i ea eee ee ae ‘eee : ] De wer . ' Sn catia ning that < oe Big Oe ek ORR Re ah, eee “ af . sa ut ‘ a a —— ty My wb: A ik ey s Le THE JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF EDITED BY THE SECRETARY. VOL EX: PART II.—JULY TO DECEMBER, 1840. NEW SERIES. ‘¢ Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science, in differ- ent parts of Asia will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society in Caleutta; it will languish, if such communications shall be long intermitted ; and will die away BISHOP’S COLLEGE PRESS. 1840. i 4 # €) sta : a : oo iY ¥ 4 a Rin 9 gansta 2250.0 G4 ber Yara yolotulg Bessa a xf ai met AF rc fee ie baa ® t pBand= Gig, SCF ET oes RPOD. ea tOHE CONTENTS. No. 103. I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (continued. ) soee sees II.—Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to super- intend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their commencement in December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840. By Col. D. McLeod. .... I1I.—Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlej rivers. By Lieut. W. E. Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna..... obs eeee I1V.—Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). By Lieut. Wiekelle os. aes cece esos eee eeee pieiee V.—Sketch of the Physical Geography of ae By Captain Edward Conolly, 6th Cavalry. afeiale aes peers ele stall SERS VI.—Proceedings of the Avahe Epa nee see sees uses No. 104. I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (concluded. ) ane 456 I] —Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam. Com- municated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General’s Agent N. E. Frontier. (with plate. ) ahaioka sees ode maiete seme III.—Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.) By Tieut. Tickell, (concluded. ) stereia sade Ae Bete ese IV.—Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain Fisher, formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta. .. PS oeee : V.—Memorandum on the’Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, 6 on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant Poli- tical Agent, Upper Sinde. .... esee eisai eriale sees ooee VI.—On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social State among the Hindus. By Jas. Bird, Esq..... 00 a wee sees VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, .. Spears ones reine eres 627 710 726 733 766 783 808 843 848 809 iv Contents. No. 105. I.—Description of, and deductions from a consideration of some new Bactrian coins. By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham, Engineers. eee ooee 11.—Notes of a March from Brimham Ghat on the Nerbudda, to Umurkuntuk, the Source of that River. By G. Spilsbury, Esq. (with plate.) «s.+ wees III.—Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans-Himalayan Boodhists. By W.E. Carte, Esq. (with plate.) aeae SO erie ACE RE OCS teas IV.—Report on the Country between Kien Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. By Capt. E. P. De la Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General. .. eae V.—Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport ‘¢ Indian Oak,” on the Loochoo Islands; communicated from the Political Secretariat Office, Government of India. ese cose cece eece sels VI.—Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late cam Edward Conolly. .... Soon aoe =< Aor Sane : VII.—Extract from Bees of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837. 38, VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. . No. 106. I.—Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Grange, Assistant Political Agent, undertaken by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken by permission from the records of the Political Secretariat under the Government of India).... Il.—A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By Johan- nes Avdall, Esq., M.A.S. &c. eee ae sis Sn 5 48e III.—Letters, forwarding a Paper on the formation of the Museum of Hebndinie Geology of India, from Captain Tremenheere, Engineers. IV.—Grammatical construction of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell. eoee V.—Note, to be appended to my account of the coins of Mayas, in the article on ‘* Some New Bactrian Coins.’’ No. 105. By Lieut. A. Cunningham. .... _ VI.—A Third Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of Storms in India; being, Researches relating to the Hurricane in the Bay of Bengal, and at Cuttack, from 27th April to Ist May 1840. By H. Piddington, Esq... (with plates) VII-—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society..... No. 107. I.—Vocabulary of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell. .... ae ot wees II.--A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind. By Captain G. E, Westmacott, 37th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry..... III.—A cursory Notice of Nayakote. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident at the Court of Nepal. ooee bes oe at teks IV.—Fossil Shells discovered by Gaplain ae. ist Bavopean ee in the neighbourhood of Bajgah, foe (with plates) . V.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,.. 867 889 904 907 916 924 938 941 947 967 973 997 1068 1009 1055 1063 1090 1114 vee sees 2126 1129 Contents. Vv No. 108. I.—The Galvanic Battery in its various Practical Applications as an Igniting Agent. By Lieut. R. Baird Smith, Bengal Engineers, (with plate.) .... 1149 II1.—On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub-Hema- - laya; with a slight notice of a strictly Hemalayan species. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident at the Court of Nepal.. sees cece . 1183 —= I11.—A Short account of Khyrpoor and the Forties of Bukur, in North Sind. By Captain G. E. Westmacott, 37th Regt. Bengal N. [. (concluded. ) .... 1187 IV.—Three new Species of Monkey; with remarks on the genera Semnopi- thecus et Macacus. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. .. Sarai See BT es red V.—General notice of the tribe of Kujjukzyes (Upper Sinde). By Capt. N. Hart, 2nd Regt. Grenadiers (Bombay Army.) cose eens ~ 1214 VI.—Second Notice of some forged coins of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians. By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham. (with plate.) als Nee - 1217 Index. Page. Page. Proceedings of the Committee ap- Sketch of the Physical Geography of pointed to superintend the Boring Seistan. By Capt. Edward Conolly, Operations in Fort William, from 6th Cavalry, esse sees their commencement in December, Vocabulary of the Ho language. By 1835, to their close in April, 1840, Lieut. ‘Yickell, eae =seiteie LUGS Abstract Report of the, By Col. D. Wreck of the Transport ‘ Indian McLeod, Ty he tO Ay Oak,’’ on the Loochoo islands, Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Narrative of facts attending the, Khorassan, and the produce of In- Communicated from the Political digo in Sinde, Memorandum on the, Secretariat Office, Government of By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant India, oe es a .. 916 Political Agent, Upper Sinde,.... 843 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian LASSEN, Bonn, 1838. Character of the Alphabet. The rule for reading the Alphabet is the Semitic, and this fact is the more remarkable, as the Indian characters of the immediate neighbourhood, as_ well as those occurring upon Greek coins, coeval with the most ancient coins on which the Cabulian characters occur, have never assumed this direction in all the varieties which the Indian alphabet has gone through within India and out of its confines. The arrow-headed inscriptions too have the same direction with the Indian, and though at least one variety of them does not express the a, following consonants, yet it has not, as the characters of the coins have, signs of the shortened vowels i and u. On the other hand, there is evidently in the legends a certain approximation to the Indian system of vowel-writing, not especially by the fact, that i and perhaps also u, even when short, are not denoted by marks on the consonants, nor by the other similarity, that they are not represented, even when long (with u however this is mere conjecture) by the correspond- ing quiescent semivowels j and v; for the first may occur in 1 Continued from p. 488. vol. ix. No, 103. New Serigs, No. 19, AY se. 628 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. Semitic alphabets, the latter may be omitted in them, especi- ally if they be applied to a foreign language ; but this approxi- mation of the vowel system is made remarkable by the pecu- liarity, that.a is not treated in the same manner with i, but | is considered inherent as in Indian languages. Whenever any Semitic language expresses the short vowels by smaller signs, it does so with a as well as with i and u: whenever it denotes the long vowels by quiescent consonants, similar to vowels, it applies for this purpose x as well as » and }. But all Indian alphabets represent, as our coins do, A, I, U, by their own signs only as initials to syllables, but never A, when following a consonant, and the other vowels only by abbrevia- tions. The diphthongs, at least 6, do not follow the Indian system, according to which aa te, tai, ay, to, as well as @ fu, are written by abbreviated signs, they do not follow a Semitic system ; but the diphthongs are placed in the line with the other letters, and 6 has in the writing no reference to u; é has it not to ee; while instances of the uncontracted diphthongs di and du are wanting. The instance of Eukratides can decide nothing as to the system of orthography peculiar to the language. As the diphthongs are written in this language, so were all the vowels in Zend ; but that language distinguishes between long and short vowels, though the former are but amplifications of the latter. . Now supposing that the characters on the coins were a Semi- tic alphabet applied to an Indo-Iranian dialect, the shapes of the consonants, and the initial vowels, might be considered as of Semitic origin, the principle for the medial vowels would have been borrowed from the Indian system of orthography, while an independent principle was invented for the diphthongs; and if the orthography of the Zendic language were likewise of Semitic origin, the principle adopted on the legends for only 6, (and é) would have been extended in this language to all vowels. This conjecture embraces the postulate, that at the period when the characters on the coins were introduced, the Indian alphabet had already completed the system upon which its pe- culiar mode of representing the vowels is founded. 1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 629 This supposition may, I think, be proved correct. Let us first of all dismiss any consideration of the Semitic origin of both alphabets, and look to the reference they have one to another. If in the one, the system of vowels be of Indian origin, and in the other original (and peculiar to the language,) as above supposed, there can be no point of comparison. But with regard to the diphthong 6, it is worth remarking, that P, 6, has the form ? on later coms, but slightly differing from, and hence it would appear as if the Zendic alphabet had borrowed this 6 from the alphabet on the coins. This, however, does not hold good with é. By comparing the consonants, we find resemblances perhaps only between r and w, (not v, of the Zend alphabet), and n, in which, however, the similarity is very obvious, though we in fact are comparing two extreme points only, viz. the characters on the coins in their most ancient form, and the Zendic character of wholly modern manuscripts. With other letters we only require a common medium of comparison to ascertain their rela- tion, as for instance with m, dh, and others. I do not propose to carry this comparison further, which to afford satisfactory evidence, would require us to obtain in the first instance the characters of the coins in their latest shapes; and would also necessitate us to point out in the Zendic alphabet, what characters were subjected to a change of shape, to which the nasals are especially liable. Lastly, it would not be sufficient to confine our comparison to these two alphabets ; all other alpha- bets must be similarly considered, which in a geographical and historical point of view are included in the same circle as these, viz. the Pehlvi characters of the books of the Parsees, so intimately connected with the Zendic character, as well as the various characters of the Sassanian monuments. All of them are closely connected, first, in a geographical point of view, as they are the native tongues in the countries west of the Indus, and east of the Euphrates, viz., in Iran, probably so called ; and secondly, in an historical point of view, as they came into use in the period intervening between Alexander the Great and the invasion of the Mahomedans. Without at all deciding on the time’ when the Zendic 630 Lassen on the History traced [No. 1038. works were first composed, it is certainly evident, that the characters of the coins, appearing before the dominion of the Sassanians, were the most ancient of the alphabets of Central Tran. | The characters on the coins are therefore of special im- portance with regard to their relations to Semitic alphabets, before proposed as a mere conjecture, and if we do consider that it was during the dominion of the Seleucides, and their successors, in use in Bactria and Parthia, we must look for the model upon which they are formed, in the capitals of the Seleucidian power, if their origin from the west be admitted. The comparison must consequently specially include all that may be most likely to afford us an idea of the Syrian alphabet, as it was in use under the Seleucides, such as the inscriptions of Palmyra, though the most ancient of them is nearly a century and a half later than the characters on the coins. These conjectures pretend to no more authority than is implied in them as mere suggestions, and they must not hinder us from determining more exactly the alphabet on the coins in a geographical and chronological point of view. Its geographical limits are connected with the extent of the Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Scythian power southward from the Indian Caucasus. None of the Greek kings who reigned in Bactria only has made use of this alphabet on his coins, and even of those who have adopted them, Hukratides perhaps alone possessed territories in Bactria, as well as southward from the Caucasus. | To this we must add the following : the Kanerkis, who, while passing towards India, must have lingered longer in Bactria than other Scythians, because they appropriated to themselves in preference Bactro-Persian gods, have, like the Greek purely Bactrian kings, never adopted this alphabet. This being so, we cannot help supposing, that the characters of the coins were not indigenous to Bactria, that is to say, that they existed to the south only, and not to the north of the Caucasus.* * A short inscription, a word from Bamian, which Mr. Masson had read according to their alphabet, is quite uncertain, As. T. v. 188. 1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 631 They are discovered to the east in topes, near Jelalabad, and between the Indus and Hydaspes in Manikyala, but further eastward than this, they have not been met with. We also do not know yet whether they extend to Kandahar, in a more westerly direction. To the north of the Cabul river those cha- racters are met with in Kapurdigarhi, in the ancient Peuke- laotis. As. Trans. v. Pl. xxvii. As the matter therefore rests at present, we may assert, that these characters were geographically limited to the country about the Cabul river, and we will term the characters on the coins THE CABULIAN ALPHABET. Menandros, or Eukratides, is the first who made use of the alphabet. That we may not pretend to fix the time more exactly than the facts admit, we shall assign their first occur- rence to the years 180—170 (s. c.) It existed in use, as has been already noticed, till within the Sassanian era, and is therefore coeval with the character found further west on the monuments and coins of the Sassanides. The latest occurrence of these characters is perhaps found in the report of Hiuan Thsang, when he says, that in Thsaokiutho other characters than the Indian were in use; now there, in the country to which our alphabet was indigenous, about the Pan- jhir, a tributary of the Cabul, it appears hardly possible to allude to any other characters than to these. But it was, on the other hand, also cotemporary with the Indian alphabet, which appears as early upon the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon, and proves entirely different, both by its opposite mode of writing and by the shape of its characters. This Indian alphabet occurs immediately before this date on the columns of Azoka (260—219. B. c.)* and continues under the Indian kings of the Maurja dynasty.t As now the empire of Azoka extended to the Indian Caucasus (I shall hereafter recur _to this) and as it would appear preposterous that he should have introduced an alphabet foreign to him upon the stupas which he is said to have built there,{ as on the contrary the * Zeitschrift fuer die Kunde des Morgenlander, As. Trans. vr. 791. + As. Trans. vi. 678. t Foe K. p. 395. 632 | Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. Cabulian characters on the coins disappear in western India, together with the dominion of the foreigners, the following conclusions seem still to result. First, the Cabulian charac- ters on the coins occur in the Punjab, not because a native alphabet was unknown there, but in consequence of the foreign dominion, which transplanted thither from Cabul, carried on its coins along with it, to the east, its peculiar characters. Secondly, it is doubtful, whether the dominion of the foreigners descending from the Caucasus, found in western Cabulistan, this alphabet alone in use, or employed in common with an Indian one. To us it appears probable, from the foregoing remarks, that these foreigners did not import the alphabet with them from Bactria. At the very place where the intercourse of trade brought into contact the east and the west, India and Iran, it was most easily possible that an alphabet, introduced from the west, such as we must admit the alphabet on the coins on our previous investigation to be, may have been in use in common with Indian letters, unless we be disposed to attribute to the Paropamisades the invention of an alphabet of their own. Whether there were indeed an Indian alphabet there, we shall not question ; the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon, however, prove, that an Indian alphabet, if not in western Cabulistan, prevailed at least more to the eastward; had this not been the case, why should they have used Indian characters? But these characters disappear with those kings, and retreat proportion- ately with the extension of the dominion of Menandros to the eastward. I do not here extend these remarks, as the era and the abode of Agathokles and Pantaleon are still uncertain ; I shall only add, that I can place them neither with Mr. Raoul-Rochette in Bactria at the head of all those princes, nor with Mr. K. O Mueller remove them to India Proper. But the following fact will prove, how correct it is to con- sider the characters on the coins as foreign to India. Upon the ancient Buddhist coins, discovered* in the ruins of the town Behat on the banks of the Jumna, there occurs the title PY1uU * As. Trans. 11, 227. 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 633 Mahérdéjé, in Cabulian characters, and on the reverse the same words in the old Indian characters of the Agathokles coins, and the Azoka columns.* By this factitis quite evident, that the Cabulian alphabet on the coins was not in use in India Proper, and this at the period when the most ancient form of the Devanagari, which we as yet know, was still prevailing. Those Buddhist kings whom we otherwise do not know, must have employed the Cabulian characters only for the use of their. sub- jects on the banks of the Indus. It does not follow from the foregoing remarks, that the cha- racters are not more ancient than the coins upon which they occur. If no coins were previously struck there, the characters could not indeed be used for numismatic purposes, but they would be in the transactions of other business. When Panini (IV. I. 49) informs us, that by the affix ani to the word Javana, the writing peculiar to this nation Javanani aaatat fafa: qaqratat is represented, he perhaps points at the Cabulian alphabet. According to Indian tradition, Panini is placed im- mediately before Chandragupta, (therefore during the reign of Alexander the Great); it is more certain, however, that his native country was the ancient Gandhara, where he would be certainly enabled to become familiar with the characters of the Javanas of that country. I have taken it for granted in the course of the preceding remarks, that the Indians were already possessed of an alphabet of their own, at the period when the Greek kings first extended their dominion to the south of the Caucasus; some of my inferen- ces are mainly founded upon this view. * T owe this important fact to communications Mr. Prinsep made me by letter. The proper names are not yet read, as far as I know, upon the coins of this kind, with duplicate legends ; those that are read, are only in old Indian characters and Indian. As. Trans. VI. 464. As those others are ancient, I presume, that on these very coins, monuments of the dynasty of the Buddhist Khanishka will be brought to light; for he must have reigned a short time before or after the commencement of our era; he ruled Gandhara, Kazmira, and the country Keenaputi 500 lis to the eastward from Vipazd, (Foe K. p. 381). This lies in the nearest neighbourhood of Behat, and the use of the two-fold characters for the same language is exactly suited to these countries. 634 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. But now I perceive, that an erudite person whose views must be of great weight with all those that have occupied themselves with his writings, draws from the newest inquiries into Indian . coins, the conclusion, that the. Indian alphabet is derived from the Grecian. Mr. Prinsep in decyphering these Indian characters, written in a peculiar manner on the coins of Saurashtra, asserted, that the more ancient the Nagari, the more similar become the cha- racters to the Grecian ones. Upon this he had grounded the conclusion,* that the most ancient Greek characters are but the Indian turned upside down. Mr. Mueller, who did not of course require proof of the inva- lidity of this view, takes the converse of the assertion. “ If,’ says he, “the relation of the ancient Nagari to the Greek alphabet is closer than can be explained by the common derivation of both from Phoenician language, we are forced into the conclusion, that the Greeks introduced this alphabet to the Indians, and that in consequence, the heaven-born alphabet of the Brahmins is not older than Alexander.” Now this is no casual remark, such as sometimes occurs in a journal, and which we may put aside without notice, but it is, if not a view deliberately considered, still an opinion positively pronounced and hopefully cherished. He says (p. 249,) ‘We must, however, confess that our hopes as to the historical connexion between Indian and Grecian civilization, go far beyond this fact,” (that the Indians have borrowed their shapes of coins from the hide: Sey thiarts) a ane extend over the whole history of art and letters.” It is therefore a favourite opinion of this celebrated scholar, the correctness or incorrectness of which must be of vital im- portance in Indian antiquities. For if the Indians had no alpha- bet before Alexander, all the writings that we have hitherto considered the subject matter of as genuine sources for the knowledge of India from the most ancient days, were penned after Alexander’s time, or more correctly speaking, after the * As, Trans. VI. p. 390. | Goett. Gel. Anz. at other places, p. 252. 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 635 establishment of the dominion of the Bactrian kings in Cabul and on the Indus, as no sound critic can assign such an influ- ence as consequent on Alexander’s momentary sojourn in India. ‘Bayer had discovered from some Indian words, communicated to. him, that a striking similarity obtained between the Greek and Indian numerals; hence he concluded, that the Indians had borrowed these words from the Greeks. The affinity was in- geniously discovered, while the inference not too bold, as he at the same time admitted, that the Indians possessed other and more ancient native numerals ; none, however, will probably in our days earnestly undertake to refute Bayer’s opinion; but in his time he could hardly draw any other conclusion from the reports at his disposal. - Mr. Mueller’s conclusion, however, appears to me much bolder, and whatever species of criticism he may meet with from others, I for my part shall refute him in good earnest. Supposing, there exists in very deed a similarity between the - Greek and the Indian characters on the Saurashtra coins, as Mr. Prinsep has maintained; granting also, that they were imitated after Parthian and Indo-Scythian models, it will be asked, what inference can be hence derived? Certainly only this, that the characters on those coins are of Greek origin. Mr. Mueller* places a date to these coins, subsequent to the first century of our era; the age of the Indian alphabet cannot therefore be traced with certainty prior to this period. Whether this similarity do exist, or not, is here wholly beside the question ; I think it fallacious, but I shall here drop the subject. Mr. Mueller will have it for granted, that the older the Indian characters are, according to his conjecture, the closer must be their similarity with the Greek. Now he assigns himself the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon to the year 200—160 s. c. Their coins, having exactly the same alphabet as employed but a short time before on Indian monu- ments, was undoubtedly the form, then adopted, of Brahminical Debnagari. This character has been now decyphered with full * p. 248, 4m 636 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. authenticity by Mr. Prinsep, as is the most ancient from the Indian characters hitherto discovered. I shall here copy this alphabet, (and ask), whether the hopes, above alluded to, of tracing the sources of the Indian alphabet to the Greek, are likely to be much favoured by this discovery? I must strongly doubt it. ths tnicricte dtacLovitnie Raw oiDesGe! ith dese ease Gk Ok c.g. 0 oO 0h. ae Aviteii@i thy» Pedyo Bodieh Lone bsp pipe ek ei TUR Fa ln ae I eRe: CPs rae It may be added, that this alphabet had already the junctions of consonants, and the representative marks for shortened vowels, such as we find them to this day in the Indian orthography. To prove the desired derivation of the Indian alphabet from the Greek, it will be necessary to point out, as existing be-— tween the era of Alexander the Great, and the grandson of Chandragupta, Azoka, a form of Indian characters, marking the progress of transition from the Greek alphabet to the Indian, above exhibited. Tull this has been effected, we may be allowed to keep in store (as reserve artillery), the remaining arguments in favour of the originality of the Indian alphabet, which are to be discovered in the grammatical system, in the history of the language, in the substance of the inscriptions, and, lastly, in the reports of Megasthenes and Nearchos. The time has been, when every invention of the human mind must have passed from the East into Greece; but the philologists of classic antiquity would like to establish the converse of this view on every subject. The hope of advancing science is most laudable, but most fallacious, if cherished for a favourite system, since it impedes the judgment in forming clear and impartial conclusions. How otherwise could a man of so clear a mind, as is Mr. Mueller, fail to perceive, that he clung to a predilec- tion, while neglecting the most important facts ? It seems to me, I confess, a pleasant accident, that this latest effort at Indian conquest, made by Greek philology, may be 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 637 refuted by the mere agency of a petty monument of Gre- cian art. | § 13; The Language. That the language of the legends in the Cabulian character belongs to the widely extended family of the Arian languages, is so evident from the foregoing disquisition, as to render it. unnecessary to dilate on the subject; a few words only on the latest coins of the Kadphises dynasty, constitute the only exception to this fact. The language on the coins also remains at all periods un- altered ; in the word ¢déddré alone is an alteration affected to dhddhdaré, giving evidence of a later variety in pronunciation. I do not include in this assertion the language of the Kanerki-coins ; they refer to another dialect, on the position of which, as to local use, a conjecture can only be formed here- after. From the discussions, as to the country to which this alphabet was indigenous, the natural inference ensues, that _ the language, expressed in these letters, may be assigned to the Same country; all peculiarities hitherto discovered, as to the system of sounds in the language, tend to the same conclusion. The language is not Zend, for this does not absorb the consonants ; the Zend has puthra, not putta, and retains even on the Kanerki-coins, athro, mithro, ardethro; the language of the coins, on the contrary, reads, Minadhé, Eikatidé ; Zend again retains n before t, but not the language on the coins; Zend does not exclusively express its nominative in the ter- mination 6, and it alters an Indian H into Z, while the language of the coins has mahaté. Zend has no L, while with our language it is a favourite letter, as for instance, prati becomes pati, and even pali. A Zendic, or more correctly speaking, an Iranian affinity, appears only in the substitution of k (i. e., q or kv) for sp identical with sv. This fact, and the correspondence with the old Persian in omitting the nasal before dentals, are the only peculiarities which refer to Iran. Other facts have been noticed, with regard to the language, as common to the Indian dialects of Pracrit, viz. the absorption 638 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. of consonants, the alteration of hard into soft roots, and the 1 for t. The word Dharma has a decided relation to India, being all a doctrinal term, which cannot be declared as such with reference to Iran; again, rdjan for king, and gaa for victory ; tdddré too is also Indian,—though we will not deny its also belonging to Zend. These indications lead us to a country, immediately bordering upon India, and the language of which, though not entirely Indian, and rather forming a transitional: dialect in some respects between the Indian and Iranian lan- guages, still did not very materially differ from an Indian dialect ; in saying which, I allude to the language in daily use with the common people, and not to Sanscrit, which was then already, in all probability, the language of the learned castes, and of the great. The existence of the dialects of Pra- crit, as in common use with the people, is ascertained by their occurrence on the Buddhist monuments of this time; the Pra- crit, or what eventually is the same, the Pali, could not have been raised by the Buddhists to the dignity of a religious language, unless it had existed aforetime among the people. Now as about the period of the first of the Greco-Indian kings, Pracrit was used on monuments in India itself, at least by the Buddhists, there is no occasion for wonder, if we meet with a popular dialect in Cabulistan, especially on coins: the San-- scrit would have only been in use there under a Brahminical influence. The country of the language on the coins may therefore with certainty, I think, be looked for westerly from the Indus, and to the south of the Indian Caucasus; but it is very difficult to define its limit more exactly; for though we have already proved, that the influence of Indian dialects extends to the westward of the Indus, even to the Cabul river beyond Jelala- bad, still it does hence not follow, that to the country west of that, the same language existed. It is true, we found also, that the Paropamisades were represented as being Indians, and a later notice extends the term Jndian even to Arachosia ;* but re- ports of only a little later date, have limited the influence of the * Isidor. Charac. with Huds. p. 8. 1840. | - from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 639 Indian language to a point beyond Jelalabad. To arrive at a con- clusion, would involve the necessity of acquaintance with the more minute peculiarities of those languages in their ancient condition. Again, the existing relics of the ancient languages in these countries, admit the inference of no deduction. The Deggani lan- ‘guage in Lamghan, as well as the spoken language of Kaferis- tan, may still be recognised as remnants of old Indian dialects, but we do not know them so well, as to be able to make use of them here. The language of the remaining ancient races of western Cabulistan, the Kohistan of the present day, is entirely unknown. We can therefore only say generally, that in one of those dialects the remnants of the ancient Cabulian language must exist, the oldest traces of which occur on the coins, but without being able to decide ourselves in favour of any particular dialect among them, as being the receptacle of those remains. I indeed know, that some have pretended to recognise the Afghans in eastern Cabul, even as early as Alexander’s time ; not so Mr. Elphinstone,* who rather proves their immigration into Cabul at a much later period; this conjecture has originated with Professor Wilken, who thinks, he recognises the Afghans in the Assakanes.t If these were indeed Afghans, the Afghan language would have been spoken throughout Cabul, and the language of the coins must be the sources of the Pushtoo. Without observing, that neither ancient authorities nor modern Afghan history, admit or require this supposition, the correct assertion of the learned academician himself, that the Afghans belonged to the Medo-Persic tribe, is at variance with it ; the Assakanes inhabited a country, where even in the 7th century A. D., an Indian language was spoken. The language of the Afghans, moreover, shows an evident difference from the lan- guage on the coins; as, for instance, it substitutes like Zend, z for the Indian h, zwmy, winter, for hima, and this z is altered in the western Afghan dialect into gh, urighu (rice) for urizu, for vrihi.t * Account, &c. II, 10. 33. 44. 50. 56. &c. + Abhandlg. der Berl. Acad. 1818-19 p. 261. aa t “Opvéa has been introduced through Persian into Grecian language. 640 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. Though I cannot therefore discover the Afghans on the Indian frontier at so early a period, yet I willingly allow, that the ori- ginal seats of the Afghans, may have had a situation sufficiently near Cabul. On this supposition, it would by no means be sur- prising, if their language were not a purely Iranian dialect, but rather like that on the coins, forming the transitional dialect between the Iranian and the Indian, but approaching (in point of locality), the west, with a prevailing affinity to Iranian pecu- liarities. I dare, however, not indulge myself by pursuing this interesting investigation. § 14. The Kings. Classes of coins, and places of their discovery. There is much more difficulty in obtaining for the seat of the different empires, established by the coins, and for the series of their kings, even that degree of probability, which we have, I think, succeeded in arriving at for both the language and alphabet. It will here be necessary, first to have before us the materials to be arranged ; I shall accordingly enumerate the names of the kings according to the coins, adding the facts, which hence result, as regard the era, the succession, or any remarkable cir- cumstance with respect to each of those kings. I have invari- ably noted the places, where the coins have been discovered, if it appeared to be instrumental in determining the native country of the kings. The classes I have adopted, are founded on the language and alphabet, and their sub-divisions upon the numis- matic inquiries of Mr. Raoul-Rochette, and upon the titles of the kings. Concerning this catalogue, I must premise, that it has been only made with a view to facilitate succeeding investigations, and that it does not pretend to giving a numismatic description. I. Coins with merely Greek characters. § 1. Greek characters, and purely Greek names and titles. Euthydemos. Head with diadem; on the reverse Hercules, either standing with the club raised in his left hand, the lion’s skin over the arm, and in the right hand a crown, or else a com- mon Hercules, seated, leaning on his left hand, in the right the ee 1840.) from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 641 club placed on a rock.* The coins presenting Hercules in a standing position, exhibit the youthful head of the king, which indeed differs from the head of EKuthydemos, as ordinarily re- presented, and rather resembles that of Agathokles ; hence Mr. Raoul-Rochette’s conjecture, that EKuthydemos may have suc- ceeded Agathokles, and may at first have retained on his coins the portrait of his predecessor. The resemblance with that king, however, appears not striking enough, and the connexion between both of them could be only admitted in the reversed succession. Lastly, a coin has been discovered, the reverse of which represents a horse without trapping, and galloping ;{ one legend occurs invariably. BASIAEQ> EYOYAHMOY. Bronze coins with an Apollo, crowned with laurel, and the reverse with the tripod. R. R. IT. 60. J. d. S. p. 387. We may get some single specimens of these coins, which are distinguished for their beauty, from the south of the Caucasus; but they come in course of trade from Balkh; there occur too in Bokhara many coins of Euthedemos, bar- barously executed, with an almost illegible legend, which some- time eluded all attempts at reading it.§ These latter are imitations, originating with the Scythians of the north, whom we cannot call Indo-Scythians, as they had not arrived yet in India. Demetrios, son of Kuthydemos, a fact confirmed by the coins.|| Beardless, diademed head ; reverse, helmeted Minerva, stand- ing, with a long tunic, and a shorter one over it, the left hand leaning on the shield; in the right a spear. Another reverse with Hercules standing, either similar to the coins of the father, or crowning himself with his right hand; and the head of the king, elegantly adorned with the trunk and tusks of an ele- phant. This latter emblem, evidently refers to his Indian con- quests. Mr. Raoul-Rochette infers from the similarity of the other type with that on the coins of the Eukratides, that these * R. R. J. des Sav. p. 328. p. 386. I. p. 7. A. T. IV. pl. XXV. No. 1. V, pl. XLVI. No. 3. + 1. 8. t As. T. V. pl. XLVI. No. 4. § RK. R. I. 3. I. 12. | R. R. J. des Sav. p. 330. I. p. 3. II. 17, if G7 RR. 1 p.'7. &e. Il. p. 16. 642 | Lassen on the History traced — [No. 103. coins of Demetrios were struck, while he was unexpelled as yet from Bactria by Eukratides, and infers, that Demetrios had there- fore also reigned in Bactria, though but for a short time.* That he laid claims to Bactria, is certain enough. These coins are likewise of superior workmanship, and in most elegant taste. Legend BAZTIAEQS AHMHTPIOY. The coins are rare, and have been partly transmitted to us through India, partly through Bokhara. Their proper place of discovery is perhaps not yet exhausted (discovered ?) On this hereafter. Mr. Mion- net (vi11. 473) pretends to infer from these coins the existence of two Demetrii; till this new fact in history is more surely proved, we may be allowed to treat this second Demetrios as “a king of shadows.” Heliokles—Known only by his coins, and first embodied in the series of Bactrian kings by Mionnet, then by Visconti.T Mionnet asserted, that he was the son of (or of an) Eukratides, while Mr. R. R. thinks him his predecessor.{ A specimen has been brought from the city of Cabul by Mr. Honigberger,$ Type; Jupiter standing, with the thunderbolt, and the legend HAIOKAEOY= BASIAEQS AIKAIOY. On account of the epithet (just,) Mr. R. R. puts Heliokles in connexion with other kings, who likewise style themselves jus?,|| as the founder of a separate branch; but Lysias, whom he had in mind, in forming his opinion, is a Spalyrios, and of the other Grecian kings, only one has the same epithet, viz. Archelios, a later discovery, he has indeed as well the Jupiter type, but he in addition calls himself NIKH®OPO%, and has a native legend. A copper coin of Heliokles, the first specimen of this kind, has been discovered of late in the Punjab, (As. Trans. Vol. v1. 987,) it is not stated, whether with a native legend or not. I may be hereafter allowed to propose a conjecture on historic grounds concerning his era. Eukratides. Mr. Raoul-Rochette{ distributes the coins bear- ing this name, between two Kukratides, father and son, on the precedent of Bayer, who maintained, that some things * 1..p.40, As. T. IVi pl.yXXWVe No, 2. + R.R. J. des Say. 1834, p. 329. i. R. I. p. 34. ID. p. 26. § RAS: || I. p. 26. {] T. der Say. p. 387. 1840.) Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 643 were mentioned of Eukratides, not in correspondence with the victorious king of this name; hence he concluded, the name of his son, successor, and murderer, was the same.* But that the son and parricide did bear the same name, is not conclusively established by authorities (of which hereaf- ter); while Mr. Muellert objects to this view from the very reason, that, according to the arrangement of M. R. R., this very Kukratides, known to us as a parricide, was called “ the Great.”” There occur indeed two specimens, one of which has also native legends. I here describe the purely Greek one alone, postponing my own view for the historic examination. Diademed head of the king; reverse, a naked Apollo crowned with laurel, standing with one hand leaning on a bow, in the other an arrow. Legend BASIAEQ> EYKPATIAOY.{ This type never has a native legend. On other coins a head of Apollo with a laurel wreath; on the reverse, a horse with the same legend in Greek alone.§ The coins with the Dioscuri on horseback, with the title of “Great King,’ and which are partly of purely Greek and some with a native legend, are assigned to Kukratides IT. This type of the Dioscuri, however, likewise occurs with the simple Greek legend, BASTAEQS EYKPATIAOY, || and without the native character, which only appears, when the Greek has the word METAAOY. The Dioscuri on horseback have sometimes a helmeted, and sometimes a diademed head of the king; those with the caps of the Dioscuri only a diademed head, with the title either simple, or at length.{ It is evident, that neither the difference between “ king’’ and “Great King,” nor the native legend, affords any criterion for assigning the type of the Dioscuri to the son. There remains the difference in the features of the king, which may be laid to a difference in age. On the native legend we shall remark hereafter. > Paavo. t+ p. 205 { J. des Say. p. 386, I. No. 5. § R.R. IT. 60. | A..T. IV. pl. gxey. No. 6..7. 4 A. T. V. pl. xuv1. No. 10. No. 32.) AN 644 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. Masson found 107 coins of Eukratides in Beghram, he does not, however, distinguish them according to the types.* There occur also coins of Agathokles, with a purely Greek legend; but as nobody would adopt the idea of two Agathokles, we shall postpone the investigation of this point. § 2. Purely Grecian characters, the kings not Greek, having, however, no barbarian titles. The following coins present a singular phenomenon. Mr. Mas- son discovered at Beghram,t in the space of three years two hun- dred and fifty-seven specimens of a coin with the legend BASIAZSEYS BAZIAEQN ZOTHPMETAS, but without a proper name. The Greek legend being sometimes corrupted, we observe either BASIAEY or BASIAEY QN.+ Bags full of these may be had in Affghanistan, andin the Punjab. The simi- lar coins with a native legend, never have the bust of the nameless king. Mr. Raoul-Rochette describes them in this manner: ‘“* Bust of a king, the head encircled by a diadem and a nimbus ; with his left hand holding an iron spear; no legend. Reverse, a man on horseback with the Greek legend, above mentioned. The head of the bust helmeted, occurs too as a variety.’’§ The large number of these coins proves that this king posses- sed an ample empire, and did not reign for a short time ; he must have governed Cabul, and a part of the Punjab. The corrupt Greek suggests an era, more recent than that of many. other Indo-Scythian coins. The title owTnp seems to connect him to the Greek Soter family, which may have concluded with Hermaios. This is the remark of Mr. Mueller, and I am only prevented from adopting it, because the Kadaphes coins are apparently still nearer related to one or the other Hermaios, and all the other Soters have likewise native legends. M. Raoul-Rochette|| accounts for the want of the name by (the supposed existence of) an agreement, with regard to the currency, to the effect, that in order to put the coins into common circulation in neighbour- ing states, the name of none of the kings of those states was © ATV ope wale t A.T, V. p. 547. t R. R. I. p. 26. As. T. 1v. 345. § R. R. I. No. 17. No. 18. No. 19. As. T. IV. pl. xxi1. No. 26 (Among the Azes’ coins.) | II. 38. —_— ee 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 645 used on the coins. The nameless king, however, appears to have been too powerful to acquiesce in such a stipulation. Ac- cording to Mr. Mueller, his name, on account of its dissonance, could not be well expressed in Greek. People, however, who were not offended at the nominative PaotAzv, or the genitive BaciAevwv, would not have hesitated at obtruding a name as barbarian as possible, on the Greek letters, and if the attempt were unsuccessful in Greek, why was not given recourse to native letters ? I cannot explain, why there is no name; but from the use of Greek characters alone, it becomes probable, that the Soter be- longed to a certain Scythian horde, which had for some time their abode in a country, where purely Greek, and not native charac- ters, were adopted for the coins. The nameless king, who per- haps first settled his horde in Cabul and about the Indus, perhaps adhered at first to the established custom by not adopting native characters on his coins. At an after period, however, he perhaps used them; if indeed the coins with native legends, which M. Mionnet assigns him, be really his.* There exist besides, coins of some other Indo-Scythian kings, with regard to which it is doubtful whether they have native or purely Greek legends. They bear the title ‘‘ King of Kings,”’ and some of them have a horse, others an elephant, and they reigned therefore partly in Bactria, partly in India. As the names are illegible, we shall here only refer to the engravings and descriptions of these coins ; for we must at first leave even ’ this undecided, to which of these kings the native legends belong, and whether we have to adopt a separate series of Indo-Scythian kings, who admitted purely Greek letters and titles, whilst the Kanerki dynasty adhered to Greek characters to express barbarian words. If the assertion, that to the north of the Caucasus the characters on the coins were not used, be well founded, we might presume, that those Indo-Scythian kings held fixed dominion in Bactria alone. Now those coins yield no other historical result, than that the Indo-Scythians were divided into * VIII. p. 505. pl. x. No. 85. 646 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. a number of dynasties, and that we are far from knowing the whole series of their names.* Lastly, we have yet to mention here the king Mayes. Type a Caduceus; legend BAZIAEQ> MAYOY, Reverse, the head of an elephant from which a bell hangs, of beauti- ful Grecian workmanship and with good Greek characters ; according to M. R. R., contemporary with Menandros and Apollodotos, as the same head of an elephant occurs on their coins ;, his conjecture, that the name may be a variety of Apollodotos, has hardly any support whatever.t Mr. Mueller thinks these large copper coins to be the most ancient monuments of the Indo-Scythian dominion in India.t The elephant alludes indeed to a campaign against India. Being taken from the col- lections of the Generals Ventura and Allard, they refer to the Punjab. M. Mionnet ascribes to Mayes, moreover, a native legend, which consists of two signs.—This legend as given by Mr. Prinsep, is scarcely to be taken as letters; M. R. R. has not noted it at all ; the pretended legend stands besides between Bacikéwe and Mavov; the name must have been expressed by PAV, which does not appear with Mr. Mionnet. How then has this king used a native legend? As respects this king also, I must leave it to numismaticians to make a historical application. : § 3. Pure Greek characters ; barbarian names and words. Kodes. Small silver coins. A head, the hair wreathed with fillets, and descending to the neck; it would appear, that the face is different (on different specimens) ; one has mustachoes, but all of them have suffered much. Legend, KQAOY, complete on but one coin.§ Reverse, a figure standing, the right hand lean- * As. Trans. v. pl. xxxv. No. 4, iv. pl. xxi. No. 12. No. 13. No. 14. Then iv. pl. xxi. No. 7 and 8, lastly iv. pl. xxi. No. 11. Compare Mionnet viii. p. 504. No. 135, No. 136, No. 141, No. 142. I shall not undertake to read the native legends, represented x. No. 88. : + II. p. 49. The coins R. R. II. No. 18. As. Trans. iv. pl. xxv. No. 4. New varieties of them are discovered of late in the Punjab. As. Trans. vi. 987. t 228. § As. Trans. v. pl. xiv1. No. 16, No. 17. No. 18. 1v. pl. xxv. No 11. No. 12. No. 13. R. R. J. d. S. 1834. No. 8. No. 9. p. 389. 1840. ] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 647 ing on the hip, in the left a spear, indistinct head dress, flames behind the shoulders. Legend according to Mr. Prinsep’s con- jecture: (A)PAHOPOY MAKAP(O3). The Greek letters terminate in points; upon No. 13 there is perhaps the name of another god. A second variety, has the anterior half of a horse. They come from Cabul and western India; but like- wise through Bokhara to Russia. The horse refers to Bactria, as do the purely Greek characters and the god of fire, with whom the names of gods on the Kanerki coins are connected. Kodes is perhaps the very same king, who went southwards over the Caucasus, and founded an empire on the banks of the Indus and of the Cabul, for the Kanerkis. Kanerki coins. 