he doth becometh
excellent.

13. There is need of the brave man in the place of battle : there is
need of the skilful word in the time of wrath : the friend is wanted in the
time of eating : or if there be any trouble before thee, then there is need of
the wise man.

14. When one dog seeth another he showeth his teeth that he may
oppress him : in the like manner when the wicked man seeth one that is
righteous he vexeth him that he may cause him hurt.

15. In the beginning the foolish man of himself doeth not that which
he hath to do, neither maketh he another man to do it : then doeth it care¬
lessly in haste and sorroweth afterward.

16. In the world he that turneth away wrath is not troubled even
for a little, and God, beside other good men, praiseth him that is grateful.
It behoveth every one to be patient of the angry word, and him that is
thus patient God, beside other good men, praiseth, saying, Behold ! this
man is good.

17. In the world he is miserable that must live in a narrow place full
of uncleanness ; and more miserable than he is he that must live among his
enemies that love him not ; but yet more than he is he miserable that must
live amid the ungrateful.

18. Teach them continually that thou shouldest teach, and keep them
alway from evil-doing. Is not this the good word ? Let him that is in¬
structed love the upright man that instructeth him, but let him not love the
unjust man that is wicked.

19. Honour him that is greater than thou and thou shalt be reward¬
ed : keep thou the brave separate one from the other and thou shalt con¬
quer : make thou a little present to him that is lesser than thou and thou

247

1878.] from the Burmese Bar a phrase.

shalt win him : be thou diligent and thou shalt overcome him that is thine
equal.

20. In the world not every one telleth of the poison, saying, This is
poison ; but of the goods of the priest they tell, saying, Truly this is poi¬
son : for the poison slayeth hut once, but as for the goods of the priest
they kill for ever.

21. By his swiftness is known the goodness of the horse : by the
weight of his burden the goodness of the ox : by the much milk she giveth
the goodness of the cow : and the wisdom of the wise man by the wisdom
of his speech.

22. The riches of the just though they he little are like unto the
water that is in the well, for they are a place of refuge unto all : but the
riches of the unjust though they be great are like unto the waters of the
sea, for in them is no place of refuge neither for them that bathe nor for
them that drink.

23. The rivers drink not of their own water, neither eat the trees of
their own fruit, nor fall the rains in every place : likewise are the riches
of the just man only for an help unto others.

24. Desire ye not that which ye should not desire, neither think
ye that which ye should not think ; but meditate ye carefully on the things
that are,* loving not to make your time profitless.

25. Without endeavour it cometh and with endeavour it cometh not.
Is not this word true ? For the possession of riches cometh neither unto
man nor unto woman according to their endeavour.

26. Whosoever loveth the wicked : whosoever loveth not the righte¬
ous : whosoever loveth only the law of the unjust : by these things shall
he be destroyed. Thus shall it be with him. Here endeth the book con¬
cerning them that are good.

Chapter III.

1. Love not the wicked man greatly : it is as the pot thou bearest
on thy head that is not full of water and maketli a noise.

2. The snake hath an evil temper and likewise hath the wicked man
an evil temper, but the temper of the wicked man is more evil than the
temper of the snake ; for the temper of the snake is quieted by the charm,
hut how shall ye cure the temper of the wicked man ?

3. When the foolish man knoweth his own foolishness, then, though
he be foolish, shall he be called wise ; but when the foolish man thinketh
himself to be wise though he be still foolish, then shall they say of him,
Verily this is a fool.

* Or of nature.

248

B. C. Temple — The Lokantti translated

[No. B,

4. Whatsoever evil the foolish man doeth, it profiteth him not ; and
though he thinketh it to be even as honey, whensoever his evil deed pros-
pereth then doth misery fall upon him.

5. The foolish man when he hath strength in his body becometh
wicked and striveth after the goods of another by force : the foolish man
that hath little wisdom when his body is destroyed goeth down into hell.

6. In the house it is the rat that maketh mischief : in the forest it is
the monkey : among the birds it is the crow, and among men it is the teach¬
er of false doctrines. *

7. The night seemeth long to the wakeful man : the way seemeth
long unto him that journeyeth : likewise his life seemeth long to the foolish
man that knoweth not the righteous law.

8. The man that hath an evil mind seeth the fault of another though
it he only as a sesamum seed : but though his own fault be as a cocoanut,
he seeth it not.

9. If thou wouldest be wise show not thy fault unto another, but
strive to learn his fault. Wherefore should this be so P Hide thy faults
as the turtle draweth in his head and his members, but mark well the faults
of others.

10. When the foolish man praiseth the wise, it is called chiding, but
if the wise man praiseth the wise, then is it called praise indeed.

11. Make a j>resent and thou shalt win the covetous : bow down be¬
fore him and thou shalt win the haughty : follow after himf and thou
shalt win the foolish : speak the truth and thou shalt win the wise. Here
endeth the hook concerning them that are wicked and foolish.

Chaptee IV.

1. If a stranger work for thine advantage then is he as thy brother,
and if thy brother work not for thine advantage then is he as a stranger : so
the sickness that is part of theej is not for thy profit, but the medicine
that cometh from the desert § profiteth thee greatly.

2. He that speaketh slightingly behind thy back, but speaketh kind¬
ly to thy face ; shun thou him as a friend that hath such an heart, as the
bee avoideth the poison that is in the pot.

3. If thy riches decrease thy friends cast thee off; likewise desert
thee thy wife, thy children, and thy brethren ; only will they shelter them
under thy riches : wherefore in the world thy greatest friend is thy wealth.

4. In the world thou canst only know thy servant if he be good or
bad when thou usest him : so only canst thou know thy brethren in the

* Or Pongna or the Brahmin. j Or within thy body,
f Or obey his will. § Or forest.

1878.]

249

from the Burmese Paraphrase.

time of danger : so canst thou know thy friends when thy riches are few :
so canst thou know thy wife when thy wealth is fled.

5. Whosoever increaseth thy prosperity call him thy friend : whoso¬
ever giveth thee food call him thy father and thy brother : whosoever loveth
thee him also call thy friend : and whosoever being happy maketh thee
happy call thy wife.

6. Make not a great friend of thine enemy, neither make close ac¬
quaintance with thy friend, for when they are angry they will discover thy
faults.

7. Whosoever hath once quarrelled with his friend if he wish to be
one with him again, he must pursue him unto death,* as the mare doth
that is with young.

8. So long as thy desire be not fulfilled bear thine enemy on thy
shoulder : but when the time of the fulfilment of thy desire cometh, then
destroy thou him as thou wouldest break the pot thou earnest against the
rock.

9. That which remains of thy debt : that which remains of the fire :
those also that remain of thine enemies often times increase again : there¬
fore leave thou none remaining.

10. Whosoever hath a face as fair as the water-lily : whose speech is
sweet as the sandal-wood, and whose mind is as the poison that slayeth
quickly : put not thy trust in such an one.

11. Trust not the master that is rough : still less put thy trust in
the master that is quick to anger : still less in him that praiseth not : still
less in him that is an oppressor.

12. Keep the thing that is horned fifty cubits from thee : keep the
horse one hundred cubits from thee : keep the elephant that hath tusks
one thousand cubits from thee : keep the bad man from thee altogether.

13. An evil abode ; a wicked husband ; a wicked people ; a wicked
friend ; a wicked wife ; a bad servant : these must be kept afar oft.

14. Whatsoever friend cometh forward when thou art oppressed with
sickness ; when thou art an-hungered ; when thou losest thy wealth ; when
thou art in the hands of thine enemy ; when thou art before the king ;
when thou art in the place of sepulture : only such a friend canst thou call
a friend indeed.

15. Whosoever speaketh fair words hath many friends, but the harsh
man hath but few. Seest thou not here the parable of the sun and the
moon ? Here endeth the book concerning friendship.

* Or the kingdom of death.

250

R. C. Temple — Tlie Lokaniii translated

[No. 3,

Chapter V.

1. The beauty of the black cuckoo is his voice : the beauty of a
woman is her love for her husband : the beauty of the uncomely is their
knowledge, and the beauty of the priest is his long-suffering.

2. The wealth of a woman lieth in her beauty : of a man in his know¬
ledge : of a priest in his well-doing : of a king in the strength of his
armies.

f3. A priest is comely if he be lean, as a four-footed beast is comely
when he is fat : so a man becometh comely when he is wise and a woman
when she hath an husband.

4. Re the harper never so good, if he play not on the harp for five
days only his skill is fled ; be the archer never so skilful if he shoot not
with the bow for seven days his cunning deserteth him : so the honour of
a wife if she be a month separate from her husband is destroyed, and the
disciple is lost if he be but half a month from his master.

5. The buffalo rejoiceth when he is in the mud, and the red duck
when he is in the lake : so the woman rejoiceth when she hath an husband,
and the priest when he doth according to the law.

6. Thou mayest praise the corn* after thou hast eaten of it, so thou
mayest praise thy wife when she is become old : so likewise thou mayest
praise the army when it returneth home after the enemy is conquered, and
thy grain after thou hast stored it in thy barns.

7. The woman that hath been put away from two or three husbands ;
the scholar that hath learned in two or three schools ; and the bird that
hath escaped twice or thrice from the net knoweth well the way thereof.

8. Tame the wicked by beating : tame the bad husband by firm
words : tame the bad wife by keeping away the money from her, and the
greedy man by making him an-hungered.

9. The night that hath no moon is not good to look upon ; nor the
sea that hath no waves ; nor the lake that is without wild-ducks ; nor the
damsel that is without an husband.

10. It is the husband that should bring the riches, and it is the wife
that should keep them. Is not this saying true ? For it is the man that
should be the leader of the womanfi as the needle is of the thread.

11. Every river is crooked : every forest is full of fire-wood : every
woman when she is in a quiet place doeth evil.

12. The woman that is a disputer ; that is envious and a backbiter ;
that is covetous of whatsoever she seeth ; that cooketh much and eateth of
it , that eateth before her husband ; that goeth abroad to other’s houses :

* Or the rice.

f Or he the beginner or the original cause.

251

1878.] from the Burmese Paraphrase .

her husband should put her away though she hath borne him an hundred
children.

13. The woman that delighteth in her husband wdien he eateth and
when he adorneth himself, and as a mother correcteth that which is wrong ;
that is much ashamed as a sister when she seeth that which is not
decent or that which should be hidden ; that is respectful as a slave before
her husband when he hath business ; that obtaineth a companion to consult
in the time of trouble ; that giveth joy in the hour of sleep ; that is clever
to make herself comely ; that is patient in the time of anger : that woman
he that is wise calleth excellent, and when she is dead she is counted
among the angels. #

14. The maiden whose flesh is as the colour of gold ; that hath eyes
black as the hart’s ; whose waist is small and whose loins are broad ; whose
leg tapereth as an elephant’s trunk ; whose hair untied curleth at the tips ;
whose teeth are level ; that hath a deep navel ; that is pleasing in her car-
riagef : thou shouldest wed such an one even if she be of low birth.

15. The eighth month J is the most excellent among the seasons ; so
the most beautiful is the best among women ; even so the eldest is the most
excellent among sons and the North among the four quarters.

16. The woman that in each life § desireth steadfastly to become a
man must bear herself towards her husband respectfully, even as the wife
of the chief of the Spirits || beareth herself respectfully to him.

17. Whatsoever man in each life^f desireth steadfastly to become a
man goeth not near the wife of another, as he that would wash his feet
shunneth the mud.

18. If he that hath become old take to wife a young girl, whose
breasts are small as the fruit of the fig-tree, not being able to deal with her
according to her desire, then she doeth him an injury. ## Believe her not if
she saith she knoweth her old husband only : wherefore being wedded to a
young wife he shall come to ruin by reason of her. Here endeth the book
concerning women.

* Or goeth to the country of the spirits or of the Nats.

f Or habits.

X Or November.

§ Or in each state of life.

|1 Or Nats.

If Or in each state of life.

** Or speaketh evil of him behind his back.

252

Ti. C. Temple — The Lolcaniti translated

[No. 3,

Chapter YI.

1. A king sleepeth but one watch of the night : a wise man sleepeth
but two : but he that is wedded sleepeth for three and the beggar sleepeth
all night.*

2. In whatsoever place there is none that is rich ; no wise man that
seeth and heareth much ; no king ; no river ; and likewise none to heal :
in the place where are not these five remain not even for a day.

3. In whatsoever place there is none to love, none to desire, none that
is friendly, none to teach wisdom and learning : remain not in that place
even for a day.

4. In the world the house is desolate wherein are no children and the
kingdom desolate that hath no king : so the mouth of him that hath no
wisdom is dumb f and all is desolation to him that is poor.

5. In the world he that would be rich becometh a trader : he that
would be learned serveth him that is wise : he that would have sons mar-
rieth a young wife : and he that would be a ruler doeth the desire of the
king.

6. The priest that is not content cometh to ruin, as a lord of the
world, if he be satisfied, cometh to destruction : so an harlot is ruined if
she become modest, or she that is pure if she lose her modesty.

7. The strength of a bird is as the heavens : the strength of a fish is
as the sea : even as the strength of a king is as a weak man and the strength
of a child is a cry.

8. Long-suffering, wakefulness, industry, almsgiving, mercy, pru¬
dence : these six things are the glory of kings, of rulers, and of parents.
This is the glory they desire that are good.

9. In the world kings command hut once ; priests and teachers};
speak but once ; prophets § teach but once : and after their manner doeth ||
the good man that is worthy to be loved.

10. In the world the idle man is evil if he be married, so is the priest
evil if he keep no guard over his body or his mouth or his heart : likewise
is the king evil that doeth aught without thinking of it, and the wise man
that is wrathful if his wrath escape him.

11. In whatsoever place there are many great men^f each desiring to
be called a wise man and longing to be the chief of all : the work of those
men cometh to nought.

* Or for four watches.

f Or quiet or desolate.

t Or Brahmans or Pongnas.

§ Or saints or gods and the holy.

|| Or folio weth their teaching or doeth the law of their meaning.

U Or chiefs.

1878.] from the Burmese Paraphrase. 253

12. Every king should of himself know his revenues whether they
be less or more, and his provisions if they be enough or not : of himself he
should know his servants if they do not their business ; that he that is
worthy of disgrace may be disgraced, and he that is worthy of greatness may
be made greater.

13. In the world turn thy back toward the sun and thy belly to
the fire, pay respect with thy whole body to the great man,* * * § and by wis¬
dom find a way to the world to come.fi

14. In the world touch neither fire, nor water, nor a woman, nor a
fool, nor a snake, nor a prince, but pass them by or instantly they will take
away thy life.

15. In the world if any hath a bad wife, hath rude servants and evil-
minded, hath a snake in his house : verily he shall die.

16. In the world by teaching wisdom to him that is very foolish, by
living with a very wicked wife, by keeping company with the unjust shalt
thou become less even though thou art a wise man.

17. In the world if the son do an evil deed thou sayest, His mother
doeth it : likewise if the disciple work evil thou sayest, The master cloeth
it : so if the people do wrong thou shalt say, It is the king that hath
done this ; and if the king himself do evil then shalt thou say, This is the
work of the High Priest.fi

18. By his kindness § a king should conquer him that is wrathful and
proud, and him that is dishonest by his honesty : even as he overcometh the
sour man by a present and by his truthfulness the liar.

19. In the world the rude man is tamed by a gift and by a gift
cometh every good thing ; for he that bringeth gifts and fair words gaineth
respect from another because he payeth it.

20. Gifts and offerings bring | [ love in the world, as a sour mind
bringeth^" hate : so also gifts and offerings bring || many followers even as
a sour mind bringeth^f loneliness.

21. In the world thou canst conquer the enemy thou desirest to con¬
quer, if he use not his advantage when it is great, for then thou becomest
his equal : it is as thou makest a rope of grass and with it bindest an ele¬
phant.

22. A king that hath his fill of armies, if he be not able to conquer

* Or lord or master.

f Or otter respectfully thy back to the sun, thy belly to the fire, thy whole body
to the great man, and thy wisdom to the world to come.

fi Or the Parohit or Chief Brahman.

§ Or without anger.

|| Or are the medicine or charm for.

U Or is the medicine or charm for.

254 R. C. Temple — The LoJcaniti translated [No. 3,

bis enemies, what profiteth him his power ? It is as a fire, that is kindled
in a place where is no wind, that burneth not.

23. None gratifieth his lust as a king, so none taketh either his form,
or his speech, or his ornaments,* * * § or his clothing or his jewels or anything
that is his.

24. The king is not my kinsmanf ; the king is not my wife’s bro¬
ther J ; the king is my master§ : keep these alway in thy mind.

25. When thou waitest on the king stand not afar off ; neither ap¬
proach very close ; nor go between him and the wind ; nor keep in front of
him ; nor look from a place lower than he, nor yet from one that is higher :
these six things thou shalt not do : keep thyself from these as thou guard-
est thyself from fire.

26. Be thy glory as the glory of the God that knoweth all things, if
thou obtain not the favour of the king, || it hecometh thee not : for it be¬
ll oveth the ruby that is of great price to be set in gold.^[ Here endeth the
hook concerning kings.

Chapter YII.

1. How shall the priest do his duty that keepeth close acquaintance
with a woman ? or how shall he have a tender heart that eateth much of
flesh ? How shall he speak true words that drinketh strong drink p or he
know shame that hath strong desire ? How shall he obtain knowledge
that is very idle ? or he gather riches that grovelleth ?

2. He that is a drunkard ; that goeth abroad at wrong times ; that
goeth often times unto feasts ; that is a gambler ; that hath evil friends ;
that is an idler : he that doth these things cometh to destruction by reason
of them.

3. In the day time speak not without looking first, and in the night
time without asking first, hut hear thyself as the hunter that is fearful of
danger and looketh to and fro in the forest.

4. The prophet** Byasa saith of five kinds of men that they are dead
while yet alive : these are they that are poor, that are sick, that are igno¬
rant, that are debtors, that are about the king.

* Or his flowers and sweet smelling- things.

f Or spouse.

I Or sister’s husband.

§ Or lord.

|| Or the refuge that is called the king.

IT Or the ruby of great price if it be set in gold hecometh goodly.

** Or teacher.

1878.]

from the Burmese Paraphrase.

255

5. It is the wisdom* * * § of the wise man that he seeth danger ere yet
it cometh and avoideth it from afar, neither is he afraid when he seeth that
it hath already fallen on him.

6. In the world he that sleepeth over much, that is forgetful, that
taketli his ease, that hath much sickness, that is lazy, that is strong in his
lusts, f that is eager for whatsoever is new : these seven know not the
Scriptures. J

7. Go to the poor, thou gift : for he that hath many gifts is surfei¬
ted. Go unto the valley, thou Angel of the Rain ; for the sea is surfeited
with water. Such is not the law, but the deed is thine own.§

8. In the world when any hath finished that he hath to do he regard-
eth it no more|| : therefore when thou hast aught to do, leave undone a
remainder thereof.

9. In the world cotton is light, hut lighter^” is he that is wanton, and
lighter still is he that hearkeneth not unto his parents and his teachers,
and lighter yet than all is he that heedeth not the word of the excellent
God.

10. In the world the sunshade* * * * §§ that is of stone is of worth, ff and of
greater worth JJ is it to hearken to the Angels, and greater still is the
worthy £ of the instructions of thy teachers and parents, but the word of
the excellent God is the most worthy §§ of all.

11. In the world thy right hand is called the slave of the body and
his little finger the slave of the ear and the nose and the eyes, but the left
hand is called the slave of the feet.

12. The angel || || Kuwera dwelleth in the midst of the betel-leaf : at
the bottom thereof there dwelleth a spirit^' and at the top thereof there
dwelleth a devil.*** Wherefore when thou eatest of it, cut oft the top and
the bottom thereof, and thou shalt he of good repute.

13. An angel of high degreefft guardeth the tablets ; an angel of

* Or nature.

f Or hatli great desires.

1 Or the books.

§ Or this is not the law of nature, but the deed is the original cause.

|| Or careth no more for it.

U Or more worthless.

** Or htie or umbrella.

ft Or heavy.

If Or heavier.

§§ Or heaviest.

|| || Or nat or spirit.

HU Or belu or sprite or yakkha.

*** Or he that is evil.

fft Or a Brahma.

e; k

256

[No. 3,

R. C. Temple — The Lolcciniti translated

lesser degree* guardeth the bindingsf thereof ; therefore it behoveth him
that learneth knowledge to propitiate the angels both of the higher and
lower degree,! for they love him that doth this.

14. According as the ox cherisheth man and bringeth him wealth, so
let him love him as a parent and respect him.

15. Whosoever eateth of the flesh of the ox the same is called the
devourer of his own mother’s flesh : if an ox die it is meet that he be given
to the birds of the air§ or unto the waters. ||

16. He that learneth on the fifth day of the week will be complete
in knowledge : he that learneth on the first or sixth day will leave undone
a part thereof : lie that learneth on the second or fourth day will obtain
none of it^[ : and he that learneth on the third or last day of the week will
die.

17. There is that sayeth that he that learneth knowledge on the
eighth day of the waxing or the waning moon killeth the teacher, and that
he that teacheth knowledge on the fourteenth day of the waxing or the
waning moon killeth the scholar : also there is that sayeth that if know¬
ledge be taught on the tenth day of the waxing or the waning moon it
will be destroyed, and that if it be taught to any at the full moon his pa¬
rents will be slain.

18. In the world he that learneth knowledge eateth not of the cocoa-
nut on the seventh day of the waxing and the waning moon : on the
ninth day also he eateth not of the gourd, neither of the kenbeng on the
twelfth day, nor on the third day of the divers kinds of curries : if he eat
of these his knowledge will be lost.

19. In the world a man is renounced for the profit of his family : a
family for the profit of the village : a village for the profit of the city :
and the whole world for the profit of a man.**

20. In the world the lion, the good man and the elephant, these leave
the place that is not for their advantage and go their way ; but the crow,
the bad man, and the deer, these come to destruction in the place where
they find delight.

21. In whatsoever place there is none to love and none to desire,
there is no friend and none to teach : tarry thou not there.

22. The wise man goeth to the new place with a watchful mind as
one that goeth forward, and remaineth in the old place with a constant

* Or a Pisana.

t Or lag.

I Or both the Brahmas and the Pisanas.

\ Or the Vultures.

|| Or that he float on the water.

If Or be of a calm mind.

** Or self.

1878.]

from the Burmese Paraphrase.

257

mind as one that standeth still : wherefore leave not quickly the old place
without trying the new.

23. A woman when she eateth eateth twice as much as a man, but
her wisdom is four times greater than his, and her lust eight times greater.

24. In the world the taste of the sugarcane becometh sweeter accord¬
ing as the joint is further from the top ; so the excellent man that is a
good husband becometh sweeter from the beginning even unto the end, as
doth the sugarcane : likewise also the evil friend by degrees loseth his
sweetness, as doth the sugarcane when thou eatest thereof from the bottom
to the top.

25. If the country he filled full of husbandmen and of merchants and
of noblemen and of priests of good repute, then shall the borders be increased.

26. The wisdom of him that prayeth not fadeth away, as the house
of him that is idle becometh foul : even so also is idleness as rust to him
that is beautiful, and sloth as dirt to the sober priest.

27. In the world the riches of them that do little labour become the
riches of them that work much. They that are come to a low estate teach,
saying, Our fortune is the reason thereof : but they that are wise teach not
so, saying, It is because they do not their work with all their might. If
the work be not finished, and he profiteth not according to his desire ; Is
the fault with it P Nay, the fault lieth not with it.

28. Whosoever is of low estate, neither can work with his lips nor
with his hands, whose form is not fair, who lacketh strength : though he
be blamed by reason of these, yet is this age a lesser age and maketh his
wealth only to be of any worth. Here endeth the book concerning divers
matters.

29. The book concerning the wise ; the book concerning the good ;
the book concerning the evil ; the book concerning friends ; the book con¬
cerning women ; the book concerning kings ; the book concerning divers
matters. He who put in order these seven books is called Chakkindabi the
true teacher of the law,# the great High Priest, Master of the Law,f that
dwelleth in the building that is built of brick J in the Sacred Ground. § He
made clear the interpretation of the writings of the Book of the Proverbs
of Common Life in the second fifth-month || on the first day of the week^f
and the seventh of the waning moon, in the eleven hundred and ninety-
sixth year.

* Or Saddhamma Dhaja.

f Or Mafia Dfiammaraja Guru.

J Or in tfie Ok Kyoung.

§ Or Mafia Oung mye fiongtsan.

|| Or intercalary montfi.

IT Or Sunday.

-

. .

■

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. IV.— 1878.

The Bangash JSTawabs of Farr ukhdb del — A Chronicle , (1713 — 1857). —Bg
William Irvine, C. S., Fatehgarh, N. W. B. — Part I.

From the time of Farruklisiyar’s accession in 1713, the imposing
fabric of the Mughul Empire began to fall asunder. In the hands of weak
and dissolute princes, surrounded by self-seeking and incompetent courtiers,
the central power rapidly withered and decayed. As control relaxed, the
provincial governors usurped more and more, in fact if not in name, the
attributes of sovereignty, and transmitted their authority to their heirs
with little more than the nominal concurrence of the faineant descendants
of Babar and Akbar. To this period of disintegration can be traced the
origin of nearly all the great Muhammadan principalities which the English
found, when they first intervened in Indian politics. From ’Ali Ward!
Khan, a subahdar who died in 1741, descend the Nawab-Nazims of Bengal ;
the Nizam of Haidarabad represents the family founded by Nizam-ul Mulk,
Asaf Jah, Subahdar of the Dakhin from 1713 to 1748 ; the kings of Audh
sprang from Sa’dat Khan, Burhan-ul Mulk, appointed Subahdar of Audh
in 1713; the Bohelas achieved their independence in the early part of
Muhammad Shah’s reign ; and the Jats of Bharfcpur first rose into impor¬
tance at the time when Churaman became the ally of ’Abdullah Khan,
Kutb-ul Mulk, the rebellious Wazir of Muhammad Shah. The Bangash
house, which founded Farrukhabad and acquired a considerable territory in
the middle Duab, arose at the same time and in the same way as its more
famous rivals ; and although in the end it fell upon evil days, there was
a time when its prospects of future greatness were little, if at all, inferior to
L L

[No. 4,

2 GO W. Ir vine — The JBanyash Nawabs of Farrukhabad.

those of its competitors. At the death of Muhammad Khan in 1743, no
one would have foretold that his successors would so soon be distanced in
the race for power. The rashness of one successor and the weak unam¬
bitious nature of another, aided by the exposed position of their country,
placed in the highway of all hostile forces from east or west or south, soon
reduced Farrukhabad to comparative insignificance. Still, it is impossible
to deny that the Bangash Nawabs have received but scant justice at the
band of the geheral historian. Nowhere has their history been told in any
connected form, and many of the events in which they played a prominent
part have been pa'ssed over or incorrectly narrated. To remedy, so far as
possible, this defect, is the object of this paper. It is, I believe, the first
attempt in English to tell, from the local point of view, the story of the
Nawabs of Farrukhabad.

Account of the sources from which this history is derived.

Since many of the books I have used are MSS. not known beyond the
limits of the district, it is desirable to begin with some account of them
and their authors.

The oldest and most valuable of these is a collection of letters from
and to Muhammad Khan, Ghazanfar Jang, made in 1159 H. (Jan. 1746 —
Jan. 1747) by Munshi Sahib Itae under the name of Khujistah Kalam ,
which denotes the date. There are 206 letters from, and 89 to Muhammad
Khan. His correspondents included all the great men of that time, but
letters are most numerous to the Emperor, to the Wazir Kamr-ud-din Khan,
to Nizam-ul Mulk, to Khan Daurati Khan, Amir-ul Uinra, and to Koslian-
ud-daula. The letters belong mostly to the period from 1140 H. to 1156
FI. The MS. measures 10 in. x 6| in. and contains 251 leaves of
fifteen lines to a page, but there are two or three leaves wanting at the
end. The book, which was obtained from the heir of Sahib Iiae’s great-
grandson Bhawani Parshad, lay in a heap of other papers, which had been
reduced to dust by damp and insects, in a long-disused room. No other
copy appears to be in existence.

The family history of Sahib Itae, so far it can be pieced together from
the fragments left at the end of his book, is as follows : His grandfather,
Manohar Das, filled the office of peshkar of Bahat, Sahind and Antri with
other districts of Sarkar Gwaliar. He lived in Gwaliar where he had a
masonry house. After his death, his son Dwarka Das went to Shahjahan-
abad in search of employment, and lived in the Paharganj ward. Through
his friend Lala Gaj Singh, peshkar of the Khdlsa Shanfa, he was ap¬
pointed to some office. He left two sons Dal Chand and Sahib liae. The
former was letter-copier and keeper of private accounts to Nawab Sa’dat
Khan. Sahib Fiae was educated by his brother, and in the time of Far-

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JVawabs of Farrukhabad.

2GI

rukhsiyar (1713 — 1718) entered the service o£ Nawab Muhammad Khan as
Munshi or Secretary. The period of his death is not known. His grand¬
son, Dalpat Bae, held the same office and played a prominent part in the time
of Nawab Muzaifar Jang (1771 — 1796) and Nasir Jang (1798 — 1813).

The next in order of time and perhaps of value, is a work by Sayyad
Hisam-ud-din Shah Gwaliari. His grandfather, Abu’l Hasan, was sister’s
son and son-in-law to the saint Muhammad Ghaus Gwaliari. Hisam-
ud-din came to Farrukhabad in Muhammad Khan’s time (before 1743) and
served as a yalcka or adventurer riding his own horse. He was present at
the siege of Allahabad (Oct. 1750 to April 1751), the siege of Fathgarh
(April-May 1751), and the campaign in Bohilkhand (Oct. 1751. — April
1752). He became a Fakir and died in 1210 H. (July 1795 — July 1796).

His book is of little value till he comes to the battle of November
1748, in which Kaim Khan lost his life. From that time till the death of
Ahmad Khan in 1771 the narrative is full and interesting. The style is
clear and graphic with little attempt at literary effect, and I think he fully
deserves Mufti Wali-ullah’s praise of trustworthiness. The MS. was
lent to me by Mir Fazl ’Ali from the Madrctsa library of Mufti Wali-
ullah. It measures 7% in. x 5 in. and has 393 pages of 11 lines to the
page. It is divided into the following headings — Muhammad Khan and
Kaim Jang, pp. 4-54 — Imam Khan succeeds, fine to Emperor paid, Imam
Khan imprisoned, Bibi Sahiba escapes ; pp. 54-89 — Ahmad Khan, death
of Naval Bae, defeat of Wazir, siege of Allahabad, pp. 89-150 — Bet urn
of the Wazir, Ahmad Khan goes to Bohilkhand, pp. 150-226 — Ahmad
Khan retreats under the Hills and gets aid from the Bajah of Almora, pp.
226-249 — The Wazir with the Mahrattas arrives and besieges Ahmad
Khan, pp. 249-264 — Interview between Ahmad Khan and the Bajah, the
Wazir makes peace and takes the Nawab’s son with him towards Lakhnau,
pp. 264-313 — Ahmad Khan and his chiefs, with the Bohelas, march from
the entrenchment, Ahmad Khan comes to Farrukhabad, pp. 313-340 — •
Marriage of Muzaffar Jang, pp. 340-353 — The Wazir brings the Emperor
(Shah ’Alam) to attack Ahmad Khan, pp. 353-393.

The next in order of date is Mufti Wali-ullah’s Tarikh-i- Farrukha¬
bad written about 1245 H. (July 1829 — June 1830). Sayyad Wali-ullah,
son of S. Ahmad ’Ali (who died 1187 H.=1773 A. D. aged 51), was born at
Sandi, Sirkar Khairabad, on the 14tli Shawwal 1165 H. (26th August, 1752).
The family had been settled for ten generations at Saudi, about twenty-
six miles south-east of Farrukhabad, on the other side of the Ganges.
Before that, ten generations had lived at Daipur, just east of Kanauj and
close to the Ganges. The founder of the colony there is said to have come
from Labor.

When he was nine years of age, Wali-ullah came with his father to

2G2 W. Irvine — The T>angash Nawdibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 4,

Farrukhabad. He studied at Farrukhabad, Kanauj and Bareli, finishing
under ’Abd-ul Basit Kanauj i. In 1189 H. (March 1775 — Feb. 1776) >
while on bis way to Mecca, he visited the town of Rahmatabad in the
eastern part of the Dakhin, where he was initiated into the Nakshbandi and
Kadiriya tenets by Khwaja Rahmat-ullah. In 1190 Id. (Feb. 1776 — Feb.
1777) he spent six months at the holy places. Returning to India he at
length in 119G H. (Dec. 1781 — Dec. 1782) settled at Farrukhabad. From
his savings he bought several houses, and joining them together he estab¬
lished a madrassa and named it Fakhr-ul Maraba o Faba’-ul JMufakhir ,
which gives the date 1224 H. (Feb. 1809 — Feb. 1810). His library is
still kept there, but there are no scholars and nothing is taught. On the
29th August, 1805, he was appointed Mufti, which office he held till the
13th October, 1828, when he was succeeded by his relation, Mufti
Wilayat-ullah. Wali-ullah died on the 5th Jamadi II, 1249 (18th Nov.,
1833). The following tdrikhs give the }Tear of his death. The first is_by
Bahadur ’Ali Say y ad.

I. Ganj -i-md* ni ba-raft zer zamin.

II. JDafan kardand ganj-i-ilm ba-khdk.

One of the copies of his history lent me by Mir Fazl ’Ali measures 10
in. X in., and has 370 pages, the number of lines to a page varies. The
book is divided into two parts. Part I, History of Farrukhabad and the
Bangash family (160 pp.) containing an introduction and six books, the
first book comprising five chapters. Part II : divided into five books, a)
Famous personages ; (2), Shekhs, Sayyads, and Fakirs ; (3), Learned men ;
(4), Poets, and (5) an account of the author. In the historical part there is
little or no detail, much being taken from the Siyar-ul Mutakharin and
similar works, though some facts are added from personal knowledge or
enquiry. The most valuable part is, that giving the traditional origin of
the Bangash Pathans. About two-thirds of the work is taken u]3 with
biographies of obscure Muhammadan worthies who lived in, or had visited
Farrukhabad.*

The Lauh-i-Tdrikh is an Urdu work which in its present shape was
composed in 1255 H. (March 1839 — March 1840). Mir Bahadur ’Ali’s
copy, lent me by his nephew Salamat ’Ali of Chibramau, measures 9f in.
X 6 in., and has 554 pages, with 16 to 18 lines to the jmge. It is written in
an easy popular style, and though defective in chronology and arrangement,
it preserves a mass of interesting tradition whieh would otherwise have
perished.

The origin of the book is thus described: In 1248 H. (May 1832 _ May

1833) Manavvar ’Ali Khan Bakhshi, great-grandson of Muhammad Khan’s
daughter, Daulat Khatun, began to prepare an account of Farrukhabad and

* He was the author of several other works.

263

1878.] W. Irvine — The Tang ash Nawahs of Farrukh abaci,

its rulers from the work of Mufti Wali-ullah and other books, such as the
Khulasah-i- Bang ash, but more especially from the recollections of an old
man, Allahdad Khan, son of Mukim Khan chela. Two copies of this
work were given away, one to Nawab Dilawar Jang, son of Nawab Husain
’Ali Khan, and the other to Dharm Das, Kayath Kharowah. Neither of
these copies can be found now, although search has been made.

Manavvar ’Ali Khan says, that as he had neither practice in the Urdu
language nor the habit of literary composition, he made his book over to
Mir Bahadur ’Ali to be put into shape. Bahadur ’Ali returned it corrected
in 1255 H. (March 1839 — March 1810) with additions from his own know¬
ledge. To the amended work were given the titles of Anwin-i Khandan-
i-Bangash or Lauh-i-Tarikh. A poetical tarikh, giving the year 1255
H., is as follows :

“ Kya bani hai, miyan , yih khub kitdb .”

The book is divided into eight parts, besides the introduction. I. Nawab
Muhammad Khan, Ghazanfar Jang. II. N. Kaim Khan. III. N. Ahmad
Khan, Ghalib Jang. IV. N. Daler Himmat Khan, Muzaffar Jang. V. N.
Imdad Husain Khan, Nasir Jang. YI. N. Khadim Husain Klian, Shaukat
Jang. VII. N. Taj ammul Husain Khan, Zafar Jang. VIII. Chap. 1, Bio¬
graphy of Manavvar ’Ali Khan ; Chap. 2, Biography of Mir Bahadur ’Ali.

Manavvar ’Ali Khan, born in 1799, was the son of Sarfaraz ’Ali Khan,
Ustarzai Karlani Pathan. His great-grandfather, Khudadad Khan, had
married Daulat Khatun, the ninth daughter of Nawab Muhammad Khan,
Ghazanfar Jang. On his grandmother’s death in 1809, his father gave up
all her jagirs, but Manavvar ’Ali Khan in 1839 still received 200 rupees a
year from Sarfaraz Mahal, widow of Nasir Jang, to whom the property had
been assigned. Manavvar ’Ali Khan died on the 13th Sha’ban 1280, H.
(21th August, 1863).

Mir Bahadur ’Ali was a Sayyad of Chibramau, a small town on the
Grand Trunk Road, about eighteen miles from Farrukhabad. He claims
to be descended from the eldest son of Zain-ul ’Abidain, who left Madina
and settled in Turmaz. Some of his descendants were long settled near
Lahor, but gradually moving eastwards they reached, some five hundred
years ago, the town of Chibramau, Sirkar Kanauj, Siibah Akbarabad. It
is said that once seventy to eighty families existed, occupying three muhal-
las, but for the last two or three hundred years these have disappeared.
Now-a-days there is only one small muhalla, with five or seven families of
Sayyads. During the Mughul rule the male members of these families
sought employment at Delhi as Kazis, Muftis, religious officers, Diwans,
writers or revenue-collectors. The absence of a genealogical table is apolo¬
gized for by Bahadur ’AlHn'his biography. Owing to the unsettled times
and the occurrence of several Mahratta incursions and village raids (Gan-

261

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchdbdd. [No. 4,

war Gardi) the records of his ancestors had been destroyed. From signa¬
tures in books in his possession, he traces his family for six generations.
His father and grandfather used to say the Chibramau Sayyads were among
the descendants of Sayyad Kama!, who came down country from Labor.
One of his sons S. ’Ali Amjad settled in Chibramau, the others went to
Samdhan, Parganah Talgram, to a village near Kanauj, to the town of
Talgram, to Sandi, to Marahra and to Sakatpur. Bahadur ’Ali’s ancestors,
some openly and some secretly, were all Shi’as in religion.

Bahadur ’Ali’s grandfather, Ghulam Husain, was born, he asserts, in 1101
H. (Oct. 1689 — Sept. 1690) and he died in 1226 H. (Jan. 1811 — Jan. 1812).
He had only two sons, Chiragh ’Ali and Hashmat ’Ali (b. 1182, May 1768 —
May 1769, d. 1231 H. Dec. 1815 — Nov. 1816). The grandfather was at one
time in the service of Najib Khan and Shuja’-ud-daula, from the former re¬
ceiving Rs. 125 and from the latter Its. 100 a month. For forty years he
was in the service of Nawab Daim Khan, chela of Nawab Ahmad Khan, first
as a trooper on Its. 80, then as a physician on Its. 50, then as a pensioner on
Its. 20 a month. At last he was made teacher, on Its. 10 a month, to the
Nawab’ s sons and wife. Till near the end of his life, he lived at the gate¬
way of Daim Khan’s house in Farrukhabad. Five or six years before his
death, when he became very feeble, his son and grandson persuaded him to
remove to Chibramau, where he died on the 27th Ramzan, 1226 H. on the
day of the Divali festival. Bahadur ’Ali believed his grandfather could per¬
form miracles, and relates a story of his appearing in a dream to a sick man,
and telling him to gather grass from his tomb, which when ground was to
be applied to the chest. An instantaneous cure was the result.

Bahadur ’Ali’s father, Chiragh ’Ali, was born in 1157 H. (Feb. 1744 —
Jan. 1745). When twenty-five years of age he became blind. He retain¬
ed, however, his bodily strength, and was endowed with great quickness of
understanding and power of repartee. His touch was so fine, that he could
tell the wrong from the right side of a rupee. He possessed a great talent
for planning buildings ; and he also practised physic, as he had learnt it
from his father, Ghulam Husain. His memory was wonderfully good, and
he remembered the details of every body’s family history in all the country
round Chibramau. He died on the 4th Ramzan, 1247 H. (6th Feb.
1832) Bahadur ’Ali’s mother’s people lived at Bhonganw, a town on the
Grand Trunk Road in the Mainpuri district, about 22 miles west of Chibra¬
mau. She was the second daughter of Shekh Khalil-ur-rahman Khatib,
son of Shekh Khair-ullah Khatib,

Bahadur ’Ali was born on the 20th Shawwal 1195 H. (9th Oct. 1781).
In 1201 H. (Oct. 1786 — Oct. 1787), his grandfather brought him to Far¬
rukhabad to live at the gateway of Nawab Daim Khan chela. He was
taught there for six years. He read through the usual Persian books and

2G5

1878.] W. Irvine — The JBangash JVawdbs of Farrukhabad.

wrote daily some composition for his teacher’s correction. Mir Makhu
Fakir was engaged to teach him writing. A few books on grammar and
physic were read and the whole word of God ; to this was added some
arithmetic. It was also his habit to visit the holy and religions men of
that time, whom he names. Once Hafiz Ghulam Muhammad condescended
to go over a chapter of the Kuran with him.

When Bahadur ’Ali had completed his twelfth year, his uncle Hashmat
’Ali came home from Lakhnau. He had lived in that city for fifteen years
as a teacher in the family of Lala Lachman Singh and Lala Budh Singh,
Sarsut Brahmans, employed in the service of Rajah Tikait Rae, Naib. In
1207 H. (Aug. 1792 — Aug. 1793) Hashmat ’Ali, taking Bahadur ’Ali with
him, returned to Lakhnau. The boy was made over to Mir Sajid ’Ali, a
great friend of his uncle’s, who followed the profession of a teacher. After a
year had passed, Bahadur ’Ali was sent to read grammar with Maulvi Kamal
Ahmad Shahjahanpuri ; and in order to gain an acquaintance with the
poets, he frequented Maulvi Pir ’Ali Rasulpuri. For a short time he also
attended Maulvi Ghulam Muhammad, Faik, Amethawi, who conferred on
him the poetical title of JSTur. A desire to write poetry having sprung up
in him, he asked his uncle to introduce him to Miyan Ghulam Hamdani
Mashafi, whose instructions he followed for several years. Here he took
the names of Gar dish and JVamik. It was at this time that he wrote a
Persian diiodn entitled Juwala-i- Ishk. He also attended the poetical
assemblies held every fortnight at the houses of Miyan Jurat, Inshallah
Khan, Mir Takki, Miyan Mashafi, Shahzadah Sulaiman Shikoh, Miyan
Muntazar and others. On these occasions he recited ghazals under both
the above titles in Persian and Urdu.

For the eleven years, ending in 1217, H. (May 1802 — April 1803) ,
which he spent in Lakhnau, Bahadur ’Ali to provide for his own support
worked as a teacher at various places. He was also for a time a trooper
in the Nawab Wazir’s service, in the time of Asaf-ud-daula (1775 — 1798)
and Sa’dat ’Ali Khan (1798 — 1813). Farrukhabad having been taken over
by the English, Bahadur ’Ali returned to his home in the end of 1217, H.
and for a long period supported himself as a teacher. At length he was
appointed tutor to Rajah Jaswant Singh, Baghela Thakur, of Tirwa in the
south-east of the Farrukhabad district, on a salary of Rs. 8 a month, plus
the food of two persons, besides presents. Through the Rajah’s influence
he obtained the appointment of Thanadar of Chibramau, which he held for
two years. Afterwards, at the Rajah’s request, he acted as Wakil for him
and his brother, Kunwar Pitam Singh, at Mainpuri, Bareli, and Fathgarlq
in the office of the Collector, the Civil Courts, the Revenue Board’s Office,
and the Court of Appeal.

206

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 4,

On the death of his patron abovenamed,* Bahadur ’ Ali lost his ap¬
pointment and went to live in Farrukhabad, There for some years he
taught the children at the house of Lala Daler Singh, Kayath Sribastab,
“ Chaoni-wala j” and subsequently he was for some years in the service of
Rae Chandi Parshad, Kayath Saksena, of muhalla Sadhwara. For two years
he was with Mr. Martin, Indigo-planter, on Rs. 15 a month, as a jgarwdna-
navis at the Shamshabad factory ; then for a year and a half he was em¬
ployed on Rs. 20 a month in the Joint-Magistrate’s Court at Sidhpura (now
part of the Eta district). He was recommended by Munshi Zahur ’Ali
’Abbasi Shekhpuri. When the Court was abolished, f he went for three
years to Lakhnau, where he obtained various employments, as a writer at
the Daryabad Thana, forty-three miles east of Lakhnau, as account-

keeper to a merchant, and for part of the time as a teacher. On his

return he again became a teacher at Farrukhabad. In .1839 when he
wrote, he had been for some years living at the gate of Lala Oil Sukh
Rae, the son, and Lala Shankar Parshad, the grandson of the deceased
Diwan Debi Das. During this period, hundreds, old and young, had
been his pupils ; but not one had done him any service, or turned out

a real friend, or shown any affection, nor had even one been true to his

word. He says he had no complaints to make nor any claims. Indeed he
was accustomed not even to go down the street, where such ungrateful men
dwelt.

Bahadur ’Ali was married on the 7th Zi’lhajj 1220, H. (2Sth Feb.
1806) to the daughter of Shekh Karm-ullah of Shamshabad, son of Asad-
ullah Faruki. The family had a quantity of land and groves, granted by
the Emperors, with yearly and daily allowances. In the disorders of the
time, all these came unjustly into the possession of S. Tahavvar ’Ali Kabae.
Bahadur ’Ali’s father-in-law, his uncle Siffat-ullah, and Shekh Khub-ullah,
another relation, made great exertions to recover the property, but “ ba-sa-
“ bab-na-insafi aur rudigi hdkimdn-i- Farrukhabad ke, apne dad aur hakk
u ko na pahunche.” The younger branches of the family scattered to
Talgram, Sakrawah, and Chibramau.

Bahadur ’Ali had no issue ; but, as he says, this being a matter out of
one’s power, he indulged in no regrets. He passed his days in reading, in
recitations of poetry, in teaching, in reading aloud, and in the writing of
books. And he failed not to give God thanks for his mercies ;

“ FLarcha Sdlci-i-ma rekht, ’ ain altdf ast .”

He furnishes a list of thirteen works composed by him, besides short
tales. The thirteenth is the History of Farrukhabad called ’Anwdn-i-

* Rajah Jaswant Singh died on the 3rd Oct. 1815, being succeeded by his brother
Pitam Singh, who died 11th November, 1835 — Kali Rae, pp. 149, 150.

f The Sirhpura Joint-Magistracy existed from 1816 to 1828, Gaz., N. W. P., IY.
pp. 3, 4.

267

1873.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdls of Far rukh abaci.

Khdndan-i-Bangash or La uh-i-Tarikh. From about 1814 or 1819 he
adopted the poetical title of “ Say gad.” He also wrote in Hindi (Bhdkhd)
in the name of Manhi.

He says he intended his books to be a memorial of him after his death,
and he hoped that they would take the place of children. In their com¬
position he passed his days very happily. From the day that he began to
write, he claims never to have written, with an object, in praise of any
noble, nor had he sought their favours. He refused the invitations of the
Sahibzadahs of the city, for with worldly persons there can be but two
objects Kdida or Baida , and when neither is desired there can be no reason
to court the great. He prays that God may grant him similar indepen¬
dence during the small remains of life — “ Amin sam Amin.”

From 1225, H. (Feb. 1810 — Jan. 1811) with the help of his second
brother, Muhammad ’ Ali, he observed the ceremonies of Tdziai dari yearly ;
he belonged to the Shi’a sect. As his home did not afford the requisite
accommodation, he bought half an acre of land at his door, intending to build
an Imambara and a dwelling-house. He managed to complete a small
dwelling-house, and the masonry foundations of the Imambara were laid
on the 13th Muharrum 1241, H. (30th August, 1825). But from poverty
he had been unable to proceed with it ; he writes that he hojDes it may be
finished before he dies, so that his soul may rest in his grave in peace.
His father was buried at his own request in an earthen tomb within the
Imambara. Bahadur ’Ali himself died on the 30th Sha’ban 1270, H. (28th
May, 1854).

There is a small work called Mahdrldt-i Mughuliya la-Afghdniya ,
a copy of which was kindly procured for me by Maulvi Manzur Ahmad,
Deputy Collector (to whom I am also indebted for first calling my atten¬
tion to the Lauh-i-Tdrikh) . So much of it is in verse, and the rest is
in such a bombastic ambitious style, that the residue of fact is very small.
Still, although the date of the copy is January, 1834 (the author’s and owner’s
names have been carefully obliterated), I infer that its composition is of older
date, or that independent sources were employed, for it contains a few state¬
ments not met with elsewhere. The MS. measures 9! in. x 61 in. and
has 101 pages of 14 lines to the page. I have also picked up twenty-six
leaves of a collection of reports from some Lakhnau amil in the years 1162
— 1164 H. From internal evidence I believe the writer to be Nawab
Baka-ullah Khan, Khan ’Alam, faujddr of Kora. I have gleaned from
these letters a few facts about Naval Rae’s death and the subsequent events.
The first nine leaves and some leaves at the end are wanting.

The Bhuldsah-i-Bangash, apparently almost contemporary with Mu¬
hammad Khan (1713 — 1743), is quoted once in the Lauh-i-Tdrikh.

M M

2G8 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 4,

Neither of this book nor of a collection of letters made by Munshi Dalpat
Rae (d. 28th March, 1823), grandson of Munshi Sahib Rae, have I been able
to obtain any trace. Other authorities used are well enough known. The
principal of these are the S iya r-ul- Mu tdk h arm , Tarikh-i-Muzaffdri , Khiz-
anah-i- Amira, A'md d-us-Sa’dat, Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Fathgarh-ndmah
Curvven’s translation of the Balwant-ndmah and the Miftah-ut Tawarikh
(edition of 1849). The Mad asir-ul TJmrd in the article ’ Abd-ul Mansur Khan ,
when speaking of Kaim Khan’s death, refers for details to “ the account of
his father Muhammad Khan Bangash”, but I cannot find in the book any
biography of Muhammad Khan. The Hadikat-ul Akdlim , of Murtaza Hu¬
sain, I have also put under contribution.

Nawab Muhammad Khak, Bangash, Ghazanfar Ja^g.

Origin of the family.

Muhammad Khan was a Bangash of the Karlani Kaghzai clan. Malak
Kais, ’Abd-ur-Rashid, the ancestor of all Pathans, had three sons Sarban,
Batan, Ghurghasht. The second son, whose name was Shekh Haiyat, obtain¬
ed his appellation from his love of peace and his piety, Batan in their
language signifying the Pure. Batan had three sons, Isma’il, Ashyun,
Kajin, and one daughter, Matu. The descendants of the sons are usually
called Batan. The children of Matu by her husband, Shah Husain, son of
Mu’az-ud-din, are called Ghilzai, Lodi, Sarwani.

Sarban, the eldest son of Kais, had two sons, the elder of whom, Sharf-
ud-din, had five sons. Of these the youngest was Amir-ud-din. One day
while out hunting Amir-ud-din at one of his camping-places picked up a
Sayyad boy, to whom he gave the name of Karlani. When he grew up he
was married to a woman of the tribe, and his children were called the Kar¬
lani. Among Karlanis are the Dilazak, Afridi, Khatak, and Malak-miri
subdivisions. Relying on the truth of the above story, the Karlani believe
themselves to be Sayyads. Karlani having been brought up with Adarmar,
son of Amir-ud-din, his descendants have been classed among the Sarban
tribes.

The origin of the name Kaghzai is related as follows. Once Shekh
Hayat, alias Batan, was anxious to marry his daughter Matu to Shah
Husain, son of Mu’az-ud-din Mahmud, son of Jamal-ud-din Hasan, son of
Sultan Bahrain, who had left his own country of Ghor by reason of the
desolation caused by the first Muhammadan invasions. Accordingly a man
of the Kagh tribe, that is, a professional singer, was sent to enquire into
the genealogy of Shah Husain at Ghor, his birthplace. On returning he
threatened to throw doubt on Shah Husain’s purity of descent unless his,
Kagh’s, daughter were accepted in marriage. Shah Husain married the

1878. 7 W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdhs of FarruTcJidbad.

269

girl, who was called Mihi, and also Sarw. Having no children, she adopted
a son of her co-wife Matu, and called him Sarwani. By reason of this
adoption he came to be called Kaghzai.

The word Bangash originally meant the hill country. But in course
of time it was applied to the inhabitants, those in the upper hills being
called Bala Bangash, those in the country along the foot of those hills, that
is, in Kohat, were known as the Pain Bangash. At present the Bangash tribe
is most numerous in Kohat, the rest dwell to the west of it, in Kuram and
Shaluzam. The valley of the Bangash is encircled by hills, and its greatest
length is from east to west. To the east and south-east is found the
Khatak tribe in the hills of Khatkan ; to the north are the Urakzais ; to
the south-west is the boundary of the Waziris ; to the west is the country
of Kuram. The Bangash who live in Kuram and Paiwar are in subjection
to the Tori ; those in Shaluzam are their own masters ; while those in
Kohat are British subjects. In all they number about eighteen thousand
households. #

Years after the first settlement took place, many of the Sarwanis quitted
the Bala Bangash, and from that time were designated Kaghzai, those who
stayed in their original seat continuing to be called Sarwani. After this
a party of Karlani, who had settled near the Sarwani Kaghzai in the Bala
Bangash, also began to be called Kaghzai, though in truth they are neither
Sarwani nor the children of Kagh. In short, there are two kinds of Kagh¬
zai, (1) Karlani Kaghzai and (2) Sarwani Kaghzai.

In the reign of ’Alamgir Aurangzeb (1658 — 1707), Malak ’Ain Khan
Karlani Kaghzai, quitting his native country for Hindustan, came to Mau-
Rashidabad, where he took service in the troop of ’Ain Khan Sarwani, then
in the employ of the Khanzadah family. Malak ’Ain Khan, son of Gohar
Khan, son of Sabza Khan, son of Jahan Khan, son of Sarang Khan, be¬
longed to the Harya Khail, in it to the Shamilzai, and in it to the Daulat
Khail, who are the descendants of Daulat Khan, known as Haji Bahadur.
This latter must be distinguished from the other Haji Bahadur, the Kohati,
of the family of Shekh Adam Banuri.

The town of Mau-Bashidabad is now little more than a name ; its site
has been turned into one vast tobacco-field. It lies close to the high bank,
which overlooks the old bed of the Ganges and the stretch of lower land be¬
tween it and the present stream. It is situated twenty-one miles west of
Farrukhabad, five miles west of the old town of Shamshabad-Khor, and about
one mile north-east of the modern but more thriving town of Kaim-
ganj. Though Mau has now only a few inhabitants, the country surrounding
it is full of flourishing Pathan colonies, such as Itaepur, Pathaura,
’Ataipur ; and the inhabitants of these places are all known outside the

* Haiyat-i-Afghani, p. 448.