1 shall not repeat the remarks above made on the legends, the words PAO NANO PAO and KOPANO, and the names of gods. Kanerki is represented in a standing posi- tion, with a long Usbek coat, pointed Tartar cap, the right hand leaning on a spear (and a bow over the back, T. A. V. Xxxvi b. 9.) with the left making an offering over an_ altar. The figures of gods on the reverse are already described. In the note I shall mention the coin,* some from the topes in Mani- kyala, Jellalabad, and from Cabul and the Punjab, from Benares, and likewise from the Ganges.t Ooerki. Bust of the king, adorned with a tiara, holding with the hand a plant which he contemplates.{ The same places of discovery. No coins having Greek words, or the god of the sun. A man mounted on an elephant; his name illegible, only PAO NANO PAO-KOPANO.)§ On the coins of another king of this series, a female figure * T. As. m1. pl. xu. pl. xxv. iv. pl. ur v. pl xxxvi. Trans. R. As. Soc. 1. pl. x1. R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. and 1. pl. u. and the authorities. 1. 57. + As. Trans. 111. p. 443. 1v. p. 631. R. R. 1. p. 4. { As. Trans. 11. pl. xxi. No. 2. xxi. No. 24. 1v. pl. xxxviut. No. 9. No. 7. v. pl. xxxvi. No. 3. No. 7. R. R. 11. p. 58. J. des Sav. 1834. No. 10. As. Trans. ur. p. 445. © AT. ut. pk xr. No. 10. v. pl. xtvi..No.:13. No. 12. ‘rv. pl. xa. No. 10. A. T. v. p. 722. 648 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. with a glory, seated on a couch; one foot on the ground, the other, on the couch.* Here also the name is illegible. There is another type of a figure sitting in a cross-legged position ; some other varieties may probably be still dis- covered. The most ancient specimens of these coins have a tolerably good style, and distinct letters; both become gradually worse, and lastly deteriorate into a chaos ; then follow the Indian imi- tations. The places of discovery prove, that the Kanerki dynasty possessed, at least at the commencement of their rule, a large territorial dominion ; from the traces of the Shiva wor- ship, we may conclude that the Kanerkis added to the worship of Mithra, introduced by them from Bactria, the worship of Shiva, as it occurred with the Kadaphises.t Hence they must (partly at least) have taken possession of the dominions of the © Kadaphises. We may consider their dialect either as a more modern one, or as a provincial variety. It is evident from the coins, that they out-lasted the Kadaphises, who never sunk into the same barbarism. It will remain doubtful, whether the Kanerkis maintained themselves till within the Sassanian period, unless it be decided, that the topes must be ascribed indisputably to the Kanerkis. They certainly reigned in India before the time of the Sassa- nians. Lastly, the opinion, that the Kanerkis were Buddhists, or in other words, that we have to recognise Kanishka in Kanerki, 7A, Un. ph xxi. NoOw29, ay. pl. 21. No: S, + The worship of Shiva appears to have prevailed in Cabul in the first centuries of our era, and beside it, pure Buddhism was widely diffused. Hiuan Thsang at least mentions a temple of Bhima, viz. of Parvati or Doorga, in Gandhara, p. 379. But Megasthenes appears to have already corrected this mistake. For if he reported, according to Arrian and Strabo, that the Indians of the plains worshipped Hercules (whereby Mathura is made mention of) and that the mountaineers, on the other hand, adored Dionysos, these latter must be probably understood to be the inhabitants of the mountainous districts about the Cabul, and below Kazmira, in the Punjab, while the plains are those of the inner country, and on the borders of the Jumna and Ganges. It is true, it has been of late doubted, whether Hercules be Krishna, but I hardly think, one acquainted with these sub- jects, will doubt it any more, than that Dionysos cannot be but Shiva: - 1840. } trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 649 must continue to be improbable, until Kanerki be also discover- ed on Buddhistic monuments. Il. Greek, and Indian characters. The coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon alone as yet compose this class. Agathokles. Diademed head of the king; reverse, a standing Jupiter, with the left hand leaning on his sceptre, holding on the right a small three headed Artemis, bearing a torch. Legend, BAZSIAEQS ATAOOKAEOYS.* = Tetradrachma of very superior workmanship. M. Raoul-Rochette has proved, that the figure on the legend is the Persian Artemis Hecate, the Zapnric or Zapa, whose wor- ship Artaxerxes Mnemon was endeavouring to propagate with- in his empire, and Bactria is especially mentionedt with regard to this. Male head, with Dionysos’ crown of grapes. Reverse, a panther walking, holding with his fore claw a grape. The same legend as above mentioned. Tetradrachma.t{ , Square copper coins with the same legend. On the obverse, a female Bacchanal, flourishing the thyrsus, and the legend above represented, in old Indian characters. Eleven specimens have been discovered, all from Cabul.§ M. Raoul-Rochette has tried by a vast display of learning to establish his conjecture, that Agathokles was the first king of Bactria, he having been the Eparch of Persia under Antiochus the second, who is called Pherekles by others, and whose pederasty is said to have excited the Parthian revolt.|| Not to mention other objections, this conjecture falls to nothing owing to the Indian letters, which Agathokles cannot have used for his Bactrian subjects. But previously to Euthydemos, no Bactrian king made conquests southwards from the Caucasus. As copper coins are less likely to go by trade into other countries than gold and silver (coins,) the place of discovery of the * R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. p. 332. No. 2. 1. No. IL. p. 12 A. T. tv. pb xxv. No. 3. from the Punjaub.) + (J. des S. at other places, p. 340. 1. p. 13.) t (J. des 8. No. 1. by the way of St, Petersburg.) Gen. Re TT Nov ie 9. 12 A. T. V. pl. xxxv. No. 9. | (J. d, S. p. 336.) 650 Lassen 0” the History traced (No. 103. Agathokles’ coins points out an empire on the borders of the Cabul river. The worship of the Persian Artemis must not appear sur- prising on the coin of a king, who, though not reigning in Bac- tria, yet started from that country. The Bacchanal symbols certainly allude to an Indian expedition; but it is surprising, that Agathokles and Pantaleon, almost coeval with him, should alone parade these symbols of Dionysos. Going a step further, we dare assert, that Agathokles reigned immediately over those districts, where the traces of the expedition of Dionysos were fancied to be extant ; viz. over the country of the Nisaeans. But it is not India Proper, but Cabul, that is celebrated for her grapes; in Cabul too, are the copper coins of Aga- thokles discovered, and instead of the nation of the Nisaeans (a somewhat fabulous race) of Alexander’s period, we observe in the late report of Ptolemy, the well defined town of Nagara, surnamed Dionysopolis, which denomination can have been only given by a Greek king, probably by Agathokles. His use of In- dian, and not Cabulian characters, leads to the conclusion, that his reign succeeded a previous use of Indian characters; viz. it argues a former Indian domination in these districts. I therefore think he is the same, who first brought Grecian arms down the Cabul river. According to Mr. Mueller,* he reigned about the Upper Ganges. In this case he must before Menandros have advanced beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and even further, which is at variance with Strabo’s explicit statement. His coins, exhibiting a much better style in art than those of Menandros, he must have reigned before this king. Strabo would likewise mention him as the first, who crossed the Hyphasis. Pantaleon. Square copper coins, exactly like those of Aga- thokles, before described as from Cabul and the Punjab.t Legend, BAZIAEQ> NANTAAEONT(O2) and the other legend in Indian characters, above mentioned. From the small number of coins it becomes probable, that Pantaleon did reign but for a short time ; the dominion, founded by Agatho- kles, must on the whole have been of short duration. We shall hereafter recur to this subject. a I Vp + As. Trans. 111. p. 168. v. p. 552. 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. | 651 Ill. Greek and Cabulian characters. § 1.—Greek Kings. Eukratides. 1 assign to this place the coins bearing the title ““Great King,” as they certainly mark an epoch in the life of the one Kukratides, even if they should not belong to a second of the same name. The Cabulian legend never occurs unaccom- panied by the word METAAOY in the Greek legend; hence it follows, that the title, “‘ Great King”? was first adopted in the south of the Caucasus. Helmeted head of the king. Reverse, the Dioscuri on horseback, with spears couched, holding branches of palms above the should- ers. Legend: BAZEIAEQ> METAAOY EYKPATIAOY.* The same with Greek legend on the obverse ; on the reverse, Mahdrdjé Eikatidé.t The same reverse with BAZTIAEQ> EYKPATIAOY, and on the reverse with the helmeted} or diademed § head of the king ; no Cabulian legend. Diademed head of the king; legend, BAZIAKQ> METAAOY EYKPATIAOY. Reverse, caps of the Dioscuri with palms, of the native legend only Maharajé.|| According to Mr. Prinsep’s statement, { the complete legend is PAVhI YPAAYTEL ALY mahardjé raja rdjé Hikatidé. This le- gend however appears only to occur upon one coin, on which the helmeted head of the king on the reverse has a female figure, seated, with the turret-like crown of the Cybele. The word is raja rdjo ; it can hardly have occurred upon the other coins. As it cannot be, however, adopted by mere chance, we must as- cribe the complete title to that as yet single coin alone. It is the only instance in which a Greek king of Bactria styles himself king of kings, and this only in Cabulian language, as it were, not venturing to obtrude this ostentatious title on his Greek subjects. Likewise Eukratides alone calls himself in * J. des Sav. No. 5. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 5. + As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 8. 9. 10. R. R. I. No. 7. } As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 7. § As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 6. R. R. I No. 6. 11. No. 3. || As. Trans. V. pl. xuv1. No. 11. {] As. Trans. IV. p. 338. {| According to the description. As. T. III. p. 164. 40 652 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. Greek letters great king, while the others adopt the simple Bacirsvc as equivalent to Mahdrdjé. It therefore almost ap- pears, as if Eukratides first used Cabulian legends, without pro- perly attending to the comparative value of the different terms ; since the same etymological value of two words in different languages is in many cases not the same in the real acceptation of the words. Mithridates VI. of Parthia, had adopted the title king of kings ; and Eukratides seems to have imitated his contemporary in as- suming this title.* Coins of Eukratides are frequently met with in Cabul.t | On account of the dispute of numismaticians, we shall postpone the decision, whether we must adopt two or only one Eukratides, to the examination of the historic authorities. Antimachos. Head of the king with the Macedonian hat, (kausia), and Neptune with a palm on the reverse. Epithet of the king, Osoc. A coin, published by Kohler, obtained through Russia, which refers to a victory at sea.[ Victory dressed and winged, in the right hand a palm. Legend, ANTIMAXOY BAZIAEQS NIKH®OPOY. Reverse, the king on horseback gallopping. Cabulian legend, PIZAL. Putty PSUNI, Mahdrdjé gajavaté Atimakhé.§ From Cabul. M. R. R. has proved, that these coins are an imitation of those of the Seleucidian Antiochos IV., who likewise styled himself Ozcc. Antiochos reigned 176—164. 'B. c., and Antima- chos therefore about the same time. The correspondence of these coins with the tetradrachmas of Heliocles will also give evidence, that Antimachos was his contemporary. On this supposition, it becomes difficult to place both of them be- fore Eukratides. The Cabulian legend points to an empire to the south of the Caucasus, but perhaps not in Cabul itself, as the Antimachos’ coins are scanty in Beghram. I beg to direct the attention to two points: the equestrian coins form a separa- * Visconti. Jconogr. Grecque. 111. 76. + As. Trans. 111. 164. v. 547. {R.R. J. des Sav. p. 329. 1. p. 18. § R. R. II. No. 4, p. 17. A. T. IV. pl. xx1. No. 3. at the same place No. 4 _ has S for “4, therefore perhaps a‘h, or k for kh. 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythan coms. 653 ted class, and Antimachos has strengthened his dominion by a victory at sea. Philoxenos. Bust of the king; the bow of the diadem pro- jecting from under the helmet. Legend, BASIAEQS ANI- KHTOY ®IAOZENOY. Reverse, king on horseback gallop- ping. Cabulian legend: Mahdrdjé apalihaté pilashiné (or pi- dushino) .* : Demeter Karpoforos; in the right hand a crown; in the left a cornucopia; the foregoing Greek legend; reverse, the bull with the hump. The same Cabulian legend.t The same obverse, with the reverse of a victory with crown and palm (only described). M. Raoul-Rochette takes him for a king, who reigned in the neighbourhood of the Scythians, and valiantly fought against them on horseback. The Cabulian legend prevents us from acceding to this. Philoxenos wears a kausia, as Eukratides and Antimachos do, and as a horseman, moreover, is analagous with them. The bull with the hump is correctly interpreted as referring to a particular country, but to what country, will be evi- dent from the coins of Azes. In Beghram no coins of Philoxe- nos have been discovered by Mr. Masson. Archelios. Diademed head of the king. Legend, BA2I- AEQS (AIKA)IOY NIKH®OPOY APXEAIOY. _ Reverse, Jupiter, seated on a throne, the sceptre in the left hand, the thunderbolt in the right, and the legend, PAs? PI3ZAM Phwe PAL, maharajé, dhamiké, gajavaté Achilijé. From Beghram. I have given him this place, because the epithet ‘ victorious” puts him into comparison with Antimachos ; Antialkides, how- ever, bears the same epithet, and has besides, the Jupiter. Antialkides. Uncovered head of the king, with the branch of a palm, crossing the field. Legend, BASIAEQ> NIKH®OPOY ANTIAAKIAOY. Reverse, the Dioscuri caps with palms, as upon the coins of Kukratides. Legend, maharajé gajavaté Atialikadé.t * R. KR. IL. No. V. A. T. No. IV. pl. xx1. No. 1. + R. R. II. No VI. As. T. IV. pl. xx1. No. 2. { R.R. IL. No. 7.1. No. 15. A. T. IV. pl. xxv. No. 9. 10. 11. Gh4.- Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. M. Raoul-Rochette assigns to him with certainty a place immediately following Eukratides, in a neighbouring country, which we cannot, however, look for with him to the North of the Caucasus.* On account of the title Nikephoros, he has some analogy with Antimachos. There exists another coin of this monarch with the head of the king, with the kausia and the same legend; the reverse represents Jupiter, seated on a throne, with a sceptre and a winged victory in his right hand. The same native legend.t All these coins are from Cabul or the neighbouring districts. Lysias. Uncovered head of the king, the palm crossing the field as with Antialkides, the bust partly given. Legend, BAZIAEQ? ANIKHTOY AYSIOY. Reverse, elephant.§ Le- gend, Mahdrdjé apalihaté lisijé (lisajé.) M. R. R. pronounces him with full confidence successor of Antialkides ;|| here likewise follow the titles Aniketos and Nikephoros, one after the other, as above mentioned, with Philoxenos and Antimachos. Coins of Lysias and of Antial- kides are found in Cabul; 4 the elephant alludes to an Indian expedition. The dynasty to which Antialkides and Lysias belonged, seems therefore in fact to have had their site in Ca- bul, and their empire was probably established upon the ruins of one more extensive. I here insert a coin, for which I cannot discover a proper place. Amynitas. Bust of the king with indistinct head-dress ; le- gend, BASIAEQS NIKATOPOS AMYNTOY. Reverse, helmeted Minerva, with shield and lance, extending her right hand. Legend, Maharajé, gajavaté amité. From the Punjab.¢{ We now come to a longer series, bearing the title “deliverer.”’ Menandros. Helmeted head of the king with the upper part of the bust, and the chlamys; legend, BAZIAEQ> ZQOTHPOZ MENANAPOY. Reverse, Minerva tp0uayoc. R. R. I. No. 8. Legend, Maharajé tdddré Minadhé. bgt Wl iu” { As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 2. { R. R. IL. p. 22. 6“: ie No. 18. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 12. — || II. p. 24. pena G7 A. T. V. pl. xiv. No. 1. 1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 655 Helmeted head of the king, with the same Greek legend. Reverse, a clothed victory, with wings, palm, and crown. The ‘same Cabulian legend.* Head of an elephant, with the same Greek legend. Reverse, a club, with the Cabulian legend.t Uncovered head of the king, with the upper part of the bust dressed in the chlamys; the right hand raised to throw a lance. The same Greek legend. Reverse, Thessalian Minerva, protecting herself with the shield; in the right hand the thun- derbolt raised. The same Cabulian legend.t Head of the king in a helmet, and the Greek legend. Reverse, Aigis, and Cabulian legend.§ The same obverse; upon the reverse an owl, and the Cabulian legend. || Obverse, wheel with eight spokes, and the Greek legend. Reverse, branch of a palm, and the Cabulian legend. Uncovered head of the king, with the Greek legend ; reverse head of an animal, which Mr. Prinsep, with probable correctness describes as an elephant, though Mr. Masson has drawn a dol- phin. The same Cabulian legend.{{ Lastly, head of a boar, with the Greek legend. Reverse, branch of a palm surrounded by the native legend.** Coins of Menandros have been frequently discovered in Beghram by Mr. Masson, so many even as one hundred and fifty-three specimens up to the year 1835; they are likewise met with in Agra, on the borders of the Jumna, and near Mathura. f+ These were probably the extreme points of his empire. We have shown, that his reign extended to the Jumna, and the elephant on his coins corroborates this extent of his dominion. Whether he also ruled in Bactria, we shall hereafter inquire into; the native legends rather disprove than confirm this opinion. R. R. I. No. 9. 10. As. Trans. 1V. pl. xxvi. No. 3. R. R. I. No. II. p. 17. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 2. R. R. II. No. 12. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 1. As. Trans. V. pl. xiv. No. 5. || At the same place, No. 6. At the same place, No. 8, as the preceding copper coin; according to M. R. R. II. 34. a club. ** At the same place, No. 9. ++ As. Trans v. p. 547. 722. Trans. of the R. A. S. [. 515. * + § q 656 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. For the historical arrangement of all those kings, it is of vital importance to ascertain the era of Menandros. M. Raoul- Rochette has most plausibly assigned to Menandros a later period than to Eukratides.* The inference he further draws from this position of Menandros, that he first took possession of the Indian empire of Demetrios, and afterwards of the Bactrian dominion of Eukratides, is hardly to be reconciled with the authorities of written history; we do not understand, in fact, how Menandros could dethrone Demetrios, since Eu- kratides had done it ; we shall therefore hereafter lay hold of the only fact which is proved with probability by numismatic inqui- ry, viz. that Menandros seems to have reigned subsequently to Eukratides. Apollodotos. Apollo standing, leaning his left hand on the bow, holding a lance with his right. Legend, BAZIAEQ> ZOTHPOS AIIOAAOAOTOY. — Reverse, a tripod: legend, Maharagé Apaladaté tadaré. t Uncovered head of the king, with diadem and upper part of the bust, and the chlamys. Legend, BAZIAEQ2 2OTH- POZKAI. ®IAOMNATOPOZ ATIOAAOAOTOY. Reverse, Thessalian Minerva, as upon the coins of Menandros, covering herself with the AXgis instead of the shield. The same native legend, without ¢uAomarwp, tdddré alone preceding the name.t{ Elephant in motion. Legend as before mentioned : reverse, the humped bull, and the same native legend. § The coins are discovered at the same places with those of Me- nandros, and M. Raoul-Rochette deserves the merit of having proved, with the utmost probability, that Apollodotus was the son of Menandros. Diomedes. 'The Dioscuri, standing, and with lances. Legend, BAZIAEQ> SOTHPOS AIOMHAOY. Reverse, the humped bull, and the native legend, which he probably thus restored : * IL. p. 32. 33. | + R.R. I. No. 12. As. Trans. LV. pl. xxv1. No. 6. No. 7. No. 8. } R.R. U. No. 13. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 4. § R. R. Il. No. 14. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvr. No. 5. See. R. R. II. p. 18. 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 657 PrAwA APIA (PY)AU (Vv) Maharajé tdddéré Dijamidé.* Only one specimen from Beghram.. The humped bull, and the epi- thet, prove the right of position as here given. Agathokleia. Helmeted head, which must be the head of a woman, with the upper part of the bust, and of the dress. Le- . gend, BASIAIZSAS OEOTIPOTO(Y) ATAQOKAETAS. Reverse, Hercules seated, in the right hand the club, placed on his knee, with the left supporting himself, as on the coins of Kuthydemos. Legend, Maharajé tdddré Mikonidé.t Howsoever we may read the name, it is certain, that we have here a new king, whose epithet assigng him a place among the successors of Menandros. The place of discovery is not men- tioned; the coin is, however, found in India. If any relation is to be admitted between Euthydemos and Agathokles, we may perhaps recognise another analogy in the fact, that Aga- thokleia exhibits a type of the Kuthydemos’ coins. She is cer- tainly, however, the wife of the new king, mentioned only in this place ; perhaps a heroine of masculine character, like Eury- dike (the niece of Alexander, and grand-daughter of Philip), whom her husband honored by associating her with himself up- on his coins. May not the unusual epithet perhaps allude to this fact? { Hermaios. Uncovered diademed head of the king. Legend, BASIAEQ> SOTHPOZEPMAIOY. Reverse, Olympian Ju- piter, seated on his throne. Legend, mahdrdjé tdddré, hirmajé.§ Uncovered head of the king, with diadem, the upper part of the bust, and of the chlamys. Reverse, Olympian Jupiter seat- ed, and extending his right hand. Legend as above described. || Head of the king, probably with diadem, the same Greek legend ; the reverse has a horse; and the native legend as above described. * As. Trans. V. pl. xxv. No. 3. + As. Trans. V. pl. xivr. No. 2. t I find Osorpo7oc to be authorized by one passage alone in Heliodor. Carm. v. 250, as an epithet to §nAoc. Only one Greek king of these pro- vinces, Antimachos, has styled himself God. § R. R. I. No. 13 (where the initial letter in tadaro is misdrawn). As. Trans. IV. pl. xxiv. No. 1. | R. R. I. No. 14. p. 21. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxiv. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. §] As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 11. 658 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. In Beghram so great a number of the coins of Hermaios have been discovered, that no doubt can be entertained of the seat of his empire. Mr. Masson thought he might’ adopt, according to the difference of the types, three different kings of this name, an opinion, rejected by M. Raoul-Rochette.* There is no doubt the coins, above described, with the bust, and the name of Hermaios on the obverse, and with Her- cules, standing and leaning on the club and the curious native legends on the reverse,t do not belong to the Greek Her- maios himself, as in the Greek legend the name of Kadaphes is substituted for that of Hermaios, without any alteration of the type. Those only upon which ZAQOY occurs, have perhaps a title in another type; all the coins, however, that are published, are very indistinct.t} As these coins prove that a Kadaphes took possession of the empire of Hermaios, so other facts concur in giving evidence, that Hermaios concluded the series of the Soter dynasty. His coins represent a rapid decline of art, and are partly excelled by those of the more ancient Indo-Scythians. M. R. R. has also here the merit of having proved, that the type of the Olympian Jupiter is an imitation of the coins of Alexander II. of Syria,§ and that Hermaios must have accord- ingly reigned after the years 129—23. B. c. ‘With Kadaphes, above mentioned, Kadphises is connected by name ; but as previously to him, other Indo-Scythians must have ruled in the country on the borders of the Cabul, we shall first insert them here. Z Barbarian Kings. Azes. King on horseback, in his right hand a lance. Legend, BASIAEQ> BAZIAEQN METAAOY AZOY. Reverse, Mi- nerva, with the AXgis on her arm, in the left hand the lance, the right raised. Legend, mahdrdjé rajdrdjé mahaté Ajé.\| Or reverse, Minerva clothed, holding shield and spear in a moving * As. Trans. 111. p. 162. v. p. 547. R. R. II. p. 37. t R. R. 1. p. 36. t As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 13. new coins of this class have been lately rH pede VI. 987. God, eae: | R. R. I. No, 15. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxi. No. 18. 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 659 position.* Or, reverse with a male figure in a tight tunic ; tiara with ribbands hanging down, and bearing on the right hand a winged Victory. On both of them the same native legend, which is but seldom completely preserved.+ Or, the same obverse; reverse, a male figure, standing, with the tiara, and long stole, holding in the right hand an idol.f As far as traceable, the same native legend. Or, reverse with an Abundantia,§ standing and holding a cornucopia. Native legend, maharajé, mahaté, dhamiké rajddirajé Ajé. This com- plete legend is on the reverse not discernible.|| Obverse, Ceres, seated on a throne, in the left hand a cornucopia, the right raised ; reverse, Hercules standing, and leaning on his club.{] As far as legible, the simple native legend. The following coins are of importance, as they mark the provinces, which were under Azes’ dominion. Obverse, the king on horseback. Reverse, the humped bull; on others, a Bactrian camel.** Obverse, elephant; reverse, the humped bull.tt Obverse, humped bull; reverse, lion without mane,{{ or Bactrian camel.§§ The Greek legend always the same, and the simple native legend (“ without dhamiko’’) on some, raja- rajo ; on others, rdjddirdé. Obverse, Neptune clad in the pallium, standing, with the left hand leaning on the trident, the right foot placed on the figure of a man, as if swimming. Reverse, a female figure in a long robe.|||| M.R. R. has proved, that these symbols allude to . R. II. p. 40. As. Trans. iii. pl. x1. 45. No. pl. xxi. No. 15. . R. II. No. 19. As. Trans. at the same place xx11. No. 17, No. 19. -R. II. No. 16. As. Trans. iv. pl. xxi. No. 24. perhaps also No. o ‘ovina. Goddess of Plenty. I. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pl. xx1u. No. 22. The legend v. p. 549. I. p. 45. As. Trans. iv. pl. xx. No. 10. No. 11. . II. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 9. . II. p. 44. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 4, 5. e name place No. 1, 2, 3. LR. 11 cee 17, As. Trans, TV. pl. XXIII. No. 14. 4p 660 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. the Indus river, and to India conquered. Legends, as above described. As now by these coins Azes lays claim to having conquered the Indus, so the four animals evidently point out the extent of his dominion. The Bactrian camel requires no interpretation, nor the maneless lion, which undoubtedly alludes to an Indian district, and though in our time the lion is only met with in Guzerat,* they must in Azes’ time not have been confined to that ‘province. I would rather presume, that by the adoption of the lion, the Sinha, the subduing of the lions among Indian men, viz. the Narasinha, Rajaputra was to be represented, therefore the subjugation of the warlike tribes in the modern Rajpootana, which moreover lies beyond} Guzerat. The Indus subjected, refers certainly to the districts towards its mouth, to Pattalene, which on the west is bounded by Guzerat. As now, the ele- phant likewise points to Indian provinces, a question arises as to what particular province this refers. It must of course allude to that part of India, which must have been likewise under Azes’ dominion, viz. to the country to the north of Rajpootana, the Punjab ; yet I confess, I know not why the elephant, which might obviously be used as an emblem for the whole of India, should be made to refer to this part of India alone. A glance * Mr. Lassen is not aware, of how valuable an argument he has de- prived himself in not having ascertained the existence of the lion in our days in Hurriana, where they were a few years ago plentiful; they are now more rare, being driven into the desert by sportsmen, and the gradual settlement of the country. Lions have been shot within the last fifteen years on the banks of the Chumbul, not more than fifty miles from Dholepore. (Ty ' + I have already observed, that the lion even in our days is known to exist at no great distance from the Indus. It is perhaps worthy of remark in this place, that ample evidence is extant as to the great changes which must have taken place in the localities of wild animals in India, on the testimony of Baber, who mentions killing the rhinoceros on the banks of the Sind and Behreh. ‘There are numbers in the jungles of Pershawur and Hashhagar,” according to Baber, (a. p. 1526), whereas in our own days that animal is not found to frequent any part of upper India above the Pillibheet forestyin Rohilkhund; under these circumstances, it is hard ~ to fix a location for the lion in the days of Azes. joy 1840.} Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 661 at the map must give evidence, that Azes could not allude to any other country.* It will be proved hereafter, that the Greek kings also, who have chosen the emblem of the elephant for their coins, must have especially referred to the Punjab. If then the elephant and the lion allude to India, and if Azes also possessed Bactria, he cannot have typified by the humped bull any other country than that on the Cabul. This interpre- tation is also very well adapted to the other instances in which this symbol occurs; moreover, the Chinese mention the very same humped bull as an animal they for the first time met with in Kipin ;+ the names of Cabura (gopura, town of cows,) Kophen, and Koas, are perhaps allied to the name of the animal ; on this point, however, the native orthography of these names alone can decide. Azes, moreover, proclaims himself the possessor of so many provinces, upon those coins, where, besides the ordinary reverse of the king on horseback, the reverse exhibits a Victory,{ having in the left hand a palm, in the right an indistinct effigy, probably bearing a trident. The native legend is mahdrdjé rdjardj6 mahaté Ajilis6. Of this hereafter. We first mention the coins on which he is seen seated cross- legged, a sword across the knee, while the reverse has a four- armed male figure.§ I think, it certainly represents the Indian god Shiva. He had therefore adopted the Indian worship, as did after him Kadphises, and in some degree the Kanerkis. Azes was either also called Azilises, or this was the name of his son and successor. This fact is proved not only by the coins, already mentioned, but also by the following : King on horseback, with lance depressed, and the Greek legend, BAZIAEQ> BAZIAEQN METAAOY AZIAIZOY. * We have an excellent dissertation by Mr. Ritter, on the extreme boundary within which the lion is found in India, Erdkunde VI. p. 709, to which I willingly refer. + Ritter, Erdkunde, VII. 684. RR. I. No. 16: § As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 12,13. R. R. II. p. 46. 662 Lassen on the History traced {No. 103. Reverse, Victory with a palm in her left hand ; in the right a trident; native legend, Mahdrdj6é rdjdrdjé mahat6, Ajilisé.* The same obverse, with the reverse of the humped bull, and with the same legends.f Azilises therefore claims Cabul and the country on the Indus to the sea, and if he were another king than Azes, as I think he was, he must have been his successor, on account of the exact correspondence in their coins. It is, however, of far greater importance, to determine the period of those kings. The coins of Azes are so closely connected with Greek types, that he must undoubtedly be a proximate successor of the Greek kings and their dominion.{ Kadphises and the Kanerkis are at a greater distance. Kadaphes alone pretends to have conquered the empire of Hermaios ; and yet, this Kada- phes must have lived, according to the coins, at a later period than Azes. But if then Hermaios reigned about the year 120 B. C., Kadaphes must be of almost the same period; Azes would be, on this supposition, an earlier successor to the other Grecian thrones; he preceded Kadaphes therefore, and must be considered as a cotemporary of Hermaios. © We shall hereafter state, to what conclusion the examination of the historic ac- counts must lead us. As to the matter in hand, M. Raoul- Rochette maintains, that the Minerva type of Azes was imitated after that of Vonones; for as the titles and the mona- grams on the coins of both kings correspond with each other, Azes must be taken for the successor of Vonones.§ If I be allowed to object to the opinion of so solid as cholar, » I venture the following remarks :-— First, the connexion between both of them being ascertained, why does it follow, that Vonones preceded Azes? Certainly neither from the execution of the coins, nor from the historic accounts, would hedoso. The Indo-Scythians decidedly reigned * R.R. II. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 27. + At the same place, No. 28. jt R. R. IL. p. 47, p. 41. ’ § R. R. IL. p. 30,41. age lil rene Ve 1840.) from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 663 on the Indus, previously to Vonones, even if he were the first of this name. Secondly, how can M. Raoul-Rochette re- concile the facts, that Azes was the immediate successor of the Greeks, and was still preceded by Vonones, obviously of Parthian origin. The monograms decide nothing as to the succession. Parthian kings, even Arsakes VI, had, a long time previously to Vonones, the title of “great king of kings.” The epithet < just,”” assumed alike by Azes and Vonones (this escaped the notice of M. R. R.) also occurs much earlier in Parthian history, even in the time of Arsakes VII.* Why must Azes have borrow- ed these titles from Vonones ? As Archelios among Greek kings already styled himself “ just,” why cannot Azes have adopted this title from him? Lastly, the Minerva type, upon which the whole argument is based, already occurs with Amyntas; why should it not have descended thence to Azes? The Vonones under consideration, can hardly be the first of this name, and if M. Raoul-Rochette be right, we must assign Azes to a still later period. I think, however, I have proved, that we shall proceed with more certainty in determining Azes’ place by historical accounts, independent of any connexion whatever with Vonones. It is probable, that such an extensive empire as that of Azes, was not at once overthrown ; thus we observe, besides those of Azilises, coins, apparently belonging to successors (of his dynasty) ; the emblems of the various provinces, however, viz. camel, humped bull, lion, and elephant, do not recur; hence we may.conclude, that the successors were not powerful enough to maintain the whole empire. Some of the coins above (see As. T. 1840, p. 645.) mentioned, perhaps, belong to this class ; we would still add the following : An equestrian coin with BAZIAEQ> MEPAAOY; re- verse, king holding a spear, with a Kaftan,t and mahdrdjé. Azes never has this dress himself; a name is not traceable. ; Another coin of a horseman, with illegible Greek legend, and the monogram of the Kadphises’ coins. Reverse, two male * Visconti. Iconegr. III. 76, 80. 7 As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 25. 664 Lassen on the History traced . [No. 103. figures crown the king, who stands between them, and leans on a club. On the native legend are only the initial letters of Mahdrdjé discernible, and of the name, P——HA; the three middle letters should be, according to Mr. Prinsep 111; ac- cording to the coin, however, this is hardly clear.* There is a third equestrian coin, on which a figure of indis- tinct shape delivers to the horseman a diadem. Greek legend effaced. On the reverse, according to Mr. Prinsep, a Caduceus ; the name indistinguishable ; we can only read Mahdrdjo.y+ Of the following king, we know but the name of his brother ; and even with this clue, his era has not been ascertained. It is Spaliryos, likewise represented as a horseman. ‘The reverse seems to have been much disfigured; the well known type of Hercules seated. The legends are above described.f On account of the similarity of the name, we place after him Spalirisos, with Tartarian Kaftan, and a palm over his left shoulder. The reverse is apparently a disfigured form of Jupi- ter,§ seated, as occurring on the coins of Hermaios. This king appears to have reigned in Laghman, and perhaps also in some neighbouring districts. As these last mentioned sovereigns still preserve the relics of Grecian art, so also Vonones, who belongs to this class as being a horseman. The king on horseback, with depressed lance. Legend, BAZIAEQS BAZIAEQN METAAOY ONQNOY. Reverse, Jupiter, clad in the pallium, leaning on the sceptre, in the right hand the thunderbolt.|| On the reverse, a Victory without wings, in the left hand a palm, in the right something indistinguish- * As. Trans. V. pl. XXXV. No. 5. from the Punjab. The position of the horseman is quite the same with the Parthian Artaban III. + As. Trans. V. pl. XXXV. No. 15. pl. XLVI. No. 14. V. XXXV. perhaps belongs too, to this king. t See As. Trans. [V. pl. XXI. No. 9. V. pl. XXXV.‘No. 6. R. RK. IE No. 9. From the Punjab and Beghram. R. R. II. p. 26. As. Trans. V. p- 551. § R. R. I. No. 21. As. Trans. V. pl. XX XV. No. 7. IV. pl. XXI. No. 7, six specimens from Manderor in Laghman. As. Trans. V. p. 551. | R.R. IL. No. 10. | 1840. } from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 665 able.* The same Greek legend; the native one has been already mentioned. Lastly, Hercules, the lion’s skin in the left hand, the club on. his arm, crowning himself with the right ; reverse, Minerva, viknpoooc, with a helmet ; on her left hand the shield, and holding on her right hand a winged Victory.{ According to the native legend, the word AIKAIOY must have occurred here instead of METAAOY I think I have already proved, that the name Vonones cannot have occurred in native characters on the reverse of these coins, but probably the name Volagases ; and further, that this Vono- nes need not have been, according to the coins, a predecessor of Azes. On comparison with other Parthian coins, it is likewise evident, that Vonones, in striking coins for his Cabulian subjects, followed the coinage of Cabul, and not of the Parthians. To trace the period of Vonones from coins, purely Parthian, would therefore be fallacious. Another fact to determine the era of Vonones offers itself in the following. The initial letter of the Parthian coin, above described, is M. The Roman Victory on this coin, renders it necessary to assign to this king a later period than to Vonones I. who first of the Arsacides adopted this type.{ This also leads to Meherdates, who was educated in Rome, and the initials of the name are more like ME than MO;; but this does not decide the question, whether it were Vonones the First or the Second. _ As we have now to admit among the sovereigns of Cabul, not Greeks, but Parthians also, who probably reigned after Azes, (on this hereafter), so a dynasty succeeded the great Indo-Scythian, which assumed the Soter-title of the Greeks. As Azes does not bear this title, they are probably not his descendants. First, a nameless king, a horseman like Azes, with the legend [BASIAEY>] BAZIAEYON (sic) COTH[P] the name is effaced. ‘The reverse presents a male figure walking, with the left hand extended ; in the right an elevated spear, with a pecu- * R. R. II. No. 14. of the coin. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXI. No. 15. I do not venture to trace the reverse. . ff R. RII. p. 30. I. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXI. No. 10.. { Visconti Iconogr. ITI. 146. 666 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. liar head-dress, the left shoulder naked, otherwise clad in a robe after the fashion of the Gods on the Kanerki-coins. Legend, PUTMLU PET P11vu, mahaté tadharé mahargé ; the name is also heres effaced.* The monogram on this coin is now the very same with that of the nameless Soter-megas, and we must recognise here, if not himself, yet a near successor of his. The Greek characters do not allow us to connect this king, or the nameless Soter, with the Greeks. This Scythian Soter dynasty, however, prove themselves as of the same period, or as directly succeeding, the Arsacides above- mentioned, by the following coins, namely by those of Yndo- pherres. Having the same title, the same Greek characters, and, besides, the Victory of the Arsacides, he is allied to them. He is a complete barbarian in comparison with Azes, and if Yndopherres indeed succeeded the Parthians, Azes may claim an earlier era. Yndopherres, however, endeavours to keep the Greek style of the stamp, while the Kadphises, about to be mentioned, has removed every trace of Grecian art, save the characters, on which he also obtrudes words of his language. Kadphises. 'The king on a low seat, bearded, in a high Tartar cap in the form of a cylinder, from which flowing ribbands descend, in a Kaftan and Tartar boots, holding a branch in his hand. In the space below, aclub. Reverse, Siva in a light dress, the left hand on the bull Nandi, in the right the trident. There occurs the complete native legend above described ; the Greek is the short one.t The king standing in the same dress, the left hand on his hip, holding the right over a small altar, above which, a trident ; in the left space a club (or a sceptre) the long Greek legend ; the reverse as above described.{ Bust of the king, in the right hand sceptre or club; above the cap, the moon-formed sickle (of Siva); in the left a small * As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 23. + R. R. Journal des Sav. No. VIII. { Trans. of the R. A. S. I. No. 10. R. R. I. No. 23. p. 30. As. Trans. ITI. pl. XXVI. No. 4. No. 5. V. p. 547. From Balkh, from Beghram and Many- kyala. 1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 667 hammer, short Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari, holding in his right hand a long trident, in the left the discus and pasa of Siva; the complete native legend.* The same reverse ; the bust facing the right.t Lastly, the king on a carriage with two horses; over the shoulder the club, in no proportion with the charioteer ; the short Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari with the native legend.t As copper coins of Kadphises are dug out even near Benares,§ he must have reigned from Beghram to a great distance in India Proper. The execution of these coins is indeed still Greek, but whenever the worship of Siva is represented, the types have become purely Indian. This worship first appears, though not frequently, with Azes, is exclusive with Kadphises, and is joined by the Kanerkis with Bactrian gods, who have the same monogram with Kadphises, and are found together with his coins.|| There is scarcely any doubt, that Kadphises was a near predecessor of the Kanerkis. His relation to Kada- phes is more obscure. It is clear, that Kadphises has some reference to him, save that the former is more ancient, because he is immediately connected with Hermaios. This king (or the last of his name) was limited to Beghram, and this must have been the principal seat of Kadaphes, though his domi- nions were of further extent. Now it is a singular fact, that according to the Chinese accounts, the ancient (Scythian) empire of Gandhara was situated in Kiapiche (Capissa), and therefore just beyond Beghram, while the native legend ex- presses the name Kadphises by Kapisa; this is accordingly the name of the country in the form of pronunciation delivered to the Greeks and Chinese, which name, however, appears to be an absorption from Kadphisa. If the name however be a geographical determination, a new enigma is given, and Uhavima must be understood in this case * Rk. R. I. No. 22. From Cabul in a tope. R. R. I. 28. IT. 4. 56. J. des Sav. p. 390. + As. Trans. IV. pl. XX XVIII. 4, No. 2, 3. t The same No. 1. § As. Trans. p. 631. || As. Trans. IY. 631. 4a 668 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. as a proper name. But it is at variance with this supposition, that Kadaphes should bear the same name. Or is this perhaps a title, and the same case with the nameless Sofer- megas. art . It would be also desirable to ascertain in an approximative degree the relation of Kadphises to the Scythian Soter family. Yndopherres, like Kadphises, appears to have reigned in Begh- ram ;* but the former is allied to the Parthians, the latter to the first Azes ; the first has ruder coins, though a classic style ; the second, types of a better, although of entirely Indian exe- cution, with an assimilation to Azes by the Siva-worship, while his relation to Kadaphes places him nearer Hermaios; he appears therefore more ancient than Yndopherres. The only objection would be, that the latter in this case is thrown between Kadphises and Kanerki. If the equestrian coins allude, as I presume, to a more westerly country than Gand- hara, the solution is perhaps given by the conjecture, that Yndopherres and the Soters, closely allied to him, reigned as horsemen in a more westerly direction than Kadphises and Kanerki; they might therefore rather be placed near either of them, than between them; but I willingly abandon this uncertain base of argument. It will be proper to look out for firmer grounds upon which we may classify the many dynasties, above enumerated. § 15. Greco-Bactrian Kings. Let us turn now to the examination of the written accounts of the history of the Greeks in Bactria. Bactria continued under the dominion of the Seleucides to the period of Antiochus Il. (262—247. s. c.) when Theodotus took advantage of the weak government, and probably of the wars of that monarch with Ptolemy IJ. to render himself independent. This separa- tion of Bactria from the monarchy of Antiochus happened a short time before the declaration of independence by the Parthians, or previously to 256 3B. c. as appears from the fact, that Arsaces, * According to the number of coins, there discovered. As. Trans. V. p. 547, ee ee natalie ca a ee Re de 1840.] Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 669 the founder of the Parthian empire, had fled from the increas- ing power of Theodotus.* } We do not know how far the power of Theodotus extended. Sogdiana was perhaps subjected to him, but it is hardly credible that the thousand towns which Justin attributes to him, to show his power, really existed in his dominions. Bayer plausibly conjectures, that these thousand towns were erroneously trans- ferred by Justin from a notice on Eukratides, to the founder of the Bactrian empire.t The passages show only that Theodotus contrived the conquest of Parthia, while the aggrandisement of the Bactrian power is ascribed to Euthydemos. In opposition to the explicit authority of these authors, M. Raoul-Rochette has endeavoured to establish Agathokles as the ‘ founder of the Bactrian empire.{ It is true, the eparch of Persia under Antiochus II. is called sometimes Agathokles, and some- times Pherekles ; but our Agathokles reigned in a province of India, and previously to Euthydemos the Bactrian dominion did not extend so far southward. * Prolog. Trog. Pomp. XLI. “ In Bactrianis autem rebus, ut a Diudoto rege constitutum imperium est.” Just. xli. 4. On Arsaces: “Non magno deinde post tempore Hyrcanorum quoque regnum occupavit, atque ita duarum civitatum imperio preditus, grandem exercitum parat, metu Seleuci et Theodoti, Bactrianorum regis. Sed cito morte Theodoti metu liberatus, cum filio ejus et ipso Theodoto foedus ac pacem fecit. Strabo xi. c. 2.p. 515 *‘ Newrepiobévrwy d& rwv ew rov Tavpou Sia TO TOOC adAnAove sivat Tove TIC Lupiac kat tne Mnétac Basiréac, rove eyovrac Kal Tavra, Topwroy pev THY Bakrpiayny améoTnoay ol TETLOTEVMEVOL, Kal THY eyyve avTne Tacay ot TEpl EvOicnpov.” § 3. p. 515. on Arsaces, o1 dé Baxrpiavoy Aéyovsty > ? ? Vee ae ” ~ \ aN 5) ~ auTov. gevyovra oe THY avSnow Twr mept Atodoroy, amoornaat mv IapOvaiar. But there was no long interval between both insurrections. Justin, xii. 4, fixes the defection of the Parthians as under the consulate of L. Manlius Vulso, and M. Atilius Regulus; “ eodum tempore etiam Theodotus, mille urbium Bactrianarum prefectus, defecit, regemque se appellari jussit. Quod exemplum sequuti, totius orientis populi a Macedonibus defecere.”’ But who were they, unless the Parthians ? t p. 47. t J. des Sav. 1834, p. 334. 670 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. There have not yet been discovered coins of Theodotus and his son of the same name, and they can only come from Bactria. Whether another king reigned between Theodotus II. and Euthydemos, is unknown, but not improbable; the one fact is certain, that the latter sovereign dethroned the family of Theo-' dotus, for he alleged this very act in order to obtain the favour of Antiochus III.* Upon Strabo’s authority, above mentioned, Euthydemos took possession of the districts adjacent to Bactria ; Parthia cannot be understood by this, he must have meant Aria and Margiana; he had at least collected against Antiochus an army of horsemen on the borders of the Arius,t and had already fought against the northern nomades, he must have, therefore, certainly possessed Sogdiana, and to him probably refers the notice, that the Greek kings of Bactria divided their empire into Satrapies.t We owe to the expedition of Antiochus against upper Asia, a clearer insight into the circumstances of those countries at that period. This war, and the negotiations between the Syrian and the Bactrian kings belong to the years 208-5. 8.c. From Polybios’ account, which is extant, it follows, that the Parthian * Polyb. Fragm. xi, c. 34. Schw. III. p. 379. yeyovevat yap OuK bette) > , - , >] Sse = > 4 ’ avTuc atoorarne Tov Baciréwe, arr ETEOWY ATOOTAYTWY, ETA- veAomevog TOVE EKELYWY EK-yOVOVE, ouTW Kparnoat TIC Baxrptavev apne + Polyb. x. 49. t Strabo, xi. 11, 2. ot ds KaTaoy ovrec auTny "EAAnves, Kal £¢ Le: duppnkaow* ov thy te Aomiwvov Kat TV eee agnpnvro ‘Euxparioay ot TlapOvaioe. “"Eoyov 0& Kat THV Loyduavny kK. tT. A. The two satrapies mentioned, evidently lie toward the northerly Scythian country, the frontier of Sogdiana. The? Agwagid- Kat (Strabo, xi. Scyth. 8.) to whom Arsaces fled, belonged to the Choras- mians and Attasians, who have likewise the name ‘Avyactot; perhaps we ought to read ’Aoracuot. Polyb. (x. 48.) calls all Nomades about the Oxus Aspasiaces, which is therefore a general term for the nations of horsemen (Azpa, horse). Mr. Burnouf undoubtedly explains with propriety Turiana by the word of the Zend Tiirja; it is the Turan of ¥irdysis; the Turanian satrapy of Bactria, according to Strabo. 1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 671 empire, at that period, was still limited to Hyrcania and Parthia, and the Scythian nomades to their northerly heaths, though even menacing invasion. Among the conditions of peace occurred likewise the following stipulation,—that Euthy- demos was to surrender his elephants ; hence we may presume, that although he had made no expedition on the south beyond the Caucasus, yet, he must have entered upon connexions with India. At that time he had not yet a firm footing southward of the mountains, as we find there the king Sopha- gasenos, who concluded an alliance with Antiochus, delivered over to him some elephants, and agreed to pay him a certain sum of money. The Indian king apparently engaged in this league as a protection from Euthydemos, whose power had al- ready manifested itself in the south of the Caucasus. As it is called a renewed treaty, this Indian king must have belonged to the dynasty of the Palibothrian princes, who had always been in friendly relations to the Seleucides. We can indeed prove hereafter, that from the time of Seleukos Nikator, those Indian kings possessed the country west of the Indus to the Caucasus,* and hence it arises, that the Bactrian kings, down to the time of this peace, had no possessions in the south of the Caucasus, and only when Antiochus entangled himself in disputes with Egypt, and thereby with Rome, were they at liberty to engage in plans for an invasion of India; that is therefore about the year 203 B. Cc. Antiochus effected his retreat through Arachosia and Drangi- ana, and there is no reason to doubt, that both countries were still under the dominion of the Seleucides.t Demetrios, the son of Euthydemos, then a youth of remark- able beauty, had a principal share in concluding the peace with Antiochus, whose daughter was given him in marriage. This Demetrios however is afterwards not mentioned as king of Bactria, but of India (‘‘ Demetrii regis Indorum’’f) * De Pentap. Ind. p. 42—45. + By the notice, that Seleukos had also yielded Arachosia to Kandragup- ta, we have certainly to understand but the district eastward of the sour- ces of the Helmund and the Lora. t Justin. xli. 6. 672 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. fighting with Eukratides for the dominion of Bactria, and eventually conquered and deprived of India by this king. We do not know, whether he originally succeeded his father in Bactria, and was expelled from thence, and limited to his Indian possessions, being eventually deprived of them also, or whether some one embraced the opportunity of his absence from Bactria, while he was perhaps engaged in an expedition against India, after the death of his father, to take possession of the Bactrian throne.* Nor do we know, whether Eukratides or a predecessor of his, expelled the family of Kuthydemos from Bactria. The opinion which most naturally suggests itself is, that Kukratides expelled them ; up to this time, however, Menandros has been ordinarily considered as king of Bactria before Eukratides, though some say, Apollodotos, probably the son of Menandros, or, lastly, Heliokles, whom we know only from the coins. The opinions maintained as explanatory of these dif- ferent successions to the throne of Bactria, must exceedingly differ one from another, on account of our defective information ; and were we to examine these opinions, it would be evident, that all of them are more or less artificial and forced, and even dogmatical. But instead of subjecting them to a critical review, ~ it will suffice our purpose to refer (Bayer, p. 85—89. R. R. I. 34. II. 33,) to them, and to attempt arranging the facts in the way in which, from our own comparison of the respective passages, and the new results derived from the coins, we think we must needs consider them. First ; the conjecture of adopting three kings in Bactria be- tween EKuthydemos and Eukratides, appears somewhat improba- ble. Menandros is among them, whose reign cannot have been a short one, since we know that he had made great conquests in India, and gained by his justice the general attachment of his *M. R. R. infers from the coins, that Demetrios, although for a short time, did also reign in Bactria. This conjecture is not improbable, though the conclusion of R.R. does not appear to me to be founded on a firm basis. j ; | : . 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 673 subjects. On this fact we have the authority of Plutarch and Strabo.* Secondly ; the respective passages, more carefully considered, do not render it necessary to consider Menandros as a king of Bactria, but they are rather at variance with this view. Plutarch makes no mention of Menandros but accidentally; and the great conqueror is so little known to him, that he calls him, ** one Menandros.”? As now even Strabo, though he had before him the book of Apollodoros of Artemita, the very best authority for this history, does not distinguish in a remarkable manner the separated dominions of the Greeks in India, a fact fully estab- lished by the evidence of the coins ; we cannot be surprised, that Plutarch in later days, confounded the separate Indian empire with the Bactrian one. The expression he uses, does not there- fore oblige us to consider Menandros as king of Bactria. Strabo, when summing up in his passage the greatest extent of power on the whole, any where attained by those Greeks who rendered Bactria independent, mentions Menandros as the sovereign who advanced farthest towards India; but he is not named there as king of Bactria, nor does this follow from a passage conceived in such general terms as this is. If we do not explain this passage as intended to give a general view, but ra- ther limit the facts mentioned to Menandros and Demetrios, they would be considered by Strabo as those that stirred up Bactria against the Seleucides, and who had also possessions in the country of the Scythian nomades ; now the first statement would be false, and the second improbable. Lastly ; the following passage, (Prolo. Trog. Pomp. xu1) “** Indice quoque res additae, gestae per Apollodotum et Me- nandrum, reges eorum. Bactria was, it is true, already mentioned, but why should this prevent a suspicion, that in such an ex- tract the expression was too concisely given, and that instead of _ explaining “ eorum ”’ by “ Bactrianorum,’’ we should not ra- ther supply “ Indorum’’ from * Indice ? ’ * Plutarch de Kep. Ger. p. 821. Mevavépov oé twoe ev Baxrpoic emueikwc PaotAcvoavroc, stra aTo§avovtoc etl oTparoméoou K. Te r. Strabo. x1. p. 516. We shall hereafter examine this passage. 674 Lassen on the History traced (No. 103. I infer from this discussion, that none of the passages cited necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and still less Apollodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made great conquests in India; we must therefore have recourse to the coins. P Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol- lodotos to the history of the Indo-Grecian kingdoms.* Now as to Heliokles :— This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as- signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers. Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra- tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the Euthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, “ the just,’’ might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the usurper Kuthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor, and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis- maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two Eukratides be adopted. ¢ * See Mr. Mueller, p. 208. + Visconti. Icon. III. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470. M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides II.; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coéval with Eukratides, un- less he were his immediate predecessor or successor? The numismatologi- cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti’s inference, drawn from the epithet, is wholly mconclusive. But how can we reconcile, that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme- trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides 1? M. Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin, - in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of . 1840.) from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 675 However Demetrius may have been deprived of the Bactrian throne, it is established, that he founded an Indian empire ; thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by _ this king, who then took possession of India also.* Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of Demetrius.- Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them, Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These conquests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected to that reading, but to the Issedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar, and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition ? This is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,) Kai Téyapor, Ppovyo re, Kal Ovea BapBapa Znpwv.” These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore.t the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ; for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), ‘‘ Cette idée est si extraordinaire, qu’elle ne comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dana aucun pays du monde on n’a bravé l’opinion publique, ni outrage la raison et l’humanité au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide parle titre Juste.” I however will not venture “tantas componere lites.” It affords me extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion, which he elsewhere so boldly violated! * Justin. xu1, 6, Strabo x1. 1, p. 516. ¢ Tosovrov 8: isyvoav ot amoornoavrec “EXAnveg avrny (Bactria) dua ryv aperny rine Xwpac, wore tne Apiavng emekoa= rovy, Kai Twv Ivdav, we gnaw 0 ’AmoAAdswpoc o ’Aprauurnvec, kai tAciw EOvn Karearpedavro n AdéEavdpoc, Kai wadiora Meé- 674 _ Lassen on the History traced (No. 103. I infer from this discussion, that none of the passages cited ‘necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and still less Apollodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made great conquests in India; we must therefore have recourse to the coins. : Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol- lodotos to the history of the Indo-Grecian kingdoms.* Now as to Heliokles :— This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as- signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers. Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra- tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the EKuthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, “ the just,” might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the usurper Kuthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor, and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis- maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two Eukratides be adopted. + * See Mr. Mueller, p. 208. + Visconti. Icon. IIT. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470. M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides II.; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coéval with Eukratides, un- less he were his immediate predecessor or successor? The numismatologi- cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti’s inference, drawn from the epithet, is wholly mconclusive. But how can we reconcile, that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme- trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides 1? M. Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin, in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of _ 1840.) = from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 675 However Demetrius “may have been deprived of the Bactrian throne, it is established, that he founded an Indian empire ; thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by _ this king, who then took possession of India also.* Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of Demetrius.. Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them, Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These conguests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected to that reading, but to the Jssedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar, and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition? This is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,) Kai Toyapor, Ppotyo re, Kal {Ovea BapBapa Znpwr.” These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore.t the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ; for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), ‘Cette idée est si extraordinaire, qu'elle ne comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dans aucun pays du monde on n’a bravé l’opinion publique, ni outrage la raison et l’humanité au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide par le titre Juste.” I however will not venture “tantas componere lites.’’ It affords me extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion, which he elsewhere so boldly violated! * Justin. x1, 6, Strabo x1. 1, p. 516. ¢ Tosovrov 8: isyvoav ot atoornoavrec “EAAnvec avurnv (Bactria) dia ryv apeTny ™mo Xwpac, wore THe Apiavne eTEKOa= rovy, Kal Twv Ivdav, we gnaw o ’“AmoAAdswpoc o ’Apramurnvoc, kat wAstw 2O0vn karearpi¥avro AXrébavdpoc, Kal madtora Mé- 676 Lassen’s Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. . {No. 103. It has not been noticed, what direction the conquests of De- metrius followed; those of Menandros, it is said, were directed against India Proper. But who then conquered Ariana? Who Pattalene ? Who the country of the Serians ? Strabo makes no distinctions there, and the last country at least, could have been hardly conquered by Demetrius or Menandros, though we must probably ascribe the conquest of Pattalene to either of both kings. But to which ? vavopoc. elye Kat Tov Yracuw (edd.---viv) ren 7 pOc £0, Kal mex pt rov Touavov (edd. ‘Iodmov) mpondfe, 7a pev yap auTOoc, Ta OF Anpitptoc 6 EvOvdnpov vioc rov Baxrpiwy Bacréwe. ov [Oo~ vov o: rnv [LlarraAnvny Katéayov, adda Kat THC GAANC TapaXiac Thy te Lapwoorov ( Sapadcrov) KaXovpévny, Kat tHv Lyép- ridoc BaciActav. Kal? ddov Sé now Exelvog THE sUpLTAaONC 3 = ? 3 a ld \ S A , Apuarne Tpoc\Xnpa eivar THY Baxrpiavny. Kat on Kat MEX pt Znpwv kat Dovvwy eérevay rHv apxny. The alterations “Yzaouy and "Touavov, “are perhaps necessary.”’ ré Lapiosrov occurs together with Tecaptocrou in the manuscripts. Mr. Prinsep (As. Trans. VI. p. 390) first noticed, that by this Surashtra was to be understood. Apollodoros has perhaps mentioned a king, who was named after his country, as Taxiles was already before named in the same manner. Ptolemy has Lupactpnyvy ; according to him, it is the country between Cutch and the river Mahi, therefore Guzerate, Sigertis (in Sanscrit perhaps Srigarta) must be the coast round Barygaza; Ptolemy has, on the south of the Nerbudda, the town Siripala (Sripala) which perhaps denotes the same name. In Sanscrit this coast has the name of Lata (pronounced Lara) whence the Larice of the ancient ‘authors. “It is also called Surashtra, and its inhabitants Swrashtras, the royal and excellent royal offspring. Another name for it is Gurjjara-rashtra, or kingdom of the Gurjaras or Gurjjas in conversation. Hence it is called the country of Gourz or Giourz by one of Renaudot’s Musalman travellers in the ninth century. From Surashtra and Gujjara-rashtra they have made, in the spoken dialects, Surat, and Gurjjarat, and even Gujjerat.” Essay on the ancient Geography of India, M.S.S. No. 277. Library As. Soc. of Bengal. (To be continued. ) 677 Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to superintend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their commencement in December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840. Several attempts have at different times been made to supply the deficiency of good water in Fort William, by boring through the strata on which it stands, in search of subterranean springs. The pre- sent operations, which form the most recent of the series, were origi- nally commenced in December, 1835, but the site then selected was shortly afterwards abandoned in consequence of the operations having been impeded by a dislocation of the joints of the metallic tubes lining the bore. As all attempts made to rejoint the dislocated tubes proved unsuccessful, the Committee selected a new locality closely adjoining, however, to that of the original bore, no advantage being anticipated from any change of site within the limits of the Fort, the succession of strata, and the circumstances of their disposi- tion, being alike within so small a space. On the 2nd of April, 1836, the operations of the Committee were resumed, by commencing the excavation of a shaft, ten feet in diameter, ten feet in depth, interiorly rivetted with good masonry, and having its bottom strongly planked, with masonry continued over the planking. A boarded floor with a central trap door moving on hinges so as to admit of access to the shaft, as occasion might re- quire, covered the top. A large gin (Sketch No. 1) filled with the necessary tackling for working the rods and tools, and having a wooden platform supported by massive timber uprights, on which a heavy weight of guns was placed to give the requisite stability, was erected over the shaft. The rods, &c. were originally worked with ropes, but the expenditure of these became so serious as to lead to their being replaced by strong chain cables, which were found in every respect superior. Two chains attached to the ring of a brace- head passed subsequently through a triple block fixed to the apex of the gin, and were then led to two powerful crabs, firmly bolted to large fixed sleepers, at about fifteen or eighteen feet from the gin. A | chain was attached to each crab, and on the screw of the upper rod being entered into the brace-head, the crabs were worked simultane- ously, and the power of both thus brought to bear in raising the mass of the rods, or in any other necessary manner. AR | 678 Boring Operations in Fort William. (No. 103. On the 28th of April the actual excavation of the bore was com- menced with a six inch auger, being that adapted to the tubing it was intended to employ. On the depth of 120 feet being attained, the quicksand, which had rendered the first attempt abortive, was again met with. The experience of its previous effects had render- ed apparent the necessity of securing firmly the joints of the tubes, which was accordingly done by means of four short, but strong screws, in the manner represented in sketch No. II. To this precau- tion the success of the work so far was undoubtedly to be attributed, as the difficulties were found most serious from the loose, even semi- fluid, consistence of the sand, which on the removal of a portion of the water, then standing in the tubes within 15 feet of the surface, immediately rose to seventeen feet, and though the work was conti- nued night and day, actually rose faster than its removal could be effected, so that at.the end of eleven days and nights of incessant toil, it had risen from 124 to 108 feet. Hence it became evident, that the only mode of overcoming the obstacles presented by the sand, was to force the tubes down till coming in contact with some firm stratum, the sand should be exclud- ed; by unrelaxing perseverance and much labour, frequently with an advance of not more than a few inches in the day, the tubes at length attained a depth of 157 feet. The sand was then perceptibly gained. upon, and at 159 feet a stiff clay was reached, and the borer which during the prevalence of the sand was always behind the tubing, now passed it, and in twenty-four hours attained a depth of 175 feet. The open auger it was found could not be used with effect ex- cept in working through clay ; a valved instrument, therefore, called the “‘Mudshell,” had hitherto been employed for raising the sand. This tool however here became useless, from some defect in the action of the valve, which failed either to admit or retain the sand, now coarse and gravelly, and in consequence it was found impracticable to penetrate with it beyond 175 feet. One of the augers however being fitted with a valve, and otherwise altered so as to retain the | ‘sand, was employed with partial success, but not to an extent suffi- cient to prevent the sand rising in the tubes, since after working twenty-one days, and the tubing having been forced down to a depth of 177 feet 2 inches, it was found impossible to work the auger 1840.) Boring Operations in Fort William. 679 lower than 167 feet 10 inches ; occasionally a partial advance was made, but it was neither permanent nor certain, from the constant variation of the height of the sand in the tubes. On entering the stratum of stiff clay, above alluded to, the night- work had ceased, but it was again found necessary to resume it, as the only means of overcoming the existing difficulties. The effect of this was to carry the bore successfully .to a depth of 182 feet 8 inches by the 27th of July, when a temporary suspension of the operations took place, from the supply of rods having become ex- hausted. It may be mentioned, that for some days prior to this date considerable inconvenience had been experienced by the stoppage of the borer, both in its ascent and descent, by some obstacle, the nature of which could not be ascertained. Had it been constant in its position, it might have been anticipated that the tubing had again been dislocated or forced from the perpendicular, but so far from this being the case, the borer occasionally descended and was brought up without the least difficulty ; this temporary intermission was followed by the re-appearance of the impediment; again it intermitted, and latterly disappeared altogether. A further supply of the rods having been obtained from Delhi, the boring was resumed on the 13th October, 1836.* During this interval of suspension, however, it was found that the tubes had * The following singular circumstances connected with these Delhi rods, may here be placed upon record, though it has been found impossible to obtain any aad explanation of their origin or cause. .1000 feet of rods, in lengths of 20 feet each, were received from the Court of Directors at one time; 500 feet of these were taken indiscriminately for the Fort Ope- rations, and the Lee 500 feet were forwarded to the Magazine at Delhi. On the occasion of the supply in the Fort becoming exhausted, a portion of those sent to Delhi were called for, and 200 feet were in the first instance received, subsequently followed by the remaining 300. On working the two sets together a remarkable dif- ference was observed between them. Under equal strains the rods obtained from Delhi twisted and bent with the utmost facility, while those employed in the Fort Operations continued rigid and straight, so that ultimately the latter alone could be used in the daily work, the others being laid up in store as useless. Had this flexibi- lity been confined to a portion of the Delhi rods, it might have been explicable on the supposition that some flexible rods had been intermixed with the rigid ones, but it was equally observable in the whole 500 feet of them, so that this explanation can scarcely be admitted, especially when it is remembered that in the first instance no sert of selection was employed. The strength of the Delhi was however considerably greater than that of the Fort rods, the former bearing a strain of 19.6 tons on the Square inch, without breaking ; while the latter yielded to astrain of 16.2 tgns per square inch. 680 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 108. sunk by their own weight from 183 to 187 feet, and the bore could now be worked to the depth of 189 feet. By the 10th November following, a depth of 238 feet 5 inches had been attained, the chief difficulty in prosecuting the work arising from the imperfect action of the instrument employed in raising the sand, in consequence of which the whole contents of the shell were frequently removed during its passage to the surface. To the construction of the valves of such instruments, much attention ought therefore to be paid, as on the effec- tive action of these, the progress of the operations is most essentially dependant. On the 15th November, an attempt was made to bring up some water from the bottom of the bore by lowering a bottle with a large brass plummet attached to it, to cause it to sink; but unfortunately before it could be raised, the connecting string broke, and the plum- met was left below. Considerable anxiety was excited by this, from the anticipation (subsequently realized) of the auger coming in con- tact with the plummet, and being jammed within the tubing. On arriving at the depth of 271 feet, the lower part of the.mudshell, in- cluding the valve, from some unknown cause broke off, and remained at the bottom of the bore. ‘This accident caused much trouble, but after various attempts to extricate the fractured shell, the perforation of an aperture in it, by the use of a jumper, admitted of a strong conical worm auger being screwed into it, and by the hold thus obtained, it was successfully raised to the surface. At the depth of 324 feet the borer came in contact with the Jong lost plummet, and became so firmly jammed between it and the tubing as to foil every effort made for its extrication, though the force applied at one time was so great as to raise the whole body of the tubing about 4 inches, the weight of this being certainly not less than 74 tons, exclusive of friction. To guard against the in- convenience of an accidental fracture of the rods at any considerable distance beneath the surface, while they were subject to such strains, Captain Thomson of the Engineers suggested that the uppermost rod should be made thinner and weaker than those within the bore (so as to give way first) but yet capable of bearing a strain of 25 tons. The force subsequently applied caused the rods however to break at their connection with the mudshell, and though they were all brought 1840. | Boring Operations in Fort William. 681 up, the tool remained below. A new operation therefore became necessary for extracting the shell, and first the upper portion of it was considerably widened by the use of a jumper. A drill was then introduced, and after several day’s labour a hole, sufficiently large to admit of the conical worm auger being screwed into the shell, was drilled. The entire shell was immediately brought up, bearing ample ~ indications of having been inscontact with the plummet, but leaving it still at the bottom of the bore. On the first of October, 1837, the depth attained by the tubing was 431 feet, while the depth of the bore varied from 418 to 426 feet, according to the height of the sand. The water stood from ten to twelve feet from the surface, according to the seasons. By the 30th of April, 1838, the bore was 460 feet deep, and by the 18th Septem- ber following, a total depth of 481 feet was reached. Just prior how- ever to that depth being attained, the progress of the tubing was arrested by large stones requiring the use of the jumper. By its aid the tubing was again set free, but at 481 feet again arrested, and a repetition of the employment of the jumper became necessary. As the tool originally employed proved insufficient to fracture the stones then met with, a larger and heavier one was attached to the rods, and after a few blows, seemed to have effected its purpose; but on attempting to raise it again it was found to be so firmly jammed that every attempt at dislodging it proved fruitless. A great power was simultaneously applied to raising the rods, and forcing down the tubes, but with no other effect than the perceptible elongation of the former. About 150 blows of a ram, weighing 23 ewt., with a fall of fifteen feet, were then given to the head of the rods, in the hope that the vibration thus communicated to them would tend to loosen the jumper from its hold. The large accumulation of sand over the tool and round the rods rendered it however problematical if the vibrations ever reached the jumper; and if they did, there can be little doubt that the above cause tended most materially to dimi- nish their intensity, as no useful result followed the trial of this expe- riment. Again, and as a final effort, the tubing was securely held down, and four powerful jack-screws were applied to raise the rods, which after stretching two feet six inches, and thereby affording a gleam of hope that,the difficulty was vanquished, unfortunately broke off at 682 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103. one of the connecting joints, 160 feet from the surface, the remaining 320 feet attached to the jumper, being left within the bore. Under these circumstances the only hope of being able to con- tinue the operations lay in the practicability of unscrewing and raising the rods, and this after much difficulty was at length so far satisfactorily effected by the use of an ingenious instrument designed by Captain John Thomson, that 29@ of the 320 feet of the rods were successfully extracted. This instrument consisted of three steel arms rivetted to an iron bell, in the manner shewn in sketch No. III, and subsequently welded to the end of the undermost boring rod. The interior surfaces of the steel arms were cut in grooves so inclined, that on the head of the rod to be extracted being grasped within them, and a rotatory motion communicated to the instrument from above, the teeth cut into the soft iron, and by the hold thus obtained, the unscrewing and raising were effected. The bell acted as a guide, and was made of diameter just sufficient to admit of the instrument being readily worked within the tubing. It became necessary to pass iron pins through all the connecting joints of the rods, otherwise the rotatory motion would have unscrewed them. On the 16th of February, 1839, the instrument above described was again successfully employed in unscrewing twenty feet more of the fractured rods. After this a single rod, only ten feet in length, remained attached to the jumper, and repeated attempts were made to effect its extrication, till at length during one of these, its joint unfortunately broke off, leaving the difficulty greater than ever. The only remedy which presented itself, was to construct a second instru- ment of which the steel arms would be long enough to lay hold of the shoulder strap in the centre of the rod. This instrument, after several unsuccessful attempts had been made with it to unscrew the broken rod, also gave way, the upper part appearing with one arm attached to it, while the other two arms attached to the bell remained below. By the use of the conical worm auger the broken instrument was occasionally raised as high as thirty feet, but the hold of it could never be retained to any greater height, some obstacle to its further progress upwards invariably meeting it there, and effectually prevent- ing its removal. 1840. | Boring Operations in Fort Wilham. 683 From the 10th to the 15th February, 1840, the work was pro- secuted night and day without intermission, as a final effort to remove the sand which had accumulated over the broken instrument, rod, &c. and thus to admit of another tool (designed by Sergeant Long- hurst, Sappers and Miners) to be used with greater facility. This tool shewn in sketch No. IV. consisted of an iron rod with four strong palls attached to it, and so constructed, that while the tube was passing down -the tubing, or within the bell of the broken in- strument, they lay close to the rod, but on its passing completely through, they moved on their axes and caught underneath the tubing or bell, so as to give fulera for the force from above to act upon. In this instance, however, as before, the attempt terminated in dis- appointment, for though the broken instrument was occasionally raised a few feet, every exertion failed in raising it to the surface. A long continuance of unceasing exertion on the part of those employed having thus proved insufficient for the removal of these obstacles, the Committee considered it their duty to discontinue, and were on the eve of communicating to Government their unanimous - opinion that a further prosecution of the boring operations would only be incurring expense, for which there was no prospect of any adequate return, when it was suggested to them that some good effect might re- sult from the explosion of a charge of powder, contained in a water- tight case, in the immediate vicinity of the broken tool and jumper. The Committee deeming it possible that the concussion thereby caused might loosen the hold of the jumper, or fracture the broken tool, so as to admit of its fragments being raised to the surface, and willing to adopt any expedient which promised them the power of continuing their labours, determined to make the proposed experiment. There was reason to believe that the steel arms of the lifting tool were con- siderably expanded and in contact on each side with the tubing, it was therefore desirable that the powder should be lodged within the arms, so that they at least might be broken in pieces by the first ex- plosion. With this view a strong tin case, carefully soldered and terminating in a pointed extremity, was prepared for the reception of about 15 ibs of powder, but preparatory to charging it for explosion it was filled with dry sand, firmly plugged up, covered with water-proof composition, and lowered to the bottom of the bore. On raising it 684 Boring Operations in Fort Wilham. [No. 103. again, the original cylindrical case was found to have been compressed by the water, into the shape of an octagon, acute ridges, about 4 of an inch in height, alternating with the flattened sides (sketch No. V.) The pressure had. ruptured the tin at the edge of the top of the case, and the sand was saturated with the water. A double case was then constructed, having interior cross pieces to strengthen it, but a similar result to the preceding followed the lowering of this, and for it also the pressure (upwards of 5,000 tbs.) was found too great. A cylinder of wrought iron was then prepared, and on sending it down the bore it was found so far capable of resisting the pressure of the water as to retain its shape, but the sand was still damped. Since however the water had only partially wetted the sand, it seemed probable that ad- ditional care in soldering and in applying the water-proof covering might exclude it altogether, and accordingly it was determined to make the first attempt with this wrought iron case. The depth of water being about 465 feet, the galvanic battery was of course the only igniting agent which could be employed ; and the following are the details of the arrangements adopted. A wooden plug was turned somewhat larger at one extremity than the collar of the cylinder into which it was subsequently to be driven. On opposite sides of this plug, grooves were prepared for the re- ception of the interior conducting wires. Considerable difficulty was - experienced in making the grooves perfectly impervious to water under great pressure, in consequence of the wires being twisted, but ultimately the following means were employed with entire success. The grooves were first filled with fine Europe sealing wax, and the wires being previously made very hot, were forced into and completely imbedded themselves in it. Subsequently a red-hot iron was held near the wax of each groove, till it boiled freely, and a strip of wood was then forced in over the wire so as effectually to close every aperture. The interior extremities of the wires were as usual connected by a short piece of thin platinum, in contact with which a cartridge of dry fine powder was placed. The main conducting wires were one-sixth of an inch in diameter, and their entire length was nearly 1003 feet. As the bore was lined to the bottom with iron tubing, it appeared essential to insulate the conductors as perfectly as possible, and each wire was accordingly first cased in hempen ° f N°4 Showing he General Arrangerne rots y ofthe Boring Apparatus Tackling Crabs. Chains Fea Yea / N° IL Shewiig the HHethod. of firirg the Joris of the Titbes = = = = aj ~ => zt - = ~ | = < = = Io . aS. - - | - ~ = ul e “- a ~~ | a —_ WH | = i - . ae | | we — . - — - a Ps — (SR Bard Semath ued me April 24* f6e0 m . Wye a a a ‘ Sievichutstastah. ates ete nal ln ce oe eae aad * oe AY Ta ee phe ° ee ae oe eee N° III Steel Armed and Teothed Rod Lifterrg Tool (by Gagotarr Thomson) Food Lifting Toot with moveadle Falls (by Sergt Longhurst Nev Shewing the Cylender un ts Greular and comyeressedl States : Har nore Tath Pre Bally Po Ne&vi Section of the Cast Iron Cylin torr of the Interior Con cer shewing the cespose OMucting Wires bea Nea SRB acca Sresth Lrestt Apri 8 18s0 eee) ay 1840. ] Boring Operations in Fort William. 685 strands, over which a thick coating of pitch and grease was applied, and then the two wires were lashed together by similar strands, and again covered with pitch and tallow. A single rope, about an inch in diameter, was thus formed, and on immersing the whole in water, its action was tested, and a battery of twelve indifferent plates sufficed to effect the ignition of powder. On the charge being placed in the cylinder, and the platinum Wire protected by means of a small tin priming tube, the plug was driven into the collar. Over it, and for the purpose of preventing the water forcing its way through the wood, a tin cap, having two holes for the conducting wires to pass through, was carefully driven down and soldered. In order to prevent this cap establishing a metallic communication between the wires, and thus preventing the passage of the galvanic fluid to the platinum wire, the diameter of the aper- tures for the wires was made considerably larger than that of the wires themselves, and the top of the plug covered with sealing wax. The application of a red hot iron melted the sealing wax, and on the cap being driven down it rose through the apertures and formed an insulating collar round each wire. These arrangements being com- plete, and the battery of 24 cells, 14 inches x 14 inches, in action, the main conductors were connected to those of the cylinder, and the insulating covering continued over the junction, when the cylinder was lowered to the bottom of the bore. On its reaching this, the circuit was completed, but no explosion followed, and on examination it was found that from the smallness of the priming tube the plati- num wire had come in contact with the metal, by which of course its ignition was prevented. It was also found that though the priming powder was dry, the water had reached the main charge, and completely spoiled it. Further precautions being taken, several at- tempts were made, but all with the same result, and it became evident that the wrought iron case could not be rendered water-tight. Re- course was then had to casting a cylinder of iron half an inch thick throughout, and on trial this was found to be perfectly capable of resisting the pressure of the water, and preserving the charge dry. The first attempt with this failed from some unascertained cause, and as it was thought possible that some portion of the conductor might have come in contact with the iron tubing, an additional covering of lashings, with pitch and grease, was applied for a second attempt. 4s 686 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103. This also failed, and unfortunately in raising the cylinder, to endea- vour to discover the cause of failure, the lifting rope gave way, and it became necessary to haul on the conductor. This had been done once or twice before, without any bad effects, but on this occasion the junction of the wires at the collar of the cylinder was not sufficiently strong to bear the weight, and the case after being raised for some | distance dropped back to the bottom of the bore. All hopes of benefit from this expedient being thus summarily disappointed, it only re- — mains to be stated, that the operations of the Committee were finally closed on the 20th of April, 1840. Throughout the course of the preceding narrative, all reference to the geological information the labours of the Committee have been instrumental in eliciting, has been avoided, from a desire to render the mechanical details as continuous as possible, but as few such oppor- tunities as the present have ever been given for observing the struc- ture of alluvial DeuTas, a condensed summary of the various points of interest to the geologist is now appended. After penetrating through the surface soil to a depth of about © ten feet, a stratum of stiff blue clay, fifteen feet in thickness, was met - with. Underlaying this was a light coloured sandy clay, which became gradually darker in colour from the admixture of vegetable matter, till it passed into a bed of peat, at a distance of about eighty feet from the surface. Beds of clay and variegated sand, intermixed with kunkur, mica, and small pebbles, alternated to a depth of 120 feet, when the sand became loose, and almost semifluid in its texture. At 152 feet the quicksand became darker in colour and coarser in grain, intermixed with red water-worn nodules of hydra- ted oxide of iron, resembling to a certain extent the laterite of South India. At 159 feet a stiff clay with yellow veins occurred, altering at 163 feet remarkably in colour and substance, and becoming dark, friable, and apparently containing much vegetable and ferruginous matter. A fine sand succeeded at 170 feet, and this gradually be- came coarser and mixed with fragments of quartz and felspar to a depth of 180 feet. At 196 feet, clay impregnated with iron was passed through, and at 221 feet, sand recurred, containing fragments of lime- stone with nodules of kunkur and pieces of quartz and felspar; the same stratum continued to 340 feet, and at 350 feet a fossil bone, conjcctured to be the humerus of a dog, was extracted. At 360 feet a — 1840.) Boring Operations in Fort William. 687 piece of supposed tortoise shell was found, and subsequently several pieces of the same substance were obtained. At 372 feet another fossil bone was discovered, but it could not be identified, from its be- ing torn and broken by the borer. At 392 feet a few pieces of fine coal, such as are found in the beds of mountain streams, with some fragments of decayed wood, were picked out of the sand, and at 400 feet a piece of limestone was brought up. From 400 to 481 feet fine sand, like that of a sea-shore intermixed largely with shingle, composed of fragments, of primary rocks, quartz, felspar, mica, slate, limestone, prevailed, and in this stratum the bore has been terminated. In conclusion, the Committee have much pleasure in acknowledg- ing the valuable aid derived by them on many occasions of diffi- culty from the advice and ingenuity of Captain J. Thomson of En- gineers; and they desire also to express their entire approval of the zeal and intelligence uniformly displayed by Sergeant Thomas Long- hurst of Sappers and Miners, during the whole time he was in charge of the details of the boring operations. D. McLeEop Col. and Presdt. Fort WILLIAM, A. IrnvinE, Major. Chief Engineer's Office, F. P. Srrone. May 15th, 1840. W. R. FirzGERALp. P.S.—Since the above Report has been signed by the Members, I have recollected a most unintentional omission, for which I am entirely responsible, and which I am therefore desirous of supplying. It is due to Lieutenant Richard Baird Smith of Engineers, to state that he has not only taken a great interest in all our proceedings, but has rendered great assistance in carrying them on during the most difficult period of the operations, since he has resided in Fort William ; moreover, the employment of the Galvanic Battery to blow up the lower portion of the tubing, &c. was suggested to the Committee by him, and the apparatus applied in that process, as above described, was entirely on his design. I may add, that his intelligence and knowledge of the subject, enabled him to give essential aid in arrang- ing the materials for the above Report. D. McLeEop, Colonel, Chief Engineer. 688 Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlij rivers. By Lieut. W. E. Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna. The subject of inquiry proposed, having been to ascertain the practi- Preliminary Observations. Cability of establishing a water communication for the passage of boats between the Jumna and the Sutlij; I consi- dered that the best preliminary measure would be to take a cross section, fixing at certain points the relative levels of those rivers and of the in- termediate hill torrents, and the greatest height attained by the inter- vening ridges. The line (viz., one between Kurnaul and Loodiana) which I selected Selection of aline. for this section, was recommended by the follow- ing considerations :— Ist. It connects the highest points of both rivers to which boats of considerable burthen habitually resort. 2nd. It lies in a South-east and North-west direction, parallel to that of the Sub-Himalayas, and consequently perpendicular to the general lines of drainage. 3rd. It crosses each of the considerable mountain torrents’ before its junction with the Cuggur; and, lastly, its length was well suited to the time (about three weeks) to which, having no Assistant, I was obliged to limit my absence from the canals under my charge. Having no accurate map of the country, I had merely a general idea Irregularities and ine- Of the direction from Kurnaul in which I should qualities accounted for. strike Loodiana, which will account for the devia- tions from a straight course observable in the accompanying map. My object being to note the general features of the country, I took no pains to avoid merely local inequalities, and my Section therefore exhibits much greater irregularities of surface than it need have done, had I had leisure previously to examine the ground ahead of my levelling instru- ment. The hollow in the neighbourhood of Puttiala, for instance, might have been in a great measure avoided by a more northerly course. The information thus obtained is necessarily incomplete, and though Nature of the informa- it has in my opinion proved the practicability of tion required. the contemplated measure, it has not furnished — data for a detailed project, and still less for an estimate of the probable Niuapinter Dooraiki Serai ey iy Sauaiwal h | LOODHIANA Branch of Sule Old Bed of Sutlej ranch of Sutley MS Aeaake | SKELETONMAPand PROFILE of a Line levelled between the JUMNA and SUTLEJ in February 1840. to ascertain the pufritility of connecting these Firvers by a Navigable Canal Scale fur the Map be & Miles p= Inch fi 6 es 2 Neale of LOft pp jnch for the Heights in the Profite feo 2 xe x “ LushkurkhankiSerai Bist poor Noorada. rian LEP ——— 7; Machen 2 FT Disraili merge peer % aes Aizeaniers Duraaper PAHUL: 4 Gremqner ah 3 ut & é ey 3 E © 3 x = = & = z & eS S < 2 /\ + > ps u 2 My : = HH i § le } S > 2 8 3 = 2 S 3 S g walls & 2 Sl E nN PUTTIALA SQ d Nulla. 1 Bharsoo ‘Mcleora = Dayrmajr \ 1 ta (es le Branches of the Cuyaur Wirtta’ PUTTIALA ; \ iameee Wie Ouggssr | G ; i SF) — — M wad Nes ee Nulla Pullia of Aes rhe lex Ne: ches ye * Brancke Sra wehar 4 5, R 3 é i = < 3 N Branobof the Cuggur 2 = c] ct Main ranch of Markunda oe Surmiplalicl w ada Betificcal Welercoucse from Markie Sumalahad f 3 3 “ ei 5 eg i Z a 3 A The Strong Black Lines Shew the Levels of apofsthle still water Canal fir Navigation dv from the Suctley Oe Moopwr | The cethed liner thive Shew the ff The Lockage at abce.d.e to hesupplied wilh Water from the Dehli Canal at Indree \ The Vertical doudle Lines reprennt Walls fohiklinnopqr. 4 if avernige le Tadley Sdininaree. 2 Datheow _¥ Animanat ' oi Sunn . Burthal Camino f 2 Seat oer ZesteWReree a pansy de We npeanyengs mesforemooiopea propre y sopnrys rye Ji PyoUeaT cimbBng forey/3 0G unbling fo young Sutera SMusingshim 2 jchsvw Merete aranosuepnan 210?” an8snp Sas uUs UTR ry a t 4 As B ae —[pPetarion ceeulitiny yassonposs egy inghur i a AVE i\ a\i ‘ a ri Bok 2] ci 4 | ly 45 4 até 3 AVES wpe OPT 3 ert : OE pe enn (48/8 ria 3) 7 5 ° 3 (fom > x 8 = 3 4 Si - = Nish Thea fo OOS sof* ALIOIWNUNY | , ' wupaegen ) ; Teeeo a> Hp ua terje ey FF yoanyo Iewil a TAT vel pe oy Bungay aries Le seo pi +] i i \ aopwenl t— : are: Va V ne ipa “rpuny. ange HOES WIR Zh ere wpa npn yy mass eranorr zea ForsieeD Se. Gees Lb pon a = ite 2 ance (6619 4 soyoneasr ie ' i 1 H | MPR _ i abbey de e6@i { \ { 1 | a2ncyongy| | embero fexonnig i i , 1 ‘ v UnysurENyW senbling wess/oramoseeyi7) aie f 2 lies . sanddng mig gorsovcnee ow = ‘ 4 seem Syecare 1 : Level of Water in the Jununa Serings erage Level Yells. Skew the ay) doible Lines represent W The Vertveat The detled limes this dree pur = Ferozepoor i Sketch Map| of parts of the Jumna & Sutlej Rivers. cxJ : 30 = of 0. Miles ig = E = 5 a Scale of Mites Loodhiana | | Doorn Te ___ Freposed srppiy | Oud Loo Millerrirotla “ Xa ohars00 —— = 2S Nata Puttiala Sooner \. The highest poiwt of Mee Ridge » Serhind 9 Unbatlar a gh ae a m 4 es 1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. 