270 W. Irvine — The Bang ash Naiedhs of Farr ukhdbdd. [No. 4,

district under the generic name of Mau Pathans. They are to be found in
numbers in our native cavalry, where they appear to bear a high character
as soldiers.

Mau Rashidabad, the former name of which was Mau-Thoriya, was
re-founded in the reign of Jahangir about 1607, A. D. (1016, H.) by Nawab
Rashid Ivhan, jagirdar of Shamshabad. A few of his descendants, known as
Khanzadahs, still exist though reduced to poverty. * The myth so common in
the East is told to account for the selection of the site. Jackals drove oft
the Nawab’s dogs, and in his astonishment, he inferred that such a soil
would produce men more brave and strong than found elsewhere.

Muhammad Khan’s early years .

’Ain Khan married in Mau, and when he died left two sons, Himmat
Khan, aged thirteen, and Muhammad Khan, aged eleven. Since Muhammad
Khan died in December, 1746, at about the age of eighty lunar years, his
birth must have taken place about the year 1665. One day, the story goes,
Muhammad Khan had ridden out on his elder brother’s horse along the
edge of the river, and he brought it back in a profuse sweat. Himmat
Khan fearing that he would some day throw the horse down and get injured
himself, gave Muhammad Khan a slight reproof. Angry at being spoken
to, Muhammad Khan took refuge at a fakir’s hut. The fakir, to cheer
him, prophesied that he would one day be a B divan -TTazdri or Commander
of Fifty-two thousand. Himmat Khan, the elder brother, in time left
home and took seivice in the Dakhin, where he died. His body is interred
in Sher Muhammad Khan’s bagh in Mau, a grove which had been planted
in the days of Nawab Rashid Khan. He left one daughter, Bibi Fatima,
who became the wife of ’Inayat ’Ali Khan, Bangash Kaghzai.

When Muhammad Khan reached the age of twenty years (i. e. about
1685, A. D.), he took service with Yasin Khan Bangash, then a leader of
renown among the Pathans of Mau. In the month of October of every
year, he started from Mau with four or five thousand men, horse and foot,
and went across the Jamna. In those days the Rajahs of Bundelkhand
were at incessant war with each other, and the trade of the soldier flourished.
When any Rajah, who had a rebellious vassal to deal with, heard of Yasin
Khan’s arrival, an agent would be sent to engage him to punish the
rebel. The ordinary terms were one-fourth of the plunder or of the
money obtained. When the agreement had been reduced to writing, pay¬
ment of one half beforehand was demanded as Ajauri or money in
advance. This sum was divided among the troops, so much to each
horseman and so much to each footman. A march was then made against
the place designated, and it was surrounded. If the inhabitants fought,
force was met by force ; if they asked for terms, a settlement was made.

* On Rashid Khan and the Khanzadahs. Note A.

271

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Naiudhs of Farrukhdhdd.

Any money collected was forwarded to the Rajah who had engaged the band,
after deducting any balance that might be due. Whatever they had gained
was divided, and the share of any man killed was set apart and sent to his
widow at Mau. For eight months these plundering expeditions continued,
and when the month of June came, they all returned to Mau. Owing to the
rank of ’Ain Khan’s family and his own relationship to them, Yasin Khan
had great affection for Muhammad Khan. Yasin Khan was an Ustarzai
Bangash, a native of Mau, and a relation of Muhammad Khan’s mother.
One day while besieging Orchha,* on the Datiya frontier, Yasin Khan
wras killed by a shot from a villager’s gun. The Pathans then chose as
their leader Shadi Khan, Bangash, of Mau, Yasin Khan’s maternal uncle.
Soon after, Muhammad Khan having quarrelled with Shadi Khan, left
him, and with his seventeen followers, sought employment on his own
account. Gradually all the Mau Pathans joined Muhammad Khan’s stan¬
dard They went from the service of one Rajah to another, and in this
manner many years were passed in the Dakhin and Bundelkhand.

Bundelkhand politics during the second half of the seventeenth cen¬
tury seem to be unusually obscure, and as I have not been able to verify
them from other sources, I only give for what they are worth the one or
two stories, relating to this early part of Muhammad Khan’s career, which
appear to have some sort of historical character. One is that when the
Rajah of Datiya died, he was succeeded by his eldest son, Pirthi Singh, who
at once set to work to turn out his brother, Ram Chand. The latter called
in Muhammad Khan on the promise of a large sum of money, and with his
aid Pirthi Singh was defeated, the Rajah being killed by Muhammad
Khan’s own hand. The Pathans had hardly reached Mau with their plunder
when an emergent call for succour was received from Madar Shah of Siprif
and Jalaun. He reported that Muhammad Amin Khan, with more than
forty thousand imperial troops, was coming to overwhelm him. Muhammad
Khan, hastily collecting all the men he had ready, marched to the Rajah’s
aid ; but, before his arrival, the Rajah had already been forced to seek safety
in flight. There were, however, several encounters between Muhammad
Khan and Muhammad Amin Khan before a final peace was concluded.

The usual routine of these free-booting expeditions was for the leader
to put himself at the head of from five hundred to a thousand men of his
own and other clans. Muhammad Khan had by his boldness and bravery
gained such a reputation, that all the Rajahs of the country trembled at
his name. If he saw a village, town, or city weakly defended, he surrounded
it, and sent to the headmen for his black mail ( nazarand ) . If one or two
thousand rupees were forwarded, he went away — otherwise the place was

* Gazetteer, N. W. P. I, 554. On the Betwa, 142 miles S. E. of Agra.

f About 55 miles west of Jhansi in Bundelkhand.

272 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawcths of Karrukhahad. [No. 4,

attacked and plundered. There was sometimes stiff fighting on these
occasions, and stories are told of twelve and twenty men having been killed
by Muhammad Khan’s own hand in the assault on some rich fort. The
reward was sometimes plunder to the value of four or five lakhs of rupees.

Once in those days, Muhammad Khan, at the head of three hundred
horsemen, made an attack on a fort, at the instigation of some Rajah. He
first tried an assault but failed, and then had recourse to besieging, with no
better result. The men inside made a valiant defence. Now, it so hap¬
pened, that on one side of the fort was a large and deep piece of water.
The Rajah, thinking that no one could attack him on that side, had left it
quite unguarded. One night, at midnight, Muhammad Khan, taking with
him several active men well armed, went into the tank and swam across to
the foot ( fazil ) of the fort wall. Climbing up by the aid of a tree they
then jumped down into the fort. The Rajah was asleep close by ; roused by
their arrival, he got up and fled, calling upon his followers for aid. To
save his life, he tried to hide in a room, but Muhammad Khan followed
him into it and slew him. Meanwhile so many of the zamindars had col¬
lected, that all Muhammad Khan’s companions were killed, and the door of
the room was shut upon him. Muhammad Khan, after commending him¬
self to God, fixed his shield into the shelf, and raised a beam by applying
his head. He thus got through to the open air, with his ears all bleeding.
When he had pushed half his body through the roof, the Rajah’s women,
whose apartments were close by, renewed hostilities by hurling at him their
rice-pestles and brass vessels. This attack put him still more out of breath,
but brushing the women aside, he clambered off the roof down the wall by
the aid of the same tree. Then, swimming across the lake, he regained his
camp. Next morning the zamindars evacuated the fort, paid up their
money and made Muhammad Khan an offering, touching his feet humbly
and saying, “ Khan jiu , turn manai nahin , deota ho, tumhari sanmukh he
“ ham nahin hain .” In his old age, the Nawab Sahib was fond of telling
this story, saying, that though he had many a time been wounded, no pain
had ever equalled that of pushing aside the rafters of that roof, and during
an east wind the pain still troubled him.

Hitherto Muhammad Khan had been little more than a petty free¬
booter, and having reached the age of forty-five, there seemed every likeli¬
hood that he would so remain during the rest of his career. Chance,
however, called him to higher honours on a wider stage, to which we now
propose to follow him.

Muhammad Khan enters the Imperial service.

In February, 1712, (Muharram 1124, H.) Bahadur Shah, successor of
’Alamgir Aurangzeb, died after a reign of five years. A struggle for the

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdhs of Farrukhabad.

273 *

succession then commenced between his sons. The victory remained with
Mu’izz-ud-din, who ascended the throne in June, 1712, under the title of
Jahandar Shah.

One of his brothers, ’Azim-us-shan, disputed the throne with Jahandar
Shah, but receiving a defeat retreated and was drowned in the river Bavi.
’Azim-us-shan had, however, on his departure from his government of Bengal,
left at Rajmahal a son named Mirza Jalal-ud-din Farrukhsiyar. This son
determined to avenge his father. First he succeeded in persuading Husain
’Ali Khan, Subahdar of Bihar, to espouse his cause. They were afterwards
joined by ’Abdullah Khan, the elder brother of Husain ’Ali Khan, who
held the Subah of Allahabad.

Husain ’Ali Khan and Farrukhsiyar had not yet reached Allahabad
on their march from Patna ’Azimabad, when Sayyad ’Abd-ul Ghaffar Khan
Gardezi, sent by Jahandar Shah at the head often to twelve thousand men,
attacked ’Abdullah Khan at Allahabad. ’Abdullah Khan withdrew to the
fort and sent one of his younger brothers to meet the enemy in the field.
On cries arising that ’Abd-ul Ghaffar Khan was dead, his troops turned
and fled.

On hearing of this defeat, Jahandar Shah sent off his son, ’Azz-ud-din,
with fifty thousand men under Khwaja Ahsan Khan. ’Azz-ud-din had
marched from Agra and had reached Khajwah,* when 'hearing that Husain
’Ali Khan and Farrukhsiyar had joined ’Abdullah Khan, he halted and began
to entrench himself. Farrukhsiyar advanced on him with ’Abdullah Khan in
the vanguard, batteries were prepared, and an artillery fight went on from
sunset till the third watch of the night. Losing heart, the prince ’Azz-
ud-din and his Commander-in-Chief fled a little before day-break ; and
finding they were deserted by their leaders, the army dispersed. The camp
and its contents fell into the hands of Farrukhsiyar.

From Khajwah letters were sent in all directions, calling for aid from
all noted chiefs and partizan leaders ; among others a royal “ Shukka” and
a letter from the Sayyad brothers were sent to Muhammad Khan, who was
then in Gohad territory with a force of eight or nine thousand men. Sahib
Bae Kayath, who had been his secretary from 1105 H (Aug. 1693 — Aug.
1694) t was sent to find out which side was most likely to succeed. On re¬
ceiving his report, Muhammad Khan marched and joined Farrukhsiyar at
Khajwah with twelve thousand men. J

* In the Fathpur district, on the Grand Trunk Road, some twenty-one miles north¬
west of Fathpur.

f This date seems impossible, it is, however, that given in the <{ Lauh.”

J The “ Life of Hafiz Rahmat Ivhan” (p. 32) says he had only twenty-five men.
This is not consistent with the rewards conferred on him for his services and the
number in the text is more likely to he correct, seeing that Muhammad Khan had been
leading a predatory life with success for over twenty years.

274 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FarruJchabad. [No. 4,

'"'he contending Emperors at length met on the field of Samogar, nine
miles east of Agra, in the parganah of Fathabad,# where the decisive battle
was fought on the 14th Zi’lhajj, 1124, H. (1st January, 1713). Though
there is no mention of him in the standard histories such as the “ Siyar-ul
MutaJcharm ,”f there can be no doubt that Muhammad Khan bore himself
bravely in the van under the immediate eye of Sayyad ’Abdullah
Khan.J One of his lieutenants, Sher Muhammad Khan, lost his
life. Jahandar Shah quitted the field near sunset, and after a time his chief
supporter, Zulfikar Khan, also withdrew. Victory thus declared itself for
Farrukhsiyar.

On the 15th Zi'lhajj, the day after the battle, Chin Kilich Khan, ’Abd-us
Samad Khan, and Muhammad Amin Khan were presented by Sayyad ’Abd¬
ullah Khan, and made their submission. ’Abdullah Khan, with Lutfullah
Khan and other nobles, was sent on to prepare the way at Delhi. A week
afterwards Farrukhsiyar set out for the capital. On the 14th Muharram
1125 H. (30th January 1713), the new Emperor halted at Barahpul near
the city. Honours and rewards were distributed. Among others, Muham¬
mad Khan was presented by the Sayyad brothers. He was invested with
a dress of honour and received an elephant, a horse, a palki, a shield, a
sword with jewelled hilt, a jewelled aigrette, a turban ornament (jiglia ),
a fish ensign, kettle-drums and standards, besides assignments of revenue.
At the same time he was raised to the rank of a Commander of four thou¬
sand. From that day he was styled Nawab.

The following parganahs, all in Bundelkhand, were assigned to Mu¬
hammad Khan for the support of his troops.

1. Irichh.§ 3. Kalpi.^j"

2. Bhander. || 4. Kunch.##

* Proc. B. A. S., for August, 1870, p. 252.

f The author of the “ Siyar-ul Mutakharin” seems to have borne a grudge against
Muhammad Khan, his name is omitted wherever possible, if he is named, it is only to
depreciate him, nor is he ever accorded the simplest title, with which, as usual in
native historians, men no more distinguished than he, are lavishly indulged. Grant
Duff (p. 351) remarks on this author’s prejudice against Afghans. In one passage
(Sul-M. Translation of 1789, Vol. Ill, p. 240,) he denounces them heartily as all had.

+ See Muhammad Khan’s biography in the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari under the year
1156 H.

§ Gaz. N. W. P. I, 423. A town in Parg. Moth, Jhansi District, 42 m. N. of
Jhansi ,

1| Gaz. N. W. P. I, 392. A parganah and town, formerly in the Datiya state
but ceded to the Mahrattas in 1748. It is now in the district of Jhansi, and the town,
on the Pahuj, is 24 m. from Jhansi.

H Gaz. N. W. P. I, 474. A town and parganah in the Jalaun district. The
town is on the right bank of the Jamna.

** Gaz. N. W. P. I, 505. A town and parganah in the Jalaun district. The
town is 42 m. from Ivalpi. Kunch was a mahal of Sirkar Irichh.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchdbdd.

275

5. Seondah.# 7. Sipri.J

6. Maudah.f 8. Jalaun §

The following men were deputed to manage these mahals — Daler Khan,
chela, was posted to Kunch, Seondah, and Maudah ; Ahmad Khan, Warak-
zai, to Irichh and Bhander ; Pir Khan, paternal uncle of the Bibi Sahiba,
Nawab Muhammad Khan’s principal wife, to Kalpl ; Shuj’at Khan, Ghil-
zai, to Sipri and Jalaun.

Muhammad Khan founds Kaimganj , Muhamddbdd, and Farrulchdbdd.

In the first year of Farrukhsiyar’s reign, Muhammad Khan was des¬
patched on two expeditions against the Rajah of Anupshahr and Rajah Meda.
The first named was speedily reduced to submission ; and the latter having
been made a prisoner, was sent to the Emperor by the hands of Daud Khan,
chela.

Muhammad Khan then obtained leave to return to his home, where
he began to found a town a little south-west of Mau, within the lands of
Chaloli, Mau-Rashidabad, Kuberpur and Subhanpur, and to it he gave
the name of Kaimganj in honour of his eldest son Kaim Khan. It is
now a place of considerable trade, it had 10,323 inhabitants in 1872, and
is the head quarters of the tahsil. It is 21 miles north-west of Far-
rukhabad.

In the same year the fort and town of Muhamdabad, 14 miles south¬
west of Farrukhabad were founded, portions of five villages : (1), Kil-
mapur ; (2), Kabirpur ; (3), Rohila ; (4), Muhammadpur, and (5) Taki-
pur having been taken for the purpose. Tradition gives the following
reason for selecting this site. 1 1 Before the first Muhammadan invasion a
group of twenty-seven villages had been given by the Rajah of Khor (now
known as Shamshabad) to Kharowah Kayaths in his service. Before Mu¬
hammad Khan had risen to fame, and was still little more than a common
trooper, he tried to persuade Har Parshad, kanungo, to record him as the
jagirdar of a village on the Kali in Tappa ’Azimnagar (now in the Eta
District). The kanungo refused to do so without superior order. When
Muhammad Khan rose to power, he recollected this ; and selecting the high
mound in the Kayath’s land known as “ Kal ka khera”, built on it the fort

* Gaz. N. W. P. I, 582. A town and parganah in tahsili Girwan of the Banda
district. The town is 11 m. from Banda.

f Gaz. N. W. P. I, 545. A town and parganah in the Hamfrpur District. The
town is 20 m. from Hamirpnr.

X In the Gwaliar state, some 60 miles north of Sironj in the Tonk state, and about
55 m. west of Jhansi.

§ Gaz. N. W. P. I, 433. A parganah, tahsil, and town in the district of Jalaun.

|J Kali Bae’s “ Fatehgajhnamah,” p. 117.

N N

276 W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawab s of Farrukhabad. [No. 4,

of Muhamdabad. In one of the bastions, still known as the “ Rae Sahib ka
burj”, Har Parshad, kanungo, was built up alive. The old abandoned fort
and the large lake just beneath it were owned and held, up to 1857, by the
Nawab Ra’is for the time being. Muhamdabad is a smaller place than
Kaimganj, but is still of some importance as the head-quarters of a Police
division, and as the first halting-stage on the road from Farrukhabad to
Mainpuri.

Parmnagar, the chief town of parganah Parmnagar, on the left bank of
the Ganges, in the Farrukhabad District, is sometimes called Muham-
madganj, after Nawab Muhammad Khan, but the date of foundation is
not known.

The City of Farrukhabad.

Nawab Muhammad Khan’s next undertaking was on a very different
scale. He now set to work to found a city which, even in its present
decaying state, counts as one of the principal places of Northern India.
Residence at Mau must have been disagreeable to the new Nawab. The
Pathans would not allow him to ride on an elephant through the streets, for
fear of their women’s privacy being infringed. Afridis, Toyahs, and Khanz-
adahs were numerous, but the Bangash were very few. If the Nawab ever
did pass by, the Afridi boys threw clay pellets at him. To avoid this
Muhammad Khan used to come out of the town, and mount his elephant
near the tomb of Rahmat Khan, the martyr.* Often did he complain to
the Bibi Sahiba of the way these Pathans tried his patience.

An occasion for the acquisition of land for a site with the Emperor’s
consent soon presented itself. Kasim Khan, Bangash, father of the Bibi
Sahiba, first wife of Nawab Muhammad Khan, was a soldier of fortune
who had risen to the command of some three hundred men, in the service of
some Rajah of the South. In 1126 H. (6th Jan. 1714 to 27th Dec. 1714)
Kasim Khan was on his way home to Mau with all his wealth. Near where
the native infantry lines and the European barracks now stand, a place then
covered with jungle, he was set on by a Thakur Rajah of the Bamtelaf tribe,
whose villages were in the direction of Muhamdabad. Hundreds of men fol¬
lowed this Jtiajah in his plundering forays up to the bank of the Ganges and
as far west as Mau. Kasim Khan and his party defended themselves bravely,
but were at length overpowered and slain. He was buried where he fell.
One ruined arch of his tomb still stands, in the middle of an enclosure sur¬
rounded with palm trees. A mango grove was planted to the west of the
tomb, and the name of the village changed from Jamalpur to Kasim Bagh,
under which name it was known in the revenue records till it was absorbed
within the boundaries of the Fatehgarh cantonment. J

* See note on Khanzadahs. f Note No. B. on the Bamtelas. f Kali Rae, p. 120.

1873.]

W. Irvine — The Bangnsb Naw&bs of Farruhhdbdd.

277

The survivors o£ Kasim Khan’s party arrived the next morning at Mau.
To console his wife, Muhammad Khan set out for Delhi. There he was
graciously received by the Emperor Farrukhsiyar who, by way of price for
her father’s blood, made over to the Bibi Sahiba the whole fifty-two of the
Bamtela villages. Muhammad Khan received a dress of honour, and they
say he was made Nazim of Gwaliyar : the truth of this latter statement
is, however, extremely doubtful. The Emperor expressed a wish that a city
called after his name* should be founded on the spot where Kasim Khan
was killed, and that the fifty-two Bamtela villages should be included within
its walls.

No better site could have been selected than that chosen for his city
by Muhammad Khan. The strip of land along the right bank of the Gan¬
ges from Kampil to Kanauj is one of the most thickly-peopled and the
most fertile in Northern India. There is abundance of water, for from the
firmness of the subsoil, wells can be dug at pleasure ; and the native saying
is true without exaggeration, that in Farrukhabad there is a wTell in every
house. They say that before the city was founded the Nawab once came
by chance to the high mound, the site of a Dhi or abandoned village, where
the city fort now stands. The Ganges then flowed much nearer than it
does now, and a delightful view extended on all sides to a distance of several
miles. The Nawab took a liking to the place, and said that a dwelling-
house there would be very pleasant. In the tarai or low land the Pathans
shot many alligators and crocodiles (inagar and goli). There were quanti¬
ties of wild geese and other game ; they even say that the high grass and
reeds concealed tigers, which sometimes devoured men.f

In truth, there is to this day no pleasanter view in the whole of the
plains of Upper India than that obtained at all seasons from the fort of
Farrukhabad. Passing the tiled bungalow used for the MunsifE’s Court¬
house and the square unshapely mass of the tahsil building, we wend our
way up to the pretty garden at the summit. There we pause a moment
to take our breath, and admire the grandiose outline of Mr. C. R. Lindsay’s
Town Hall. As we turn with our face to the north, our gaze first falls on
the ruins of the once magnificent pleasure -house of the Nawab in the Paen
Bagh ; further on, the eye rests delighted on the slender minarets of the
Karbala ; beyond stretches all that remains of the Nawab’s hunting-ground
or Ramna, still dotted here and there with trees ; and closing in the horizon

* Farrukhabad was sometimes styled Ahmadnagar Farrukhabad, as in the coin
of Shahjahan II. struck there in 1174, H. (Proc. B. A. S., July, 1876, p. 138,) and in
the Persian accounts of 1209 and 1210, Fusli (1801-1802) preserved in the Collector’s
office. It got the second name, I suppose, in Ahmad Khan’s time (1750-1771).

f This is really not so improbable as it sounds to us now, for so late as 1803
tigers were shot along the Ganges below Kanauj. See Major Thorn’s “ Memoir of
the War in India.”

278

W. Irvine — The Ban gash Naivdbs of Farrukhabad.

[No. 4,

is the faint silver streak of the Ganges. Turning half round to the right
we see the city, looking like a vast wood of deep-shaded Nim trees, from
which there peeps here and there a corner of the double-storied mansion of
some Sahib-zada or wealthy banker. Turning back again and looking
westwards, we find before us the domed tombs of the former rulers, of
Ahmad Khan in the Bihisht Bagh within the walls, of Muhammad Khan
and Kaim Khan further on beyond the Mau gate.

In 1126 H. (Jan. 6th 1714 — Dec 27th 1714,) the foundations were laid
under the auspices of Neknam Khan, chela. The date is denoted by the
words “ Allah Ghani” which were commonly used in the family at the
head of documents. All the buildings at Farrukhabad or Muhamdabad were
built after the plans and under the care of Adam, mason, whose name used
to be seen on the inscription of one of the fort gateways now destroyed.
We learn from a scolding letter to Yakub Khan, about the dilatoriness and
dishonesty of one Muhammad Danish, that the rates of wages were then,
labourers two falus or pyce a day, skilled bricklayers, five falus a day, and
those imperfectly skilled four falus. The wages were to be paid direct to
the men every night.

The Bamtelas did not resign their ancient possessions without a strug¬
gle. The work of building the city wall went on by day, but the Bamte¬
las, who lived all round, came in force every night and knocked the wall
down again. They also destroyed some of the buildings in the fort. To
get rid of the annoyance caused by these turbulent Thakurs, Muhammad
Khan called in the imperial troops who were stationed at intervals round
the city. The Bamtelas were ejected from the nearer villages, and any vil¬
lagers aiding them were severely punished. The imperial forces remained
till the city was well established, when their places were taken by the Na-
wab’s own men.

Aid was also obtained from friendly Rajahs. They relate that Rajah
Tilak Singh Gaur of Siroli, Parganah Shamshabad East, ten or eleven miles
south-west of Farrukhabad, unable from old age to come himself, sent his
son Akbar Sah (afterwards a chela under the name of Purdil Khan), aged
fifteen or sixteen, at the head of seven hundred Rajputs of his own clan.
They were posted just outside the Mau Darwaza where the Bamtelas usual¬
ly passed. They had been there a week or ten days when the Bamtelas as
usual came to damage the wall. This time they went round to the Kutb
gate, on the north face of the city, and effected an entrance. Akbar Sah
Gaur drew out his men, and there was a good deal of fighting. On the one
side three hundred and on the other five hundred men were killed. Lai Sah,
the head of all the Bamtelas, was wounded and made prisoner.

In spite of these interruptions Neknam Khan, chela, had laid out the
fort, to which he made three gates opening to the north. He also dug a

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawab s of T'arruhhdbdd. 279

ditch as deep as the height of a man, and set up twenty earthen bastions.
These, in 1839, could still be traced, though even then they had fallen out
of repair. Not a vestige now remains. The same chela also built a palace,
a mosque, and a hall of audience. The palace was called the Bara Mahal.
In 1839 only the Barahdari was left, the rest of the site was occupied by
the private garden of Mukhtar Mahal, widow of the deceased Nawab Shau-
kat Jang. -The mosque was known as the “ Bari Masjid,” and the audience
hall was called the “ Bara Diwan-Khana.” This latter was demolished by
Nawab Muzaffar Jang (1771 — 1798) ; and Nawab Nasir Jang (1766 — 1813)
built a dwelling-house (kothi) on the spot. There were several shops of
petty traders within the fort, but at first there were no other buildings except
the above. After the mutiny, the Nawab’s palace was entirely dismantled ;
and beyond a small mosque, which may be the one referred to, there is not
a trace left of any building in existence at the time of the mutiny.

There were twelve gates to the city : 1, Kutb gate ; 2, Paen gate (also
called the Husaini gate) ; 3, Ganga gate ; 4, Amethi gate ; 5, Kadiri gate ;
6, Lai gate ; 7, Madar gate ; 8, Dhalawal gate ; 9, Khandiya gate ; 10, Jasmai
gate ; 11, Taraen gate ; 12, Mau gate. The first, eighth, and eleventh are now
closed; Amethi, Dhalawal and Jasmai are the names of adjoining villages;
the other names explain themselves.

To seven of the gates, sarais were attached, so that from whatever
direction a traveller arrived, he might find a convenient resting-place. The
Mau sarai near the gate of that name, was erected by the Bibi Sahiba, the
Nawab’s wife. A sarai at the Jasmai gate was half built, then knocked
down ; the land was owned (1839) by the sons of Nawab Azim Khan ; at
the Madar gate was a brick-built sarai, where now stands the Madar bari built
by Nawab Muzaffar Jang, which, in 1839, was occupied by the son of Mu¬
hammad ’Ali Khan, alias Bulaki, son of Dildaler Khan and nephew of Mu¬
zaffar Jang. There was also a brick sarai at the Amethi gate opposite the
Anguri bagh ; this the Nawab’s descendants have demolished, and they
have sold the materials, the site is used for the sale of wood and thatching-
grass. A substantial sarai was also built near the Lai gate, which we Eng¬
lish have taken to pieces and rebuilt after our own fashion.*

At each gate were stationed five hundred armed men and two guns,
one on each side. The Nawab’s sons and slaves (Khanazads), who had
troops in their pay, were allotted places of abode round the outer part of
the city. It was intended that money-changers, merchants, and the work¬
ing-classes generally, should occupy the centre. The whole was surrounded
by an earthen wall. For each of his twenty-two sons, Muhammad Khan
built a brick fort and women’s apartments. At each house he planted a
private garden (Khana bagh) surrounded with a high wall. Round the city
* This was done by Mr. Newnham, Collector, in 1825.

280

W. Irvine — The Banff ash Nawdhs of Farrukhahad. [No. 4,

wall was a ditch, with sloped and levelled sides, fifteen yards wide and thirty
feet deep. So long as Muhammad Khan lived, this ditch was cleaned every
day, and the gates were kept in good order.

Round the fort were the houses of the chelas who were on duty day and
night. Many groves were planted, especially noteworthy were the Naulakha
and Bihar Baghs beneath the fort, which did not contain any mango trees,
but consisted entirely of guava, her, custard-apple and orange .trees. The
Nawab’s sons and chelas had orders to plant groves outside the city
wherever they pleased. The soil is very favourable to the mango and it
comes to great perfection; the water-melons are also very large and sweet
and plentiful.

Two entire villages, Bhikampura and Deothan, were included within
the walls, besides portions of other villages. It was intended that each
trade should occupy a separate bazar, hence we have the quarters named
after trades such as Kasarhatta (braziers), Pasarhatta (druggists), Sarafa
(money-changers), Lohai (iron-mongers), Nunhai (salt-dealers), Khandhai
(sugar-merchants), and so forth. Other quarters were set aside for particu¬
lar castes, such as Khatrana (for the Khatris), Mochiana (for shoe-makers),
Koliana (for Hindu weavers), Sadhwara (for Sadhs), Bamanpuri (for Brah¬
mans), Julahpura (for Mussulman weavers), Rastogi muhalla, Agarwal
muhalla, Kaghazi muhalla (for paper-makers), Mahajanpura, Bangashpu-
ra, Khatakpura, Sayyadpura, and so on. This arrangement has been upset
in more recent times, and the castes have become more or less mixed. Still
it is observed to some extent, for I doubt if a single Sadli lives outside the

Sadhwara, and its offshoot the Sahibganj muhalla.

%

Events from 1719 to 1726.

During the reign of Farrukhsiyar, Nawab Muhammad Khan would
appear to have attended Court seldom, being occupied with the founding of
Farrukhahad. Meanwhile Delhi had been the scene of much intrigue.
On the 9th Rabi II, 1131 H. (18th Feb. 1719) the Sayyad brothers,*
’Abdullah Khan and Husain ’Ali Khan, had deposed and imprisoned the
Emperor Farrukhsiyar, After the short reigns of two boys successively
raised to the throne, Abul Fath Nasir-uddin, entitled Muhammad Shah, suc¬
ceeded on the 15th Zi’l Iva’d, 1131 H.f (18th Sept. 1719), his reign counting,
however, from the deposition of Farrukhsiyar. After intrigues against the
power of the Sayyads, with which we need not concern ourselves here, it
was agreed that Husain ’Ali Khan, accompanied by the Emperor, should
march to reduce the revolted provinces of the Dakhin. The march of the
Sayyad began at the end of Shawwa4 (end of August 1720). On the 9th
Zi’l Ka’d, 1132 H. (3rd Sept. 1720), the Emperor made a first march from
* Siyar-ul Mutakharin 418 (Lakhnau Edition), f S-ul-M 422, j; S-ul-M. 433.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Barr uJchabdd.

281

Agra of three Jcos , accompanied by ’Abdullah Khan. He wished to halt till
the 15th, the anniversary of his accession. Husain Ali Khan, however, urged
an advance, and on the 14th (8th Sept. 1720) the army marched to a little
beyond Fathpur Sikri. After four or five days they moved on southwards.
’Abdullah Khan remained behind, and on the 19th Zi’l Ka’d (13th Sept.
1720), he started for Delhi.

Then follows in the “ Siyar-ul Mutakharin” a statement, damaging to
Nawab Muhammad Khan’s reputation, which I quote. “ On the road to
“ Delhi* * * § Muhammad Khan, Bangash, came to visit ’Abdullah Khan and
“ expressed his desire to march and join Husain ’Ali Khan in his campaign
“ of the Dakhin, were he not prevented by want of means. He received
“ fifty thousand rupees, in addition to the several lakhs of rupees which
“ Husain ’Ali Khan had paid him to induce him to start. Then, with a lie
“ which looked like truth, he said he was going to the Emperor’s camp.
“ He took his leave, and ’Abdullah Khan resumed his march to Delhi.”

On the 6th Zi’l Hajj, 1132 H. (30th Sept. 1720) when about thirty-
five Jcos beyond Fathpur Sikri, Husain ’Ali Khan was assassinated with the
Emperor’s knowledge and consent. A return to Agra then commenced.
As soon as he received word of his brother’s death, ’Abdullah Khan raised
to the throne Sultan Ibrahim, son of Raf’-ul Kadr, son of Bahadur Shah.f
This was on the 11th Zi’l Hajj, 1132 (5th Oct., 1720). A few days were
spent in collecting such an army as could be got together in the time. On
the 17th Zi’l Hajj, 1132 H. (11th Oct., 1720) ’Abdullah Khan started from
Delhi.

On the 9th Muharram 1133 H. (30th Oct., 1720) Muhammad Shah’s
camp left Shahpur. It was here that Muhammad Khan, after a good deal
of wavering and consultation with his friends, such as Shuj’at Khan Ghilzai
and others, threw in his lot with the Emperor and joined him with three
thousand men.| It is said that ’Abdullah Khan had written to him
reminding him of the many favours he had received, and requesting aid at
this crisis* If they gained the day, he would make Muhammad Khan first
in the whole kingdom. But a farman from Muhammad Shah, another
from his mother, Kudsia Begam, and letters from the nobles, arrived about
the same time. Self-interest and perhaps some faint respect for the reign¬
ing house, appear to have carried the day.

When Kutb-ul Mulk ’Abdullah Khan reached Hasanpur§ three Jcos
from the Emperor’s camp, he halted. On the 12th Muharram, 1133 FI. (2nd

* S-ul-M. 433.

f S-ul-M. 437 and 438.

t S-ul-M. 439.

§ Hasanpur lies, I believe, 'close to the town of 01, in Parganah Farah'of tlie Agra
District, some twenty-four miles north-west of Agra.

282 W. Irvine — The Bangash JTawahs of FarruJchdhdd. [No. 4,

Nov , 1720) he placed his army in battle array. The battle began early on
the 4th November and lasted all that day and night. On the 5th, after
’Abdullah Khan had descended from his elephant to fight on foot, he was
wounded by an arrow in the forehead. Haidar Kuli Khan recognizing him,
took him and his brother Najm-ud-din ’Ali Khan prisoners, put them on
an elephant, and conveyed them to the Emperor. The drums then beat to
victory. Muhammad Khan in this hotly contested battle appears to have
fought in the main body. In Sahib Rae’s collection, there is a long letter
from Muhammad Khan to Rajah Jai Singh Sawae describing the battle,
but there are no personal details. The Nawab for his services was pro¬
mised six lakhs of rupees on receipt of treasure from Bengal, but the
money was never paid.

If the local myth were to be believed, Muhammad Khan played a
much more dramatic part than history accords him. The story goes that
Muhammad Khan with his whole force moved down on ’Abdullah Khan.
On the Nawab’s elephant, seated behind him, were Mukim Khan and Dadd
Khan, chelas. The elephant was driven close to that of Sayyad ’Abdullah
Khan and Muhammad Khan gave him “ Salam ’ alaihum.” The Sayyad
with a “ Wa ’ alaikum ” stretched out his hand from the howdah to be
kissed. Muhammad Khan then threw his silken girdle round it, and drag¬
ged the Sayyad out of his howdah. From the jerk ’Abdullah Khan’s
turban fell off, and Muhammad Khan threw him down a Kashmir shawl to
wind round his head. The Sayyad refused to take it and, looking towards
Muhammad Khan, spat at him. Mukim Khan and Daud Khan sprang
down and seized Sayyad ’Abdullah Khan, the former taking his shield and
the latter his sword. An attempt at rescue was foiled and about midday
the Nawab reached camp with his prisoner ; on a demand from the Emperor
the Sayyad was made over to him. The shield remained with Allahdad
Khan, son of Nawab Mukim Khan, up to the time of Nawab Shaukat Jang
(1813-1828) ; and Nawab Amin-ud-daula used often to send for it, and
highly extol the valour by which it had been won.

On the 16th Muharram, 1133 H. (6th Nov., 1720)# the Emperor
Muhammad Shah marched for Delhi ; and advancing quickly he reached it
on the 19th (9th Nov., 1720) and encamped for two days near the pillar of
Khwaja Nizam-ud-din. Those who had distinguished themselves were
presented. On this occasion Muhammad Khan, who had been made a
Commander of six thousand on Muhammad Shah’s accession, was increased
to the rank of Haft Hazari 7000 horse. He received a khilat with
seven lakhs of rupees in cash, he was granted the title of Ghazanfar Jang
“ The Lion of War”, and the parganahs of Bhojpur and Shamshabad, both

* S-ul-M. 443

J 878.]

W. Irvine — The Tang ash N aw dibs of Farrukhabdd.

283

in the modern district of Farrukhabdd, were added to his former jagirs. He
was soon after appointed Subahdar of Allahabad (between 22nd Oct., 1720
and 11th Oct., 1721). # At this time, his ’Amils or subordinate governors
were for Allahabad, Bhure Khan, chela ; for Irichh, Bhander and Ivalpi,
Daler Khan, chela ; for Sipri and Jalaun, Kama! Khan ; for Bhojpur,
Neknam Khan, chela ; for Shamshabad, Daud Khan, chela ; for Budaon,
Sahaswan (now both in the Budaon district) and Mihrabad (now in the
Shahjahanpur district), Shamsher Khan, chela.

In 1135 H. (1st Oct., 1722 — 20th Sept. 1723) Samsam-ud-daula pro¬
cured a grant of the Subah of Agra in favour of Rajah Jai Singh Sawae. f Jai
Singh soon after marched against Churaman Jat, to punish him for having
sided with the late Wazir, ’Abdullah Khan. Muhkam Singh, son of Chur¬
aman, insulted J his father in open darbar, and rather than bear the disgrace
the father committed suicide. Badan Singh, nephew of Churaman, sided
with Rajah Jai Singh. The fort of Thun was occupied on the 9th Safar,
1135 H. (8th Nov., 1722), and Badan Singh, who was father of Suraj
Mall, then succeeded to the territory. In this campaign Muhammad
Khan bore a part.

In the fifth year (Jan. 1723 to Dec. 1723), Muhammad Khan went with
the army under the command of Sharf-ud-daula Iradatmand Khan and
Rajah Jai Singh, sent to chastise Ajit Singh Rathor, Rajah of Marwar. Be¬
fore the army could reach his territory, Ajit Singh was assassinated by his
son Bakht Singh. § Through the mediation of Nawab Muhammad Khan,
Dhonkal Singh made his submission to the Emperor. Jj

Muhammad Khan had barely reached Mairtha with Abhai Singh alias
Dhonkal, when he was recalled to undertake the recovery of Bundelkhand
from Chattarsal. Six months were employed on this duty, when on receipt
of intelligence that Mubariz Khan, faujdar of Burhanpur, had been killed,
he was ordered to return from Bundelkhand to the Duab, and thence to
proceed by way of Akbarabad to Gwalyar to meet an irruption of the
Mahrattas. Baji Rao had appeared north of the Narbada, had attacked

* The local MSS. say Agra, but I think this must he a mistake. For some dis¬
paraging remarks about Muhammad Khan in regard to this Allahabad appointment,
see S-ul-M. 451, line 5 from end.

f S-ul-M. p. 456.

X S-ul-M. p. 439.

§ Tod (Madras Reprint, 1873,) Yols. I, 636 and II, 81 gives the date about 1780 S.,
corresponding to July, 1723.

|| Muhammad Khan is not named in the list of Musalman leaders in Tod, II, 80,
but the same authority shows that Dhonkal, or the exterminator, was a nickname of
Abhai Singh, son of Ajit Singh. The “ Tarikh-i- Hindi” mentions Muhammad Khan
[Dowson’s Elliot, VIII, 44.]
o o

284

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 4,

Girdhar Bahadur, the Imperial Governor of Malwa, and for two seasons
(1725 — 1726), had obtained plunder and contributions.* * * § Muhammad
Khan was appointed to the command of five thousand men, with two lakhs
of rupees a month for their pay. He waited at Akbarabad to receive the
money and was then told to go on to Gwaliar, where he entertained nearly
ten thousand horsemen, and lay there idle for seven months.

On his way hack from the above expedition, Muhammad Khan was
asked by Khan Dauran Khan, who then held in jagir parganahs Bhongamf
and Talgram,J to send two thousand men to aid Mahtya Sadanand in
reducing to submission Jaswant Singh, zamindar of Mainpuri. The tradi¬
tional story is, that the Chauhan Rajah, Dalip Singh, neglected to pay his
respects to the Nawab, and Bhiire Khan with five hundred horse was sent to
bring him. When the Rajah came before the Nawab, he delayed in making
his salam, and Bhure Khan bent his neck down with his hand. The Rajah
freeing himself drew his sword. Then the Nawab sent an arrow at him
and hit him in the head so that he died on the spot. His son, Jaswant
Singh, was appointed his successor and the Nawab resumed his road to Far¬
rukhabad. §

Bundelkhand Affairs.

We have already seen,|| that the jagirs given to Muhammad Khan in
the reign of Farrukhsiyar and the early part of that of Muhammad Shah, lay
mostly in Bundelkhand. Farrukhsiyar (1713 — 1719) granted him the par¬
ganahs of Sehand^[ and Maudah** in jagir : to the charge of these Daler
Khan, chela was appointed. In the first year of Muhammad Shah’s reign
(Feb. 1719 — Feb. 1720) a tankhwah was granted on Kalpi,ff Iriclih,
and other places in Bundelkhand.

In the same year, 1719—1720, it was reported that the Bundelas had
plundered Kalpi, had killed Pir ’Ali Khan, Muhammad Khan’s ’Amil, and
his son. They seized the women and children of the respectable Muham¬
madans, and knocked down their houses, mosques and tombs. Nawab Bur-
han-ul Mulk then asked that the Mughuls might be sent against the

* Grant Duff, 218, Bombay reprint, 1873.

f In the Mainpuri District.

X In tbe Farrukhabad District.

§ Gaz. IV. 550, 552. Jaswant Singh’s accession took place in 1783 S. = 1726
A. D.

|| P. 274.

If Twelve miles south of Banda.

** In tbe Hamirpur District.

ft On the Jamna, in the Jalaun District.

In the Jhansi District.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JSfawdhs of FarruJchdhdd.

285

invaders, but the Emperor confided their chastisement to Muhammad Khan.
Daler Khan, chela, was ordered off with a proper force, and marching rapid¬
ly he ejected the Thdnas of the enemy from the parganahs of Kalpi and
Jalalpur.# The inhabitants then began to return to the plundered towns.

At this period Nawab Amin-ud-din ’Itimad-ud-daula passed away.f
Some of his enemies considered that Muhammad Khan had been favoured
by the late Wazir, and they caused letters to be written to the Rajahs of
Chanderi and Orchha and to other zamindars, instigating them to resistance.
The Hindus assembled to the number of thirty thousand horse, besides
countless infantry.

Kaim Khan, the Nawab’s son, then faujdar of Sarkar Ghora, had
meanwhile been besieging for a year the town of Tarahwan,J the residence
of Pahar Singh. This place had four forts, very strong, surrounded with
jungle, steep ravines, and difficult passages through the hills. Kaim Khan
had with him ten thousand horse, and by the greatest exertions he succeed¬
ed in capturing the fortress. He then made ready to march to the aid of
Daler Khan.

Muhammad Khan now represented to the Emperor, that if the punish¬
ment of the rebels were not heartily desired, the army had better be recall¬
ed. The Emperor encouraged Muhammad Khan to persevere. But he,
discouraged by the number of letters sent by his enemies to the Hindu
Rajahs, wrote repeatedly to Daler Khan enjoining him to restore the forts
and villages of the enemy. Times had changed and the campaign must be
relinquished. Despite these orders, Daler Khan, in the pride of his courage
and resolution, thought not of the superiority of the enemy and refused to
withdraw from offensive operations.

On the 29th Rajab of the 3rd year of the reign (1133 H., 13th May,
1721) Chattarsal advanced with nearly thirty thousand horse and a numer¬
ous artillery. Daler Khan with the force he had, some four thousand horse
and foot, prepared for the attack. He rode at the enemy at the head of
five hundred men, and threw them into confusion. By the fickleness of
fortune he now received, besides sword and spear wounds, two bullet shots,
one in the forehead and one in the breast. He expired on the spot, and his
five hundred companions, after prodigies of valour, were all slain. § When
the emperor, Muhammad Shah, heard of Daler Khan’s death, he made a
present to Muhammad Khan, by way of consolation, of a jewelled aigrette
and a khilat . ||

* In the Hamirpur District.

f He died in Rahi 1133 H. (January 1721).

X In the Banda District, 42 miles east of Banda. Gaz. N. W. P. I, 593.

§ The “ Siyar-ul-Mutakharin,” p. 452, says Daler Khan had 1000 men with him,
of whom 700 or 800 were killed.

|| S-ul-M. p. 452,

286

W. Irvine — The JB ungasli Nawabs of Furrukhdbad. [No. 4,

Daler Khan, chela, was by birth a Bundela Thakur.* He is famed
for his bravery, but he seems to have been very lavish and extravagant in
his management. He spent one year’s income in equipping a body of seven¬
teen hundred horse, magnificently clad and armed. When the Nawab sent
urgent orders for remittance of revenue, Haler Khan marched with his
regiment and halted where is now the Paen Bagh below the fort. At¬
tending darbar, he made each of his men present a gold coin as “ nazr.”
Haler Khan then took up the Nawab’s shoes and stood behind his seat, say¬
ing, “ I am only fit to carry your shoes, you may give the Subah to whom
“ you like, one who will bring you heaps of money ; these seventeen hun-
“ dred men are all the revenue you will get from me.” This made the
Nawab smile, he embraced Haler Khan and sent him back to his district.

Haler Khan took part in nearly all the campaigns in which Muham¬
mad Khan was engaged. The Pathans and the Bundelas on account of his
bravery, styled him “ Surman” (brave, bold), the mark of which is that a
man’s arms are so long that his hands touch his knees when standing
upright. Haler Khan had this peculiarity.

The traditionary account of his death is as follows : One day Haler Khan
had gone out to shoot followed by only three hundred horse, the rest being
left in camp. A scout brought word to Rajah Chattarsal, who came out
with a large force. Both sides began to fire. Nawab Haler Khan’s com¬
panions advised a retreat. He refused, with the remark, “ One must die
sooner or later.” Then reciting the final prayer (Fdtiha) and taking up
his horse’s rein to urge him on, he rode straight into the Rajah’s army and,
cutting his way through, came clear out on the other side. Numbers of
the Bundelas were killed. He then made for the Rajah’s howdah, and at
this moment he received a ball in his chest, so that he fell dead. All the
three hundred horsemen shared his fate. When his troops heard of his death
they came out to attack Chattarsal, who then retreated. Haler Khan was
buried in the village of Maudah,f and all the people of Bundelkhand mourn¬
ed his loss. On every Thursday sweetmeats are offered at his tomb. Every
son of a Bundela, on reaching the age of twelve years, is taken by his father
and mother to Maudah, where they place his sword and shield on Haler
Khan’s tomb. They make an offering, and the boy then girds on the
sword and takes up the shield, while the parents pray that he may be brave
as Haler Khan. Kettle-drums are regularly beaten at the tomb.j;

* The motto on his seal was “ Az lutf i Muhammad Daler amadam .” Hisam-ud-dm
says he was uncle to the Rana of Gohad living* in 1753. If this be true, Daler Khan
was a Jat, hut the accepted story is that in the text.

f Gaz. I, 27. In the Hamirpur District, 20 miles from Hamirpur. The tomb is
one mile outside the town (Gaz. I, 545) on the Hamirpur road. The date there given,
1730, seems to be a mistake.

% Note C. on Bundelkhand traditions of Daler (or Dalel) Khan.

287

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawcibs of FarrulcJidbdd.

About the time of Daler Khan’s death, that is in 1133 H. (Oct. 1720 —
Oct. 1721), Muhammad Khan was appointed governor of Allahabad. The
authors of the “ Lauh” say the Sanacl for Allahabad used to be with Amin-
ud-daula, grandson of Muhammad Khan, and naib from 1786 to 1803, and
that Islam Khan Bakhshi had a copy. I know not what has become of
these now. The revenue is said to have been eighty-two lakhs of rupees.

In the latter part of 1723, when Muhammad Khan reached Mairtha#
on his way to Court with Abhai Singh, son of Ajit Singh of Marwar,f a
farman and an order sealed by the Amir-ul-Umra (Khan Dauran Khan)
were received. These stated that Chattarsal had occupied a large portion
of imperial territory, that Burhan-ul-Mulk had been sent in haste against
him, and that Muhammad Khan should also hurry to the spot.

In obedience to this order, Muhammad Khan proceeded in the 7th year
(Dec. 1721 — Dec. 1725), to the Subah of Allahabad, which had been already
granted to him with all its sctrJcars. For years, owing to the resistance of
the zamindars, his deputies had been unable to regain effective possession
in Bundelkhand. After a two months’ stay in Allahabad, an army of fifteen
thousand horsemen was collected. With these he proceeded to the banks
of the Jamna at Bhognipur. £ Burhan-ul Mulk had already returned, and
had gone back to his Subah of Audh.

Repeated orders came to make an advance, and several leaders were ac¬
cordingly sent across the Jamna. Muhammad Khan then crossed the river
himself. In the course of six months’ fighting, he penetrated as far as par-
ganah Sahendah, south of Banda. Barmans and orders from Khan Dau¬
ran Khan were now received through Aya Mall, stating that as Mubariz
Khan had been killed, the campaign against the Hindus had been post¬
poned^ Although the enemy had nearly succumbed, the Nawab was
reluctantly compelled to forego his advantage. The enemy swore by most
solemn oaths not to re-enter Muhammad Khan’s jagirs, and they retreated
three marches from the Muhammadan army. After placing his Thanas in
the country, Muhammad Khan came away. He then, as already related,
was sent on duty to Gwaliyar to repel an expected attack from the Mahrat-
tas. Taking advantage of his absence, the Bundelas, in the most faithless
manner, broke their oath and set aside their treaty, and prevented the col¬
lection of any revenue.

At this period, Harde Narayan and the other sons of Chattarsal had
overrun the whole of Baghelkhand to the frontiers of Subah ’Azimabad,

* About forty miles west of Ajmir, in Jodhpur territory.

f See back, page 283.

t In the Cawnpur district, on the road to Kalpi, about six miles from the Jamna.

§ Mubariz Khan, governor of Haidarabad, was killed in battle with Asaf Jah in
October 1724. Elph. 615.

288

W. Irvine — The Ban gasli JVawdhs of FurruicJidhad. [No. 4,

and approaching Allahabad had raised disturbances in that quarter. In the
9th year (1139 — 1140 H.) Muhammad Khan received a farmdn directing
him to proceed to his Subah to restore order, Bundelkhand being a sub¬
ordinate division of the Allahabad province. An allowance of two lakhs of
rupees a month was made, afterwards commuted to a grant of the Chakla
of Kora.

As soon as he reached Allahabad, Muhammad Khan began to raise an
army. Seventeen rupees was the pay of a trooper and twenty rupees that
of a Jamadar. On the 12th Jamada II, 1139 H. (24th January 1727,)
Akbar Khan, the Nawab’s third son, was appointed to lead the van and
crossed the Jamna. Muhammad Khan’s ad vance- tents were sent across the
river, and he soon followed with fifteen to sixteen thousand horse and the
same number of infantry.* * * § ** * * §§

At this time the Bundelas, with a force estimated at 20,000 horse and
more than 100,000 foot, held the whole of Baghelkhand up to Patna, the
country of Sankrat, and Mando (or Madhon)f as far as HaldirJ the
only place left was the fort of Be wand, [Bond, Pewand P] which Hardi Sail
and Jagat Bae had invested with a force of 30,000 horse and 50,000 foot.
To meet this powerful confederacy, Muhammad Khan urged the Wazir to aid
him with contingents from Udait Singh, Bajah of Orchha, Bao Bamchand
of Datiya, Pirthi, zamindar of Sahendah, Durjan Singh, zamindar of Chande-
ri, Bajah Jai Singh of Maudah, Khande Bam Narwari and Bajah Gropal
Singh Bhadaurya. He also wished for the aid of certain faujdars, Sayyad
Najm-ud-din ’Ali Khan, Sabit Khan, Jan Nisar Khan, Buzurg ’Ali Khan,
and the Naib Faujdar of Jaunpur. None of these men, except Jai Singh
of Maudah, appear to have obeyed the orders issued to them from Delhi.

The first operations were directed to clearing the eastern part of Bun¬
delkhand. The forts of Luk§, Cliaukhandi, || G-arh-Kakareli^f and Mau##
in the Sankrat-Barsinghpurff country were reduced. They also obtained
BamnagarJJ the forts of Katauli,§§ Sahrah, and Kalyanpur,|| || with a

* The crossing took place, I am inclined to think, at Allahabad, or perhaps, at
the Mau ferry, some 35 miles above that place.

f Query, 22 miles west of Riwah.

X Query, 10 miles north-east of Riwah.

§ In Riwah, east of the Tons. Long. S 1 *29, Lat. 24*55.

|| Long. 81.29^ Lat. 25.1. About 10 m. S. of Bargarh Railway Station, in the
Riwah state.

II Long. 81.17 Lat 24.26, west of the Tons, in the Pannah state.

** Long. 81°9 Lat 25°21 about seven miles S. of the Dabhaurah Railway Station.

ff Long. 81° 1 Lat 24°48 about 7 m. east of the Jabalpur Railway.

XX There is one Ramnagar about 2 m. west of Kalinjar.

§§ Long. 81°15 Lat 24°59',

DU Long. 81°7' Lat. 25°.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash JSfctwdhs of Furrukhabad.

289

hundred kos of the country belonging to Mandho* * * § ** and Bandah. For a time
the enemy hung about the hills near Tarahwan, after which they entered the
fort, Chattarsal himself taking refuge in flight. Leaving Kaim Khan to
invest Tarahwan, Muhammad Khan himself went to within four Jcos of
Sahendah, but the enemy again gave way and fled. The parganahs of
Bhind,t Maudah,^ Pailani,§ Agwasi|| and Simauni,^[ with the ferries, had
now been cleared. The campaign up to the first capture of Tarahwan
seems to have occupied ten months or a year.

Kaim Khan, the Nawab’s eldest son, and another brother, Hadi Dad
Khan, were left behind with 12,000 horse and 12,000 foot to besiege
Tarahwan. Babu Chattar Singh, son of Rajah Jai Singh of Maudah, was
also put under his orders, together with Khan Jahan, Halim Khan, Muham¬
mad Zu’lfikar, Rae Har Parshad, and two zamindars, Sadu and Har Bans.
Sangram Singh, brother of Anandi Das, had also promised to join with some
men he had collected. Kaim Khan’s instructions were to take the place as
quickly as possible, and then rejoin his father wTith the captured cannon, lead,'
and powder of Tarahwan, Kalyanpur and Kakrauri. The zamindars were
to be conciliated, Tarahwan bringing in fourteen lakhs of rupees.