689 cost of the undertaking ; such as it is, however, I have judged expedient _ Why now submitted. to communicate it at once, both as a report of progress, and to enable Government to decide whether or not it be ad- visable to prosecute the inquiry further. The cost of the present survey amounts, as per contingent bill, Cost of the survey. submitted to the Military Board, to Company’s rupees 74:9: 0. In the accompanying Skeleton map and section, I have endeavoured Reference to the Map to condense most of the information obtained, and gadpechpn. to show at one glance the result of my inquiry. In this it will be seen, that from the level of the Jumna to the town of Pahul, near which the greatest elevation (67 feet, 11 inches, 25) is at- tained, there is a general rise, partially interrupted by the beds of in- tervening rivers, which may be thus particularized :— The Chittung — an inconsiderable nulla, has no detined valley. Of The Chittung river. its surplus waters, spreading out during the rainy season, right and left over the country, but little returns into its eontracted channel; and of late years, no considerable flood has reached even as far as Dhatrut, in the Jheend territory, from whence to Buhadera, in the Bikuneer State, the ancient bed of this river is occupied by the Canal of Feroze Shah. From the ridge dividing the Chittung and the Sursootee, there is a considerable descent to the bed of the latter river, The Valley of the : : fe Sursootee, eee n tte which may almost be said to have already joined da, and the Cuggur ri- vers. the Markunda and the Cuggur at the point where I crossed them. From near Thanesur to Konaheree, the whole tract of country (with the exception of village sites) is liable to inundation from the Sub-Himalayan torrents, diffused Their peculiar charac. OVEF its surface by means of a net-work of natural — and artificial water-courses, of which some are supplied from more than one of the rivers above named; others, again, flow from one river into another, and during great floods (as I was given to understand) all three are frequently united. The inhabitants avail themselves largely of the inundation for rice cultivation, though Their use for irriga- during the present season at least, little advantage tion. appeared to have been taken of the facilities afforded for irrigating Rubbee crops, which, where they existed, were 690 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. — [No. 103. generally watered from Wells. I had not leisure to ascertain, by personal examination, whether the first diffusion of these rivers (which I have Their diffusion ac- myself seen nearer the hills in single and separate EP streams) were caused by natural or artificial means, but it is probably attributable to both. The slope and evenness of the country, are calculated to favor even the rudest attempts to divert the streams from their original beds, and the same circumstances would also render it easy, were it desirable, to confine them again to one or two principal channels. What I have designated as the ‘‘ main branches” of the Markunda and Cuggur, are distinguished from the others, not so much by their superior size, as by the presence of a small thread of running water. The valley of the Sursootee, Markunda, and Cuggur, such as I have de- hei aimportance /as scribed it, though extending to a width of twenty- an obstacle tothe Canal. nine miles, would present no insurmountable ob- stacle to the formation of a navigable Canal across it, though the ex- pense attendant on the provision of the necessary embankments and aqueducts, would be considerable. And on this account, as well as for other reasons, to be noted hereafter, a more advantageous line for the Canal would probably be found further to the south-west, below the town of Sumana. The river which flows past Puttiala, has a different character from The Puttiala, or Kosil- the preceding. Its channel at the point where I fener crossed it, is so deep, that I could not have sup- posed its waters would ever be capable of spreading out over the country, had not the construction of an embankment between the stream and the city (said to be for the protection of the walls), proved that it is sometimes liable to overtop its banks. At this point, in consequence of its deep narrow section, it would be easily crossed by a short aqueduct. Immediately beyond the city of Puttiala, I encountered several ridges _ of sand, which would most likely be avoidable on another line, but if Sand ridges. not, it would merely be necessary to puddle the Canal bed throughout their extent, to prevent heavy loss of water by absorption. The Sirhind Nulla, which I crossed about sixteen miles beyond Puttiala, flows in one or more channels through TheSirhind Nulla. in wi Gis Ry pap ees a valley 500 or 600 yards in width, having but a 1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutli. 691 Its character and uses for Slight depression below the adjoining country. Its oo at flood waters could, with very little labour and skill, be let out by side cuts to inundate the lands lying on its east bank, and I therefore conclude that such a practice is adopted, as the natives of this province are fully aware of the value of that peculiar system of irrigation, which consists in flooding the land once a year. From the West bank of the Sirhind Nulla to a few miles beyond Sand ridges. | Pahul, the land is generally level, but intersected by a few sand hills, one of which, between the villages of Bishnpoor and Kuddoo, may be considered the crest of the ridge, dividing the Jumna from the Sutlij. From Doorai-ki-Serai westward, the descent is rapid, and the fall Descent to the Sutlij. appears to be broken in a remarkable manner into steps, ending in an abrupt cliff of 30 feet, on the western continuation of which stands the fort and town of Loodiana. At some former period this cliff was evidently the eastern boundary of the Sutlij, and even yet, as I am given to understand, the waters of that river when swelled by the monsoon floods, frequently reach its base. The remaining tract of seven and a quarter miles, intersected by Valley of the Sutlij. | branches of the Sutlij, is proved by its loose sandy soil, as well as by its topographical position, to be an alluvial deposit of the river; and were the canal to join the Sutlij at this point, it would be more advisable to deepen the Nulla which flows under the Fort, than to make a new excavation through such unfavorable soil. As my commission did not include an examination of the Sutlij, I Capabilities for naviga- May perhaps not be expected to offer an opinion lion near Loodiana- —_9n its navigable capabilities ; but I may be permit- ted to remark, en passant, that the stream near Loodiana appears to have two characteristics decidedly unfavorable to navigation; viz. a sandy Shifting sands. bed, and a considerable fall ; a combination of cir- cumstances which cannot fail to produce shifting and uncertain shoals. With a view of ascertaining the level of springs along the line of my Depth of wells through- Section, I measured the depth of 156 wells be- eyethe dine. tween Kurnaul and Loodiana, and the average result is shewn in the profile by blue dotted lines. In this I had two objects ; first to ascertain whether, as some suppose, measurements of the level of springs would give data for an approximate calculation of the 692 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlj. (No. 103. profile of a country ; and, secondly, to obtain one element for calculating the amount of absorption in a standing canal, for which it would be No sure index of super- ecessary to provide a daily compensation. In fog apa, the former respect my present observations, as well as those made with the same view in other localities, shew that the level of springs is too much affected by the vicinity of streams, the degree of permeability of soils, and other local circumstances, to admit of any accurate conclusion being drawn from them, regarding the profile of the surface. But with reference to the second object of Effect on the amount of MY inquiry, it is satisfactory to find that the wells eberaptiee: measured, have generally so little depth, as the waste by absorption in the contemplated canal, will be relatively much less. In illustration of this point I may mention, that in the Paneeput district, where before the introduction of the Delhi canal the springs were from thirty to forty feet below the surface, they are now from fifteen to thirty feet ; whereas in Hurriana the springs have been raised since Feroze’s canal was opened, in some instances, as much as sixty feet. On the accompanying profile I have sketched out what I consider to Practicability of the be a possible section of a still water canal, from pe epee] the highest level of which, between Pahul and Doorai-ki-Serai, the westward descent of sixty-three feet to the level of the Sutlij, is made by means of seven locks; while to the eastward a descent of thirty and a half feet to the valley of the Markunda and Sur- sootee, is effected in five locks, after which a partial rise of six and a half feet is necessary to cross the ridge separating these rivers from the Chittung, followed by a descent of thirty-eight feet, by four locks to the level of the Jumna. Water sufficient for the westward lockage, as well as to compensate for waste by absorption and evaporation, could be Water for lockace and Supplied at the highest level by a cut taken from wastage, how obtained. the Sutlij, at the point where it debouches from the lower hills, and conducted along the crest of the ridge; and on the eastern extremity of the canal, we might obtain water for the same pur- The possible Section poses by a water-course from the Delhi canal above not recommended as an . : ae ad¥isable one! Indree. In sketching out this project, I would be clearly understood not to recommend it as an advisable one. The number of masonry aqueducts required here, the necessity for which 1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutlyj. 693 “Its object. would be obviated by a more southerly course, would alone point out the latter as preferable; but if it can be shewn that the scheme is feasible on a line taken at random, the probable exist- ence of one decidedly favorable, will readily be admitted. Whether the construction of such a work would be eventually as Utility of the measure beneficial to the country as it appears practicable considered with tefet- as an engineering operation, the Government are of the Upper Provinces. qoybtless in possession of better information to guide their judgment, than any which I could afford them. At the present time it might facilitate the transport of military stores required for warlike operations westward of the Sutlij, but this inducement will fail whenever Magazines may be formed on the banks of the Indus, _and their contents transported by water from Bombay. As regards the public interest, however, the case is different, attention being now so universally attracted towards the shorter communications with Europe, whether by the Mesopotamian route or that of the Red Sea, it cannot be supposed that the use of these means will long be restricted to the conveyance of mails ; the more valuable description of merchandise will soon follow, and shipments for Europe will be made from some port to be established near the mouths of the Indus. The North- western provinces of India will abandon the present circuitous route by Calcutta, and send their exports by the more direct one of the Indus, _and the deserts bordering the east banks of that river, which will then _be the only obstruction, may be turned by the contemplated canal. Though fully aware of the more than apathy which exists in this Its obvious advantages. Country towards any thing involving a change of | established usage, and but little acquainted with the nature and amount of produce exchanged between the several provinces of India, yet I can scarce suppose that the community would not avail themselves of the facilities for the circulation of trade, which would be afforded by ha communication between two such rivers as the Ganges and the Indus, embracing such an extent of fertile country, and entering the sea at such distant points. If it be urged that the construction of a canal would be premature ‘A plausible objec- before the full establishment of the trade which i answered. is to give it employment, I would reply, that the formation, or at least the certain prospect of a canal, would be one AT 694 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. (No. 103. great inducement to the establishment of trade. No merchant, for instance, would bring European stores to Ferozepore for supplying the stations of Kurnaul, Meerut, and Dehli, with a prospect of 200 or 300 miles of land carriage, rendered peculiarly difficult by the nature of the country, and the scarcity of all means of transport. Should Government decide on the further prosecution of this A new line recommend- jnquiry, I beg to recommend for examination the ed for future examina- ,, : : tion. lines tinted blue in the annexed sketch map; that marked a. b. ec. is calculated to cross the Cuggur below the junction of its tributaries, and to avoid a spur of high land, which I am led to believe, crosses the direct road from Kurnaul to Ferozepore. The line d. b. would be that of the supply channel from the Sutlij. In conclusion, I beg to state that the field book and original protrac- . Field book and orgi- tions of my survey and levels, on a scale of one nal protractions avail- : é ’ able. mile to an inch, are at the disposal of Govern- ment for any purpose. Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan).— By Lieut. TICKELL. Colonies of people speaking the same, or nearly the same dialect as the Hos, or Lurka-koles of Singbhoom, but of whose customs and history we are ignorant, may be traced from the jungles of Ramgurh (near Hazareebaugh) to the south and southward along Moherbunj, Keonjur, Gangpoor, down to the confines of Buna Nagpoor, where they are distinguished from the Génds (in Géndwana) by the name of “ Kirkees.” Those colonies described to me by Gonds are insulated, semi-barbarous, and confined to the wildest parts of that country. The country lying north and north-east of Gondwana, and west of Gangpoor, and south of Surgoojia, are in all probability inhabited by the main stock, from whence these small settlements have wandered. These regions have never been explored, and are wrapped in the greatest obscurity. We only know that they are traversed by large streams. The Koil, the Hutsoo, the east and west Shunk, and the Brahminee, which flow into the sea, north-east of Kuttuck, or join SO PO ME PRS Pe ~~ 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 695 the Mohanuddee. The Shunk is said to be navigable above Gangpoor for tolerably large boats, and may therefore be presumed to become a considerable river in its passage to thesouthward ; watered by such fine streams, it is difficult to imagine the whole of those regions, to be mere wastes of jungle, which would not repay the trouble of exploring them. But they must ever remain unknown, so long as the inhabitants retain their primitive habits, and aversion to visiting other countries, and until more enterprising people than the timid Hindoos, settle in their vicinity. - These remarks, vague as they are, may serve to define the limits of this wild and aboriginal race ; for beyond the precincts thus roughly sketched, I am unaware of their language extending. It must be remembered that the inhabitants of Chota Nagpoor, although indis- criminately called Koles, are a totally distinct race, having different languages, manners, and origins These latter, properly named ‘‘ Oradus,” were the first known inhabitants of Roidas (Rotaés) and parts of Reewa. Their sudden transmigration across the Soane, and which is ascribed by them to inroads of Hindoos from the vicinity of the Ganges, may be attributed to the expulsion of the latter by their Moohomedan conquerors, but at what precise epoch, it is difficult to determine. It is these Oradus who first give us accounts of a people called Moondas, whom they found in possession of Chootia* Nagpoor at the time of their flight into it. They state them to have been a wild people, living chiefly by hunting, and who offered no opposition to the Oraous settling in the fine open tracts to the northward of Sone- poor, and cultivating lands of which they themselves scarcely knew the value. Being a peaceable, industrious race, the Oradus gave no ‘umbrage to their hosts, and very shortly after, the entire residue of the immigrants, who had for a time taken refuge in the uninviting jungles of Palamoo and Burhweé, passed over into Chota Nagpoor, where they remained in great harmony together, until the Hindoos came spreading further in, and attracted by the beauty and fertility of the country, by degrees made themselves masters of the soil. ) aa yy Ttbew Huis G Medgeer 82 ZeeFerds $5 Barat Temcer Ss Houxe-Mudaud Nhe Ss Geek YF Marnbudor Sy Suze 55 Ghar-t-Giragh 1) Naytu ye Toeik Gl Tukhe «Koester pa Nookbab BF Shusul-Keh gh Dodane ys Henjjurique GS Mhadt tused Jy Deskee- Bubeos 98 Nebalt-Soerth 6 Darreusroler meckeurt os Killah Dechler 1S Keke Chtingan ney Utd Hex 6s Kurocee Mimgerce Weg Houx mm Hezv-Bagh mM Peel Maton 09 Reares of Mecoutla Us Ramer Mdlahk Us Taknt-o-Luger US Garergah Rs + Ses a) | Kolija Nek oon “tah ZF, purukKare: | Dehua, eLwigere Sadaok \ ; \ Sherak ae Zz ———. Shh Nadir f oe Shorabuk *—-—— a MS! AS 1 oy oF Rev Madali..¥ e SSeS — “By Nadal | Barus) Goosburuhneh of MAP Whak-w “chao ai f w se ‘ S93 ES ee and someyf the Ne:cHsouninc Countries Sees tiles This Map. rediiced to 139 Pte Origunal Mitlha jranked and Printest ob the Harms nic Uiths Press ty Ballin ¥C* oh ea . 5 et Pale ier Pedi) mato ile ‘ ef : LARS ie Palsy ratiy Shs a sini 4 ‘ y wn Hitew as * shared eee, 5 a ie ARTA ipa i he ane Pr inshbnr gt yo. Ld : , waFy 1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 725 Seistan, and for three months of the year only, the cold months (16), can life in it be said to be enjoyed.(17) Note on the Map. Any merits, which the map may be judged to possess, should be attributed to Sergeant Cameron, who surveyed the whole route, except that part of it which lies between Seistan and Killah Beest, for the errors of which I alone am responsible.(18) The survey has been made only with the compass, but a flat country, with hills interspersed at long intervals is so easily laid down, we had so many well determined points d’appui, and our numerous bearings answer- ed so perfectly, that I feel confident of there being no error of consequence in the portion of the map over which our route lay. From Gerishke to Herat the route has been taken from Capt. Lander’s survey. The villages in the valley of Furrah are placed from native information. During our stay in that valley there was a thick haze which prevented the taking of a bearing. The determining what shape to give to the Hamoon, which has a different shape every month of the year, was a point of much doubt and difficulty ; the one adopted is that we believe the lake to assume in June, when the water retires from overflowing the surrounding country to its more natural and proper bed. Under these circumstances all that can be hoped for, or expected, is an approximation to the truth, but the only part 16 The cold weather is very pleasant, and similar to that of the north-west of Hindoostan. Snow has been known to fall in Seistan, but it is a rare and remarkable occurrence. Snow lies for five or six days during the winter at Herat. Its boundary is said to be the height of Shah Bed, but it not -unfrequently snows at Hilzawar. About two years ago an army from Candahar invaded Herat; | while it was encamped at Jaja a fall of snow surprised them, which was so severe that they lost several hundred horses. 17 In apology for the many omissions of this imperfect paper, I may mention that it is only a part | of a more comprehensive memoir, which I am drawing up on the subject of Seistan. . 18 The untimely end of Sergeant Cameron has been already made public. This man, the son of | arespectable builder of Perth, after his return from Seistan accompanied me in a journey through some before unexplored parts of the Eusafzye country. I cannot speak too highly of his zeal for | Science, industry, ready talents, and gentlemanly deportment. His health failed him in Seistan, | from whence to the Helmund, we were obliged to have him carried on a bed. Afterwards he rallied | again, but his disease, consumption, was latterly gaining upon him, and I do not think that under _ any circumstances, he could have lived many months longer. As he was too weak to travel except | slowly, I left him at Peshawer to follow at his leisure, and myself went on in advance with a few horsemen to Jelalabad. He had a strong guard with him, and had nearly reached the end of the _ Khyber pass. Unsuspicious of danger, he had dropped a little in rear of his party, when on a , sudden he found himself surrounded by sixty men, while sixty others appeared on the hill above him. Seeing that resistance was hopeless, he dismounted, and drawing his sword, presented it to the nearest of the robbers. Just at that moment a stone struck him on the head and knocked _ him down ; the ruffians in their blind fury rushed on him, and cut him to pieces with their knives. 42z 726 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103. of the Hamoon regarding which I do not feel satisfied, is to the south, where we have fewer opportunities of checking our information. It is a source of much regret that we did not visit Zirreh; a of the geography of the country, we were not aware of our having travelled away from it, till it was too late to repair the error; and as that part of Seistan is now uninhabited and rarely visited, it was difficult to get any satisfactory account of its present condition. Of all the places inserted in the map which did not come under our personal observation, the relative positions alone can be depended on. The distances from one spot to another are in many instances doubtful, if not conjectural. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Wednesday Evening, 7th October, 1840.) The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, President, in the Chair. ' The following gentlemen proposed at the last Meeting, were elected Members of the Society :— M. P. EpcEwortu, Esq. Capt. W. Lovepay, ditto. Capt. T. Hurton, 37th Regt. N. I. Dr. J. D. D. Ha&BERLIN. Library and Museum. The following Books, &c. were presented :— Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia; History of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, vol. 3. Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, 1840, No. 56. London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, No. - 104, May 1840, London, 3d Series. Yarrell’s History of British Birds, London, May 1840, 18. Oriental Christian Spectator, August 1840, 2nd Series, vol. Ist, No. Sth. Journal des Savans, J anvier, Fevrier, Mars. 1840, Paris. Bulletin dela Societe’ de Geographic, Paris, 1839, 2nd Series, Tome 12, 8vo. Christian Observer, new Series, vol. lst, No. 10. Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, vol. 9th, No. 17. - Sketch of the Country between Kurrachee and the Aghar River, MSS. Sketch shewing the situation of the Coals found in the Tenasserim Provinces. Sree Vhagavat (Purana) in Deva Nagari, 4to. Corrected Copy in Deva Nagari Character from the original in the Journal. Four Pooties in Sanscrit. A tin box of forged Seals presented by A. GRANT, Esq. Collector of Delhi, forwarded by H. M. Exxior, Esq. 1840. | oe Asiatic Society. vis a4 Catalogue of the Birds of the Peninsula of India, by T. C. Jerpon, Madras, 1839. Rapport fait a L’Academic Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Institut de France) au subject du pied Romain, Juin 1839. A Code of Laws extracted for the Armenians of the province of Ararat in Armenia, in Armenian, presented by J. AvpALL, Esq. Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology, No. 31, June 1840. Vishnu Purana, translated by H. H. Wixson, London, 1840, Ato. Les Sultans Mamlouks de Makrize traduction de M. Quatremere. Paris 1840, Tome Ist. Liv. 2nd, 4to. Museum. Skeleton of an Ostrich, presented by the Honorable Sir Jasper NICcOLLs, pre- pared in the Museum. Ditto of a Vulture, purchased, and prepared in ditto. Specimens of Sponge, presented by Col. D. Macteop. Several impressions of Seals. The followiny Works were presented. Memoir on the length of an ancient Standard measure of the Roman foot, discovered at Candabie, in Normandy. Notices, of the Galla Tribe at Limmon, on the frontier of Abyssinia, also presented to the Society by M. Jomarp, President of the Royal Geographical Society at Paris, and Member of the French Institute, were forwarded by Major T. B. Jervis, of the Bombay Engineers. That officer in forwarding them, writes—‘‘ Which gives me an occasion of offering a few words on the importance to British interest of securing the good will of a people situated so favourably for throwing in supplies in any case of emergency into Aden, and the facilities the country affords of providing suitable cattle (a large and powerful description of mules) at a very reasonable rate, : for the Horse Artillery of India. ‘* I cannot but express my surprise, that so little concern has been given to the’ country which several foreign powers are striving by any means, and no doubt with other than mere commercial views, to preoccupy.—The French Government, as may be judged from this little notice, have long had their eye on it; and since that period Messrs. D’AxpBapIk, freres, have been deputed to explore its resources, and are now in or about the neighbouring coast. Messrs. IsenpERG and Kraprrt, Germans of the London Missionary Society, have their residence in Abyssinia, and a Mr. AyrsTon is also exploring the country on his own, or what account I know not. It would be well to occupy it by some moderate, able person in the capacity of British Agent, were it only for the purpose of protecting a lucrative trade that might be carried on by British subjects, and which is now altogether in American hands; while it would serve as a general sort of watch tower to keep an eye on the iniquitous traffic in slaves from Zanguebar, Mozambique, and Madagascar, with the shores of Arabia and Egypt. Moohummud Alee, who draws thence the larger portion of the slaves sold in the mar- kets of Cairo and Alexandria, was not insensible to the political importance of the Galla country, and the shores to the east of it.” 728 Asiatic Society. (No. 103. A memorandum of assets was submitted by the Officiating Secretary, as pre- pared by Mr. W. H. Botst, Assistant and Accountant, shewing at credit of the Society in the Bank of Bengal, ts oe <> Jvre ss 39168 Outstanding bills to the 2nd quarter of 1840 for contributions from members, 45 ae ne a ate ae e- Rs. 5,096 Doubtful—Parties being absent in England, &c. .. -. 1,168 ——— Irrecoverable—Parties being dead, AS A ~- 304 1,472 Rs, 3,624 Add contributions for the 3rd. quarter of 1840, just due and realizable, about,.. Rs. 2,400 ———_—— In course of realization, Rs. 6,024 Read the following letter and list of land and fresh water shells for the East India Company’s Museum, by Dr. J. T. PEARSON. To the Officiating Secretary to the Asiatic Society. “¢ Srr,— Having seen in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, an extract of a letter from Dr. HorsFIELD, in which he states that the Museum of the E. J. Company con- tains but few specimens of the Zoology of the continent of India; I have the honour to request you will obtain for me the favour of the Society transmitting to that gentle- man, the accompanying fifty species of the land and fresh water shells of this country 5 to be presented on my part to the above mentioned Museum. ‘‘T am induced to prefer this request, from the bad fortune which has hitherto attended my private efforts to send specimens to England; having had no news of not less than three consignments to the late Secretary to the Zoological Society, Mr. Bennett (in — his private capacity, however,) to Mr. Swainson, and to Dr. Traill, from which cir- cumstance I am induced to think they were not delivered. ‘‘ Accompanying the specimens is a list, with such remarks of their locality, &c., as I thought might be useful. ‘‘As the specimens are for the most part fragile, you will oblige me by taking great care in handling them, should they be inspected by the Society. I must also add, in excuse for the few specimens of each species, that I lost a considerable portion of my collection; but.hope to be able hereafter to forward a greater number. “‘If the Society will allow me, I propose to forward through them, a series of speci- mens of the other branches of the Zoology of these mountains to the E. I. Company’s ‘Museum, as I have opportunity for collecting them. I have, &c. &c. J. T. PEARSON. List of land and fresh water shells for the E. I. Company’s Museum, from As- — sistant Surgeon J. T. PEarson.—Darjeeling, 10th Aprit, 1840. 1.—Unio bilinearis—BEnson.—Found in a tank on the Esplanade of Fort William. — 2.—Unio favidens—BENsoN.—Found in running streams, and -common in most — rivulets in India. | _3.—Unio maigmalis.——-——Common in tanks of stagnant water, and less so in rivulets. . | 4.—Cyclostoma involvalus.—Soverty.—Common in the Rajhmahl hills, and at q Midnapore. | 1840. | Asiatic Society. 729 5.—Cyclostoma involvalus.—Soverty.—Found at Cherra Poonjee, and in the Dar- * jeeling district of the Himalya mountains. At Darjeeling it is of the smaller size, but lower down, at an elevation of not more than 2,500 to 4,000 feet, they are much larger—as large again as those sent; but I have not a good specimen of this large variety. Mr. Benson is of opinion this species is the same as No. 4. 6.—Cyclostoma ———— Found also at Darjeeling, but not very common. 7.—Pterocyclos hispidum peaugo.—From the Garrow Hills. I described this and the following shell in the Journal of the Asiatic Society for November 1833, under the name of Spiraculum hispidum ; a generic name, which out of deference to Mr. Benson’s authority as a conchologist (independent of his prior claim) I think it right to withdraw. 8.—Pterocyclos parvus.—Prarson.—Locality as the last species. 9.—Pterocyclos rupestrisx—BENson.—Found in the Rajhmahl hills. The first spe- cies of the genus discovered by Mr. Benson. 10.—Helix ——-—— Found at Darjeeling. The only live specimen I have yet met with. 11.—Melania varialilis—Brnson.—Found in Tolly’s Nullah, near Calcutta. It was also in the Sylhet and Cherra Poonjee collection, which J purchased jointly with the Asiatic Society. 12.—Melania stephanus.—Brenson.—In the above mentioned collection. 13.—Melania zonata.—Brnson.—In the above collection. 14.—Melania coricca ?—Gray.—ditto, ditto. 15.—Melania ——-—— Found in tanks and rivulets of Bengal. 16.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto. 17.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto. 18.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto. 19,.—Paludina bengalensis. ditto, ditto. 20.—Paludina crassa.—Inhabits the rivers &c. of India. 21.—Paludina pulchella.—From the Sylhet collection. 22.—Paludina ——— ditto, ditto, ditto. 23.—Lymnea I discovered this species in a tank on the road from Howrah to Bishop’s College, near Calcutta. 24 —Lymnea Common in stagnant waters all over India. 25.—Planosbis indicus.—ditto, ditto, ditto. 26.—Vitrina gigus. From the Sylhet collection. 27.—Helix ——— Bengal. 28.—Helix ——— From the Sylhet collection. 29.—Helix ——-——-—— ditto, ditto, ditto. 30.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto. 31.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto. 32.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto. 33.—Neritina depressa.—BENson.—Found on the piles on the banks of the river Hoogly at Calcutta. 34.—Neritina tigrina.—BENson.—Locality as the last species. 39.—Neritina I am not sure that this species is described. I found it adhering to stones, at low water, in Tolly’s Nullah. 36,—Assaminia fusicata ?—Common on the banks of the Hoogly. 730 Asiatic Society. [No. 105. 37.—Nematura ?—Found in the aqueduct leading from the Hoogly to the Course, Calcutta. 38.—Scarabus triangularis.—Benson.—On the banks of the Hoogly at Calcutta. 39.—Clausilia loxastonia.—BENSON. 40. —Pupa—— Found, in advance in the sands on the banks ot the Ganges near the mouth of the Goorutee, but I did not meet with a single live specimen. They appear to have been washed down and cast among the weeds, &c. 41.—Bulminus. ——-——-—— Found at Darjeeling. 42.—Achatinia. ———_~——- Common in Bengal. I regret I have not a better spe- cimen than the one sent. * 43.—Navicella compressa.—Benson.—Found on the piles on the banks of the Hoogly near Calcutta. I have but one specimen left, which will account for the injured state of that sent. : 44.—Navecella tessellata.—Lemarck.—Locality as the last. 45.—Cerithissa sulcatum.—LEmMarck.—Estuaries of the rivers of Bengal. 46.—Cerithissa —_-——-—-. ditto, ditto, ditto. 47,—Cerithissa —— ditto, ditto, ditto. 48, -_—_-—_—_——- Found in the aqueduct mentioned under 37. 49.—Modiola ——~——-—— Found in Tolly’s Nullah, adhering to stones, &c., by a string byssus. I think it a new and undescribed species. 5(0.—_—_——-——--_—Found in the sands of the Ganges, &c. Besides the above, a bottle containing the shells with the animals of Cyclostoma incrolubus, Heritina de- pressa, and Tigrina and Pteroclos rupestris. Read a letter from J. H. Batten, Esq. of the C. S. enclosing one from Captain HvuppDLESTONE, giving copies of an apparent inscription engraved on a Chobootra at Dewulghur in Ghurrawul, with a drawing of the Chobootra. Dewulghur is situated about 10 miles east from Sreenuggur, at some height above the valley of the Ulluk- nunder river, and possesses a rather handsome temple and establishment. Next to the showy shrines of Buddinath, Kedranath, &c. Dewulghur, is the chief religious esta- blishment in Ghurrawul. The character of this inscription, which is represented by Captain HuDDLESTONE as extending throughout the whole of the Chobootra, and the carving is said to be ex- ceedingly elaborate, appears to be a Toghra in the Sanscrit character, but none of the Pundits to whom it has been shewn, nor Mr. Csoma DE Korosi1 have as yetsucceeded in decyphering any portion of it. The character would appear to be unique, and should the specimen now furnished continue to baffle our attempts at its interpretations the Officiating Secretary proposes to publish a facsimile of it, and invite the attention of the readers of the Journal to a consideration of this curious variety of character. Read a letter from Dr. Cuapman, H.M’s. 16th Lancers, on the subject of the reading to be adopted on the legend of the so-called Demetrius Mayes’ Coins. The Officiating Secretary expressed his regret at not having been able to publish some very interesting speculations by Dr. Coapman on Bactriannumismatics, in consequence of his unfortunately not having it in his power to procure accurate and creditable lithographs of the casts of coins which accompanied that gentleman’s paper. The same impediment had prevented him from publishing a collection of gems by the same contributor; but he trusted to be able very shortly to overcome this difficulty. 1840.) Asiatic Society. 731 Read a letter from Captain T. S. Burt, of Engineers, of which the following is an extract :— ‘¢ On the third page I have the pleasure to send you some information which the Rey. Mr. Pratt has kindly favored me with; by noticing the existence of the pillar in your Journal, it may be discovered and an old character on it besides, for I should doubt any one having dug down to its base, buried as it is 21 feet below ground, notwithstanding what the Oriental Repository says on the subject. I brought to notice a pillar at Patna with some antique writing upon it in the March number of the Journal Vol. III. for 1834, but I cannot think it means this one. Sir Charles WILKINs found one some where in the neighbourhood of Patna also, and translated the inscription found upon it in, J think, the Ist Vol. A. R. but as well as I recollect, that was at Buddal not Singea. “ Extract from Oriental Repository, Vol. 2, 1808. ‘*« The plate of an ancient column near Singea in Bahar, was obligingly communis cated by Mr. Tuomas Cotuinson. In the letter dated loth February 1793, he says— This singular column is situated on the site of an obscure village in the neighbour- hood of Singea in the province of Bahar, of which no traces whatever with respect to its establishment are to be derived either from oral tradition or the existing legends of former times; nor is there any inscription discoverable on any part of the column, though it has been carefully examined many feet below the surface of the earth. ** Note.—Some foolish travellers have cut their names upon it, but it is to be hoped this impertinence will be soon effaced from the column, and I would not let the copper plate be a record of their folly. The whole of the shaft is said to be one entire piece. It is of greyish stones or marble (?) ‘The dion on the capital is of the same material, but what renders the subject still more extraordinary, is, that 4here is not a stone to be found within 150 miles of the spot, or such an animal as the one described within the circle of our dominions—consequently, but little known to the natives. The sculptural decorations bear no similitude to the works either of the Hindoo, or Musulman artists. “* Dimensions. ft. in. Shaft, an entire stone, .. o* = a ty - 44 0 Ditto sunk, EA ae ae SB “4 ae assy Zhe nO Ditto above ground, .. oe oe we ve -- 23 0 Diameter at ground, .. ee ee oe oe oo OA Ditto under capital, .. af oe as we ss 3 9 Height of capital without the lion, .. cing ze airs 2i0 Table on which the lion sits, .. ais oe a sett 10} 10 Ditto long, ee ee oe ee oi ve o- 4 6 Ditto broad, oe a oe oe aie Nhs? Jt ONLY Height of lion from pawtoear, .. oe ee - o 4 ‘* Lion and Capital one stone, (‘* 1792. Signed) D. C:”’ It was suggested that early occasion should be taken to invite research upon the interesting subject mentioned by Captain Burt. Read a letter from Dr. H. Fatconsr, with impressions of gems from Affghanistan. Read a letter from J. Avpatt, Esq. forwarding a Memoir of Mechithar ghosh, the Armenian Legislator for the Journal of the Asiatic Society. 732 Asiatic Society. [No. 108. Read a letter from Captain T. P. Cautiey, forwarding a Memorandum on the Fossil Camelide of the Sewalik range. This paper was published in No. 102 of the Journal. Read a letter from Captain F. Maceratu, Commanding the Arracan Local Battalion to the address of the Secretary, apprizing him of his having dispatched to his address, to be disposed of as would appear most expedient, a fine specimen of that rare and curious animal, the Sand Hog of Arracan. This animal was taken in the hills above the Koladyne river (vide Dr. Evans’ Memoir Asiatic Society’s Journal, August, 1838, No. 80.) Captain Maceratu, gives the following account of the local name of the animal, and the habitssof this specimen now supplied by him— ‘©The Mugs call this animal Quado Waitdoo, this interpreted signifies an animal between a pig and adog, or more literally partaking of the character of both. I got this creature about two months since, when he had not a tooth, and was fed on milk with cotton; as he grew up he took to eating cooked fish and even meat, also getting under the Bungalow and groping for worms and insects. He used to run about the house quite tame, and has never been confined day or night; his courage is great, and indeed if it is not guarded against, he will be meeting his death in consequence, for he will attack a dog, who with one gripe would destroy him; in fact he has no fear.’ The Officiating Secretary informed the Meeting that he had taken upon himself to present the animal to the Menagerie at Barrackpore in the name of the Society, to whom he considered it had been virtually presented by Captain Maccratun, and he had great satisfaction in stating that the animal had thrived exceedingly well where he was now placed, and that there was every reason to anticipate his attaining his full growth without accident. It was proposed by the Honorable W. W. Birp, and seconded by Dr. Watticu, when the subject of the choice of a permanent Curator was agitated, that Mr. Biytu, in whose favor Professor Wi1Lson had furnished Sir E. Ryan with the highest testimonials, should be invited to this country for the purpose of assuming the permanent duties of the Office, and that in the mean time arrangements should be made for securing efficient supervision over the affairs of the Museum, by employment of a gentleman of due qualifications, whose services might be now available in Calcutta. In pursuance of this determination, arrangements were made subsequently to the Meeting by which the services of Mr. H. PIDDINGTON were secured as tem- porarily in charge of the Curatorship. It was proposed by Sir E. Ryan, that a Standard Barometer among the collection of Instruments belonging to the late Mr. Jamxs Prinsep, his Cabinet of Minerals, his Comparative Barometer, and instrument for effecting correction of atmospheric changes, should be proposed to Government as proper to be purchased for the general purposes of science, and placed in the Society’s Rooms for general reference by the public, and the Officiating Secretary was directed to address Government on the subject accordingly. For the above presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were ac- corded, ee ee Ee a JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian LAssEn, Bonn, 1838.' Here we must try to supply Strabo’s brevity by other accounts. I ascribe to Menandros the subduing of Pattalene and Syrastrene. Strabo makes no mention of these districts as conquests of Me- nandros beyond those of Alexander’s expedition, because Alex- ander had advanced to Pattalene, therefore in this direction to the sea-coast. This interpretation is proved probable by the well known passage in the Periplus,* according to which, coins of Menandros and Apollodotos were still in use during the Ro- man erain Barygaza. To Demetrius we must assign the conquest of Ariana, viz. the country of the Paropamisades and Arachosia ; this is the opinion already formed by Bayer,t on the autho- rity of Isidor of Charax, who mentions among the towns of Arachosia, Papsaya OAC, Kat Anuntpiac TroAtc, sira AAséav- dpo7oXuc, pnt pomroAuc ’"Apaywotac, éatt® EAAnvic. This (town of Demetrius) was probably built by him. But when Bayer thinks Demetrius also founded a town on the borders of the Hydaspes, because Ptolemy says of 2ayada 7) Kat EvOupndia 1 Continued from p. 676. vol. ix. * p. 17. Huds. +. pe 94. No. 104, New Szriss, No. 20. BA 734 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. (ed-uedia) the clue is fallacious. We shall not indeed reject the excellent conjecture, that Ev@vdnuia is to be read, and that the town was named after Euthydemos, but why should no one except Demetrius so name a town ? If our remarks above made to the effect, that the Greeks in Bactria previously to the year 200 B. c., possessed no territory whatever to the south of the Indian Caucasus be correct, the fol- lowing arrangement of our known facts suggests itself. When Euthydemos was relieved from the attacks of Antiochos, he made an invasion, either in person or through his son, Demetrios, of the countries to the south of the Caucasus; here he must have first encountered the Paropamisades. Arachosia bounds on them on the westward, and from thence Demetrios most probably endeavoured to reconquer his paternal inheritance. That here was the main site of his power, is confirmed by the name of the town, Demetrias, and this likewise explains why we have but so few coins of his ; they must be looked for in Candahar. His dominion in western Cabulistan and Arachosia sufficient- ly explains the title, ‘* King of the Indians. ””? Demetrios, however, pretends, by the adoption of elephants as trophies, to victories over India Proper, and we have no ground for denying his right to them. It is true, those victories would prove hardly probable, if Menandros were his cotemporary, as Mr. Mueller thinks.* But he takes Strabo’s words in a too literal sense, while they, as the passage plainly shows, are intended only as general expres- sions. The coins at least afford no proof that both were cotem- poraries. The chronological tables to be obtained for the history of Bactria, can only result from a comparison of all the passages relative to this inquiry. * p. 209. + I drew no conclusion for my assertion from the non-existence of the Cabulian letters on the coins of Demetrios, as this may be accounted for by his governing countries more to the westward, where the use of those letters was not so common asin Cabul. It is, however, the most probable supposition that he did not use Cabulian letters, because his successors had the first idea of adopting them (on their coins.) 1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 790 The principal passage on Eukratides is the following, Justin xii. 6. “ Eodem ferme tempore, sicuti in Parthis Mithridates, ita in Bactris Eucratides, magni uterque viri, regna ineunt. Sed Parthorum fortuna felicior ad summum hoc duce imperii fastigium eos perduxit. Bactriani autem, per varia bella jactati, non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amise- runt; siquidem Sogdianorum, et Arachotorum, et Drangianorum Indorumque bellis fatigati, ad postremum ab invalidioribus Parthis, veluti exsangues, oppressi sunt. Multa tamen Eucratides bella magna virtute gessit, quibus attritus, quum obsidionem Demetrii regis Indorum pateretur, cum trecentis militibus sexaginta millia hostium assiduis eruptionibus vicit. Quinto itaque mense liberatus, Indiam in potestatem redegit. Unde quum se reciperet, a filio, quem socium regni fecerat, in itinere inter- ficitur, qui non dissimulato parricidio, velut hostem, non patrem, interfecisset, et per sanguinem ejus currum egit, et corpus abjici insepultum jussit.”’ First we remark on this passage, that the whole does not refer to Kukratides, namely not that part in which the reasons for the decline and the downfall of the Bactrian empire are enume- rated. Throughout the whole passage one idea pervades, viz. that the fate of both empires, the Parthian and the Bactrian, was identical in the simultaneous accession to power of two great monarchs, but opposite in the simultaneous progress of one, to the highest pitch of power ; of the other, to total destruction. Under the impression of this leading idea, the author suddenly turns to relate the circumstances which weakened and eventually ruined the empire of Bactria, namely, the wars with the neigh- bouring nations ; this is an important notice, as involving a fact hitherto entirely overlooked, which is, that the detached kingdoms of Drangiana, Arachosia, and India, existed cotemporaneously together with that of Bactria. But it does not follow, that all the wars Eukratides was engaged in, must be the very same, which the Bactrians waged with the Drangians, Arachosians, and Indians, or, in other words, it is not necessary, that the three nations, now mentioned, must have formed independent states before Kukratides, as they may also have become independent after his murder. Moreover, if we may be allowed to follow a 736 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. clue not wholly authentic, these kingdoms must have originated after Demetrius ; for supposing Demetrius king of Arachosia, and that he was here called king of the Indians also, Justin could not separate Arachosja from India in speaking of a time when both countries still obeyed Demetrius. I therefore suspect, that immediately after the overthrow of this king, Eukratides took possession of Demetrios’ Indian dominions, while Arachosia and Drangiana, likewise subject to Demetrios, became indepen- dent states under their own Satraps. On this supposition the wars by which Bactria was so much disorganized as to fall an easy prey to the Parthians, would have been carried on by the son of Eukratides against the attacks of the united Drangians, Arachosians, Indians, and Sogdians. Under this view the aspect of Bactrian history is so much changed, that I shall directly mention some facts corroborative of the above. First. We know, that Eukratides after having conquered Demetrios, turned* his arms against the Indus and Hydaspes, probably therefore, against countries belonging either to Deme- trios himself, or to a king allied to him. Secondly. Two kings laid claim to having reigned immediately after Eukratides, though not in Bactria itself, viz. Antialkides in western Cabul, and Antimachos in Drangiana; this latter on the authority of the coins, which point to a victory at sea. » ~~ rg * Strabo XV. § 3. AmoAXodwpoc you o ra TlapMika romeoac, , \ «- Sint J N ? , e , peuynpévog Kat Tov thy Baxtpiayyny atoornoavtwy EXXAnvev Tapa THY Lvpiakwv Baciiéwv twv awo LeAsbKov rou Nikaro~ poc, not piv avrove avénbévrac éeiféobar Kat ty Ivdicy, > \ \ ? ~ , > / 3 Q ovory O& TpocavakadvmTE TwY TpdTEPOY Eyvwoputvwr, dAXaG > - = ~ wn Kal evavtioAoye, mwAeiw tHe “lvdiKne, éxeivouc, n Makedovac, katraotpepacBar Aéywr. "Evxparioav your TOAELC XtAlac up e rar ’ ’ > io% ‘ \ oo ~ e , A gauTw ExELV, EkeLvOUG O aUTa Tap eracy eOvn route YOaorrov kat ~ e , a 3 . ’ , , \ “4 rou Ymavoc, tov apOuorv evvéa, TOAEG TEE OXELY TEVTAKICYE- Xlac, k. 7. A, This cannot be but a contradiction of Apollodoros him- self. Groskurd’s Erdbeschr. Strabo III. 109. 1840. } From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 737 In these countries this could have only taken place on the great lake of the Drangians. Both kings first assume the title vuenpopoc, and are founders of empires by successful wars ; chronology there- fore admitting, (on this hereafter,) we may justly attribute to Antimachos the foundation of the Drangian, and to Antialkides that of the Arachosio-Cabulian empires ; the foundation of the Indian empire must then belong to a third king. | If there were only one Eukratides, the coins with Cabulian le- gends, and the title of great king, must be ascribed to the for- tunate, though short, epoch of his life, when his reign extended to the Hydaspes. I say short, because he fell by the hand of his son at the very moment of his return. If there were two Kukratides, those coins belong to the second. We have before this, doubted the existence of Eukratides II, as far as it was inferred from the coins. We have now to exa- mine the passages of authors adduced in his favour. According to Bayer’s assertion, Eukratides is spoken of in a way unsuited to the victorious king of this name; he thinks, that the son had put to death his father, because he protected the Parthians, who assisted him against Demetrius. But all that we learn concerning the relations of both empires, never shows a friendly, but on the contrary an entirely hostile intercourse. We will not lose our time in conjectures as to the motives of that crime. The passages which are said to afford the argument mentioned, are the following :—Strabo x1, 9, 2. apeiAovro (the Parthians) dé Kal TNC Baxrpiavne pépoc Biacapevor trove ZKvGac, Kal ere 7 pOTEpoV rove TEpl Evuxparicav. This passage must be explained by the statement, above men- tioned, that the Parthians had deprived Eukratides of two of the Bactrian Satrapies, Turiva and the Aspiones ; they afterwards took from the Scythians either this or another northern part of the Bactrian empire ; they took it therefore from the very same Scy- thians, who under Euthydemos already threatened an irruption into Bactria, and who must afterwards have found an opportu- nity of invading this country. Why might not Mithridates VI. have availed himself of the siege of Eukratides by Demetrios, in order to subdue the Turanian Satrapies? Beyond this passage 738 Lassen on the History traced . (No. 104. there is no mention whatever of Eukratides, and we are evident- ly not necessitated to adopt two kings of this name. It remains to ascertain the mode of the downfall of the Bactrian empire. It is ordinarily ascribed to the Scythians, according to Prolog. Trog. Pom. xu1. “ Deinde quo repug- nante Scythe gentes Sarance, et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et Sogdianos.” But it is not borne in mind, that while Mithridates reigned in Parthia, the Scythians had not power sufficient to en- able them to advance southwards; under Arsakes VII. indeed, or Phrahates II, who was killed by the Scythians, this conquest of Bactria by them may have occurred, whether Arsaces himself or another Greek king, who re-established himself in Bactria, be understood under the term of the epitomator: “quo repugnante.” I say who re-established himself, as it is certain, that Mithridates the Great, had before taken possession of the Bactrian empire, and governed it till his death. ‘* Bactriani, per varia bella jactati, non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amiserunt, siqui- dem—ad postremum ab invalidioribus Parthis, veluti exangues, oppressi sunt”. The term “weaker,” refers to the remark Justin had previously made, that the Parthians were in the beginning of their power much weaker than the Bactrians. Mithridates therefore is the real subverter of the Bactrian empire. There exist some passages on the conquests of Mithridates towards Bactria and India, but they require a critical examina- tion. According to Diodorus,* who perhaps imagined that king to have taken possession of the Indian dominion of Eukratides, he conquered the empire of Porus. Independently of the little authority of Diodorus, Porus was considered since Alexander’s time as a mere representative of Indian sovereignty, generally speaking, and it must depend upon other passages, whether those words mean any more, than that Mithridates extended his power in that direction. Of much less weight is Orosius, a still later * Fragm. ed. Bip. X. p. 91. 