The fort of Tarahwan, the head-quarters of Pahar Singh, had three
mud forts with four masonry citadels, surrounded by an extensive jungle.
For many years no Muhammadan governor had attacked it, and for some
months it resisted all efforts to reduce it. The garrison was commanded by
Sabha Singh, son of Harde Narayan and grandson of Chattarsal, aided by
Har Bans, zamindar of Bargarh## with a number of Mahrattas, “ Barki,” (?)
and others. On the 9th Jamadi I, 1140 (12th Dec., 1727), after severe
fighting, Kaim Khan succeeded in entering the outer fort, having beaten
in the gates by driving his elephant against them. The Hindus, after a
short struggle, were expelled from the second fortress and compelled to take
refuge in the third fort. About two thousand of the besieged lost their
lives. From the walls of the fourth fort, the defenders threw down burning
substances, and the contest was prolonged for some fifteen hours : at three
hours before sunrise the survivors sallied forth intending to escape, when
three hundred of them were killed, and as many more were drowned in the

* Madhogarh, Long. 80°58' Lat. 24°34'.

f Mataundh, to the south-west of Banda, is suggested by Mr. Cadell.

t In the East of the Hamirpur district.

§ In the Banda district, the next parganah to Maudah on the east.

|| Augasi, in the Banda district, the parganah next to Pailani on the east. Mr.
Cadell tells me that the name is spelt Agwasi on a slab in the mosque at Augasi built
by Shah Kuli on the site of the Hindu fort.

II About 10 miles south-west of Augasi.

** Bargarh, a station on the E. I. Railway (P)

290

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JVawdhs of FurruJchaldd. [No 4,

river. The fort was then completely occupied. The siege had occupied five
or six months. After this victory Iyaim Khan marched against the fort of
Kalyan Singh, eight Icos from Tarahwan,* and against Muhkamgarh in the
same neighbourhood. f

While Kaim Khan was occupied with Tarahwan and the country to
the east, Muhammad Khan advanced from Sihondah. Skirmishing went
on continuously for one month and twenty-one days. The enemy had
strengthened their position by throwing up strong entrenchments, overlook¬
ing the bed of the torrent, in addition to the village fort. Tradition hands
down Ichauli as the site of the great battle which now took jdace. This
might refer to the Ichauli on the Syani river, eleven miles west of Banda,
although this village does not seem far enough to the south and west to
fit in with the rest of the details ; nor is there in the district anything
known of a fight there against the Muhammadans. In the ILadikat-uU
Akalim the name is spelt Ajuni or Ajuli , and it is said to be in parganah
Mahoba. The date of the battle was the 2nd Shuwwal, 1139, (12th May,
1727).

At about two hours after sunrise, the first entrenchment, defended by
Harde Narayan and Hindu Singh Chandela with twenty thousand horse
and forty thousand foot, was carried by the Muhammadans, who had
advanced slowly and in good order. Here Bhure Khan, Dilawar Khan,
Imam Khan, Ghulam Muhammad Khan, ’Abd-ur-rasul Khan, and Mu¬
hammad Zaman Khan, chiefs and leaders, lost their lives, while Akbar
Khan, the Nawab’s son, received a graze from a spent ball, and Sayyad
Ja’far Husain Khan, Allahyar Khan and Mangal Khan were wounded.
The Bundelas now retreated to a second fort occupied by Jagat Rae,
another son of the Rajah, with fifteen thousand horse. Fighting was
resumed, and here Ahmad Khan, Iradat Khan, Sirdar Khan and Husain
Khan were slain, and Rahmat Khan with other horsemen was severely
wounded. At length Harde Narayan, Jagat Narayan and Mohan Singh,
sons of Chattarsal,J and Hindu Singh Chandela fled to a third fort, near
a village on a winding torrent surrounded by inaccessible ravines. Here
were Chattarsal’s own head quarters and a force of ten thousand horse and
twenty thousand foot,

Muhammad Khan pursued his enemy and renewed the engagement.
After several hours, the Bundelas continued their flight to a river with a

* Ivalyanpur Khas is about 1 7 miles south-east of Tarahwan.

f There is a Mokengarh in the Indian Atlas, 5 miles south of Tarahwan on the
Pysunni-nadi.

% This name is spelt Sattarsal throughout Sahib Rae’s MS., but I have adhered to
the more usual form. The author of the H a dika t-ul-Akd Um tells us both forms were
used.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bangash JSfawabs of Farr uhhdbdd.

291

tortuous course, full of whirlpools and having many ravines. Driven out
of this position, they took shelter in the ravines about half a 7cos behind
their camp. Finding here no place of security, Chattarsal with his sons,
their relations and dependents, having mounted on horseback in order to
escape notice, made off twelve Jcos into the jungle. All the camp equipage,
tents and cannon fell into the hands of the victors. Pursuit was made for
a distance of two Jcos ; the Muhammadans then halted and encamped. It
was soon learnt that the Bundelas had gone off to the vicinity of Salhat,
Damdast, and Thana Paswarah.# These places are described as full of
high hills, deep lakes, torrent beds, ravines, and thorny jungle of great
extent. The Bundela leaders had thrown up entrenchments, intending to
dispute the passage. Chattarsal himself took up a position at Surajmau
some Jcos south of Jaitpur.

Muhammad Khan estimated his own loss in the above battle at four
thousand to five thousand killed and wounded ; and that of the enemy at
twelve to thirteen thousand. The Muhammadan army was reduced to some
fourteen or fifteen thousand horse, and there was a great scarcity of water
and fodder. Not a single one of the Bajahs or faujdars had joined him.

The auxiliary forces of the Bundelas, numbering some forty thousand
horse and one hundred thousand foot, were made up by the troops of the
Bajah of Mando,f of the Gahilwars of Bijipur, J of Khande Bae Narwari,§
of the zamindars of zila’ Malwa, of all Gondwana and Malak Gadh,|| with
the Gaurs and the Parihars of the country round.

The oral tradition of this battle gives a more romantic version of it.
It is as follows : One day before the battle,^]" Muhammad Khan distributed
ninety thousand rupees among the troops ; and the heralds (nakib) announced
that, the morrow being fixed for the decisive struggle, every man must be ready
armed by midnight. On the other side Chattarsal made his preparations.
His army consisted of one hundred thousand foot and seventy thousand
horse. Several other Bajahs followed his standard.

From the hour of morning prayer the battle began. The contending
leaders advanced slowly towards each other on elephants. Skirmishing
parties were thrown out from both sides. The Khalifa used to say that he
had at one time expended all the arrows from his quiver. So many were

* About 6 miles north-east of Mahoba.

f Mandogarh, 22 miles west of Riwah.

X Possibly the Bijipur in Scindiah’s territory, 52 miles south-west of Gwaliar.
Thornton, 120.

§ Narwar, a town about 40 miles south of Gwaliar.

|| Query. The Garh Kotah 25 miles east of Sagar. Thornton, 324.

U The authority for these details is Khalifa Naim, son of Kali Miyan Ji, the teach¬
er of the Nawab’s chelas, who told the author of the “ Lauh-i-Tarikh.”

P P

292

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawahs of FarruJchdhdd. [No. 4,

lying about, however, that by bolding on to bis saddle and stooping over,
be plucked up eighteen in one bandful. About midday the Nawab’s ele¬
phant rushed at and struck that of Mangal Khan Musenagari,* and ran
after it for some little distance. Chattarsal’s army thought that Muham¬
mad Ivhan had taken to flight. With one voice all the Bundelas shouted
out that the Bangash had fled. Hearing this outcry, Muhammad Khan
turned round with his face to the back of the howdah, calling out as was
his custom “ Bahadur o, yihi waJct hahdduri ha haiB He asked the elephant-
driver what this fighting meant, it had never occurred before, when the
man explained that intending to fight Chattarsal’s elephant, he had drugged
his own. The elephant was again turned to face the enemy.

Muhammad Khan, armed to the teeth, was standing up to his full
height in his howdah, the sides of which were some three feet high.
Suddenly they see bearing down upon them two Bundela horsemen with
spears in their hands, and as they come they avoid all encounter. When
stopped by any of Muhammad Khan’s men, they reply, “ We have some¬
thing to tell your Nawab.” At length they came close to Muhammad
Khan’s elephant. There they halted, and one of them got out a small bag
from his waist-cloth and eat some tobacco. Then grasping his spear firmly
in his hand, he shouted out “ Bangash, keep a sharp look out, I am at you.”
He so impelled his horse, that it placed its two forefeet on the trunk of the
Nawab’s elephant ; he then made a thrust with his spear. The Nawab avoid¬
ed the blow, and shot an arrow at the man with such force, that he fell
dead from his horse. The horse was killed by the elejdrant.t The second
horseman did as the first, and was killed in the same way. The Nawab
exclaimed to Mangal Khan Musenagari — “ How brave must these Bunde¬
las be.”

Bhure Khan, chela, now placed himself at the head of a number of brave
Pathans and penetrated the enemy’s army, intending to kill Chattarsal.
Bhure Khan lost his own life instead, and the Nawab’s son, Akbar Khan,
received a bullet wound. Por the loss of Bhure Khan the Nawab wept,
and for many days after the battle wore orange- coloured clothes in sign of
mourning, saying, “ What Bhure said was true, he said he would die be¬
fore me.”

About two hours to sunset the elephants of Nawab Muhammad Khan
and Rajah Chattarsal met face to face. Chattarsal seated under an iron-

* Musenagar, parganah Bhognipur, Cawnpur district, on the left bank of the
Jamna some 13 or 14 miles east of Kalpi.

f The tradition is that the Nawab’ s arrows bore a head of several fingers’ breadth,
a shot from his how usually killed any one hit. Up to Shaukat Jang’s time (1813—
1823) there were several of these arrows in the Armoury, and Chaudhri ’Alim-ullah,
bearer of the Fish standard, had several of them.

293

18/8.] W. Irvine — The Hang ash JVawdbs of Farr ukh abaci.

plated canopy was encouraging his troops to the final onset. Nawab Mu¬
hammad Khan aimed at the canopy with a steel javelin (sang) which breaking
through struck the elephant. Chattarsal himself swooned. The attendant
in the hind seat said to the maJiaut — “ Drive off the elephant ; the fight will
be renewed to-morrow.” Chat tarsal’s elephant was turned round and it
fled for many miles. His troops began to retreat, and Ani Kao, sister’s son
to the Rajah, was killed. The Pathans ran hither and thither despatching
the flying Bundelas.

At night -fall Chattarsal came to his senses and asked who had won.
His courtiers said, “ No one has gained the victory, when you became insen-
“ sible we retreated eight or ten miles, to-morrow morning we will renew
“ the engagement.” Chattarsal flew into a passion with his brothers and
nephews, and declared that he would never retreat before Muhammad Khan.
He wanted to know why they had brought him away, he would either go
back or else take his own life. No one listened to his words.

The whole night long Nawab Muhammad Khan and his men remain-
ed in arms upon the field of battle, expecting the return of the Bundelas.
Not a single man got leave to go for food or water. Near at hand was a
wild plum tree on which there was some unripe fruit. These were gathered
one by one, and the Nawab’s mahaut driving his elephant up to the tree
collected some of the plums, part of which he gave to the Nawab.

On the 29th Shawwal, 1139 H. (8th June, 1727), twenty-seven days
after the first battle, the imperial army marched towards the enemy’s posi¬
tion. At one watch before sunrise on the 1st Zi’l-ka’d (9th June, 1727),
Muhammad Khan mounted and placed himself at the head of his troops.
Before, however, they could come to close quarters, and while they were
still one kos distant, the enemy broke and fled towards Mahoba^ and else¬
where. Those who lingered were slain. The forts of Barigarh,f the resi¬
dence of Khan Jahan, the sister’s son of Chattarsal, and Lahuri- Jhumar,£
submitted at once to the parties sent against them. The Muhammadans
then encamped one kcrs beyond Mahoba, while the enemy lurked in the hills
of Salhat, § there being but two kos left between the armies. Further pro¬
gress was delayed by heavy rain, which rendered it impossible in that soil
to place one foot before another.

At this point there seems to have been a delay of some five months
during which the advance was suspended. It was not till the 17th Rabi
II, 1110 H. (21st Nov., 1727) that the army got near to Salhat. That very

* In the south of the Hamirpur District.

t Ten miles S. E. by E. from Mahoba.

X 16 miles S. E. of Mahoba.

§ Mr. Cadell tells me that Salhat is still a well-known jungle between Mahoba
and Jaitpur.

294

W. Irvine — The Sang ash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 4,

day Harde Sah arrived to re-inforce Jagat Rae. The enemy, from the
strong and high earth-works which they had thrown up on the hills, kept
up a musketry fire and discharge of arrows. This went on the whole day,
and nearly one hundred of the enemy were killed and many were wounded.
The Muhammadans also lost some men. At sunset the enemy gave way and
many were destroyed by the artillery fire. Half of the hill and jungle was
gained. Efforts were then directed to cutting down the jungle and making
a road.

Another delay of four months appears now to have interposed. The
complaint of Muhammad Khan is that the enemy were scattered all over
the country like ants or locusts. Without numerous troops nothing could
be done, and already all the troops, that could be paid from the two lakhs
of rupees a month, had been entertained, while there was a further force
under Kaim Khan engaged in the siege of Tarahwan.

On the 6th Ramzan, 1140 (5th April, 1728) the army reached its
encampment between Salhat and Kulpahar.# The attack on the enemy
was made on the 20th Kamzan (19th April, 172S). One kos beyond Kulpa-
har there are numerous high hills covered with thorny jungle. Here the
enemy had prepared seven entrenched places, with two strong outworks in
front. The walls and ditch were carried back on each side to the hill itself.
On the summit of the hills were posted some of their best men who, as
soon as the Muhammadans appeared, began to fire down upon them. The
walls were first breached by artillery fire, when an assault was ordered. The
enemy then retreated to the second outwork, where the contest was renewed.
Thus, step by step, the hill was gained and all the entrenchments cleared.
During the following night, about midnight, Harde Narayan, Jagat Rae and
Mohan Singh attempted a night surprise, but without result, although three
distinct attacks were made.

On the 21st Ramzan (20th April, 1728) Muhammad Khan started for
Mundharif where there was a fort built of stone on a hill surrounded by
thick jungle. Although the defenders fired down on -the scaling party, the
fort was taken. There the army encamped and prepared for a further
advance. The enemy’s leaders then brought their infantry into the wood,
which stretches far and wide for many kos. From the shelter of the trees
they began to discharge their arrows and kept up a severe fire of musketry.
Their skirmishers were soon expelled by the Muhammadans, headed by Akbar
Khan, the Nawab’s son. Muhammad Khan also advanced in person to his
support. Many heads of the fallen foe were cut off and brought in, with
many stray horses which, together with a number of loaded baggage-camels,
became the booty of the army.

9

* About 6 miles N. E. of Jaitpur.

f This I take to be Moorhari of the maps, 4 miles E. of Jaitpur.

205

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Naivahs of Farr u/chabad.

The Muhammadans now fixed their camp in front of Kulpahar, with
Jaitpur on their right, Mundhari slightly on one side in the same direction,
and the hills of Salhat, occupied by the enemy, on their left. Daily skir¬
mishes occurred whenever the troops were out clearing away the jungle.

The enemy now gathered themselves together in the hills of Ajhnar,^
which is three /cos beyond Jaitpur, and Surajmau, which is the same distance
from that place. The Muhammadan camp was moved into the hills beyond
Jaitpur, while active preparations were made for the siege of Jaitpur itself.
It had taken twenty months to drive the Bundelas as far west as Ajhnar.
These twenty months, if we count from the 12th Jamadi II, 1139, (21th
January, 1727), the date of crossing the Jamna, would end in Safar, 1110
(August, 1728).

During the rainy season (July to October, 1728), the siege progressed
but slowly. Owing to the excessive moisture the mines fell in as soon
as dug. The fort was protected on one side by a lake of great depth,
one /cos wide and several /cos long, it was placed on a hill, and the enemy
had mounted it with cannon and “ rahkla.” It was not till four months
or so afterwards that the place fell. By the time it had been taken, the
campaign had lasted over twenty-four months (Jamadi II, 1139, to Jamadi
I, 1111 = January 1727 to December 1728).

At this period Muhammad Khan saw reason to complain bitterly of
the way he was treated at Court. He says he had performed the work of
seven or eight men, that he was fighting night and day ; yet no honours
were granted for his sons or relations, nor pensions to the dependents of
those who had fallen. Instead of reward, their jagirs were resumed. The
parganah of Shahpur,t he was now told, had been granted for one harvest
only, although it had been given in exchange for a gift of two krors of
“ dam.” In the affair of Ajit Singh of Marwar, lakhs had been given away,
while all that Muhammad Khan had asked was the restoration of one par¬
ganah.

For the preceding six months the enemy had caused confusion in parts
of parganah Panwari. J Darak Singh, an ally of Chattarsal’s, now took up
a position with two thousand horse and five thousand foot in the strong fort
of Sahandi§ on the banks of a river extremely difficult to cross. Orders
were given to Muhammad Bisharat Multani, who commanded in Bath,|| to
coerce Darak Singh and take his fort. This man showed little zeal or
energy, for he camped a long time in zila’ Auli^[ on pretence of conciliat-

* Six miles S. of Jaitpur.

f Now in the Cawnpur District.

j The parganah N. W. of Jaitpur, in the Ilamirpur District.

§ Mr. Cadell suggests Seonri, on the Dassan, G miles N. W. of Panwari.

|| About 12 miles N. of Panwari town.

TI Query, Orai in the Jalaun District, the “1” being interchangeable with “r”
at times.

29G W. Irvine — The Bcingctsh JTawdhs of FarruJcJiabad. [No, 4,

ing his troops. He then lingered in Jalalpur,* and it was only on getting
sharp orders to make over Auli to Rao Ram Chand,t that he advanced and
cleared the parganah of Rath.

Sardar Khan was also sent with Kunwar Pancham Singh, to force Rao
Ram Chand’s army to retire from the investment of the forts and thanas
in the country of Rajah Pirthi Singh. J With the assistance of the Bha-
dauriya forces, these orders were executed. §

We have already seen that Tarahwan fell first before Kaim Khan in
Jamadi I, 1140, (December 1727). He then cleared the plain country and
the hills in the east of Bundelkhand ; and, leaving Sayyad ’Arif Ali Khan
in charge, aided by Sadu a zamindar, he rejoined his father. Hardly had he
done so, when word came that at the instigation of the sons and grandsons
of Chattarsal, the zamindar of Bargarh|| and Hindu Singh, with a force of
five thousand horse and ten thousand foot, had broken into revolt. Kaim
Khan was at once sent back with five thousand horse and five thousand
foot. When he came within twelve /cos of Tarahwan, his spies informed
him that the enemy had already regained the first outwork of the fort.

On the 1st Rabi I, of the 10th year=1141 H. (24th Sep., 1728), while
Muhammad Khan was following up the Bundelas in the hills of Ajhnar
and was besieging Jaitpur, his son Kaim Khan commenced his attack, for
the second time, on Tarahwan. On this occasion the outer fort only was
taken. It was not till more than a month afterwards, on the 9th Rabi II,
of the 11th year=1141 H. (1st November, 1728), that the final assault was
given. A mine had been driven under one of the bastions and filled with
gunpowder. The moment the explosion occurred the assault took place.
About six hundred of the assailants were slain and a still larger number of
the besieged. The rest gave way and fled towards Tarhat^" pursued by the
Muhammadans who, after the victory, occupied the fortress of Tarahwan.

Kaim Khan followed up this success and, after five or six defeats in
the field, so closely pressed his opponent at Bargarh that he was glad to
submit. These operations must have occupied some months, for although
ordered to rejoin his father at once, Kaim Khan was still absent when the
Malirattas suddenly appeared on the 12th March, 1729, to turn Muhammad
Khan’s course of victory into defeat.

While Jaitpur was invested, Muhammad Khan moved onwards into
the hills, and kept up constant skirmishes against the enemy under Chattar-

* Hamirpur District about 24 miles N. E. of Rath.

t Rajah of Datiya ?

1 Of Sahendah ?

§ The Bhadauriya family history will be noticed hereafter.

|| About 34 miles east of Tarahwan, near the Jahbalpur line.

H Barhat ?

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawahs of JFarruTcliabdd. 297

sal, Harde Narayan and Jagat Rae. At length Harde Sah, Jagat Rae,
Mohan Singh, Lachman Singh, and other sons and grandsons came in with
their families ; and after a time, Chattarsal himself with ten thousand horse
and fifteen thousand foot drew near, bringing his Rani and grandchildren.
For three or four months (December 1728 to January and February 1729,)
the Bundelas waited quietly in camp, expecting an answer to Muhammad
Khan’s report to the Emperor, in which he craved leave to bring his pri¬
soners to Court.

Although no answer came negotiations went on. Diwan Harde Sail*
was more especially friendly with Muhammad Ivhan, they frequently made
excursions and hunting expeditions together, and talked of setting out
together on a “ mulkgiri.” The only difficulty was a want of carriage, and
Kaim Khan was requested to send Yakut Khan with money for expenses,
and carriage for fifteen hundred horsemen. Those men with Kaim Khan
who had relations with the main army, were to procure and send carriage
for them.

For a long time no settlement with the Bundelas could be come to.
When Muhammad Khan asked for the delivery of his jagirs, which they
had long occupied, they replied that besides the troops with them they
possessed nothing. At length they agreed to submit to the Imperial autho¬
rity, and hound themselves by all the oaths most sacred to Hindus never to
rebel again, but to deliver up all the places they occupied, and to permit
Imperial thanas or armed posts to he placed throughout their country.

From Delhi no answer was vouchsafed, and three months passed by.
The Bundelas made use of this interval to send messengers with overtures
to Burhan-ul-mulk, who received them favourably. Letters came privately
from Court inciting Chattarsal to resist and recommence hostilities. The
Bundelas had by this time learnt that Muhammad Khan had powerful
influences against him at Court, and were thus encouraged to renew the
struggle.

When three months had thus passed by, the time of the Holi festival
approached. Chattarsal was brought by his sons in a palki to Muhammad
Ivhan. They represented that from age, weakness, and confinement their
father was extremely ill. If he died in camp, it would be said that he had
been made away with. On these pretexts leave was obtained to remove the
old Rajah to Surajmau, three /cos beyond the Muhammadan camp, which
was then in the hills some distance south of Jaitpur. Jagat Rae and his
brothers were also allowed leave to celebrate the Holi festival (February —
March 1729).

As there had been every prospect of a speedy end to the campaign,
Muhammad Khan’s allies had returned to their homes, many of his soldiers
had proceeded on leave, or had returned to Allahabad, and others were scat-
* “ Diwan” seems to have been the title of the eldest son.

298

W. Irvine — The Tang ash Naivahs of Farruhhabad. [No. 4,

terecl about in small parties at the Thdnas lie bad established. In all, about
four thousand horsemen were left with his standards. Humours now be¬
gan to spread that the Mahrattas, who had just defeated and slain the
Nazim of Malwa (Girdhar Bahadur), had been sent for ; but relying on the
solemn covenant which had been entered into, Muhammad Khan treated
all that he heard as popular falsehoods. He collected no supplies nor any
stores of grain.

It was not till the Mahrattas were within eleven Jcos of his camp, that
Muhammad Khan became assured of their approach. By great exertions,
he increased his force to about nine thousand or ten thousand horse and the
same number of foot. He proceeded to throw up an entrenchment round his
camp. Diwan Harde Sahe, the eldest son and heir of Chattarsal, remained so
far faithful to his engagements as to take no active part in the attack ; but
all the others went over to the Mahrattas. The only other ally was Kajah
Jai Singh of Maudah, but he seems to have been a half-hearted one, for he
insisted on discharging most of the one thousand men he commanded, and
retained with him no more than one hundred horse and one hundred foot.
Kunwar Lachman Singh, brother of the Kajah of Orchha, attended for a
time with four or five hundred men, but soon withdrew on some excuse.
There were great difficulties caused by the want of money, the revenue of
Chakla Kora not being received. Gunpowder and other requisites were
also needed, and the Emperor was asked to send one thousand mans of lead,
one thousand mans of gunpowder, two large cannons, and fifty “ rahkla.”

The Mahratta army was commanded by Baji Kao, the diwan of Kajah
Sahu, Pila Jadon and others, twelve leaders in all. No account could be
got of the force they had when they started, but on the way they had been
joined by all turbulent spirits among the zamindars, who came in the hope
of plundering and laying waste the imperial territory. The total force had
thus swelled to nearly seventy thousand men besides an equal number of
Bundelas.

On Wednesday the 22nd Sha’ban of the 11th year (1141 PI. = 12th
March 1729), the Mahrattas sent out a party to the hills of Ajhnar, who
came within one Jcos of Muhammad Khan’s encampment and reconnoitered
the position. They fell on the grazing cattle of the camp followers, but
were soon driven away by the Muhammadans, who brought in three heads
and some horses.

The next day, before sunrise, the Mahrattas advanced by the right and
left to the rear of the camp, where they cut off the camels and other beasts
of burden when going out for grass. Troops were sent out to recover the
camels and the fighting went on till midday. The same tactics were repeat¬
ed on the 24th (14th March, 1729), and the enemy were again repelled,
twenty heads being brought in.

299

j

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangctsh JVawabs of Farrulchd lad.

On the 25th Sha’ban (15th March, 1729), Muhammad Khan made a
sortie and all day the enemy hid themselves in the hills. Near sunset they
suddenly rushed out, but were driven back with a loss of five men and four
horses. After the first watch of the night, when it was very dark, the con¬
test began again on the right wing and “ the fire was like the fall of leaves
from trees.” Four of the enemy were killed and some horses and camels
captured. It was now reported that Baji Rao had sent for his brother?
who was then on a plundering expedition towards Kotah and Bundi.

Gradually the Mahrattas succeeded in closing round the camp, and
placed outposts to the rear where they kept up the most vigilant outlook.
In all directions the roads were closed, prices rose very high, mahrwah or
mandwa , a small inferior grain, cost twenty rupees the seer, and other grain
could not be procured. All, great and small, endured the greatest priva¬
tions for two months (15th March to 15th May, 1729,) sustaining life on
the flesh of camels, horses, and cows. Nor were they left in peace by
night or day ; they were in action often five and six times a day. Each
day the enemy “ like the multitude of the stars before the rising sun, fled
“ into the rocks and hollows of the hills.” But Muhammad Khan had not
men enough to leave part to guard his tents, and with the rest to advance
and set up batteries against the enemy’s place of refuge, nor to pursue
them when they retreated.

The Mahrattas, hearing that Kaim Khan, theNawab’s son, had reached
Supa,# six has the other side of Jaitpur, with supplies and re-inf orcements,
moved off to oppose him. Muhammad Khan’s soldiers, distressed by the
high prices and want of pay, seized the opportunity and suddenly set off
on the road to Jaitpur. With the Nawab there were not left more than
one thousand horsemen. The Bundelas soon hearing of the retreat of the
soldiers issued from the hills of Ajhnar. Muhammad Khan mounted and
rode out to meet them leaving not a single man behind in camp. From
evening till one hour and a half after sunset fighting went on with spears,
swords, arrows and muskets, but at last the enemy returned to the hills of
Ajhnar. Muhammad Khan maintained his position for three hours longer,
while his chief men went off to Jaitpur to collect the fugitives.

Before the arrival of the leaders at Jaitpur, the men had continued
their flight and were already scattered in all directions. His companions
now counselled Muhammad Khan to commence a retreat. Up to this point
he had stood fast, resolved to maintain his name and fame as a soldier, but
now that honour was satisfied, he was persuaded to move, in the hope of
recalling the fugitive troops. Muhammad Khan had “ tried to seek escape
“ by death, but since, of the life lent to him, some part was yet unspent, he

* About 8 miles K» W, of Mahoba, and 14 miles N. E. of Jaitpur.

Q Q

300 AY. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FurruTchdbdd. [No. 4,

“ fouglit on till at midnight not another infidel was to he seen either to the
“ left or to the right, hut still death did not come to him.”

On reaching Jaitpur he began at once to strengthen the fortifications.
But there were no stores of food and no time to send for supplies. The
Mahrattas having defeated Kaim Khan soon returned, and completely in¬
vested the town and fort of Jaitpur, into which Muhammad Khan had with¬
drawn with his men and had closed the gates. A cannonade from both sides
began and Akbar Khan, the Nawab’s son, who was renowned for his strength,
threw down heavy stones from the fort wall and killed many of the Mah¬
rattas. AVhen the besiegers found they could not take the place by assault,
they decided to starve out the garrison. Jaitpur was strictly invested for
several months till there was no longer any grain for food. Then the
soldiers began to slaughter their horses and bullocks. Flour could not be
procured even at one hundred rupees the seer. Some of the Mahrattas used
to come at night with supplies of flour, half of which was made up of
ground bones. Those inside let down their money by a rope, flour was at¬
tached in its place at the rate of a seer for every hundred rupees, and the rope
was then drawn up.* Many of the soldiers died of starvation, and many
more leaving the Nawab to his fate escaped from the fort. Baji Bao’s
orders to his guards were that any of Muhammad Khan’s men who gave up
their arms should be allowed to pass unmolested. Many having no food pre¬
ferred to give up their arms and get away. Only some thousand or twelve
hundred remained with the Nawab.

AVhen the Mahrattas had fallen thus unexpectedly on his father, Kaim
Khan was still away at Tarahwan. He obeyed at once the summons to
him. He got as far as Supa, a few miles from Jaitpur, when the Mahrattas
met him. As he had barely more than a thousand men with him, he was
soon defeated, many of his men killed and the supplies under his convoy
scattered. All hope of immediate relief was thus dispelled. It only re¬
mained to Muhammad Khan to call upon the Emperor and the great
nobles and Bajahs for aid to extricate himself from his trying position.
These efforts were unavailing. Although the most urgent appeals were sent
in all directions, not a hand was raised to help or encourage him.

In this extremity Nawab Muhammad Khan wrote to his son, Kaim Khan
telling him to go to Sa’dat Khan Burhan-ul Mulk Bahadur Jang, and ’Abd-ul
Mansur Khan to demand aid. His orders were to head the relieving force
in person, in order to extricate his father from the toils of the Mahrattas.
Kaim Khan went to Sa’dat Khan and ’Abd-ul-Mansur Khan at Faizabad.
’Abd-ul-Mansur Khan had married Sa’dat Khan’s daughter, and he was also
his sister’s son. These two nobles decided that they would send no troops

* These details are confirmed by the author of the llacUlcat-u l-AJcd ttm, who got
them, he says, from a book written by a man who was present throughout.

301

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdhs of FarruJchdhdd.

with Kahn Khan, but kept him for several days in suspense. One day a
Bisaldar (commander of cavalry) in Sa’dat Khan’s army, himself an Afndi,
commanding twelve hundred men, said to Kaim Khan, “ You will neither
“get troops here, nor will you be allowed to go yourself, you must devise
“ some other plan.”

The Bibi Sahiba, mother of Kaim Khan, hearing reports of intended
treachery, sent Neknam Khan, chela, to Faizabad. Beaching that place he
went to the Bisaldar already mentioned and convinced him and his Pathans,
who were of Mau, Farrukhabad, Shahjahanpur and A'nwala, that rather
than allow Muhammad Khan to be captured, it would be to their interest
to march to his relief. Neknam Khan told them to assemble whenever the
camel kettle-drums should begin to beat in his camp. The same day Kaim
Khan and Neknam Khan visited ’Abd-ul Mansur Khan, and asked leave to
depart. ’Abd-ul Mansur Khan proposed their waiting for the troops he
had sent for, who would arrive in a few days. Neknam Khan then forced
Kaim Khan to rise, and pointing to Sa’dat Khan, said to Kaim Khan, “ You
“ will never deliver Muhammad Khan by their means.” He then in a great
rage lead Kaim Khan by the hand out of the audience hall. With them
were sixty Pathans clad in chain mail, whose orders were to strike at once,
if any one lifted a finger to touch them. Beaching camp the kettle¬
drums were beaten for the march. On hearing the sound, twelve hundred
Pathans in ’Abd-ul Mansur Khan’s service left him to follow Kaim Khan.
When word was brought to him, Sa’dat Khan sent off a camel rider to
recall Kaim Khan. Begardless of the Nawab’s message he continued his
route to Shahjahanpur. There more men joined his standard. Thence he
moved to Bangarh,# the abode of ’Ali Muhammad Khan Bohela, from
whom they obtained further re-inforcements. Then coming to Mau, num¬
bers of recruits flocked to enter their service. The army thus gathered
together numbered some thirty thousand men : as each man was promised
one hundred rupees a month, the expenses were enormous. It was only by
delivering over to them all the Nawab’s goods and chattels, together with all
the cash he could obtain from the money-lenders, that Kaim Khan induced
them to enlist.

An advance was now made, and crossing the Jamna they passed into
Bundelkhand. The Bundelas, hearing that Kaim Khan was approaching
with a strong force, hastened to make terms with Nawiib Muhammad Khan.
They took a written agreement from him never to attack them again,
and to be content with the tribute which had been formerly paid. Muham¬
mad Khan at this time did not know that Kaim Khan was marching to
his relief. He had come several marches from Jaitpur when he met his
son. Kaim Khan proposed they should return to renew the war, but Mu-
* In the Budaon District about 10 miles N. of Budaon.

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W. Irvine — The JBangash Nawdhs of FarruJehahad. [No. 4,

hammad Khan declined to break his pledge. Kaim Khan’s noble conduct
at this trying juncture extorts words of praise from a most unfriendly cri¬
tic, the author of the “ Siyar-ul-Mutakharin’’.#

The siege of Jaitpur had lasted three months and ten days, from the
middle of May to the end of August, 1729, (Shawwal 1141 to Safar 1142) ;
and with it ended Muhammad Khan’s connection with that part of the
country. For the rest of his life he continued to press on the Emperor
and his unwilling wazir his losses and his claims. But he never again
exercised any authority in, or obtained any revenue from the jagirs still
nominally his within the limits of Bundelkhand. Once only while in Mal¬
wa did he write to his quandom ally, Ilarde Sah, reminding him of an agree¬
ment made at Kharelaf to give up the government cannon, and to refrain
from interference with the jagir malials. There was also an unfulfilled
promise that Jagat Kaj’s agents would pay eight lakhs for Sahendah. Mu¬
hammad Khan reminds Harde Sah that the jagirs were worth fifty or sixty
lakhs a year, that never for one moment would he forget his claims, the
matter was one of opportunity, and with God’s help he would still enforce
his rights. If Ilarde Sah, who said he was a friend, allowed the jagirs to be
“ eaten” by others, he would become himself responsible. In the same
letter, he expresses his satisfaction that Ilarde Sail had taken the parganahs
of Auli,7 Kanar,§ Bampur,|| Kunch^f and others from Lachman Singh,
lhe same course he hoped would be pursued in respect of Kalpi,## Jalal-
pur,ft Sahendah, 7 + and Maudah.§§ All these orders were no more than
idle threats which were never to be enforced.

Muhammad Khan was now directed to proceed to court with no more
than five hundred men, leaving Kaim Khan in charge of the rest of his

* p. 465, line 4. — Grant Duff (p. 227), makes the Jaitpur affair follow the appoint¬
ment to Malwa, hut there can be little doubt from the local histories, confirmed by the
“ Siyar-ul-Mutakharin” and the “ Tarikh-i-Muzaffari”, that Muhammad Khan received
the Malwa appointment after he had been unsuccessful in Bundelkhand and had escaped
from Jaitpur. I also doubt the correctness of the date 1732 in the Gaz. N. W. P. I,
27. On p. 29, the year 1738 is given, which must be wrong: on p. 426, the date is
1731. On p. 545, Dalel Khan’s death is given as having taken place in 1730 instead
of 1720,

f In the Hamirpur District, Parganah Jalalpur, about 34 miles S. of Hamirpur.

t Query. Oral, in the Jalaun District.

§ In the Jalaun District. See Gaz. I. 191. Now in Parganah Madhugarh.

|| Query. In Parganah Madhugarh, Jalaun District.

If In the J alaun District.

** On the Jamna in the Jalaun District.

ff In the Hamirpur District.

tt This is I fancy some place in the Hamirpur District and not the parganah of
this name in Banda.

§§ Hamirpur District.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdbs of Tarruhlidbdd.

308

army. He replied that he had got as far as Jalalpur on his way home, hut
was forced to stop owing to the disturbances raised by the troops, to whom
more than one hr or of rupees was due. Before, while the fighting was
going on, no other thought could find place, night and day they were occu¬
pied with plans of resistance. But from the day of arrival at Kharela*
and Moth and the junction with Kaim Khan, they had resorted to every
kind of violence in demanding their pay, and in requiring food for the time
being. Their demands were made morning, noon and night, so that the
Nawab could neither eat nor sleep. He was driven to his wit’s end, and
death was. better than such a life. He begged, therefore, that to content
them, a portion of those two lakhs a month might be paid, which had been
promised to him before he crossed the Jamna ; or that to silence them a deed
for Allahabad might be granted, with assignment ( tanhhwah ) on the mahals
recovered from the enemy in Bundelkhand, and a sanad for the Sarkar of
Ghoraf in the name of Kaim Khan, from the year of the campaign against
Sayyad ’Abdullah Khan (1721), when a petition, with order granting this
Sarkar, was despatched to Haler Khan. He also demanded a sanad in
favour of another son, Akbar Khan, for the fauj ddri of Parganah Irichh.

We next find the Nawab reporting that the whole of the men had crossed
the Betwah, they would speedily reaeh Kalpi, and commence to cross the
Jamna, there being sixteen boats, large and small. Again Muhammad Khan
reiterates his complaints. He accuses the courtiers of making him out a
traitor and a rebel. Notwithstanding all the services he had done, the two
lakhs a month had not been paid. Kaim Khan had recently raised a great
army ; His Majesty could not have reflected where the money was to come
from. Did he think Kaim Khan knew alchemy, or could unearth hidden
treasure P Had any one else raised an army at such a juncture, he would
have been bountifully rewarded. Now the Nawab’ s companions-in-arms
received word that their tanhhwdhs, granted in the Emperor Farrukhsiyar’s
time, had been resumed. This was most unjust.

If the Emperor should deign to redouble his ancient favours, then
Muhammad Khan could continue his service. If not, he would draw on
the garment of resignation and withdraw from public life, or if desired
would proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. He himself was much cast down,
but what he writes is for the satisfaction of his troops, to whom all his
letters were shown. Although their pay was so greatly in arrears they
would not, out of respect to his fellow clanship, prevent his journey to
court. He felt much annoyed at the report spread that he did not intend
to present himself, and he invoked the wrath of God on the men who made
such unfounded statements.

* Parganah Jalalpur, II amirpur District.

t See article Ghora in Elliot’s Supp. Glossary, p. 391.

304

W. Ir vine — The Tang ash Nawdhs of Farrufchabad. [No. 4,

Again, in acknowledging a fresli order to attend court, Muhammad
Khan goes over the above points once more. The Jamna was crossed on
the return march apparently on the 11th Babi’ I. 1142, (23rd Sept., 1729).
The river was in flood but the men were to cross on boats. His chief lead¬
ers were unprovided with horses, having just come out of a long campaign,
and the strings of horses for sale not having yet arrived, they had not beeu
able to mount themselves. On his arrival at court Muhammad Khan
hoped that Boshan-ud-daula^ would become security for him, and procure
for him sanads in Kaim Khan’s favour for the zamindari and faujdari of
Sarkar Ghora. Pir ’ Ali Khan, his agent at court, still held the. order by
which His Majesty had before granted them to Daler Khan. Nor had any
reply to his request for the faujdari of Irichh been forwarded.

Muhammad Khan seems at length to have reached Court. The next
eleven months (Oct. 1729 — Sept. 1730), we can presume were spent in
urgent repetition of the oft-told story of his wrongs. The Siyar-ul 3Lu-
takharin states! that his removal from the Allahabad Subah was caused
by his failure in Bundelkhand. This does not seem quite correct for, if
the Tab sirat-un- Nazir in is to be trusted, the appointment to Allahabad
was not conferred on Sarbuland Khan, Mubariz-ul Mulk, till 1144 IT.
(July 1731 — June 1732). Before this Muhammad Khan had been restor¬
ed to favour, and his sanad for the Nizamat of Malwa is dated the 17th
Babi I. of the 12th year (1143 H. = 19th Sept. 1730). The removal from
Allahabad in 1144 H. is, therefore, more probably to be attributed to some
ill-feeling raised by Muhammad Khan’s dealings in Malwa, where he was
then present.

A characteristic anecdote, relating to this period, is told in the Shard if -
i-T7smctni.% When Muhammad Khan reached Kanauj on his return from
Bundelkhand, Buh-ul-Amin Khan Bilgrami, one of the leaders who had
enlisted under Kaim Khan’s standard, introduced to the Nawab the hazi
of Bilgram, Muhammad Ahsan, whose jdgirs had recently been resumed by
Burhan-ul-Mulk. The Nawab promised to use his good offices with the
Emperor ; and the Jcazi followed him to Delhi. The empire was then in
all its glory, and the saying was quite true that the Emperor of Hindustan
lived like a God upon earth.

On his arrival at Delhi, Muhammad Khan at his first audience demand¬
ed the Subah of Allahabad ; but the Emperor made the excuse that to give
it then was not convenient. Immediately on hearing this answer, Nawab
Muhammad Khan stretching forth his hand took two-folded pan leaves

* Bakhshi-ul Mamalik, Roshan-ud-Daula, Zafar Khan Bahadur, Rustam Jang,
t p. 465.

x The Shardif-i- Usman i was written in 1188 II. by Ghulam Hasan, Sadlkl, ul-
Farshuri, Bilgrami, poetically styled Samin.

805

1878.] W. Irvine — The JBangash Nawab s of FarruJchdbdd.

from the Emperor’s own pandan, and sat down on the spot where he had
hitherto stood. Samsam-ud-daula Khan Dauran Khan turned to him
anxiously, and exclaimed, “Nawab Ghazanfar Jang ! what does this mean ?”
Muhammad Khan replied, “ While I was a servant I stood, from this day I
“ leave the Emperor’s service, why then should I stand any longer ?” The
Emperor tried to pacify him, but all efforts were unavailing, and the same
day he gave orders to pay off his troops. A quarrel then occurred between
the Nawab and Ruh-ul-Amin Khan about a balance of one lakh of rupees
due by the latter, which he refused to refund. The Jcdzi thus lost his
protector, and the Nawab departed for Farrukhabad.

From a passage in the Inshd-i-Ydr Muhammad * it would seem
that at this period Akbar Khan, the Nawab’ s son, acted as his deputy at
Allahabad. In the course of a long account of the principal events of his
life, Yar Muhammad speaks of leaving Bhagwant Rae and coming with
Naval Singh to attack some fort. Having failed in their object, they
went to Allahabad. Naval Singh entered Akbar Khan’s service, while Yar
Muhammad, dismissing his followers, took refuge with a holy man named
Khubullah. Akbar Khan sent a mace-bearer for him, but he refused to go, as
on that day he had lost a child nine months old. A disturbance took place,
and Akbar Khan attempted to use force. The Pathans refused, however,
to attack the house of a holy man. The reason of Akbar Khan’s interfer¬
ing seems to have been, that Sa’dat Khan Burhan-ul Mulk had sent a
request for Yrar Muhammad’s arrest as a deserter. Akbar Khan did not
succeed in arresting him, and a week after a sanad came from Sarbuland
Khan, the new Subakdar, appointing Roshan Khan Turahi to be his deputy.

The Campaign in Mdlwd.

On reaching Delhi in the latter part of 1729, Muhammad Khan seems
to have entered into prolonged negotiations. He could not succeed, how¬
ever, in retaining Allahabad, which was an easily held country (be-Tcliar) ,
but had to content himself with appointment to the Subah of Malwa, which
had been ravaged by the Mahrattas, and was liable at any moment to be
.re-invaded. The sanad for Malwa is dated the 17th Rabi I. of the 12th
year (1143 H. = 19th Sept. 1730), and is “ ba-mashrict, ba dastur-i-
mcCmul , hasb-ul-zimman .”

Roshan-ud-daula it was, through whom the appointment was obtain¬
ed, f and one lakh of rupees of the money advanced from the treasury was
left in his hands. Of this sum two thousand rupees were paid as a dou¬
ceur to the employes of the elephant stables, to facilitate the delivery of
four elephants. The balance appears to have been appropriated by Roshan-

* p. 168, Calcutta, 1246 H. — 1830-1.

f See as to his influence and his cupidity, Seir-Mutaqharin I, 264, 274. He died
14th Zi’l-haj 1148 II., do. p. 294.

306 W. Irvine — The Bangasli JVawdbs of Farrulchdbdul. [No. 4,

ud-daula. A lakh of rupees was also promised to Kokah Jiu# in order to
obtain a quick settlement of the claims for jagirs. The money to be ad¬
vanced from the Treasury was at first fixed at sixty, and then fifty lakhs.
Gradually the grant was reduced to a most insignificant amount, although
Rajah Jai Singh Siwae had received thirty-two lakhs for a two months’
campaign.

When Muhammad Khan left Delhi, it was agreed by Amlr-ul Umra
Khan Dauran Khan and Roshan-ud-daula that, on his arrival at Mathura
or Akbarabad, the grants for his friends’ jagirs and a sanad for the faujdari
of Gwaliar should be delivered to him. He had reached Gwaliar, however,
without these grants having been received, and Mangal Khan was still delayed
at Court by the non-fulfilment of these promises. Mangal Khan’s jagir of
parganahs Mauranwah,f Sarsendi,^ and Rahli,§ and the assignment on
Nim Khar, || had long been in the occupation of Burhan-ul Mulk. A settle¬
ment of this claim was urged, in order that the jagirdar might provide his
equipment.

The other jagirs asked for were as follows : ten lakhs of dam for
Mangal Khan from Hisai,a|[ his native country ; thirty lakhs of dam for
’Abd-un Nabi Khan from parganah Aunth## which was held by his father
entirely in jagir ; ten lakhs of dam for Shekh Beche on parganahs Sher-
garhff and Tirana, the jagirs of his family ; five lakhs of dam for
Sayyad Sharif ’Ali Khan on Kanauj§§ his native country ; fifteen lakhs of
dam for Sayyad Ja’far Husain Khan on Shahpur ;|||| ten lakhs of dam for
Kale Khan and Shuj’at Khan from Budaon ;^[^[ five lakhs of dam for Dila-
war ’Ali Khan Aurangabadi on Karnal,### the parganah having been held
by his ancestors in jagir ; five lakhs of dam for Mustafa Khan from Mustafa-
bad t fit ; five lakhs of dam from Jhusifififi and five lakhs from Chail§§§

* A favourite mistress of Muliammad Shah’s, who was intrusted with his private
signet. Seir Mutaqharin I, 264.

f Unao district, about 30 miles S. of Lakhnau.

J In the Lakhnau district, written generally Sasendi — it lies 16 miles S. of Lakh-

nau.

§ I fancy this is in the Faizabad district — see Elliot’s S-upp. Glossary, p. 337.

|| In the Sitapur district, 18 miles S. W. of Sitapur.

IT West of Delhi.

** I have not traced this parganah.

ff This might he the Shergarh in the Mathura district.

Possibly this is the Thana Farida in the Aligarh district.

§§ In the present district of Farrukhabad.

1111 In the Cawnpur district.

HI In Rohilkhand.

*** North of Delhi and west of the Jamna.

tff In the Mainpuri district.

In the Allahabad district.

§§§ In the Allahabad district.

1878.]

807

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JSTawabs of Farrukliabdd.

for Sadakat Khan ; and five lakhs of dam for Haidar ’Ali Khan from par-
ganah Akrabad.# The Nawab’s agent was instructed not to take sidhas
(collection accounts) for these allowances unless they were withqut the
condition u pde-hukiT

On the 5th Jamadi I. of the 13th year (1143 H. = 5th November,
1730), Muhammad Khan writes from Agra that, of the sixty cannon order¬
ed to be delivered from the fort, the commander (kilo’ dir) had made over
no more than twenty-nine. Although there were two thousand cannon in
store, they offered guns, broken and useless, carrying only a shot of two
or three pyce (falus) weight and without pallah. The Nawab says he
might as well take jazail (swivel-guns) at once. Such as they were,
they had neither carriages nor bullocks, and Muhammad Khan was fain to
take them as they were. His agent was told to get an order at once from
the Mir Atash to deliver guns carrying shot of from one seer to three seers
weight. With whatever artillery could be procured he intended to start.

As the large cannon given by the Emperor and brought from Delhi
was defective at the breach, and the other formerly with Nijabat ’Ali Khan
had been sent back to Court, a request was made for a large cannon carry¬
ing a ball of fourteen to fifteen seers, with two others somewhat smaller.
These could be delivered from the forts of Akbarabad or Gwaliar, where
there were large guns in store.

At Akbarabad some three to four hundred troopers presented them¬
selves daily to have their horses branded. On entertainment half a month’s
pay and a little more for necessaries was advanced to each man. A force
of 8,200 horse and 2,500 foot was collected. It was made up as follows :
There were 500 horse and 1000 foot under Mukim Khan, 400 horse and
700 foot under Daud Khan, 600 horse and 600 foot under Sa’adat Khan,
and 200 foot under Bakhtawar Khan ; Allahyar Khan and others, Dilazaks
of Dholpur Bari, had brought more than 2000 horse. There were 500 lioise
under Shaistah Khan, Misri Khan, Khudadad Khan, Muhammad Khan and
others, seven leaders from Firuzabad and Shikohabad. Fath Khan Yusuf zai,
Ghairat Kban and others came with about 200 horse : and the same number

Chaube leaders from Mathura. Besides the above there were some 2000
horse in small parties from Mau, Shahjahanpur, Shahabad and Katahr
generally. All these were in addition to the men brought from Shahjahana-
bad. Nawab Koshan-ud-daula had also promised to aid with a corps of
500 horse and 1000 foot of liumis, Arabs, and Habshis in his pay.

’Umr Khan,f Daler Khan,]; and Yar Muhammad Khan, son of Dost

* In the Aligarh district.

t Faujdar of Mandvi near the Narbada.

] Apparently of Korwae near Sironj. Dowson’s Elliot, VIII, 58.

R R

30S

W. Irvine — The Ban(jai;h Nawahs of Farr ulchdbad. [No. 4,

Muhammad Khan,# and the other chief soldiers of Ujain, Narwar and
Sironj, reported that they had ready more than twenty thousand men.
They were ordered to join with them at Narwarf and Kalabagh. J If
they had been sent for to Gwaliar, two months advances would have been
asked for, and the whole of the grant from the Imperial Treasury exhausted
before leaving Gwaliar. Muhammad Khan endeavoured to make the
money last as far as Ujain, that is for the succeeding two months.

At length on the 6th Jamadi I. 1143 H (6th November, 1730), the
army was set in motion, and leaving Akbarabad it encamped at Jajau on the
Ban or Utangan river, nineteen miles south of that city. The next morn¬
ing, the 7th (7th Nov. 1730), a march was made and the army stopped at
a short distance from Dholpur. Mukim Khan, Daud Khan and Sa’dat
Khan with the artillery crossed at once. On the 8th, the crossing of the
Chambal had not been effected by the rest of the army, the river not being
then fordable, while the boats were few and small. On the 9th, Muham¬
mad Khan crossed and the camp followed. Thence with one night between
they reached Gwaliar.

From Gwaliar Muhammad Khan reiterated his request for the fauj-
dari of that place. Without such a hold over them no hearty aid could be
hoped for from the Rajahs and others ordered to serve under him. It was
promised to him before he left Delhi, but having got rid of him from Court,
the ministers paid no heed to his remonstrances. Chattar Singh of Shiu-
puri§ and Kalaras|| learning that the sanad for Gwaliar had not arrived,
collected men and began fighting Khande Ram whom he had ejected from
the fort of Bajaur.^f The mercenaries had thus found service near their
homes and went to join the combatants. If once these Rajahs and the
mercenaries knew that Muhammad Khan had been made faujdar of Gwa¬
liar, they would no longer seek service except under the government of
their country.

Rajah Udait Singh of Orchha, his son K unwar Bahadur, Rao Ram
Chand of Datiya, Chattar Singh of Shiupuri and Kalaras, the Bhadauri-
ya Rajah, Rajah Durjan Sal of Chanderi and others had been directed from
Delhi to place themselves under Muhammad Khan’s orders. Sayyad Nijabat

* The founder of Bhopal. Dowson’s Elliot, VIII, 57, 59.

f About 44 miles south of Gwaliar.

J About 102 miles S. of Gwaliar, 4 miles N. of Sarae Nau, and 16 miles N. of
Sadhaura.

§ I take this to be the Sipri of the maps, 67 miles S. of Gwaliar, but there is a
Shiupuri 97 miles S. W. of that place.

|| About 74 miles S. of Gwaliar.

U Or perhaps the Pichor in Lat. 25° 57'; Long-. 78° 27' in Gwaliar territory,
some 25 miles S. E. of Gwaliar on the left bank of the Sind river.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JSfaivdhs of Farrulchdbdcl.

309

’Ali Khan, faujdar of Irichh,* * * § ** was also told off ; and on the part of Maha¬
rajah Abhai Singh of Marwar, Jai Singh and Man Singh Rathor of Rat-
lam, about fifty miles west of Ujain, were deputed. The Maharana of
Udepur reported that he had sent Rao Mukraj Dhabhai from Udepur
towards Mandeshwarf with troops and artillery.

While Muhammad Khan was still at Gwaliar, an urgent letter came
from Khan Dauran Khan. As the Mahrattas intended to cross the Nar¬
bada, it was necessary that, without further delay, the Nawab should proceed
by forced marches, not even staying at Sironj. He should get to the river
in time to oppose the crossing. Four months had already been wasted. On
receipt of these orders, Mukim Khan was sent on in advance, and after some
opposition made good his way to Sironj. Sa’dat Khan was sent to Man-
deshwar, and Daud Khan to Sarangpur J

When Muhammad Khan reached Sadhaurah,§ eighteen miles beyond
Same Nau|| to the south in the direction of Ujain, a letter written in
Jamadi II, 1143, (Dec. 1730), was received from Asaf Jah Nizam-ul Mulk.^f
This noble, after congratulations on Muhammad Khan’s appointment, pro¬
posed that they should meet at the Narbada to concert common measures
against the opponents of Islam. Nizam-ul Mulk had crossed at Fardan-
pur#* in order to quell a revolt in Laklana,f f and the opportunity would not
recur as he seldom visited that part of his Subah. Muhammad Khan accept¬
ed the proposal, saying, that as the Mahrattas at the instigation of the Hin¬
dus of Hindustan intended to ravage the whole of Malwa, he trusted that
Nizam-ul Mulk as the champion of Islam would stop them at the ferries
on the Narbada.

On the 17th Rajab, 1143 H. (15th January, 1731), Muhammad Khan
reached Sarangpur, about fifty miles from Ujain. Hearing of his approach,
Mulhar Holkar, who with twenty thousand men was plundering the country,
sent his baggage and heavy stores across the Narbada, and lightly equipped
continued the investment of Shahjahanpur, a town about eleven miles

* Now in the Jhansi district.

f About 78 miles N. W. of Ujain.

f About 52 miles N. E. of Ujain.

§ Lat. 24° 370 Long. 77° 39'.

[| Lat. 24° 48'; Long. 77° 39'.

IT The only other letter of his to Muhammad Khan preserved, of a date prior to this
one, is a report of his fight with Eao Bhim Hada of Kotah, Kajah Gaj Singh Narwari,
Dilawar Khan, Sayyad Sher Khan, Babar Khan, Dost M uh a m ma d. Khan and Farhat
Khan. It took place on the 13th Sha’ban. The year 1796 S. (1719 A. D.) is given
in Tod, II, 469.

** Dowson’s Elliot, VII, 498. A pass half way between Aurangabad and Burhan-

ptir.

ft This place is not traced.

310 W. Irvine — The Ban gash Nawdhs of Farrukliabad. [No. 4,

south-west of Sarangpur and about twenty-one miles north- east of
Ujain.

The day that the Muhammadans drew near to Sarangpur, about an
hour to sunset, while the men were still scattered on the line of march, the
enemy suddenly appeared and showed fight. The war howdahs (' arndri )
having been taken off, Muhammad Khan got into a palki and started at the
head of a small force. The enemy, as their custom was, spread out and
came on in all directions. Soon, however, they fled “ like crows on seeing
a bow,” six of them were killed, their heads brought in and their horses
captured. Night coming on they were not pursued.

On the 19th Rajab, 1143 H. (17th January 1731), the army reached
Shahjahanpur from Sarangpur : and the next day they encamped near the
village of Talodri. In the afternoon the enemy made their appearance and
troops were moved out against them. On Muhammad Khan’s mounting
and advancing, they gave way and were followed for three kos. Seventy of
them were slain by sword and spear. The heads and horses were brought
in, with six or seven prisoners. Owing to the darkness the pursuit was
stopped at one watch of the night, and the troops returned to camp. The
people of the country were so frightened, that the Mahrattas left only one
trooper in a town or village to collect their demands. After Muhammad
Khan’s arrival, however, and their defeat, the Mahrattas themselves were
glad to withdraw beyond the Narbada. Ujain Ddr-ul-fath was reached
on the 22nd Rajab, 1143 H. (20th January 1731).

Spies now brought word that the Mahrattas, leaving their baggage on
the other side of the Narbada, were coming across to plunder the towns and
villages of Malwa. They were reported to have invested the town of Bolae.#
Accordingly on the 11th Sha’ban, 1143 H. (8th Feb. 1731), Muhammad
Khan set up his tents and took the field again, turning towards Dhar.f Of
all the contingents, that of Kunwar Bahadur of Orchha was the only one
which had arrived.

While Muhammad Khan went towards Dhar, he sent his son, Ahmad
Khan, with Mukim Khan, Yar Muhammad Khan, and Haler Khan at the
head of 12,000 horse and 20,000 foot to deal with Holkar in the direction
of Sarangpur and Shahjahanpur. The invaders were driven away towards
Mandeshwar, after they had plundered in parganah Bolae. Then Yar
Muhammad Khan made friends secretly with Mulhar Holkar, and the two
chiefs exchanged turbans. As a pretence the army was taken towards
Mahidpur, J and the traitor told Holkar that the country of Ujain was left

* About 47 miles N. E. of Ujain and 14 miles S. E. of Shahjahanpur.

t About 50 miles S. W. of Ujain.

% 20 miles N. of Ujain and 38 miles W. of Shahjahanpur.

1S7S.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdbs of Farrulchabad. 311

defenceless and could be plundered. Should he fail, however, he could
then turn on Muhammad Khan in the direction of Dhar. Mulhar, persuaded
by Yar Muhammad went to Ujain, and set fire to two or three houses in
Rakabganj. The naib (Mukim Khan) came out to meet the Mahrattas, and
after some fighting they made oft in the direction of Muhammad Khan.
A story that they had plundered some merchants near the town of Andru#
in the ta'luka of Nand Lai Sandloif was untrue.

Meanwhile Muhammad Khan had reached Dhar on the 17th Sha’ban,
1113 H. (11th Feb. 1731). From early morning of the 22nd (19th Feb.
1731) many Mahrattas appeared in the vicinity. The Muhammadans
killed several, cut oft their heads and brought in their horses. In the after¬
noon the contest ceased. Next morning Holkar with his army appeared in
sight, and made a first attack on Sulaiman Khan who commanded three
thousand horse. The attack was repelled. Then Ma’zum Khan with 1000
horse on the right, and Muhammad ’Umr Khan, faujdar of Mandu, on the
left, hastened forward ; and Muhammad Khan himself advancing quickly,
the enemy gave way. Several leaders and some fifty troopers were left on
the field, besides those wounded. The Muhammadan loss was twelve killed.
Pursuit was made for two /cos, and they returned to their tents when one
quarter of the night was past. These contests went on for about ten days
to the end of Sha’ban (26th Feb. 1731).

For some time no word had been heard of Nizam-ul Mulk’s departure
from Burhanpur. J At length on the 28th Sha’ban (25th Feb. 1731), a letter
was received, and Muhammad Khan determined to set out for the Narbada.
He had also been delayed by the non- arrival of Daler Khan. The latter
now wrote that Yar Muhammad Khan had gone oft to his home, taking with
him his friends and some men. Daler Khan announced his own intention of
joining if he were waited for. Accordingly on the 28th he arrived, and on
the 29th Sha’ban (26th Feb. 1731), they set out for the Narbada by double
marches. Other reasons for the delay may have been, that Muhammad Khan
was not able to move without reinforcements, or that, to save his dignity,
he did not wish to move more rapidly than he could help to the place of
rendezvous with Nizam-ul Mulk. The Mahrattas had now been expelled
for a time from Ujain, Mandeshwar, Dhar and Depalpur,§ and their new
forts on the Narbada had been levelled.

A second letter came now from Nizam-ul Mulk referring to his having
crossed the river at Fardanpur on the 20th Jamadi II, 1143 H. (20th Dec.

* Query. The same as Indur.

f Or perhaps Mandloi — See No. 7 of Index to Vol. Ill, of Aitchison’s Treaties,
ed. 1876.

X On the north hank of the Tapti, 132 miles S. E. from Ujain.. Thornton, 141.

§ About 28 miles S. W. of Ujain.

312

W. Irvine — The Ban gash JTawdbs of FarruJchdbdd. [No. 4,

1730), to suppress the rebellion in Zila’ Laklana.* * * § ** He reports having
heard that Baji Rao had reached Sultanpurf and NandurbarJ on his way
to Gujrat. It was thought that as Kanhaya Band and Pila Gaekwar were
opposed to him about the chauth of that Subah, he must intend to eject
them ; and being taken up with fighting among themselves, they would not
find the time to invade Malwa. Spies had, however, since brought intelli¬
gence that Baji Kao’s brother was marching by way of Navapurah§ to Surat
and Gujrat ; meanwhile Baji Rao, leaving Sultanpur and Nandurbar, would
make for Malwa via Ghargun. || His brother would then come through
Dohada[[ to join him, and they would unite to expel the thanas of Kanhaya
Ji and Pila Gaekwar from Malwa. Kanhaya Nazar, Pila Gaekwar and
Uda Pun war had opened negotiations with Nizam-ul Mulk, and he advises
Muhammad Khan also to receive their overtures and try to bring them over.

On the 20th Rajab (18th Jan. 1731), Nizam-ul-Mulk wrote again
from Galnah## that as soon as Muhammad Khan’s letter was received on
the 17th Rajab (15th Jan. 1731), he had started for Burhanjmr. He trust¬
ed that Muhammad Khan would make no delay, so that they might meet
and discuss plans together, for “ Daulat ham 'z itifdk kliezad ” (Union is
strength). Another letter tells Muhammad Khan that Rajah Abhai Singh
was about to make peace with Baji Rao. Pila Gaekwar, Kanta Band, Uda
Ji Punwar and Anand Rao had, however, entered into the closest relations
with Nizam-ul-Mulk : and acting with them was Tirnek Rao Paharya, son of
Khandu Ji, who had lately succeeded his father. The troops of these allies
might amount to some twenty thousand horse. Chimna, brother of Baji
Rao, had 9000 horse, and would advance by the pass of Nanabyari, which
is towards Gujrat. Baji Rao was reported to have 3000 or 4000 horse.
Holkar with some 3000 men had gone towards Malwa.

On Friday the 1st Sha’ban 1143 H. (29th Jan. 1731), Nizam-ul-Mulk,
who was near Dkamanganw,f f acknowledged the receipt of Muhammad
Khan’s letter reporting his arrival at Sadhaurah. As Dhamanganw was

* Or Laklaba.

f About 5 miles from the north bank of the Tapti, and 30 miles S. of the Narbada,
and 102 miles W. of Burhanpur.

% About 10 miles S. of the Tapti and 30 miles S. W. of Sultanpur.

§ About 12 miles S. of the Tapti, 86 miles S. W. of Nandurbar and 165 miles W.
of Burhanpur.

|| On the Kundi river, 25 miles S. of the Narbada and about 55 miles N. W. of
Burhanpur.

IT On the boundary of Malwa and Gujrat, 100 miles W. of Ujain. Thornton 284.

** About 120 miles S. W. of Burhanpur, 165 miles N. E. of Bombay, in the Khan^
desh District. Thornton, 433.

ft About 70 miles S. W. of Burhanpur.

313

1878]. W. Irvine — The Bangash JSfawdbs of Farr ukliabad.

counted as thirty Jcos from Burhanpur, Nizam-ul-Mulk hoped soon to reach
the Narbada.

He does not appear to have hastened himself much, for it was not till
Sunday, the 17th Sha’ban (14th Feb. 1731), that leaving behind his large
guns, artillery and heavy equipage he started from Burhanpur. On the 22nd
(19th Feb. 1731), he was at Salganw, a distance of twenty-two Jcos from
Burhanpur, and intended to march via Grhargun to the Narbada. Muham¬
mad Khan was recommended to come by the pass (Jcanal?) of Naubahra,
which was the usual route. On Saturday the 23rd, Nizam-ul-Mulk was
within twenty Jcos of the ferry of Akbarpur* on the Narbada, the advanced
tents would go on next day, and on the 25th (22nd Feh. 1731), he hoped to
reach Akbarpur. The darogha, however, came back and reported that
Muhammad Khan was still above the ghats. Although professing to be
burning for an interview, Nizam-ul-Mulk thought that his dignity re¬
quired him to divide the remaining distance into two marches. Mu¬
hammad Khan, in answer to one of the letters, had complained that the
allies Kanhaya Ji, Chimna Ji and others had sent him no men. Nizam-
ul-Mulk reassures him by pointing out that they were far away near
Mandavif in the zila? of Surat. Some further time was occupied by
Nizam-ul-Mulk going oft to take a fort, and the desired interview did not
take place till some time afterwards. We have no report of what took
place, further than that the two Subahdars agreed to act in concert to put
down the Mahrattas. Muhammad Khan in his report to the Emperor is
loud in his praises of Nizam-ul-Mulk as an obedient and dutiful subject of
the State. Muhammad Khan finally left Akbarpur on the 1st Shawwal
1143 H. (29th March, 1731).

Nizam-ul-Mulk went from Akbarpur to reduce the forts of Rajaur and
Nadawali, the residence of Mohan Singh on the other side of the ferry. By
the 4th Shawwal (1st April, 1731), the besieged were suing for terms, the
fort was to be evacuated and made over to Nizam-ul-Mulk’s envoys. This
noble was, however, threatened by a new danger, which hastened his depar¬
ture from that part of the country. He heard that Baji Rao leaving the
Narbada had gone towards Surat and Nurpurah. This made it necessary
for him, he said, to provide without losing a moment, for the safety of
Aurangabad and other parganahs and important forts. His own spies con¬
firmed the news, saying, that they had left during the night, when it was
said that Baji Rao would march next day. Chimna Ji Damodar having
been released, had reached Dobhoi, twenty miles south-east of Baroda ; and
he had written to his son that Baji Rao had moved and gone towards the
Ghat of Nanabyari.

* About 35 miles S. of Indur and 40 miles S. E. of Dliar.

f On the Tapti about 32 miles east of Surat.

314 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Furrulchdbad. [No 4,

The explanation of Nizam-ul-Mulk’s anxiety and haste would appear
to be that he had heard of the defeat, on the 1st April 1731, between Baroda
and Dobhoi in Gujrat, of his allies, Pilaji Gaekwar and others. Uda Ji
and Chimna Ji Pandit were taken prisoners.* This defeat rendered futile
all the negociations for a general alliance between the two leaders,
Muhammad Khan and Nizam-ul-Mulk. But Muhammad Khan was benefit¬
ed indirectly, for Nizam-ul-Mulk was forced to take the field openly against
Baji Bao, thus for one season averting from Malwa the full force of the
Mahratta depredations. Baji Kao was forced to remain in the Dakhin on
the defensive.

Grant Dufff speaks of no open fighting between Baji Bao and Nizam-
ul-Mulk from April 1731 till the time of concluding a treaty in August
of that year. Nizam-ul-Mulk, however, in the last but one of his letters
to Muhammad Khan, details what he calls his victories over Baji Bao. The
latter had invested Baroda which was occupied by men of his own nation.
But hearing of the approach of the Muhammadans, the Mahrattas raised
the siege and made oft towards Surat, and when they thought they were at
a safe distance, they turned oft to plunder parganah Auklah.

Hearing of their movements, Nizam-ul-Mulk says, he left the ferry
of Akbarpur and passed near the fort of Mando, sending his heavy baggage
and large guns to Burhanpur. Making forced marches he soon reached the
river, where finding much of his artillery in his way and difficult to get
across, he left it behind. Then redoubling his haste he reached the port of
Surat, and for the third time left more of his impedimenta at the village of
Malwa. They pressed on though troubled by hunger and thirst, carriage
became very difficult to procure, and for two or three days deaths were
frequent. For most of the time they passed through desert and wilderness.
After crossing the ferry they drew near to the enemy and caught them
unawares. They took to flight, but the Bhils and Kolis captured numbers
of them, mere especially at night when they had lost their way. The
Muhammadan army had now come to the shores of an arm of the sea. This
gives an opening to the Persian scribe to descant on serpents and the rod
of Moses, Pharaoh and Pharaoh’s host.

They had passed through the deserts and unoccupied country of Ivhan-
desh, Surat, and Kokan, where from the thickness of the woods, it is diffi¬
cult to force a practicable route. When they reached Surat the enemy
were driven towards Daman, £ which was under the sway of the Farangi,
and thence to the Kokan, the western boundary of the Dakhin. They then
were caught at a place where you go from the Tal Kokan to the country

* Grant Duff, p. 225.

f p. 225.

t On the coast, 55 miles S. of Surat.

1878.]

315

W. Irvine — The Ba n g ash Nawdhs of Farrukhdbdd.

above the ghdt. Thank God ! the Subah of Gujrat was freed from Baji
Rao, Malwa was no longer in danger, and the fort of Surat, which is the
gate of God’s house (Mecca), had been recovered from the infidel.

While Muhammad Khan had gone to meet Nizatn-ul-Mulk, he had
sent his son, Ahmad Khan, with Mukim Khan to the east to reduce- Kalk-
li and Chakaldah* two forts on the right bank of the Narbada, the head
quarters of Uda Punwar. Both were places noted for their strength, more
especially Chakaldah, which had four forts and deep ditches, with jungle on
three sides and the Narbada on the fourth. As the garrisons offered a
stubborn resistance, Muhammad Khan himself determined to march to his
son’s aid ; and leaving Akbarpur on the 1st Shawwal 1143, (29th March,
1731), in two days he arrived near Kalkli. By an effort this fort was
taken, and the next day they proceeded to invest Chakaldah. After six
hours’ fighting the besieged were overcome so far that they sued for terms.
Three thousand souls, men and women, submitted and were set at liberty.
The walls, ditch and bastions were razed to the ground, and gold keys as a
token of the capture were forwarded to the Emperor. While the Muham¬
madans were encamped near Chakaldah, Baji Rao was plundering in the
direction of Jabwah,f while Rajah Abhai Singh was opposing him. Mu¬
hammad Khan hoped to march that way after clearing the country and
destroying the forts.

This capture of Uda Jl’s forts provoked a strong remonstrance from
Nizam-ul-Mulk. He had told Muhammad Khan that Uda Ji and his
friends were at enmity with Baji Rao. To secure success in the negocia-
tions with them, they must be treated with consideration. If there were
any of Holkar’s men in the forts, then with God’s aid they should be seized.
Otherwise it was highly advisable to postpone any attack, and to put these
men out of humour for a trifling cause was undesirable. The year before,
when Raj Adhiraj (Raj Jai Singh Sawai of Jaipur) had cleared out the
forts, he could not maintain himself, and the former owners re-occupied
them. Former Nazims had not troubled themselves about the place, which
was at a distance from Ujain and in one corner. To retain it would give
great trouble and bring little profit. Above all, at such a time they should
not be interfered with, and the Emperor’s advisers knew nothing of the
state of affairs. The break up of the confederacy by the defeat on the 1st
April, 1731, rendered these remonstrances of little weight, and before the
letter was received the forts had been taken and levelled with the ground.

Muhammad Khan turned against the fort of Konsi, the home of

* Chakaldah is about 110 miles S. E. of Ujain, on the right hank of the Narbada,
Kalkli has not been traced.

f There is a Jabwah 100 miles W. of Ujain.

s s

31G W. Irvine — The Banff ash Nuivdhs of Farr ulchabdd. [No. 4,

Mawae Bhilan,* which possessed four strong citadels connected with each
other, and surrounded by a deep ditch filled with water. On all sides were
steep hills and inaccessible ravines. Fighting with muskets, rockets, arrows,
spears, swivel-guns (rahlda) and cannon went on day and night. The first
entrenchment was stormed and the garrison asked for terms, which were
granted. The fort was not dismantled, as it afforded a protection against
the inroads of the Mahrattas.

While Muhammad Khan was engaged with these forts, he heard that
Mulhar Holkar was plundering in the country of Rampuraf and Mandesh-
war. He was opposed by the Imperial troops in the neighbourhood of
Sarangpur, Shahjahanpur and Dhar, and he went off for a time into Jaipur
territory. Meanwhile Anthu, another Mahratta leader, had ravaged the
country round Kanth. The two leaders then united with Mathwarah to
trouble the road between Parath and Shahjahanpur. Reports of these
things came from Sheikh Aman-ullah, manager of Shahjahanpur, th ejagir
of Nizam-ul-Mulk, and from Daud Khan, chela, Naib Faujdar of Sarang*
pur. At this time too, Fath Singh Waulbansi and other Mahrattas had
crossed the Narbada, and unopposed at any point by any of the Hindustani
armies, had plundered the country of ManduJ returning home by way of
Barigarh.

Muhammad Khan returned and reached Ujain on the 13th Zi’lka’d of
the 13th year, (9th May, 1731). He complains that besides himself no
one else was heartily desirous of repelling the Mahrattas. To add to his
difficulties, his troops now mutinied and demanded their arrears of pay.
He found some means or other to content them for the time. Then Rajah
Kishor Singh, son of Rajah Ajit Singh, was despatched to parganah Muham-
madpur, and Sayyad Fath ’Ali Khan Barba to parganah Bhadawar, to pro¬
tect the towns and bar the way to the enemy ; while Anwar Khan was
placed in Ujain itself, and Mukim Khan had orders to drive off any of the
enemy who approached that place. When these dispositions had been made,
Muhammad Khan on the 19th Zi’lka’d (15th May, 1731) left Ujain.

Maharao Durjan Sal of Kotah, Kunwar Bahadur of Orchha, and the
sons of the Rajah of Chanderi were asked to take some of Muhammad
Khan’s troops and attack Anthu, who was reported to be then near Kantli
at the head of one thousand men ; and Mulhar, who had appeared again in
the neighbourhood of Sarangpur. This request was refused.

On the 8th Zi’l Hajj (3rd June, 1731), Muhammad Khan was near
Kanth. Anthu now withdrew. But next day, when the Nawab reached

* Or perhaps Wama Rae Bhilan; or Maivdsi , the title generally given to the
chiefs on the Narbada. (Malcolm’s Central India, I., 516.)

f There is a Rampura 40 miles N. E. of Mandeshwar.

X Near the Narbada about 60 miles S. of Ujain.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The JBangasJi JSfuwdhs of Far ruJchdhdd.

317

Shahjahanpur, word came from Daud Khan, naib of Sarangpur, that he
would be overwhelmed by Mulhar unless he were reinforced at once. Forth¬
with, at midnight, the Maharao, Kunwar Bahadur, and the sons of the
Kajah of Chanderi having been appointed to lead the van, the army set
out and reached Sarangpur, about nineteen miles distant to the north, at
an hour and a half after sunrise. The troops were still on the line of
march or engaged in crossing the river, when Holkar, Antliu and others
suddenly appeared. The Muhammadans at once drew up and engaged
them, the fighting going on till an hour before sunset. The Mahrattas
then fled, and in the pursuit, which extended for four Jcos, many were kill¬
ed. Muhammad Ivhan, with his men, was out till midnight conducting the
pursuit and plundering the camp and baggage, called in the Mahratta
tongue “ Tarao .” When the pursuers got near the town of Sundarsi, about
twenty-three miles south of Sarangpur, a spy came and informed them that
the enemy in their flight from the field, after resting a short time in Sun¬
darsi, had resumed their route and were making for the Narbada, and must
have gone already fifteen or twenty Jcos. The Muhammadans after a pur¬
suit of ten to twelve Jcos returned to their camp.

Muhammad Khan speaks of having with him twenty thousand horse
and twenty thousand foot. Night and day he was engaged in efforts to
expel the invaders. On the other hand, the Nazim of Gujrat (Hamid
Khan ?) had only given cash, jewels, elephants and horses to Baji Kao, while
the tJidnas were still in the hands of Kantya and Uda Pun war. The Nazim
had never gone a Jcos from the city. In the dispute between the Nazim
and Mubariz-ul-Mulk (Sarbuland Khan) he heard that in the first encoun¬
ter the latter gained the advantage, but night coming on the pursuit was
stopped, and next morning an arrangement was come to.

The Kajahs had throughout shown great reluctance to attend Muham¬
mad Khan, Kunwar Bahadur of Orckha being the only one who had done
any real service. Maharao Durjan Singh of Kotak, and Kao Matwarah now
requested leave to go home, and threatened to go without it, if leave were not
granted. They quitted the army on the 22nd Muharram, 1144 H. (16th
July, 1731). From this defection others were disheartened, and a few days
afterwards Kunwar Bahadur of Orchka with four or five hundred horse, and
Jograj, son of Kajah Jai Singh of Chanderi, with forty or fifty horse march¬
ed away to their homes. Although, as Muhammad Khan says, the presence
or absence of the latter was equally matter of indifference, still these de¬
fections were discouraging. The other Kajahs, Udait Singh of Orchka,
Kam Chanel of Datya, Ckattar Singh of Shahabad, and the Bhadaurya
Kajah, had paid no heed to all the orders and messengers sent to them direct
from the Emperor. Nor had any attention been vouchsafed at Court to

318

W. Irvine — The Bangash JTawdbs of FarrulcJidbdd. [No. 4,

Muhammad Khan’s recommendation of Hindu Singh Chandela* * * § for whom
he had asked for the rank of Sihhazdri , 2000 horse, a jdgir of his native
country, and restoration to his zamindari. If Hindu Singh were sent to
Malwa, the Bhadauriya Rajah would no longer have a pretext for lingering
at Kanauj (where he held the office of Faujdar).

After Mulhar and Anthu had recrossed the Narbada, Muhammad Khan
went to extort his revenue from one Umanf ; and in two marches having
reached Rajgarh,^ he defeated the zamindar referred to, and settled matters
with him. Muhammad Khan then returned to Sironj. This place, which is
about 136 miles north-east of Ujain and about 150 miles south of Gwaliar,
he made his head- quarters, probably because it was further from the Narba¬
da than Ujain, and nearer his line of retreat by Gwaliar to Hindustan.
His foothold in Malwa was too precarious for him to risk being sur¬
rounded and cut off. He appears to have remained at Sironj during the
rainy season of 1731.

The state of the Siibah was most deplorable. The whole country had
been spoiled by the Nazim and ravaged by the Mahrattas. It was entirely
out of cultivation and uninhabited (be cheragh) , nowhere was any crop to be
seen, there was nothing but dry grass. The villages which were inhabited
had been plundered by the Thakurs and burnt to the ground, the ravages
of the infidel caused the country to be deserted. Only Rs. 5000 had been
collected from Mandeshwar and Rs. 4000 from Sironj and Bhilsa.§
During the rains of 1731, Muhammad Khan made repeated reports of these
facts, stating his want of money, the mutinous conduct of his troops, the
impossibility of getting any revenue from Malwa, and the necessity for
help in men and money. These urgent appeals were left unanswered.

His difficulties were further increased by the fact that Malwa, from
one end to the other, was granted out in tcinkhwah to jagirdars, who were
backed up by Khan Dauran Khan and Roshan-ud-daula. These jagirdars
complained at Court of the slightest interference, but gave not the least assis¬
tance. Nowhere was there sufficient land left for the Subahdar to plant the
sole of his foot, much less to use for a riding or hunting-ground. On the
one side, from a tank which lies two and a half kos from Ujain, began the
jdgir of Burhan-ul-Mulk and others ; and in another direction, from Fatha-

* Apparently Hindu Singh of Chachendi in the Cawnpur district. He was ejected
from his estate in the tenth year by Burhan-ul-Mulk and Rajah Gopal Singh Bhadau¬
riya. [Dowson’s Elliot VIII. 46.]

f Or Admiyan.

J Long. 76°, 46' and Lat. 24° — 32 miles N. of Sarangpur and 66 miles W. of
Sironj.

§ About 44 miljs S. E. of Sironj.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bangctsh Nciwabs of Fnrru/chdtbdd.

319

bad,# four or five 1c os from the city, the parganahs and villages were all in
jagir. Rampurah f was held by Rajah Jai Singh Sawai; Haif Ali Khan’s
jdgir wasKankral ; Rajah Miilraj held Kadraulah in Dhamoni ;J other por¬
tions of the Subah had been assigned to Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jab, to
Nawab Ivudsia,§ to Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan, Mukarrab-ul-hazrat Khakan,
to Mir Husain Khan Kokah,|| to Sa’d-ud-din Khan Bahadur Mir Atash,
to ’Ali Ahmad Khan, and to the eunuchs of His Majesty. Many of the
agents of these grantees allowed their taSluJcahs to become places of resort
for the Mahrattas, where the plunder from the imperial territory was
stored. When any Mahrattas took refuge with them and a force was
sent after them, the agents declared that there were no fugitives in their
parganahs. If the army entered their lands, they then raised loud com¬
plaints of the damage. Thus everything had to be left in confusion, and
it became impossible to re-settle the country.

The zamindars of Rampurah. were in league with Mulhar Holkar and
helped to plunder the country. When the imperial army followed them up,
Rajah Jai Singh Sawai remonstrated at Court, and Muhammad Khan was
rebuked. In defending himself he gives an instance of what was done. Sita
Ram Nagar had been chief writer of the zamindars of Rampurah till Raj
Adhiraj took possession. This man then became a jama’dar in the regiment
of Mukim Khan. Having broken his leg, he was put on Mukim Khan’s
elephant, and the day the army left Bansilah he set out for his home fol¬
lowed by fifty or sixty men. Rajah Jai Singh Sawai’s men were lying in
ambush at seven or eight /cos from Rampurah. As he passed they stopped
him and seized the elephant. They would neither return the elephant nor
grant an interview to the Nawab’s messengers. Muhammad Khan exclaims
how hard it is that Raj Adhiraj, who held all Akbarabad and Ajmer,
and had lately received the parganahs round the capital, should try to
stretch forth his hand on Subah Malwa and intrigue there with the infidels.

As for Haif ’Ali Khan’syay^V, it had been customary for the zamindar
of Kankral to pay pes/ikas/i to former nazims ; one lakh of rupees had been
paid to Rajah Girdhar Bahadur besides four elephants. Now instead of
injuring, Muhammad Khan had benefited the jagirdar. When Mukim
Khan went there, he settled the zamindars’ payment at a higher amount,
collected the money, and remitted it to the jagirdar. The latter’s Amil still
retained possession of th q jdgirs of ’Abd-ur-razak Khan, Khwajah Munir

* About 12 miles S. of Ujain.

j- There are several Rampurahs, I suppose this to be the one 56 miles N. W.
of Sironj.

X 69 miles E. of Sironj near Khiinlasa.

§ Mother of Muhammad Shah.

1| Killed in 1149 H. in fight with Baji Rao outside Delhi. Grant Duff, p. 236.

320

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JSTawdhs of Farrukhdbad. [No. 4,

Khan and Ghasi Ram. After settling Ujain, Muhammad Khan intended,
he said, to go to Dhamoni to recover the jag ir of Rajah Mulraj.

Seeing that no one in the Presence paid any attention to his represen¬
tations, Muhammad Khan determined to leave a naib in his place and
repair to Court On his way, he resolved to settle Shahabad* and Ranudah,f
the faujdari of which Rajah Chattar Singh had not yet relinquished, and
he had also behaved badly to ’Atik-ullah Khan, naib of Muhammad Khan.
This expedition put the finishing touch to the Nawab’s misdeeds, and no
doubt formed one of the causes of his sudden recall.

Rajah Chattar Singh Narwari, who was specially recommended to Mu¬
hammad Khan by Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan as his “ friend and companion”,
held the Sarkars of Shahabad and Ranudah, to which Muhammad Khan had
been appointed faujdar. His ancestral estates were in Shiupuri and Kala-
ras, and his country extended up to the neighbourhood of Sironj. He
also held Narwar, J which for seven hundred years had never been in posses¬
sion of the Hindus. Although he had been ordered to join he did not attend,
he did not give up the Sarkars , and nothing could be collected ; at length he
surrounded Sayyad Atik-ullah Khan, naib, and cut oft his supplies. From
his position in the line of Muhammad Khan’s communication with Hindu¬
stan, he was able to give great annoyance. Narwar, “ which is as a gateway
“ sufficient for the passage of one man at a time”, was the only route open
to recruits ; the road by Bhadawar being closed by the Bhadauriya Rajah.
Seven or eight times the men of Chattar Singh had murdered messengers at
the pass of Narwar and had taken their letters. Only one pair of messengers,
after giving up their letters, had escaped with their lives. To obviate this
inconvenience, Muhammad Khan renewed his request that his son Akbar
Klian might be made faujdar of Narwar and Bhadawar. Or if that were
not approved, some one of the Mughal party might be appointed to keep
the road open. This request was refused on the ground that, Shahabad
having recently been taken from Rajah Chattar Singh, Narwar, his native
country, could not be taken without any fault. As an alternative, the
Nawab urged that Chattar Singh’s rank (mansab) and jdgirs might be
taken away, as a lesson to others who had failed to attend in obedience to
the Emperor’s orders. After writing to him in vain several times, Muham¬
mad Khan decided to proceed to active measures against him.

About the commencement of his second year in Malwa (October — No¬
vember, 1731,) Muhammad Khan marched to Sarae Nau about fifty miles
north of Sironj, giving out that he was on his way to Court. On the 3rd
Jamadi, I. 1141 H. (23rd October, 1731), the army surrounded the village

* About 90 miles N. W. of Sironj.

f About 68 miles N. of Sironj.

X About 44 miles S. of Gwaliar.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Tang ash JSfawdhs of FarruJchdhdd.

821

of Labkara. The villagers relying on the strength of their fort resisted
and fought for three watches. At length they took to flight, and the small
fort was carried by assault ( ba-sar-i-suwdri ) ; many of the garrison were
killed or left for half dead. The following day, an attack was made on
Chandaur* * * § where there was a strong fort, and the zamindars were noted for
their turbulence. Fighting went on all day, but at length this fort too was
taken, and lives were lost on both sides.

The Muhammadans next went to Chargun, a fort on a high hill, sur¬
rounded by jungle, and with many outworks. Its defenders relying on
their numbers took to the jungles and ravines. Fighting went on mornino*
and evening for twenty-four days ; till the enemy sued for and obtained
terms. Thence the Imperialists turned to Bhandaur,f the stronghold of
Kahri Singh, grandson of Chattar Singh. During the night Kahri Singh
made oft and his fort was taken. Two or three other forts were reduced
in the same way.

The last place attacked was Shahabad, Chattar Singh’s place of resi¬
dence, and declared, perhaps with some exaggeration, to be as strong as the
fortress of Gwaliar. After some time had passed, Chattar Singh proposed
to negotiate and Muhammad Khan tried to conciliate him. It was agreed
that he should join with his troops. Intelligence, however, came of a fresh
invasion under Baji Bao. The night before the morning fixed for the
march, Chattar Singh brought forward claims for pay. These were all
agreed to. During the night, however, Chattar Singh absconded and made
oft to his own country. As the danger pressed, Muhammad Khan had no
alternative but to return to Sironj.

The Mahrattas were reported to be in force in the country of Khan-
jan and Uman and Sewni,J and though in the Dakhin they talk of the
“ chauthf i. e., one-fourth, yet they took from the towns and villages more
than three shares both in Malwa and Gujrat. As in this year (1114) they
felt quite safe on the side of Gujrat, they had brought nearly 100,000 horse
into Malwa. Fath Singh, an agent of Sahu,§ Pila Jadon, Anand Bao, brother
of Uda Punwar, Samaji and others, with more than thirty thousand horse,
posted themselves near Khimlasa, on the east of the town of Sironj towards
Chanderi, at a distance of seven Jcos from Sironj. Chimna, Baji Bao’s bro¬
ther, Mulhar and others with a force of thirty thousand horse were in the

* Perhaps the Chandoria of the Indian Atlas — Sheet 52 N. E. in Lat. 24°, 59|'
Long. 77°, 35§' to the N. W. of Sarae Nau.

f Perhaps the Bhadaura of the Indian Atlas — Sheet, 52, N. E. Lat. 24°, 48' ;
Long. 77°, 27p, about 13 miles N. of Gunah.

t Sewi, or Sewli.

§ I cannot find this Fath Singh in Grant Duff, is it another name for Baji Bao ?

322 W. Irvine — The Ban gash Nawdhs of FarruJchdbad. [No. 4,

country of Umatwarah.* There was a further force of twelve thousand
men which had not crossed the Narbada. Another army, supposed to num¬
ber ten to twelve thousand men, was directing its steps towards Malwa by
way of Gadh.f Eighty or ninety thousand of the enemy were thus advan¬
cing on all four sides.

As soon as the Malirattas crossed the Narbada, the zamindars sent
agents to fix the amount of black-mail (khandali) to be levied The money
was then paid, and the Rajahs, no longer anxious about their own territories,
stayed at home. The zamindar of Shiupuri and Kalaras and others gave
hostages for the punctual payment of the annual tribute. The Rajah of
Orchha, the Bhadauriya Rajah, the sons of Chattarsal, and the Rajah of
Datiya fixed what they had to pay. The zamindars of Malwa exchanged
turbans with the Mahrattas and entered into alliance with them.

Muhammad Khan tried to open negotiations direct with Rajah Sahu
at Puna, but the only answer received was, that Baji Rao Pandit Pardhan,
who was of high dignity and power in his State, was his sole and only
adviser in all matters. A written document should be given as demanded ;
Pilaji Jadon and Mulhar Holkar were subordinates of the Pandit Pardhan,
and must act according to his wishes.

On hearing that the enemy were approaching Khimlasa, Muhammad
Ivhan left Lodah-Dongar, J and after continuous marching for three days and
nights he arrived at Sironj. It was decided that next morning they would
attack the enemy, who were reported to be thirty thousand strong. Then
intelligence was received that Mulhar had left Umatwarah with fifty thou¬
sand horse, and after levying black-mail from the Maharao (of Kotah) had
arrived within fifteen or sixteen miles of Sironj. Twenty thousand men
were also scattered about Mandeshwar, Ujain, and Shahjahanpur, to the
south and west of Sironj.

It was obvious that if Muhammad Khan went on to Khimlasa, it
would take him ten to fifteen days to defeat and pursue the enemy. While
he was absent, a second Mahratta leader would plunder Sironj, Bhilsa and
other towns. Muhammad Khan thought it best to succumb. He therefore
sent for both the Mahratta leaders, gave them presents, with horses and an
elephant, by way of “ Jcliil a't." After an agreement had been made, they
went away by Gadh and crossed the Narbada in boats. After the Mah-

* Umadwara, a small district in the province of Malwa, of which it occupies the
centre, it is bounded by the Kali Sind and Parbati rivers. The principal towns are
Chaunchra, Itajghar and Kujnir. Hamilton’s Hindustan, I, p. 357. See also Aitchi-
son’s Treaties, Ed. 1876, Yol. Ill, p. 446.

f Perhaps Garh Mandala, 90 miles S. E. of S&gar.

X From the remarks of the author of the Hadilcat-ul-AJedUm, in describing- the
campaign of the English south of Gwaliar in 1782, it seems that this place must bo
quite close to Ivalaras.

323

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash JTawdbs of JBarruJchabdd.

ratta custom, they had asked for an agreement in writing, but this, without
the Emperor’s leave, Muhammad Khan refused to give. He reported to
Court that if his orders were to oppose the Mahrattas, the requisite troops
and money must be sent, and if a settlement was to be made he would act
accordingly.

Muhammad Khan now settled for the rainy season of 1732 at Sironj,
and employed his leisure in writing to Delhi for help. He prophesied that
the next year the Mahrattas, if not checked, would spread from the banks
of the Narbada to Akbarabad, Allahabad, and close to the territory of
Bihar, then would finally turn upon Subah Ajmer. The income of Malwa
could not provide for the pay of an army. For twenty years he had served
the Imperial house, but whatever he had saved was all expended. His
jagirs were in the hands of the Bundelas, and when he was despatched
to Malwa, the ministers made him swear solemnly that, till the Subah was
reduced to order, he would make no attempt to recover his jagirs. Mean¬
while Jan Nisar Khan, faujdar of Kora, had for three years levied large
sums from Sahindah, and other parganahs made over in trust to Anandi
Sangram. Without 40,000 horse and 40,000 foot, order could not be
established, while he (Muhammad Khan) had not money to pay even two
thousand horse. He therefore asked for five lakhs of rupees a month, a
strong Mughul force, and contingents from the friendly Rajahs. The
Mahrattas had four or five armies stationed at five or six marches from
each other, and a similar disposition ought to be made of the Imperial
forces. If his word be doubted, and his reports be held long-winded and
exaggerated, he begs that some one else be deputed, whose reports are
trusted and “ who can abbreviate this lengthiness,” and he (Muhammad
Khan) would willingly serve under him. There were of old seven Sultans
in the Dakhin, but former sovereigns overcame them. In comparison,
what an easy task it would be to get rid of “ this set of thieves” from one
corner of that country, if His Majesty would leave Shahjahanabad and
bring an army to Malwa. If things went on much longer as they were,
the disturbance would soon extend to Hindustan. How much better it
would be, then, to resist the encroachment at once.

“ Sar-i-chashma bdyad giriftan ba-mil ,

“ Chu pur shud, na bdyad guzashtan ba pilT
Instead of sending any help, letters from Court were now sent to va¬
rious zamindars, hinting that a new nazim was about to be appointed.
They should therefore await his arrival instead of joining Muhammad
Khan. Similar letters of encouragement had been forwarded to the Mah¬
rattas. Nizam-ul-Mulk, although appealed to, made no sign ; and then
other efforts were made to obtain help from a distance. By a parwanah of
the 20th Ramzan, in the 14th year (6th March, 1732), the Nawab sent
T T

324

W. Irvine — The Banff ash Nawdhs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 4,

Rs. 17,000, in hundis upon the bankers of Lahore, to the commanders (tuman-
dars) of the Afghans living in Kabul. They were requested to enlist re¬
cruits, but none appear to have come.

The only answer from Court to Muhammad Khan’s appeals was an
upbraiding letter from Khan Dauran Khan. The Mahrattas had been
allowed to spread all over the country, while Muhammad Khan’s agents ac¬
companied them, pointing out the proper routes. It was asserted that the
arrival of the enemy at Orchha and Narwar was with the connivance of
those agents. By great exertions, Ivhan Dauran Khan says, he had ob¬
tained a renewal of the grant of parganah Akbarpur* from 1146 Fusli, al¬
though His Majesty said it had been granted several years before for one har¬
vest only, and the officials of the Diwani made objection that it was Tehalisa ,
or directly under the Crown. In another letter of this time, Khan Dauran
Khan sets forth with great vehemence his own incorruptibility, and
asserts that, except the enhanced jdgir of one kror of dam granted in the
Sayyads’ time (1713-1720), he had received nothing. All beyond this he
held to be accursed. What then could he gain by dismissals or appoint¬
ments to offices or jdgirs ? When Muhammad Khan was appointed to
Malwa, he had, out of friendship, pressed for the removal of one of his
(Khan Dauran’s) own relations, who had been previously named.

Soon a farman in the Emperor’s own hand- writing reached Sironj,
informing Muhammad Khan that Rajah Jai Singh Sawae had been
appointed his successor, and directing him to report himself at Mustakirr-
ul-Khilafat Akbarabad, to which place the Emperor in person intended to
proceed after limiting in the preserves of Shiuli near Delhi. Information
of his supercession had already reached him on the 4th Jamadi, I. (12th
Oct. 1732), in letters from Kaim Khan, his son, Mangal Khan, who had
gone to Delhi to raise men and money, and Pir ’Ali Khan, his representa¬
tive. at Court. Orders were at once issued to Muldm Khan to report himself
to Muhammad Khan after making over the town of Ujain and the other
places to the servants of Raj Adhiraj. On the 6th of the same month
(14th Oct. 1732), the Nawab’s family and dependents started on their way
home. The men engaged by Mangal Khan were made over, with the
Emperor’s approval, to the naibs of Rij Adhiraj (Jai Singh Sawae). Mu¬
hammad Khan then left Malwa and arrived at Akbarabad on the 29th
Jamadi, II. (6th Dec. 1732), after an absence of two years.

Apart from difficulties about money, and the general non-success of
his arms, three causes appear to have led to Muhammad Khan’s disgrace,
(i), the complaints of the jagirdars, who were influential in the
palace, (2), the attack on Chattar Singh Narwari, who was protected by the
favourite, Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan, and others, (3), the friendship which

* In the Cawnpur district.

1878.]

325

W. Irvine — The Bcingash JVawabs of FarruJchdbdd.

appeared to have sprung up between Muhammad Khan and Nizam-ul-
Mulk, whose acts were then most jealously watched by the clique in power.
The subsequent rapid advance of the Mahrattas is Muhammad Khan’s best
justification, and it is clear that with inferior means he did as much, if not
more, than the Wazir and the Amir-ul-TJmra, backed by all the forces of
the empire, were able to accomplish.

Campaigns against the Mahrattas — 1145-1149 TL. (1732 — 1736).

In the 15th year (Sept. 1732 to Aug. 1733), shortly after Muham¬
mad Khan’s arrival at Akbarabad, he received a farman from the Emperor
stating that the Mahrattas were reported to be between Sironj and Narwar,
and engaged in plundering the zamindars of the Umait clan. Jamdat-ul-
Mulk, Ttimad-ud-daula, Kamr-uddin Khan having been appointed to repel
them, Muhammad Khan was directed to join him. Ttimad-ud-daula also
wrote to the same effect. #

With Kamr-ud-din Khan, Wazir-ul-Mamalik, came Zahir-ud-daula
Mahamid Jang, his brother, and Khan Firuz Jang, son of Asaf Jah Nizam-
ul-Mulk and son-in-law of the wazir. When they reached Akbarabad,
Muhammad Khan went out to meet them and escort them. The next day
the wazir came to the Nawab’s house and urged him to join in the cam¬
paign. Looking on it as a holy war for Islam, Muhammad Khan agreed.
He then advanced with Kh.ln Firuz Jang and Mahamid Jang bevond
Narwar to Lo dab -Dan gar, south of Kalaras. There he heard that the infi¬
dels had crossed the Narbada, but Rajah Jai Singh Sawae, unable to bar their
way, had sent his baggage home to his own country, and had himself gone
one march in that direction. The wazir, who had received a letter from.
Rajah Jai Singh Sawae, wrote urgently to recall Muhammad Khan, on the
plea that the rains were upon them and nothing more could be done. The
Nawab in obedience to these orders retraced his steps, and rejoined the wazir
at Shiupuri.

They then marched to punish the son of Udaru, who had instigated
the murder of Jan Nisar Khan, faujdar of Kora and brother-in-law to the
wazir. On the 9th Muharram, 1146 H. (Ilth June, 1733), they drew
near to Ghazipur.f The Rajah’s fort was bombarded from three hours after
sunrise till far into the night. During that day the batteries were advanced
to the ditch of the fort which surrounded the houses. Bhagwant in the dark¬
ness fled to the jungle, and took refuge in Suthar, a place of strength
belonging to him. Muhammad Khan then encamped on the Jamna at the

* His full titles are Wazir-ul-Mamalik, Jamdat-ul-Mulk, 'Itimad-ud-daula, Kamr-
ud-din Khan, Chin, Nasrat Jang.

f In the Fathpur district,' about 11 miles S. W. of Fathpur, and about 8 miles from
tho left bank of the Jamna.

326 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdhs of FarruJchdbad. [No. 4,

ferry of Char Khajari, while troops went in pursuit of the fugitive. One
account* states that Muhammad Khan adjusted the matter by exacting a
contribution, hnt his own letters do not state how the affair ended.

Muhammad Khan does not appear to have taken part in Muzaffar
Khan’s campaign of the 16th year (1146-1147 — Sept. 1733 — Sept. 1734),
or in that of the 17th year (1147-1148) under Kamr-ud-dm Khan. About
this time Muhammad Khan had a dangerous illness, and for fourteen days
he could eat or drink nothing but a little rice-water.

In 1148 H. (May 1735— May 1736), or 1149 H. (May 1736— April
1737), Muhammad Khan reported to His Majesty that the son of Baji
Rao with other leaders was in Bundelkhand. A party of them with two
or three hundred horse came to the banks of the Jamna, and ascertained
several places where the river was fordable. The rumour was that they
intended to cross into the Duab. In reply the Emperor wrote that the
sons of Chattarsal were in league with the enemy, and had given them a
passage. It was expected that they would ravage Kora, Kalpi and Itawah.
Sarbuland Khan Mubariz-ul-Mulk had received orders to prevent their
crossing, while Muhammad Khan, instead of remaining idle, should pro¬
ceed towards Gwaliar. The Emperor intended to go to Akbarabad in person.

Muhammad Khan’s reply to this command was, that he had no means
to raise an army, that he still owed his men the pay for their second year
in Malwa. In his beggared state he had not thought it advisable to go
to Gwaliar, he was moreover ill, but he hoped his son, Akbar Khan, would
be appointed faujdar of Gwaliar. In another letter to the wazir he declines
to attend, as he does not wish to appear at Court solitary and without
friends. He sent his son, Kaim Khan, with such troops as he had. If the
Emperor appointed him to a subah and granted him ten Jcror of dam,
he could raise as many men as was desired. To meet the enemy fifty thou¬
sand men were required, and the revenues of a subah would be absorbed.
To go with an insignificant force to Gwaliar, and there to sit with hands
drawn into sleeve and feet into skirt, would only encourage the invaders.

Next Khan Dauran Khan Amir-ul-Umra writes two letters to Mu¬
hammad Khan. It was reported that Chimna Ji had advanced beyond
Gwaliar via Sironj and Bundelkhand, after ejecting Bajah Jai Singh from
Malwa, and had plundered the country. Muhammad Khan should collect
a large army from the country near Akbarabad, and a subsidy would be
allotted. Burhan-ul-Mulk had orders to proceed to Akbarabad and was
advancing by daily marches. Fakhr-ud-daula, brother of Khan Dauran Khan,

* That of the “ Sa’adat-i- Jawed” in Dowson’s Elliot, VIII, 342. See also Elliot,
VIII, 50, and Supp. Glossary, p. 326. From the EadiJcat-ul-AJcdlim, Second Clime,
art. Itawah, we learn that the Wazir had hurried to Dehli, to thwart a combination
between Khan Dauran, Burhan-ul-Mulk, and Mubariz-ul-Mulk.

327

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nciwabs of Farrulchabdd.

was also on his way with a strong force- Kao Badan Singh Jat would
soon be at Akbarabad. All these would aid in the protection of the city.
Nasrat Yar Khan and Rae Shiu Das, the naibs of the Nazim (Rajah Jai
Singh Sawae), would also assist. The great object was to defend the subah,
to tranquillize the city, and to preserve the name and fame of Hindustan.
Mubariz-ul-Mulk would soon arrive at Gwaliar, and the Bhadauriya Rajah,
if freed from anxiety about his home, would also join.

Rajah Jai Singh Sawae also opened communications with Muhammad
Khan, and tried to induce him to quit his retirement. At first Muhammad
Khan’s only reply was to taunt Jai Singh, pointing out that he held one-
third of Malwa, one-fourth of the Delhi subah and the whole of the Akbara¬
bad Nizamat, besides his native country, which produced an income equal
to that of a Subah. The Mahrattas in the Jaipur territory pretend to be
one in aim and object with the Rajputs and Bundelas. This is only deceit
(filosofi), who knows where they will stop, not only have they reached
Hindustan but they are spread abroad in Bangala. The Rajah might be
quite sure that, whenever they had made safe their position elsewhere, they
would throw him over, and demand the very places which they then profes¬
sed to protect.

By the offer of jdgirs and money payments, Rajah Jai Singh succeed¬
ed in overcoming Muhammad Khan’s reluctance to serve again. Before
he appeared in the field, however, the Mahrattas, having crossed the Jarnna
at the ferries opposite Auruyah and Sarae Ajit Mall in the Etawah district,
had plundered Khanpur, Derapur, Mangalpur, Sikandrah and Shiuganpur.* * * §
Their collectors had recovered khandi from the zamindars and faujdars
of the Duab. Other parties were scattered in the country of Gwaliar,
Bijipurf had been surrounded and the inhabitants of AntriJ had taken
refuge in Gwaliar. The latter were suspected of being in league with the
invaders. The zamindars of Raojha (?) had been defeated.

On the 7th Ramzan, 1148 H (10th Jan. 1736), the Nawab’s troops
began to cross the Jamna. Muhammad Khan had fixed the 14th Shawwal
for his own advance, but as the Mahrattas were reported to have gone off
towards Delhi, the inhabitants of Akbarabad and Rae Shiu Das, naib, be¬
came frightened. The army of the invaders in Bhadawar might see their
opportunity, and crossing the river might invest the city.

Reports now came in that one force of Mahrattas had advanced beyond
Nurabad§ in the direction of Akbarabad, and that another party was near

* The first is, I suppose, our Cawnpore, the other places are in the Cawnpur dis¬
trict. There is, however, a kasbah Khanpur just south of Auruyah.

f Lat. 26°, 2'. Long. 77°, 28', fifty-two miles S. W. of Gwaliar.

% Twelve miles S. of Gwaliar.

§ Fourteen miles N. W. of Gwaliar.

328

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JVawabs of Farrulchdhdd. [No. 4,

Antri in the country of Bhadawar. Accordingly on the 21st Ramzan, 1148

H. (24th Jan. 1736), a division of two thousand horse and two thousand foot,
under Zabardast Khan, Rasul Khan and others, was sent to Dholpur to pro¬
tect the ferries on the Chamhal. The zamindars of the Dandota, Satgir,
Ardwar, Tunpuri and Gujar clans were granted IchilcCts , and posted from
point to point (ndkabancli) to guard the routes. This task was efficiently
performed, although the naib faujdar of Dholpur had retreated. A party
of the enemy posted themselves at Nurabad and came daily to the ferries,
but found they were unable to cross. Muhammad Khan exercised similar
vigilance in Akbarabad ; at length the Mahrattas went back to Bhadawar, and
there rejoined their other army. Gwaliar was held by ’Umr Khan, with two
thousand men from Mau under Kale Khan Khatak, Slier Khan Warakzai
and Ahmad Khan Afridi, added to one thousand men of Gwaliar itself.

The usual complaints now commenced of want of means, and of diffi¬
culties about the pay of the troops. Yakut Khan, Khan Bahadur, was
sent home to bring five lakhs of rupees, but after great difficulty he pro¬
vided 1,20,000 rupees. This was like a drop of water on a fire. Muhammad
Khan, though ready and willing, professed to have no money, and for a year
had been waiting in Akbarabad, put off from day to day with promises.

Muhammad Khan’s efforts were further paralysed by doubts of the
policy favoured at Court. He exclaims that he could not find the word to
the enigma ; while he waited for orders to march on Dholpur, the infidels
resorted to Delhi, where they received audience of His Majesty. They were
received as friends, and money was bestowed on them. Should he march to
Dholpur and fight the enemy, he might be told by the ministers that peace
had been concluded, and that he had only thrown matters into confusion.

He reports that Baji Rao had one hundred thousand horsemen in
Bundelkhand, Bhadawar and Gwaliar. Part of them had gone towards
Kalpi intending to plunder Kora. The sons of Chattarsal and Bhagwant
(of Ghazipur in the Fathpur district) had agreed to pay them lakhs, and to
levy krors of rupees for them in that country ; other Hindu Rajahs and
zamindars beyond the Jamna and Chambal had pricked up their ears, and
even some parties of Muhammadans from Malwa had entered their service.
The Bhadauriya Rajah like the rest had come to terms with the invaders.
In no way had Baji Rao quitted the service of Rajah Sahu, nor had the
Mahrattas ceased to harry the Imperial territory. At such a criticalmoment,
the Nawab could not understand why Burhan-ul-Mulk was sent to his
Subah, and Rajah Abhai Singh of Marwar to his home.

At length Rajah Jai Singh Sawae wrote to say that, on the 8th Rabi

I, 1149 H. (5th July, 1736), Baji Rao and his son had submitted to the
Imperial authority. With Ranuji Sendliia, Mulhar Holkar, Baswant Rae
Punwar, and other companions, he sought an interview with the Rajah at

329

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdhs of FarruJcJidhad.

Dholpur. He gave an agreement under his seal, with sureties, not to act
contrary to his word. Baji Bao left on the 13th of the same month, while
Bajah Jai Singh proceeded towards Subah Ajmer, where the Batliors had
raised disturbances. Apparently this was the occasion on which Baji Bao
received the appointment of naib Nazim of Malwa.*

Shortly afterwards, in the same year, the Mahrattas crossed over into
the Duab and plundered Finizabad, ’Itimadpur and Jalesar. Burhan-ul-
Mulk, without waiting for the rest of the Imperial forces, attacked and
defeated them near Jalesar. Khan Dauran Khan then advanced from Delhi
with a large force, accompanied by Muhammad Khan at the head of twelve
thousand men. They met Burhan-ul-Mulk near Mathura early in Zi’l
Hajj 1149 H. (March — April, 1737). As they were returning to Delhi the
Jats of the village of Mitrol, between Kodal and Palwal, fell on and plun¬
dered their baggage. By the Emperor’s order Muhammad Khan returned
to protect Akbarabad.f

Muhammad Khan asks for Bengal and Patna, hut gets Allahabad.