9’ Apoakne o BaowWsv¢ tHv Baotrztav émt mAciov nuénos. péxpe yap tne Ivducne cuatetvac, tHe vTo TOU IIwpov yevomevnc Xwpac EKuplevaev aKkivouvwe. 1840.) From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 739 authority ; (V. 4) “ Omnes preterea gentes, que inter Hydaspem fluvium, et Indum jacent, subegit Mithridates, ad Indiam quoque cruentum extendit imperium.”’ Orosius was possessed of a laud- able piety, of no great understanding, and rather of a passion for rhetorical flourishes, than of any desire to attempt critical exact- ness. What were the many nations between the Hydaspes and the Indus, and what were they in comparison to the great empires Mithridates possessed ? The only exact authority, that of Trogus, certifies merely that Mithridates’ dominion ex- tended to the Indian Caucasus. Justin x1. 6. “ Imperiumque Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in ditionem redactis, usque flumen Euphratem protulit.’”’* If Mithridates had reigned to the south of the Hindookoosh, coins of him would also have been discovered in the rich mine at Beghram, moreover the continuance of the Grecian empires in Cabul and about the Indus, discourages this opinion. We have above attributed to the Parthians the overthrow of the Greco-Bactrian empire ; the time of this event may be determined with tolerable exactness; Justin xxxvi. 1, says of Demetrios Nicator. ‘ Bellum Parthis inferre statuit, cujus ad- ventum non inviti Orientis populi videre, et propter Arsacidz regis Parthorum crudelitatem, et quod veteri Macedonum im- perio assueti, novi populi superbiam indigne ferebant. Itaque quum et Persarum, et Elymaeorum, Bactrianorumque, auxiliis juvaretur, multis proeliis Parthos fudit. Ad postremum tamen, pacis simulatione deceptus, capitur, etc.’ This captivity hap- pened during the year 140 8. c. and as Mithridates died only a few years after this event, and as to him is expressly ascribed the conquest of Bactria, this must have occurred about the year 139 s.c. In the foregoing passage, Bactria appears then, for the last time, as an independent empire in alliance to the Seleu- * The same is stated in an account, which, though of a later date, is derived from good authority. Acct. Sancct. ad XXX. Sept. vol. VIII. 3 20. Ta 0 ’ >? , , ” A ~ ~ ~ TI apUou ev evTuyxta peylory OVTEC Kal KpaTovrtec tc Tw ITep- ~ ’ Ae ke , h Vege ~ ~ , rg cwv BactAslac Kal Appevioy kat Ivdov twv yervalovtwy roic e 7 , ~ ~ ewore [lgpoare, ere O& Tw okAnporatwy Macoaystwr. 740 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. cides against Parthia, whether it were under a son of Eukra- tides, or a successor of this king. As Elymais and Persis alone are mentioned, and not Drangiana and Arachosia, the inference may be admitted, that the two latter empires were already oc- cupied by the Parthians.* One datum only for the more early Bactrian history, may still be derived from extant authors, the accession of Kukratides. According to Justin, Eukratides ascended the throne at the same time with Arsaces VI.; but the statements and opinions on this very point are unfortunately very uncertain. Bayer upon his investigations places the commencement of the reign of both about 181] B. c. According to Visconti, Mithridates’ accession occurred 165 B. Cc. (Bayer p. 86, Visc. Iconogr. 111. 70) Here are indeed to be found reasons for the probability only of the fact, and they apparently are in Bayer’s favour. We perhaps fall into the less error of the two by adopting the medium between both dates, 175 B. c.t The first expeditions against India under Euthy- demos, his death, the foundation of an independent king- dom by his son Demetrios, the expulsion of the Euthyde- mides from Bactria, either by Eukratides, or by a predecessor of his, all those events must be assigned to the years 200 * Bayer (p. 90) has thoroughly reviewed a difficult passage of Orosius referring to this place. + Mithridates’ accession must not be placed too far down, as he died at an advanced age “gloriosa senectute,” and itis likely ascended the throne early. Another reason for the determination of the foregoing date, is that the war of Demetrios with Eukratides, must not be fixed at too late atime. The former, was at the conclusion of a peace between his father and Antiochus, a youth, about 20 years old. If he now fought in the 55th year of his age with Eukratides for the possession of Bactria, this war happened 30 years after, 200 s.c. or 170. If our conjecture were correct, that Antimachos could only have acquired his empire in Drangiana and in its neighbourhood after the overthrow of Demetrios, this would be another confirmatory reason. It is not necessary to bring him in direct parallel with Antiochus IV. ; yet the commencement of his reign cannot be traced to a later period than 164, but rather to an earlier one; M. R. R. adopted the year 170. 1840. ] JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 741 —175 s.c. Between 175—140, according to our foregoing review of the facts, occurred the overthrow of Demetrios, the murder of Eukratides, and the reign of his son, or of his suc- cessors. All is here uncertain, save that the reign of Eukra- tides must not be extended too far, as he fell in the midst of his victorious career, and appears to have made only one campaign in India.* § 16. The Scythians in Bactria. Kuthydemos mentioned to Antiochos as a reason for not over- weakening his power, that in this case he would not be able to repel the northern barbarians, and that Antiochos’ own provinces would run the risk of being inundated by the invading current of the barbarian hordes. (Polyb. x1, 34.) The Bactrian kings had in their palmy days possession of the country of the Scythians in two directions; to the east, beyond the Mustag, the provinces of the Phrunians and Seres, and on the north towards the Caspian the Satrapies of Turan, and ano- ther named after Aspiones. Mithridates had taken the latter, probably when Eukratides fought with Demetrios. Among the nations in warring with which the Parthian empire became exhausted, the Sogdians are mentioned ; they can hardly be Sogdians properly speaking, but rather the Saces, who had invaded Sogdiana; Strabo represents them as of that nation, _ when he says on the occasion of the great irruption of the Scy-- thians, that they had started from the country beyond the Jaxartes, “‘7n¢ Kata Zakac Kal Loydiavove, nv KaTEly ov Saka.” They are probably the same Saces from whom Mithridates took away a part of Bactriat occupied by them, and who alrea- dy so early as the days of Herodotus (vir. 64) bordered on Sogdiana, and whose name was given to all nomad tribes and * There will be found a great difference between my numbers and those given by Mr. Mueller (at 0. p. 218.) This is no place for a critical com- parison of both statements; I beg only to remark, that the reign of 20 years (160-40) Mr. Mueller assigns to Eukratides in India, is as impro- bable as the reign of 40 years, generally ascribed to him. _ + XI, Scyth. § 2. 742 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. people of equestrian habits in Turan. They appear the fore- most in the series of invading hordes. The: great inroad of these nations is noticed in two passages. Prolog. 'Trog. Pompei xut1. “ Deinde quo repugnante Scythize gentes Sarance et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et Sogdianos.” Strabo x1. § 2. “ Madtora 8: yrwpior yeyovact To vouadwy ot rove” EAAnvac adpeAopevor THY Baxrpuavny,” Actor, kat Llactavoi, Kal Toyapor, Kal Lakapavror, Kal opunbevrec arto Tne Tepalac tov lafaprov, tng Kata Laxac Kal Loyduavove, nv KaTelyov Daca.” * If I now maintain, notwithstanding this latter passage, that it was not these Scythians, but the Parthians, who destroyed the Grecian empire in Bactria, the reasons are quite evident. The Scythians could not conquer it during the reign of Mithridates, and when they took possession of Bactria, the country was no longer under the dominion of the Greeks, but of the Parthians, as the irruption of the Scythians happened at the death of Phra- hates, about 126 B. c. Of the four nations mentioned by Strabo, we know nothing of the Pasians ; the Sakaraules seem to have been a separated tribe of the Saces ; the Tochares received their kings out of the nation of the Asianes. (Trog. Pomp-prolog. x11. “ Additae res Scythice, Reges Thocharorum Asiani, interitusque Sarducha- rum.)” We have then more particularly to deal with two nations, with the Saces and Tochares. The gradual progress of these nomads over eastern Iran, can be traced in the Parthian history; having been taken into pay by Phrahates against Antiochus of Sida, they arrived too late. Asnow they received no compensation whatever, and they wereledagainst no foe, they commenced plundering the Parthian provinces, and Phrahates fell in a battle against them, 126 B. c. (Justin xx11. 1.) This year is the real date of the Scythian inroad. The next king of the Parthians, Artaban, 11. (Arsaces vi11) we find again engaged with the Tochares, and dying of a wound receiv- * The following words kat tov Aawy k. tT. X. does evidently not further refer to this subject. 1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 743 ed in this war.* His son Mithridates fought again, and with more success, against the Scythians. Under his reign com- menced the struggle of the Parthians against Rome, and sup- posing the Scythians up to that time able to maintain them- selves in Bactria and Sogdiana, they were then doubtless at full liberty to assume unrestrained dominion. Nor do we find, that the Parthians attacked them any more. Sanatroikes, 77 B. C., is placed on the throne by the Scythians, viz. the Sakaraules ; as was the case with Phrahates IV. when expelled by his subjects, in the year 37 B. c. ¢ Ancient writers do not give us the whole detail of the Scythian settlement in Bactria, nor do we know the name of any of their kings, any more than the manner in which they divided among themselves the conquered provinces. Only one notice which is in fact important, has been preserved ; Isidor of Charax, says, (p. 9) "EvrevOev Saxacravyn Laxwv TKvev, » Kat [parraxnvn. We observe, as the Saces were the foremost of those nomades, so did they advance farthest to the south and west ; they had occupied the Drangian Praitakene, while the Tochares, under the Asianian kings, settled themselves perhaps nearer to the eastern and northern frontier. t We must not here neglect receiving such illustrations as we are offered by Chinese authorities on the emigration of these Scythians, although the author of this treatise could not direct- ly compare those authorities, and is aware of the confusion caused by Chinese misconstruction of names. But these ac- * I. C. xu. 2. As the Thochares are distinguished from the Scythians, these latter appear to be the Sakaraules. Scythe, depopulata Parthia, in patriam revertuntur. Sed Artabanus bello Thogariis (sic) illato, etc. ¢ I. C. xu. 5. Appian. Mithrid. 104. { A Median Paraitakene was between Persepolis and Ecbatana, Arrian. Anab. m1, 19. Ptolm. v1, 4. Diodor. x1x. 34. Strabo xvi, init. Beside this a Sogdian town of the same name, Arrian rv, 21, which was also named Gabaza and Babakene. Curtius vin, 14, 17. Zmpt. eastwards of Karatag towards the lofty Belurtag. Thirdly, that above mentioned between Drangiana, Cabul, and Arachosia. Ptolemy calls it Tatakene, perhaps country of the Tatas? v1, 19. In Paraitakene lies the old Persian Paruta, hill, these hills are the Kohistan of modern Persian geography. 744 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. counts however afford the great advantage of having originated with a nation, which had entered upon various relations with those Scythians, and was informed by embassies of their cir- cumstances.* . | These accounts however require a critical examination in va- rious points, and even here, though only limiting myself to the most remarkable facts, I cannot quite omit this task. The Yuetchi, a nomad tribe of inner Asia first appear in the upper Hoangho, whence they are repelled by the growing power-of the Hioungnus; one sept called ¢he Uittle, turn south- wards to Tibet ; the larger division bearing the name of the great, set out farther westwards to the countries beyond the Jaxartes; this event happened in the first half of the second century before our era.t This division originally consisted of five hordes. In the country recently occupied by them, they fall in with the people of an earlier emigration, called the Szus, Sais, Ses, also nomades under some petty chiefs. This tribe is forced to retire further west, and as the Yuetchis conquered new pastures on the borders of the Ili, the Szus must have been removed to the Jaxartes. In these Szus the Saces have been long ago recognized ; this corresponds with the fact, that the Saces had * The most important facts are already put together by De Guignes : “Sur quelques événements qui concernent l’histoire des Rois Grecs de la Bactriane et particuliérement la destruction de leur Royaume par les Scythes, etc” in Mémoires de l’Academie Royale des inscriptions et belles lettres. Tome XXV. II. p. 17. Abel Remusat has supplied information of this kind in some writings, viz. in the “ Récherches Tartares,” in his ‘«‘ Mélanges,” in his “ notes to Foé Koue Ki’. Klaproth in the “ Tableaux Historiques de ]’Asie.” It is true, great mistakes have been pointed out in the work of De Guignes with respect to his interpretation of Chinese names; but he is not prepossessed, as his successors are, by the monoma- nia of recognising in the Chinese accounts German tribes in inner Asia, as Goths, Getes, Jutes, Juetes, Jits, and Jats. The reading Yweti instead Yuetchi, originates in this visionary idea, and the Russian Sinolog, father Hyacinth, who was not acquainted with this beautiful discovery, quietly continued writing Yuetchi. + De Guignes, p. 21. Klaproth, p. 57. p. 132. Rémusat to Foé K. p. 83.- The year 163 s. c. is mentioned. 1840. | JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 745 already, before the destruction of the Parthian empire, taken possession of a part of Sogdiana. This era likewise agrees with the fact above mentioned, that the Sogdians had contributed their share in weakening the power of the Bactrian empire ; this event must therefore have happened in the latter days of Eukra- tides, or in the time of his successor, posterior to 160 B. c. - The Yuetchis remained not long in the possession of their new country ; another nation, the Ousun, flying from the Hioungnus, deprived them of those districts ; the Yuetchis ejecting the Szus, occupied the provinces possessed by them ; the Szus, pushed to the south, find an opportunity of taking possession of the country Kipin; the Yuetchis, following in their wake, take the country of the Tahia.* A Chinese general, Tchamkiao, accompanied this expedition of the Yuetchis, and. the well ascertained event occurred immediately previous to the year 126 B. c. This is the very year in which Phrahates was killed by the Scythians ; the Yuetchis and the Szus flying from them, are therefore the Tochares and Saces of western writers, whom Phrahates is reported to have taken into pay. These mercenaries were perhaps at first the Szus, and we indeed find Artaban opposed to the Tochares. Whether the Szus were driven into Bactria, according to the Chinese account, or called into that country as according to Justin, both statements may be right as regards their immediate narrative. Phrahates wished to avail himself of the Scythians, pressed into his neighbourhood, to strengthen his army. While Mithridates, “ ultor injuriz paren- tum,” arrested for some time, it appears, the progress of those Scythians. The Yuetchis divided the conquered districts according to the number of their hordes, into five parts; they had the country of the Asi, or Ansi, whom De Guignes reads Gansi, as their western frontier ; it is as appears probable correctly interpreted as the country of the Parthians.t * De Guignes, p. 22. p. 23. KI. p. 133. Rém. p. 83. + Rém. p. 83. De Guign. p. 23. KL p. 133. 746 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. Turning to the Szus who had conquered Kipin, we have already defined generally the situation of this country, which will become still clearer from the reports on the Szus. (De Guign. p. 29.) The country Kaofu, it is said, is very extensive; the inhabi- tants resemble the Indians in manners, and character, being rather mercantile, than warlike. Previous to their latter subjec- tion under the Yuetchis, one part belonged to the Indian kings, another to the Ansi (Parthians) ; a third to the kings of Kipin (viz. the Szu-sovereigns of his account). Hence it clearly appears, that Kipin is the country in the west of Cabul below the Kohi Baba to the westward. Combining with this, the statement that . Sakastane received its name from the Saces, we find, that the Kipin of the Chinese is the country of the western Paropamisus, the pastures of which are moreover occupied by a Mongolian tribe of nomades, the Hezarehs.* ‘ Kipin” however is a poli- tical not a geographical term, and may on occasion also em- brace portions of Cabul, Arachosia, and Drangiana. What the Chinese mention of the productions of art in this country, as silks, gold, and silver vessels, refers of course to the dexterity of the subjugated inhabitants, or those articles were imported by trade. A notice of much importance, is the following, that they struck gold and silver coins ; on the obverse the efiigy of a horseman, on the reverse, of a man.t As the Chinese had commercial intercourse with the empire Kipin, the names of some kings are mentioned. During the reign of the emperor Woo-ti, (died 87 8. c.) Utolao (or Ontheoulao) reigned in Kipin. His son was killed by a certain Inmoffu, who usurped the throne 30 8.c. Kipin is still spoken of at a much later time, but it is not noticed, whether. it continued under its kings from the people of the Szus ; this is, * To this passage refers the misplaced and apparently absurd remark with Steph. Deurb. 5. v. “Apaywota, 7oAtc ovk arwhsv Masoay- ETWD. How comes Arachosia to the country of the Scythes ? However, the Scythes are meant possessing Kipin. + De Guign. p. 25. He knew of the Eukratides’ coins only those with the type of the Dioscuri, and referred this notice to them. 7) te eS re. Pine" Meee < ok te 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 147 however, improbable, as it is stated, that the Yuetchis took afterwards possession of this country likewise.* \ Now leaving the Szus for the present, we will recur to lech, when in the progress of our research we have to consider the countries south of the Caucasus. The Ansi, having their abode to the west of the Yuetchis, were a powerful nation with many towns; they had gold and silver coins, bearing on the obverse the image of the king, on the reverse a male figure. When a king died, his successor struck new coins. The Ansi wrote on hides, in horizontal lines (not in vertical, as the Chinese), carried on an extensive trade, and had conquered many countries.t| De Guignes justly com- pares the constant type of the more ancient coins of the Arsacides with the portrait of the king, and the reverse of a Parthian bending a bow. But how to explain the fact, that the Chinese term the same people Yuetchis, while the Greeks call them Tochares. Who are the Tahias ? who the Ousuns? De Guignes, with whom I agree, holds the latter as the Asiani; they may have given kings to the Yuetchis, in the same manner as so many Turkish hordes stood afterwards under the dominion of the successors of Gengis Khan. The Tahias are taken for the Dahes, the Aaat, and the Yuetchis on their irruption into Sogdiana must have indeed met with tribes of this people.{ When it is said, however, that the Yuetchis conquered all the countries of the Tahias, the Dahes had either spread themselves over Bactria to the southward, or the name of the country first conquered was transferred to those afterwards subjugated. The name Tochares afterwards occurs with the Chinese under the form Thuholo, as they could not otherwise express it.6 We still recognize Tocharestan, which has received the name from them. But it need not be the same people ; the Tochares of our * De Guign. p. 27. Hyacinth in Ritter’s “‘ Erdkunde” VII. 682. etc. + De Guign. p. 28. t According to Strabo XI. Scyth. § 2. Kat rwv Aawy ou pev 7 pooayo= pevovrat Amapvot, ot d2,=avMor, ot oe, Tliscovpot. § Neumann. Asiat. Studien. I, 179. 748 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. time are Turks; for I think I may venture the conjecture, that this name in the Perso-Indian languages denoted the inhabitants of the cold snowy table land of the Belurtag ; this nation may therefore have had the name of Yuetchis, or a similar one, and yet have been called Tochares, by the Bactrians, as they arrived from those snowy districts.* Following the farther fate of the Yuetchis in Bactria, there afterwards appears a king named Khieout-Sieouhi, who uniting the other hordes, makes war on the Parthians, takes Kaofu from them, then also conquers Kipin, and Hantha; but he more likely took Kipin and Kaofu from the Szus. Klaproth places this event in the year 80 B. c.; Rémusat in the first century of our era; De Guignes 100 years after their first settle- ment in Bactria, therefore 26 years B. c.; so likewise does an anonymous translation of Chinese history.t The Chinese ac- counts certainly correspond, and we owe this pleasing incertitude only to our European chronicles. We hope to be excused ascribing the greatest negligence to our countryman, Klaproth. But we must continue; Khieout-Sieouhi is said to have died aged 80 years. His son Yenkaotching (the commencement of whose reign, would therefore have been about 30 A. D.) conquered India, advancing far to the south and to the east. The Yuetchis having become powerful, waged a war even against the Chinese under their governor Pantchao, in the * Tushara, and with the pronunciation kh for sh, tukhara, denotes in Sanscrit snow, ice, frost, and so is named in the old Indian geography a people in the north of the Hindookush. A king of Kashmir, of the family of the Thuholos, 600 years after Buddha, (therefore 56 a. p.) is mentioned by the Chinese Buddhists ; this was long before the Chinese knew Thuholo, and a proof, that the Yuetchis, to whom this king must have belonged, were named Zukhara in India. The Yuetchis however, or a neighbouring people of them in India, are also called Turushka, since Kanishka is said to have belonged to this nation, 500 years after Buddha. Tt De Guign. p. 27, who read Tata instead of Hantha, Klaproth. p. 133, has Pouta; Rém. p. 83. Hantha. As. Trans. vi. p. 63. ‘‘the Chinese general Chang-keen (Tcham-kao) was sent as ambassador to the Yuetchi by the emperor Woote (s. c. 126.) And about a 100 years after, a prince of this nation subjected the Getes in Kophene (Szu in Kipin) and India was again subjugated by the Yuetchis.” 1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 749 westerly tributary provinces of China; this was carried on in Khoten, in the year 98 a. D., and gave occasion for the dis- covery of the Caspian Sea.* Yenkaotching is however not said to have made this war, and it is very improbable, that he did so, as it occurred between the years 75-98. The greatest power of the Yuetchis obtained therefore in the first century of our era. The father, Khieoutsieouhi, had engaged in hostilities with the Parthians ; if this were the same in which Prahates IV. expelled Tiridates by the assistance of the Scythi- ans (Justin xLi1. 5,) it commenced about the year 40 B. c., and his son would be more correctly placed in the years begin- ning from 20 or 25 a. p.f The power of the Yuetchis continued to the third century.t After this time it was weakened by new hordes of northern bar- barians. Still however their empire maintained itself; and Chi- nese history in the beginning of the fifth century makes mention of a king Kitolo, who again undertook an expedition against India. India appears therefore meanwhile to have been taken from the Yuetchis. Kitolo is said to have conquered Balkh, Gandhara, and five other provinces. According to others, Kitolo’s son founded the empire of ‘“‘ The Little Yuetchis” in Foeleoucha ; here is some confusion, at least in the translations.§ Let us now sum up these facts. First, we have an empire, founded in Kipin by the Saces, commencing about the year 126 s.c. This may have maintained itself till the Yuetchis advanced southward, therefore almost to the beginning of our era. It embraced a part of Cabul, and we must hereafter ex- amine, whether their kings did not also reign on the borders of the Indus. 5 Secondly, an empire of “‘'The Great Yuetchis,” or Tochares, in Bactria and Sogdiana, divided into separated hordes, to the * De Guignes, p. 30. Remusat, Remarques sur |’extension de l’empire Chinois, p. 120. Mr. Ritter, Erdkunde VII, p. 554. has translated Rému- sat’s term 75 a. p. by 75 B. c. + De Guignes, p. 28. But he certainly makes an improper use of this notice. t DeG.p. 31. R. to F. p. 83. KIL. p. 133. As. Trans. VI. 63. where the year 222 a. p. is stated. § De G. p. 31. R. to F. p. 84, KL. p. 134. 5 9 C 700 Lassen on thé History traced [No. 104. year 40 B. c., and limited to the north of the Caucasus, thence conquering to the south of the mountains, Kipin, Kandahar, Cabul, including a large portion of India. The subversion of this empire coincides with the accession of the Sassanians. Thirdly, the empire of “ The Little Yuetchis’” in Gandhara and India, at the commencement of the fifth century. It is uncertain, whether we still have coins belonging to the Yuetchis, whose dominion was only in the north. We could only be inclined to assign to them those having on the reverse a horse, and not Cabulian legends. Kuthydemos and Eukratides as sovereigns of Bactria, famous for the fine breed of its horses, appear to have likewise adopted this symbol on their coins. And supposing even that coins with elephants belonged to the earlier period of the Yuetchis, we must ascribe this to the fact, that some of their hordes boasted of having penetrated to India. Numismatology apparently profits us more for the history of the Scythians in the south of the Caucasus ; but we must first take up again the thread of the Greek dynasties. § 17. Greco-Indian empires. We first cali to mind, that the campaigns of the Greek kings | from Bactria against India, can have but commenced about 200 B. c; that they originated with Euthydemos or his son De- | metrios, and were directed against the power of the kings of | Palibothra, the descendants of Chandragupta. This latter asser- tion must be more exactly detailed. We know from ancient writers, that Chandragupta in his _ conclusion of peace with Seleucos Nicator acquired parts of | Gedrosia, Arachosia, and of the country of the Paropamisades, — and that their friendly relations continued under the sons of both — kings, Amitrajata and Antiochos Soter.* The third king of the | Indian dynasty, Dharmazoka, is a name very celebrated with * De Pentap. Ind. p. 44. Zeit-schrift fuer die Kunde des Morgen- landes i. 109. | | 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. jol the Buddhists, because he afforded a general patronage to their religion, a fact now undoubtedly confirmed, as the inscriptions are decyphered, by which Azdka throughout his whole empire invited the adoption of the doctrines of Buddha.* We may therefore rely upon the statement in the Buddhist annals, that Dharmazoka enjoyed a long, peaceful reign during the years 260—219 B. c. To corroborate the fact, that the dominion of Azdka, like that of his predecessors, extended to the Caucasus, it may be mentioned, besides the absence of reports stating the contrary, that the Chinese pilgrims also met with in the valley of the Panjhir monuments erected by Azéka for the glory of his religion.t As another confirmation may be adduced the circumstance, that Antiochus in the year 205 renewed the confederacy with the king of the Indians, which could be only the case with a king of the Maurja-dynasty of Palibothra.t The king then _mentioned, Sophagasenos, appears to be a son of Azdka.§ _ Contrary to this opinion, the successor of Azéka is named Sujazas (“of good renown’’) in the Brahmanic genealogies ; but we can hardly be deterred by this from comparing him with _Sophagasenos (Subhagasena, “ of the victorious army’’||) as these kings even publicly substituted their titles of honour for * As. T. VI. p. 472. 791. | + Foé K. K. p. 395. t Also this name was known to the Greeks ; see the interpretation of | the word Mwpuetc in my Pracrit grammar, p. 247. | § Zeitschr. I..110. | || M. de Schlegel, Ind. Bibliothek I. p. 258. The Chinese traveller Fahian also proves, that the son of Az6ka reigned in Gandhara, Foé _K. p. 67. If Rémusat has correctly translated the Chinese word “ Fai,” the Buddhists have called him “ Dharmavardhana.” The son of Azdka, who also reigned in Kazmira, is called Ial6ka in the annals of the country, _ (Raj. Tarang. I. 107) a reading, which is hardly correct. Itis evident from _ the succeeding verse, in which is certainly a play on the word Jazas, fame, that in the former text, this word also occurred in his name. He is said to have cleared the country from invading barbarians. At the /same place, p. 115. His successor is a king of another family. From _these traditions I shall only retain, that inroads of barbarians are menti- /oned immediately after AzOka, and that with his son the empire of | the kings of Palibothra in Kazmira found its termination. | 752 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. their original names, as Azéka styles himself Pijadasi on the columns. The successor of Sujazas, Dazaratha, is confirmed by the inscriptions in the Buddhist temples at Gaja, in Magadha,* (Behar.) I think it is by no means a rash attempt to connect these — Indian reports with our investigations. Thence would result — the following arrangement, viz., that Sujazas, who must have © died at the commencement of the second century B.c. if he — had reigned twenty years (on this we have no information), is _ the very same Palibothrian king with whom Antiochus renew- — ed the confederacy; secondly, that the barbarians, who under — his reign invaded India, are the Bactrian Greeks themselves ; — and, thirdly, that he or his successor, despite of Indian accounts ~ to the contrary, was expelled by them from the westerly pants i of his empire. From our previous inquiry, it was evident, that Demetrios — undoubtedly reigned in Arachosia, and thence more westward ; whether his rule extended in an easterly direction, was left un- _ certain. We must now, however, appropriate to Agathokles also a share in the first expedition of the Bactrians against India, for by the beautiful execution of his coins he is coeval with De- metrios; he claims a purely Indian country as his dominion, and especially eastern Cabul; lastly, by the adoption of the old Indian letters he shows, that he succeeded in these provinces _ the kings of Palibothra, who used the very same alphabet. Nor do I know how Agathokles can obtain any other classification either at a later or earlier period, unless immediately before Eukratides and coeval with Demetrios. I shall not waste our | time by conjecturing in what relation they stood together, how _ Agathokles commenced his career, and whether he belonged to the family of Euthydemos, or not.t * This also is a discovery, made by Mr. Prinsep, As. Trans. VI. p. 677. + It might even be maintained, that by a confusion in the catalogues of names, Agathokles had been received as Sujazas into Indian history, as both words*denote the same, and as both kings, according to the comparison of facts, above given, would be of the same period. It is evi- dent, that we have not to recognise the Indian king on the coins, because — a — <<. > . — = ies 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coimse {93 Pantaleon, with whom this Greco-Indian empire terminated, must have succeeded Agathokles, whom I therefore hold as king of Nagara Dionysopolis. Both of them have only Indian letters on their coins, and with them too Dionysos disappears. If we thus have correctly determined the empire of Aga- thokles and Pantaleon, it must be one of the districts of which Eukratides took possession on his Indian expedition ; for after the victory over Demetrios, he carried his arms against the Indus and Hydaspes. We have already noticed, that he pro- bably did not reign there for a long time. I have above explained my idea, how by the division of Demetrios’ power the independent Grecian dominions of Dran- giana and Arachosia, referred to by historical authority, had been formed ; the Indian empire, mentioned by the same autho- rity, was, if not actually formed, yet first consolidated after the murder of Eukratides. At least the conjecture is natural, that the abhorrence of such a deed must render it easy to an enter- prising governor to find ready assistance in a revolt against the parricide. The first Greek king of this Indian empire was certainly Menandros, let the various dates given for his era and his ac- cession differ as they may from mine. Here conjecture must be set against conjecture, and I do not think myself the supposition sound, that Menandros may have acquired the title of deliverer, peculiar to this country, by delivering it from the hateful domi- nion of the son of Kukratides. On these three Indo-Grecian empires we may make the following conjecture. We assigned to Antimachos an empire he would have called himself in this case Sujazas, and not Agathuklajé. But if Agathokles deprived the Indian Subhagaséna of the provinces on the Indus, and in the catalogues of kings was mentioned as his cotemporary under the name Sujazas, he might be easily confounded with the name of the Indian king, especially as the son of Azdka had at least two names, a Brahmanical and a Buddhist, like his father, and perhaps his grandfather (Zeit-schrift I. 109.) This explanation is not quite satisfactory to me; the coincidence of both names, above mentioned, is however, hardly accidental; and it is scarcely an objection, that Panta- leon, who probably reigned but a short time, has not left a similar trace in the Indian annals; he must be looked for in Dazaratha, which is impossible. 704 ; Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. in Drangiana, as here only a maritime victory, of which he boasts, can have taken place.* To this may be added the following :—The Chinese, by reporting, that the kings of Kipin represented a horseman on their coins, alluded probably them- selves only to the Scythian kings; these, however, had cer- tainly adopted the custom from their predecessors. As now Antimachos, as well as his successor Philoxenos, repre- sent themselves as horsemen, we venture to refer them to Kipin ; likewise the humped bull of the latter king alludes to Kipin. This country moreover is Sakastane, or Segistan of a later period. Antialkidest and his successor Lysias lay claims to having reigned in Cabul and in its neighbourhood ; if we have correctly interpreted the report of Justin, they must have possessed, besides Cabul, a part of Arachosia. Amyntas and Archelios must perhaps also be classed in these two kingdoms. | The empires founded by Antimachos and Antialkides, pro- bably existed but a short time; the first seems to have origi- nated at the death of Demetrios, the second after the murder of Eukratides. We can assign to them no longer existence than to the year 126 8. c., when the Saces settled themselves in Kipin ; and scarcely even to that period, as the Parthians had already taken possession of the Bactrian empire. In the pas- sage in which the last struggle of the Bactrians against the Parthians is mentioned, Elymeans are indeed only noticed besides Syrians, and no Drangians or Arachosians. The small number of royal names also corroborate this short duration. It would be too doubtful a measure to extend the use of Cabulian letters to Drangiana. * Mr. R. R. p. 18, thinks, he may have assisted Antiochus IV. on occasion of a victory over the Egyptians; but this appears hardly possible, even if he had reigned on the Indus. t Mr. Mionnet has published (VIII. 483, 520,) acoin of Antialkides, before unknown. Obverse: image of the king with the Causia, and the upper part of the Chlamys. Reverse: Jupiter seated, holding in his right hand a Victory with a Palm, in the left hand a spear, placed across the shoulders ; on the right hand near his seat an elephant, who holds a crown in its elevated trunk. Antialkides perhaps obtained the crown by his partici- pating in an Indian expedition. bw 1840.9 From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 795 Still we must here keep in view, that the alphabet on the coins, if indeed derived from the west, must have been im- ported to Cabul through Candahar and Drangiana, as it did not come to Cabul through Herat and Bactria. Besides this how- ever Antimachos and Antialkides may have imitated the exam- ple of Eukratides. The Greco-Indian empire of Menandros must have existed longer. The number of the names Menandros, Apollodotos, Diomedes, Agathokleia, Hermaios, renders the assumption neces- sary. I have proved it probable that this.line of kings was not encroached upon by the Parthians. The last coins, those of Hermaios, refer to the very same time, when expeditions against the Soter-dynasty may have been first planned by the Scythians. The widely extended empire of Menandros seems under Hermaios to have been limited to Beghram ; Menandros must have possessed a kingdom eastward of Cabul, if Antial- kides, as it appears, ruled then immediately after Eukratides. It would be, however, too bold to determine any thing concern- ing the mutual contests of these powers. From the great number of the Hermaios coins, it is not im- probable, that he either himself reigned long at Beghram, or that his dynasty continued there at least for some time ; in the mountain country, easily defended, a smaller kingdom might maintain itself with more ease for a longer time. If the relation Kadaphes holds towards Hermaios be correctly stated, the Grecian dominion was here overthrown by an attack from the north, i. e. from the country of Kapisa; the power of Kadaphes itself, however, appears to have been of no great im- portance or long duration. A greater Indo-Scythian kingdom, as for instance that of Azes, may have absorbed it. § 18. The Saces, the Tochares, and Parthians in Cabul and India. We have above left the Saces in the country Kipin, where they settled themselves, about the year 126 8. c., while the To- chares, following them, roamed throughout Bactria, from whence 706 Lassen on the History traced ' + [No. 104. they, half a century afterwards, united in one power, and pene- trated beyond the Indian Caucasus to the southward. Looking for historical authorities of the further fate of the Tochares and Saces, I find, that they are brief and meagre, and it appears hardly possible to derive from them any certain results; they must however be examined. If the geographer Dionysios composed his poem as early as it is ordinarily apprehended, he would have been the first who made mention of the Scythians about the Indus. v. 1088. ‘Ivdov Tap ToTAapoy vOTLOL =Kvda EVVALOVOLY. Eusthathius makes the just remark, that they were Indo-Scy- thians, as this name could not have been given them previously to their arrival in India. The era of Dionysios being however very uncertain, nothing can be inferred from his passage as to the time of the first advancement of the Scythians to the Indus. The Periplus of the Erythrzean sea, as well as Ptolemy, enable us to determine the extent of the Indo-Scythian empire, al- though this determination can only refer to a considerably later time than the first appearance of the Scythians on the Indus. Indo-Scythia embraces, with Ptolemy (vu, 1), the following provinces :—In the direction nearest to the south and the east, Surashtra or the Peninsula Guzerat ; then the delta of the Indus or Pattalene ; further the country Abiria,* situated above it; he includes in the Scythian empire a small district, and some towns on the eastern bank of the river; most of them lie however on the western bank. How far up the Indus the Scythian domini- on extended, is not quite evident ; but Artoartar, above held by us to be a Scythian town, is mentioned as situated in the near * This, and not Sabiria, is to be read, any more than Iberia in the Periplus. They are the Abhira of Indian geography. De Pentap. Ind. p. 28. The passage in Periplus p. 24, must perhaps be written : Tavrne Ta OF pey pecoryeva tne =Kviac "ABnpta KaAgirat, Ta Of Tapa= Baracoa Zvvpacrpyyvn for T[Bnpia, cadeirar de ra kK. 7. AX. The delta of the Indus is ascribed to the Scythians in the following passage of the Periplus, p. 22, on the emporium on the mouth of the Indus: TpoKettat O€ AVTOV YNolOY fLKPOV' Kal KaTA VwTOU pecoystoc 1 METpoTOALc, auTne THE UKvObiac Muvvayap. BactAcverat O& YTO 4 ~ » TlapOwv, svveywe addndove ExdwwKovrwy. es 9 eee ee ee Le eS. Se 1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 757 neighbourhood of Peshawur. Hence it follows, that Indo-Scy- thia at that period, or rather a little earlier than Ptolemy, in- cluded Peshawur, the country on both banks of the Indus from Attock to its mouth, and Guzerat. The Punjab did not belong to it, as the Kaspireans occupied this province, as well as the country up to the Jumna and Vindhia,* neither did Barygaza. The mountains to Arachosia, and the desert on the eastern bank of the river form the other boundaries. It is therefore evident, that this empire is very small in pro- portion to what Azes claims on his coins. We rather have in the limited extent above stated, a dissolv- ed Indo-Scythian empire before us. The Periplus partly ex- plains this decline of the Indo-Scythian power by mentioning that the capital, Minnagar, was in the writer’s time in the pos- session of the Parthians, and that both nations continually expelled one the other. Let us now inquire into Parthian history, whether it yields us some illustrations. From our examinations, above effected, of the relations of the Parthians to the Scythians, it resulted, that since the arrival of the Scythians in Bactria and Segistan, to the year 37 B. c. no report shows that the Parthians had regained such ascen- dancy over the Scythians as to rise against them as conquerors. The same refers also to Artaban III. (died 41 a. p.), who more than once must have had recourse to the Scythians in the north. There is least of all any trace that Vonones I. during his short and troubled reign, may have made the conquest in the east, which we must ascribe to him, if the coins, above mentioned, belonged to him. | Of Bardanes (died 47) a successful campaign is mentioned against the Dahes. What we know of his successor Gotarzes (died 50) does not entitle us to attribute to him any new aggrandisement of the Arsacidian empire. Then come we to Vonones II. who reigned but a few months; after him to his son Volagases. His reign was a long and happy one,} and * pEeX pt Ov.vdiouv opouc and because Modovea n tov Oéwv therefore Mathura belonged perhaps to the Kaspireans. t 50---85, a. p. Visconti, Iconogr. III. p. 173. oD 708 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104, though he was neither indolent nor of unwarlike disposition, yet he lived in peace with the Romans. It is therefore also on the authority, though only implied, of history, that we assign to his reign the conquests of the Parthians in Cabul, of which the coins with the names of Vonones and Volagases bear witness.* Nor do we think ourselves mistaken in tracing from this settlement in Cabul the Parthian irruptions into India, men- tioned in the Periplus. The circumnavigator of the Erythrzan sea tells also of thicgd inroads as an eye-witness, in which will be discovered another reason against placing him so low as the era of Augustus. Be it as it may, if Azes be taken for the successor of Vono- nes, and therefore of Volagases, he is placed in so late a period, that the close resemblance of his coins with Grecian patterns is quite inexplicable. Considering the extent of the countries which are under the sway of Azes, no other has a juster title to — be identified with him than the Yankaotching of the Chinese annals. ‘The time would correspond, as we have to look accord- ing to those accounts, for the flourishing power of the Yuetchis — just in the years 20—50. (a.c. ) . Two facts, however, are at variance with this view. First, the difference of the name, too palpable even for Chinese corruption — of sounds, and then, that of the coins. They are so closely allied to Greek types, that we must con- | nect Azes immediately with the Greeks, and in this case we must likewise expect coins of Indo-Scythian kings who preced-— ing Azes, existed between his time and that of the Greeks, and of this description we found only Mayes. Nor does our numis- _ matological guide, M. Raoul-Rochette doubt in the least as to this earlier era, and accordingly places him immediately after Hermaios (II. 42).+ | But if Azes reigned so early, he belonged to the Saces, ia ; not to the Bical This supposition is supported by the figure — of a horseman, which he adopts on his coins; for the equestrian * Lastly, Volagases I. has styled himself “the just,” as the Cabulian. Mionnet VIIT. 448. Vonones I. does not bear this epithet. tT 42. 1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 799 coins come from Kipin, where the Saces, and not the Yuetchis, had settled themselves. Now it is true we have not observed that the Saces as well as the Yuetchis have made any conquests in India; but it seems to follow, first, from the fact, that the empire of Hermaios ap- parently was on the eve of its destruction at the very time (120 B.C.) to which we may assign the inroads of the Saces in India, immediately after 126 B. c.: secondly, because the capital of the Scythian empire of a later time, was named Min,* and as this name occurs in Sakastane itself, it must have come thence, and not by means of the Yuetchis to the Indus. It would be, lastly, implied in the Chinese chronology, if correctly translated,+ that the Yuetchis reconquered India; and before them, who but the Saces in Kipin could have conquered it? However little confi- dence we can put on these discussions, yet we must at once adopt the supposition, that the empire of Azes existed about 100 B. c. . Azilises declared himself as successor of Azes ; as the Chinese mention two names of these kings of Kipin, we shall perhaps in time obtain coins of theirs, by which the era of Azes may be determined with greater certainty.{ The coins above described, can only be hypothetically taken for the coins of such successors of Azes. | If Azes, however, be considered as the founder of an empire of the Saces in India, either Kadphises or the nameless Soter- Megas, must be held as the great conqueror under the Yuet- chis. Among them the king last mentioned appears to have most claims, in virtue of the remark, already made, that he seems to have founded a new dynasty, which was established from Bactria in Cabulistan and the Punjab, and again assuming the * Nagara, Sanscrit town ; Mwy weXte in Sakastane with Isidor, p. 9. De Pentap. Ind. p. 56. 7 as. I: VI. p. 63. } I would even conjecture, that Ontheoulao was Azilises, if I were persuaded that the Chinese express a Z by th. They place him 87 s. c., and this statement is indeed in a striking manner corresponding with the place given by the coins to Azilises. 760 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. name Soter of the Greek kings, maintained itself up to the pe- riod of the Parthian relations with India. The monogram of the nameless king, and the epithet of deli- verer, recurs as well on the coins of Kadphises as on those above described ; it occurs last on those of the Kanerkis. Azes has not this monogram ;* it seems therefore to be the mono- gram of the Yuetchis. In all of them are probably to be recognized successors of the nameless king of the Yuetchis, but it remains doubtful, how we have to place them before and after the Parthian epoch of those provinces, and whether they succeeded to the same throne, or reigned at the same time in neighbouring countries. Ptolemy’s description of Indo-Scythia, like that in the Peri- plus, shows asmaller Scythian empire on the Indus, together with which more than one kingdom may have subsisted in western Cabulistan. The author of the Periplus mentions besides those, an independent kingdom of the very warlike Bactrians (p. 27) ; the Yuetchis alone can be understood by this. These intima- tions point to a Scythian monarchy in a dismembered condition at the period to which they refer. We may assign Yndopherres with more confidence to the Par- thian period. On a general view we run no risk of ascribing Kadphises, the Parthians, and Yndopherres, to the last half of the first century (A.D.), but to give more exact definitions would be too dangerous. Lastly, the Kanerkis, who are allied to Kadphises, and who are the last of these leaders of hordes, probably belong to the commencement of the second century ; but they rather represent a new horde of the Yuetchis, advanced from Bactria, than a direct continuation of the former hordes, for they are distinguished from them, as well as Kadphises from still earlier tribes, by his position, represented as going in a carriage, while previously to him the Scythian kings were represented as horsemen. The Yuetchis are indeed said to have ridden in a carriage, however it is added, in one drawn by oxen. We have already observed, that the Chinese identified the end of the Powe of the Yuetchis in India with the beginning of the * KR. Rh. TL op. a6: 1840.