Kaim Khan was now at Court, and through his influence, the Emperor
promised to appoint Muhammad Khan to Patna and Bangala. To conceal
the matter from Mahabat Jang, the then Subahdar of Bengal, no sanad
was to issue for that Subah, a note in the Emperor’s hand-writing being
taken instead. Muhammad Shah was never long of one mind, and he
soon began to raise difficulties. Muhammad Khan then proposed that Kaim
Khan should be made Nazim of ’Azimabad-Patna, while he should be made
naib of Bengal under the heir-apparent. He offered to remit to Court
all the property confiscated by ’Ali Wardi Khan, and to pay regularly ten
or fifteen times the revenue forwarded by Sarfaraz Khan, J signing any
undertaking that might be demanded. Notwithstanding these promises,
the negotiation seems to have fallen through.

Allahabad was then asked for, but a formidable rival arose in Burhan-
ul-Mulk, who offered a peshkash of fifteen lakhs of rupees. Muhammad
Khan’s claims appear, however, to have had some weight. His conditions
were, that he should obtain the Subah, free of all interference, including
Jaunpur, Gfhazipur, Kuhna Sarae, Banaras, Hadah, Manikpur, Gfliora, Kalin-
jar etc. ; that Kora and Kanauj should be made over to him as dependen¬
cies ; and that Sarkar Gwaliar should be given to Khizr Khan as Subah,
with Muhammad Khan as Nazim. Without entering Kora, he could not
bar the way to the sons of Chattarsal and Bhagwant, and if he had no

* Grant Duff, 234, 235.

f Dowson’s Elliot, VIII. 54, 55, 56.

+ Son of the former Subahdar, Nawab Shuja’-ud-daula. He had been ousted by
’Ali Wardi Khan Mahabat Jang,

330

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawcihs of Farrulchdbad. [No. 4,

jurisdiction there, his interference would occasion never-ending disputes.
Kanauj, which was in the hands of a stranger, the Bhadauriya Bajah, was
his home country, and till he held it he could never feel himself safe while
absent in Allahabad. At length the farman of appointment was forwarded
by Kamr-uddin Khan Chin ’Itimad-ud-daula, the Wazir, and Muhammad
Khan was ordered to attend Court at once with five hundred horse.

It was in the beginning of Bajab 1148 H. (Nov. — Dec. 1735), that
Muhammad Khan was restored to the Subah of Allahabad. A few months
afterwards, on the 4th Muharram, 1149 H. (4th May, 1736),# Sarbuland
Khan was restored. Muhammad Khan seems to have obtained afterwards
promises of re-instatement, but his claims were postponed to those of Amir
Khan ’Umdat-ul-Mulk, who was appointed to Allahabad in the year 1739. t
On Amir Khan’s assassination in 1159 H. (Jan. 1746 to Jan. 1747), J the
Subah passed to ’Abd-ul Mansur Khan Safdar Jang.§

On relinquishing his government into the hands of Sarbuland Khan,
Nawab Muhammad Khan strongly recommended to his protection Bajah
Jaswant Singh, zamindar of Bhadoi|| who when at Court had been made a
Sihhazari, 2000 horse, with the title of Bajah and the gift of kettle-drums.
He was appointed to the charge of the rahddri from Banaras to Allahabad,
and he performed well the duty of keeping the roads open. Bajah Jai
Singh of Maudah had, however, interfered, and had collected much money
from Bhadoi. Bajah Jaswant Singh would he hoped be preserved from
further oppression.

Muhammad Khan’s interest in Bajah Jaswant Singh arose from the
fact that the Bajah had given to the Nawab a daughter in marriage. Jas¬
want Singh had also taken the field on one occasion in Muhammad Khan’s
cause. In 1148 H. when Muhammad Khan was re-appointed to Allahabad,
Sarbuland Khan wrote secretly from Shahjahanabad to his son and deputy,
Shah Nawaz Khan, directing him to oppose the entry of the new Subah-
dar. On the other hand, Jaswant Singh, at the instigation of Muhammad
Khan, marched from Bhadoi towards Arail, having with him 2000 horse
and 20,000 matchlockmen. He was joined by Lai Bikramajit, son of Jograj
Gahilwar, Bajah of Bijipur and Kant it. The allies then prepared to at¬
tack Sayyad Muhammad Khan, ruler of Arail. On hearing of this rising,
Shah Nawaz Khan left the fort of Lai Jalwah in parganah Sangror with
1000 horsemen, Shekh Allahyar, author of the Hadikat-ul-AkaUm, having

* Both dates are taken from the “ Tabsirat-un-Nazirm.”

f Dow, II, 438, ed. 1803.

X Miftah-ut-tawarikh, p. 489.

§ ’Amad-us-Sa’dat, p. 50.

|| In the Mirzapur district, on the left hank of the Ganges.

If Both in the Mirzapur district.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawahs of Farr uJchdbad.

331

command of the van. Marching all night, they crossed the Ganges at the
ferry of Kasondhan.# Before their arrival, Jaswant Singh attacked Say-
yad Muhammad Khan, most of whose men fled ; and although he held his
ground under a mango tree with a small body, some forty-three in number,
of his best troops, his artillery and standard elephant were taken. Shekh
Allahyar now arrived, and Shah Nawaz Khan engaged the enemy on the
left. Their horsemen, thinking the day was won, had dismounted, and
were seated in the bed of a dry tank. When the Muhammadans approach¬
ed, the syces ran away, Lai Bikramajit and Jaswant Singh alone succeeded
in mounting their horses. The other men tried to escape on foot pursued
by Shekh Allahyar’s troops. Many of the horses, owing to the uneven
ground of the tank, fell and threw their riders. Shekh Din Muhammad
Bilgrami, hampered by his armour and his iron gauntlets, and the unsteadi¬
ness of his horse, was set upon by a group of ten Rajputs, who pulled him
off; his horse. He succeeded in cutting oft the heads of two men, and broke
his sword on the third. Of the seven left one tried to wrestle with Din
Muhammad, when Sayyad Muhammad, a retainer of Shekh Allahyar’s, rode
up and was about to dismount. Din Muhammad told him not to interfere.
Two of the assailants now fled, another tripped and fell, and Din Muhammad
despatched him with his mace. Sayyad Muhammad then wounded the last
Rajput, who threw down his sword and begged for his life. This encounter
was witnessed by Shekh Allahyar, then fifteen or sixteen years of age, from
the back of his elephant. Pursuit was made for three Icos , till they drew
near to the hills of Bijipur. In the morning 1720 dead bodies were counted ;
on the side of Shah Nawaz Khan 83 men were wounded and 7 killed. f

Nadir Shah’s Invasion.

When Nadir Shah invaded India and defeated the Imperial troops near
Karnal in February 1739, (1151 IT.) Muhammad Shah, the day before the
battle, put Nawab Muhammad Khan in charge of his women. Muhammad
Shah, the story goes, made some bitter remark as to his absence from the
battle-field, which provoked a quick retort from Muhammad Khan. The
Nawab retired in dudgeon to his house at Bangash ghat on the Jamna. Many
days after, Nadir Shah asked for his friend Muhammad Khan. The Emperor
sent for him, but the Nawab replied that he was ill. The messenger went back
and fore several times. At length two of Nadir Shah’s chamberlains ( naskchi )
and Muhammad Shah’s page (Jchawas) were sent. No longer able to excuse
himself, Nawab Muhammad Khan told his companions that his last hour

* On the left bank of the Ganges, in parganah Kewail.

f H acWcat-ul-AkaUm Iklim II, art. Arail, and Iklfni III, art. Bilgram, Account
of Shekh Din Muhammad.

TJ U

332

W. Irvine — The Bang ash JSfawdbs of Farrufchdbdd. [No. 4,

bad come. Putting on his chain mail-shirt ( zarrah ), his breastplate and
back-piece (bagtar and chahar-aina) , his helmet ( khuz ) and gauntlets
(dastydna), and attaching to his waist his shield, sword and dagger, he
started for the audience hall, taking with him his son, Ahmad Khan. Mu¬
hammad Khan, being a mere soldier, did not understand a single word of
Persian, Turki or Pushtu, while Ahmad Khan understood all three. #
When they arrived, Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah were seated on two
chairs in a line. Two hundred Wilayatis were on the right and two hun¬
dred on the left of Nadir Shah with drawn swords in their hands. The
master of the ceremonies (’Arzhegi) announced Muhammad Khan, stating
that he was armed and refused to leave his sword at the door, on the ground
that he was a soldier, not a noble, and that a soldier’s jewels were his arms.
Nadir Shah directed that he should be admitted armed. When Muham¬
mad Khan appeared, he first made obeisance to his own king, and then
turning to Nadir Shah presented his dagger by way of offering (nazar).
Nadir Shah touched and remitted it. Muhammad Khan then went and
stood at the right side of Muhammad Shah. Nadir Shah remarked, “ Bro¬
ther Mirza Muhammad Beg, you have three faithful servants, and the rest
are traitors ; those three are Na sir Khan, Khan Dauran Khan and Muham¬
mad Khan ; from these I received no letters, from all the rest I received
invitations to invade your country.” Muhammad Khan craving leave, re¬
marked that none was so faithless as he ; for had he been staunch His Majes¬
ty would not have easily come so far ; and he regretted that he had not
been posted to the van of the army. Nadir Shah made no reply. After a
short interval a Tchila't, more valuable than given to any of his equals,
was granted. Putting on the robes, he made his obeisance, but gave no
money offering. Nadir Shah’s wazir, thinking this was wrong, asked the
reason. Muhammad Khan answered that it was not a soldier’s business to
give tribute of gold and silver, that he left to amirs and wazirs. He was
only a soldier, and his head was his offering.

Some days after this, Muhammad Khan attended an audience, when the
two kings were seated as before, guarded by the Wilayatis with drawn swords.
Nadir Shah’s Persian troops and a small number of Muhammad Shah’s men
were drawn up outside. With Muhammad was a Shekhzada of Shekhpur,f
very clever but very thin and very short. He was a perfect master of the art
of archery, and possessed arrows of every sort. J

* Pir Muhammad Ivhawas is named as the authority for this story.

f A village close to Kamalganj, on the Cawnpur road, 8 miles south of Farrukha-

Md.

J The following are the names of various kinds of arrows then in use : 1. Lais ,

it tears the flesh : a single arrow costs as much as a gold coin. 2. Kalandra. 3#
Kohar-tarash. 4. Ghera, with a head three fingers- broad ; it makes a wound like a

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Hang ash Nawabs of Farr ukhabad.

833

Nadir Shah called out a champion, a great big man, and asked Muham¬
mad Shah to match him. Muhammad Khan proposed to meet him, but the
Shekhzada offered to go instead. The Nawab laughed at him, and
said he did not want to be turned into the laughing stock of the army.
The Shekhzada would not listen. Meanwhile, the perspiration poured down
Muhammad Khan’s body from anxiety, and he muttered a prayer to God.
Seeing his opponent, the Persian said he would lift him and carry him
off on his lance point. The combatants then galloped their horses at
each other, and the Persian several times failed to touch the Shekh.
At last his lance hitting him penetrated through his armour, and
he was lifted from his horse, sticking to the end of the lance like a nat
(tumbler), and he bled a little. Nadir Shah began to laugh, and the counte¬
nances fell of those on the other side. Then wounded as he was, the Shekh
let fly an arrow at the horseman’s head so that it went through his steel
head-piece and his chain-shirt, then entering his horse’s body it came out and
fell into the ground uninjured. The man stunned sat on his horse for a minute
with the lance in his hand. The Shekh, with the lance still sticking into
him, called out “ Come and remove this, for the man is dead.” Nadir Shah
praised the Shekh highly and gave him a khilaH. On the 7th Safar, 1152
H. (5th May, 1739), Nadir Shah left Delhi, taking with him all his plun¬
der.

Muhammad Khan’s correspondence contains little or no reference to
the invasion of Nadir Shah, possibly because he was present in person at
head- quarters, and thus had less occasion to write letters. Only once, in writ¬
ing to Baji Rao, he declares that when Nadir Shah attacked Kandahar, the
Afghans of Kabul wrote that if Muhammad Khan were appointed they
would resist, they only wanted a leader. When he spoke to the Emperor,
the plan was at first approved but subsequently rejected.

When Baji Rao, after the departure of Nadir Shah, wished the nobles
to unite in one confederation to reduce the affairs of the Taimurya line to
better order, Muhammad Khan was one of the nobles to whom he wrote.
The Nawab returned a favourable reply, though, as he professed, he had
little further interest in the world — •“ clunyd nakshe ast bar-db o ziyada az
sirdb nest ” — a remark which reminds one of Bacon’s —

“ Who then to frail mortality shall trust
But limns on water, or hut writes in dust.”

These plans were put an end to by Baji Rao’s death in the year 1740.

spear. 5. JVu/cta, without head, it inflicts a blow hut no wound. 6. Thuth. 7. An-
kri-dar , with a bent head like a saddle-maker’s needle. 8. Nawak , this is a kind of
pipe of steel like a flute (pungij attached to the how. In this district Siroli Chand
Thok, in parganah Shamsabad East, is celebrated for its bows and arrows.

334 W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdhs of FarruTchdhdd. [No. 4,

Death of Akbar Khan.

It was about this time, 1152 H. (1739), that Nizam-ul-Mulk and his
son, Ghazi-ud-din, now at the head of affairs, disgusted Muhammad
Khan by non-fulfilment of a promise to confirm him in his govern¬
ment of Allahabad, which was given to Amir Khan ’Umdat-ul-Mulk.#
Muhammad Khan quitted Court without leave and retired to his estates.
Sher Zaman Khan and Abu Samad Khan were sent at the head of a large
force, with orders to turn him out of his territory. Nawab Muhammad
Khan, not being in good health himself, sent his elder sons, Akbar Khan and
Ahmad Khan, to oppose the invaders. Akbar Khan had ten thousand horse,
and Ahmad Khan five hundred horse and one hundred swivel guns carried
on camels. The foot soldiers were also very numerous.

The two armies met at Rao-ka-Sikandra in the Aligarh district. Now,
Muhammad Khan had instructed his chief-men that on no account were
they to allow Akbar Khan to fight on horseback, for being a young man
of rash temper, he might ride into the enemy’s ranks and be destroyed. The
Pathans therefore forced Akbar Khan to mount an elephant. Ahmad
Khan’s elephant was coming up alongside, when Akbar Khan called out
“ Keep that elephant back, why are you driving it up beside mine.” Akbar
Khan was of a very proud nature, and being the next in age, he did not defer
even to the eldest son, Kaim Khan, thinking that on Muhammad Khan’s
death he, Akbar Khan, would succeed. Ahmad Khan was vexed by his
brother’s words, and drove his elephant off to some distance.

The battle then began, both of the nobles sent from Delhi were slain,
and the Pathans gained the day. Then Ahmad Khan out of revenge
turned his camel swivels in the direction of Akbar Khan, and ordered them
to be discharged. The ball from one of the zamburak penetrated Akbar
Khan’s brain, and he was killed on the spot. They brought the body home,
and Nawab Muhammad Khan mourned much for him, lying for three days
on his cushion weeping for him and fasting.

Muhammad Khan negotiates for Ali Muhammad Khan Kohela.

In 1153 H. (18th March, 1740 — 7th March, 1741), Rajah Harnand
was sent as Nazim to Katahr, with orders to expel ’Ali Muhammad Khan
Rohela. In this difficulty the Rohela appealed to the Nawab to intercede
for him, for although Harnand had given his acquittance for the kharif
he still showed hostile intentions. The Nawab wrote to Kamr-ud-din
Khan, Wazir, hoping that he would not send his son Mir Mu’in-ud-din
Khan, to reinforce Rajah Harnand. ’Ali Muhammad Khan was a loyal
subject, who had attended Court every year, and in 1729 when ’Azim-ullah
Khan Zahir-ud-daula, the wazir’s brother, went against the Sayyads of Bar¬
ba, the Rohela joined with his troops and did good service. A man who

* Dow, II, 433.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Ban gash JVaivabs of Farrulchdbdd.

335

performs such services should not be ruined for some little fault, especially
at a time when the rebels (the Mahrattas) were very strong. Even if a
fault had been committed, let it be forgiven. Kaim Khan was also instructed
to urge the same objections to the wazir personally. But on the 1th Mu-
harram, 1154 H. (11th March, 1741) letters were received from Kaim
Khan, stating that the wazir insisted on presenting his son, Mir Mu’in-ud-din
to the Emperor, so that he might be appointed to support Rajah Harnand.

Before this, Muhammad Khan had sent Rahmat Khan and Shah Ikh-
tiyar to negotiate with Rajah Harnand. Shah Ikhtiyar came back with
a message asking for two trusty men. Mukim Khan and ’Abdullah Khan
were sent with him, and they took with them the wazir’ s letter in original.
They reached Budaon. Meanwhile Rahmat Khan had joined the Rajah, and
remained in his camp six days. Then he was dismissed, and the Rajah made
three or four marches of twenty kos, and drew near to the army of ’Ali
Muhammad Khan, who had encamped at seven or eight Jcos from Anwala.#

In this interval Muhammad Khan had advised ’Ali Muhammad Khan
not to hold money too dear, but to settle matters. The Nawab had never
seen his troops, no doubt they were efficient. But, by aid from friends,
matters might be brought to a happy conclusion. He should, however,
strengthen his posts and collect men and material. His men should be
called in from all outlying posts to one point. No opponent could carry
away the soil, and after he had retired the thanas could be restored as
before. If the troops were scattered, they could not support each other,
and if one party suffered a reverse, all the rest were disheartened. All this
had been experienced and proved by Muhammad Khan. But as far as
possible, soft words should be used, and money spent to get rid of the diffi¬
culty. If in no way it could be settled, even at the cost of a year’s income,
then an efficient resistance should be made.

The affair ended by the defeat and death of Rajah Harnand. f Muham¬
mad Khan did his best to persuade the wazir that ’Ali Muhammad Khan
had not meant to fight, and that the calamity was not his fault. He was
still ready to submit.

Nawab Muhammad Khan’s correspondence with ’Ali Muhammad Khan
ends with the acknowledgment of a letter, wffiich mentioned the arrival of the
Rohelas at Almorah in Kumaon on the 5th Ramzan, 1154, (3rd Nov. 1741).
The hillmen had fled to the other side of the Sarju, while the zamindar of
Srinagar and Sirmur Bahat had sent his brother to treat. Snow having
fallen, the Rohelas had removed to Rudrpur and would soon be back at Anwala.
Muhammad Khan refers to the advice he had given that, the climate being
severe and the produce small, an arrangement should be made. The cour-

* In the Bareli district.

f Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 16, 17.

336 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farr uJchabad. [No. 4,

tiers, he says, looked on a settlement as a victory, and he advised ’Ali
Muhammad Khan to report to Court that, to please them, he had left the
hills and had returned to Anwala.

Narayan Das plunders Najib Ali Khan's camp.

Narayan Das, an officer of Rajah Jai Singh Sawae, had been sent to
restore order in Bhadawar. While there, his troops got out of hand from
want of pay, and plundered the equipage of Najib ’Ali Khan, an officer in
the employ of Kamr-uddin Khan, the wazir, who was collecting in Karhai.#
Nawab Muhammad Khan, who at the time was faujdar of Shikohabad,#
sent Amr Singh and Shaistah Khan to persuade Narayan Das to give up
the property. Purdil Khan was despatched with men to aid Najib ’Ali
Khan, and Ja’far Khan Bakhshi, who was out in the parganahs, was
directed to follow. In addition Mangal Khan was sent. When the latter
reached Sarae Ajit Mall, and Ja’far Khan was near Itawah, Narayan Das
made oft by the fords on the Jamna. They followed and persuaded him to
deliver up one elephant, elephant kettle-drums, several swivel guns (rakhld)
and cannon, with carts and bullocks. After considerable difficulty, an ac¬
quittance was obtained from Najib ’Ali Khan and forwarded to the wazir.

Story of a Mango.

I introduce here, as an illustration of manners, a story about a won¬
derful mango tree in Farrukhabad. One day Muhammad Khan was seated
in the back seat of Muhammad Shah’s hauda during a hunting-expedi¬
tion. The Emperor ate a mango half a seer in weight, of very fine taste,
good colour and exquisite aroma. He gave the stone to Muhammad Khan,
who wrapped it in his handkerchief, and sent it to Kaim Khan then at Far¬
rukhabad. Kaim Khan came out to meet it with honour as far as Soronf,
through which , before the founding of Kasganj,^ ran the road to Delhi.
The mango stone was planted in the Haiyat Bagli, where is Muhammad
Khan’s tomb. The fruit it yielded when it grew up had no equal in Far¬
rukhabad, though only half as good as the original.

Whenever it began to flower, a company of infantry (najib) was sta¬
tioned round it, and they kept guard over it . § During the fruit season
thirty seers of milk a day were poured over the roots. It stood at the

* Both in the Manipuri district.

f On the Burhganga, 27 miles N. of Eta and about 60 miles N. W. of Farrukha¬
bad.

J Nineteen miles N. of Eta and about 8 miles S. W. of Soron.

§ Similar honours were paid in the time of the late Nawab of Rampur to the tree
“ Samar-hihisht” in a village just east of Thana Bhowan in the Muzaffarnagar dis¬
trict, This tree has an entry in the tchewat or Proprietary Record all to itself. I
think the Nawab paid Rs. 300 for the tree.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FarruJclidbdd. 337

bead of Nasir Khan’s tomb, who bad once been Subahdar of Kabul. Nawab
Muzaffar Jang (1771 — 1796) tried to propagate the tree by budding, but
with the greatest difficulty the gardeners obtained one tree, which was put in
the ’Ali Bagh, where it was known as the “ golah” mango. Nawab Shaukat
Jang (1813 — 1823) once sent several of the mangoes from the tree in the
Haiyat Bagh to Hakim Mahndi ’Ali Khan, chakladar of Muhamdi in
Audh, who lived for many years in the Fatehgarh cantonment. Mahndi ’Ali
Khan said he had eaten few mangoes equal to them, and he asked for
some cuttings. Shaukat Jang gave permission, but from the day the cut-
ings were taken, the original tree began to decay and in one year it dried up
and died.

Muhammad Khan's death and his character.

The close of Nawab Muhammad Khan’s career was now at hand. He
was more than eighty (lunar) years old when an abscess formed in his neck.
The Emperor sent a letter of condolence and one of his private physicians,
Alwi Khan. The Hakim’s treatment was of no avail, and on the 2nd Zil
Ka’d 1156 H. (9th December 1743), Muhammad Khan breathed his last.
When Muhammad Shah heard of his death, he wrote this chronogram —

Sit un-i-bab-i-mullc-i- Kind uftdd .#

About three hours before his death, the Nawab, to prove the strength
with which God had endowed him, took up his bow and arrow from his bed,
and aimed at the roof with such force that the arrow buried itself up to
its head in the wood.

He was interred in the Haiyat Bagh, in the village of Nekpur Khtird,
pargana Pahara, half a mile or so west from the Mau gate of the city.f
The tomb stands on an elevated platform and is surmounted with a high
dome, which can be seen for some miles round. It was built by the
Nawab in his own lifetime. Bound it he planted a garden in which was
every fruit to be found at Delhi. There were forty wells for irrigation, and
the income of twelve villages was spent on it. Koshan Khan, chela, had the
care of it. While digging the foundations for the tomb, an iron u gaja"%
weighing five maunds was found. The workmen proposed to fix it on the
top of the dome, but Boshan Khan said he could get five maunds of iron easily
enough, and he had another spike made. The iron rod thus disinterred was
put down at the gate of the garden, and young men went daily to try their
strength by lifting it. In Nasir Jang’s time (1796 — 1813) it somehow got

* Another “Tarikh” is “ Dakhl-ul-jinnat wala.”

f Kali Rae, p. 53.

X See Kali Rae, p. 127, for a description of what is evidently the same Gaja as
that referred to in the text.

338

W. Irvine — The Ban gash Nawab s of Farr ulchab ad. [No. 4,

broken. The two pieces, in 1839, still lay near the Mau gate, and the Hin¬
dus worshipped them, saying, that it was the head of Bhim Sen’s spear. #

Nawab Muhammad Khan to the last maintained very plain and soldier¬
like habits. His manner was not overbearing, he had no pride, and was
free from self-glorification. He always wore clothes of the commonest
stuff. In his audience hall and in his house the only carpet consisted of
rows of common mats, and on these the Pathans and chelas and all persons,
high or low, had to be content to sit. The Nawab sometimes sat on a cu¬
shion, sometimes without one. As the Pathans presented themselves, they
uttered an “ Auji Nawab , saldm ’ alaiJc ” then sat down in rows. At meal
times five to six hundred Pathans would sit down to the same trays. To
each were given two unleavened cakes of half a seer each with a cupful of
meat, and a flat dish of palao, or whatever else there was, all receiving an
equal share. The same food was placed before the Nawab. Pathans ge¬
nerally eat paldo of cow and buffalo flesh, and this the Nawab liked. He
disliked soft bread. They say his kitchen expenses amounted to five hun¬
dred rupees a day.

When any noble from Delhi visited the Nawab, no change was made,
the same mats were spread to sit on, and the same food presented. The
visitors were astonished at the contrast between his great wealth and power,
and the simplicit}' of his personal habits. Then, for each day after their
arrival, the Nawab would name some chela to entertain the visitor sump¬
tuously.

Once Nawab ’Umdat-ul-Mulk Amir Khan, on his way from the East,
passed through Farrukhabad with his followers, who were so effeminate in
their habits that they applied lamp-black to their eyelids, black powder to
their teeth, and red dye to their hands and feet ; wearing also finger-rings,
silver bracelets and ear-rings. The Nawab himself adopted the same style.
Their camp was pitched in the Lakhola Bagh, planted by Nawab Kaim.
Khan before his accession. f Kaim Khan went to see Amirlvhan, with
whom he was on familiar terms, having known him at Delhi. Amir Khan
proposing a visit to Nawab Muhammad Khan, Kaim Khan said he would in¬
form “ Baba Khan” (his father) that day, and would take him the next day.
Accordingly he went from AmethiJ and told his father. Next morning
the diwan-khana was adorned with a white cloth, and a common pillow
was put ready. Then Muhammad Khan sat down with a high cap on, such
as then usually worn at Mau. Before him were a pan-dan of painted wood

* Kali K,ae, p. 127.

f It lies outside the Kadiri gate, east of the city, between it and Fatehgarh can¬
tonment.

X Half a mile from the Ganga gate, at the TSI. E. corner of the city.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdhs of Farruhhdbdd.

330

and a bell-metal spittoon. Amir Khan arrived and was placed at the Na-
wab’s side. After a little, the Nawab taking out a prepared betel-leaf from
his wooden box and a bottle of scent from a wooden casket, presented pan
and scent to the visitor and dismissed him. Nawab Amir Khan was much
amused at this poor display. On the road back he said to Kaim Khan,
“ Though your father is a Bawan Hazari, he looks like a villager, why do
“ you not teach him better ?” Kaim Khan gave some playful answer.

Meanwhile Muhammad Khan had given orders to his chela, Ja’far
Khan, the chief Bakhshi, (who gives his name to the Mohulla Bazarya Ja’far
Khan), to provide such an entertainment that his master’s name should not
be a byeword in Delhi. Ja’far Khan got out some thousands of silver vessels,
he cut up many thousand rupees’ worth of gold brocade, and spread scarlet
broad-cloth all over his bagh. He sent for all the favourite singers, and
made ready the most exquisite meats. Nawab Muhammad Khan sent to
tell Nawab Amir Khan that a feast was ready at Ja’far Khan’s house. After
dinner, Amir Khan’s men proposed making over the silver dishes for safety
to the servants of the house, but Ja’far Khan refused them, saying they
were the perquisite of the khidmatgars. The gold brocade was taken away
by the singing- women and their men. Amir Khan was now loud in his
praise of Muhammad Khan. At his next visit, the Nawab made him a
handsome present, and excused himself for having entertained him so badly,
on the ground that he was only a soldier.

Nawab Muhammad Khan was a great lover of the fair sex. We know
that he had twenty-two sons and twenty-two daughters who grew up and
were married. For the number of his concubines he was like a second
Solomon. He had, they say, seventeen hundred women in the private
apartments of his palaces. There were besides nine establishments (akhd-
ra) of one hundred women each, taken from all classes, Kachi, Chaman
Koli, Bajput, Banya, Bahman, Sayyad, Mughal, Pathan and Shekh. Many
had seen their lord’s face but once, yet all their life long they received the
monthly allowance first fixed. Of the seventeen hundred, some nine hun¬
dred had died in the Nawab’s lifetime ; their tombs were in the Buland
Bagh*, where no men were ever buried. Some days after the death of
Kaim Khan became known, the Bibi Sahiba, Muhammad Khan’s widow,
like a sensible woman, threw open the doors of the Bara Mahal, sending
word to the inmates that they had three days given them, in which they
might leave if they liked. Those that stayed would get bread of barley
and clothes of gazi (the commonest quality of cotton cloth), for neither
Muhammad Khan nor Kaim Khan was there to provide for them. About
four hundred women elected to leave with all their projDerty, and four hun¬
dred only remained to eat the Bibi Sahiba’ s barley bread.

* Just outside the Mau gate.

X X

310

W. Irvine — The Banff ash Nawab s of FarruJchdbdd.

[No. 4,

The Chelas.

Slavery is a part of the Muhammadan legal system, but there must be,
I think, few instances, in which it has been carried to the length practised
by Muhammad Khan. Slaves were preferred to equals or relations as
deputy governors of provinces, slaves led his armies, he even kept a body¬
guard of slaves.

One of the reasons assigned for this preference is the trouble given by
his brother Pathans of Mau. Many of them at one time had farming
leases of parganahs. If the Nawab complained of embezzled revenue, their
answer was, that they would fight, but not pay. If one of them was im¬
prisoned as a defaulter, all the other Pathans rose in arms till he was releas¬
ed. For this reason, it is said, some years after his rise to power, the Nawab
remitted large sums to Afghanistan, and induced a colony of the Bangash
tribe to emigrate and settle in the city of Farrukhabad. From among
them he selected eighteen leaders as Jam’adars. They were petted in every
way, the Nawab looking on them as his own right arm, and to them his
daughters were given in marriage. He gave them land for their houses
on the side of the city nearest to the Ganges, and the quarter to this day
bears the name of Bangashpura.

Another expedient resorted to was to seize the sons of Rajputs and
Brahmans, who were then made into Muhammadans. Some were obtained
by consent, some by payment ; others were the sons of revenue defaulters,
whose sons were seized and made Muhammadans. Thousands of boys were
thus obtained and taught the precepts of Islam. From them were selected
the leaders of the army, and the collectors of land revenue in the parganahs.

Muhammad Khan had quite a passion for increasing the number of
his chelas. All his managers (Amils) and deputies (Subahdars) had orders
to send him all the Hindu boys, whom they could procure between the ages
of seven and thirteen. When they grew up, they were placed in his police
or army, or were appointed to manage the Nawab’s private affairs. When¬
ever an ’amil had a fight with a troublesome village or invested it, he seized
all the boys he could get, and forwarded them to the Nawab. Others be¬
came Muhammadans of their own accord. In this way, every year one or
two hundred boys were made Muhammadans, and by the end of his life the
Nawab had made some four thousand chelas. Many of these were killed
in battle in the Nawab’s lifetime, many died without issue, and many were
never married. The descendants of the rest still exist, and are distinguish¬
ed as Ghazanfar -bachha (progeny of Ghazanfar), the title of Muhammad
Khan having been Ghazanfar Jang. During the Nawab’s lifetime these
men were never styled chelas, they were always known as T/f-i-Sirlcdr
(sons of the State). All places of trust were given to them, the Nawab’s

1878.] W. Irvine — The Sang ash JVcrwdbs of FarruJehabad. 341

household was in their charge, and his whole establishment under their
orders. For many of them he obtained the title of Nawab from the
Emperor.

Of whatever caste a chela had been, he was married to the daughter of
a chela originally of the same caste, a Rajput was given to a Rajput, a Brah¬
man to a Brahman, and so forth. This plan was followed till the time of
Nawab Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang (1752 — 1771). After that time they all
got mixed together, so that one caste cannot be distinguished from another.
Among the chelas were the sons of powerful Rajahs, who by misfortune
had been captured and made Muhammadans. Thus Shamsher Khan “Masjid-
wala” is reported to have been a Banafir Rajput, Slier Dil Khan was a Tomar,
Pur Dil Khan a Gaur, Daud Khan a Brahman and so forth.

The Naw&b used to tell his chelas to collect as much money, goods or
jewels as possible. In adversity such property could be made of use to
him or themselves. But he who built a masonry structure in any village
would be at once removed from employment. Nothing was to be built but
with sun-dried bricks and mud mortar, and to each chela permission was given
to build a single brick room as reception hall. The only exception was in
favour of Yakut Khan, Khan Bahadur, of whom we will speak again
presently. #

A teacher was appointed for the boy chelas, his name was Kali Miyan /
Shah. When a boy could read and write, he was taken before the Nawab
who presented him with one hundred rupees, a shield, and a sword, by way
of Tchila’t.

From among the chelas of eighteen to twenty years of age, the Nawab
selected five hundred youths, and trained them as a picked regiment. They
had firelocks of Lahore, accoutrements of Sultani broad-cloth, powder-horns
each holding two and a half seer of powder, and each a pouch with one hun¬
dred bullets. One day, they were drawn up along the Jamna bank under
the fort at Delhi while the Emperor was seated on the fort wall, with
Muhammad Khan standing in an attitude of respect beside him ; Muham¬
mad Shah ordered them to fire at some moving object in the river, and was
so delighted with the good practice they made, that he asked for a gift of
the whole corps. Muhammad Khan made the objection that they were a lot
of Brahmans and Rajputs, who could do nothing but talk a rustic patois and
use their swords. The Emperor accepted the excuse, and sent one thousand
rupees to be distributed.

The names of the principal chelas, with any facts known about them,
will now be given.

* Only one or two other chelas founded any ffcinj, and the fact will be mentioned
under each man’s name.

342

W. Irvine — The Sang ash N’awabs of Farrukhabad.

[No. 4,

1. Yakut Khan, Khan Bahadur.

On the day after the battle, in which Sayyad Abdulla Khan was taken
prisoner, ’Azim Khan Bara Khail, a friend of Muhammad Khan’s, presented
him with a eunuch whom he named Yakut Khan, and he obtained for him
from Muhammad Shah the title of Khan Bahadur. Yakut Khan is said
to have held the office of Nazir. On his seal were the words —

Ydkiit surkh-ru ba-tufail-i- Muhammad ast.

In his case, the Nawab removed the prohibition against building or
founding towns, saying that as he had no children it did not matter. Seven
ganjes were founded by Yakut Khan.

1. Kasganj, also sometimes called Yakutganj. It is now the most
important town in the Eta district with, in 1872, 15,764 inhabitants. It
lies nineteen miles N. of Eta.* * * §

2. ’Aliganj, in parganah ’Azimnagar of the Eta district, 34 miles E*
of Eta, and about 30 miles N. W. of Farrukhabad. The date of the fort
is 1143 H. (6th July 1730 — 25th June 1731), and the mason Muhammad
Adam “ Muhammad Khani” appears to be the same as the man mentioned
at p. 278, who built the fort at Farrukhabad. f

3. Kauriyaganj. The only identification I can suggest for this place
is the Kauriyaganj in parganah Akrabad of the Aligarh district, 12 miles
from Aligarh. J

4. Khudaganj, on the left bank of the Kalinadi, in parganah Bhoj-
pur of the Farrukhabad district, on the main road to Cawnpur, 17 miles

S. E. of Farrukhabad. The ancient name of the village was Sanauli.
Yakut Khan, besides the bazar, built a masonry sarde with a high gate, and
a mosque. The date on the gateway was 1152 H. (30th March 1739 — 18th
March 1740) ;§ it was removed in 1855-6 to make way for the metalled
road to Fatehgarh.

5. Nabiganj. This is a small bazar on the Grand Trunk Road, in the
parganah of Kishni Nabiganj in the Mainpuri district. It lies about half
way between Bewar and Chibramau. ||

6. Yakutganj. This town is in parganah Bhojpur of the Farrukha¬
bad district, about seven miles S. E. of the citv of Farrukhabad. Kali Rae

* Gaz. N. W. P. IV, 152.

f Gaz. N. W. P, IY, 110. The date, 1747 A. D., must he wrong, if the date in
the Persian inscription, 1143 H., is correct.

1 Gaz. N. W- P. II, p. 572.

§ Kali Rae, p. 133.

|| Gaz. N. W. P. IY, 746.

1878 ]

W. Irvine — The Bangash JVawdbs of Farru/chabdd.

843

(p. 133) says five villages were absorbed: (1), Jakha; (2), Jyauti; (3).
Mukarrabpur; (4), Mustafabad alias Ganwaganw ; (5), part of Nagla Khem
The place used to be called Sarai Nuri, from Miyan Nuri Shah, a faqir, or as
some say a eunuch, who built it. In Yakut Khan’s time the site had
become deserted ; he built a masonry sarai and changed the name. There
is still an old masjid, bearing the following inscription :

Masjid-i-'ali bind rah at fizd
Az latdfat Ndr B a k h s h - i - Fa iz-zd
Sal tdrilch-ash Khirad guft andar in
“ Farz add shud andar an bahr-i-Khuda .”

This gives the year 1086 H. (March 1675 — March 1676).

7. Daryaeganj, in parganah ’Azimnagar of the Eta district, on the
Aliganj and Patiali road, 28 miles N. E. of Eta. The remains of a large
brick fort built beneath the old bank of the Ganges are still to be seen.#

The chelas of former days used to say that Miyan Khan Bahadur
spent twenty-five lakhs of rupees on these gunges, his house, and the bdighs
he planted. The house in which Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula used to live was
built by Khan Bahadur ; and he planted the Kala Bagh, and built in it
the Barahdari where Nawab Muzaffar Jang (1771 — 1796) was interred.

Yakut Khaist lost his life with his master, Kaim Khan, in the disastrous
battle of November 1748, fought with the Rohelas at Dauri Rasulpur near
Budaon. The tradition is, that his elephant carried off his dead body to
’Aliganj, and that he was buried there. His tomb is in the midst of an
enclosure lying at the foot of the fort, surrounded by a low wall of block
kunker. At the foot of his tomb is a mound which is, tradition says, the
burial-place of his elephant. The tomb with its well-preserved enclosing
walls forms, together with the handsome frontage of the ruined tomb on
the high mound above, the chief feature of interest in the place. f In the
statement, on the page just cited, that Yakut Khan was originally a Katiya
Thakur of Angraiya, I suspect there is some confusion between him and
another chela, Baz Bahadur Khan. At p. 154 of the Gazetteer, we are told
Khan Bahadur had no issue, which is probably true, as he was a eunuch. Yet
at p. 69 we hear of his son, Bakhtbuland Khan. In Kali Rae’s “ Fateh-
garh Nama”, p. 108, line 15, the Kesri Singh Katiya of Angraiya, who
became a Muhammadan, is said to have borne the name of Baz Bahadur
Khan, and it is he who was the father of Bakhtbuland Khan, and not Yakut
Khan, Khan Bahadur.

2. Daler Khan. We have already given an account of this chela at
p. 286. There is a Dalerganj called after him. It lies 9 miles N. W. of
Farrukhabad, on the road to Kaimganj.

* Gaz. N. W. P. IV, p. 218.

f Gaz. N. W. P. IY, p. 110.

1

814

W. Irvine — The Tang ash Nawdbs of Farrulchabdd. [No. 4,

3. Shamsher Kuan. In 1720-1 he was appointed ’amil of the par-
ganahs of Budaon, Sahaswan and Mihrabad (see p. 283). At one time he
had charge of the parganahs of Musenagar, Bilhor, Akbarpur, Shahpur and
Kanauj, all, except the latter, now in the Cawnpur district. Abdul Man siir
Khan Safdar Jang on his way from Faizabad to Delhi crossed the Ganges
at Nanamau ghat in parganah Bilhor. Shamsher Khan said that Safdar
Jang’s advanced tents should not be pitched within his jurisdiction, unless
compensation were paid for any damage caused to the crops. This order
displeased Safdar Jang, and halting, he despatched a camel rider to Farruk-
habad with a letter to this effect : Nawab namddr saldmat, Shamsher-i-
Jehud rd dar miyan balcnn, wagarna ab na hhwahad mand. “ Kespected
Nawab, greeting ! put up your sword (shamsher) in its scabbard, else it will
lose its edge.” Muhammad Khan ordered Sahib Rae, his scribe, to write
an answer to match. The Munshi wrote thus on the back of' the note,
Nawab namddr salamat, in shamsher mardan dar mcC rka h-i-mai dan be-lchun
chashidah ba-miydn na midyad. “ Kespected Nawab, greeting ! this sword,
till it has tasted blood in battle, never returns to its sheath.” Safdar Jang, on
receipt of this reply, wished to attack Shamsher Khan at once. His cour¬
tiers dissuaded him, pleading the displeasure of the Emperor, adding that
if he won, it would be said he had fought a slave, while if he lost, he would
be dishonoured for ever. Accordingly he left the neighbourhood at once,
and went on to Delhi. Shamsher Khan caused the rear guard to be plun¬
dered. It is said that the ill-feeling between the rulers of Lakhnau and
Muhammad Khan’s family commenced from this trivial quarrel. On Sham¬
sher Khan’s seal were the words Nigahdar , ai Muhammad , db-i- shamsher.
He played a principal part in the events following the death of Nawab Kaim
Khan ; he was one of the five chelas arrested and sent to Delhi, where he
was executed in 1750, as will be more particularly related hereafter. His
sons were : 1, Hasan ’Ali Khan ; 2, Rahm ’ Ali Khan ; 3, ’Umr ’Ali Khan ;
4, Kazim ’Ali Khan ; 5, Rasul ’Ali Khan. There is a Shamsherganj, called
after him, in parganah Bewar of the Mainpuri district.

4. Mttkim Khan. This chela held Ujjain during the time Muhammad
Khan was Subah of Malwa. He was one of the five sent in custody to
Delhi by Safdar Jang and there executed. The motto of his seal was —
Nuh fa lahcaz nam-i- Muhammad Muhim. He was with the Nawab from
his early days, and the Bibi Sahiba observed no pardah to him. His sons
were — 1, ’Azim Khan, 2, Hasan ’Ali Khan.

5. Ja’ear Khan. He was the Nawab’s Bakhshi. His house was
near the Talcya of Muhammad Zaman Shah, a faqir brought by Nawab
Ahmad Khan from Delhi ; it was afterwards occupied by Nawab Himmat
Bahadur. He was another of the five chelas executed at Delhi. There is a
Bazarya Ja’far Khan in the city called after him.

#

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdhs of Farrulchdbdd. 345

6. Islam Khan. One of the five principal chelas executed at Delhi.
There is an Islamganj in parganah Bhojpur ; and parganah Amritpur in
the Farrukhabad District is also called Islamganj, but whether after this
chela or not, I do not know. He had a son named ’Usman Khan.

7. Sardar Khan. He, too, was one of the chelas executed at Delhi.

8. Datjd Khan. He is said to have been originally a Brahman. He
was one of the chelas, with the Nawab in his younger days, to whom the
Bibi Sahiba observed no pardah. We have seen him employed to take
a rebel Bajah to the Emperor in 1713-14 (see p. 275). In 1720-1 he
was appointed ’amil of parganah Shamshabad. He had charge of the col¬
lections of Jaunpur and Banaras, when the subah of Allahabad was under
the Nawab, and he acted as naib faujdar of Sarangpur in Malwa. Daud-
ganj, in parganah Azimnagar of the Eta district, was founded by him.

9. Bhure Khan. A story told of this man shows the amount of license
accorded to these chelas. One day Bhure Ivhan, coming into darbar late,
could find no jdace to sit. Kicking away the pillow separating Muhammad
Khan and Kaim Khan, he sat down between the Nawab and his son. Kaim
Khan turned angrily to his father, and said “ You have given such freedom
to these chelas that they will never respect me.” Muhammad Khan replied
that he loved them as he did his sons. Kaim Khan got up in a rage, and went
off to his home at Amethi. Muhammad Khan then scolded Bhure Khan,
saying, that he had lost confidence in him, for if while he was alive they did
not respect his sons, who knew what they would do when he was dead.
Bhure Khan putting up his hands, said “ May God Almighty grant that I
“ never see the day when you no longer live.” He was the Nawab’s deputy
in the Subah of Allahabad. He was killed in 1728 in the battle against
Iiajah Chattarsal at Ichauli. (See p. 290.)

10. Sa’dat Khan. He was ’amil of Mandeshwar* in Malwa, south
of Nimach, during the time the Nawab held that subah, His seal bore the
words Be lutf-i- Muhammad Scddctt na bud. A grandson, Imam Khan, lived
in Shaukat Jang’s time (1813 — 1823) at the gateway of the Khas Mahal,
and received an allowance of a rupee a day. Another descendant, Ghairat
Khan, was alive in 1839, but so poor that he had not even food to eat.
When Muhammad Khan quarrelled with Sa’dat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk,
Subahdar of Audh, he gave his chela, Sa’dat Khan, the ironical title of
Burhan-ul-Mulk. The revenues of the Gwaliar country, then under imme¬
diate charge of ’Umr Khan Gwaliari, were paid in at Mandeshwar.

11. Neknam Khan. He was one of the four chelas to whom the
Bibi Sahiba used to appear unveiled. He had the charge of the buildings
at Farrukhabad ; his masjid and well, fort and bdgh still existed in 1839 ;

* Thornton, 645. In Scindiah’s territory and the chief place of a parganah. It
lies 350 miles S. W. of Gwaliar and 80 miles N. W. from Ujain.

346 W. Irvine — The It any ash Nawdhs of Farrulchabad. [Xo. 4,

lie also built a mosque at Chibramau near the tomb of Sadr Jahan, the
martyr, on the edge of the tank. His motto was, Hastam az lutf-i-Muham -
mad nehndm. We have seen him employed (p. 301) to extricate Kaim Khan
from the clutches of Sa’dat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk at Faizabad. In 1720-1
he was appointed Amil of parganah Bhojpur, (see p. 283).

12. J attain" Khan. He was one of the Bakhshis, and an old chela to
whom the Bibi Sahiba kept no pardah. He founded Jahanganj in parganah
Bhojpur, on the road from Farrukhabad to Chibramau, about 9 miles S. of
the former place. His son, Rahmat Khan, who was Bakhshi to Nawab
Ahmad Khan, built the masjid at the Mau gate of the city.

13. Kamal Iviian. He is the founder of Kamalgan j on the Cawnpur
road, 9 miles south-east of Farrukhabad. In 1720-1 he had charge of Sipri
and Jalaun (see p. 283). He was killed with Nawab Kaim Khan in the
battle of Dauri.

14. Roshan Khan. The Haijuit Bagh and the building of the Nawab’s
tomb were under his charge (see p. 337). There was a Roshanganj, named
after him, somewhere on the road to Chibramau, but the site is not known.

15. Dilawae, Khan. He had the epithet of the “ Janubi” (the south¬
erner) and was Darogha of the Diwan Khana. He must be the same as
the man styled in one place “ the Aurangabadi.”

16. Ptjkdil Khan. He was a son of the Gaur Rajah of Siroli (see
p. 278). He was Darogha of the camel establishments.

17. Fakiih-hd-din Khan. He held the office of Bakhshi of the army,
and was also styled Fakhr-ud-daula. He played a prominent part on the
accession of Muzaffar Jang in 1771, and was naib till his assassination a
year afterwards. He is buried in the Bihisht Bagli near the Mau gate, in a
separate tomb, a little to the left as you enter the gateway.

18. ’Alawal Khan. He was originally Kesri Singh, son of Chattar
Singh, a Bamtela Thakur of the village of Baraun, and some of his descen¬
dants still exist in that village and Babarpur.# This man is said to have
been a bit of a wag. Once Muhammad Khan appointed him ’Amil of some
parganah. On starting to take up his duties, ’Alawal Khan mounted with
his face to his horse’s tail. The Nawab called out to ask the scoundrel
what he meant by riding like that ? His answer was, “ I am looking
behind me to make quite sure the Nawab Sahib is not sending off another
’Amil just behind me.” The allusion was to the frequent changes of
’Amils, no one being longer than two or three months in one parganah.
Dismissals and appointments were constantly occurring. On hearing the
above answer, the Nawab said, “ Tell that buffoon that he is appointed for
a year.”

* Kali Rae, p. 120.

1878.] W. Irvine — The JBangash Nawahs of FarruJcJidhad. 847

19. Rijstam Khan. He was killed with Kaim Khan in the battle of
Dauri (1748).

20. ’Abd-ur Rasul Khan. He was killed in 1728 at the battle of
Ichauli, (see p. 290).

21. Haji Sarfaraz Khan. He was one of Ahmad Khan’s Bakhshis,
and he will be mentioned in the Allahabad campaign, and in the retreat to
the hills.

22. JanNisar Khan. He held charge of Ujain in Malwa as the
deputy of Mukim Khan. Having incurred the Nawab’s displeasure he was
flogged, and being very frail he died at the first stroke.

23. Rahmat Kiian. There was a Rahmatganj founded by him, but
its site is not known now. He was distinguished as “ Sawarahwala,” and
commanded a cavalry regiment.

24. Karm Kha'n. He was Harogha of the elephants ; his seal bore
the inscription JBa fazl- i-JMLuhammad K.arm namdar .

25. Jowahir Khan. He was Darosdia of the stables.

o

26. Salabat Khan. He was the “ Mir Tmarat” or superintendent
of buildings.

27. Shamsher Khan, II. He had charge of the poultry.

28. Mahtab Khan. Darogha of the kitchen.

29. Namdar Khan. He was a Gahilwar Thakur of the village of
Chilsara, parganah Shamshabad West, and his descendants still live there.
A mosque built by him still stands, and to the west of the village are the
foundations of some ganj or fort once belonging to him.

30. Namdar Khan, II. 31. Sulaiman Khan. 32. Khushyal Khan.

33. Fulad Khan. 34. Nash* Khan. 35. Sherdil Khan, a converted

Tomar Rajput. 36. Nahirdil Khan. 37. Hafizullah Khan. 38. Lutf-

ullah Khan. 39. Bakhtbuland Khan. 40. Lai Khan. 41. Mashraf

Khan. 42. Mubarik Khan. 43. Najm-ud-din Khan. 44. Ranmast

Khan. 45. Bara Khan. 46. Pahar Khan. 47. Nakki Khan.

• •

The N’auxib'ls territory.

We do not know precisely how the large territory, of which Muhammad
Khan was at his death de facto ruler, had been acquired. A grant in jdgir
of the parganahs of Shamshabad and Bhojpur in the first year of Muham¬
mad Shah’s reign (1719) may have formed the nucleus ; as for the rest

“ The good old rule

Sufficeth them, the simple plan,

That they should take, who have the power,

And they should keep who can.”

The extent of the Nawab’s dominions was popularly described by the
following doggrel verse —

Y Y

348 "VY. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawabs of FarruJchdbdd. [No. 4,

Miyan do db o miyan do leaf
Sl/uda hdail in mulk jumla miCdf
Shavand kasba-i-Kol o Kora Tiadud
JBa daryde Gang o Jaman insaraf

There is a certain amount of exaggeration in the east and west
boundaries thus given, and the parganahs across the Ganges are ignored.
Taking the existing division into districts, one may say roughly that
Nawab Muhammad held the western half of the Cawnpur district, the
dividing line being drawn from Bithur on the Ganges to Musenagar on
the Jamna; the whole of the Farrukhabad district ; all of the Mainpuri
district except perhaps one parganah ; the whole of the Eta district, except
two small parganahs in the north-west corner ; nearly one half of the
Budaon district across the Ganges ; and one parganah of the Shahjahanpur
district. If the Kauryaganj founded by Khan Bahadur be correctly iden¬
tified with the town in the ’Aligarh district, then the Nawab’s authority
did extend within twelve miles of Kol- ’Aligarh. The local tradition states
that parganah Marahra in the Eta district was obtained in farm from the
Sayyad jagirdars in 1738, # but the mode of acquisition was most probably
a little less legal than through a farming lease. We know from the Life of
Hafiz Bah mat Khanf that Muhammad Khan held Budaon, for it was while
on an expedition with the Farrukhabad ’Amil against some zamindars, that
Baud Khan caused Shah Alam Khan, the father of Hafiz Bahmat Khan, to
be assassinated.

The anecdotes already given show that the Nawab kept a very strict
watch upon his agents, moving them frequently and prohibiting them from
building permanently. In this way he seems to have kept complete con¬
trol over his country and his orders were implicitly obeyed. The following
notices are gleaned from Sahib Bae’s collection of the Nawab’s corre¬
spondence.

Kanatij. In the second year of Muhammad Shah’s reign (Feb. 1720
to Jan. 1721) the faujdari of this Sarkar was in the name of the Nawab’s
son, Kaim Khan. Then, when Bajah Girdhar Bahadur was removed from
Allahabad, he begged for a territory near his house as a residence for his
dependents. The faujdari of Kanauj was then relinquished to Girdhar
Bahadur. After his death it passed from one to another till the Bhadau-
riya Bajah obtained it. When Muhammad Khan was restored to Allahabad
in the year 1148 H., he objected strongly to leaving his home country in
the hands of a “ hypocritical infidel.” The jagir was therefore granted to
him. The nett income he states at Bs. 8000 a year. The old gumma pay¬
able to the Imperial Treasury was 35,00,000 of dam, but after enhancement
it had been raised to one leror of dam.

* Gaz. IY, 158, 162.

f Sec p. 9.

1878.] W. Irvine — The 13 an gash JSFawdhs of Farrulchdhdid. 840

*

SiiAHPtJR. Muhammad Khan held this parganali before he went to
Bundelkhand in 1189 H. (Aug. 1726 — Aug. 1727). It was then resumed
as part of the hhalsa or crown-lands and a grant was made for only one
harvest. The Nawab held the parganali, however, for several years, after
which it was again resumed. Through the intercession of Khan Dauran
Khan, it was on the 10th Ramzan 1145 H. (18th Feb. 1783) granted per¬
manently from the Rahi harvest of 1140 F. (March 1733). This being a
border district, some difficulty was caused by defaulters taking refuge in
the estates of Rajah Hindu Singh of Chachendi.

Itawah. In the later years of his life Muhammad Khan was faujdar
of Itawah. He was displaced by Raj Adhiraj Jai Singh Sawae about 1153
H. (March 1740 — March 1741).

Jalesar. Through Rajah Jai Singh Sawae, a lease in Yakut Khan’s
name was obtained of Kokaltash Khan’s jagirs in this parganali. This
produced an objection from Nasir-ud-daula Sadat Khan Zu’lfikar Jang,
and the Emperor addressed a farmdn to Muhammad Khan, dated the 2nd
Zi’l Ka’d of the 24th year (30th Dec. 1741). The lease was then relin¬
quished.

Sattj and Ali-kiiera. The former was the jdgir of ’Amir-ul-Umra,
Ivhan Dauran Khan ; the latter that of Farrah Khan Bahadur and Mu-
hamdi Khan Bahadur.

Baristah Sohar with a revenue of ten lakhs of dam was taken on
ijara or lease by Yakut Khan from the jagirdar.

Nidhpur, Akbarabad, and Sikandarptjr are mentioned as in the pos¬
session of the Nawab. In one year the estimated revenue of Akbarabad
and Sikandarpur was put at 65,000, or at the outside 70,000 rupees. In
1146 F. (1738-9) there appears to have been a drought.

Koil and Sikandrah are stated to have been in the Nawab’ s posses¬
sion in 1146 F. (1738-9).

Sakith must have been included in the Farrukhabad territory, since
Muhammad Khan was called on to furnish an escort for treasure coming
from Jinnat-ul-bulad, Bangal. The revenue of Sakith is stated to have been
one lakh of rupees, besides the jagirs farmed to the faujdar of Itawah.

Kuraoli. Kaim Khan received 17 or IS lakhs of dam from this par-
ganah as payment on account of the faujdari of Kanauj.

Siiikohabad. This parganah appears to have been held as a dependen¬
cy on Itawah, in which Karhal does not appear to have been included.

Bhokga'm and Taligram were in 1726 in the jdgir of Khan Dauran
Khan.

Anwalaii. This parganah was at one time the jdgir of ’Umdat-ul-
Mulk ’Amir Kluin.

350 W. Irvine — The Tang ash Nawahs of Farrulchdbdd. [No. 4,

Muhammad Khan's wife and children.

The Nawab seems to have had hut one legal wife, Malaha Banu or
Baba’ha Banu, alias the Bibi Sahiba, daughter of Kasim Khan Bangash.
She has been often mentioned already, and will be often mentioned again.
She had two sons, Kaim Khan, the second Nawab, and Daim Khan, who died
in childhood ; also two daughters, Boshan Jahan, wife of lloshan Khan Ban-
gash, and another who died unmarried. She died on the 28th Zi’l Ka’d 1182
H. (5th April 1769), and was buried in a separate tomb in the Bihisht Bagh
a little to the south-west of Nawab Ahmad Khan’s mausoleum. There is a
handsome masjid in the city built by her, called the Bibi Sahiba lei masjid ,
and the quarter round it is known by that name. There is also a Muhalla
Bibi ganj near the Mau gate.

The unsettled times of the 18th century are reflected in the fact that
seven sons of Muhammad Khan were killed in battle ; nine died deaths of
violence, and only six died a natural death. The names of the sons (whose
descendants will be given in an Appendix) are as follows :

1. Kaim Khan, succeeded his father as Nawab (1743 — 1748) as will
be related hereafter. He left no issue.

2. Ahmad Khan, succeeded in 1750 and died in 1771.

3. Murid Khan. Full brother of Murtazza Khan (No. 4). He was
killed with Kaim Khan, leaving three sons.

4. Murtazza Khan. He was cut down at the order of Muzaffar Jang,
son of Ahmad Khan (No. 2), and he died a prisoner in the Mubarik Mahal
within the fort. He left seven sons.

5. Akbar Khan. He was killed at Sikandra Bao (see p. 334). He
left two sons. They say that the daughter of one of these sons, Khan-Kha-
nan Khan, was betrothed to Sa’dat ’Ali, son of Shuja’-ud-daula, Nawab
Wazir, but Nawab Ahmad Khan forbad the marriage, unless the Lakhnau
family gave a wife for his son, Mahmud Khan.

6. ’Abd-un-nabi Khan. He was killed with Kaim Khan. When
’Abd-un-nabi Khan started for the campaign with Kaim Jang, he sneezed as
he mounted his elephant and a cat crossed his path. From these evil omens,
it followed that Nawab ’Abd-un-nabi Khan never came back alive. His
son, ’Abd-ul-Majid Khan, from that day took an aversion to the name of
sneezing and to cats. If a servant felt inclined to sneeze, he rushed out of
the house, nor did any servant ever dare to utter the word “ cat.” If abso¬
lutely necessary it was referred to as a “ fish.” They also had strict orders
never to mention any one’s death. If their master were invited to a friend’s
house on his death, they told him that sugar had been tasted at a certain
house, referring to the practice of pouring sugar and water down a dying
man’s throat. If they had to remind him of the third-day ceremonies, they
would say — “ To-day there is a great display (dhum-dham) .”

1878.] W. Irvine — The Rang ash JSfaivdbs of Farrukhahad. 351

Whenever Nawab ’Abd-ul- Majid Khan went out, he gave his khansa¬
man several rupees with instructions to give one to Maya Ram Baniya, a
man who kept a shop at his gate, in order that he might present it as a
nazar on the Nawab’s mounting, for it was a good omen. He also sent four
annas to a gardener for a garland and flowers, to be given as he started.
Several rupees were changed into kauris , which were divided into two -paisa
lots. Orders were then given to the khansaman to warn the troops, as the
Nawab Sahib was coming and required an escort. Accordingly the khan¬
saman told all the tenants of the Nawab’s houses that the Nawab was
coming. They were of all castes high and low.

The Nawab then mounted a horse adorned with silver trappings, a
khidmatgar waved a chaunri , while some four to eight companions followed
on ponies. When the Nawab reached his gate, Maya Ram Baniya presented
the rupee. The jptm-seller gave a dona of ■ pan, of which the Nawab ate
some, and gave the rest to the khansaman. Then the gardener offered the
flowers, from which the Nawab selected one and stuck it in his turban.
When he came back, he directed the khansaman to dismiss the army for that
day. On each man present a taka in kauris was bestowed, and with a
salam to the Nawab they went away.

When any of the younger men of the Sahibzadah families visited ’Abd-
ul-Masjid Khan, it was a favourite joke to tickle their nostrils with a straw
and produce an artificial sneeze. They would then ask for pardon. But
’Abd-ul-Masjid Khan would only get the more angry, and request them
never to come near him again. Then the Sahibzadahs would hold their
handkerchiefs to their faces to conceal their smiles.

7. Husain Khan. Executed at Allahabad by orders of Safdar Jang.

8. Fakhr-ud-din Khan. One account says he was killed with Kaim
Khan, another that he was one of the five sons executed at Allahabad. He
left one daughter.

9. Isma’il Khan. He left four sons. He was one of the five execut¬
ed at Allahabad.

10. Karim Had Khan. One of the five executed at Allahabad. He
left two sons.

11. Imam Khan. He was named by the Bibi Sahiba as Kaim Khan’s
successor, and he was reigning Nawab for five months and some days. He
was arrested and sent to Allahabad, where with Nos. 7, 8, 9 and 10 he was
executed in 1750 by orders of Safdar Jang. He left two sons.

12. Khuda Bandah Khan, or in some MSS. Khudawand Khan. In
some lists he is placed fourth, but this seems to have been done to flatter
his son, Amin-ud-daula, who as naib was all powerful from 1786 to 1803.
Khuda Bandah Khan died at his fort in Delhi on the 9th Zi’l Hajj 1194 II.
(7th Dec. 1780). His jagir, obtained on his daughter, Umrao Begum’s,

352

W. Irvine — The Bang ash Naiodbs of Karrulchabdd. [No. 4,

marriage to Nawab Muzaffar Jang, was the parganah of Sakrawa. He left
one son.

13. Mansur ’Ali Khan. He liad one daughter.

14. Hadidad Khan. Killed with Kaim Khan, leaving no issue.

15. Bahadur Khan. He also was killed with Kaim Khan ; he left
two sons.

16. Shadi Khan. He was killed by a cannon shot at the siege of
the Fatehgarh fort by the Mahrattas in April — May 1751. He left no
issue.

17. Salabat Khan. He was living in 1802 ; lie had four sons.

18. Manavar Khan. He left six sons.

19. Muhammad Amin Khan. He gave abuse to some zamindar, who
thereupon cut him down with his sword. Miyan ’Alim-ullah Shah Pirzada)
who lived in Jan ’Ali Khan’s masjid at the gate of the fort, cut down the
zamindar. Amin Khan left two sons.

20. ’Ata-ullali Klian. He was shot by mistake by Itoshan Khan
Bangash Ustarzai, son-in-law of Muhammad Khan, one day that the Nawab
was out tiger-shooting in Bahbalpiir S a war ah. #

21. ’Azim Khan. He survived the Cession and left ten sons.

22. Shaistah Khan. He also was alive in 1802, he left one son.

In the time of ’Alamgir II. (1754 — 1759) Nawab Ahmad Khan at¬
tended for two years at Court, and performed his duties as Bakhshi of the
empire. While he was away, Shaistah Khan set up an imperial throne in
his house and made a guldl bdri in imitation of the Emperor’s audience hall.
He ordered his servants to make him obeisance as if he were Emperor.
Several thousand rupees were also coined, worth seventeen annas each, with
the legend —

SikJca zacl cJar bahr o bar az auj mdhi td bamdh
Sdni Taimur o Bdbar , Hazrat i Shaistah Slidh.

Sending one of the rupees, Bakhshi Eakhr-ud-daula reported all this
to Ahmad Khan. Alarmed lest the Emperor might hear of it, he ordered
the Bakhshi to take away Shaistah Khan’s jagvr , to seize and destroy all
the rupees he could lay hands on, and to imprison the Sahibzada in the
fort. It was only after many months that Shaistah Khan was set at liber¬
ty.

The daughters of Muhammad Khan.

It is said that the late Amir Dost Muhammad of Kabul had so

* The MS. says near Kadirganj, which is in the Eta District near the Ganges, some
45 miles N. W. of Farrukhahad (Gaz. IV, 151) while the place meant is in the Tarai
between the Burh Ganga and the Ganges, four or five miles west of Kampil, nine or ten
miles from Kadirganj, and some 35 miles N. W. of Farrukhahad. There is good shoot¬
ing there still, but no tigers.

353

1878.] W. Irvine — The Tang ash JTawabs of Farruhhdbdd.

many sons that lie did not know them all by sight, so when he met any well-
mounted and well-dressed youth, he would ride up and ask him whether
he was his son or not. A somewhat similar anecdote is related of Nawab
Muhammad Khan. One day seeing a married daughter in the women’s
apartments, he turned to the Bibi Sahiba and asked what wife ( mahal ) it
was. The Bibi Sahiba gave him one or two slaps on the back, and replied
“ "VVhat do you mean, she is one of your daughters.”

The daughters who grew up and were married were —

1. Bibi Boshan Jahan, the full sister of Kahn Khan. She was mar¬
ried to Boshan Khan Bangash Ustarzai, but had no issue. She founded
the bazar of Boshanabad, parganah Shamshabad West, on the old road, nine
miles north-west of Farrukhabad. There is a small mosque, now rapidly
falling into decay, the inscription on which has gone ; and a well close by
with a stone let into the side on which a few words only can be now deci¬
phered. In 1816 it was read as follows :

Gha sharin db-i-chah-i-Toshanabad.

Kali Bae (p. 113) gives the date as 1149 H. (1st May 1736 — 20th
April 1737). She is also called the “ Shahrkx Bibi,” and the villagers still
believe in her power of exorcism. She is said to have been buried in
Kasim Khan’s tomb in the Kasim Bagli at Fatehgarh (see p. 276). She
had one full sister who died unmarried, aged twelve or thirteen.

2. Bibi Bahmat-un-nissa. She was married to ’Inayat ’Ali Khan
after the death of his wife, Bibi Fatima, daughter of Himmat Khan and
niece of Muhammad Khan. This daughter had no full blood brother. She
was the mother of (1) Sultan ’Ali Khan, (2) Bustam ’Ali Khan.

3. Karim-un-nissa. She became the wife of the above ’Inayat ’Ali
Khan after the death of Bahmat-un-nissa (No. 2). She had no full brother.
Her sons were (1) Murad ’Ali Khan, (2) ’Azim Khan.

4. (Name unknown) wife of her cousin, Shuja’t ’Ali Khan, son of
’Inayat ’Ali Klnin (see above Nos. 2 and 3), by his first wife, Bibi Fatima.
This daughter had no full blood brother nor any sons.

5. Bhuri Khanum, wife of her cousin, Muhammad ’Ali Khan Ban-
gash, full brother of Shuja’t ’Ali Khan (see No. 4). She had no full bro¬
ther, she was the mother of (1) Amir ’Ali Khan, (2) Kutb ’Ali Khan.

6. Begama Sahiba, wife of Iradat ’Ali Khan Bangash, son of Shuja’t
’Ali Khan. She had neither full brother nor offspring.

7. Bibi Kafiya, full sister of Isma’il Khan (No. 9), and Shaista Khan
(No. 22), and wife of Bustam Khan Bangash. She had no children.

8. (Name unknown) wife of Mustaffa Khan and full sister of No. 7.
She had no children.

9. Bibi Daulat Khatun. She married Khuda Dad Khan, Bangash

354

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchdbdd. [No. 4,

Ustarzai Karlani, and was the great-grandmother of Manavar ’ Ali Khan,
one of the joint authors of the “ Lauh-i-Tankh.” The family tree is

Khnda Dad Khan = Daulat Khatun
Sikandar ’Ali Khan

d. 12th Sha’ban 1195 H. (16th July 1781)

Sarfaraz ’Ali Khan

d. 5th Shawwal 1238 H. (15th June 1823)

Manarar A. K. Haiyat A. K. Husain A. K. Sa’dat A. K. Shuja’t one
b. 1798 d. 1863 A. K. daughter

She is said to have been very generous and charitable. It was at her
expense that the tomb of her father, Muhammad Khan, in the Haiyat
Bagh was repaired. She became a disciple of ’Ata Karim Shah of Salon.*
When Nawab Muzaffar Jang stopped all the family pensions, she went to
Delhi, and the Emperor made over to her the income of Bangashghat. On
Muzaffar Jang’s entreaties she returned, and received in jdgir the village of
Barna Khurd, j)arganah Bhojpur, 900 kacha bigahs in Khandiya, parganah
Kampil, and the Tarwala Bagh or Naulakha. When her son Sikandar ’Ali
Khan died, she turned/h^V, wearing only white clothes or in winter a blan¬
ket. She was very humble -minded and spent her time in spinning or in praying
at her son’s tomb. Among her other accomplishments she understood brick¬
laying and carpenter’s work. We hear of her tending the bruises of Kaim
Khan’s widow after the assault on the Amethi fort in 1772-73 (see Part II).

She was excessively fond of her great-grandson, Manavar ’Ali Khan,
and never allowed him to be for a moment out of her sight. When he
was five years old, she married him to the granddaughter of San jar Khan
of Kudain, parganah Kampil, and obtained for him from Nawab Nasir
Jang (1796 — 1813) an allowance of ten rupees a month.

One day she returned to the Bara Mahal from the house she was build¬
ing in Bangashpura, on the site given her by her father at her marriage.
When she got out of her conveyance she at once asked for a drink of water.
Her slave girls having conspired to poison her, brought poisoned water in a
fresh vessel. She drank and then Manavar ’Ali Khan. The latter vomited
at once and so recovered. Daulat Khatun did nothing, as no traces of poi¬
son betrayed themselves. At length when the poison showed itself, every
remedy was resorted to without effect. In the evening her bed was brought
out, and her grandson, Sarfaraz ’Ali Khan, with his own hand gave her some

* On the Sai about 20 miles S. E. of Rae Bareli in Audk.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Kawdls of Farr ukhdbad. 355

medicine, but as her teeth were clenched, it could not be got down her
throat. She then expired. The date was the 17th Rabi I. 1221 (2nd May,
1809).

At once Nawab Nasir Jang and Sarfaraz Mahal came to the dwelling
where Daulat Khatun died, placed their own locks on all the doors, and sta¬
tioned a guard at the gate, any one passing in or out was searched. Next
morning Amin-ud-daula (son of Khudabandah Khan No. 12) came, and
when she was bathed for interment he noticed that some one must have poi¬
soned his aunt. However, he did nothing, and she was buried within her own
house at Bangashpura. Nasir Jang then confiscated all the property, and
at the suggestion of Sarfaraz Mahal stopped Manavar ’Ali Khan’s allow¬
ance. Sarfaraz ’Ali Khan, the deceased’s grandson, was then pressed to give
a relinquishment on condition of receiving a zi-hakka pension ; giving
way to other’s advice, he went and filed a rdzindma in the Collector’s
Office.

Khuda Dad Khan, the husband of Daulat Khatun, quarrelled with his
wife because she asked him to pay the usual visits of ceremony to the
ruling Nawab, Ahmad Khan (1750 — 1771). He left his home and went to
the Dakhin, whence he kept up a correspondence by letter but never return¬
ed. There, in a city when Pathans dwell called Kirpa Khund or Kirya
Khund (?), he married again. His son by that wife married the daughter
of Wahid ’Ali Khan Bangash of the same city, a man of high position.
Although Khuda Dad Khan in the war with Holkar and Daulat Bam
Sendhia had his shin bone injured by a bullet, he insisted on riding and
refused to mount an elephant or take to a palki. Daulat Bam to honour
him styled him Nawab Sahib, but he objected alleging that at Farrukhabad
that title was given to slaves. Daulat Bam then addressed him as “ Khan
Sahib.” Khairati Khan Bangash, Sher Muhammad Khan, Najib ’Ali
Khan, Nawab Abd-ul- Karim Khan and Mir Nawab were serving under
Sendhia at that time.

10. Asalat Khatun, wife of Bangash Khan, full sister of ’Ata-ullah
Khan (No. 20), and mother of Wall Muhammad Khan.

11. (Name unknown), wife of Yusaf Khan and full sister to Mansur
’Ali Khan (No. 13). She had no children.

12. Kamila Khanum, the wife of Murad Khan ( Masalle ) Bangash, son
of the uncle of ’Inayat ’Ali Khan above-named (husband of Nos. 2 and 3).
She had no full brother. She was the mother of Khairati Khan Bangash.
Her husband’s family was as follows :

z z

356

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrulchdbad. [No. 4,
Munir Khan

r

Alaf Khan Kasim Khan

’Inayat ’A

( - \

Muham-

i Khan Murad Khan mad

| Khan

Khairati Khan

Safdar ’ Ali
Khan

Allah Yar
Khan

One

daughter
m. to Muham¬
mad ’Ali Khan

' \

Daughter

m. to Khuda-
handah Khan
(No. 12). She
was the mother
of Amin-ud-daula.

Murad Khan was reputed to be very wealthy. At the battle of Dauri
Basulpur in Nov. 1748, he received such severe wounds that he fell from
his elephant in the battle-field. For three days he lay unnoticed among
the corpses. At length a zamindar searching among the dead recognized
him. As Murad Khan had once procured his release when kept in custody
by Nawab Muhammad Khan, the man went for a litter and carried the
wounded Nawab to his village, applied some remedies to his wounds and
gave him food. When he was better they sent him back to Farrukliabad.
Murad Khan had received eighty wounds in different parts of the body,
and a sword-cut had so disfigured his nose, that he went by the name of the
“ Nakatta Pathan” or noseless Pathan. He also had a wound in his throat
which had left a hole, and when he ate or drank he had to apply a wax plug.

13. (Name unknown), full sister of Karim Dad Khan (No. 10), and
the wife of Khan ’Alam Khan.

14. (Name unknown), full sister of Bahadur Khan (No. 15), and the
wife of ’Ali Dad Khan.

15. (Name unknown), full sister of Bahadur Khan (No. 15), and the
wife of Sardar Khan.

16. Sahib Khatun, wife of Johar Khan Bangash. She had no full
brother.

17. ’A'bida Khanum, daughter of of ’Arifa Khanum, and wife of
Hurmat Khan Bangash. She had no full brother.

18. (Name unknown), wife of Babar Khan.

19. Alif Khatun, wife of Hak-dad Khan Bangash.

20. Ladli Khanum, wife of Muhammad Khan Bangash.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrulchdbdd.

357

21. Khanum Sahiba, full sister of Murtazza Khan (No. 4 ).
died in youth unmarried.

22. Nanhi Bibi, wife of Baz Khan Bangash.

She

Note A.

RASHI'D KHA'N AND THE KHA'NZA'DAS.

The few Khanzadas, descendants of Rashid Khan, now found in a
state of poverty in Mau, state the descent of their ancestor as follows : —
Maulana Sliekk Ibrahim Danishmand

I

Shekh Siraj -ud-din

I

Shekh Mahmud

I *

Shekh Ahmad
Kazi ’Abdulla

I,

Khwaja Bayazid (alias Pir Roshan)

Shekh

j

Shekh

Shekh

Shekh

Kamal-

Khair-

Nur-ud-

Jalal-ud-din

T

ud-din

ud-din

din

1

1

Nawab

(

Nawab

f 1

Nawab

Mirza Khan

Rashid

HadiDad

1

Khan

Khan

r

1

(left

1

t —

- ^ descendants

’Abd-us

’Abdur

’Abd-ul ’Abd-ul Ivhuda

| in the

Subhan Rahman

Karim Hakim

Dad Nawab Habib-

Asad- Sahib Dakhin.)

d. s. p.

Khan Ilham- ullah

ullah Dad

ullah Khan

Khan Khan

Khan

r

d. s. p.

’Abd-ul

1

Muhammad

Baqi

Ma’sud

Rahmatullah
Khan (Rahmat
Khan).

The above is all that the Khanzadas know ; they are ignorant of the
part played in history by Jalala, of the events of Rashid Khan’s life, where
he served or when he died. Maulvi Manzur Ahmad, Deputy Collector, then
Tahsildar of Kaimganj, to whom I am indebted for much information on
this and other subjects, pointed out how closely the names given by the
Khanzadas coincided with those connected with the Jalala, who gave so
much trouble in Akbar’s reign (see “ Haiyat-i-Afghani” by Muhammad

358

W. Irvine — The Bangash 1 Vaivdbs of Far ruhhabdd. [No. 4,

Haiyat Khan, Labor, Kohinur Press, Sept. 18G5, pp. 154, 155 — 158 and
“ Tlrikh-i-Farishta,” Lucknow edition, Yol. I, p. 266). For want of fur¬
ther authorities to refer to, Manzur Ahmad was unable to identify Rashid
Khan, founder of Mau, with Rashid Khan, son of the historical Jalala.
From the “ Maasir-ul-Umra,” however, it is made quite clear that the two
men are the same (see in that work under “ Rashid Khan”). I proceed to
give an abstract of the Biography from the “ Maasir-ul-Umra” adding
from the articles “ Allahdad Khan,” “ Asadullah,” “ Hadidad Khan” and
“Rashid Khan” in Ivewal Ram Agarwalah’s “ Tazkira-ul-Umra.”

The founder of the Roshani sect, called in derision the Tariki or the ob¬
scure,* * * § was Shekh Bayazid who was descended in the seventh generation from

Siraj-ud-din Ansari, and was horn at Jalandhar one year before Babar entered
India (i. e., in 1527). On growing up he left his birth-place with his mother
and went to his father ’Abdullah at Kali Kurm in the hills of Roh. In
the year 949 H. (April 1542 — April 1543), he became notorious by pre¬
tending to do miracles, through which he induced many tribes of the Af¬
ghans to become his disciples. At this time he wrote a book in Pushtu
called “ Khair-ul-bayan.” They say that when it was brought to the Court
of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, ruler of Kabul, the learned men there were
unable to refute it. When Pir Rosh&n died he was buried at Tahyapur (?)
in the hills. He left four sons and one daughter. The sons are (1) Shekh
’Umr, (2) Nur-ud-din, whose son Mirza Khan entered the Imperial service
and was killed in the Daulatabad campaign in the Dakhin (most probably
in February 1633), f (3) Jamal-ud-din, (4) Jalal-ud-din.

Jalal-ud-din in the year 989 H. (Feb. 1581 — Jan. 1582), being then
fourteen years of age, attended Akbar when that Emperor was on his return
from Kabul. He was graciously received, but for some reason being dis¬
satisfied he returned to his father’s disciples among the Warakzais and Afridis,
to whom he was also related. In the 31st year of Akbar’s reign (2nd April
1585 — 22nd March 1586), the Mahmand and Gharba, who lived round Pasha-
war and could muster ten thousand horse, were aroused by the oppressions of
the subordinates of Sayyad Hamid Bukhari^ practised on the Tayuldars of
that neighbourhood. They placed Jalala (Jalal-ud-din) at their head, attacked
and slew Sayyad Hamid and then made Terah their stronghold. Rajah Man
Singh§ Nazim of Kabul advanced on Terah and dispersed the Afridis. He
then went to ’Ali Masjid and inflicted considerable punishment on Jalala.
Shortly after Zain Khan Kokah arrived, having been appointed to super-

* For notices of Jalala and the Raushanis see Blochmann’s “ Ain-i-Akbari,” Yol.
I, pp. 340, 345, 356, 361, 397, 403, 411, 469.

f Elpbin stone, p. 508.

1 Mr. Blocbinann’s “Ain-i-Akbari,” Yol. I, p. 397.

§ ’Ain I, 339.

359

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangasfi N'aivabs of FarruTchabad.

sede the Kajah, and he made great efforts to uproot the rebels. In the
32nd year (23rd March 1586 — 12th March 1587), Jalala was forced to quit
Terah for Bijaur, the head-quarters of the Yusafzai. Zain Khan# followed
him up and posted ’Isma’il Kuli Khanf and Sadik Muhammad KhanJ to
watch the passes. Jalala managed to elude them and return to Terah.
Sadik Muhammad Khan, however, so troubled the Afridis and Warakzais
that they gave up Mulla Ibrahim, who was looked on by Jalala like a
father. Jalala losing confidence made off for Turan. The Afghans seized
all his property and made it over to the imperial commander.

In the 37th year (20th March 1591— to 10th March 1592), Jalala
returned from Turan and again raised the standard of revolt. Asaf Khan
Ja’far was sent by the Emperor to restore order. He defeated the rebel
and captured his family. Asaf Khan made over Jalala’s family to one
Wahdat ’Ali.

In 1007 H. (25th July 1598 — 13th July 1599), Jalala took Ghazni
but could not maintain his position. In the 45th year, 1007 H. (12th
Sept. 1599 — 2nd Sept. 1600), Jalala who was in company with the Lohanis
near Ghazni was surprised and wounded. Murad Beg, with some of Sharif
Khan’s troops, pursued and slew him.

The spiritual succession fell to Alidad, son of Shekh ’Umr, Jalala’s
brother, § who had married his uncle, Jalala’s, daughter. In the reign of
Jahangir (1605 — 1627) he gave the imperial troops much trouble, some¬
times gaining the victory and sometimes being defeated. In 1035 H. (23rd
Sept. 1625 — 11th Sept. 1626), Zafar Khan, son of Khwaja Abul Hasan, naib
of Mirza Intizam Bakhsh, Subahdar of Kabul, besieged his, Umr’s, fort. On
the day of assault a bullet struck him and killed him.

He was followed by his son, ’Abd-ul-Kadir, who continued the warfare.
At length by the exertions of Sa’id Khan,|| Nazim of Kabul, he was induced
to submit to the Emperor Shahjahan, from whom he received the rank of a
Hazari. In 1043 H. (28th June 1633 — 17th June 1634), while employed
in Kabul, he lost his life. In the beginning of the 11th year, in 1047 H.
(18th Oct. 1637 — 7th Oct. 1638), Sa’id Khan sent to the Emperor’s Court
his mother, Bibi Alae (the daughter of Jalala, )^[ with her two sons-in-law
a) Muhammad Zaman, (2) Sahib Dad, and (3) Kadir Dad, the son of

* Ain I, 344.
f ’Ain I, 360.

1 ’Ain I, 355.

§ The Mau tradition is that he was no relation, hut usurped the succession.

|| ’Ain I, 466.

U A sanacl dated 15th Zi’l Ka’d of the 12th year, 1048 II. gives Jamal Khdtun as
the name of Abd-ul-Kadir s wife.

360

W. Irvine — The Bangash Naivals of Farruhhdbad. [No. 4,

Muhammad Zaman. The Emperor took pity on them and sent them on to
Rashid Khan, who was then in Talingana.

In the same year Karim Dad, the younger son of Jalala, who was lead¬
ing a wandering life among the Lohanis, was sent for by all the tribes in
order to renew the struggle. Sa’id Khan sent Rajah Jagat Singh* against
the Pathans ; all the other tribes submitted, except the Lakan and two others
with whom Karim Dad had taken refuge. Reduced to extremities, these
saw themselves forced to deliver up Karim Dad. By royal order he was
sent to the Emperor. Afterwards Jamdat-ul-Mulk Sa’d-ullah Khan mar¬
ried the daughter of Karim Dad, and she bore to him Lutf-ullah Khan and
others.

Allalidad, son of Jalal-ud-din, was either one of the children captured
in 1591 — 1592 and made over to Wahdat ’ Ali, or else came to Hindustan
after his father’s death (1599 — 1600) owing to a quarrel with his brothers.
If the second of these two suppositions is correct, the date of 1016 H.
(1607) which I have given for the founding of Mau Rashidabad would
seem a little too early. The first notice of Shekh Allahdad is in Jahan¬
gir’s 11th year (10th July 1615 — 28th June 1616), when he was made a
Hazari with the title of Khan added to his own name. In the 12th year
(29th June 1616 — 18th June 1617), he received the title of Rashid Khan
with the rank of two thousand five hundred. In the 14th year (7th June
1618 — 27th May 1619), he rebelled in Kabul, but in the 15th year (28th
May 1619 — 17th May 1620), his fault was forgiven and he was restored to
his dignities. In the 18th year (25th April 1622 — 14th April 1623), he
was under Mahabat Khan and did good service in the Dakhin. In the 1st
year of Shahjahan’s reign (4th Feb. 1628 — 24th Jan. 1629), he came from
his jagirs , was raised to be a Commander of Three Thousand with 1500
horse, and was appointed to the campaign against Jhujhar Singh Bundela,
son of Bir Singh Deo. In the 2nd year (25th June 1629 — 14th June
1630), he accompanied the Emperor to the Dakhin and in the third year
did- good service. In the 4th year (5th Jan. 1632 — 25th Dec. 1632), he
was wounded while fighting under ’Azim Khan against ’Adil Shah and
Nizam-ul-Mulk. His brother f and many personal followers were slain in
the same battle. In the 5th year (26th Dec. 1632 — 15th Dec. 1633),
Rashid Khan was appointed faujdar of part of the Akbarabad Subah. In
the 6th year (16th Dec. 1633 — 5th Dec. i634), he went with Shah Shuja’
to the Dakhin. He fought against the Bijipur forces in the 7th year (6th
Dec. 1634 — 25th Nov. 1635) ; in the 8th year (26th Nov. 1635 — 15th Nov.
1636), he was attached to Khan Dauran, and in the 9th year he was no-

* By the “ Tazkira-ul-Umra” this would seem to he the son of Raja Basu of Mau
in the Nurpur State in the hills. See also Proc. B. A. S., 1872, p. 157.

f Or rather, I should say, his cousin Mirza Khan son of Nur-ud-din.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawahs of FarruJchabdd. 3G1

ticed for his bravery in capturing a fort. In the 10th year (28th Oct. 1636
— 17th Oct. 1637), he was appointed Nazim of Burhanpur and raised to be
a Chahar Hazari. In the 11th year (18th Oct. 1637 — 7th Oct. 1638), he
was made Faujdar of Sarkar Bijagarh in addition to Burhanpur. In the
18th year (2nd Aug. 1644 — 22nd July 1645), he was put in charge of the
Subahs of Talingana. In the 22nd year (20th June 1618 — 9th June 1649)
he died in that country at Nander.# He was buried at Mau, a town which
he had founded near Shamshabad.f

The governors of the Dakliin never undertook any important enterprise
without consulting him. He had a large number of well-armed fighting
men in his service, who were very faithful to him and looked on him as
their spiritual guide. Mababat Khan once wrote to the Emperor that Ra¬
shid Khan, having such a powerful following, ought to be recalled from
the Dakhin. He and Khan Zaman were friends and of one mind ; they
ought not, therefore, to be left on the frontier, for if they rebelled it would
be difficult to reduce them.

Rashid Khan so governed his Subah of Burhanpur that high-way rob¬
bery and thefts ceased, the bad characters thinking themselves lucky to
escape with their lives. The Tdgah of Burhanpur, till then very small,
was enlarged by him. He was learned in history, secretly bigotted in reli¬
gion ; he wrote much poetry which has been approved by good judges. His
expenditure on his harem was larger than that of any Amir of his time. In
most of his habits and in his way of wielding his sword he followed the
customs of Iran.

Two sons of Rashid Khan are named in history, (1) Asadullah, (2)
Ilhamullah (Rashid Khan). Asadullah, the eldest son, on the death of his
father in Shahjahan’s 22nd year (20th June 1648 — 9th June 1649), was
made a Hazari. In the 24th year (29th May 1651 — 18th May 1652), he
was appointed Thanadar of Chandaur in the Dakhin Subah, and in the 27th
year (25th April 1653 — 14th April 1654), faujdar of Dabdauri (?) in Sar¬
kar Saukhar (?). In the 28th year (15th April 1654 — 4th April 1655),
he became Faujdar of Ilichpur with a mcmsab of 1500 j in this year he
died.

Ilhamullah, the second son, on the death of his father in Shahjahan’s
22nd year, had also been raised in rank. On the death of Asadullah in
the 28th year (15th April 1654 — 4th April 1655), he was appointed Tha¬
nadar of Chandaur in succession to his brother. In the 30th year (24th
March 1656 — 13th March 1657), on the death of his uncle Hadidad Khan,

* A town on the north or left hank of the Godaveri, 145 miles N. of Haidarabad.
Thornton, 682.

f In the “ Ma’asir-ul-Umra” Shamsdbad is quite distinct, and so is Mau, but I
cannot read the word which follows.

362

W. Irvine — The Bang ash ITawdbs of Farrulchdbad. [No. 4,

Ilhamullah was selected as having the best claims to succeed him and
keep his force together. He was made a commander of 1500 horse.
When Aurangzeh left the Dakhin for Hindustan, Ilhamullah accompanied
him. After the successful campaign against Jaswant Singh was over
(April 1658 — Elphinstone 521), he was made a Sih Hazari, three thousand
horse, and at the same time his father’s title of Rashid Khan was conferred
upon him. After the first campaign against Dara Shikoh, (June 1658),
he received a grant of twenty thousand rupees. When Sultan Shuja’ had
been defeated in January 1659, he was sent under Ma’zum Khan, comman¬
der-in-chief, and Prince Muhammad Sultan to the province of Bengal. In
the 4th year (25th Jan. 1661 — 14th Jan. 1662), he took part in the cam¬
paign in Koch Bihar and Assam. In the 5th year (15th Jan. 1662 — 4th
Jan. 1663), he was made faujdar of Sarkar Kamrup.* For a short time
he was Subahdar of Orissa. In the 19th year (13th Aug. 1675 — 1st Aug.
1676), he was removed from Orissa and re-posted to the Dakhin. He acted
as faujdar of Nander for a time. In the 28th year (1684-5) he received a
khilat. f He was alive in 1097 H. (1686) in ’Alamgir’s 29th year and still
jagirdar of parganah Shamshabad, as is shown by the inscription from Sarae
Aghat in parganah ’Azimnagar, formerly called Tappah ’Azimnagar, a
modern off-shoot from Shamshabad. J

Hadi Dad Khan, brother of Rashid Khan, was in the beginning of
Sliahjahan’s reign a commander of seven hundred. In the 11th year
(18th Oct. 1637 — 7th Oct. 1638), he was made a Hazari. In the 22nd
year (20th June 1648 — 9th June 1649), he was appointed to the Subah of
Talingana in succession to his deceased brother Rashid Khan, with a rise
in rank. In the 24th year (29th May 1651 — 18th May 1652). he was
given the title of Khan to he affixed to his own name with the rank of
2,500. He died in the 30th year (24th March 1656 — 13th March 1657).
He left a number of sons, many of whom attained to mansahs.

Another distinguished member of the family was Shekh Nurullah, son
of Kadirdad Khan, son of Muhammad Zaman, son-in-law of Alidad, the
nephew of Allahdad Rashid Khan. In the time of Alamgir he was a com¬
mander of 400, and had charge of one of the forts in the Dakhin. During
the reign of Bahadur Shah (1707 — 1712) he was made a Hazari with his
father’s title of Kadirdad Khan. He was appointed faujdar of Jamand (?)
in the Subah of Khandesh. In Farrukhsiyar’s reign ( L7 13 — 1719) he joined
Asaf Jah Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had been appointed Subahdar of the Dak¬
hin. Nurullah was closely related to Asaf Jab’s mother. He fought
bravely in the campaign against Sayyad Dilawar ’Ali Khan and ’Alam ’Ali

* Namrup in the MS. of Maasir-ul-Umra and Tazkira-ul-TJmra.

f Ma’asir-i-’Alamgiri, p. 249.

X Gaz. N. W. P. IY. 197, and Proc. B. A. S., for 1874, p. 104.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli Naw&bs of Farruhhdbdd. 863

Khan, after which he was rewarded with the rank of Three Thousand, 2000
horse, and the title of Bahadur. In the attack on Mubariz Khan he com¬
manded the van. When Asaf Jah had overcome all opposition he obtain¬
ed for Kadirdad Khan the rank of Panj Hazari, 4000 horse. Kadirdad
was assassinated by one of his own servants. As he left no issue, Asaf Jah
out of his jagirs granted to his relations the town of Janiganw (?) in the
Subah of Aurangabad and the village of Ambarah in Subah Khandesh.
These were still in possession of the family when the “ Maasir-ul-Umra”
was written.

The Mau tradition alleges that Shamshabad was granted to Mirzae
Khan, while Rashid Khan and Hadidad Khan received appointments in the
Dakhin. At first the Nawab lived in Shamshabad close to the tomb of Fir
Aziz-ullah, and Mau was not founded for two years. The Nawab’s troops
who took up their residence in Mau are said to have been 900 Toyah horse¬
men, Muhammadzai, 600, Warakzai, 500, Dilazak, 400, Gfhilzai, 400, Kha¬
lil, 400, Khatak, 400, Mataniya, 300, Lohani, 200, Afridi 200, Bangash,
100, in all, including other tribes, about 15,000 fighting men. Oral tradi¬
tion asserts that the settlement of Mau was opposed by the Rathor chiefs
of Rampur# and Khemsipur.f The Muhammadans under ’Abd-us-Samad,
alias Mirza Khan, Muhammadzai, Baud Khan, Yar Khan, Burhan Khan,
Toyah, and Mir Khan, Khatak, gained a signal victory near Khemsipur.
The Rajah of Rampur was wounded and taken prisoner.

Nawab Rashid Khan’s tomb, a plain but substantial domed edifice
without any inscription, stands on the high land above the Burh-Ganga or
old bed of the Ganges. It was repaired by a former Collector, Mr. Newn-
ham, in 1826. J At its side, surrounded by a wall, is the masonry tomb of
the Nawab’s wife. The tombs are surrounded by ancient asupalu and mm
trees. The attendant in charge is an old Khanzadah woman.

At Masita Khan Khanzadah’s chaupdl , there lies a flat stone weigh¬
ing some ten maunds which the popular voice, with, as my informant truly
says, some exaggeration, declares was carried every day by the Nawab to the
Ganges to stand on while bathing. The site of the Nawab’s fort is styled
the Jcot, Kachis and some Khanzadahs occupy it, two high gates still
stand, and there is some brick pavement left. Part of the land is still call¬
ed Muhalla Gau-khana, and a little of the so-called Bara Bazar still exists ;
in it is a mosque known as the Jama’ Masjid, without any inscription,
which was repaired two years ago by Nizam ’Ali Khan Mataniya of Mubal-
la Kila’, an employe of the Haidarabad State. In Khanpur, close to Sham¬
shabad, there is a Barahdari built by Mirza Khan, cousin of the Nawab, and

* In parganah Azimnagar of the Eta district. Gaz. IV. 180.

f Seventeen miles from Farrukhabad on the Mainpuri road.

% Kali Jfiae, p. 114.

361 W. Irvine — The Rangash JTaivdhs of FarruJclidhad. [No. 4,

at Mau there is a Muhalla called after him “ Kot Mirza Khani.” Nawab
Hadi Dad Khan’s tomb is at Nander on the Godaveri where he died, but
there is a village in pargana Shamshabad called after him Hadidadpur. Bibi
Raba’h, wife of Ilhamullah Khan, son of Bashid Khan, built a sarae and well
with stairs in Mauza Kuberpur, south of Mau and east of Kaimganj ; the
Afridis knocked the sarae down and used the bricks, the Baoli is still there
half in ruins. The place near it is called “ Sarae Bibi Baba’ll” to this day.
A separate village, formerly called Sayyad Firuzpur, lying between Mau
and Cliak Mau-Bashidabad, is known as “ Katra Bahmat Khan” (market¬
place of B. K.) after a great-grandson of Mirza Khan. His tomb is in
Mauza ’Ataipur, east of Mau, a village formerly called Baripur but now named
after a Nawab ’Atai Khan. Subhan Khan, another chief, resettled Mauza
Bhartpur just south of Kaimganj, and called it after himself Suhbanpur.
In the lands of Hamirpur, the next village west of Mau, is a shrine dedica¬
ted to Pir Boshan, the ancestor of the Khanzadahs. The Putwari who
pointed it out to me gave the correct pronunciation, with the long a in the
name “ Boshan.”

Mau Bashidabad remained a jagir of the descendants of Bashid
Khan till it was resumed by Nawab Muzaffar Jang (1771 — 1796). All
they now have is a few revenue-free plots, and one of them is glad to be a
Head Constable on Bs. 10 a month.

Note B.

THE BAMTELAS.

There are two origins assigned for the name Bamtela. The first is,
that a Thakur chief when bathing in the Ganges made as was usual a gift
of his wife to the officiating Brahmans, and then purchased her back by a
large gift of money. One of the conditions imposed by the Brahmans was,
that her issue should be called Bamtela. The other story is, that this Bajah
having seized a Brahman woman and made her his concubine, her children
by him were called Bamtelas.

She had three sons (1) Hathi Bae, whose descendants lived in Bhao-
pur, Jasmai, Nurpur, Dharanagar, Sathanpur ; (2) Nibal Deo, whose de¬
scendants held Dhalawal, Gharampur, Garhya ; (3) Sab Sukh. This Sab
Sukh had three sons a) Bhart S6h, whose descendants lived in Hathipur,
Awajpur, Na’matpurand Baraun(8 Biswahs) ; (2) Nandan Sah, whose fami¬
ly held' Aduli and Bashidpur ; (3) Chattar Singh, whose family held Baraun
(12 Biswahs) and Babarpur. The founders of these families are said to
have lived fourteen or fifteen generations ago, but the Awajpur zamindars,
when enquiry was made by the Settlement Officer, could not carry back their
genealogy more than six generations.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Banff ash ISTawabs of FarruJchahdd. 3G5

The Bamtelas are not found outside pargana Pahara, and there they
are usually divided into the Eight villages and the Fifty-two villages. In
the former, which lie west of the city, they are still prominent, especially
in Baraun. In nearly every one of the eight villages they still hold the
zamindari. Some of them are Musalmans. In only thirteen of the fifty-
two villages can any trace of them be found, many of the villages have
been absorbed into the City, and in the others their position is insignificant.

Note C.

TRADITIONS OF DALEL KHAN IN BUNDELKHAND.

I am indebted to the kindness of Alan Cadell, Esq., C. S., Settlement
Officer of Banda, for a memorandum on Dalel Khan by Pandit Mathura
Parshad, Settlement Munsarim, founded on oral traditions derived from
an old man Rup Brahman, and other inhabitants of pargana Maudha. Dalel
Khan is called the son of Muhammad Khan Bangash. He was given, they
say, by his father to Rajah Chattarsal who adopted him, and when he grew
up endowed him with the pargana of Sondha (or Sihonda). Dalel Khan
appointed his nephew, Murad Khan, to be thanadar of Sihonda. After a
time Harde Sah, son of Chattarsal, angered Dalel Khan by some deceit he
practised, and Dalel Khan prepared for war. The Hindu Rajahs were also
afraid that Dalel Khan would in time oust them, for Chattarsal had nursed
him to be like a snake in their sleeves. They therefore entered into a
league to destroy him, binding themselves by an oath, according to the
Shastras, or Ganges water, holding a sword in one hand. Then all the
Rajahs marched from Panna, Datiya, and Chirkhari, and assembled at Ban¬
da. Dalel Khan was told that twenty-two Rajahs and thirty chiefs had
come with intent to kill him.

Dalel Khan marched from Sihonda and on his way hunted in the for¬
est of Mungas, 14 miles N. E. of Banda. Thence he went by way of
Pipronda, about 7 miles west of Mungas, to Alona about six miles north¬
west of Pipronda, where he encamped on the hanks of the river Ken.

The Bundelas advanced to Maudha, about thirteen miles west of
Alona, to Makaranw, Achrela, Bharela, Tandohi, Ingotha, Pipronda, all
villages three or four miles to the north-west of Maudha. Jagat Raj’s
camp was in Makaranw, while Kirat Raj went to a distance, to the village
of Pothya Buzarg on the Betwa, about sixteen miles north of Maudha in
pargana Sumerpur, Hamirpur district. When Kirat Raj left his camp
followers behind, the village which sprung up was named Kiratpur.

One day while out hunting Dalel Khan went from Alona to Bhulsi,
two or three miles off, across the Ken, and thence to Padhori seven miles
further on and only four miles east of Maudha. The Musalmans of Mau¬
dha remonstrated with him on his rashness, and advised him to take shelter

3 GO

W. Irvine — The Bang ash Naivdbs of Far riohhabdcl. [No. 4,

in their houses or to return to Sihoncla. Dalel Khan rejected their counsel,
saying he would be disgraced if he retreated, that he had with him Ibrahim
Khan, his brother, ’Inayat Khan, Haidar Khan, Himmat Khan, Mu’az-ud-
din Khan, Sayyad Hamid ’Ali, Baz Khan, Mukhtar Khan, Rahim Khan,
and five hundred other Pathans. Turning to his troops he harangued them,
and offered to pay up and discharge all those who held their wives and
children dearer than honour. A number of the Pathans then left him.
"With the rest he marched from Padhori to Maudha.

Now Himmat Khan was Dalel Khan’s chief friend, and he usually
rode by the Nawab’s side and conversed with him. That day as he rode
along half stupified with opium, Dalel Khan as usual addressed his conver¬
sation to Himmat Khan, and playing on his name remarked that if Himmat
(courage) held firm, they might after all win the day. As no reply came the
Nawab called out, “ Brother, are you nodding or have you dropped behind?”
Haidar Khan who was at some distance cantered up and answered, “ Nawab
Sahib, he was onty Himmat Khan at meal time, he left us at Padhori, I
am the Himmat Khan for this emergency.”

When they reached Ivorhiya Tal, near the Parao, Dalel Khan told
his men to alight and breakfast. They then mounted and drawing their
swords made ready for the attack. The Bundelas meanwhile advanced from
Makaranw, and Tandohi. The battle then commenced. The first day fifty
Pathans and three hundred Bundelas were killed, the second day one hun-
and fifty Pathans and four hundred Bundelas. Haidar Khan pushed his
advance as far as Makaranw, and on his way killed five leaders and sixty
men. He was killed himself in Makaranw. His tomb exists there near a
pond, to the west of the metalled road to Hamirpur, and it is known as
Haidar Shahid. Sayyad Hamid ’Ali was killed to the east of Maudha, and
his tomb is some twenty-five or thirty rassi to the east of the town ; its
name is Hami Shahid or Hamid Shahid. Baz Khan’s tomb is close to
Shekh Chand Pir’s dargah, and it is called Baja Sarmur Shahid. ’Inayat
Khan’s tomb is to the south of the Banda and Jalalpur road, it is called
’Inai Shahid.

Dalel Khan was slain himself on the third day. Many others were
killed with him. Ibrahim Khan, brother of Dalel Khan, fell at a place now
in Maudha but then a jungle. A second Ibrahim Khan was killed near
where ’Abd-ul-Karim Kanungo’s house now stands. There is a Dargah
known as that of Maudi Shahid, which no doubt is meant for Muaz-ud-din.
There is also a Shahid’s tomb called vaguely Baba Shahid, which Mr. Kaye,
late Collector, put into repair when opening out a new road. There are
numerous other tombs in Maudha and its vicinity.

They relate that on the day of his death Dalel Khan drove the Bunde¬
las before him as far as Mowaiya, about four miles south-west of Maudha.

1878.] W. Irvine — The JBangash Nawabs of FctrruJchabad. 867

Here one Bundela, urged by despair, struck at him and cut oft bis left
band ; where the hand fell a tomb was built, which is also called Dalel Shahid.
It lies to the east of the metalled road to Nyaganw. The Bundelas finally
drove Dalel Khan back into Maudha, where he received the cup of martyr¬
dom. His tomb and a masjid with well still exist. The date assigned
locally for Dalel Khan’s death, viz., 1792 S. (1735 A. D.) is fourteen years
out, the correct date being May 1721.

The Hindi poets of his time composed many doha (couplets) in praise
of Dalel Khan’s courage ; such as are still current were collected from the
lips of the before-named Bup Brahman, from Shakir Musalman of Mau¬
dha, Sardar Khan of Bhamaura, about three miles to the south-west of
Maudha, and others.

ls£. — At the time Harde Sah, Jagat Baj and Mohan Singh had ap¬
pointed to take the oath on Ganges water, Mohan Singh went away to Bija-
nagar, about two miles east of Mahoba. Then Harde Sah refused to join ;
and Jagat Baj set out alone. The poets on this occasion put the following
doha into Chattarsal’s mouth —

fiT^T V? X% fexX Ixvtv I

STTIrr ^ 5J7V I)

“ Mohan has decided not to join, Harde Sah is angry, Jagat fights
“ alone, but he cannot bear the weight of it.”

2nd. — Chattarsal wrote a long letter to Dalel Khan trying to dissuade
him from fighting. The inhabitants of Maudha remember these verses.

iff II

to ^

VI?; *3T«T ^ ^IX[f tTXl JTTX I

rre X gi? ^X 5?31cT V*TTV TV l|

^txt x ^ fxxx x% ^t$j i

tTstjiIt w wvrrv n

“ I am not deceived by Harde Sah, Kirat Sen is a disobedient son ; tell
my son Dalel, of Bangash race, a good son, that brother Muhammad Khan
made him over to me, since then he is my son, better than all the world ;
Mohan has gone off, Harde has concealed himself, let him (Dalel) give ear,
and Jagat will then be talked over.”

3rd. — The following answer was sent by Dalel Khan :

XT^rr *txxt*t xt xr*r ttspt I

11 You are a great king, and the most powerful of all Bajahs, now how
can Dalel retreat, it would disgrace both creeds,” i. e., his own and that
of his supposed adoptive father Chattarsal.

368 W. Irvine — The Bangnsh JSTawabs of TParruhhabad. [No. 4,>

4 th. — Some miscellaneous verses are given which have been handed
down.

■s^rr tkT iht^t sft *ira i

#r *fr irrfrtr tr to to h^s n

“ You occupy great ja girs, you eat butter and sugar, if you do not
defeat Dalel, he will make widows in many houses.”

5th. — The following call for aid was sent to Harde S3h.

JTT^rt "STrafft «TO ^ 3T TO I

* Vi

sqq Jinrt tosto ^ ttoto it

“ Our cart has stuck in the clay, make no childish excuses, help us now
to shove on the cart, lend aid to your country, O Hirdesb ! (Harde Sah).”

6th. — Harde Sah’s answer was — •

*rN fg'STT i

to iff to to it

“ He heeded not my counsel, Jagat acted wilfully ; now the calamity
has fallen on his head, he comes back in submission to me.”

7th. — Verses in praise of Dalel Khan.

nor to wrfft fro 3ftT i

^ WTf<T TOT TO qT% TO ft

mx] TO^T TOT 13 $ TO*T VX* BUT I
*rf qriJT ^qq? to fqfa toit ^iNr it
fesft m mr ii

5TJ]fT TToT TO TOT TO3[TO I

TO TO qir^T qft TOTrT It

Wto tor ^ tot q%r totor l

TOfT TTR 3\PTOT TOT WR TOTO TOR It
Rf*T qTO TO TO q^SR ^3 I

to TO to fro wit ^ \ * it

“ Dalel’s chest was a yard wide, he was a perfect soldier ; the bright soul
has rejoined its essence, he has gained the rank of beatitude ; collecting
together all his followers, he was killed in the field of battle. Like a lamp
burns a moth, so did Dalel rush into the fight. From Delhi came Dalel
Khan, with sword in hand, and fought by Maudha town with Jagat Maha-
raj. The fight was like that of practised wrestlers (Patthan, a play upon
the word Patlian) ; the blood flowed and turned the earth into mire. For
three days the Path ans undaunted fought, Jagatr trembled and fled from the
field. The fourth day at noon the Bundelas surrounded him (Dalel Khan) ;
then fell Dalel to the earth, and many swords wounded him.”

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash JWaiv&bs of FarruJchabdd. 8G9

8 th. — The following verses were taken down as recited by Sardar Khan
of Bhamaura village, pargana Maudha :

fepq ^TSftf fefiijf I

ffk W II

if q^r snj WffrK *?k f%K*fT i

KT^T*? % ^K %pq 3T$T ^ W q^T II \ W

wit qBTir qqrKf si qrfa ??qfTsr q;#qT i
€q? faqrrc ^ 5?m ^Snfqjsr sttk fqi% ii

qq^f f% ^tn^T K^iT qi^Wiq<Tl # <T£ qrtef I

sq qrrq q^r^t feqir ^if snq q^q *?t q^Kqrr 11 ? 11

qf^T^f S? qiTK ^ q<T[K I

qqqq- qtT ^st ?nKq qrqft 11

qqff ^t q*iK vsft siqnqr qqft i

q^vrrfrr w qwf ^ %^r qwr qi^qqft n q n

wm^r qft <r^q» qif q* fq^qi-qq qft qrl qrsrqr q^<t qrc qnti # i

qr#t ^rqsnqt %k qqr Ik snrqr #t qq» ^k qmm $ ii
%% qi ^fK^rq si q;fKKrq sqq ^qiqw wi^isft sfKqnsft q^rii ^ i

^foTKT ^rf ^ ) ^TT *TTK ©T^T # STIT KlrT t II B fl

“ They gathered in Sihunda-garh, when came word of the war ; they took
np bow and arrow and repaired to the hunting-ground of Mungas. They
leapt into the midst of the foe, like the cliitah * seizes and shakes a deer.
All the Rajahs hesitated, when bold Dalel began to drive his way through
them. The Pathan left Mungas, Dalela encamped in Paprenr. He hunt¬
ed the herds of deer, and his bullet killed many a one. Leaving Paprenr,
they camped in Alona, and lingered on the banks of the Karunawati.
Passing through Bhulsi, they stopped in Pandhori, and fought with the
Bundelas in Baharela. Like elephants black as lamp-black, maddened, lift¬
ing up their tusks, they drove all before them. Muhammad’s son jumped
exultingly, his followers shouted ’Ali, ’Ali. Eight-barrelled and seven-bar¬
relled guns were let oft, they discharged the great Janjals. In many ways did
he thrust with his spear, did brave Dalela, the mighty. The cannon roared,
the swords clashed, the rockets flashed like lightning clouds. They drew
their chajondl, look at them once ! on every side the Mughal and the
Bundelas are mingled in one wave. In the rivers of blood there are num¬
bers of Rajahs and lords of armies. The Mugalanis and Turkanis are dis¬
heartened. Hear thus, 0 friend ! the fighting, the sword wounds, in the
battle of Maudha, and how the field was won.”