| -— from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 761 Sassanians, and we have had no reasons to assign to the Kaner- kis a later period. If they be referred to a later date, they must be “the Little Yuetchis,” who founded a new empire in Gan- dhara in the fifth century, but such a great interval between Kadphises and the Kanerkis would hardly be admitted. Other monuments seem to belong to “ the Little Yuetchis,” on an examination of which we cannot however enter. The history, like that of the Sassanians in Cabul, of the white Huns in India, mentioned by Cosmos, and lastly of the Murundas, of © whom Indian inscriptions from the Sassanian time bear witness, would require new preparations far beyond the scope of this essay. Here we shall therefore add only this, that Fahian being in the year 400 in these countries, mentions the power of the Yuetchis as having passed away (S. Foe. K. p. 766.) If we be not mistaken, the inquiry leads without compulsion to the probable result, that between the empire of Azes and the renewed power of the Scythians under the king of the Yuetchis, an interval took place in the dominion of the countries on the Indus. This has been already previously* deemed to be a corroboration of the Indian account, according to which the epoch of Vikramaditya, which commences with the year 56 B. c. was founded on the occasion of a victory over the Saces gained by this king. In this case Indian tradition, which may certain- ly adduce in its favour the use still existing, and to be traced to a very early period, of counting from that epoch, would be in perfect correspondence with what has been the result of our inquiry into the Scythian history. Vikramaditya reigning in Ujjajini, and therefore a direct neighbour of the Scythian empire, which under Azes extended to the boundaries of Malwa, would, on this supposition, have repelled the successors of Azes to the Indus. After Vikramaditya we hear nothing of the empire in Ujjajini, and this silence finds its explanation in the growing power, soon after the commencement of our era, of the Yuetchis, whose kingdom Ptolemy described as still extending * As. T. VI. p. 63. 762 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. on the Indus to Guzerat. By this power Malwa must accord- ingly have been confined to narrow limits.* It would be rather imprudent to venture any conjecture on the distribution of the countries on the Indus and Cabul among * Having given this explanation, I leave it to the judgment of the reader, whether there be a reason in the account of the Periplus, of the empire of the Indo-Scythians, to bring down, according to the view of M. K. O. Mueller, by some centuries, the epoch of Vikramaditja. If he takes the Vikra- maditja, now known to us by old Indian coins, for the real conqueror of the Scythians, his choice is evidently very unfortunate, as this king belongs to the dynasty of the Guptas in Kandje, contemporaneous with the Sassanians. If there be any correspondence in the accounts on Vikramaditja, it is, that he reigned in Ujjajini. I have already discovered a reference to the empire of Vikramaditja in the passage of the Periplus on the Ozene, viz. that the ancient royal residence was there (de Pentap p. 57), being at that time in a very declining state ; and I have no reason whatever to change my view there set forth. It is well known, that Vikramaditja afterwards became the hero of a great number of fabulous tales ; he has become the Carolus Magnus of Indian poetry, and is as far removed from firm historic ground as Carolus Magnus would be if we had to take our information of him merely from the chivalrous novels; but for Vikramaditja, save poetry, no prose, on chronicle, has been preserved to us. The early adoption of the epoch of Vikramaditja by the ancient astronomers, might be here of far greater importance than all those tales from which Wilford has endeavoured to construe a history of Vikramaditja, and of the second founder of an Indian epoch, Ialivahana. To render complete this confusion, it must be added, that the name was afterwards often adopted by Indian kings ; one of them seems even to have waged war with the Scythians. The annalist of Kashmir, who had, so to say, sufficiently respectable au- thorities, is doubtful whom of two Vikramaditjas he must take for the real Sakari (enemy of the Saces) Raj. Tar. II., 5. III, 125. He decides him- self on the second, (not to put down the epoch, which is clear to him) but because in order to follow the Cashmerian chronology for the Buddhist part of his history, he is necessitated to carry back some centuries all ancient dates, and even to admit afterwards a great gap in the series of the kings. Wemust therefore accede, contrary to the view of the annalist, to the opinion represented as the common one, in holding the first~ Vikramadijta as the founder of the epoch. It is now a curious fact, that between him and the second, the reigns numbered together, fill out 286 years. The second reigning 236 a. pv. would coincide with the end of the Yuetchi empire and the commencement of the Sassanians, it is there- fore probably founded on a historic date, if the second Vikramaditja is likewise represented as fighting with the Saces. 1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 763 the different dynasties of the Scythians and Parthians, as neither historic accounts assist us, nor are the coins so completely put together, and explained, that the several families can be properly arranged. This is perhaps a fact, that a frequent change of dynasties happened, and a speedy decomposition of the greater into smaller kingdoms. This fact is supported by the nature of those countries, the lawless manners of the nations, and the analogy of Turkish and Mogul history. Another part of the history of these Scythians is left in the dark. The Chinese annals describe to us the Yuetchis as zealous Buddhists, hence rises the question, whether there still exist with the Yuetchis monuments of this religion.* We can now take it for granted, that from Azdka’s period Buddhism was widely diffused through Cabul; the fathers of the Church also know the Samaneans in these countries ;+ and the Chinese pilgrims as eye-witnesses, speak, of the great number of Buddhist cloisters and monuments found there; Buddha images are likewise lately dug out in Cabul itself. There is accor- dingly no want of Buddhist monuments, but it is the question, whether we must attribute them to the Yuetchis. We must here refer to the coins, and one class of them, that of Behat, must indeed be considered as Buddhist. However it is only probable that those with duplicated legends belong to a Scythian dynasty, but to this are limited the Buddhist nu- mismatological monuments of the Yuetchi kings ; and of Azes, Kadphises, the Kanerkis, no really Buddhist coin has been discovered. It must therefore be left undecided, whether the Chinese reports did transfer to all Yuetchis what was only cor- rect to maintain as of a part of them.{ But while I must leave this point undecided, I am reminded at the same time that I have given all that from the examination of the coins appears to * Thus the passage, As. T. VI.63. At the period when all these king- doms belonged to the Yuetchi, the latter put their kings to death, and substituted military chiefs. They enjoined all their people to practise the doctrine of Fuh-too-chi. 7 See my treatise, in the Rhenish Museum, for Philology, 1832. vol. I., p.171. { From Professor Ritter’s book, the Stupas, etc. Berlin, 1838, which I received when printing my book, I fully understood his view on those monuments, and its reasons. I am sorry to say, that I cannot be persuaded into the Buddhist origin of the topes. I have already above separated 764 Lassen on the History traced. [No. 104. me a certain or a probable result. The field of conjecture is already too richly cultivated, for me to add arbitrarily to what has been done therein. In conclusion, I shall sum up in a table the historic results of my investigation. I need hardly tell the reader, that although in the table the facts are placed together with apparent claim to equal authenticity, they occupy in the book itself, and in reality, all the different places which on a large scale are intermediate between certainty and conjecture in its various degrees, according to individual views. Separation of Bactria from Syria under, Theodotos I. soon before Se MS UE ee oe Theodotos II. his son and successor, EKuthydemos expels the family of Thicotlotes ae himself ascends the throne of Bactria before, a 209 Concludes peace ail Sateen the Great, 205, makes conquests in Ariana and India after .. .. 200 Agathokles founds an empire in eastern Cabal, Be 190 Demetrios succeeds his father in Bactria, about .. 185 _ Eukratides takes possession of Bactria. Demetrios maintains himself in ae ae ih eres Pantaleon succeeds Agathokles, .. .. .. 170 Kukratides dethrones Demetrios, and conquers the Indian empire of Pantaleon, about .. 165 the inquiry into the nature of the topes, from the examination of the coins, and postponed it to another time ; I maintained at the same place, that as yet no Buddhist coins had been discovered in the topes. Mr. Ritter on the contrary states, that they are met with (p. 207). But he erroneously says, that Mr. Prinsep has recognised among the coins from Manikyala some Buddhist; in the passages quoted he certainly mentions nothing of this kind. Then continues Mr. Ritter (p. 238) “ As we now possess ascertained chronological determinations of the Buddhist religion in the Mo- kadphise’s, Kanerki’s, and Azes’ coins.” The four Buddhist coins alluded to by Mr. Ritter, occur As. T. III. pl. XXII. No. 28. till No. 32. They are coins of the Kanerki dynasty, therefore Mithra gods on Buddhist coins? Then III. pl. XXVI. No. 2, No. 3, IV. pl. XXII. No. 12, No. 13, or with him plate VIII. No. 2---4. Therefore Siva on the obverse, while Azes is represented as Buddha seated on the reverse? If Mr. Ritter does not know any other coins out of the topes which escaped my knowledge, 1 shall not be necessitated to give up my previous assertion, which was here my only purpose to vindicate. 1840. ] Strom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. Foundation of a Grecian empire in Drangiana by Antimachos, about Murder of Kukratides by his son, about His son (Heliokles) succeeds him in Bactria, Antialkides founds an empire in Ara- chosia and western Cabul, Menandros a large kingdom in India, after Philoxenos succeeds in Drangiana, Lysias in Ara- chosia, afterwards Apollodotos in India, Archelios and Amyntas succeed in the western empires, Mithridates \. of Parthia conquers Dies Sie Destroys the Grecian-Bactrian kingdom, Succession of Diomedes, Agathokleia and Her- maios in the Greco-Indian empire to Inroads of the Saces and Tochares in Bactria The Saces occupy Drangiana, the Tochares Bac- tria, the Grecian empire of Hermaios subverted by Kadaphes about Great empire of the Saces under Azes after Azilises his son, succeeds about, Expulsion of the Saces from the Indus foie by Vikramaditya king of Malwa Dwwision of the empire of the Saces, Khieoutsieouhi unites the tribes of the Tonnes a conquers the possession of the Saces after Yeukaotching his son, makes great ines in India about ee Under Volagases conquests of the Parthians in Gabal, and inroads into the countries on the ~ Indus, after : : Zs Kadphises’ empire on the Indus roti in upper India to the Ganges, the dynasty of the Kanerkis succeeds in his empire, Downfall of the Arsacians in Parthia, conquests of the Sassanians in Cabul; restoration of Indian power in Upper India by the dynasty of Kanoja, after .. .. «- 165 160 160 145 139 120 126 120 116 8. c. 90 56 40 B.C. 20 A.D. 766 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam. Communicated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General’s Agent N. E. Frontier. A putter of three copper plates, joined by a large copper ring to a seal, containing within a raised rim a figure of Ganesh, was lately dug up near the station of Tezpore, in the Durrung division, and I have the pleasure to enclose a copy of the inscription. A similar grant of two plates was lately produced by a Brahmin in the Kamroop Courts, to substantiate a claim to some Lakhiraj lands ; at the time it was first brought up, there was no person in the pro- vince who could read the inscription, but having given to a Pundit the alphabets of ancient forms of Sanscrit writing, published by Mr. James Prinsep to illustrate his discoveries, he was soon able to make out the inscription. It was a grant of land as Burmuttur, by Durmpal, in the year* 36, without any mention what era, to three Brahmins, and detailed the - boundaries of the grant. That inscription was not very legible, the letters in some places being much rubbed, but the letters in the present Putter are quite distinct, and I hope they have been correctly copied. The Dewali which was formed by this grant, viz. Maha Rudra Dewali, is still in existence, though in a very dilapidated state, and has given its name to the Mowza on which it stands. Of the extent of the country under the Pal dynasty on this frontier, or of any particulars of their family or history, I fear we are not likely to find any records in Assam. The only mention ofthe Pal Rajahs that I have met with, is a very ancient looking chronicle possessed by a Brahmin, the first leaf of which is apparently lost. It now begins thus :— Lakhipal, Subabu, His minister Sumati, Then follow the names of As being the Ra- { Khetrijetari, jahs or rulers of His son Subalik, ‘‘ Burcherides,” Per-+ and seven names, ending in Narain, and after haps the present dis- | them is the name of Ramchandra, then inter- ; tricts of Chooteya, | venes the word, Chardoar, Noadoar, Jaintee, Chudoar. probably meaning the country we call Jain- teah ; and after it follows the names of the follow- } , ing Pals :— Japandu Pal, Hari Pal, Dhamba Pal, Ram Pal, Pakhya Pal, Chandra Pal, * Note. Capt. Jenxins had the kindness to send me subsequently the plates themselves, which were exhibited at a recent Meeting. H ‘ ee re, b> a a a pea ae 1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 167 Narain Pal, Amar Pal, Mantri Pal, Haina Pal, Syama Pal, Mactya Pal, See Pal, Gandha Pal, Madhrub Pal, Lahikya Pal, After these follow :— Minangka, Gujangka, Sukanangka, Mrinangka, Phinjua, and others. These are the names given in page 117 of Prinsep’s Tables, but in a different order; but no further notice is taken of any of the Pal race. There is little doubt but these last named Rajahs were rulers over a part of the north bank, of which Beshnath was probably the centre, as some very extensive lines of fortification are universally attributed to them; and the Pals preceding them, notwithstanding the word Jaintee alluded to, were likely Rajahs over the same country. They may have been a branch of the family of Bupal, who reigned over a district of the empire formerly governed by their ancestors. The succeeding Rajahs were probably Chooteah Cocherees, who are supposed in Assam to have been of the Shan race. ooo eafed sata unsarfararfaateaqay FETAL TA TTA TAH ST: eae | PARA TY Ha MATA RCT aT wit gadarfaaq tenet: faaauifcara: | aa aca (aya) HATH CAY AT SUA aea TATA UTHAATA UAT aS aTqenitecafary: iu ayaa frarat at asta eae NAG | ate Braataa arcamacfad ey aca cfa aqaeiaiigrreea yfaagyt | afea: Guseaqect RAT watt ay BeCaTA Nal ata a fawer a Tal AITAIT SATA AE TA Aa AT HAMAS TACT TAA Bl) TEAT 768 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. — [No. 104. aanga Baaawsafasfaarged | faaanctfaaceaat — craagisat AVA YN qea aa ae ea guicrwaris | aged | wvsaifaarfacied ater aeeqaearee el) AAT aaa uaa fraran faattuaataegreaifants: | ws j ae AACA: TE TIS HAAAAA: wel a yea | qufergereenartarcrarg cetera: UTARAFTHAG: srett aaa: feaarestiaes ysittiaa fae lal TAM AMATTAATATCM AAT: | Aishlae fae ATTT Wt ECITAMTHATHT el ASMA TATA: MATATTea gy AAAAAAT | TITAS: TATA faa faye: | ear: fyat wea a: TAMAS Lei wsARATST afufedt at fifeat wats foe: | watateta aa at at fasweanstiaaaeqaa: QU wR saafeaaTA aa ¢ Bera ae uftecs faut: | faecsqae eeeaaTeTa PPA SANTA WRN FUTGRSYUSAAAFaATT wey aqaraey | TalaaTT: | antenna tedamdysteayat : qaqa wy aTaamagate 3 xf ser TeIeA facia ; aanqaraaaeit: SAA AMAA A AAT AAA: 1p ATATMA A AIRSISTSUCTANSMAT WAAIIUAE canarias: | await earafaayrataeal a: wile © SMa Sal Safa saatatfaura: ada wee Te fafuazaaarerfinafaafen ufacser aa afa ara | urate aaaTea ofa wer yn wae Uist aAATST waritedata | fearacrfad Safaereacunfaat inen fa franaqaiataanaata ena | aqzaa qriatfaan earattifafafacd ion afeeafcacarfeteaaae 13840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 769 famaifaat | Fa CARTAN TAT Ca AAT II Vall aer KATIA THfcrafaaiie afetarar: | ata feat fasas: AAAATAA WAT TU say WE TTaTaeagi a fafaarrsifagat qay: 1 seated faite ata gtia Ata Faas: Rett dc faqe fequrarafed aaa feaetaly: | famaaeateaaeriaaa: gat: Fafas: eqn YURAB AA aa aca fewecentatiet Oi qa | wWeaweRadraqerMdaasaat BAT Parasite At FARA URR! aera (aa far eararal aawadiieenmnat wifeantaat aret w fea s . quad fora fa fanaa gaat fafaat amiaearfaqcfaact | - es NRsil aeaaPeadacanaTaraa fame: | Haag gaaAUATTATA | aA ay was aaa wactad fata quraate aqiefa wreaahifaca fi IRB SAMI BeMaTsatataa whut areal @ | Waa rss saceIT: Bacay SA Sa wifsat eae a NR aweatransafsatinaetecafaad aww | ve eacafan fang ufaaraafe swarmed 1 waa aura are ait faasgaaary fagssrat fuerte ta aasqTa fasarfieca riacufafacafarfazary awe fgneaae fqqeeeaesaMizdeansqeayefaareafacanT aa Heat fener erg cata aa feat yar ya aw eAA A FeUAAA Sys MATA My ATA feat TA RAT ATi TA qua faacafcaagefaafadaag vats Wea ae eaTA AAT CYA ey ALAS ATTA THATS UT| Szaaza Pedwaanfywigusicaty wiwaareaqwag Fa, Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104, aqqaqaaraacaquddfataaaeuraaaiatsnanat Fh eqrearerme aeneaaiferanad cans faratfasars aaa TUTCA Aza fwaTHAOefHja gM Sear alata watH eaafreorerfeareara fatwa faced: “aTaReiare: waa famraraietuaacefsaraasqugiaet | asafear fanquacmeteengiafagraia | aia fea aranruatfaanancraaatfrareqaricartatcs aud fafaanrfa: arhtfafea afsatiraracafeaaafacare Watts qacarfialtfaewigarenafcafatcaefaaa vaazaatfa: wararfaatfafcarcseciaadtte: cattagy winnfifts qausraatrerfuht aad tates acaresT qua rafemaaeariagaaeawaatTs Taal AAT fattrcaaradtcareagia wWeapfeearwecaw way MAMTA TIAA AraTfaquierqeaaqcssac aeraufeaal TUCIAT UCIT MaAATSAST: ACS: * TAT UiftseaqanAy Acwafatysszava: | aiiasaga Haars sean wheats: || Cafarqeyat weet warfaaifrea argu fafearaara afcitara seas at walagfagiaeal Telaaal Twarsafes: | wea zal Saas Wa eaaratfaqrerad: i fratatan: why aa: WaAqadad | ahracatsaraaed ates? || wa uated faquaaeguicandal zat sat fetta | efaurigaa peafcdtteadtar afar at RAHAT || SACTAUT TTA T IAP AT adtttorafeet T UEAT LE. afratats T (> wata#aa . | 1840.) Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 771 qarratwel feed aaa ssa iatsac: | aTAATATAAT WTA! THASMTTUZA: [A WUE w egranTAAg ied | TA amas Fa Ua vasa | aM: aTaAQIIU Acat| ‘aeufama | We fAerasaTATATTIENIS Se li Hea WMASATSTUSATT | LATTE VATA SATAN: | PAR MIATA AAT AU AAA TITAS | AITEAT Aaa Wrat Aaa at: faa: | fawgra agiaed fama wiseaa: | THR TaTe | LeU HAGA wa RSITIYAT | BATA geMAag Ailaat AA afedt | Tea feat wssatfanfimyfaqaacaracaal afua: FATA: BAR GAT ATTA ser aicieeyae sacs afer carats erat afta | Cas TT SAT LEAT VR ACMIAAISHTU GUA AeAATaTT TATATLT amtaad aa fadar sf aq adentfa: fretaa cfaary: | seal fanfare ca aardtieta afaarcfera: aPEIAIe ali aes arfaaraeara sat afgade afar ad taeda yaar fe aha euag afas afwa a fasorerararey TPIT RIL Ya: GAT ACH ST ae wa AA TAT: HNSAAATA ACHITT RRUMAieaa WeTaea: aay anenta wvsifanttuafaced eet wissatfaat faues waza aX RTaeH: Hsalfautfattaad | aw Tatas Csi aeat AAFATTATSAC: TET TATATLT aah: Tal TAATTSA: II 772 ! Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. Literal Translation, by Pundit Saropa Prosap CuucKERBUT TY. SUCCESS. 1. May the Louhetya Sindha, (Brahmaputra river) wherein the fish are abundantly supplied with water, and whose stream is ruddy with the dashing spray, turbid with golden mud mingled with ice, splashing up as the waves fall on the golden rocks of the beautiful Katlasha mountain, ruddy too with the heavenly flowers dropped from the hair and hands of the goddesses who come down to sport therein, protect you ! 2. May the Pindkapdné (Siva) on whose head the Ganga waters cast up by the wind, are, as it were, the stars on the firmament, sanctify you ! 3. The first Bardha (the incarnation of the Boar) had a son named Naraka, from the Earth (his wife), at the time of her de- livery ; who (Naraka) robbed Aoléte of her earrings,* and Hari (Indra) of his power. 4. Krishna having slain him (naraha) felt excessive grief by the lamentations of his wife, and could not therefore refrain from creating his two sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatia. 5. Bhagadatta ; who was modest, having succeeded to the guddee of Prdgjyotisha, (Kamroop) devoted himself to the adoration of him (Krishna) the supreme Deity. 6. Krishna being pleased with him, made him master of another good territory ; but in time the sovereignty of Prdgjyotisha was after him governed by his posterity alone. 7. From his line was born Prdélambha, whose name was won- derful to all. He was the Lord of Pragjyotisha, and destroyer of his enemies. His footstool was illuminated by the light of the crest- jewels of all Rajas. 3. He was against those who were enemies to his ancestors from Sdlastambha down to Sriharisha, who are all deceased, and who, with all their noble and royal qualities, delighted all the extreme regions. 9. His (Prdalambha’s) brother, greatest of all Rajas, abandoned his valour with indignation, but not his car (? indignantly re- signed the fight, yet left not his car ? ) 10. His queen, named Jivadd, was dearly beloved by him ; like Prabhata Sandhya, (morning twilight) she was vdéndyat of all, and the source of great éejas.{ 11. From her he (Pralambha) had a son named Hajara, who was the king of kings, and was embraced by Lakshmz (the goddess of fortune) herself, and whose feet were worshipped by every Raja. 12. He (Hajara) was like Yédhiésthira in truth ; like Bhima to his enemies; and like Jéshnz (Arjina) in battle; who,§ though alone, yet was victorious over all his rivals that stood against him. * Note.—Particularly described in the Sreemutt Bhagavut, ch. 59. ¢ The word Vandyd when connected with morning, means adorable, and praise- worthy, as applied to the queen. { Tejas has two meanings; the light and spirit, or vigour, or vigourous persons; the former relates to the word morning, and the latter to the queen. § This sentence is applicable to both Arjuna and the Kaja. 1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 773 13. Lakshmi being as it were disliked by Vishnu (her husband) whose mind was in love with the Gopas (the wives of the cowherds) forsook his breast and came down to this individual with all the per- sonal beauty of her sex. 14. This Lakshmi, as it were, determined in her mind that ** because this conqueror is possessed of all personal beauty, as well as noble qualities of my husband (Vishnu), who has matchless might and a car-wheel or his hand, I shall surely become his chief queen, though I shall undergo degradation.” 15. Lakshmi having ascertained this, as above, transformed herself into his chief and beloved queen, whose name was Tard, and who was like a jewel of superior quality among all the females of her time. 16. From her (Tard) he (Hajara) had a son named Vanamdia, the king, who was prosperous, renowned, like the moon the source of the universal delight, and adorned with the jewel-wreath of all noble and royal qualities, and his footstool was borne by the crowns of numerous Rajas. 17. Because he was the worthy master of the territories that extended as far as the Vanaméld (lines of forest) near the seashore, the Creator caused him to be named Vanamdla. 18. He (Vanamdéla) resembled the Suz in the field of battle, by reason of his driving forth the darkness of the furious elephants of his vanquished foes. 19. Further, he was like the moon on the clear sky of the Naraka line, from which were sprung many kings, by removing the dark- ness of his enemies. 20. He (Vanamdld) who had by the force of his mighty scymetar been expelling all the Rajas, who were like thunder to the mountains of the powerful army of their respective enemies, made Sree (Lakshmi) the wife* of one husband. 21. Some Rajas, who though they were conquerors of their many rivals, yet from the fear of Vanamdla’s power took refuge with pre- cipitation in extreme regions, and others in the heavenst. 22. The rest, who were forward to throw their sharp shafts over him in battle, far abandoned their lands in consternation. 23. The enemies who were gallantly forward in battle with their elephants, were subdued by him. 24. He who was devoted to (the gods?) bore the burthen of Na- kusha (a Rajd of antiquity) by his faithfully repairing the fallen and the Himdla-like lofty palace of Hetuka Sulin (the Siva of destruction) whose feet are worshipped by the multitude of gods, at Kdlantara— and further, by adorning it with the images of domesticated elephants{ and fair women. 25. His fame, which is whitest of all, exists in the regions of the serpents (Tragaloka) ever laughing to scorn (even) its eternal * Solely dependent on one, i. e. the king Vanamiala himself; the meaning being, that he payed the fickleness of fortune (Lakshmi) by the continuance of his success. t+ Departed their lives. ¢ Note.—Literally “village elephants.’’ 5 F 7/4 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. (No. 104. splendour, in extreme regions (surpassing in whiteness) the water cast off from the trunks of elephants with their long breathings, and in the firmament (deriding) the spotless and pleasant beams of the moon full in her digits. 26. He by his truth, gravity, greatness, power, liberality, and might, had far overcome the Dharma, (Yudhisthera) the sea, the mountain, the sun, Karna the king, and the son of Maruta ( Bhima). . 28. The moon finding this world whitened by the moon of his fame, takes her rise as if with shame* even to this day. 29. The wifet of Ajja (Brahma) whof is like an oblong pond on the firmament, as it were, sings his extended fame (praise) in Devene temples, to the sounds of musical instruments and songs, and in groves by the utterance of prayers and hymns of sacrificers. 30. Large quantities of gold, elephants, horses, lands, wives,§ silver, and jewels were his usual gifts: and he, though very moderate of speech, yet was himself Vahubak.|| Because he gratified the appetites of the people of all classes, and was himself in company with the learned, numbers of most mighty Rajas had been constantly coming to him, mounted on their various elephants, horses, and litters, to pay the respects due to his highness. ‘To Vanamala, who was skilful, the king of kings, very rich, and devoted to the feet of his parents, and whose mind was attached to the supreme Deity, was Louhztya Sindhu the sage{ as a friend. Its water was made fragrant with the scent arising from the flowers dropped from the creeping plants moved by the long drawn breathing of the serpents, startled at the cries of the wild peacocks and various other birds reposing on the lofty trees of the eastern mountain, while all sides were occupied by the numerous elephants, horses, and foot soldiers of Vanamala. Further, its streams were intermixed with the odorous water of the clouds, composed of the gashes of the Kalaguru trees (black aloe wood) burning by the conflagration of its adjacent groves. The inhabitants near its banks were all delighted with the smell arising from the musk of the deer, which were in different places col- lected, grazing on the fragrant pastures of the Eastern mountain, and further of those that were in many places killed by the wolves, as well as by Nature, and were left unconsumed thereon. Further, its streams were more sacred than those of others, from their continually washing the sides of the mount Kamakzita, which is inha- bited on its tops by Kameswara (a Siva) and Maha Gouri (his wife) whose footstools are brightened with the crown jewels of all the Szvas * The black spots that are generally visible in her, are usually described by poets as the marks of her disgrace and shame. + Saraswati. { I cannot conceive what the poet means by this metaphor, 9 By his giving wives, is meant that it was his custom to assist those with expenses whom the want of money rendered unable to marry. || This word is of two meanings, one who talks much, and of whom men speak much. ‘i Here the river is personified as a sage. In Sanscrit the river Brahmaputra is said to have been a male river. 1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. ao (gods) and the Asuras. And moreover it was turbid with the odorous substances which were besmeared over and washed from the high breasts of the bathing lovely females, and adorned on both the banks with boats or ships; which (boats or ships) were like the Velxa* females, adornedt with various ornaments ; like female children orna- mented with sonorous kiwkinit (a girdle set with small bells) ;—like Varastris (courtezans) holdingt chamara (chowrees) ;—like the wives of Dashavadana ( Ravana) bearing the marks of Dashana§ (teeth) round them ;—like the Kaminis (wives) of Pavana (the god of wind) pos- sessed of Vega|| (swiftness) ;—like the women of Danuhanga (a nation) attractive of all minds ;{ and like Devapalis (inferior gods) ever existent above,* and whose (boats) Vega is samvardhita, (augmented or in- flamed) like that of the Carnatic females by Ka¢hinabhighatat. Further, their U'thampat is augmented like that of the girls danc.. ing with their male companions. There was a person named Bhijjata, who was the illuminator of the Sandelya line,—liberal,—pious,—devoted to the gods, and studious in Yajurveda, and its angas§ (subordinate parts.) His wife named Sabhrayeka, who was pious, endowed with all the Brahmanical qualities, and descended from a respectable family, was married to him according to the Brahma Vidhi. | To their son, who was himself a priest studious in the Vedas, possessed of noble qualities, and superiority, and whose name was Indoka, the king Vanamala has granted the village named Abhéssiira- vataka, which is furnished with fertile lands, and the reservoirs of water, and the undermentioned eight boundaries on the west of Trisrota (the Ganga-river) for the virtue of his parents. * Name of a tribe. This Veshisana (adjective) is to be applied to both the boats and the females. + Oars at that time were generally bound with Kinkinis round them, as are now the paddles of snake boats. é { Boats and ships had always been at that time beautified with chamaras and flags, e § The persons of the wives of Ravana, who had ten mouths, bore the marks of as many lines of teeth. This when relating to the boats means that the earrings thereon were visible like the marks of teeth. || This is applicable to both the boats and the wives of Ravana. “| The boats were so beautiful that they were pleasing to all. * Here the word above, means above the surface of water when connected with the boats, and sky when with the gods. t+ Here the words Vega and Kathinabhighata are both of two meanings. The former means amorous lustre and sPpEED—and the latter strong embrace and haste, when they are in turn connected with the females and the boats. { U’tkampa, when relating to the girls, means a motion used in dancing; and tremu- lous motion when relating to the boats; i. e. when the boats are danced on by men, por appear as it were dancing themselves too by the pressure of those moving on em. § The Angas are as follow :—Sikshd, or the science of pronunciation, and articula- tion ; Kalpa the detail of religious ceremonies ; Vydkarana or grammar ; C’hhandas prosody ; Jyotish or astronomy ; and Nirikti or the explanation of the difficult or ob- scure words, or phrases that occur in the Vedas. A mode of marriage, the presentation of the bride, elegantly adored, by the father to the bridegroom whom he has invited. F It is bounded on the west by Dashalangasabha; on_the south-east by Chandra, on me west by Nakuvasava, and on the north-east by Dashalangala Sabhasa,—Sam- vat. 19. 776 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104, Abstract Lineage of Vanamala. By Pundit KAMALAKANTA. The first Baraha had a son named Naraka from the earth (his wife ;) Naraka had two — sons named Bhaga-datta and Vajra-datta, and was himself slain by Krishna, who being affected by the mournings of his wife, made Bhaga-datta her son king of Pragjyotisha. From his line descended Pralambha, who also succeeded to the Guddee of — Pragjyotisha. i : i From his queen, whose name was Jivada, was born Hajara, who also had named ~ Vanamdla from Tard his wite. Note By Pundit KaAMALAKANTA. ; Three letters of the third quarter next to the words Armbhakrirat of the first Sloka, — which is in the Sragdharé C’hhanda, have been obliterated, the three letters Sibhusha ~ are placed in lieu of them. ? : : 3 Here the reason of inserting ra in the place of rha is, that the inhabitants of that _ place (of Assam) can not with ease pronounce the latter, and therefore they are liable — to make use of the former (ra) both in their speaking and writing. At the endthe word Tresrotdyd, which is the mistake of the writer, should be Tres- rotasa, as Vanamala was himself master of even the territories situated on the banks of Ganga [it is probable] he personally went there, and after performing sacrifices granted _ lands to Ydgnekdchdrya on its western bank. Granting lands with Tamrasasana is said to have been reward of yaga [ceremonies.] All this is described also in Siswpdlavadha [the work in which the death of Sisupala is described. ] ; Note on the above. The early history of those tracts on the banks of the Brahmapootra — which lie to the north-east of Bengal, and which are now for the most part either forest land, tenanted only by wild animals, or wastes partially reclaimed and inhabited by tribes nearly as wild as the beast of the forest, — is unfortunately involved in singular obscurity. The soil of Assam Proper is of great fertility, its products are numerous, and the results of the indus- _ try of the inhabitants and of settlers, encouraged and fostered by the equi- — table rule, and efficient protection of the British Government, prove that the land is capable of supporting the densest population. The character of the extensive hilly country between Assam, and Cachar, and Munipore, — would appear to be not dissimilar ; and we in fact have the strongest proof that the whole of these tracts were at a former period thickly inhabited by © a people far advanced in civilization. The immense earth works which © traverse Assam forming at once dams for the retention of water, and com- modious roads across the flooded country, the extensive ruins in Chardwar, — (Jour. As. Soc. vol. iv. No. 40, April 1835,) the remains of the ancient city of Dhemapoor, in the Naga country, are not the only proofs extant of the - power, wealth, and energy of the former inhabitants of these tracts. It is however very unfortunate that among the numerous remains already — discovered, no inscriptions have been found, which could lead to conclusions as to their real history. Capt. Westmacott (formerly Assistant to the Gover- — nor General’s Agent on the North East Frontier) has indeed in the able pa- — per above alluded to, sketched from tradition, and such records as are- extant, a history of the early monarchs who ruled at Pora in Chardwar; — but as regards the general history of the country, we have little that can be — looked upon as authentic. ‘‘ The very numerous remains of stone temples,” _ says Major Jenkins in a letter to me, “ all completely overthrown (except — some of quite modern date, erected out of the ancient structures) speak of long periods of prosperity, and great revolutions of which weare entirely _ ignorant. From one of the temples at Hajoo being frequented by pil- — grims from all parts of Thibet, and Tartary, I imagine the Boodhist — faith formerly prevailed in Assam, and this may account in part for the — destruction of the temples. That faith was succeeded perhaps by the — 1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. Tip Brahminical under the Pals (i. e. the Pal dynasty) ; they were swept away by the Koches, who probably were not Hindoos till they ceased to be con- querers, as was the case with the Ahoms, who with the Mahometans then contended for Kamroop, and both perhaps destroying the temples which fell into their power.” I am strongly inclined to concur with Major Jenkins in the opinion he expresses as to the probable prevalence of Boodhism in Assam at an early period; its supercession by Hindoo invaders; and the consequent destruction of the temples now extant. The following extracts from the Mahabharat, and Roghuvanso, are of authority, as proving the early power of the Rajas of Prajyotisha, and their early wars. I owe both these quotations to Pundit Sarodhaprosad. The following slokas as quoted from the 4th chapter of Roghuvanso. ** 8lst. While Roghti crossed the river Louhitya Sindhu (Brahmaputra) the king Pragjyotisha (Kamroop) as well as the kalagurd trees* to which were tied the elephants of Roghi —— trembled. 2nd. How could he (the king of Pragjyotisha) stand forth against the advancing army of Roghti, when he could not withstand the rising vast dust of his cars which entirely covered the sun, and were like a day dark with clouds, but without shower. 83rd. Him (to Roghti) who surpassed Akhandala (Indra) in power, the king of Kamarupa visited with all his elephants, which were exuding juice from their temples, (i. e. they were in a state of fury) and which he invaded others with. The king of Kamarupa worshipped the shadow of the feet of Roghu, the ruling deity, of his footstool with the flowers of valuable jewels. Mahabharat Bhishmavahda Parava, Section 75. wrsseifaney ahedt AFAR Ha: SLEAYACHT ACCUTAAAT FA I _ Osuperior to man, the king of Pragjyotisha is on the centre of the entrenchment attended with Madra, Souvéra, and Kekaya, and his numerous army. Section 112. aa: wIasat fet SY Ciel ATTA SEA: faweehaauty qeAAT EAA |! Then the Raja of Pragjyotisha cut off the large bow of Madhava with his sharp bhalla (a species of spear). Amid the uncertainty 1 have described above, it is gratifying to find something in the shape of documentary evidence, speaking to a direct historical fact, as in the case of the copper plate which Captain Jenkins has enabled me to present to the readers of the Journal. With this, and the other plate purporting to be a grant by Dhurmpal, we have two documents bearing respectively the dates 19 and 36 of an unknown era. I will endeavour to prove that this era must have been the one adopted by the Hindoo conquerors of Assam as their own; a fact which would strongly corroborate the more than plausible supposition that the former possessors of the land whom they subdued, were Boodhists, or at any rate of a different faith from their own. For this purpose however I must in the first instance express my reason for differmg with the opinion which would, I think, destroy the local application of the zera, the idea namely that the grant now before us rela- ted to lands on the banks of the Ganges, or real Gunga, an opinion which it will be seen is held by Kamalakanta, as also by other capable authori- ties whom I have consulted. My views could not be better expressed than in the following extract from a note addressed to me in answer to a refer- ence on the subject by one of our members, Baboo Prosunno Comar Takoor :— * The black aloe wood. 118 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. af With reference to your note with its enclosures on the subject of the Assam () Baatg_q ‘Tamba Putur, (1) containing grants of land on the banks of the (2) ster Ganges, (2) I have much pleasure in communicating my thoughts cad on the subject, and which I hope will clear up the mystery, namely how the Rajah of Assam could grant lands on the banks of the Ganges. ‘* It appears from Captain Jenkins’ letter, that the grants were discovered near the station of ‘l'ezpore, in the Durrung division, and that those grants specified the lands as (3) amea ‘Burmutter’ (3) by ‘ Dharmopala’ ; (4) and each grant with the > ib ie prefix of the figure of Ganesa(5). You will find on referring to (4) CIATA Dr. M’Cosh’s Topography of Assam, page 93, that ‘the northern central Assam, or Durrung, or ‘Tezpore, (the place (©) stg of the discovery of the grants) is bounded from Nowdowar on the east by the river Burili.’ Here is the mystery. The river Burili is called (6) wafa _ in the language of the country Bhurili(6), and the sacred : name for the same river is Vasishty Gunga,(7) or Ganges, (7) At fap ster} which you will be able to ascertain from the learned people of that country through Captain Jenkins. Thus the land alluded to in the grant must be on the banks of this Ganges; and not of owrs. Gunga, corruptly called Ganges, is (By the exclusive rane ae river. peor vie iy Leng should properly be ) Sita calle agirutty-Gunga.(8) And there are others, such as ars : cue al Shutu-Gunga(9) in Orissa, Boory-Gunga,(10) at Dacca, Tool- CYS TH see-Gunga(1l) at Rungpore, and so on, in various places. (10) ZINN And the Sanscrit writers of the grants and Sanscrit authors, particularly on the occasion of compiling poetical compositions, a) SAATAH for the sake of metre, emphatically omit the proper epithets ap- ~ plied to the word Ganges. This may account for the word Ganges being used in the grants with the omission of the adjective Vasishty. ‘*’'The inference of the grants of the land being on the banks of the Vasishty Gunga, and not on ours, is further supported by the name of the granter, namely, Dharmapala. This sovereign of Assam was distinguished for having embraced the Bhraminical (12) aaa religion, and invited Brahmins(12) from Gour(13) to his court aA north of the Burramapooter, and also from Mithel&(14) to co- (13) CNS lonise in his country. Thus it is quite natural that from the (14) 4 veneration in which he held the ministers of his new religion, fafaa he granted to them, and cima to colonists of the same sect, lands free of rent, which accounts for the three grants discovered near Durrung, situated likewise on the north side of the Burramapooter; and many others may be found in time. It may be conjectured that the monarch had his capital situated in the vicinity of ‘'ezpore, perhaps in some place near or at Chardwar, being one of the four divisions of Durrung, as we still find the ruins of ancient temples and other edifices on that spot (vide Journal of the Asiatic Society, April 1835, page 185. )’’ I perfectly concur in thinking that this explanation relieves us of the necessity of supposing Vanamala to have possessed lands on the banks of the real Gunga, (carrying thus into Bengal Proper the name of a ruler, and an era unknown there), and further of being compelled to admit a violation of the rule, which all experience of the discovery of ancient copper grants teaches us, namely, that the Zamba patur is invariably found upon the land to which its contents relate. Taking Hujara, or Vanamala, as a Raja ruling only in Chardwar and its vicinity, we have next to trace his existence with reference to what of history is still extant as regards the ancient Assamese dynasties. The late Captain Pemberton, whom I consulted on this point, was of opinion that what Mr. James Prinsep, (Useful Tables, p. 118) calls the Induvansa dynasty, “though,” to use Captain Pemberton’s words, ‘it should have been the Ahom, or Ahong dynasty, and not Indu,” was to be found in the list composing the Pal dynasty, commencing with Chukapha in 1230 a. p. “There can be no doubt that this race of kings by whom the conquest of Assam was effected in the thirteenth century crossed the mountains known as the Pal kole, or Pal mountains, which separate Assam from the moun- tainous region on the western frontier of China, near the sources of the Irawaddee river of Ava, and we may fairly conclude that the term Pal has 1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 719 been applied to them from the circumstance of their having first poured down upon the plains of Assam from the passes of the Pal mountains. Certain it is, that they were a branch of the great Shan tribe which under various modifications occupies the whole tract of country between Munipore and Yunon, extending down to Siam.” There is, I think, little doubt but that the so-called Induvansa dynasty were the Ahom conquerors, (though not a. p. 1230) of Assam; but they cannot be identical with the Pals, because we have before us evidence of Dhurmpal’s being a Hindoo Raja, and we know that neither were the Ahoms in fact Hindoos, nor could they be so, coming whence they did ; there is moreover no trace of Hindoo religionism among their descendants. Putting this supposition therefore aside, I will take up Captain Jenkins’ list of the Pal Rajas, which Mr. James Prinsep seems to have considered in a great measure apocryphal, as he does not insert them in his tables, and indeed notes, with marked incredulity, the tradition of Dhurmapala having brought Brahmins into Assam from Gaur, a fact however proved by the plate granting the Maha Rudra Dewalee, and proved further to have been a practice with his predecessors by Vanamala’s grant. In Captain Jenkins’ list we have after Ramchundra (a Hindoo?), the word jaintee, which Captain J. suggests may allude to the country of Jainteah, but which I am inclined to think has reference to the conqueror (Jynti, or Jytari jy---victory) who is noted by Captain Westmacott, (Journal Asiatic Society, vol. 1v. No. 40) as follows, “Shribahu, ninth sovereign of the second dynasty, was vanquished by Vikramaditya, and was succeeded by Jytari, a pious Chhatri from the Dekhan, who overcame Kamroop, and on ascending the throne assumed the title of Dharma-pala.” Now there is nothing more natural than that a Hindoo leader of the military class, successful in his attack on a foreign land, should be emphatically called jytarz, “the con- queror,” or that having established the religion he professed(?) in the country, he should take.a title (Dharma pala) expressive of his fosterage of the true faith, giving thence a title to his dynasty, were it not, as I shall show, already peculiar to one whence he sprang. A descendant of his, according to Capt. Westmacott’s authority, by name Rama Chundra began his reign a. s. 1160, (a. pv. 1238-9) “and is the first prince the date of whose accession is commemorated in the volume,” whence the authority is taken, and which makes him twenty-fourth sovereign of part of ancient Kamroop, and the eleventh of the third dynasty of its kings. Chundra Pal, the seventh from Jytari in Capt. Jenkins’ list, may be identical with this sovereign, and the notice of the date of his accession, according to the ordinary zra, may have been consequent on his having been the first to abandon the custom of dating by what we may call the Pal era, two dates of which we find on the Assam copper plates, and which must certainly have fallen into disuse at no remote period after its establish- ment, the dates on the grant being the first notice we have of its ex- istence. Now itis worthy of remark, how well these dates seem to apply tothe list of Rajas in Capt. Jenkins’ Pal dynasty, allowing the fair average of 12 years to a reign, and beginning with Jytari, its founder. We have after his immediate successor, Japandu Pal, (Prulumbha? v. 7. Sloka of the inscription), the name of Hari (Hujara?) Pal, in whom we may reason- ably recognise the Raja surnamed Vanamala, who in the year 19 of the dynasty of which he is third, granted lands to Brahmins on the Vashishty- Gunga; he is immediately followed by Dhumba, or Dhurma Pala, one of whose grants has been found with the date 36 of the Pal era. Thence to Rama Chundra, or Chundra Pal, we have only two, instead of, as should be the case by Capt. Westmacott’s authority, six Raja’s names, and from 780 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104 Rama Chundra (a. p. 1238) to Sukanangka, or Sukrank, son of Gujanka, or Gujank according to Capt. Westmacott, with whom the Jytari dynasty expired (a. pv. 1478), we have 13 Rajas occupying a period of 240 years, at an average reign of 21 years and a fraction, which is rather above the ordinary admitted chronological average. Itmay however be, that names after, as well before, Ram Chundra, or Chundra Pal, may have been omit- ted. In any sort, the assignment of a date to the Pal era in our own must be mainly conjectural; but taking Major Jenkins’ list as correct, at the average of 12 years to each reign, from about the death of Jytari, when I suppose the Pal era to begin, to the accession of Chundra Pal in a. pb. 1238, we should have it commence at about a. p. 1178, or, if four addi- tional reigns be admitted, according to Capt. Westmacott, a. p. 1130. It remains for my readers to consider whether they would suppose it likely that Hindooism had been established prior to that in Assam (as the apparently. fabulous tradition would go to prove), or whether it is not more correct to conclude, that it made its way into the country about that period. I need not remark on the confusion of the lists of Rajas. Shubahu, whom Jytari succeeded by conquest, according to one account, is possibly the Subahu of Major Jenkins’ list, between whom and the conqueror 10 names intervene. It is much, in such absence of authenticity, to arrive, as I trust we have done, at even some approximation to the truth. I should however omit one most remarkable point regarding the Pal Rajas of Assam, did I fail to note that the Rajas of Bengal (having their capital at Gaur) were themselves a Pal dynasty, and that the name Dhurma Pala has been found on two copper plates, the Monghir and Dinajpor plates, which record kings of that race, both evidently referring to the same individual. The date of this potentate is given by Abul Fuzl, a. p. 1027, which differs as regards Dhurma Pala from our calculation, and thus, independently of the discrepancies of other names in our present and the former plates, disproves the identity of our Dhurma Pala with him of Gaur. Still however it is very plain that a Pal Hindoo conqueror of Assam, who brought Brahmins from the capital of that country, must have belonged to that family, though he was, it would I think appear, but a junior branch, or off-shoot from it. Boodhism therefore was expelled from Assam by Hindoos from Bengal, but I cannot help adding a few more words on the subject of the history of Assam, in order to show that the subsequent Koche and Ahom invasions must have so wholly destroyed the Hindoo dynasties above noted, as to lead to the belief generally entertained among the people of the country of the introduction of that religion into it at a period so recent as the last century. The following comparatively modern inscriptions, which the Society owes to the kindness of Lieut. P. H. Sale (Engineers) are printed without literal translations (although I took care to have them made), as Lieut. Sale’s abstract of their contents is quite sufficient for all purposes required. I should mention, that I found Lieut. Sale’s letter among the papers made over to me, whenI took charge temporarily of the Secretary’s duties. His communication, though long unnoticed, has not been made in vain, and its publication will, I trust, lead to his again addressing the Society. His letter is as follows :--- ‘*T beg to send you the accompanying facsimiles of inscriptions, which I took in the neighbourhood of Gowahatty, when | passed through that city in January, 1838. They can lay no claim to antiquity, and I doubt not that I have been forestalled; however, they throw light on the period when Hindooism first extended into the province of Assam. The Kamakhshya temple is said to be the first Hindoo place of worship erected in these parts; the renown of its great sanctity extends far aid wide, and many pilgrims seek the purification of their souls at this shrine. The temple is situated on a hill, about 400 feet high; on the ascent to it is a colossal figure of Betal carved upon 1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 781 a large piece of rock, and on the top, near to the great temple, is a figure of Hunooman. At the foot of the hill a small figure of Gunaish is cut on a boulder, by the side of which is the inscription marked No. 1. I perceived no inscriptions on the other stones. No. 2 is an inscription on the Dhol Mundip of the temple named Asakrunta, on the opposite or right bank of the Burrumpooter. No. 3 was taken from a stone by the side of a tank, about two miles from Gowahatti, on the Nowagaon road. The copies on the English paper are the inscriptions within the temple of ee eter to which I had no access, and were taken for me by the Suddur Ameen, Juggoo Ram Phookaw; all the inscriptions, I believe, are in the Assamese character. ‘‘J might enter into a long description of the picturesque situationof these Mundurs, but it might be out of place, and I shall rest perfectly satisfied, if the copies may prove of the slightest use.’’ 8 calsiTAssl{a: GF ami net wrfdorintes aifriedtiitadnecniaa sty ayewiitias | areriartaraptaey Bofass SHHATN Qa asipaaicatfawacs Aaacaeat ze || Ontwafaaiag=aai AfameS ara gnycataatya 2a | Agecea Surafacste CAT NTH QARARTAR AANA TAS |} Seasafaracatags || eaatacaqcaifay Mafas sartrsntfaseht atatscay eae | erintne qiaraiacanarrseattafaaial fafsmaisfersiqcaapsay Aesydaai || ‘Tf we leave out the ornamental parts of the poetry (being praises of the princes and the goddess) the inscription informs us that the principal temple of Kamakhya has been built by Shukla Diva and Shukla Dhwaja, the younger brothers of Walladivs (the king of Behar) in 1487. Equivalent to 1566 a. p.”’ Slatrs qfeAzatzaafuss fearzantas oftoeta catMecatfasrraatsoat Say HartfEsAA ain astcnatemtasrifeface |e fartnta 2aasnr eres Aes Fafauntafasaqaorr ya 782 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. ATZANARG AF StT aks Baan alaarycitagnta SAAA srefArsratal aliqaiaten Aweay aaleaeTerrt Ataf ca\fnaatertacyteny A HCAVEAAATH CATT wetfacsaetiaantaa WITS 38 28 ‘« This inscription states, that by order of Shwurgu Diva Pramatta Singha, the king of Assam (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, built the Doljatra mandap of Kamakhya in Shakabon 1672. Equivalent to 1751 a. p.”’ Batre “9 Qferraegarqarafassniaysaraysaryy AMIfapBoRfasseAtwetaeent zeae sasnransafasafasiafesrattiyeag agiaaurifraafeaeatratf beares NGS SAAC ASL FALAMAT amasrafetsay icra DATS WSfAsasiwacsegicuNtSanlapayy Ay SSRMAMN TSH ATO aT TAT ITAS TAA SNR Teastarasaees tet feta ste at fasarziafesn arfesdtfomay totrrtafeg ieeataral anfasaiAqeragdatereSarrt aorincataatanaatiragaracnynce ‘This inscription (near Ganesha) informs us that by order of Pramatta Singha, the Raja of Assam, (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, did dig up the nee Sarobara (or tank of the goddess Durga) in Shakabon 1666. Equivalent to As ee The similarity of the name (No. 1.) Shukla, to that of Chukra Dwaja (noted in Useful Tables as Raja of Assam in 1621) would lead me to con- clude that the persons are identical, especially as the descent of the late Assamese reigning family from that of Cooch Behar is well known, were it not that Mr. Prinsep’s date, attested by dates on coins, and that of the inscription, differ by fifty-five years. ASSAM PLATES. fit A Sleke FALL size S HORAK HEE TIARA EEA, ER ANEREROGTA MAINE HELA améss 2e aa 2a yee Ee HS Co? 7 SS | AS o> J © : : moos) ae chet ou Hh aanae 2S Se w! auyeCUaA CEG GG SO 2% we eee THAR aT Fuangagy os HPCE ATTY 7 HUH RR Ni i suas) UaForataa ae PRUE ieee ia ts Prins bah by 5. Bilder ¥ Ce 4 AB } ; a pa IT ic eat tf ce eT 5g ee J ‘--p- a N ag ie pe iF § tia cage awa 3” ’ ee % a Bee eo ms A Bae ty wid ecaqee pan ie Be al rts . sagt ion coi das eae Ae) ee | sadist ee a) eet we haviidae ae CHA | Rae meen " ee a ; Sil jukishoh eros “al 3 5 a thin Fe fr MBieid “Wah ota te ie 2 od t ea Ba Ne ei x a P) ; , fh Seve or 783 Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.)—By Lieut. TIcKELL. (Continued from page 709.) The Hos villages are in general unpicturesque, owing to their building on high barren spots, where the trees attain no size; they are very irregular, each house being separated and hedged in by itself, with its own little plot for planting maize, til, or tobacco; a street for suggers, generally runs through the village, and in the centre, an open space of turf, shaded by two or three tamarind trees, contains the slabs of stone under which the “ rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep.” On these stones the people assemble daily to talk or lounge, when there is no work to do in the fields. They scarcely ever build by rivers, preferring the vicinity of some small spring. The beautiful Byturnee, every wind of whose stream would be a subject for the artist’s pencil, or the poet’s pen, runs its crystal waters through regi- ons of deserted forests, where the vastness of canopying trees, and the Juxuriance of wild vegetation, show the richness of the soil ; while four or five milesinland, the country is populous and well cultivated. I have never satisfactorily ascertained the reason of this bad taste; but among other causes, I have been told it was for fear of their little children tumbling into the water! Whatever it may be, the open, barren spots they select are more healthy than those selected for beauty would be. A Hos if he be worth three or four ploughs, lives in a very comfort- able manner. The houses of the Moondas and Mankees are substan- tial and capacious, built so as to enclose a square. The walls are of stout and well joined stockading work, covered with mud, and neatly “‘leeped” or plastered with cow-dung, or chalk and water. The principal building is commonly ornamented with a verandah ( Pindegee,) supported on carved wooden pillars, and covered with an excellent thatched roof. It is divided into three compart- ments—a sleeping room, an eating room, and one for general stowage. Opposite this house, and about thirty paces off, is another of ruder construction, for servants, travellers, or guests, and the flanks are joined by “ Byres,” or cow-houses, a granary, and often a pig-stye. In the centre of the square generally stands a pigeon-house, built of logs, on high timbers, neatly thatched over. None of their villages are ex- tensive, owing to the dislike they have to congregate together, for fear 5 G 794 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. of fire or contagious diseases ; so that the crest of almost every rising ground throughout the country, is occupied by a few scattered houses. The nomad tribes of Hos, who inhabit the hilly tracts, are obliged to move every third year, to make fresh clearings in the forest. The soil in these places is very rich for the first sowings, but not being manured, gets exhausted in three or four years. The Hos wear very little clothing ; even the most opulent among them, who have quantities of cloth and ornaments, prefer keeping their finery shut up at home, for the purpose of adding to the pageantry of their funerals. Their raiment consists of a doputta, — (which is gladly thrown off, unless on state occasions) and a neat | narrow dhotee, called ‘‘ Botoé.” They wear the hair oiled and comb- ed backward, and fastened in a “ toupee” behind, but unlike the Ordous and Moondas of Chota Nagpoor, adorn their heads with no ornaments. The men however are fond of earrings and small beads, or plaited necklaces and bracelets ; most of them also wear charms against snakes, tigers, or diseases, tied round their necks. These the Hindoos in the neighbourhood make a profitable trade of, in selling to them. The women of the lowest order go about in a disgusting state of nudity, wearing nothing but a miserably insufficient rag round the loins, at the same time their breasts and necks are loaded with immense bunches of bead necklaces, of which they are extrava- gantly fond. They perform the hardest duties in the fields, digging, shovelling, weeding, drawing water, and getting in wood from the jungles. Constant exposure and work renders them prematurely shri- velled and ugly; the young women and girls of the better classes are however a striking exception. They are well, and at times hand- somely dressed, with a tasteful proportion of ornaments, without the stupid shyness and false modesty thought proper among Hindoo women; they are becoming and decorous in their manners, most pleasing in their looks, and doubly engaging from the frank and con- fiding simplicity which true innocence alone gives ; some few of them | are very pretty, although more roughly cast than Hindoo girls. Their | open, happy countenances, snowy white teeth, and robust, upright figures, remind one of Swiss peasant girls. Prostitution is quite un- known among them, and no more restraint is placed on females than in our own country. 1840.] The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 785 The men are fine powerful fellows, and while young, very handsome. The early use of the bow expands the chest and sets the muscles while yet mere boys, and their passion for the chase, which they pursue over their steep and rugged hills, brings their lower limbs into a state of training which the best ‘‘ Phulwan” of the plains of India might envy. The Hos are keen sportsmen, a fact which the “ Sahéb Log” at Chyebassa soon found to their cost; their Manton’s and Purdey’s, and Westley Richard’s, might as well have been left unpurchased, for scarcely a living thing in the shape of game could show itself in the neighbourhood, without the country being up in pursuit. In the quail season, when the ‘‘d’han” is cut, every herdsman tending his cattle has his hawk on his fist, besides large parties of youngsters from the villages, who keep close ahead of the cattle, and the instant a quail or partridge rises, the nearest ‘‘ Reechee” or “Chikra” cuts short his existence. I have frequently, returning home with an empty bag, met parties of them with provoking bunches of dead quail in their hands. On these occasions they would laugh heartily at the success of their system over mine, but generally end by offering me half of their spoils. My retaliation used to be in the snipe (khéts.) These birds, they confessed, their hawks could not overtake, and a successful right and left shot would restore the credit of the ‘‘ Boondookoo.” From the burning of the grass till the new crop becomes too high, i.e., between January and June, they scour the jungles in large parties, and at uncertain periods, for wilder game, surrounding and driving to a centre the deer and other animals. But the grand meeting is in May, about the “‘ Cheyt Purub,” when people of all sects and classes repair to the hills north of Singbhoom. The prelimi- naries of the “‘ Hankwa’” are arranged by ambassadors and emissaries from Singbhoom, the Kolehan, and the Jungle Mehals, and vast multitudes draw in from every quarter, from Sikrbhoom, from near Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, on the east, and from the borders of Chota Nagpoor on the west. On the given day, these crowds, extended in lines, draw towards a common centre, sweeping the Jankeebooroo hills and other ranges which reach from Chota Nagpoor to the Soobern- rekha river, separating Tamar from Singbhoom ; as the lines approach each other, the slaughter commences. The uproar is difficult to des- eribe, and the scene the wildest imagination can picture. Those deep 736 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104. secluded vallies, those barely pervious dells, the huge solitary hills tops, buried in one vast sheet of pathless jungle, which except on this annual occasion are never visited by man, now swarm with countless hordes. In front of them the different animals pass and repass, bewildered by opposing hosts, The huge gowers rouse from their noon-day retreats, and stalk with stately steps along the hill side, till infuriated by the increasing din, they rush through the forest, heedless of rock or ravine, and rending the branches in their ponde- rous flight—the wild buffaloes thunder across, brandishing their im- mense horns, stamping and wheeling round their young ones ;—the neel gyes gallop past like a charge of cavalry. The stately saumer, the beautiful axis, the barking deer or muntjac, dash along, clear- ing the copse wood with flying bounds, and suddenly stopping with erect ears and recurved neck, as the tainted gale warns of danger ahead. The fairy-like ‘“‘Orey,” or small red deer, with noiseless feet comes skimming over the tangled underwood, skipping in wild starts to the right and left, and sorely bewildering a host of t’hakoors, rajas, and their body guard, who perched upon mechans, (scaffolds) in vain try to bring their lengthy matchlocks to bear ;—with snort and puff a ‘ sounder’ of pigs scurry through. The redoubled uproar from without, draws the attention to something which has excited the beaters. The reeds and grass are seen to wave, as if some bulky form were sliding through them, and at length, loath to leave the haunts which had con- cealed him so long, out comes the tiger, with a lumping, stealthy trot, crouching to the earth, with ears quivering and turning to catch every sound. He has soon passed on into the leafy depths, from which his hollow growl may be occasionally heard. And last of all, as the peacocks begin to mount into the air, and the jungle fowl with noisy cackle take wing, a loud sonorous grunt or shout ushers in the sturdy old “ Bhaloo,” who forced from the friendly shelter of rocks, comes bundling over the ground, and shaking his sides in a heavy gallop, 3 oft stopping, wheeling round, and threatening his enemies. The reports of matchlocks; the ‘‘ click” of the arrows striking against trees; the shouts of the multitude; the roars, screams, and groans of the animals; the piping of flutes; the beating of drums; the braying of trumpets, reach their climax, and the multitude, composed of all classes and sorts, meet near the raja’s mechan to compare notes of the 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 737 sport. Here are the ever-dancing and singing-Sontals, dressed out in flowers and feathers, with flutes ornamented with streamers made of pith ; the wild Kurrias, or hill men, from the Luckisinnee hills in Borahbhoom ; the Koormees, Taunties, Soondees, Gwallas, Bhoo- mijes, &c, with sonorus ‘dammas’ or kettle drums, and other uncouth music, armed with swords, bulwas, and bows and arrows of every description ; the Hos, simple and unpretending, but with the heavi- est game bags ; the little ill-featured Tamarias, with spears, shields, and matchlocks ; the Nagpoor Moondas, with huge ornaments stuck through their ears, indifferently armed with bows and arrows, clubs, or bulwas; the southern Koles, and the far comer from Sarnda with their chain earrings and monstrous pugrees; the Bhooians with their long bows ornamented with horse tails, or the feathers of the blue jay, and their immense barbed arrows; the Pykes of the rajas, koonwrs, thakoors and other zemindars with their shields, tulwars, powder-horns, and immense matchlocks with rests, dressed out in all colours ; lastly, the rajas, thakoors, &c. themselves, with guns of Delhi manufacture, prodigious scimetars, or an occasional ‘‘ Angrezee bun- dook,” the gift of some sahib long passed from the scene, seldom fired, but kept for show in a venerable clothing of rust. Mid great shouting and gabbling the parties claim and carry off their several heads of game, or wrangle for the arrows sticking in the carcasses and elsewhere about ; all then repair to the banks of the nearest stream, where they form their temporary camps ; fires are lighted, the game is cut up, bundles of provisions unpacked, and for a mile or upwards along the wooded vista, the clear bright water reflects innumerable groups, which on either bank are cooking, eating, drinking, sleeping, laughing, or dancing. Such is the faint description of a scene in which I have often mingled, and look back to with much regret; **°Tis merry, *tis merry in good green wood,”’ and the sports of these simple people in their sylvan retreats must afford the highest excitement and pleasure to all in whom to a passion for field sports is joined a love for the beauties of nature, here seen in her wildest and most striking attire. These people have no amusements, with the exception of their hunting and fishing excursions, and the dancing and singing during 738 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. their festivals. The youngest boys stalk about birds nesting, armed with a small bow and arrow, or employ themselves fishing. Though cheerful, they are as manly as their fathers in appearance, and I have never seen them engaged in any game, nor am I aware that any are known by them. In Hindoo villages, groups of children may be seen constantly engaged in some puerile amusement, such as trap and ball, prisoner’s bars, peg-top, mock processions, &c. ; and the older ones in fighting cocks, quail, or rams. But these appear to afford no pleasure to the Hos; on calm summer evenings they are fond of assembling at their doors to listen to the flute, the girls sing in concert, the younger ones go through the quiet demure dance of the country, and papa and mamma sit aloof looking approvingly on, and solacing themselves with a little “ Eely” ; while twilight lingers, their happy laughing voices, or the wild humming melody of their songs is heard ; but no squabbling, no abuse or high words, no “ Gallee,” none of the vile traits of common Hindoostanee life, ever offend the ear. The language of their songs is poetical and pleasing ; it would not however bear translation. Ideas which in the English idiom would be dull and stupid, and words which would be common place, in the smooth mellifluous accents of their dialect sound interesting, and often beautiful. A few of their songs I have copied and translated at the end of the vocabulary, &c. Their dances are almost similar to those of the Dhangurs, Santals, and other jungle people. The men and musicians are generally in the centre of a large circle composed of women, locked with their arms round each other ; the circle is headed by the eldest matrons, and brought up by the smallest girls, a space being left between, they chassez backwards and forwards, keeping exact time, and going slow- ly round the men in the centre. Sometimes another large circle of men forms outside them, but all step with the greatest exactness to the tune, and the effect is most singular and pleasing. The “ Magh Purub” dance, when they go scampering through the villages four or six abreast, and in close column, is very like our “ Gallope,” and when the performers are well dressed, I have seldom seen any thing prettier. Marriage Ceremonies. When a young man has seen a girl who pleases him, he goes home and calls together four or six respectable men of his acquaintance, 1840.] The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 789 to whom he communicates his wishes respecting her. They in- stitute inquiries regarding the means, wealth, and respectability of the family, and if accounts are good, they set off to the girl’s parents’ house, taking a brass kutorah or a p’hool one a present, and tell the parents the young man’s wishes. On their way to the house they note carefully all the signs that occur, as the flight of vultures, the song of the “ ooi oe” or Mindanao thrush, and the appearance of jackals, taking care they should remain ‘on the same hand they were met with. Should the conference terminate favourably, the deputation is feasted and kept one day at the house, and the signs they have noticed on the road are recounted and carefully expounded by men versed in augury. The next day the deputation returns again, noting the signs on the road ; and in this manner they pass and repass between the houses of the parties, bearing messages and settling the marriage terms. These go-betweens are called ‘‘ Dootams.” People also from the girl’s side go to the bridegroom’s, taking note in their journeys likewise of the signs on the road. Should the omens be interpreted to be very bad, to portend death, or disease, &c., they determine to break off the match for a time, and appoint a meeting the next day, with “ Eely” and fowls, to havea sacri- fice on the road, half-way between the bride and bridegroom’s houses. The next day they accordingly, to the number of four or six on each side, meet half way, and go through the sacrifice to the “ Singbonga,” after which they tear a saul leaf in two between them and declare the marriage null and void. The whole ceremony is concluded by a prayer to “ Singbonga,” begging that if the parties still wish to be united, he will vouchsafe to give them better omens the next time they negociate. After some time the Dootams from the bridegroom go again to the bride’s house, this time there is no notice taken of tokens; they give notice that the bridegroom with his father and mother are coming on a visit. A day or two afterwards, the young man with his parents set off, and are received at the bride’s house, when mutual inquiries as to property, possessions, and the desire of the parties for wedlock, are again set on foot. All being satisfactorily answered, the parents settle the price to be paid by the bridegroom’s father. This is generally twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty head of cattle, according to the old gentle- man’s means ; sometimes, when the requisite number of cattle cannot 790 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [(No. 104. be paid, rupees, goats, sheep, or dhan, are given to make up the num- ber. For every thirty head of cattle, one plough of bullocks and a buffalo, also a few brass pots, &c. are given over and above the bar- gain. ' After this visit, people from the bride also go to see the bridegroom, along with the girl’s parents, and a feast is given them, after which the cattle, and such other things as were agreed on are produced, and the parents of the bride settle the day they are to bring her to her husband. . On the day fixed, the bride is led to the bridegroom’s house, in procession, with a numerous retinue playing on flutes and drums, and dancing; on approaching the bridegroom’s house, he meets her in like fashion, and leads her towards his house. The bridegroom is mounted on a man’s shoulders, with a drawn sword in his hand. When the whole party have come in front of the bridegroom's house they halt, the bridegroom’s mother, or aunt, or the nearest female relations bring a low wooden stool “‘ Gandoo,” on which they wash the bride’s feet, and her party then retire with her to where they have taken up their quarters for the night. Provisions are then sent to the whole party, and to the bride a cock, on account of her being about toenter the house ; this is called ‘“‘ Dooartaioom seem ;” also _ “ Chindee seem” or a fowl, for the bandage of her hair, which is to be untied and dishevelled the first night; also four pye of dhan, and a handia of Eely, called ‘“‘ Ajee hanar,’ which is for the bride’s sister ; also at midnight Eely, called “‘ Talla needa eely” is sent to the party, and dancing and singing is kept up till morning. The next morning the bride presents to the bridegroom for every head of cattle that has been given in price for her, a handia of eely, a pye of dhan, and a pye of rice; this is called “‘ Doob gandoo eely, Baba, and Chowlee,” being given because the bride is to be seated ‘ on a mora of dhan, (a seat is called Doob gandoo); of all this, one half is sent back by the bridegroom, also a goat called, “‘ Jom is sie merom ;” also a rupee’s worth of necklaces, ‘‘ Jom issin hissir” ; also one rupee of cloth for her mother, called “‘ Enga bagé lijjia’. after feasting and drinking, the bride’s party rise, and with singing and dancing bring her to the bridegroom’s house and seat her on a mora of dhan, where oil is poured on her head, and a leaf dish \ : j : | : | | | | | | 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 791 of boiled rice and meat, dressed in the bridegroom’s house, called “Jom issin,” is brought her, which she touches with her hand, and thereby declares herself of her husband’s caste. She is then left in charge of the bridegroom’s female relations, and the ceremonies end by all the parties ape rsing home, and Jeaving the happy pair to themselves. Signs and Omens. If a vulture, crow, Mindanao thrush, Indian magpie, oriole, wood- pecker, partridge, jackal, fox, deer of kinds, hare, bee, snake, espe- cially the Covra, pass behind the Dootdm, or messenger, he will die. If a Cadis, ‘‘ toorpoo cheedoo,” cross in front of the Dootéam.or messenger (negociator), it portends the death of the bride in child- birth. Should an ichneumon fly, ‘“ koonkal ho,’ drag a large spider ‘* bindee ram,” across the road, it portends the bride will be carried off by a tiger the very first time she goes to fetch wood or water. The same omen, if a hawk or kite of any kind stoop and carry off a bird, fowl, or lizard, from any side. A syrus ‘‘ hoor, or vulture, deedee’’ crossing the road flying singly in front, portends the death of the father or mother, according to the sex of the bird—of the bride if near her village, of the bridegroom if near his. If the great wood-hawk, ‘‘ booroo queed,’’ hover over head, it fore- tells the death of mother and son at childbirth. If the deputation meet a toad, “ roto poto chokey,” it portends that the bridegroom’s father will be bewitched. If a flying squirrel, “ oral,” call out on the right or left hand, before or behind, the marriage is stopped directly. The same if a parakeet, “‘ meerov,” (large ringed kind) scream. Should a branch fall from a tree without apparent cause, such as _ being cut, or rotten, or worm-eaten, it portends the certain death of the parents of both parties. If the tumble dung-beetle, “‘ eeooroo,” be met with rolling dung _ along, it threatens poverty and unrequited hard labour. If two large lizards, ‘‘ kaka,” are met chasing each other to copulate, it is a sign that the bride’s sister, or sisters, will commit some faux 5 aye) 792 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104. pas. If a pair of little lizards, “‘ reta kaka,” do the same, it foretels in- trigue among the bride’s female servants. If birds copulate, it portends that the intended bride is in love, or intriguing with some one else. A jungul cat, “ bow,” crossing the road, signifies the bride will be a lazy good-for-nothing person. In anointing the bride’s head with oil, should a drop trickle down her nose, it is a good sign; should it go down her temple or cheek, it shows she will be inconstant. If a Mindanao thrush, ‘“‘ ooi,’ Indian magpie, ‘ hoorlee,” or oriole, ‘‘ bocho,” perch on a kuhar tree, ‘‘doorlee daroo,” in front or — on either side, it portends the bride and bridegroom and their chil- dren will have ulcers. If they perch behind, the Dootam will have them. If one of these birds are seen flying up and turn back, it threatens the bride’s parents refusing to give her. The voice or cry of the queen of the white ants, ‘ rd el enga,” is a bad sign.* If a number of “sarooses” or vultures, pass, it is a good sign. If a magpie, woodpecker, vulture, Mindanao thrush, oriole, crow, or other bird settle on the summit of a large assun tree, “ hatna daroo,” it foretels riches. If two dhamna snakes, “‘ jamboo bing,” cross, it also foretels wealth. If the bee in wandering through the woods searching for honey settle upon a man, it foretels wealth, and that he will be very hospitable. The same, and longevity, if a number of crow pheasants, ‘“ sengel topo,” cross over. A troop of hannooman monkeys, “‘ sarra,” crossing, promises great herds of cattle. ! If any bird sit on a keond tree, “ tirril daroo,” it denotes the bride will be a vixen. Meeting women, young or old, carrying water in ghurras, is a good sign. _If the spotted eagle, ‘‘doomoor kivid,” settle on the right side, it bodes imprisonment to the traveller. * This may allude to the low stridulous sound emitted from ant hills, during the sultry hours of noon, which ceases on near approach. 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 793 Rites, Sc. at Childbirth. When the pangs of childbirth are coming on, the husband procures some widow as midwife, to whom a fee of eight annas is given. Dur- ing the wife’s illness the husband alone cooks for her, and also for the midwife, who is unclean, as well as the husband ; for eight days all the children and servants are excluded from the house, and sent with provisions to live for the time at some relation’s ; very little children are allowed to remain with the father. Should the pangs be very violent, and the women’s life in danger, divination is had recourse to, to discover the afflicting divinity, to whom a cock, goat, or sheep is sacrificed. For eight days the husband cooks his own dinner, remaining apart from all friends and relations ; during this time these latter prepare Eely, which they brew on the fourth day, so that it may be upon the eighth and place it in the husband’s house. On the eighth morning the father shaves the child’s head, and gets his own shorne by a taunty, or by his own servants. He then bathes and washes his clothes, and the wife does the same. They then go and partake of the Eely which has been set apart for them, and the relations finish the re- mainder, taking it away to drink. The unclean state of the husband and wife still continues till the new moon, or the moon’s first quarter, according to the time of the child’s birth, and the expiration of the eight days. Finally, there is a grand feast at the house of the husband and wife, and they are held clean from that date. Naming the Child. When the child can begin to stand or waddle about, the parents think of naming him. For this purpose they procure a pan of water in which they put four grains of Oorid, then take them out, and rub them in the palms of their hands until they are well softened. The father then cries out a name, saying he will adopt it if the grain of Oorid floats in the water, but not if it sinks. Four names with the four seeds are thus tried, and the name to which the seed floats is as- sumed and given to the child. Should all four seeds by any chance sink, the ceremony of naming is abandoned for six months, or a year, when the same operations are resumed. co 794 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). No. 104. It is common among the Koles for a friend of the family to wish to stand namesake to the child, but when this occurs, the grain of Oorid is still had recourse to, and if it sink at the godfather’s name, he is rejected. The namesake, or ‘‘ sakee’, binds himself to help the child in sick- ness, distress, or poverty ; by sending goats, fowls, &c. to sacrifice in the former case, or by lending him rice, &c. to be repaid without in- terest in the latter, and this sponsorship ends in unbroken friendship between the two, throughout after life. No kind of religion, or rites, or ceremonials are taught the children, but they pick them up as they can, by observing their elders. If a child die unnamed, it is not thought any particular misfortune on that score.* ; Funeral Rites. When a person is dead, the people of the house set up a howling, or “keening,” which continues till the news has been given to all the relations, and the pile prepared, which it is in the yard of the house ; first thick logs are placed, then smaller transverse faggots, on this a wide plank, along the edges of which sticks are laid ; when this is prepared, the corpse is brought out foot foremost, bed and all, with all its ornaments on, male or female, by the women of the village and of the house. It is then placed, amid crying and howling, on the pile, the head to the northward; rupees, to the amount that can be spared, are put into the mouth, a lota on each side the body, a brass, or “‘ p’hool,” ‘kutora on the head, and one at the feet. Another board is then put on, and above it more wood, by the women, who amid redoubled la- mentations, set fire to the pile. When the whole is consumed it is suffered to remain all night, people going to and fro to watch it ; next morning water is poured on the ashes through peepul branches, and women pick out all the half- consumed bones, which are dried, then sifted in a sieve, and then put into a ghurra and covered with leaves, after which it is hung up to the eaves at the back of the house. Eely is brewed on this day, and * The youngest born male is heir to the father’s property, on the plea of his being less able to help himself on the death of the parents than his elder brethren, who have had their father’s assistance in settling themselves in the world, during his life- time. ee z . . * 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 795 when it rises on the fourth day all assembled to bathe, wash their clothes, and shave, and then.anoint themselves with the blood of a pig, after which they feast and drink up the Eely. That same evening the ceremony is gone through of calling the spirit of the departed. All the company, except four people, the father, mother, and two women, or brother and sister and two women or men, sit outside in the back yard ; some boiled rice and a pot of water is then placed within the inner room of the house, and ashes sprinkled from thence to the threshold; the father and mother, or brother and sister, as it may be, then go out; taking two ploughshares in their hands—the other two people are left in the house to watch. Those who have gone out proceed to the spot where the body was burnt, and where (in some parts of the country) a clay horse and rider, and an earthen pot on a tripod, with the mouth closed, are placed; round this spot the two relations walk, beating together the ploughshares, and calling out in a plaintive wild strain, K’alleeng erankedmia K’alleeng enkakedmia Hoojoorooamén ‘© We never scolded you, never wronged you ; Come to us back ; Booqité *leengposakeamia assooladmia Essoodinmidté leeng tykena ‘We ever loved and cherished you, and have lived long together miadoaré leen tykena na do alum bageea ! gama needa ko ‘* under the same roof; desert it not now ! The rainy nights, Rabang rabang poio dinko dara nendre do alum honorbya ** And the cold blowing days, are coming on; do not wander here. Atarked jang japarré alum tingoona * Hoojoo rooamen “< Do not stand by the burnt ashes ; come to us again! You Hesa soobaré umdo ka ty dya gama hoojooredo “* cannot find shelter under the peepul, when the rain comes Rabang hoioré sarjum do Boogité ka doimiai ““ Down. The saul will not shield you from the cold bitter wind. Oaté hoojoomén Umnangenté oa do boogikidalle ! alleeng do “* Come to your home ! It is swept for you, and clean; and we Moonooité heating metanna, alleeng déleeng minna, umnangente mandeeleeng ‘* are there who loved you ever ; and there is rice put for you; doikia, dahleeng-doikia Hoojoomén o4téhoojoomén Dooirimén alleeng tar! ‘And water; come home, come home, come to us again! 796 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. . i They then return to the house door, and call for a light, and commence searching for traces of the return of him they have been invoking ; they look in silence along the ashes for the supposed mark of the footstep of the spirit; they examine the rice to see whether the grains have been disturbed—the water, to detect any drops thrown on the ground ; should any of these signs be discovered, it is announced that the spirit is come back to the house, and they sit down apart, shivering with horror, and crying bitterly, in which they are joined by all without, who come and weep long and loudly, and then depart. The ceremony of going out and calling is persevered in till some signs, or fancied signs of the return of the departed to his home have been discovered. _ The relations assemble once more to settle the terms and time of burying the bones. Rice is given to people to fetch a stone, as large as the means of the family admit of, which is to be put over the grave. Into the grave, which is two cubits broad and chest deep, and in the public burial place of the village, rice is put, on this the pot of bones, over this, rice, clothes, money, brass ornaments, and every thing they can afford. The whole is then covered, and the stone or rock placed over it; on this a goat is sacrificed, and the blood and heaps of salt sprinkled all over the stone, also oil is spread over the gravestones of all the dead relatives who are lying around, to awaken them to receive the new comer. They also tie a strip of cloth to a branch of the tree above the gravestone, to show all passers by the quality of the cloth which was buried with the bones. Besides the gravestone, another, a cenofaph stone, is buried up- right to commemorate the name of the deceased, at the edge of the village, or side of the road, and the departed spirit is supposed to love to come and sit beneath its shade, when going to and from his house. The Koles suppose the spirit to walk about in the day, and to keep in the house all night, for which purpose they preserve a little space clean for it, on which they place a small mechan, called “ Tantara”, underneath which, in every Pooja or Purub, a small portion of the sacrifice is placed. 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 707 Kole History of the Creation of the World. Their following idea of the creation of the world, and of castes, &e. was communicated to me by some of the Mankees orally, and copied almost verbatim. In the commencement, Ote’ Boram and Sirma Thakoor, alias Sing Bonga, or God, were self-created. Sing : Bonga is the sun. After them the moon was self-created. Ote’ Boram and Sirma Thakoor then made the earth; after that they clothed it with grass, trees, rocks, water; they then made cattle, which were first born in ‘‘ Bogo Bochee ;*” after them all wild animals. They then made a little boy and a little girl, at the bottom of an immense ravine, and as they had no houses to live in, the gods told them to inhabit a huge crab’s cave (Katkomoa.) They grew adult, and Sing Bonga came to see them every day, and called them his grandchildren; but at length seeing no hopes of any progeny, from their extreme simplicity, he taught them the art of making “ Eely,” (rice beer) the use of which caused those sensations, which were in due time the means of peopling the world. After the creation of man, Sing Bonga, or the sun, married Chandoo Omol, or the moon, from whence sprung four sons and numerous daugh- ters. Now the four sons kept with their father, and the daughters lived with their mother, and as the sun rose every day, with his four hot, fiery sons in addition, the whole world began to burn; and all the animals and man perishing with heat, entreated the moon to save them ; so the moon resolved within herself to destroy the sun’s sons, and went, and accosting the father, said, “Our children do much harm to the world, and will soon destroy your labour. I am deter- mined to eat mine; do you also devour yours.” The sun promised he would follow the moon’s example ; and so when she hid all her daugh- ters, and cameand told him she had devoured them, he destroyed and eat all four of his children ; after which the moon released her daugh- ters from confinement. This artifice so enraged the sun, that he drew his sword and cut the moon in half, but repenting afterwards of his anger, allowed her to get whole in certain days, though she still remained condemned to be in half at others, and so she remained, and all her daughters with her, which are the stars. * T could never learn what place this alludes to. 798 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. Now, some time after the first man and woman had lived together and known each other, Sing Bonga came down and asked them what progeny they had ; they say unto him, ‘‘ Grandfather, we have twelve sons and twelve daughters ; these twenty-four lifted up their voices and said, ‘‘ great grandfather, howcan we brothers and sisters all live to- gether P—Sing Bonga said, “‘ Go you and make preparations and make a great feast, rice and buffaloe’s flesh, and bullock’s flesh, goats, sheep, pigs, and fowls of the air, and vegetables ;” and they did so; and when the feast was prepared, Sing Bonga said, ‘‘ Take ye two by two, man and woman, that which shall please you most, and that shall ye have for share, to eat all the days of your life, apart from the rest, so that none shall touch his brother’s share.” And so when the feast was prepared, the first pair and the second pair took buffaloe’s and bullock’s flesh, even as much as they could carry, and these became the Kole (Ho) and Bhoomij (Mootkan) race; then a pair took the rice ; and other pairs, male and female, rice and vegetables, and these became Bramins, Rajpoots, Chuttries and other Hindoos ; and others took away the goat’s flesh and fish, and became other kinds of Hindoos; the Bhooians took the shell fish, lastly, when nothing was left but the pig’s flesh, came two pair and took it away, and these are Sontals and Koormees to this day ; and when all the feast was cleared away, there remained one pair who had nothing, and to them the Koles gave of their share, and these are Ghassees to this hour. And so all these went and lived separately, and peopled the world, and multiplied exceedingly, and Sing Bonga taught those who lived in far countries other languages, and he gave people of different trades their implements. And after this from the Koles, from their senior house, sprung the English, who also eat of bullock’s flesh. But they are the senior children, and the Koles the junior ! And after the world was peopled, Sirma Thakoor destroyed it once, with the exception of sixteen people, because people became incestuous, and unmindful of God, or their superiors. (Some say he destroyed it with water, some say with fire.) | Wicked men are born again as dogs, pigs, or lizards. Those who swing at churruck poojas, become, some kites, others flying > a 2 } ae ee DI Pan i) eS tes if “— 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 799 foxes. Suttees never are born again, but remain burning for ever in their pits, and come out at night, wandering about, still burning (so say the Ghassees.) Good people after death are born again in some better condition in life than formerly. And this order of things will remain for ever and ever. There will be no last day. When men die, their spirits go to the Sing Bonga, who asks them how they have lived, and judges them. The wicked he whips with thorny bushes, and sometimes buries them in great heaps of human ordure, and after a while sends them back to be born in this world as dogs, cats, bullocks, lizards, &e. The good man he sends back to be born a still greater and better man than he lived before, and all that he had given away in charity, Sing Bonga shows him heaped up in heaven, and restores it to him. Gods and Spirits. Besides Oté Boram and Sing Bonga, or Sirma Thakoor, there are° Nagé Era or Garra Nagé, Desa Oolee, Marang Bonga—his wife is Pangoora ; these are village gods. Chanala Desum Bonga, also his wife Pangoora, belonging to married women. Horatén Ko, or road gods, who come along with a new wife ; also Mahlee Bonga, and Chandoo Omol. Nageé Era, or Garra Nagé, or Chandore, is worshipped in springs, rivers, or wells ; she is supposed to preside over cutaneous diseases, and deafness; she is propitiated with eggs and huldee; if that do not do, with a pig. She has no father or mother, but was self-created. She is invoked to help in catching fish. Desa Oolee presides over diseases of the head and stomach; he is the guardian of the village, and invoked to prevent infectious diseases coming into the country, also to insure rain, good crops, no diseases in the cattle. His wife is Jaér Booree. Desa Oolee is worshipped at the Mig Purub; they sacrifice goats, buffaloes, fowls. Jaér Booree is worshipped at Bah Purub, in March and April, and in Batta Oolee, in Assar. The same things are offered to her, except buffaloes; and she presides over the same things. Désa Oolee lives in a grove made for him; Jaér Booree in DT 800 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. another. They were from the first, as man and wife, but have no known progeny. | Marang Bonga presides over sickness, and is worshipped according to the extent of the sickness and means of the patient. He livesina grove (small one) where they erect a post, after sacrificing a buffalo, and sticking its horns on the top. To Pangoora they sacrifice, on account of sickness and fever, fowls, goats, or sheep; she lives under a tree, or two or three trees near an ant hill; no post is erected for her ; she is the wife of Marang Bonga. Chanala Desum Bongo is worshipped for diseases by married peo- ple alone, as he comes along with the bride from her village; Pan- goora, his wife, is the same. _ Horatén Ko are the spirits of the forefathers of a newly-married woman. They are worshipped on the road, and to them are sacrificed fowls, goats, or an old bullock ; they are invoked for sickness. Mahlee Bonga is invoked by cripples or blind people ; he lives any where indiscriminately. They offer him pigs and fowls. Chandoo Omol is propitiated by a pig and a black fowl, for sickness: she lives wherever she was first worshipped. None of these spirits have any reputed figure or description, and con- sequently are never represented by idols. The Hos frankly confess that as their gods, to their knowledge, have never been seen, they cannot be described ; they also know nothing of the origin of them. They have, moreover, no notion of a devil or any evil spirit, their opinion being that he only who created, is able to destroy or torment either here or hereafter. They have but four Purubs in the year, and these are not fixed to any particular date, some villages being two or three months per- forming their poojas, before or after others. Mag Purub takes place about February and March, sometimes in January; Bah Purub fol- lows a month after; Batta Oolee is in Assar ; and there is also sacri- ficing and pooja gone through before eating the newly cut crops of | the year, called the “‘ Namagom.” These festivals consist in little more than singing, dancing, and immoderate drinking, besides offering up a goat or two, or a few fowls in each village. The people seldom adorn themselves, or make them- selves cleaner than at other times, and the villages do not unite in 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 801 these merry makings, but go through their ceremonies at separate times, and at their own sacred groves.