* The MS. has chilli, a falcon, in place of which I suggest chit ah.

370

[No. 4,

W. Irvine — The JBangash JVawabs of Farruhhabdd.
0 th. — Verses in praise of Dalel Khan’s horses.

^cT K%q

qp? # ^pq fqqft Kl\ % I

V» # •

qiqj nrlrar ^ qm

qfq qqr^ Hl<T <TJT ^ II

sjqrfcqr % qqrc ^

^TT qrT qp<T WTC 5TJI ^ I

qiW^P: >rq^ fqqi^T oT^rq?: ^iTq

J ^ -v *\

qr^q ^t ^\x ^ q^nq qn? q*i? % n
wq rim qT^qfi q } qrq tjt tjt ’I i
qvt %w q*T^ fT?i % u
'qfJT % ^rT ^1T 5TJT % irqq ^ I

qrqq ^i\x qq qq; q> ^ n

“ Their hoofs stamp the ground, as soon as the foot touches the stirrup ;
they go like the wind, these milk-white steeds. They are fed on ghi and
sugar, they get a handful of spices. A line is formed in their back, they
are so stout ; they are fiery and strong. By strong chains two grooms lead
them ; they pull at the chains and plunge and prance. They have arched
necks, are white, youthful, strong and young. They are as if formed in
moulds out of gold, they are of beautiful shape and form. They have cloths
of gold stuff and brocade of every colour, green, yellow, black, white, pur¬
ple, every colour. They leap and bound, in strength they are elephants.
Sahib Asgar, these are the steeds of a great lord.”

KVA — Verses in praise of Dalel Khan obtained from Shakir Muham¬
mad called Lahori.

opt qrr qq qqq
q>«ft q^ qq qrtf qfq qjr
5TT qqr qfc qso qqiq'k
*r% f%qqrq qqio qqiq

qr^ fq«q\ q^%f q I

vj

%t ^x qnq q>w % h

qq q qqrr ^ T^t q i

>J vj

q% qp ^x tf % ii

“ Muhammad Khan’s son was Dalel, he scattered the Bundelas, many
swords were drawn, there was no delay, from bravery their livers burst their
clothes. The armies met, they bravely fought. Though pressed hard they
would not give way before those hosts. Sword in hand Dalel Pathan went
forward, twirling his moustache.”

IDA — The following verses are handed down as Dalel Khan’s answer
to the Musalmans of Maudha when they entreated him to turn back.

1873.]

W. Irvine — The "Ban gash JVcnvahs of Farr uhhahdd.

871

4^t 3>r fsrwt far tn^r 11 ^ »

^ • ^*s * ^ "vi *s _ • n

T ^ vv 57-afjjr 5TflT I

O C\

*v*(\ ^ vNr t^t W^jt ii

KT5TT ^TI5Tr ^iTTtt ^nft I

^f% ^ ^ tj wr ^ n

“ My name is Dalel Khan, how can I retreat, the good name of the Ban-
gash is in my hands, on me is the hand of Muhammad Shah, whose is this
sword. This Pathan honour have I bound fast round me, I will fight face to
face. Through their youthful strength the Pathans will enter the hottest
of the struggle. They fear not the fray. Rajah and Maharajah will flee
at the sight of my bare sword. Said brave Dalel, boldly in the battle¬
field, call ‘ Ali, Ali’ as Hindus call on Hanuman.”

12th. — When Dalel Khan saw his companions fall, he exclaimed :

VTTT I

ifiw €r m? n

v>

“ My son Murad Khan is dead and brother Ibrahim ; Hamid, Haidar,
Fatte Khan, each ate opium and died. Dead, too, is Inayat Khan, the
powerful Pathan. My life is now worthless ; saying this, he grasped his
sword.”

13^7/. — WThen Dalel Khan rushed into the midst of the Bundelas, a
poet of their side said —

nil 5! ?r ^ i

'J

“ Dalel flees before the waves of the Bundelas.” A Bundela reproved
him, and said he should say —

*T?r aSTrT ^ I

“ The Bundelas flee before the torrent of Dalel’s attack.”

NAWAB KAIM KHAN.

On his father’s death in December 1748, Kaim Khan the eldest son suc¬
ceeded without opposition. We have already seen that he was employed in
1721 to avenge the death of Daler Khan ; and in 1729 it was he who col¬
lected a force to relieve his father from investment by the Mahrattas at
Jaitpur. During the later years of Muhammad Khan’s life he had lived at
Delhi as his father’s representative, and many stories, trivial in themselves
and not worth repetition here, are told of the affection shown to him by the
2 B

872 W. Irvine — The JBangash Nciwdbs of Farrulchdbdd. [No. 4,

Emperor Muhammad Shall from whom he obtained the title of “ Farzand
Bahadur.”

He was a very strict Sunni, said the prayers five times daily, observed
Friday, and every day wrote out a verse of the Kura’n. He is said to have
been a great protector of learned men. He was fond of sport of every kind,
and at Delhi had the Emperor’s permission to shoot in his private preserves.
He was also a perfect cavalier, and in those days no one equalled him in the
wielding of the lance. He had a riding horse named Pari (the Fairy)
famed even in the Dakhin. Mounted on it he used to hunt the Saras and
ride them down. Many other horsemen attempted it but not one succeed¬
ed. He was also clever in other ways. He could found cannon with his
own hands ; and he could make very good shoes. Thirty to forty years
ago shoes of a pattern invented by him called “ Kaim-khani” were much
worn in Mau and Kaimganj. He is said to have ruled over eighty-four
mahals, but their names are not given.

Once a Mahratta in the employ of Baji Rao came all the way from
Puna to try his skill at the lance with Kaim Khan. The Nawib gave him
a house at Amethi and entertained him for six months. In this interval
he made enquiries from Mau Pathans in service at Puna, who wrote
hack that the man was what he professed. A day was then fixed for
the tournament in despite of Mahmud Khan Bakhshi’s exhortations.
All the Pathans were ordered to he ready before sunrise at Shikarpur,
three or four miles north-west of the city, where in the bed of the Ganges
was an open space in which the troops were usually exercised. The
Nawab mounted his horse Pari, and taking the Mahratta with him rode
out to the plain. There they contended till full noon, but neither had
been touched. Now, the Mahratta had a handkerchief round his arm,
such as they usually tie above their other clothes. The Nawab decided
to try and loose this handkerchief with the point of his spear. He
touched it repeatedly, but being wet with perspiration the knot had
become extremely tight. After some hours, however, the Nawab suc¬
ceeded in untying it with his lance and carried it off on the point. The
Mahratta was offered presents which he refused, being a noble in his own
country, and he then took his departure for Puna.

Kaim Khan’s home was in the fort at Amethi, which he had built in
his father’s lifetime. It lay one mile south-east of the city within the
boundary of New Amethi, a small town founded by the Nawab, round which
there was a ditch and earthen rampart with bastions which can still be
traced in parts. The remains of the fort and its site were confiscated after
1857 for the rebellion of the then Nawab Rais, and being put up to auc¬
tion, were bought by ’Ali Muhammad, a native of Amethi, then tahsildar of
the city. He has used the bricks to build a house of a semi-English
fashion and he has planted the ground with fruit trees.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash, JSTawdbs of Farruklidbdd.

373

Kaim Khan, it was, who planted the large mango grove outside the
Kadiri gate, called the Lakhula Bagli from the number of trees (Lakh ==
100,000) . It lies within the bounds of Khanpur, Barhpur, Chandpur, Museni,
and Nekpur Kalan, and still covers some 158 acres. One of his last acts
before starting on the Rohilkhand campaign was to order Kamal Khan chela
to have the gateways of the Tirpolya Bazar and the bastions of the Kali
Burj, just beneath the fort, completed by the time he returned.

In his time on every birthday the fort used to be sumptuously adorn¬
ed. In the Baradari and Buland Mahal, canopies of Sultani broadcloth
embroidered in gold used to be set up. There were twelve hundred staves
or poles of gold and silver in his store-house. These were used when re¬
quired to support the broadcloth awnings. A cloth of gold curtain was
hung at the Kamani gate. No one’s horse, or palki or elephant was allow¬
ed to enter the fort ; all, however high in rank, dismounted at the gate.

He had four wives, besides concubines ; the wives were (1) Shah Begam,
his first wife, daughter of Kali Khan Bangash and nieee of Kasim Khan,
(2) Bibi Jowahir, a Pathan woman, (3) Khas Mahal, a Domni from
Chaloli close to Kaimganj, (4) Ma’tabar Mahal, a native of Delhi. He
left no issue.

No non-Moslem was allowed to touch his women’s ornaments ; no man
was ever employed to sew their clothes ; and no physician was ever permitted
to feel their pulse. The four wives all lived at the Amethi fort. They had
extensive jagirs in their own names. As they died off, this property passed
part to Sarfaraz Mahal, wife of Nawab Nasir Jang (1798 — 1813), part to
Nasrat Jang, younger son of Nasir Jang, and part to the ruling Nawab.

Whenever Shah Beg;am came from Amethi to visit her mother-in-law
at Farrukhabad the whole of the bazar was closed. The shopkeepers call¬
ed this “ Hartal” or “ Hat-tara,” from hat a shop and tar a a lock, that
is, they had to put locks on their shop doors. The conveyances were four-
wheeled bullock carriages, covered with broadcloth from top to bottom.
The Begam sat in the middle, and the slave girls round the edge. The
cover was tied on with silken cords, and the whole was then locked up. A
free woman of great age sat in front, and the driver was an old man. On
the road no word was spoken. The eunuchs on horseback cleared the way.
The bazar was closed for fear the Begams might overhear an unfit word.

They say Nawab Muhammad Khan had four chosen friends (1) Man-
gal Khan Musenagari, so named from his being a native of the town of
Musenagar on the Jamna, which was then within the Nawab’s territory, (2)
Ma ’zum Khan Daryabadi,# (3) Kliizr Khan Panni,f (4) Shuja’t Khan

* Daryabacl is 43 miles E. of Lakhnau.
t Panni is the name of a tribe of Pathans.

374

W. Irvine — The Rang ash Naivdbs of Farr uJchdbdil. [No. 4,

Ghilzai, Kadirganjwala.* On his death-bed Muhammad Khan said to his
son that he must look on these four as his true friends. If there was war
be should fight by the advice of Mangal Ivhan, who had been in every fight
from his childhood ; if an army had to be raised, he should do it through
Shuja’t Khan, a chief from Afghanistan ; if revenue had to be collected, he
should employ Khizr Khan Panni ; if a negotiator were required at the
imperial court, he should send Ma’zum Ivhan who had great experience there.
All four of these men were killed in the battle of Dauri when Kahn Khan
lost his own life.

We shall see how little heed was paid to these dying injunctions.
The new Nawab ajDpears to have placed himself entirely in the hands of
Mahmud Khan Afridi, a resident of Amethi, whom he appointed to be his
Bakhshi. His brothers and relations, Yusuf Khan, Mu’azzam Ivhan, ’Azam
Khan, Sa’dat Ivhan, and others had several thousands of Afridis under their
standard, and seem to have formed a powerful body in the state. Mahmud
Khan’s kettle-drums were beaten at Kanauj, and he had complete authori¬
ty over a territory paying a very large amount of revenue. He had one
son, Shadi Khan, who was thrown from his horse the fourth day after his
marriage ; his foot caught and he was dragged and killed. In 1839 the
arches of Mahmud Khan’s audience hall in Amethi were standing in a dila¬
pidated state. They are not in existence now, and the family seems to
have entirely disappeared.

RohiUchand a fairs.

Katahr or Rohilkhand had gradually come into possession of ’Ali Mu¬
hammad Khan Rohela, and he paid no revenue to the imperial exchequer.
Once Muhammad Shah sent his Diwan, Harnand, with an army to recover
’Ali Muhammad Khan’s country. He got as far as Bangarhf and opened
his batteries. ’Ali Muhammad Khan came out and defeated him, so that the
imperial army fled to Delhi. J Muhammad Shah was very angry and a second
time, after an interval, he prepared an army, which he put under Ivhwajah
Asli Sahib. He too opened batteries against Bangarh, to be repulsed like
Harnand with the loss of a number of men on the Imperial side.

A third time Muhammad Shah despatched all his forces under Ivamr-
ud-din Wazir. Now, Kamr-ud-din, who was a wary man, reflected that if
he went he should meet the same fate as the others, the same army having
already fled twice. He would be forced to flee or would get killed, in either

* Gaz. N. W. P. IY. 74, 151. Kadirganj is inparganah Nidhpur, Tahsil ’Ali-
ganj, Eta district, 32 miles N. E. of Eta. Shuja’t Khan was killed with Kaim Khan at
Dauri, as we shall see further on.

f In the Budaon district, 14 miles N. E. of Budaon. Misprinted Banff ash in
Elliot, VIII, 116 and 350.

% Life of H. ft. K., pp. 16 to 18.

1S78.] W. Irvine — The Ban gash Naivabs of Farruhhdbdd.

37 5

case his Wazarat would be gone. A defeated Wazir was always dismissed.
The Wazir therefore persuaded the Emperor to march in person to the
attack of Bangarh. Kaim Khan joined the imperial army with his troops.
This was in 1158 H. (Jan. 1745 — Jan. 1746.) #

For three stages the army came to the same river and drank its waters,
so the Emperor gave it the name of the “faithful friend” (Yar-i-wafadar) ;
it flows below Auseth. At length the army reached Bangarh and proceed¬
ed to invest it. Mirza Muklm ’Abd-ul- Mansur Khan Safdar Jang com¬
manded the vanguard. One night the Pathans made a night attack and
surprised Safdar Jang’s battery, many of his men being killed. The Rohe-
las returned in safety to Bangarh. Their fort was surrounded with such a
thick plantation of bamboos that a cannon ball could not penetrate it. The
firing went on for several days, till at last the Rohelas advised ’Ali Muham¬
mad Khan to make peace, for to him who fights his sovereign, his wife be¬
comes unlawful. ’Ali Muhammad Khan was to be introduced to the
presence through Safdar Jang, the negotiations being conducted by his
Diwan Naval Rae.

Ivaim Khan’s troops lay on Safdar Jang’s right hand. One day ’Ali
Muhammad Khan was on his way to Safdar Jang followed by twelve thou¬
sand mail-clad Pathans. As he passed his eye fell on Kaim Khan’s tents,
and he asked whose camp it was. They told him that it was Kaim Khan’s.
Then his principal men said, “ Why let the credit of the peace be gained by
“ this’ Mughal and his Diwan, Naval Rae, there is your clansman, Kaim
“ Khan, ask him to introduce you.” ’Ali Muhammad Khan agreed to the
proposal and went to Kaim Khan, who received him most cordially. When
Safdar Jang, who had been kept waiting, heard this he was much vexed,
and for the rest of his life he bore a grudge to Kaim Khan. Then Kaim
Khan tied ’Ali Muhammad Khan’s hands together with his own hand¬
kerchief, and took him to the presence, where his nazar was accepted. The
Emperor forgave him, invested him with a robe of honour, and appointed
him to the Subah of Sarhind, to the west of the Jamna. The Emperor
and all the nobles then returned to Delhi, f

In the year that Muhammad Shah died (1748) ’Ali Muhammad Khan
left Sarhind and came back to Katahr. He died shortly afterwards on the
3rd Shawwal 1161 H. (14th Sept. 1748), leaving three sons ’Abdullah
Khan, Faizullah Khan and Sa’dullah Khan.J

* Scott’s Farishta II, 218. The Life of H. R. K. p. 20, gives 1155 H. which would
he before the death of Muhammad Khan, although in the same passage Kaim Khan is
spoken of as the reigning Nawab. The Persian text mentions the 27th year, which fell
in 1157 and 1158 H.

f The author of the Iladikat-ul-Akdllm who was in Naval Rae’s army, confirms
the fact of ’Ali Muhammad Khan’s presentation through Kaim Khan.

1 Life of H. R. K. pp. 20 to 28.

37G

W. Irvine — The Bangash NciwTbs of Farrukhahdd. [No. 4,

Accession of Ahmad Shah.

Muhammad Shall died in 116 L H. and on the 2nd Jamadi I. of that
year (19th April 1748), was succeeded by his son Ahmad Shah. Soon after?
Safdar Jang was appointed wazir in place of ’Itimad-ud-daula, Kamr-ud-
din Khan, killed in the lighting against Ahmad Shah Durrani. Now Saf¬
dar Jang, who was a deadly enemy of the Bangash family, caused a far man
to be sent calling Kaim Khan to court. Kaim Khan in his reply told the
Emperor not to place reliance on Safdar Jang, who was his, Kaim Khan’s,
hereditary enemy. The Emperor and the Wazir were enraged. The Wazir
laid plans of revenge in consultation with Jawed Khan. Accordingly & fir¬
man was prepared telling Kaim Khan that an important work was confided
to him, that many of the Mahals of Bareli and Muradabad, recovered with
his aid in the late Emperor’s time, had again been usurped by Sa’dullah
Khan, son of ’Ali Muhammad Khan Bohela. This territory was therefore
made over to him, Kaim Khan, with orders to march and occupy it. This
far man was sent by a relation of the Wazir’ s, Slier Jang, son of Sayadat
Khan, the elder brother of the late Burhan-ul-Mulk Sa’dat Khan.# On
the 4th Shawwal 1161 H. (16th Sept. 1748), the messenger was within
one or two kos of Farrukhabad, and hearing of his approach Nawab Kaim
Khan caused a Bari to be erected near the Tdgah. Then he proceeded in
state to the spot surrounded by nobles on elephants. First the far man was
read, then making his obeisance, the Nawab put on the accompanying
dress of investiture. With kettle-drums beating he returned to the fort,
where the chief men, money-lenders, and officials presented gifts of money,
and offered their congratulations.

The principal leaders were then sent for to be consulted. Chief among
them was Mahmud Khan Afridi, the Bakhshi, with his brothers. These
all voted for immediate war, but the Nawab seems to have been reluctant to
attack his fellow Pathans. Shuja’t Khan Gfhilzai, who had formerly exchan¬
ged turbans with the late ’Ali Muhammad Khan Bohela, Yakut Khan
Khan Bahadur, Shamsher Khan, Mukim Khan, Islam Khan, Kama! Khan
and Sardar Khan, chelas, represented to the Nawab that the Rohelas were
not his enemies, and if some one was sent across the Ganges, Sa’dullah Khan
might be persuaded to attend. As a compromise Ma’zum Khan, brother of
Mahmud Khan Bakhshi, was despatched with a small retinue to Anwalahf
■with three robes of investiture for the three sons of ’Ali Muhammad Khan.
His orders were to invest them with the succession, but as usual to confis-

* For the name see ’ Amad-us-Sa1 dat, p. 44, line 15, where a doubt is suggested,
but the despatch of some far man is proved by the statements of Hisam-ud-din, an eye¬
witness.

t In the Bareli district, twenty-one miles S. W. of Bareli.

377

1878.] W. Irvine — The JBangash Naiodbs of Farruhhdbdcl.

cate to the Emperor’s use all the moveable property. If any difficulty was
made, the Nawab would march in person. It is suggested that the three
sons had, before Ma’zum Khan’s arrival, accepted investiture at the hand
of a messenger sent direct by the Wazir. However that may he, Ma’zum
Khan’s mission failed, and next day he set out for Farrukhabad.

When Ma’zum Khan reported his want of success, Mahmud Khan
declared that by the return of the Jchilats , a disgrace had been inflicted,
which could only be wiped out by an immediate march upon Anwalah. For
many days the matter was discussed with Shuja’t Khan Ghilzai and the
chelas. Shuja’t Khan still wished to avoid hostilities. But Mahmud
Khan, thirsting for territory and plunder, charged Shuja’t Khan with act¬
ing the go-between in favour of the other side ; alluding to the fact that
he and ’Ali Muhammad Khan had exchanged turbans.* Stung by this in¬
sult, Shuja’t Khan exclaimed, “ In the name of God the Great, the Com-
“ passionate, bring out the flag and I shall be the first in the fray.” That
day the coffers of the treasure were unsealed, the flag set up, and the artil¬
lery brought out.

Meanwhile orders had been issued offering service to noted leaders of
mercenaries and to neighbouring zamindars, such as Rajah Kusal Singh of
Ruru,f Rajah Hindu Singh of Chachendi, £ and the Rajah of Shiu-

* The “ Gulistan-i-Rahmat4’ tells us that after ’Ali Muhammad Khan was cap¬
tured and taken to Delhi, Hafiz Rahmat Khan and his relations for six months sought
a shelter with Shuja’t Khan Ghilzai at Kadirganj.

f Ruru, in parganah Bidhuna, lies some thirty miles east of the town of Etawah
(Gaz. IV. 469). It was the chief place of a taluka belonging to a family of Sengar
Thakurs, whose head has always borne the title of Rajah (id. IV. 299). The story goes
that when Kusal Singh reached home, his mother asked him for news of the battle-field,
and out of affection, began to shampoo him. When he told her that “ Bhai Kaim
(brother Kaim) was slain,” she exclaimed that he was no son of hers, and could never
have been in the fight. When the Rajah had bathed, he went to the cooking-place to
eat his food. Then the Rani called to the slave girl Ai cheri , habardar rasoi men
lohd na jdn paive , Rajah lohd se bahut darat hai. The story concludes dramatically
by saying the Rajah then and there committed suicide, by swallowing the diamond out
of his ring. But the sober truth seems to be that he lived for many years, and died
about 1786 A. D. (Gaz. IV. 299).

J Chachendi (or Sachendi) lies in parganah Jajmau of the Cawnpur district, four¬
teen miles south-west of Cawnpur, on the Kalpi road. From a manuscript kindly
lent me by Mr. F. N. Wright, C. S. (through the good offices of Mr. Atkinson, C. S.)
I learn that Hindu Singh, son of Har Singh Deo, son of Kharakjit Deo, was a Chan-
del Thakur of Bihari on the banks of the Ganges. After a quarrel with Rajah Indar-
jit of Shiurajpur, he left his home, and took service with the Rao of Sapihi in parganah
Jajmau, a minor branch of the Shiurajpur house. After a time Hindu Singh set up on
his own account, raised an army, built forts at Bihnor and Chachendi, and having ac¬
quired a large territory took the title of Rajah. He was contemporary with Rajahs
Mandhata and Hindiipat of Shiurajpur.

378 W. Irvine — The Than gash TTawdbs of hFarruIchabdd. [No. 4,

ajpur,* * * § In answer to the appeal they joined Kaim Khan with some twenty
thousand men. Several Mahratta leaders, then Nazims of Kalpi, were also
entertained and brought to Farrukhabad by Ja’far Khan, chela, Nazim of
parganah Akbarpur.f Sheikh Farhatullah of Lakhnau, out of enmity to
Sa’dat Khan and Safdar Jang, also joined with his force.

The Rohelas were much dismayed at the prospect of attack. To
avert it if possible, they drew up a petition and sent it with the veil of ’ Ali
Muhammad Khan’s widow by the hand of Sayvad Ma’sum.J Their peti¬
tion was to this effect : “ When the father of this orphan, i. e ., Sa’dullah
“ Khan, died, he relied on none but God and yon ; if you wish to take
“ this territory, be it so ; send here Shuja’t Khan and Shamsher Khan
“ and Khan Bahadur, we will accompany them to your presence ; in exchange
“ for our father’s lands, we will conquer by our swords some of the country
“ held by Safdar Jang further to the east.” When the holy man came be¬
fore the Nawab in open darbar, he threw down the wrapper of Sa’dullah
Khan’s mother at the Nawab’s feet. Then he held aloft a Kura’n and said,
“ 0 Nawab ! head of this clan, by this holy book, by regard for this helpless
u faqir, and the unprotected owner of this veil, I adjure you to have mercy
“ on this race and slay not the defenceless, for the Book says £ Peace is a
“ good work both to saints and the Prophet’, accept then my prayer.”

Having heard the Sayyad’s words, the Nawab turned towards Mahmud
Khan Bakhshi, and to him confided the whole discussion. This man at
heart wished nought but harm and dissension. He replied ££ You are a
££ Sayyad and a Pirzada, what know you of worldly affairs, why do you in¬
terfere?” Several remarks to the same effect having passed, the Sayyad
saw that no favourable impression had been produced. Repeating the de¬
nunciations of God and his prophet against the proud-minded, he told all
those then present that the displeasure of God and the Prophet would fall
upon them. He then took his way back to the town of Anwalah, where he
reported to the Rohelas and warned them to prepare at once for war. Ac¬
cordingly, the Rohela leaders at the head of some twenty-five thousand men§
set up their tents in the groves near Dauri Rasulpur, not far from the town
of Budaon, and there prayed night and day to God.

* On the Grand Trunk Road in the Cawnpur district, some twenty-one miles north
west of Cawnpur. I supposed this Ganga Singh to he the same as the one mentioned
with the other Rajahs afterwards, hut he does not appear in Mr. Wright’s MS. list.
The Shiurajpur Rajahs were Chandels, and the Raj was founded by Shiu Raj Deo,
who is said to have migrated from Ivanauj about 1336 A. D.

f Now in the Cawnpur district.

X The Life of H. R. K. says Sayyad Ahmad, alias Shahji Miyan, was sent, and the
* Amad-us-Sa’ dat, p. 44, tells us he was Sayyad Ma’zum’s father.

§ ’ Anidd-us-Sa' dat, p. 45, says 40,000 foot and 7000 horse.

1878.]

W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad.

379

Kaim Khan and Mahmud Khan Bakhshi now determined to march.
They had fifty thousand horse and foot paid direct by the State, besides
the contingents of two hundred brothers, dependents and chiefs of the
Bangash clan, all provided with elephants, and each vieing with the other in
the completeness of his preparations. These served at their own expense.
There were further the contingents of the Bajahs already mentioned.
Nawab Ahmad Khan, too, who on account of differences with his elder
brother caused by Mahmud Khan Bukhshi, had lived for two years at Delhi,
hearing of the intended campaign, took leave of the Emperor on some pre¬
text, and by rapid marches joined his brother’s army. There were two hun¬
dred large cannon, besides swivel guns, and chadar , and camel-guns attached
to the howdahs of the elephants, as used by Europeans,* with abundance of
lead and powder.

The army marched on the 2nd Zi’l Hajj 1161, f (12th Nov. 1748), and
by stages reached the Ganges at Kadirganj, about forty-three miles north¬
west of Farrukhabad, where it crossed by a bridge of boats into the Budaon
district. Shamsher Khan and Khan Bahadur were sent on in advance, and
cutting a way quickly past Auseth and other villages, they prepared the
Nawab’s encampment at the edge of the water. Daily skirmishing parties,
armed with bows and arrows or muskets, were sent out from the Nawab’s
army. Meanwhile the angel of death had visited the camp of Kaim Khan,
fear and destruction never left it, all whether old or young were depressed
and agitated. The whole of the night of the 11th Zi’l Hajj (21st November
1748) they wore out on their prayer-carpets interceding for a favourable
answer to their prayers.

On the other side the Rohelas, having given up all hope of escape, had
begun to form an entrenchment round their camp, close to the village of

* Or u under charge of a European,” MatcC na-i-farangi.

f There seems some conflict as to the correct year of Kaim Khan’s death. In the
MS. of Hisam-ud-din, the 3rd year (1163-4 H.) has been written first, then crossed
out, and the figure 1 substituted. His poetical tarfkhs yield 1161, 1162, and 1163, H.
The only other contemporary authority I know for 1162 H. is the Tabsirat-im-Ndzi -
rin , from which probably the author of the Miftdh , p. 497, copied that year. The
Fatehgarh Nama , a modem work has the same year. On the other hand, the Khizdna
* Amir ah, the Siyar ’ ul- Mutd kharin and the TdHJch-i-MuzaJfari all agree in naming
Ahmad Shah’s first year (1161 H.) The Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Wali-ullah,
the Lauh-i- Tarilch, and Dow, all follow the above and fix the year 1161 H. The
Ma’asir-ul- JJmra , without naming the year, leads one to infer that it was 1161 H., while
the Akhbar-i-Muhabbat in one place has 1161 H. and in another 1163 H. The year
1163 H. cannot be admitted, as then the date of Naval Rae’s death, which is not dis¬
puted, would fall before instead of after Kaim Khan’s death. I would decide in favour
of 1161 H. as having the most evidence in its favour. The date I make out to be the
12th Zi’l Hajj, though some books give the 10th, and some the loth of that month.

2 c

380

W. Irvine — The Bang ash Ndwdhs of FarruJchdbad. [No. 4,

Dauri Rasulpur, four miles south-east of the town of Budaon. On the
morning of Monday the 12th Zi’l Hajj * (22nd Nov. 1748), Kaim Khan
gave the order for battle. Putting on his war attire, he rode out on his
elephant followed by fifteen of his brothers,! and the principal leaders and
relations of Mahmud Khan Bakhshi, namely, Ma’zum Khan, ’Azim Khan,
Yusuf Khan, Sa’dat Khan, S ala bat Khan, Ahmad Khan and other§, besides
the friendly Rajahs.

The chelas, Shamsher Khan, Mukim Khan, Islam Khan, Ja’far Khan,
Rustam Khan, Kama! Khan, Khan Bahadur Khan, were sent on as an ad¬
vanced guard. They advanced rapidly towards the grove of mango trees
where were posted the Rohela leaders, ITafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan,
Path Khan, and others. Shamsher Khan made his attack at the south
corner of the hdgh, and putting its defenders to the sword captured their
guns. Some of the Rohelas, who had climbed the trees unperceived by
the other side, suddenly poured down arrows and balls like as if the heavens
had fallen to the earth. Several of the bullets struck the chain armour of
Khan Bahadur Khan, and an arrow grazed Shamsher Khan upon the fore¬
head. Many of the men were killed. After this Kaim Khan and the lead¬
ing men arrived with their elephants to re-inforce the first attack. A dis¬
charge of arrows and musketry was delivered, and then their men drawing
their swords put many of the Rohelas to death.

At the very moment of the contest at the south corner, Ma’zum Khan,
brother of Mahmud Khan, Manavvar Khan, and Namdar Khan, brother of
Tzzat Khan, advanced against Sa’dullah Khan, who was in position at the
north corner of the same lagh. They fought their way close up to Sa’d¬
ullah Khan. Manavvar Khan had in his hand an iron mace (gurz). He had
raised it to fell Sa’dullah Khan, when Ma’zum Khan cried out “ Brother,
take him alive,” and at the same time drove his own elephant forward, in¬
tending to throw his cloth ( chadar ), made into a noose, over Sa’dullah Khan’s
head, thus dragging him from the one elephant on to the other. Sa’dullah
Khan crouched down in his hoivclah, and the noose missed him. Just at
this moment Mulla Sardar Khan Bakhshi with some horsemen and match-
lockmen rushed up from his battery, which was to the south of the bagh ,
and the whole of the Bangash leaders and their elephants came under fire.
Ma’zum Khan, ’Azim Khan, Sabbat Khan, Jalal Khan and other Afridi
leaders were killed.

* Wali-ullah and the Siyar-ul-Muta>Jcharin give the date, loth Zi’l Hajj.

t The brothers with their number in the list of Muhammad Khan’s sons (p. 350-
352) were Ahmad Khan, No. 2, ’Abd-un-nabi Khan, No. 6, Husain Khan, No. 7, Fakhr-
uddin Khan, No. 8, Murtazza Khan, No. 4, Imam Khan, No. 11, Bahadur Khan, No. 15,
Hadidad Khan, No. 14, Isma’il Khan, No. 9, Karim-dad Khan, No. 10, Ivhuda-bandah
Khan, No. 12, Shadi Khan, No. 16, Mansur ’Ali Khan, No. 13, Manavvar Khan, No. 18.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrnlchdbdd.

381

On seeing this, Mahmud Khan Bakhshi drove his elephant forward,
and was soon afterwards shot dead. Then Nawab Kaim Khan ordered his
brother, ’Abd-un-nabi Khan, to advance in support. ’Abd-un-nabi Khan and
Shah Asad ’Ali# were seated on one elej^hant. The former was killed and-
the latter wounded above the elbow. One after another, the sons of Muham¬
mad Khan advanced by Kaim Khan’s order and were shot down. Those
killed were ’Abd-un-nabi Khan, Hadidad Khan, Bahadur Khan, Murid Khan ;
while those wounded were Imam Khan, Fakhr-ud-din Khan and Murtazza
Khan. Those sons of an Amir in bravery and courage did not belie their
race ; but “ against the foreordained what avails, failure and success are
“ alike in the hand of God.”

Three accountsf attribute the Nawab’s death to an ambuscade, an in¬
cident omitted by others. J Some such accident is almost required to
account for the immense slaughter of leaders. It is related thus. Mangal
Khan Musenagari had counselled Kaim Khan not to advance too far, before
the fate of the day was decided. His advice was disregarded. Now be¬
tween the two armies lay a hollow, long, wide and deep, like the ditch of a
fort, called in the Hindi tongue Bihcir§. Close to the edge of this hol¬
low were high bajra crops. The Rohelas had three thousand men on one
side with muskets ready loaded, and five thousand on the other hidden in
the high crop along the edge of the ravine. Kaim Khan in his pride charg¬
ed at the enemy, the Rohelas gave way and threw themselves into the hol¬
low. Kaim Khan with sixteen thousand veterans and fifty-one chiefs on
elephants descended into the hollow in pursuit of the fugitives. As these
were on foot, they could scramble up the high bank on the other side, and
thus made good their escape. Nawab Kaim Khan had only got half way
across the low land, when suddenly the Rohelas in ambush rushed up to
the edge, and eight thousand matchlocks were fired down in one volley.

At the critical moment of the attack, Rajahs Hindu Singh and Ganga
Singh and Kusal Singh, who were on Kaim Khan’s right, turned for flight.
Their bad example was imitated by the Mahrattas from Kalpi. Seeing
this, the other Rohelas, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Honde Khan, Fath Khan and
others, came out of the bdgh , joined Mulla Sardar Khan, and with their
united forces turned against Nawab Kaim Khan. Those of his companions,
who were still unhurt, gathered round his elephant. The enemy maintain¬
ed their fire, but attempted no hand-to-hand encounter. When most of
those round the Nawab had been slain, the Rohelas surrounded his elephant
and pointed their matchlocks upwards to shoot at him. Shekh Farhafc-
ullah of Lakhnau, who was on the right hand, brought his elephant closer

* Died 7th Safar 1184 H. (2nd June 1770).

f The Siyar-ul-Muta’ Jcharin, the ’ Amdd-us-Sa* dat, and the Lauh-i- Tdrilch .

% Life of H. R. K. and Shah Hisam-ud-din,

§ Uneven land, full of ravines.

382

W. Irvine — The Bangash JToivcibs of Fa rru/ch abaci. [No. 4,

up ; but at that moment he was carried off by a musket shot. Shortly
afterwards, at about one and a half hours after sunrise, a ball struck Kaim
Khan on the forehead and he fell dead. Dilawar Khan Narkasse,* who
was seated in the Nawab’ s howdah , received him in his arms and wiped oft
the blood. An attempt was made to carry off the body, but the ltohelas
pursued and coming up with the elephants cut off the head of the Nawab.
Others who lost their lives in this battle were Mangal Khan Musenagari,
Ma’zum Khan Daryabadi, Khizr Khan Panni, Khan Bahadur Khan Khwa-
ja Sarae, Rustam Khan and Kamal Khan, chelas, and Roshan Imam, son of
Miyan Fazl Imam. Khan Bahadur Khan was buried at ’Aliganj, the popu¬
lar tradition asserting that his elephant carried his body there from the
field of battle.

D uring the battle Shuja’t Khan Ghilzai, who had come there from a
sense of duty though against his own inclination, had stood alone on one
side. When he was told that Kaim Khan was dead, he wept and exclaimed,
*• Shall such a leader be slain, and I go back alive to appear before the Bibi
“ Sahiba ; to do so would be more than I can bear.” He went towards the
leaders of the enemy’s army, intending to give himself up. When he came
near to Hafiz Rahmat Khan, the men about him said, “ May your mouth be
filled with dust.” But Hafiz Rahmat Khan, who had got down from his ele¬
phant, said, “ Send for a pdl/ei, meanwhile will you get down ?’* Diwan Man
Rae, who was standing close by, said in Pushtu, f “ Wise men do not kill
the scorpion and leave his brood ” During this conversation one of the
Rohelas rode up with his matchlock across his shoulder. He fired it at
Shuja’t Khan and shot him through the breast.

After the death of the Nawab the rest of the leaders, some wounded
and some scatheless, took to flight. They were Nawab Ahmad Khan, who
was wounded, his son Mahmud Khan, Husain Khan, Fakhr-ud-din Khan,
Isma’il Khan, Imam Khan, Karim-dad Khan, brothers of Kaim Khan, and
the chelas, Shamsher Khan, Mukim Khan, Islam Khan. They fled though
no one cut off their retreat nor was any man pursuing them. After being
much scattered and after much molestation from the zamindars of that
part, they re-assembled near the banks of the Ganges. At first a bridge of
boats was thrown across, but Nawab Ahmad Khan and the others caused it
to be broken up. Then driving their elephants into the river they forded
it, while the horsemen and infantry, stripping to their waist-cloths, threw
themselves into the water and swam across. Out of shame they all slunk
into the city and sought their homes by bye-ways. When it was noised
abroad that Nawab Kaim Khan was slain and his army defeated, there

* A bagh just outside the Kadiri gate of Farrukhabad is called after this man Rani
Bagh Narkasse.

t An unlikely language for a Hindu to know, but thus in Hisam-ud-din’s MS.

1878.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawabs of Farrukhdbad.

3S3

arose weeping and wailing in every lane and in every house. Not a house¬
hold was left untouched by this sorrowful event, and the fate of thousands
was never traced. Many had been wounded and taken prisoners, many were
found dead on the field Of these latter, those that were recognized were
carried away and interred in the graveyards.

The body of the slain Nawab, clad in rich garments and followed by
holy men and mourners, was despatched from the battle-field to Farruk ha-
bad.* The next day but one, three headless corpses were laid at the feet of
the Bibi Sahiba. Kaim Khan was identified by a lily mark on his foot. It
is a coloured mark on the sole of the foot, and he who has it is destined to
bear rule. The Bibi Sahiba after her lamentations were over, took the body
of her son, and wrapping it in the clothes he wore when slain, carried it out
to the Haiyat Bagh for burial at the side of his venerable father.

The following chronograms give the year of Kaim Khan’s death :

I. — Kdim-i-bihisht shud (1162).

“ He stood firm in paradise.”

II. — Kanjashf ba-bdz hard shikar (1163).

“ The sparrow pursues the hawk.”

III. — Pah be-bad shahid Kaim Khan (LI 62) .

After the victory the Rohelas felt as if they had been raised from the
dead, and they offered up a thousand prayers and thanks to God. Then
with drums beating a triumphal march, they returned to their capital of
Anwalah ; and parties were sent out to overrun and occupy the Farrukhabad
parganahs on the north or left bank of the Ganges. These consisted at
that time of ten mahals : 1, Budaon, 2, Auseth, 3, Jalalabad, 4, Mihrabad
5, Ausaya, 6, Aujhani, 7, Khakatmau-Dahlya, and three others not named
(two of them probably 8, Amritpur-Islamganj and 9, Paramnagar, and
the third perhaps 10, Sahaswan). The Rohelas advanced as far as Kha-
katmau, opposite Farrakhabad, where they first met with resistance. A
chela who was ’Amil of the place showed a strong front and kept up a
vigorous musketry fire at the enemy, many of whom were killed. He would
not abandon his parganah, and the Rohelas thinking there was no need to
entangle themselves in brambles, left the place and marched back. All the
rest of the Trans-Ganges country was thus lost permanently to the Far¬
rukhabad Nawabs. Only Amritpur, Khakatmau and Paramnagar were pre¬
served through the courage of this nameless chela. f

(To be continued.)

* The Gulistdn-i-Rahniat describes in some detail the finding of the body ; but
the Kadikat-ul-AIcdKm says it was never found. Reports spread of Kaim Jang-’s being
still alive, and Shekh Allahyar once saw a man who obtained notoriety for several
years by giving himself out to be Kaim Jang.

t The battle of Dauri will be found in ‘‘ Siyar-ul-Muta’ Jcharin, III. 874, “ ’Amad-
us Sa'dat ,” p. 44, line 15 to p. 45, line 17, “ Kliizana Amira” (Lucknow edition) p. 80
and “ Life of H. R. K.” pp. 29 — 32. I follow Hisam ud-din almost entirely.

381

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Bala

[No. 4,

On the Pula and the Sena lid j as of Bengal. — By Rajekdeala'la

Mitea, LL. D., C. I. E.

The Society has lately received from Mr. Smith of Bhagalpur a copper¬
plate of one of the Pala Kings of Bengal. It measures 155' x 12*7* inches,
and has a scalloped top 6 inches high and 6*5 long at the base. The centre
of the top is enclosed in a circle, 3 inches in diameter, and around it is a
band of lotus petals. The legend in the centre is a wheel mounted on a
stand, and supported by a deer rampant on each side — a well-known Bud¬
dhist symbol. Below this is the name of Narayana-pala Deva, and below
that a sprig formed of a flower and two leaves. The front of the plate is
surrounded by a border line, but on the reverse this does not occur.
The inscription in front extends to 29 lines, of which the first four are
broken in the middle by the base of the scalloped top, which covers the
plate to the depth of 2 inches. On the reverse there are 25 lines of in¬
scription. The plate is thick, and in a fair state of preservation. The
letters are of the Kutila type. See plates XXII and XXIII.

The record opens with a stanza in praise of Go-pala, who was a devout
Buddhist, and a follower of Sugata. His son and immediate successor was
Dharma-pala. The latter had a brother named Vak-pala, who lived under his
sway. On his death Deva-pala the eldest son of his brother succeeded him.
Vak-pala had a second son named Jaya-pala, who is said to have brought
Orissa and Allahabad under his brother’s government. On the death of Deva-
pala, Vigraha-pala, the son of Jaya-pala, came to the throne. Vigraha-pala
married Lajja of the Haihaya race, and had by her a son, named Naray¬
ana-pala. The last, as the reigning sovereign, is spoken of in the highest
terms of praise ; but the only noticeable work of his described in the record
is a bridge of boats across the Ganges near Mungher. In the 17th year of
his reign, on the 9th of Vaisakha, when this prince was encamped near Mud-
gagiri, modern Mungher, he presented the village of Mukatika for the support
of S'iva Bhattaraka and his followers. The donee appears to have been a
Hindu, and the gift was made with a view to assist him in offering cliaru
and ball to a divinity named Sahasraksha, and also for the dispensation of
medicines to the sick, and food and shelter to the indigent. The record was
composed by Bhatta Gurava, the minister who erected the Budal pillar, and
engraved by Meghadasa, son of Subhadasa. The genealogical table deducible
from this record may be thus arranged :

1878.]

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.
I. Go-pala

385

II. Dharma-pala - Yak-pala

III. Deva-pala - Jaya-pala

i

IY. Vigraha-pala
Y. Narayana-pala.

The genealogy here given is apparently not in accord with what has
been hitherto known to be the family tree of the Palas, and, in order to
elucidate the history of the Palas, it is necessary to advert to certain records,
already published, relating to some of the sovereigns of - the family.
General Cunningham, in his Archaeological Survey .Reports, Yol. Ill, has
already noticed them at length ; but some of the facts contained in them
require to be further discussed.

The first inscription brought to the notice of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal was a copper-plate grant of one of the Pala Rajas of Bengal. It
had been discovered among some ruins at Mungher, and translated by Sir
Charles Wilkins, in 1781, three years before the foundation of the Society.
The translation was published in the first volume of the ‘ Asiatic Researches,’
(pp. 122, et seq.,) but without any facsimile or transcript of the original.
The original is lost, and so many doubtful points in it cannot now be
solved. It opens with the name of Go-pala, a pious king, who acted accord¬
ing to what is written in the S'astra, and obliged the different sects to con¬
form to their proper tenets. His religion is not mentioned ; but he was
evidently a Buddhist, for the document begins with a comparison between
him and Sugata Buddha, the allusion to the S'astra being intended either
to imply his tolerant character, or to the scriptures of the Buddhists. His
son, Dharma-pala, seems to have died while engaged in a marauding excur¬
sion towards the Himalaya. The circumstance is explained by his pane¬
gyrist in the following manner : “ He went to extirpate the wicked and
plant the good, and happily his salvation was effected at the same time,
for his servants visited Kedar, and drank milk according to the law, and
they offered up their vows where the Ganges joins the ocean, and at Gokar-
na and other places.” It is scarcely likely that the king had ever exercised
any power in those places. His accomplished wife, Kanna Devi, bore him
a son, Prince Deva-pala, who succeeded his father in the kingdom “ even
as Bodhisattva succeeded Sugata.” His name occurs as “ the lord of the
land” in a Buddhist inscription found in a mound near Pesserawa in Behar.#

* Journal, As. Soc. XVII, p. 493.

386

[No. 4,

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Tala

His conquests, according to the chronicler, extended from the source of
the Ganges to Adam’s bridge, including the Vindhya and Kamboja coun¬
tries ; but probably it did not in reality stretch much beyond the Vindhy-
an range. The conquest of Kamboja evidently had no firmer basis than
the imagination of the poet. When encamped at Mudgagiri, modern Mun-
gher, this prince, on the 21st day of Margasirsa, (November — December,)
in the 33rd year of his reign, bestowed the town of Misika in Krimila, a
department of STinagara, modern Patna, to one Bodha Bhikshurata Misra.
The imprecations against the resumption of the grant are given in the
usual Puranic style.

Soon after, a second monument of that dynasty was found at Budal
in Dinajpur, and also translated by Sir Charles Wilkins. It was a record
inscribed on a stone pillar, by order of a minister of one of the Pala Rajas.
As in the last- case so in this the translation was published in the ‘ Research¬
es,’ (Yol. I, pp. 131 et seq .,) without any text. But a plate was added,
giving a front and a side view of the pillar and a specimen of the character
of the inscription. Sir William Jones was not satisfied with either of the
translations, and appended to them some explanatory notes. A revised
transcript and translation of the last, however, has since been published by
Babu Pratapachandra Ghosha,# and all doubts regarding the original have
now been removed. This inscription was put up by a minister of Narayana-
pala who recorded the merits of his ancestors, who seem to have been all
officers of the Pala family Trusting to the wisdom of one of them, the
chronicler states, “ The king of Gauda for a long time enjoyed the country
of the eradicated race of Utkala (Orissa), of the Hunnas of humbled pride,
of the kings of Dravida and Gurjara, whose glory was reduced, and the
universal sea-girt throne.” Babu Pratapachandra Ghosha has thus sum¬
marised the historical results of this record.

I. Sandilya.

II. Viradeva.

III. Panchala.

IV. Garga, married Ichchha.

Y. Sri Darbhapani, minister of Deva-pala, married Sarkara.

YI. Somes vara Misra, married Tarala.

VII. Kedarnatha Misra, married Badhva of Devagrama, Sura-pala,
contemporary.

VIII. Gurava Misra, minister of Narayana-pala.

The third record was found at Sarnath, near Banaras. 'It was inscribed
on a stone, and a facsimile transcript and a translation of it were publish¬
ed in the fifth volume of the ‘ Asiatic Researches ’ It contained the

* Ante XLIII, pt. I. pp. 356f.

1878.]

SS7

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

names of four members of the dynasty nnder notice, viz., Mahi-pala, Sthira-
pala, Vasanta-pala, and Kumara-pala ; but the record was throughout so
corrupt, and the reading so manifestly incorrect, that no reliance whatever
could be placed on it for purposes of historical deduction. The stone was
not forthcoming early in this century ; but General Cunningham pointed out
to Major Kittoe, the probability that the original stone would be found
somewhere about the tank of Diwan Jagat Sinha in the city of Benares,
which was constructed entirely of stones removed from Sarnath. After a
short search the latter found it. “ The inscription was recorded”, says
General Cunningham, “ on the base of a squatted figure of Buddha, which
was broken at the waist. Kittoe sent me a tracing of his sketch of the
statue, and a copy of the inscription, with transcript in modern Nagari.
This differs very much from Wilford’s version, as will be seen in the
following translation.”

“ Adoration to Buddha. Having worshipped the lotus foot of Sri
Dhama-rasi, sprung from the lake of Varanasi, and having for its moss the
hairs of prostrate kings, the fortunate Mahi-pala, King of Gauda, caused to
be built in Kasi hundreds of monuments, such as Tsana and Chitraglianta.

“ The fortunate Sthira-pala and his younger brother, the fortunate
Vasanta-pala, have renewed religion completely in all its parts, and have
raised a tower (saila) with an inner chamber (garbha-kuti) , aud eight large
niches. Samvat 1083, the 11th day of Pausha.”*

The learned antiquarian does not mention where the stone now is, nor
the name of the person who translated the record. He has also not given a
facsimile or transcript of it. Under the circumstances no critical enquiry
can be made as to the correctness of the reading and the translation. This
is much to be regretted, as the document is the only one which has a really
intelligible and useful date in it.

It is to be regretted also that the next record to which I have to refer,
a copper-plate inscription found at Amgachhi in Dinajpur, appears also to
be defective. Colebrooke, who translated it, published only an abstract.
According to Colebrooke’s abstract the first prince mentioned in it is
Loka-pala, and after him, Dharma-pala. The next name has not been
deciphered, but the following one is Jaya-pala, succeeded by Deva-pala ;
two or three subsequent names are yet undeciphered ; then follow Baja-
pala, — Pala I)eva, and Vigraha-pala, and subsequently Mahi-pala Deva,
Naya-pala and Vigraha-pala. The date appears to be of the last king’s
reign, the 9th day of Chaitra (March — April), Samvat 12.

The next record, in order of discovery, was found by Captain Marshall
in 1864, but not published in any form. Mr. Broadley noticed it in 1872.

It was found inscribed on the jamb of the entrance to the Nalanda temple.

It occurs at the foot of an ornamental scroll, and measures 8 inches by 5.

* Arch. Survey Report III, p. 121.

2 D

388

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Pal a

[No. 4,

Its language is Sanskrit, and its extent 12 lines, of which the second breaks
off in the middle after the word Samvat, and the third begins so as to leave
some space at the beginning. This was done probably with a view to leave
room enough for the date in figures or words ; but they were never put in.
The jamb being made of hard basalt, and having been placed on the door
side, deep behind a bToad portico or veranda, suffered not at all from the
influence of the weather when in situ ; and, since the destruction of the
temple, having remained buried under a large mass of rubbish, between 20
and 30 feet deep, looks as fresh as when it was first turned out of the
sculptor’s atillier.

The subject of the record is a donation to the temple, but the nature
of the gift is not apparent. The words used for the purpose are deya
dharmoyam “ this is a religious gift,” and the pronoun therefore may apply
to the stone on which it occurs, or to the gate of which the stone forms a
part, or to the portico, or to the entire temple. The words, however, are
generally used as a formula for expressing a gift, and the gift might be
other than the substance on which they occur. Looking to the nature of
the temple, — a brick structure cemented with clay and plastered with stucco,
which had undergone several repairs, the plastering in many places being
not in keeping with the mouldings formed of bricks, and the door- ways, apart
from the stone-facings, being perfect and bearing marks of plastering
under the stones — there is no doubt now that the temple existed from
long before the time of the Pala Kings of Bengal, and the formula there¬
fore does not apply to it. General Cunningham takes the temple to date from
the 1st century B. C. The donor was one Baladitya, a native of Kausambi
in the Doab of the Ganges, the son of Gurudatta, and grandson of Hara-
datta. He was a Buddhist by religion, a follower of the Mahay ana school,
and a devout worshipper. He belonged to a clan of oil-sellers named Taila-
dhaka. He had no pretension to royalty, but in religion, whether Hindu
or Buddhist, it was not necessary for a devout person to have high social
position, to make a religious gift in an ancient public temple. He claims
no merit to himself for the gift, but desires that the fruit of it may
promote “ the advancement of the highest (religious) knowledge among
the mass of mankind.”*

When I first read the inscription from a facsimile, I was disposed to take
the date of this inscription to be the Samvat year 913 = A. I). 856. I made
out the figures from three symbolical words : the first — agni, “ fire,” being
equal to 3, the second rdgha , “ power,” = to 1 ; and the third dvara, ‘ door’
= 9. This would be equal to 319 ; but the practice invariably followed in
explaining symbolical figures is to transpose them according to the well-
known rule, anhasya vamd gait, “ figures run to the left,” and I had no

* Ante XLI, pt. I, p. 310.

1S78.]

389

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

hesitation, therefore, in adopting it, particularly as the character of the
writing, the Kutila, which had a range of between four or five centuries
from the 8th to the 12th, fully justified my course. The symbolical mean¬
ings of the first and the last words are well known and undoubted. The
second, however, was not in common use, at least I had never found it used
in that sense. Its first letter ra was unmistakable, but the second could be
a compound of d and ya, which would produce adya or one, the r being taken
for the visarga after agni. This would lead to the same result. Inasmuch
however as the first word cannot take the nominative case-mark in the
midst of a compound term, I preferred the reading adopted. Soon after
communicating my translation to Mr. Broadley I paid a visit to Behar, and,
on examining the stone, I found the second letter to be clearly a dh, and
the word rddha being equivalent to the Hindu month Vaisakha (April — May),
I came to the conclusion that the first two words meant the 3rd of Vaisakha,
the subsequent word dvara tate meaning “spread on the door”, i. e ., the gift
whatever it was given at the gate.# This explanation left the figures of the
Sam vat unprovided, but the blank space after the word Samvat I supposed was
the locale of the figures or symbolical words which were never engraved. Pro¬
fessor Eama Krishna Gopal Bhandarkar of Bombay, to whom a facsimile
had been communicated by Mr. Broadley, took the two upright strokes after
the word Samvat to be equal to ll.f I could not, however, subscribe to
this opinion. In the Kutila character the figure for 1 is not an upright
stroke, and there was no reason to suppose that a departure had been made
in this case. The blank spaces after the word at the end of the first line and
at the beginning of the second line would under the supposition also be
unaccountable. In Sanskrit inscriptions and MSS. it is not usual to break
the matter into paragraphs, and the blank spaces cannot but imply a
deliberate act intended for something to be put in afterwards, the matter
not being ready at hand at the time of the incision.

Mr. Broadley found an inscription of Go-pala at the same place, two of
Madana-pala and Vigraha-pala respectively at Behar ; three of Mahi-pala,
and one each of Itama-pala and Deva-pala at Ghosrawan and Titrawan.
The Ghosrawan inscription was first noticed by Major Kittoe. J

With a view to complete the summary of the references to the history
of the Pala Kings, it is necessary further to refer to the list of the Palas
given in the Ain-i-Akbari (vol. I, p. 413) and in Taranath’s work. They
have been entirely superseded by the inscriptions, but they afford curious
illustrations of the changes which had been effected by the traditions
current in the time of Abul Fazl. Abul Fazl’s list has been reproduced in
Pere Tieffenthaler’s work.

The Genealogical lists derived from these several sources may be thus
tabulated :

* Ante, XLI, pt. I., p. 310.

f Loc. cit.

1 Ante XLV.

The IP ala Kings of Bengal and Bchar .

390

Rajendral&la Mitra — On the Bala

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[No. 4,

1878.]

and the Sena Bdjds of Bengal.

391

It is obvious that the several authorities quoted above all refer to the
same dynasty, and the question therefore arises — how to reconcile their dis¬
crepancies P The list of the Ain-i-Akbari and that of Taranath, may be
left out of consideration, as they are founded upon tradition, and, in dealing
with long lists of names, tradition is always open to mistakes. But the case
is different with patents issued during the lifetime of the grantors, and
which, from that circumstance, are naturally expected to be accurate in so
important a matter as the names of the immediate ancestors of royal per¬
sonages. Discrepancies in such cases cannot easily be explained away, and
in the present instance the difficulty has been greatly enhanced by some of
the patents available being imperfect and mutilated. It is the farthest
from my wish to cast any reflection on the translators whose works I have
to review ; I have high respect for their ability and profound scholarship ;
but where the originals they had to work upon were smudgy, obliterated, and
partially illegible, their translations cannot be implicitly relied upon.

The first discrepancy I have to notice is in the name of the founder of
the dynasty. According to three inscriptions, of which two are in a perfect
state of preservation, and tradition as recorded by Taranath, it is Go-pala ;
but in a fourth, and that the most defective, it is Loka-pdla • and the Ain-i-
Akbari changes it to Bhu-jpdla. Assuming Colebrooke’s reading of the
Dinajpur plate to be in this part correct, I can account for the difference
by attributing it to the exigency of metre. The genealogy is given in verse,
and the necessity for a word of two syllables, I think, induced the convey¬
ancer to change the first part of the name from the monosyllable go to
the dissyllable lolca, the meaning remaining unchanged — go = ‘ earth’ and
lolca = ‘region’ or earth. The bhu of the Ain-i-Akbari has the same signifi¬
cation. It might appear repulsive to an Englishman that Mr. Black should
change into Mr. Melanos, to suit the convenience of a poet, but in the
middle ages it was not uncommon in Europe to translate English names into
Latin even in prose epitaphs, and in the present day poets not unfrequently
change the quantity of proper names to suit their rhyme. In Sanskrit
the practice of using synonyms either for the sake of metre, or for that of
rhetoric, was at one time not unknown. If this explanation be not accepta¬
ble, it might be supposed that the person referred to had two aliases ; and the
writer of the Dinajpur plate used one name, that of the Ain i Akbari another.
It is worthy of note that the writer of the Bhagalpur monument was only
five generations removed from the founder of the dynasty, whereas that
of the Dinajpur plate was separated from him by over twice that interval, and
greater faith must be reposed on him who was the nearest to the founder.

The second name is the same in all the three inscriptions in which it
occurs, and calls for no remark. The third, however, is not so. In the
Bhagalpur record, which is the most perfect, it is Vak-pala, but in the

392

Bajendralala Mitra — On the Pala

[No. 4,

Mungher plate Deva-pala. In the Dinajpur plate it is illegible. It ap¬
pears, however, from the first record that Vak-pala was the younger brother
of Dharma-pala, and served as a lieutenant to his brother. The second record
in giving the succession of the reigning sovereign, did not, therefore, feel called
upon to name him. In the third record I think the illegible name which
Colebrooke could not read and the next name Jaya-pala are not names of
reigning sovereigns, but epithets of Dharma-pala, which have been mistaken
for proper names. The word pala ‘ a protector’ is just one of those which
a Hindu poet would most likely play upon in a variety of ways, and try to
educe as many alliterations out of it as possible, and as Colebrooke says,
“ so great a part of the inscription is obliterated, (portions of every line being
illegible) that it is difficult to discover the purport of the inscription,”*
such a mistake was not at all unlikely to happen. If the illegible name be
assumed to be Deva-pala, the son of Vak-pala and successor of Dharma-pala,
we could not make Jaya-pala his son, for the Bhagalpur plate makes Jaya-pala
the son of Vak-pala and brother of Deva-pala, and Vigraha-pala his son. The
Budal pillar names Sura-pala only, leaving out Vigraha-pala, but as the object
of the pillar was not to give a genealogical table of the kings of the Pala
dynasty, but to record the names of the ancestors of one Gfurava, the minister
of Narayana-pala, naming the kings incidentally as patrons of those ances¬
tors, the omission is not remarkable. The Dinajpur plate names only one
person between Deva-pala and Narayana-pala, and his name is illegible.
We may reasonably assume it to have been Vigraha-pala.

The sixth name in the Bhagalpur plate has not its counterpart in any
other record. Its absence from the Mungher plate is accounted for by the
fact of the latter not extending beyond Deva-pala ; and from the Budal plate,
on the supposition of the owner of it not having been a patron of the
family to whose honour it was dedicated. It should have been present in
the Dinajpur plate, but as the entirety of that document is not forthcom¬
ing, it is impossible to say precisely whether there is only one name
illegible in it after Deva-pala, or two.

Leaving out of consideration the lists of the Ain i Akbari and of Tara-
nath, which are unreliable and quite irreconcilable, we have only the Dinaj¬
pur plate to supply the names of the descendants of Narayana-pala down to
Mahi-pala, and it gives us four names viz., Baja-pala, — pala, Vigraha-
pala and Mahi-pala, which we must accept as correct pending the discovery of
some more authentic document. I accept the Naya-pala and Vigraha-pala
II. on the same authority, with Sthira-pala and Vasanta-pala as their aliases
on the testimony of the Benares stone.

In addition to the above there are four other names in inscriptions,
each giving a single name ; but as there is nothing reliable to show the order

* As. Researches, IX, p. 434.

1878.]

393

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

of their succession, and further as they do not fall within the scope of this
paper, which I wish to confine to the sovereigns of Bengal only, I shall take
no note of them. Within the limits which I prescribe for myself, the mate¬
rials available, as aforesaid, afford a list of eleven reigning sovereigns instead
of thirteen, as given by General Cunningham, his Nos. 3 and 4 being inad¬
missible in the face of the Bhagalpur plate.

The only intelligible date available for these eleven reigns is afforded
by the Benares stone, and that is Samvat 1083 = 1026 A. D. The docu¬
ment when first read was utterly untrustworthy, and in drawing up my
monograph of the Sena Rajas I took no notice of it. Although no fac¬
simile has since been published, as General Cunningham obtained a copy of
the record from so able an antiquarian as the late Major Kittoe, and him¬
self read the date as given above, I am bound to accept it ; for I am
of opinion that no one in India in the present day has so thorough a
knowledge of Indian lapidary writing as that profound scholar, and
he is not at all likely to make a mistake in reading a mediaeval figure. The
date may be taken to be about the middle of Mahi-pala’s reign, and as Mahi-
pala was the most renowned of the Palas of Bengal, the only one whose
name is still remembered by the people, and whose monument, the Mahi-
pala Dighi of Dinajpur, is still in existence, his reign may be fairly assumed
to have been of more than average length. If I say it lasted from 1015
to 1040 A. D., I fancy it would not be by any means thought to be
improbable.

With this starting-point gained it is necessary to calculate backwards the
times of his eight predecessors. Bor this purpose General Cunningham adopts
an average of 25 years. He says, “ Assigning 25 years to a generation, and
working backwards from Mahi-pala, the accession of Gro-pala, the founder
of the dynasty, will fall in the latter half of the 8th century ; or still earlier,
if we allow 30 years to each generation. By either reckoning, the rise of
the Pala dynasty of Magadha is fixed to the 8th century A. D., at which
time great changes would appear to have taken place amongst most of the
ruling families of Northern India.”*

The General assigns no reason for adopting this average, and I cannot
help thinking that it is too high. It is certainly not in accord with data
available from Indian history. Twenty reigns of the Mughals, from 1494
to 1806, give an average of 15 years and 7 months. Twenty-one reigns in
Kashmir, from 1326 to 1588, give 12 years and 6 months. Forty reigns of
the Delhi Pathans yield an average of 9 years and 9 days. Twenty- four
reigns of the Bengal Pathans, from 1200 to 1350, produce a little over 6
years. Similarly twenty reigns in Burmah, from 1541 to 1781, offer an
average of 12 years. Doubtless these averages are of periods and reigns

* Arch. Surv. Itcport, III, p. 135.

394 Rajendralala Mitra — On the hPala [No. 4,

some of which were much troubled ; but in a £>lace like Ceylon, whose
insular position protected it to a great extent from outside or foreign at¬
tacks, twenty reigns from 1410 to 1798 yield an average of 19 years and
nearly 5 months. In England, in the same way, from Edward IV to
William IV, or 14G1 to 1837, twenty-one reigns yield an average of
no more than 17 years, 10 months and 25 days. There was nothing in the
physical or political condition of the Palas in Bengal which could give them
a greater immunity from the vicissitudes of changes incident to royalty than
in the places named. James Prinsep, after a careful survey of the history
of Indian dynasties, took 16 to 18 years to be the average, and nothing has
since been found to show that his calculations were wrong. Doubtless in
taking averages a great deal depends upon the period and the number of
reigns taken into account. A George III, or an Akbar, with two or three
average reigns, would often upset all calculations ; hut with 20 to 40
reigns, the risk of error from occasionally protracted reigns is reduced to a
minimum. The Palas in Bengal did not enjoy any great immunity from
outside attacks. They had very powerful rivals in the kings of Orissa on
one side, in those of Behar and Kanauj on another, and those of Assam and
Tipperah and Eastern Bengal on a third, and it is well known how outside
rivalry foments domestic discord ; and, taking these facts into consideration,
I cannot assign them a higher average. Eighteen years, in my opinion,
would be (if anything) high, hut in consideration of the number of reigns
being small — only eight before Mahi-pala — and to provide for the possibility
of there having been an Akbar or two among them, I shall take it at 20,
which would be the highest possible admission. At this rate the result will
be as follows :

I.

Go-pala, .

. 855

VII.

— pala, .

975

II.

Dharma-pala, .

.... 875

VIII.

Vigraha-pala, II,..

995

III.

Deva-pala, .

.... 895

IX.

Mahi-pala, 1015 to 1040

IV.

Vigraha-pala, I _

. 915

X.

Naya-pala, .

1060

V.

N arayana-pala, .

. 935

XI.

Vigraha-pala, III,

1080

VI.

liaja-pala, .

. 955

The inscriptions noticed above clearly show that all the Palas were
staunch Buddhists ; but several of them were tolerant enough to employ
Hindus as their principal officers of state ; and, though they no doubt en¬
couraged the diffusion of their own religion, they not only did not oppress
their people for their religion, but even allowed their Hindu ministers
to apply to them, in official and estate documents, praise which could be
grateful only to Hindu ears. They went further, and sometimes gave lands
for religious purposes which cannot be strictly called Buddhist.

The last question in connexion with the Palas is the locale or extent of
their dominion. Taranath calls them all kings of Bengal ; so does Abul

1878.]

395

and the Sena Rajas of R eng al.

Fazl in the Ain-i-Akbari. The Mungher plate does not name the kingdom
of the three Palas, bnt it was executed when the camp of Deva-pala was
pitched at Mudgagiri, i. e., Mungher. The Bhagalpur plate was also
executed at Mungher, and in it Narayana-pala is called the “ lord of Anga,”
or king of Bhagalpur and its neighbourhood, including Mungher. The
Budal pillar occurs in the Dinajpur district, and that would show that in
the time of Narayana-pala his minister Gurava had administrative power on
the north of the Padma. The Dinajpur plate not having been fully deci¬
phered, we know not where it was executed, and, though found at Amgachi,
it is possible that the grant may refer to some place at a great distance
from it. There can be no doubt, however, that one of the latest kings
named in it, Mahi-pala, exercised full severeignty in the province to the
north of the Padma. That vast sheet of water in Dinajpur which still bears
his name, the Mahi-pala dighi, is a proof positive on this point. We
have also the evidence of the Sarnath stone which calls him lord of Gauda,
though the stone cannot be accepted as a proof of Mahi-pala’s reign having
extended as far as Benares. In a sacred place of pilgrimage any person
could go and dedicate a temple or an image, without in any way acquiring
political power in the locality.

Mr. Westmacott, in his “ Traces of Buddhism in Dinajpur,” supplies
several other proofs in support of the sovereignty of the Palas on the north
of the Padma. He says, “ In all south-eastern Dinajpur, and the neighbour¬
ing parts of Bagura, remains of Buddhism, and of the Buddhist Pala kings
are numerous. It was in this neighbourhood that in the seventh century
the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen-Thsang found the Buddhist court of Paundra-
vardhana which I identify with Vardhana Kuti, the residence o£ a very
ancient family, close to Govindaganj, on the Karatoya. Mr. Fergusson, in
his paper on Hiouen-Thsang, quotes from an account of Paundradesa in
the fourth volume of the ‘ Oriental Quarterly Magazine,’ that Vardhana
Kuti, governed by a Yavana, or Musalman, was one of the chief towns of
Nirvritti, comprising Dinajpur, Bangpur and Koch Behar, and consequently
the eastern half of Hiouen-Thsang’s kingdom of Paundra Vardhana.”*
Elsewhere he says : “ Dharma-pala, whose fort still bears his name, more
than seventy miles north of Vardhana Kuti, and other Pala kings, were
ruling east of the Karatoya long after Bengal had been subdued by the
Senas, before whom indeed the Palas probably retreated by degrees to the
north-east, and were supplanted without any great catastrophe. ”f Again,
“ close to Jogi-ghopa are extensive brick remains, said to have been the
palace of Deva-pala, whether the Deva-pala of the Mungher plate or not
I will not say, but certainly of the Amgachi plate. Bhimla Devi, daugh¬
ter of Deva-pala, is said by the ignorant pujdris to be represented by one
* Ante , XLIV, p. 188. f Loc. cit.

2 E

396

[No. 4,

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Tala

of the Jogi-ghopa carvings. A mile to the south-west, at Amari, are more
brick remains which Dr. Buchanan heard called the palace of Mahi-pala.
Across the hit, two miles north-east, at Chondira, are remains, which he
was told were those of Chandra- pala’s palace ; there are more bricks at
Katak and Dhoral, and indeed in all the country round are innumerable
brick ruins. Seven miles north of the great stupa is the celebrated Budal
pillar, set up by a minister of Narayana-pala, and bearing an inscription,
in which Deva-pala and Sura-pala are mentioned as having preceded
Narayana-pala. A dozen miles north of that again was found the Am-
gachi plate, containing a grant of Vigraha-pala, and enumerating his
ancestors, Sura-pala his father, Mahi-pala, Dharma-pala, and others.” #
Several local names, such as Mahiganj, Maliinagar, Mahipur, Mahi-santosh,
Nayanagar, &c , also bear remains of the names of former Pala kings.

The evidence thus is on the whole sufficient to show that the Palas
exercised sovereignty on the west of the Bhagiratlii, certainly as far as
the boundary of Behar and probably further, taking the whole of the ancient
kingdom of Magadha. On the north it included Tirhut, Malda, Rajshahi,
Dinajpur, Rangpur and Bagura, which constituted the ancient kingdom of
Paundravardhana. The bulk of the delta seems, however, not to have be¬
longed to them. To show this and to prove the time when they were
finally expelled from Bengal proper, we must turn to the history of the Sena
Raj as of Bengal.

In my paper on the Sena Raj as, f I have already put together the
names of all the Sena Rajas that have been brought to light by authentic
records, and nothing has since been discovered to disturb their genealogical
table as published by me. Mr. Westmacott, in 1875, J published some remarks
on my paper, but his criticisms did not apply to the order of succession.
But several important facts have since been brought prominently to notice,
and they necessitate slight alterations in the dates assigned by me to the
several princes of that dynasty.

The most important of these facts is the era of Lakshmana Sena.
The credit of first discovering it is due to Colebrooke. In the Preface to
his translation of the ‘ Digest of Hindu Laws,’ he remarked: “ Halayudlia,
the spiritual adviser of Lakshmana Sena, (a renowned monarch who gave
his name to an era of which six hundred and ninety-two years are expired),
is the author of Nyaya-sarvasva, &c.” But no notice was afterwards taken
of this era, and Prinsep in his ‘ Useful Tables’ entirely passed it over. Sub¬
sequently an opportunity offered him when he noticed an inscription from
Buddha Gaya,§ in which the era of Lakshmana is distinctly mentioned,
* Loc. cit. f Ante, Yol. XXXIV. 4; Ante , XLIY, pp. If. § Ante, Y, p. 659.

397

1878.] and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

but he overlooked it. In that record the date is given in these words :

“ On Thursday, the 12th of the wane, in the mouth of Vaisakha, Sam.
or year 74 after the expiration of the reign of the auspicious Lakshmana
Sena Deva.” Calculated with the datum given by Colebrooke, it would have
at once settled the date of Lakshmana Sena ; but this was not done. In
1873, I found a MS. of the ‘ Sadukti-karnamrita,’ dated S'aka 1500=1578
A. D., in the colophon of which the work is described to have been com¬
piled in the Slika year 1127=1205 A. D., which corresponded with
some date of Lakshmana Sena which I could not make out. The date is
given in words, the meaning of which could not be reconciled ; the words
are i The author was the son of a con¬

fidential friend and a general under Lakshmana Sena.#

Shortly after the publication of my remarks on this MS., in an anony¬
mous article on the life of Vachaspati Misra, published in a Bengali magazine
called Banga Darsana , Babu Rajakrishna Mukarji announced that the era
of Lakshmana Sena was still current in Tirhut, and its date in 1874 was
767, its distinctive mark being ^r® * *j®, the initial letters of “ Lakshmana
Sena Sam vat.” The Babu also noticed an inscription of Siva Sinha, a local
chieftain, which bore date the 280th of Lakshmana Sena’s era. A brief
notice of this article appeared in the ‘ Indian Antiquary’ for 1875 The
Babu, likewise, used this date in an elementary history of Bengal, published
in that year. Thus the credit of utilizing the date and bringing it to
bear on the history of Bengal is entirely due to him.

In 1875 Mr. Westmacott brought to notice a copper-plate grant
found in the bed of a tank called Tarpandighi, seven miles S. S. E. of
Debkot in Dinajpur,f which bore the 7th year of Lakshmana Sena’s reign ;
but no attempt was then made to trace the initial date of the era.

In 1877, Pandit Ramanatlia Tarkaratna, who is employed by the Asi¬
atic Society of Bengal to collect information regarding Sanskrit MSS. in
private libraries, while travelling in Tirhut, collected some information on
the subject, and communicated it to me. He also purchased there two old
Sanskrit MSS. for the Government of India, which were dated in the era
in question. One of them Anumdndlolca-tilcd , a gloss by Madhusudana
Thakkura on the Anumana Khanda of Gangesa, is dated ^r® ^r°

I “ the 14th of the waxing moon in the month of Chaitra L. S.
479.” The other, Pratyahshdloka-darpana, a gloss by Mahesa Thakkura,
on the Bratyaksha Khanda of Gangesa, has I

“ In the year of the Vedas (4) the eight, and the Nigamas (4,) accor¬
ding to the king Lakshmana.”

* Notices of Sanskrit MSS. Ill, pp. 134 — 148-9,

f Ante , XLIV, p. 13.

398

[No. 4,

Bajendralala Mitra — On the Tala

Apparently disjointed as these facts are, they are of great importance
in the elucidation of the date of the Sena Iiajas. To put them together,
we have first in the Tarpandighi plate the 7th year of Lakshmana’s reign.
In the Buddha Gaya inscription we have the 74th year of his era. Then
we have in the Sadukti-karnamrita MS. some date which corresponded
with the S'aka 1127=1205 A. I). Then comes the S'iva Siiiha inscription,
dated in the 280th year of that king’s era. Then we have two MSS., one
dated in the 459th year, and the other in the 484th of that era. And
lastly we have the fact that the era is still current, and in the present
year reckons 771. That the era is not a newly devised one, is abundantly
evident from the fact of its having been in regular currency all along, and
its present figure, therefore, gives us a very correct clue to its initial date.
The pandits of Tirhut reckon the era to be a luni-solar one, commencing
from the 1st of the lnni-solar month of Magha, and it must have therefore
commenced in January 1106 A. D., or within three years of the date which
I conjecturally assigned to Lakshmana Sena in my paper on the Sena
Bajas.# This settles the date of Lakshmana Sena on infinitely more reliable
data than what we have for any other Hindu sovereign of the pre-
Muhammadan era.

Beginning with 1106, Lakshmana had a very prosperous reign of many
years, for his minister Halayudha informs us, in the preface to his Brah-
mana Sarvasva, that he commenced service when verjr young as a court
pandit, and was successively raised by the king to higher ranks, till he
was made a minister when he had become old.f A period of 30 years
would scarcely be too much for this, and Lakshmana’s reign may very
fairly be assumed to have extended to the close of the fourth decade of the
12th century. His immediate successors, Madhava Sena and Kesava Sena
did not take up each two or three years, and the rest of the century was
taken up by Lakshmaneya alias Asoka Sena, the Lakshmaniyd of Muham¬
madan writers.

The name Asoka has puzzled many antiquarians. "With the vivid
recollection of the name as that of the great patron of Buddhism, they
have found it difficult to reconcile with it the idea of a Hindu bearing the
name. But the word simply means “ griefless,” and there is nothing to
prevent such a name being given to a Hindu. On the contrary, Hindu
mothers and guardians often use terms indicative of immunity from pain,
grief and the like ; and, in the case of a posthumous child which lost its
mother immediately after its birth, a term implying that it would never have
cause to mourn the loss of its parents, would by no means be inappropriate.

With the close of Asoka Sena’s reign, the sovereignty of the Hindus
in the delta passed to the Muhammadans ; but the exact time when this
* Ante, Yol. XXXIV, p. 139. f Ante, p. 138.

1878.]

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

399

happened, yet remains undetermined. When writing my paper on the
Sena Rajas I accepted as a fact the opinion then prevalent, that this
happened in 1203 A. D. This, however, has since been questioned. The
late Mr. Blochmann, whose researches into the dark points in the Muham¬
madan history of India were unrivalled, came to the conclusion, that the
transfer must have taken place four years earlier, or between 1198 and
1199, whereas Major Raverty, in his translation of Albiruni, removed it
590 H. = 1194 A. D.,# while Mr. Thomas placed it at 599 H. = 1204
A. D. Even the latest of these dates would seem to be a little too early,
if we should take the statement of the author of the SaduTcti-Jcarnamrita,
who completed his work in 1205, when he described himself as a district
Commissioner in the service of Lakshmaneya, to mean that his master was
then reigning at Nuddea. He could not have held that position in 1205,
if the kingdom had passed away to the Muhammadans five years before.
Rut it was possible for him to describe his official rank in his work, even
after he had lost it, or to refer to the king when he reigned at Sonargaon
after his retirement from Nuddea ; for it is now well-known that he and his
descendants lived at the latter place for several years after his overthrow
by Bukhtiar Khiliji.fi Hr. Wise believes that there must have been a
Ballala Sena reigning in Vikrampur or Sonargaon after Lakshmaniya, and
Susena and Sura Sena, whose names I once took to be aliases of Laksh-
maniya, were probably those of other successors. On this point, however,
there is no reliable information at hand ; and as the question of date is
related to Muhammadan history, I shall leave it unnoticed for the present.

Turning to the ancestors of Lakshmana Sena, the first name I have to
deal with is that of Ballala. The close of his reign of course took place in
the year of the commencement of the reign of his son. But when it com¬
menced, remains uncertain. The Ain i Akbari makes it begin at 1066, which
would give it a duration of 41 years. The authority of Abul Eazl, how¬
ever, is not great in such matters ; and, as I have rejected it in the case
of the Palas, I cannot consistently accept it in the present instance. This
much, however, may be unhesitatingly stated, that Ballala’s reign was a
long and prosperous one. He is the best known to this day of all the Sena
Rajas, and the system of nobility or Kulinism which he organized, exists
to this day in full force. None but a powerful sovereign, reigning with
considerable eclat for a prolonged period, could have carried out the sys¬
tem so thoroughly as he did ; and a reign of 4 1 years is after all not
so improbable as absolutely to necessitate its rejection.

Of the predecessors of Ballala we have lapidary proofs of four names,
Vijaya Sena, Hemanta Sena, Samanta Sena, and Vira Sena, extending, at an
average of 18 years, to 994 A. D., or at 20 years, which I have reluctantly
* Ante XLIV, p. 277. t Ante XLIII, p. 83.

400

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Pala

[No. 4,

assigned to the Palas, to 986 A. D. The last name I took to be an alias of
Adisura, Yira and Sura being synonymous, and a notable instance of the use
of synonyms occurs in the name of the founder of the Pala dynasty, who is
at option called Go-pala, Bhu-pala or Loka-pala. In a Bengali book, entitled
Samhandha-nirmya , published two years ago, Pandit Lalamohana Yidya-
nidhi states that he had been informed of a tradition current in the Yaren -
dra country which makes one Bhusura the son of Adisura, and adds that
Bhusura dying without male issue, his daughter’s son Asoka Sena suc¬
ceeded him, who was followed by Sura Sena, and the latter by Yira Sena.
On asking the pandit for his authority for this tradition, he told me that
he had got it from a Kulajna at Murshidabad, but that he had heard it no¬
where else. On so slender an authority, I cannot induce myself to accept it
as a matter worthy of historical enquiry. The two names Asoka and Sura are
later names, which the Kulajna put at the beginning, evidently not knowing
where else to place them. Leaving these names aside, it will be seen
that the Pala and the Sena dynasties fall for some time within the same
period. The one beginning in the 9th decade and the other in the 6th
decade of the 10th century. It is obvious, therefore, that they could not
have reigned over the whole of Bengal at the same time, nor could the
Senas have followed the Palas, as the modern Anglo-Indian historians usually
make them ; but there can be no doubt that both dynasties did reign in
Bengal at the same time. The difficulty, however, may be easily oyercome.

It has been already shown that the Palas occupied western and north¬
ern Bengal. There is nothing, however, to show that they had extended
their sway to the eastern districts. Whereas tradition assigns to the Senas
the whole of the delta and the districts to the east of it. The chief seat
of their power was at Vikrampur near Dhaka, where the ruins of Ballala’s
palace are still shown to travellers. Dr. Wise, in his notice of Yikrampur,
says — “ A remarkable evidence of this is afforded by the names of the 56
villages assigned to the descendants of the Five Brahmans whom Adisura
brought from Kanauj. All those villages were situated within the delta,
and none out of it.” This is of course an indirect evidence, but it is not the
less significant. It may be added that none of those who dwelt out of the
delta, in the northern districts, were included in the scheme of Ballala’s
nobility. The Yarendras have since organized a system of their own, but it
is not in accord with that which prevails as the system of Ballala.

The religion of the Senas was Hinduism, either of the Shiva or of the
Yaishnava sect. In the Raj shahi stone and the Bakerganj copper-plate,
S'iva is the divinity invoked. In the Tarpandighi plate preference is given to
Yishnu or Narayana, and the epithet Parama-maliesvara occurs in all the
three. The well-known fact of the founder of the family obtaining five
Brahmans to perform Yedic rites which, owing to the dominance of the

1878.]

401

and the Sena Rajas of Ren gal.

Buddhists, had become obsolete in Bengal, clearly shows that they were
Hindus, and there is nothing to give rise to suspicion in the matter.

In no part of the world could two such near neighbours as the Palas
and the Senas, professing such antagonistic faiths as Buddhism and Hin¬
duism, co-exist without coming into hostile contact ; and in Bengal there
is no reason to suppose that the case was otherwise than what has been
elsewhere invariably the result of such neighbourhood. Even chiefs pro¬
fessing the same faith have not been noted for their amity to rivals, and
we may therefore take it for granted that the Palas and the Senas fre¬
quently fell out with each other, until one expelled the other from the
country. When this expulsion took place, it is at present impossible to
determine with absolute precision. But materials are not wanting to show
that this happened about the middle of the 11th century. It has been
already shown that to the time of Mahi-pala, northern Bengal belonged to
the Palas, and the Tarpandighi plate of Lakshmana Sena, and the preva¬
lence of that sovereign’s era in Tirhut to this day, incontestably prove that
northern Bengal had come into the possession of the Senas before the com¬
mencement of the 12th century. Ballala, the father of Lakshmana, had the
title of “ King of Gauda,” and that takes us to the 7th decade of the 11th
century ; and in the Bhagulpur stone there is a verse which says “ Vijaya
overthrew the king of Gauda.” The verse is somewhat involved in its
construction, but the most obvious meaning appears to be the following :

“ ‘ Thou hast no hero to conquer,’ said the bards. On hearing it,
through a misconception (the words being susceptible of the meaning
‘ thou hast conquered no hero’) the king overthrew the king of Gauda,
subjugated the hero of Kamrupa and quickly conquered him of Ka-
linga.”* At an average reign of 18 years Vijaya must have com¬
menced his reign in 1048. At an average of 20 years the date would be
1046, the overthrow therefore must have taken place between 1046 and
1055. As it is not likely that Mahi-pala’s reign had extended beyond
1040, the event must have taken palace when Naya-pala, his successor, was
the sovereign of Gauda. The Palas then receded from northern Bengal,
and reigned for some time in the western districts of the kingdom, making
Magadha or Mungher their caprital.

The result of these remarks may be thus tabulated :

Pala Kings. Sena Kings.

In Western Sf Northern Bengal. In ^Eastern Sf Deltaic Bengal.

I.-

— Go- pala, .

855

I. — Vira Sena, .

986

II.-

— Dharma-pala, ,

. 875

II. — Samanta Sena, .

1006

IIP-

— Deva-pmla, ...

. 895

III. — Hemanta Sena,

1026

* Ante, , XXXIV,

p. 144.

402

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Tala

[No. 4,

In the whole of Bengal.

IY. — Vigraha-pala, I, ...

915

IY. — Vijaya alias Sukha

Sena,

1046

Y. — N arayana-pala, . . .

935

Y. — Ballala Sena, .

1066

Yl. — Raja-pala, .

955

YI. — Lakshmana Sena, ...

1106

VII. - pala, .

975

VII. — IVladhava Sena, .

1136

VIII. — Yigraha-pala II, ...

995

VIII. — Kesava Sena, .

1138

IX. — Lakshmaneya alias

Asoka Sena, .

1142?

IX. — Mahi-pala, .

1015

In Vikramjgur.

to

1040

Ballala Sena, ..... ...

X. — Naya-pala, .

1040

Su Sena, .

to

P

•

Sura Sena, &c., .

In Behar.

XI. — Vigraha-pala III and others.

In my first paper on the subject I started the opinion that the Senas
were Kshatriyas of the lunar race, and not Yaidyas as they are supposed to
have been by the people of the present day. The opinion was founded upon
the positive declaration of two inscriptions, and that of a work, the Ddna-sct-
gara , written by Ballala himself. It has now the support of another
inscription. In the Tarpandighi plate there occurs a verse which Mr.
Westmacott thus renders into English : “ The kings of the race of Ausha-
dhinatha (moon) neutralize the sharp fever-poison of their enemies by the
lustre of the nails of their feet, as with the juice of the creepers nurtured
(as plants with water) by the lustre of the diadems of numbers of kings,
prostrate in homage. Exception, however, has been taken to the deduc¬
tion by some of my countrymen, mostly Yaidyas of the Sena family, who
claim themselves to be of the royal race, and several Bengali books have been
written to prove my error. My critics all labour under the mistake that
I wanted to make the Sena kings members of the Kayastha caste, in order
to glorify that caste, and enjoy the advantage of a ray of that glory, being
myself a Kayastha ; but as I have nowhere said anything of the kind, I
cannot but leave this part of their criticisms unnoticed. They have created
their own Frankenstein, and I leave them to lay it in the best way they can.
The chief arguments which they urge to controvert the statements of the
inscriptions are — 1st, that the statements may be due to poetical license, or a
desire to eulogize the kings in an exaggerated style ; 2nd, that the reference to
the moon, who is, according to the Puranic mythology, the lord of medicines,
may be due to a desire to make an indirect allusion to the profession of the
Yaidya caste ; 3rd, that others than Kshatriyas could call themselves descen¬
dants of the lunar race ; 4th, that Adisura, who is described as a descendant

* Ante, XLIY, pt. I, p. 13.

1878.]

403

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

of the lunar race cannot be the same with Yira Sena, for none would employ
a synonym to indicate a proper name, and so the epithet of the former
cannot apply to the latter.

Little need be said in reply to these arguments. The first is a mere
assumption, and not by any means a permissible one. Exaggerations and
hyperboles are the chief aliments on which poets most do thrive ; but there
is not a single authentic instance in which poetical license has been, in
India, permitted to invade the domains of caste. The Puranas have made
mortals conquer the immortal gods, endowed them with the most tran¬
scendental attributes, called them gods, but never changed their castes ; nor
have they ever attempted to disown cross sinisters from the escutcheon of
the greatest of their kings. And what is true of these Puranas, is equally
so of later writings, when tenacity for caste distinctions had grown much
stronger. It is observable also, that no spirit of poetical hyperbole can be
predicated of Ballala Sena describing his own caste in a law treatise by
himself.

The second argument is ingenious ; but it is, like the first, a mere
assumption. I have no hesitation in saying, that in the whole range of
Sanskrit literature, there is not an instance in which the caste of the Yai-
dyas has been indirectly referred to by allusion to the moon. At best it
is an attempt to give preeminence to a possible metaphorical interpretation,
in preference to an obvious literal meaning.

The third is incorrect. None but a Kshetriya could call himself a
member of the lunar or the solar race, and members of those races, when
degraded or outcasted, could not retain their claim to the honor of member¬
ship under them. The instances cited of Yayati’s children becoming
members of different castes refer to the earliest stage of Hindu society,
when caste distinctions probably did not exist, or at any rate were not
very strictly observed ; and even then there is no proof to show that those
who were degraded were in the habit of calling themselves members of the
solar race. Within the last two thousand years, a Brahman or a Kshetriya,
condemned to be a Chandala, has never been permitted to call himself a
Brahman or a Kshetriya Chandala. The idea is simply ridiculous.

The fourth argument has already been answered by the parallel
case of Go-pala appearing also under the names of Bhu-pala and Loka-
pala. Were it otherwise, the argument would not advance in the least,
for my antagonists admit that Yira Sena was the great-grandson of
Adisura by the daughter’s side, and if so, the son-in-law of Bhusura
and his son-in-law could not be of other than the caste of Adisura.
On the whole the arguments are based on a series of suppositions, in
order to support a modern tradition against the avowed declarations of
authentic contemporary records. 1 deny the accuracy of the tradition, and
2 E

404

[No. 4,

Rijendralala Mitra — On the Pdla

my antagonists beg the question at issue, by saying that the tradition must
be correct, and the records must be made to conform to it by a number of
suppositions. Truth can never be elicited by such a course of reasoning,
and it would be a mere waste of time to enter into a disputation with
persons who attach greater importance to traditions than to authentic
contemporary records.

Transcript of a Coppcr-piate from Bhagalpur.

I I I

v I vN*iV

q I ^r^Tf^rTi^r^r^: l f*T5TT

y I * * * q snsfej ^ ’sftqpsr or^-

\L | frT JTiqi^q: II

gimt w^vrqi^-
< | qf^rPTcriWW *T*JrTr I

j

| ^T?r q»p

c I qf^RT*iftpr qT*RP? II

^qr JT^:

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1878.] and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

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406

llajendralala Mitra — On the Pdla [No. 4,

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1878.]

407

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

Translation.

Be it auspicious ! May Dasabala, whose heart is resplendent with the
jewel of mercy, whose loved mistress is benevolence, whose mind was wash¬
ed clean of the mud of book-learning by the pure water of the river of
perfect Sambodhi knowledge, who, having conquered the promptings of
desire * # # acquired eternal fame, — may the Lord of the universe, pros¬
per.

Now Go-pala Deva made his family the abode of prosperity. (Laksh-
mi). Well able to sustain the weight of the earth, the only asylum of
kings whose wings having been dipt by fear sought his protection, always
devoted to protect honor, he was the home of heroism. Of him was born the
auspicious king Dharma-pala, whose greatness was as beauteous as the ripple
of the milky ocean. Having conquered Indraraja and other kings, he (Dhar¬
ma-pala) earned the glorious S'n, goddess of fortune, whom he presented as
a sacrifice to the father of wealth, Vamana, the wielder of the discus.

Like Rama, that saintly king had a brother of equal merit, in Vak-
pala, who was in glory the counterpart of the son of Sumitra (Lakshmana).
This prince, the abode of justice and valour, living under the rule of his
brother, placed all the quarters under one umbrella, by divesting them of
all hostile armies.

Unto him was born a son named Jaya-pala, by whose imperial virtues
the earth was sanctified. Overcoming all enemies to religion, he established
his elder brother, the heroic Deva-pala, in the dominion of the earth. When
by the order of his brother he issued forth to conquer, the lord of Utkala,
oppressed from a distance by his very name, forsook his home. Bearing
that prince’s order on his head, the king of Pragjyotisha, trembling from
fear, withdrawing his army, with all his dependents lived under him.

The auspicious Vigraha-pala, enemy less from birth, was born his son.
His spotless sword was like the water which wiped away the beauty of the
wives of his enemies. By him his enemies were made the objects of heavy
misfortune, and his friends long-lived. Lajja, the ornament of the Haihaya
race, became his wife, even as the daughter of Jahnu (Ganges) is that of
the Ocean, and her virtuous conduct alike purified her father’s and her hus¬
band’s race.

He, through the essence of the guardians of the quarters gave birth,
in her, for the protection of the earth, to the auspicious Narayana-pala
Deva, the virtuous whose feet became resplendent by the light of the crown-
jewels of kings. He has sanctified his throne by his justice. Kings, forsaking
the Lainga Purana, the source of the fourfold blessings, wish to follow his
conduct. He is esteemed in the mind of good men, and confirmed (in his
position) by his own dependents. By his charity he has suppressed in

804

[No. 4,

Rajendralala Mitra — On the Pal a

his country the expression, “ give, O king.”# Through his fear his sword,
though dark as a blue lotus, appears flame-coloured to his enemies. He, by
his wisdom and his own virtues, has kept the helpless earth always in the
path of justice. Attaining his protection, beggars no longer turn their
minds to seeking alms. Lord of wealth, doer of no wrong, patron of learn¬
ed men, and endowed with great affluence, he is in his glory like unto a
blazing fire ( anala ), and yet by his conduct he is like Nala.f His fame,
bright as the rays of the autumnal moon, spread over the three worlds, wears
a resplendence which even the loud laughter of S'iva cannot rival, and the
garlands of Ketaki flowers on the hands of Siddha ladies (are so eclipsed
that their existence can be ascertained only) by the hum of bees (about
them). ‘ Two persons did say to two others, “ let penance be mine and the
kingdom thine once to him (Narayana-pala) by Vigraha-pala, and once to
Bhagiratha by Sagara.

In his victorious camp in Mudgagiri on the bank of the Bhagirathi
river, where he has made a bridge of boats, which seems to rival a line of
rocky hills where the roaming of excessively dense (crowds of) elephants
has so clouded the glory of day-light, as to produce the impression of an ap¬
proaching rainy season, where the dust raised by the hoofs of the countless
cavalry of the only king of the north, has covered the quarters, where the
earth has sunk low by the weight of the innumerable kings of Jambudvipa
who had assembled to serve the great lord, the mighty sovereign, the
supreme king among kings, the auspicious Narayana-pala Deva, the suc¬
cessor of the devout follower of Sugata, the supreme king among kings,
the auspicious Vigraha-pala Deva, prospers. To subordinate kings (raja-
ranaka), to princes (rajaputra), to the Prime Minister (rajamatya), to the
minister of Peace and War (maha-sandhi-vigrahika), to the Chief Justice
(mahaksha-patalika) to the Generalissimo (mahasamanta), to chief com¬
manders (mahasenapati), to the grand warder (mahapratihara) , to the chief
investigator of all works (mahakartakritika), to the chief obviator of diffi¬
culties (mahadosasadhasadhanika), to the chief criminal judge (mahadan-
da-nayaka), to chief minister of the heir-apparent (mahakumaramatya),
to viceroys (rajasthanino upadhika), to Investigators of crimes (doshapara-
dhika), to the chief detective officer (choroddharanika), to the mace-bearers
(dandika), to the keej^er of the instruments of punishment (dandapasika),

* The words in the original are Deyam me anga-rajan ; and the word anga may he
taken as an interjection = 0, or an adjective meaning chief, great or principal, or a
noun, the name of a country including the western part of Bengal. In the last two cases
the word raj an should change into raja to he in Samasa, the first is therefore the right
meaning. But it has prohahly been used as a double entendre.

f Nala, the famous king of Vidarbha noticed in the Mahabharata. The com¬
parison is forced for the sake of the alliteration in the words nala and anala.

1878.]

409

and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

to collectors of customs (s'aulkika), to commanders of divisions (gaulmika),
to supervisors of cultivation (kshetrapa), to boundary rangers (prantapala) ,
to treasurers (koshapala), to superintendents of wards (khanda-raksha), to
inspectors of wards (tadayuktaka), to the superintendents of appointments
(viniyuktaka), to the superintendent of elephants, horses, camels, and war-
boats, (hastyasva-nau-halavyapritaka), to the superintendents of mares, colts,
cows, buffaloes, sheep and goats (kisora-vadava-go-mahisbyajavikadhyaksha),
to the chief of swift messengers (drutapeshanika), to messengers (gamaga-
manika), to swift messengers (abhitvamana), to commissioners of districts
(vishayapati) , to head officers of villages (gramapati), to superintendents of
boats (tarika), to (men of the different tribes of) Goda, Malava, Khasa, Huna,
Kulika, Kallata, Lata, Chata, and Bhata,# — to all servants and others who
are not specified here, to all who have assembled here in the village of
Mukutika in the division of Kuksha on the bank of the river, as also
to the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, who live by service under
the king, from the respected Brahman to the lowest Meda, Andha and
Chandala — to all these he sends appropriate greetings and acquaints and
commands them. Be it known unto you that in the village of Kala-
sapota, where Narayana-pala Deva himself has established thousands of
temples, and where he has placed the honorable S'iva Bhatta and Pasupa-
ti Acharya, I, Narayana-pala Deva, for purposes of due worship, for the offer¬
ing of oblations eharu and gajnas, for the performance of new ceremonies,
and for the dispensation of medicines, bedding and seats, to diseased persons,
and for the purpose of enabling them to enjoy without let or hindrance the
village as defined, I have given the above-named village of Mukutika, along
with its surrounding grazing-grounds, with all the waters and lands belong¬
ing to it, above and below the surface, together with the mango and the
madhuka trees, with all its low and barren lands, along with its rents and
tolls, including all fines for crimes, and rewards for catching thieves. In it
there shall be no molestation, no passage permitted for Chatas (jugglers) and
Bhatas (troops). The land shall not be a trouble (to the possessors) who
shall have the enjoyment of all shares, privileges, gold &c., and other income.
I grant this to be enjoyed as many years as there are holes in the earth, and
as long as the sun and the moon shall endure, in order that the virtue
and fame of my parents and of myself may be enhanced. I have given this
edict engraved to you, honorable S'iva.

Be it then respected by all ; and future kings, knowing the grievous
sin that is incurred by destroying the great merit of grants-of-land, should
uphold it. Let the neighbours and those who till the land, be obedient to

* Babu Prannath Pandit’s paper on the Chittagong* plate (ante XLIII, pp. 318/)
and Mr. Westmacott’s paper on the Tarpandighi plate, ( ante XLIY, pp. If) contain
many interesting* notes on the meanings of these official titles.

410 Bajendralala Mitra — On the Bala and the Sena Rajas of Bengal.

my commands. They should render to the donees their respective shares,
privileges, rent, gold and all other dues. Dated the 9th Vaisakha,
Samvat 17.

The following are excerpts for those who dread the mandates of virtue :

The earth has been enjoyed by Sagara and many other kings. The
fruit (of grants-of-land) belongs to him to whom the land belongs for the
time.

The donor of land enjoys heaven for sixty thousand years. He who
abrogates or prompts others to abrogate such a gift, suffers in hell for a like
period.

He who resumes land given by him or others, becoming a worm, rots
in ordure along with his forefathers.

Again and again doth Hama entreat all future kings to protect this
common bridge of virtue.

Knowing riches and life to be as unsteady as water on a lotus petal,
no man should intentionally attempt to deprive another of his reputation.

Bhatta Gurava, the spiritual guide of the king, the proficient in the
difficult knowledge of God through the Vedanta, versed in all the Vedas and
the Vedangas, and the most proficient in the performance of sacrificial rites,
has composed this. Mudgadasa, son of Subhadasa, an inhabitant of Sat-
samatata, has engraved this edict.

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

FOR

1878.

A CCESSION of Ahmad Shah, 376
Ahmad Shah, accession of, 376
Ajanta frescoes, 62 ; date of Ajanta caves,
72

Antiquities of Bagura (Bogra), 88 ; miscel¬
laneous, in Mathura Museum, 118
Arians in Tibet, 26

Assi khamba or Chhatthi Palna of Malia-
ban, 113

Bagura, or Bogra, antiquities of, 88
Bamtelas, 364

Banda, copperplate grant from, 73
Bandelkhund affairs, 284, 374
Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad, 259
Beveridge, H., the antiquities of Bagura
(Bogra), 88

Bhagalpur, transcript of copper-plate at,
404 ; translation of ditto, 407
Bogra or Bagura, antiquities of, 88
Braj, Holi festival in, 120
Brindaban, Gosain Hari Yang of, 97; tem¬
ple of Gobind Deva, 115
Brokpas or Aryans in Tibet, 27

C/HAURASI Pada, a Hindi poem, 105,
109

Chhatthi Palna or Assi khamba of Ma-
haban, 113

Columns, mediaeval Hindu, from Sahar,
117

Copperplate grant from Banda, 73 ; tran¬
script of, at Bhagulpur, 404 ; two an¬
cient inscriptions at Hamirpur N. W.
P., 80 ; of Nanyaura, 81, 84

BaRD race, 27 ; grammatical forms of
the Hard dialects, 38
Dharma Pala, 140

Explorations, recent trans-fron¬
tier, 78

Festival of HoH in Braj, 120

Frescoes in Ajanta, 62
Furrakhabad, the Bangash Nawabs of,
259 ; city of, 276

Gobind DEVA, temple of, at Brinda¬
ban, 115

Gosain Hari Vans of Brindaban, 97
Grierson, G. A., the song of Manik Chan¬
dra, 135

Growse, T. S., Mathura notes, 97
HaDT Siddha, 137

Hamirpur, N. W. P., two ancient inscrip¬
tions on copperplate, 80
Harischandra, Raja, 143
•Hari Vans, Gosain of Brindaban, 97
Hindi poem, the Chaurasi pada, 105, 109
Hindu Sikhara, its origin and development,
114; mediaeval columns from Sahar, 117
Hira, the harlot, 145.

Holi festival in Braj, 120

JnSCRIPTIONS, two ancient on copper¬
plate in Hamirpur, N. W. P., 80
Invasion of Nadir Shah, 331
Irvine, W., the Bangash Nawabs of Far¬
rukhabad, 259

LaALL, C. J., the Mo£allaqah of Zuheyr
rendered into English, with notes, 1

MaHABAN, the Chhatthi Palna or
Assi Khamba of, 113

412

Index.

Mango, story of a, 336

Manik Chandra, song of, 135, 149, 201 ;

particulars about him, 141
Mathura, notes on, 97 : miscellaneous an¬
tiquities at, 118 ; Sati Burj at, 116
Mediaeval Hindi columns from Sahar, 117
Mitra, Dr. 34., on representations of fo¬
reigners in the Ajanta Frescoes, 62 ; on
date of Ajanta caves, 72 ; a copperplate
grant from Banda, 73 ; on the Pal and
Sena Rajas of Bengal, 384
Mo‘allaqah, of Zuheyr rendered into Eng-
lish with notes, 1

Muhammad Khan, the Bangash Nawab,
268

]^[ ADIR Shah’s invasion, 331
Nanyaura, copperplates, 81, 84

0 RIGIN and development of the Hindu
Sikhara, 114

P AL Rajas of Bengal, 384
Prannath Pandit, notes on two ancient
copperplate inscriptions in Hamirpur

N. W. P., 80, 86

P^ADHA Suddha Nidhi by Hari Vans,
translation of, 131
Radha Yallabhis, 97

SaHAR, mediaeval Hindu columns from,
117

Sati Burj at Mathura, 116
Sena rajas of Bengal, 384
Shaw, R. B., Stray Arians in Tibet, 26
Sikhara Hindu, its origin and develop¬
ment, 114

Smith, Y. A., notes on two ancient copper¬
plate inscriptions found in the Hamir¬
pur district, N. \Y. P., 80
Song of Manik Chandra, 135

Temple of Gobind Deva at Brinda-
ban, 115

Temple, R. C., Lieut., the Lokanitf, trans¬
lated from the Burmese paraphrase, 239
Tibet, Stray Arians in, 26
Translations of the Radha Sudha Nidhi of
Hari Yans, 121 ; of the song of Manik
Chandra, 201 ; of copperplate at Bha-
gulpur, 407 ; of the Lokanitf, 239

~ m

W ALICER, J. P., Col., recent trans¬
frontier explorations, 78

Zuheyr, the Arabian poet, 1, 25

PL ATE. I

Journ : Asiat : So c : Bengal , P 1 1 . for 1878.

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Journal, As. Socy. of Bengal, Pt. I, for 1878.

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DTSOT, PHOTO.

EXPLORATIONS

MADE IN CONNECTION WITH THE OPERATIONS OF

THE GREAT TRIGONOMETRICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

IN 1876.

Scale Unci. = 16 Mies or-

Hill peaks fixed by the G. T. S. are shown by triangles, thus A ; their heights when
determined are given opposite them in feet.

Hill peaks fixed by Lieutenant Hayward are shown by small circles, thus © ; and his
determinations of heights are distinguished by the letter CHI opposite
them, thus 17654 (H).

Lieutenant Hayward’s Surveys between and beyond Gilghit and Yassin, have been
largely availed of in the compilation of this map.

Captam Biddulph’s Surveys in the Karambar and Nagar valleys have also been avail¬
ed of ; his heights art: distinguished by the letter (B ) after them.

The route from Dir to Mastuj via Chitral and from Dir to Kunar via Asmar, are taken
from the map which was compiled to illustrate the explorations by the
Havildar and the Mullah in 1873-74.

(1) . The course of the River Indus, from Amb to Bnnji.

(2) . The route from Yassin to Mastuj, via Sar Laspur.

(3) . The route from Mastuj, via the Tui or Moshabar Pass to Barkulti.

( t). The routo from Sar Laspur to the Tal Pass and down the Panjkora

River, to its junction with the Dir River.

(5). The route from Mianknlai, via Nawagi to Pashat or New Kunar.

(G). The route from Nawagi to the Fort of Abazai.

1013760

60 Miles

REFERENCES.

EXPLORATIONS.

W

1-25

?i«»i

& #fa®.

aA 4360

A 6780

\ Iioo ©PESHAWAR

Photo-Zmco graphed at the Offices of the Surveyor General pf India, Dehra and Calcutta, April 1873.

CD Wf> (? GT
0) GM & o) V£) GA

CONSTRUCTED TO ILLUSTRATE

Journ. Asiat. Soc Bengal, Pt: 1,1878

PLATE.VIU.

i

PLATE, XI,

GROUND PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF
RADHA EALLAEH AT BRINDABAN.

RESTORED ELEVATION OF THf SIKHARA OVER THE JAG MOHAN.
TEMPLE OF G0B1ND 1 EVA, BRINDABAN.

PD

=4 L r=.j,

|L - —

— ^ J -

1 3

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PLATE XII.

RESTORED ELEVATION OF-
THE SAT I BURJ, MATHURA.

Ji

Journ : As lat : S o c : B engal P ?. 1 , 18 7 8

Pi ATE IX.

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ALL ABH

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BRIN DAB AN.

Jo-on. A si at Soe; Bengal, PI i for 1878

PBATE - X

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. 4

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Ngi

J:('^ jC. .■>>: ->- ---.rj—

THE CHHATTHI PALNA, AT MAHABAN
( Fi-ora a Photograph.)

r

Journ. Asiat. Soc: Bengal, Pt. I. for 1878

! A 3 I

THE . S A T I BURJ, MATHURA
( Prom a Photograph.. )

Joun. Asiat. Soc: Bengal. Pt. I for 1878.

PLATE XiV.

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S»t*

.wLL>$

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TEMPLE OP JUOtAL KISHOR AT

BRINDABAW

( Fiom a Pliotofjrapt

■

-

Joun. Asiat. Soc: Bengal, Pt. I. for 1378. PLATE XV. 1

MEDIA VAL HINDU PILLARS, PROM SAITAR.
( Erom a Photograph, )

Joun. Asiat. Soc: Bengal, Pt. I. fox 1S78.

PLATE XVI.

IP»1

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8«B

INSCRIBED PILLAR FROM
t From a Photograph ;

SAHAR

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.

Joum. Asiat. Soc: Bengal. Pt. ]. for 1878.

PLATE XVH.

A5'-

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iSliii

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|Bp | ••

PILLAR WITH GROTESQUE MASK. FROM ALLAHABAD.

Journ. Asiat. Soc: Bengal, Pt. I. for 1878

PLATE xvm

BUDDHIST RAILS,

MATHURA.

(From a Photograph.)

PLATE XIX

Journ. Asiat. Soe: Bengal, Pt. I. for 1878,

BUDDHIST RAIL FROM THE BHUTESVAR TIL A, MATHURA

(From a Photograph.)

»

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■

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9m

Journ : Asiat: Soc : Bengal , P t : 1, 187 8 .

PLATE, XX.

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S. S t dig -field/ Liih

MISCELLANEOUS ANTIQUITIES
MATHURA MUSEUM.

Journ, Asiat. Soc. Bengal, Pt I, 1878.

PLATE XXI.

/////'

"Ik. ;///",

I f ^ ' k a i Y

INSCRIBED SLAB,
* Found at Mathura in 1878.

H «jv sTfk JT _5H ‘^$'aQir

ZiacograpkeA at the Surveyor Generals Office Calcutta,

PALI INSCRIPTION,

Found at Mathura,

■

JOUHN ASIAT: SOC'. JENOAL. rt.1.18 78.

PL XXII.

Supposed to represent Vasu Deva
Son of Manick Chandra. Fig. 2

I

JOTJKtsT: ASIAT : SOC. BEK&AIi. PV. 1 187£.

TL XXUI.

Vii- 3 .

Haris CHancLra Raja s Tom"b

Fl£: 4t

SarmJ a or T am'tmra .

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.

.

Jour. As. Socy. of Bengal, Pt. I, 1873.

PLATE XXIV.

FACSIMILE OF THE OBVERSE OF A COPPER - PLATE INSCRIPTION FROM B 'HAG ALP U H

Jour. As. Socy. of Bengal, Pt. I, 1873,

PLATE XXV.

.PUatozmcograpkea at the Siu’vrryrrr .Geaeral’s Office Calcutta .

FACSIMILE OF THE REVERSE OF A COPPER - PLATE INSCRIPTION FROM BHAGALPUR.

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