* At Mag the men and women occasion- ally put on grotesque finery, and their songs and dances are wild and pretty. The figures and airs are nearly all alike; the women form a circle, are staid and demure, and sing in a low humming strain, while the men and drummers in the centre, in all stages of intoxi- cation, twist themselves into all manner of contortions, and indulge in violent and ludicrous gestures.. During one ceremony, at the Mag Purub, the Koles abandon their usual decent behaviour to women, and both sexes go tramping through and about their villages, chanting the most odiously filthy recitative, in which the youngest who can lisp are allowed to join. But if their public Purubs are few, they make up amply by the number of private sacrifices which they carry on in their own houses. On account of sickness in any member of the family, or among their servants, the most trifling indisposition, as well as the gravest malady, has but this one remedy among them. ‘They never attempt resorting to medicine, and no frequency of deaths, no extent of the ravages of any contagious disease, can shake their faith in the one resource of offering sacrifices to the god who is supposed to be chastising them with the visitation. In endeavouring to dissuade them from this dangerous folly, in which the father of a family, with unshaken bigotry, sees his household swept away into the grave, and the whole of his live stock destroyed in vain efforts to check the ravages of sickness, by sacrificing to the gods, we have as yet signally failed ; although they were, by dint of constant entreaty and admonition, induced to come to the Hospital at Chyebassa, and although many cures were performed upon them, it has proved of no eventual benefit ; the Koles now never make their appearance to seek for medical aid, and the slight temporary reform that was effected among them, has altogether ceased. The most gross superstitions still prevail among this people with regard to witchcraft ; but the dreadful effects of this belief, to which numbers of unfortunate persons have fallen a sacrifice, have now, through fear gf our laws, almost wholly ceased. The Koles believe * These sacred groves, or plantations of saul trees, are attached to every village; they call them ‘‘Saér’’, 802 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. that by certain prayers and incantations, a person can obtain sufficient power to produce the illness, or cause the death, not only of any obnoxious person, but of whole families, or even villages ; and that these evil arts can also extend to the crops, the cattle, and the wea- ther! Should any such misfortunes befall them, it is of course immediately referred to the machinations of some sorcerer, and every means is had recourse to, to discover him. This is effected either by certain signs, or by the divination of some augurer, or most frequently (in case of sickness) by the declaration of the patient himself, who declares he has seen the wizard ina dream, Standing on him, and sacrificing to the gods, to procure his dissolution. Such is the inflexible integrity of the Koles in speaking truth, that I firmly believe the sick man, in all such cases, does dream of the person he denounces. Being taught from. his infancy to attribute every misfortune to preternatural agency, it is not to be wondered at, that when in his turn afflicted, his apprehensions rest upon some one, with regard to whom a previous quarrel, or other cause of ill-will, suggests the fear of retaliation, and these thoughts, long nourished while waking, would naturally embody themselves in sleep in some dreadful dream, which at once substantiates all the suspicions of the sufferer ! Should these proofs however be wanting, the near relations of the patient have recourse, as I said, toadiviner. This class of wretches, sources of all evil, are not, happily, so prevalent among the Koles as the Hindoos who reside in the vicinity. To these the poor credulous creatures resort, journeying to great distances, and parting with almost all their possessions to obtain the aid of the sage, who, after collecting such information as he requires, pockets his fee, goes through some absurd ceremonies, and coolly denounces the person he may consider best suited for the distinction, as the originater of all the calamity. The life of the unfortunate victim so pointed out was, of course for- merly, not worth an hour’s purchase; he was either slain openly by the party, whose kinsman was dead or dying, murdered in cold blood at night, or in some cases, demanded from his clans people, to undergo the ordeal. The latter have seldom been known to refuse such a re- quisition. The ordeal, however, was, as it has been in other countries, 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 803 merely a means of glossing over the proceedings. The person de- nounced had either to dip his hand into boiling ghee, or water, or stand upon a red hot Koolharee (shovel) when, if scalded or burnt, he was de- elared guilty, or he was tied up in a sack and thrown into the water, with the option of floating on the top, if he could. The particulars of the ceremonies of divination and ordeal I cannot describe, having no longer the means of gaining information from the Natives. Hitherto I have been writing from their dictation. The ac- count of the creation, and of their marriages, and other rites, and their mythology, have been translated almost verbatim from their lips. Hav- ing now left them and their courftry, I conclude the theme from me- mory. The Hos, although totally distinct from Hindoos yet, being a sim- ple race have suffered that crafty people to lure them in many ways into following their ceremonies, rites, festivals, and prejudices. Those near the boundaries have become as subservient to Brahmins as any Hindoos would be ; but on this subject I shall speak hereafter. The “* curse of caste’ is strongly felt by them, and its follies strangely mix- ed up with the distinctions of relationship. They divide themselves into clans, called ‘‘ Keelies,” of which there are a great number. Who the founders were, or whence they take their names, I never could as- certain. A man cannot marry into his keely, as it is looked upon as a kind of brotherhood ; neither can he eat with one of another keely. They have separated themselvesentirely from the race from which they sprung, viz. the Mondas of Eastern Chootia Nagpoor, although Keelies of similar names are found in both. When the separation took place, it is impossible to say, but it has become marked not only in manners, dialect, and dress, but in appearance. The Mondas form part of the good tempered, but ugly figured Dhangurs seen in Calcutta. The Hos are, on the contrary, eminently handsome, with figures like the Apollo Belvi- dere. These last shave the hair off the forehead, and wear it tied be- hind. The Mondas wear their locks dishevelled, or clubbed at the top of the head, transfixed with a long pin or comb, and are at once distinguished. The Hos are particular in their diet. They eat beef (all but the bor- der and half Hindooised ones), mutton, goat’s flesh, fowls, hares, deer, and fish. The poorest classes eat pig, but unlike the Dhangurs, San- 804 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104. tals, Bhoomijes, and other tribes inhabiting the jungles, they never touch the flesh of bears, monkeys, snakes, and other wild animals. The | Hos, with some few exceptions, will drink spirits (of which they are ex- travagantly fond) from wine glasses used by us ; but they will not drink water contained in any earthen vessel, which may have been touched by other classes. Many of them believe the essence or soul of a man to lie in his shadow, and consequently will relinquish boiling rice or other food, while preparing, if the shade of a different caste person fall upon it. Their standard dish (as it is both meat and drink to them) is ‘‘ Eely,” or rice beer. It consists of rice and water boiled and mashed together, and then left to ferment for three days, with a piece of “ Rannoo” (a bitter root) to aid the process ; of this all classes, ages, and sexes, partake, many of them intemperately. In their hunting parties it often forms their sole sustenance for two or three days. The drink is not badly flavoured, and use would make it, I should think, just as palatable as our common small beer ; it causes moderate inebriation, and all classes appear after their meals slightly “ jollified” by it. They seldom drink to a disgusting excess, and quarrels from intoxica- tion are not of common occurrence. The Soondees, a spirit manufac- turing class of Hindoos, are numerous throughout Singbhoom, and make a strong distillation of the Mowhooa berry, called by the Hos ‘ arkee ;” of this the latter, left to themselves, do not much partake, preferring their own beer. As yet, commerce has been scarcely at all introduced into the Kole- han ; the people, among whom poverty is unknown, remain contented with the spoils of the chase, and the limited produce of their fields, which are only cultivated in sufficiency to meet present want. They are bad husbandmen, and no agricultural works on a large scale, such vas tanks and bunds to meet the exigencies of a dry season, are met with in the country. The “ levelling system” obtains so much among them, that there is no farmer or landholder in the country with capital sufficient to go through with such a work. The former lords of the soil, the ‘“‘ Surawuks” (Hindoos), excavated many fine tanks, the traces of which still remain ; they have all however been destroyed by the Hos, who let out the water for the sake of sowing the rich mud at the bottom ; or have allowed them, through superstitious motives, 1840. } The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 805 to fill up from neglect. Being an undulating country, their rice cultivation is restricted to nullahs and water-courses, over which they form fields, by choking up the stream with soil brought from the “Tarn,” or upland, a process of infinite toil. An inferior kind of rice, ** Gora dhan,” is sown in the uplands, and the jungle tribes cultivate the hills up to their summits with cotton, moong, oorid, chunna, til, surgoojia, tobacco, &c. ; such common esculents as the jingee, khukra, cucumber, pumpkin, maize, and baugun, are grown in their villages ; also vast quantities of the castor oil tree, of the kut’hul, or ‘ jack’, and mangoe trees, which the Surawuks planted in numbers, but few now remain. The Hos prize much more the tamarind, which is met with in every village, and grows in great luxuriance. Vast quantities of the Tusser worm are reared in the “ Assun” jun- gles throughout the country, the proprietors of which preserve them with great jealousy and care. The cocoons are sold to bead merchants, who come annually to barter them in return for necklaces. The silk is manufactured at Serykela, Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, that from the former being most prized. In tending the young worms, much the same ceremonies are gone through as by the people in the Sunderbunds ; fasting, continence, and cleanliness, being considered indispensable. The Hos travel all the way to Poory for the sake of purchasing salt ; they are allowed to bring it laden on bullocks through Kewnjur, by paying toll; but in passing through Baumenghattee, a nearer and bet- ter road, salt on bullocks is seized and confiscated by the Mohenbunj Raja. Bangy loads are however suffered to pass on payment of some douceur. There is no Government gola nearer than Medneepoor or Bankoorah. | Vast numbers of cattle are bred in the country ; the Hos do not tend them themselves, but deliver them over to Gwallas, with whom they keep little account, until the cattle are required as payment on marriage occasions. The latter accordingly make a good thing of their charge, selling the milk and ghee, and often the cattle themselves. Great quantities of the latter, and also of buffaloes, are sold to Tamarias for the most trifling prices, besides numbers stolen or swindled away by their customers, who are notorious cheats and robbers. In former times, when the Hos used to make “ Raids” over the borders, and harry the cattle of their neighbours, these little 806 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. filchings were not so much minded, but now that their excursions have been put a stop to, the owners get more careful, and keep a better look out on the Gwallas. The sheep also, which are numerous in some parts, have been pronounced by judges to be equal to the Patna mutton for the table ; but these and goats, as well as poultry, the Hos part with with difficulty, as they require them for their sacrifices, &c. A peculiarity in the country, is the immense flocks of pigeons, which breed in every village, and afford the poorest a delicacy at all seasons. With money the Hos are getting pretty well acquainted, but still hold copper coin in great disdain, seldom taking the trouble to count a large quantity, but reckoning it by handfuls, to the unfeigned astonishment of our Hindoo servants, who would squabble for the tenth part of a cowree. In summing up this account of the Hos race by a description of their general character, their virtues and vices, I may perhaps fall into the error of a little partiality in their favour; three years constant intercourse with them, in which their love of truth, their honesty, their obliging willingness, and their happy ingenuous disposition, form- ed so striking a contrast to the mass of the people in Hindustan, may perhaps have induced me to pass lightly over faults to which they are but too liable ; but this error (a pleasing one) is I imagine shared with me, by all the European residents who were at Chyebassa. Whether the duplicity and bad propensities of Hindoos in general, be owing to their intercourse with us, or whether it be inherent among them, is a point at present mooted, and not be de- cided by myself. But among this simple race, the reputed evils of civilization have not yet commenced to be felt; and fervently is it to be trusted, though, alas, the hope may be Utopian, that the introduction of our Courts of Justice, in checking the lawless tendency of the Koles, may not destroy those virtues which are inherent to a primitive state of society. The unhappy feuds which, handed down through generations, formerly existed among them, were owing rather to mistaken notions of honour, than to more malignant feelings ; and the best proof of this, is the ease with which through a little timely advice, quarrels a l’outrance of the oldest standing have been made up, and whole clans readily reconciled to each other. After the first rough settlements of this country had been made, this became the 1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 807 especial care of that truly wise and benevolent man, Major Wilkinson, the late Political Agent of the South-West Frontier,* and fortunate was it, that his excellent arrangements were so well seconded by the inherent good feelings of the people, for whose welfare they were directed. The depredations committed by the Hos formerly on their neighbours, for the sake of driving off their cattle, were chiefly, if not entirely, at the instigation of the Hindoo Zemindars around, who employed them to wreak their own malice on their neighbours, and indeed the Hos served them, in a manner, as mercenary hordes. Their forays were never marked by cruelty or unnecessary violence, nor except when they were openly resisted, was ever life taken. A fearful number of people (among themselves) have fallen sacrifices to the horrid superstitions respecting witchcraft ; but such crimes, common to the barbarous ages of all nations, and but too prevalent formerly in our own, must be, by the impartial observer, attributed more to the depravity of the judgment than the heart. The "superstition still continues, but the horrors resulting from it have almost entirely ceased. But cold blooded murder for the sake of gain, robbery, even pilfering, lying, deceit, dishonesty, even of the most _venial kind, are almost unknown, and looked upon with disgust. The truth and integrity of a Kole are well known, and the fidelity of their wives, and modesty of the females in general, proverbial. _ They are on the whole a light-hearted and good-natured race, irascible, though quickly appeased. But so strong is their sense of injury, that a harsh word suddenly spoken, will produce the most serious results; for this reason they seldom quarrel, and terms | (epithets) of abuse are unknown in the language ; among females the mere hearing of a few words of reproach will induce them to commit suicide, and this crime among both sexes is so frightfully prevalent, as to afford no parallel in any known country. The mere banter- jing a lad on his predilection for any girl, has led to self-destruction ; jokes of an injurious nature they do not understand, and indeed seldom or ever indulge in them, although in the most harmless way. Beggars are scarcely known in the country, but the Hos are charitable ito those deserving aid, and hospitable to strangers to the same de- | * Now Resident at the Court of the Raja of Nagpore (Berar. ) 5 Kk 808 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.) {No. 104. gree as Arabs of the desert, for it is thought a sign of enmity to stop even at the door-way without a ‘stirrup cup’ of Eely. Among their chief faults may be reckoned indolence, and dirt. The poorer people are often very filthy, and unless in the warm season, seldom touch water. .The lowest classes will not object to devouring bullocks that have died, from disease, out in the fields, even though far ad- vanced in decomposition, and will devour stale eggs, half-putrid fish, &c. &c. But these filthy customs are confined to the very lowest and poorest of the people. Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain _Fisuer, formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta. The provinces of Bengal east of the Brahmaputra, though among the earliest acquisitions of the British in India, attracted but little attention for a long time, in consequence of their general tranquillity and secluded position. The vast mountain regions by which they were encompassed on their external frontiers, seemed to secure them against the chance of serious foreign invasion, while the incursions of the wild hill tribes had but slight effects on their internal condition, and were easily curbed by a few local troops retained chiefly for that purpose. If Sylhet excited but little interest, still less was naturally thought of the petty independent states connected with it; and it was only after the Burmans had conquered Assam and Manipur, that a wish seems to have arisen for a more accurate knowledge of their condition ; though this was still greatly restrained by fear of giving umbrage to their chiefs. The events arising out of the Burmese war have materially altered the relations of all these countries, on which, however, it is not my purpose here to enlarge, but simply to bring to notice such facts respecting their geography, internal condition, resources, and traditional history, as in the course of a long residence, and the prosecution of various inquiries, I have been able to collect ; restricting myself however to the correction of current errors, and the notice of such particulars as have not hitherto obtained general publicity. Geography.—The survey of Sylhet, though unfinished, has yet been prosecuted far enough to shew, that the area of the district is more 1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 809 considerable than had been supposed. As the external boundaries towards the Tippera hills, Kachar, and the Kasia mountains have been traced, and the outline is only incomplete on the western side, on which it is not likely any material difference from the old delineation would be discovered, it is likely that the contents (4500 square miles, ) now assigned for it, is pretty near the truth. The quarter in which the most considerable error has been found in the old map is the southern, which Rennell does not seem to have visited; and here many of his positions have been found from ten to forty miles too much to the north. The topography too of this part has been amended, the chains of hills, or rather ridges, having been ascertained to consist of several parallel ranges, separated by wide and fertile vallies, and ranging north and south, instead of east and west, as before supposed. Some of these ridges also are found to be partly in Sylhet, and partly in Tippera, amd in two or three instances they penetrate deeply into the former district. On the side of Kachar, the boundary of Sylhet has been traced south- ward to Chatrchura, a conical peak on the Banka range of hills, the country about which is frequented by the Pytu Kukis, a wild wandering tribe, who migrate from this their north-west limit, eastward to Tung- hum, and southward to an unknown extent, their cognate tribes being found in the neighbourhood of Chittagong. In Lower Kachar a complete survey of the cultivated tracts has been effected, the principal rivers traced, and in particular the course of the Delaseri from the southward, followed through a part which heretofore presented only a blank in the map. This tracing, was, however, executed by one of my native surveyors, after circumstances had put it out of my power to conduct it myself. Captain Pemberton’s surveys in Manipur fix the eastern boundary of Kachar, but points of junction between our surveys occur at Aquee, in the Naga Hills, and on the Bohman range. In Upper Kachar a line has been traced along the Jatingah river to its source, and thence to a point on the Di-yung, at which it be- comes navigable for small boats, beyond which I had no opportunity of proceeding northward, but the remainder of the route into Assam was explored by Captain Jenkins, whose valuable Report illustrates the whole of this country. The survey, however, in this quarter was 810 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. carried far enough to fix the courses of the great streams and ridges, and to establish a relation with the route pursued by Captain Pem- berton from Manipur into Assam, the great ridge crossed by him being in this survey traced westward to its termination in a number of ramifications on the Modura river. The fact of most interest ascer- tained by this part of the survey, is the facility with which a road could be formed from the navigable limit of the Jotingah to that of the Di-yung, by which the intercourse with Upper Assam would be greatly extended, and its communication with Calcutta shortened. So gentle is the ascent, and so few are the obstacles, that there seems no reason to doubt, a road for carts might be made with very little trouble. Returning westward, the survey fixes the boundaries of Jynta, and much ofthe mountain tract immediately north of Sylhet and Pondua, including the country between Chirra Ponji and Nunklao. It thgp traces the outline of Sylhet at the foot of the Kasia Hills, and is prolonged to Sowara, on the banks of the Brahmaputra, from which it follows the old channel of this river to Naraingunj and Dacca. The object of this last portion of the work was to connect the survey and a series of astronomical observations made for longitude at the town of Sylhet, with a position which had been well fixed by Mr. Walter Ewer of the Civil Service, and to which the Assam Survey had also been referred. For many of these observations, which were made on the transit of the moon and stars, I was so fortunate as to obtain cor- responding passages at Greenwich. Dacca was included also as a well fixed point, but chiefly because the water communication between it and Sylhet, was found to be very erroneously delineated in the old maps, in consequence apparently of changes in the course of the rivers below Azmerigunj. Correct outlines were made of these, though they do not appear in the new printed map, for which it is to be supposed they were too late. The minute operations carried on in the prosecution of the Revenue Survey have afforded an opportunity for acquiring a more intimate knowledge of the topography, resources, and husbandry of the interi- or, and these complete the list of the several inquiries pursued. Aspect and Geology.—The physical aspect of this vast tract, presents great variety, and cannot of course be described under one term. 1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 811 Even in the plains there is less of uniformity than would be supposed on a casual inspection, and the experienced agriculturist well knows that the lands in the eastern part of Sylhet, and in Lower Kachar, are far more valuable than those to the westward, even up to the banks of the Megna. This is explained by the greater elevation of those parts, and by the number of hill streams passing through them, the banks of which are always higher than the adjacent country. The vegetation, as well as the husbandry of these tracts, is greatly influenced by this par- ticular, of which I shall take more notice hereafter. The hill regions may be conveniently separated into two divisions, distinguished by great difference of elevation, the point of separation being fixed on the Soormah at Luckipuf in Lower Kachar, to the south-west of which, whatever elevations present themselves, are under two thousand feet, while those in the north-west still maintain a much greater altitude, and even tower occasionally above six thousand feet. But the division is more appropriate on account of a decisive differ- ence in structure, the northern mountains forming clearly one system, while those of the south belong to another, having reference to high ground in the central parts of Tippera, the existence of which cannot be doubted, though it has never been unequivocally proved. In sup- “port of this opinion, I must first point out that the numerous streams flowing from the southward into the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, and of which the very existence was scarcely known before this Survey was made, are many of them of a force and volume indicating a long course, and shewing them to be the drains of high land, from which alone they would draw the water which they discharge, for the Delaseri, the Sungai, the Munu, the Khwa-hi, and the Cognati streams appear to furnish during the rains on an average a discharge of about 25,000 cubic feet per second; a quantity quite inconsistent with any supposition, but that of long courses and elevated origins, as none of these rivers are more than fifty yards in width. If a reference be now made to some of the older maps on which the other rivers of Tippera are traced, it will be found that the Gumti, which emerges at Commilla, has an east and west course, and that the Chingri and Kurumphuli, which debouche at Chittagong, run nearly southward, while the Kola-dyng, as delineated on more recent maps, has a south-west course, and the river of the Kungfui Nagas falling 812 Memoir of Sythet,Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. into the Manipur river, flows to the south-east. I may add, that the Tipai river which falls into the Barak near Soor, has like the Sonai and Delaseri a northern course. Thus these considerable streams radiate from land in the unexplored regions of Tippera, somewhere between the 23rd and 24th parallels of north latitude, and 91° and 94° of E. longitude, which is unfortunately still a blank in our maps. I have enlarged on this subject, because I conceive it is one which when attentively considered, will be found of great interest, involving the condition of a tract of country, our ignorance of which, in some conjunctures we might have oceasion to deplore. Both the hills and vallies of Tippera are thickly wooded, and the latter often contain extensive grass jungles, the resort of wild elephants. The most eastern portion of the northern range of mountains is occupied by Upper Kachar, a wild and thickly wooded tract, the mountains of which sometimes attain an elevation of five thousand feet, but offer considerable diversity in that respect, as they here break into branches of the great ridge running between Manipur and Assam. The river Kupili, flowing into the Brahmaputra, marks the limit of this tract, and the termination of that vast system of hills which stretches westward from the unexplored country to the north-east of Manipur. 4 The Kasia mountains rise immediately from the valley of the Kupili, and range westward to Laour, near which they are bounded by the Patli river, the hills west of that belonging to the Garrows, and being distinguished by an aspect and structure of their own. Much has been written on the Kasia mountains during the last ten years that they have been visited by Europeans, but I am not aware that any attempt has been made to account for their peculiarities, nor would I now undertake the task, but that I fear it will be left undone by those who could perform it so much better. The physical aspect of these hills excites the strong attention of the observer, as being so greatly at variance with that of the whole country in their neighbour- hood. The barrenness of the table land, more especially in its southern portion, where not only does nature yield but little, but where art is found unable to assist her, is perhaps unprecedented in such a climate. This sterility will, I think, be found to be closely connected with the character of the rocks, and the disturbance of the strata, but more especially with the latter, for where these are horizontal, there is an 1840.; Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 813 absence of vegetation, and wherever the strata are inclined to the _ horizon, symptoms of fertility begin to shew themselves. The absence of any well marked appearance of the unstratified rocks is remarkable in the Kasia hills, for I am aware only of one instance in which they are said to shew serpentine; having, it is said, been seen near Nungklao, a locality which however I had no opportunity of examining. It is true, granite is found, but except at the Okillon hill, always in boul- ders on the surface, nor has it ever been seen in peaks or amorphous masses, to the protrusion of which, the dip of the secondary strata is usually referred. Except in the single instance of the limestone which occurs near Musmai, I think it may be said that there is no appearance of a disturbance in the sandstone bed by which the country between that place and the Bogapani is filled, and of which the thick- ness is unknown; now this part (and others similar to it) is remarkably sterile; but wherever the level of the strata has been disturbed, whe- ther by internal igneous action, or by any force of a more limited range, a disintegration of the rocks, and consequent accumulation of soil at the foot of the slope formed, has taken place, and vegetation to a greater or less extent ensued. Thus the slopes formed at the out- crop of the sandstone with the limestone near Musmai are all well - covered with wood, which disappears as the slope subsides into the ordinary level of the table land. And in general throughout the ascent from the plains to Chirra, after the limits of the lower bed of limestone have been passed, it may be observed that vegetation is dense only on the slopes, and that wherever ledges or steps occur, they are comparatively barren. The total rise between the foot of the mountains and Chirra, seems to be about one in ten feet, but subject to great irregularity, while between Chirra and the south bank of the Bogapani, it amounts only to one in forty, with comparatively little variation. All the vallies on this side terminate in precipitous heads, exhibiting the horizontal position of the sandstone. To the northward of the Bogapani, the aspect of the country changes, and though the altitude is greater, the vegetation is also more consider- able, and continually increases until between Myrung and Nungklao it becomes abundant, though it does not yet exhibit that excess which prevails further to the north and west. A feature will be here found to - 814 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. force itself on the attention, to which unquestionably the increase of vegetation in this part is to be traced; I allude to the numerous and large granite boulders which are scattered in such abundance over the country as to be occasionally mistaken for the crust or surface. The granite has however never, as I before observed, been seen in any form but that of boulders, nor is there any well established instance of these having been seen otherwise than on, or partially imbedded in the surface. I should remark, that the mass of granite, well known as the Okillon, near Nungun and west of the Nungklao road, may be considered of a dubious form, for though the dimensions are enormous, the shape of the exposed part is that of a boulder. The dis- integration of these boulders has of course largely contributed to the formation of soil, especially when favoured by the configuration of the ground, but wherever the boulders are missing, and the strata preserve their horizontal position, vegetation remains likewise defi- cient. As I am more anxious to record facts than to broach theories, I will not indulge in speculations on the variation of the structure of these hills from those around them, but content myself with observing, that there ‘is nothing in what I have pointed out at all inconsistent with the more recent opinions as to the order, classification, and superposition of the different rocks; for though none of the unstratified rocks have been seen in the positions which they might be expected to occupy in the centre of the mountains, there is still no reason why they may not occu- py a place under the sandstone, and have thus effected its up-lifting without themselves protruding to the surface. Further inquiries may throw light upon this subject, which is worthy of very great attention, for if there be sufficient ground for the opinion here thrown out, the geology of this country will furnish a strong proof of the igneous origin of the unstratified rocks, and their more recent appearance above the surface. I have already remarked, that a bed of limestone extends along the foot of the hills near Pundua, having its out-crop about five hundred feet above the plains, where it abuts on the sandstone. The direction of this bed is nearly east and west, and though frequently broken through by rivers, it is continued westward (declining however in elevation as it proceeds) to Bunsikura, where it is found in contact with the plain, from which in other parts it is always separated by clay ~ 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 815 and sand hills of alluvial formation. The coal found at Laour rests on this limestone, which abounds in fossil shells, among which the principal are Terebratula and Producta. The cavern of Boobanis situated in this limestone, but no measures have been employed to ascertain if it con- tains any fossil remains. The few facts which I am able to add on the geology of the whole country under review, may not improperly find their place here, as they can be of value only when taken collectively to illustrate the general formation. In Upper Kachar the dense woods have materially impeded obser- vation, and I can only say, that the table land is there absent, as well as the granite boulders, and that the formation is of primary sandstone, upon which an alluvial formation is posited. No fossil remains have been procured from this quarter. The Tippera hills, in the more elevated parts of which we have any knowledge, exhibit primary sandstones underlying an alluvial formation, in which fossil remains are found in sufficient quantity, but no great variety. Those within my own observation have been Madrepires and fossil wood. The alluvial formation over the eastern part of Sylhet and Lower Kachar is of the same nature with that of Tippera, being similar in structure and material. ‘The common feature is a kind of breccia, which is found in masses varying from a mere pebble to enor- mous blocks of many thousand tons weight, and these are imbedded in the clay or sand hills near the surface (never stratified), often in connexion with a thin stratum of a substance exhibiting a highly metallic appearance, and which seems to be oxide of iron. It is impos- sible to examine these black blocks, which on fracture display numer- ous concavities, without entertaining the suspicion of their volcanic origin ; but any doubts on this head must cease on looking at the masses of lava by which they are often accompanied, for that the shapeless lumps to which I allude have been in a state of fusion, admits of no question, being proved by their vitrious lustre, close and brittle texture, and by the presence of blisters formed by the air during the process of cooling. I abstain from noticing the localities of the coal beds, salt wells, and Petroleum spring, as they have been heretofore described. It must be acknowledged that our geological knowledge of this quar- ter is still lamentably defective, and that the materials for drawing a OL 816 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. section of the rocks in their exact order from Thibet, across Assam, Sylhet, and Tippera, are still to be collected. - The points of interest remaining for examination within this division are :-—— Ist. The course of the Kupeli river from its source to its confluence — with the Di-yung, in the valley between Upper Kachar and Jynte. It is likely to pass through a country the geology of which must deserve — attention, as the structure of the opposite sides of the valley must be — essentially different, the one upholding a table land, the other running up into peaks and ridges, while the possibility that the river may offer a navigable communication with some point easy of access from the side of Sylhet, is an additional reason for examining it. 2nd. The course of the Patli river near Laour. This river divides the Kasia hills from the Garrows, and its valley must exhibit similar diversity in the structure of its opposite sides with that of the Kupeli. 3rd. I have already pointed out the interest that attaches to the country in the middle parts of Tippera, and I may here add, that the geology of this quarter must be valuable, as it is likely to be connected k with the system of mountains which separates Arracan from Pegu, and to contain the extinct craters from which the volcanic remains above 2 noticed have issued. To conclude this account of the very diversified aspect of the country, — the vast semi-basin enclosed on the northern, eastern, and much of the southern side by the mountains above described, may be conveni- r ently divided into two tracts, distinguished from each other by differ- ence of level, and by dissimilarity of vegetable and agricultural produce, — as well as by their capacity for commodious habitations and occupa- © tions. A line drawn SE. from Chattak passing west of Tajpur, — through Nubigunj, and thence under the hills southward to Turruf, will — serve very nearly to separate these tracts. That to the westward, extending nearly to the Brahmaputra, is in ; most parts always marshy, and the whole is subject to periodical 7 inundations of long duration, being in general under water from April 4 to the middle of November. The towns and villages, which in some - parts, more especially to the southward, are numerous, are built on mounds raised with earth dug during the dry season; the houses are in clusters, huts for men, temples, mosques, and sheds for cattle, being — 1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 817 huddled together in a manner that gives to them the appearance rather of the temporary abode of fugitives, than the settled residence of a people. This tract is called Bhatta, apparently from its lowness, and seems to have been conquered by the Mussulmans before the rest of Sylhet. The eastern division is on a higher level, and rises gradually towards the mountains on either side; notwithstanding this, the marshes which occasionally occur, might lead to a different belief; but these are very limited in extent, and occupy distinct hollows, and the fact of general rise is proved by the course of the rivers, which without it could never exhibit those strong currents for which they are remarkable. The irregularities of the surface are referable to three distinct causes : Ist. Several ranges of the alluvial formation crossing it run up into ridges, from one to three hundred feet in height. 2nd. The vallies formed by these ranges rise from the centre towards either side, where the land being above the level of ordinary inundations, is peculiarly adapted for agricultural purposes, and is called Do-fusilya, | or that of two harvests. 3d. The banks of the Surma and all the hill streams are occupied by land cultivable for two yearly crops, which however here owes its origin to a different cause, having been thrown up by the rivers in working their channels through the plain. I have here much satisfaction in bringing to notice one of those rare instances in which the interests of a portion, however small, of the Indian community have been manifestly benefited by the adoption of conclusions emanating solely from European foresight and observa- tion. A causeway constructed by the Mogul Government along the left bank of the Surma, and intended to restrain its inundations, was kept up at a considerable expence by the British Government, until the mischievous consequences which have followed the maintenance of similar erections on the Po and Adige, in Italy, having been brought to notice, it was, about twenty years ago, abandoned, and the river allowed to take its natural course. Contrary to the expectations of many, no harm followed ; the river occasionally rose for a short time above its banks, but the inundation ran off rapidly, and it seldom happened that any injury was done. It was soon, however, observed, that wherever the river overflowed its banks, a sediment was left, which both raised and 818 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. improved the land, and in consequence people far from dreading the inundation, soon learnt to turn it to account; and having banked such lands as were fit for the purpose, led the river to them by narrow canals, which they closed after the flow of water was deemed sufficient, and re-opened when the river had fallen sufficiently to allow it to run — off. This practice is now quite common, and by it much marshy land — has been reclaimed. The low lands in the Eastern parts of the country may all in time be filled up by the sediment left by the inundations of the rivers, but these are in reality so rare, and of such short duration, that more will be effected by art than nature in this way. It must be remembered, that the ordinary inundation which fills the marshes does not proceed from the rivers but is furnished by the rains, and yields no sediment, this distinction is, of course, not to be over- looked in the execution of the operation above described. Husbandry.—The agricultural processes in the Bhatta are very simple, and may be briefly dismissed. As soon as the inundation begins to subside, or in the beginning of November, such lands as are sufficiently high for the purpose, are ploughed and sown for rice and millet, the crop being cut in April. Gardens and orchards are unknown, and the cultivation derives the smallest possible aid from the labour which in other parts is so productive. There are neither sugarcane ~ patches, plantations of pan, vine, chillies, nor vegetables,—a little — sursoo, and hemp, with some gourds and cucumbers about the huts, — appear occasionally, but in limited quantity. The marshes are however — filled with cattle, from which profits are derived sufficient to make ~ the occupation of these desolate tracts desirable. Ghee and cheese ~ are made from the milk of buffaloes and cows, and the upper lands are : furnished with young bullocks for the plough in numbers, being — driven to bazars and fairs in the spring of the year, before the return : of the inundation in May and June, after which months they are ~ confined to their sheds, and supported on green fodder brought in — boats from the jhils. The people here are extensively concerned in q the transport of grain, being the carriers between the high lands east- ward and the country to the south-west. The husbandry of the eastern quarter is of a far more elaborate description, though it has not o yet exhausted the resources of art on the one hand, nor those of nature uf : on the other. A fertile soil, renewed continually by accumulations from 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 819 the hills, copious supplies of rain, with immunity from excessive inun- dation, are among the advantages enjoyed by this favoured tract. The character too of the scenery here becomes peculiar, and is sufficiently marked to call for its separation from that of India generally. - Vast sheets of cultivation, extending for miles along the banks of the Surma and other streams, intersected by splendid groves of trees and bamboos, forming shelter for extensive villages, and occasionally by low ranges of wooded hills, and backed always by mountains either near or distant, form an endless succession of gratifying scenes, on which the eye rests with pleasure, and which, whether beheld by the agricultural economist estimating the resources of the land, by the philanthrophist rejoicing in the welfare of his fellow men, or by the lover of the pic- turesque, must always excite the most pleasurable emotions. But I must not wander from the simple account which I proposed to furnish in this paper. The ploughing season here begins in the middle of January, when the lower descriptions of land destined for the Aumun crop are first broken up; the higher soon follow, though it is usual to reserve such, on account of the hardness of the soil, until the first showers which fallin February. Before the end of March all the lands are sown, and in July or August the first crop is reaped from the higher lands alone, which are again ploughed and sown for an autumnal crop in November and December. It will readily be understood, that the aumun lands are subject to inundation, though not commonly to the extent which would endanger the crop, and I must here more particularly explain their position, which may else seem not very reconcilable with parts of the foregoing description. I have said that the western division is subject to excessive inundation,—may be marked by a line running southward from the neighbourhood of Chattak ; and this is true gener- ally, though a few considerable gulfs cut into the eastern quarter, running up for some miles, more especially between the courses of the great rivers, and form petty jhils of great depth, which are un- culturable. The aumun lands are situated on the sides of these and similar jhils, but their cultivation is very different from that of the Bhatta country, the crop in them remaining on the ground throughout the rainy season, and being in consequence very abundant and rich, while that of the Bhatta, grown only in the winter, is both scanty and of 820 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. inferior quality. These jhils branching from the Bhatta, I should observe, obstruct the cross communications in the higher country, and render it impassable for travellers from about April or May, until the middle or end of November, but do not affect the cultivation materially. The ordinary products are dhan, dhal, and kulaie, of all which there are many varieties: the grain is usually divided into two classes, called from the situation in which it has been grown Sayl, and Aumun; among these the subdivisions seem to be infinite, and I should add, that they are not mere fanciful distinctions, but made with reference to well marked peculiarities, either of quality or fruition. Thus among the Sayl, which grows on the high lands, there are grains which come to maturity in the short space of six weeks, while there are others, as the Burwa, which can be raised on the Aumun lands in the winter. It may not readily attract attention, but the careful inquirer will, I think, find it no small advantage, that there are so many grains whose times of coming to perfection are unequal, as they afford, under proper management, a sure resource against the loss of crops of more ample, but more slow growth. All the Sayl grains are raised on seedling land and transplanted, and this practice extends, under favourable circumstances, to the Aumun, the increased productiveness consequent, being well known. As a point of some interest in Indian husbandry, and on which doubts have been entertained, I may state from personal knowledge, that manures are frequently and extensively used. My occupation, as a Revenue Surveyor, gave me frequent opportunities of making this observation in the most unexceptionable manner, and that the practice is not readily avowed, I attribute to the fear on the part of the cultivator that any practice which attracts the notice of a European functionary, will be made the ground for increased assessment. Irrigation is never found necessary except for the winter crops, but if wheat was cultivated, which experiment has shewn to be perfectly feasible in the cold season, water could be had in abundance for the purpose, and in the same way, barley, oats, and potatoes, have all been raised by me in Kachar on terms which prove their culture would be highly profitable. In attempting to estimate the profits of agriculture, and the condition of the people employed in it, I should premise, that the minute sub- division of the proprietory right to land which obtains in Sylhet, has 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 821 been accompanied by those consequences which have been observed in other countries similarly circumstanced, and that while the industry exhibited in the cultivation of the petty taluks by their proprietors is very admirable, the want of capital, by which their capabilities might be increased, is but too apparent. I am not however sure, that the physical comfort of the people is as yet diminished by this circumstance, for it is certain that the means of subsistence are in abundance, and I have no hesitation in saying, that I have no where seen a population among whom the ordinary wants of nature were so easily and cheaply supplied. But though there is an efficient and permanent demand for produce, the want of capital, or rather its excessive dissemination, effectually prevents the adoption of means by which the cultivator might derive from his land those profits, which it is calculated to yield. I must here meet an old and often urged objection, that it is the Government exactions which check improvement, by observing, that this is one of the lowest taxed districts in India, the average rate of assessment being somewhere about four annas per head, or one rupee one anna on the adult males alone, while the wages of labour are from two and a half to three rupees a month. A rate therefore which exacts on an average the value of ten days labour from each man in the year, cannot be considered excessive, at least when compared with the average for all India, which is above seven times higher. It is there- fore to the dissemination of capital that the absence of improvement is entirely attributable, and the state of the land tenures therefore in this district is well worth the attention of the Indian financier, shewing as it does the condition to which, under the existing laws of inheritance, every province in India is tending. No cultivator, whether proprietor or ryot, ever follows agriculture here as a speculation, or ventures to till a larger quantity of land than can be conveniently managed by himself and the members of his family, and if he raises grain sufficient for his annual expenditure, and a sur- plus equal to the payment of the Government revenue, his operations are considered successful. He employs the spare time, of which he has abundance, in other pursuits which do not require a capital, or only a very small one in money. ‘Thus the more considerable proprietors after letting the portion of their taluks which they do not find it convenient to cultivate themselves, often engage in the conduct of 822 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. adventurers to the woods for timber, bamboos, grass, &c., or they clear land on the hills for cotton, build boats, and convey grain to the markets in the south, &c.; while the Ryots act as boatmen, coolies, and the like, in all which employments little or no cash outlay is required; but they subsist on grain raised in their own fields, while their wives and children niaintain themselves by making cloths, &c., for home consumption, or sale, carrying the produce of their gardens and orchards to market, and tending cattle. There is nothing very remarkable in all this perhaps, except that it exhibits a society among which the first steps in economical improve- ment have hardly been taken, the advantages of the division of labour not having yet been appreciated, or rather the introduction of that principle having been prevented, by the want of accumulated capital, to meet the expense and delay that must precede the more ample returns which it ensures. I will not enter into any estimate of the expenses ‘attending the cultivation of land, and its return, as a farming specula- tion, although I have by me details on the point; but conclude this subject with observing, that at the existing rates of rent and labonr agriculture would return the former (independent of any improvements he might effect) about thirty per cent., on his capital. The common opinion, confirmed by the current price of estates, is, that money in- vested in land yields the proprietor from 12 to 15 per cent. Mill Agriculture.—Among the hill tribes, cultivation is very imper- fectly practised, and many therefore depend wholly on their intercourse with the plains; nor can it be said that any of them are at all times wholly secured from want by their own resources. The nature of the country in the south part of the Kasia mountains precludes agriculture, but in the central and northern parts rice is raised in considerable quantity, particularly in the little glens, and on the sides of the vallies, irrigation being practised, and the water brought to the field through narrow canals, and conveyed over hollows, or up heights, for short distances by hollow trunks of trees or bamboos, experience having taught the cultivator that water can be made to rise in tubes to the level of its source. The labouring season is in the spring, and the crop is cut in August and September. In the wooded parts of the mountains, by whomsoever occupied, whether Kacharies, Nagas, or Kukies, the cultivation is of a mixed ; x 1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 823 description, consisting of cotton, rice, and sundry vetches, grown indiscriminately together in one large clearing. The ground for the crop is first prepared by the dao (or bill), the jungle when dried is burnt, and the ashes worked into the soil, which is then broken up by the hoe, and the seed planted or sown in March or April for a crop in September. The hills on the Sylhet and Tippera frontier are culti- vated in a similar manner by the natives of the plains, who form them- selves into associations periodically for the purpose of a trip into the hills, on a joint account, to cultivate cotton and cut wood and bamboos. The cotton thus obtained is not exported, indeed the quantity raised is barely sufficient for local consumption. It is short in the staple, but the cloths made from it being found to combine warmth with lightness, are in great esteem among the people. I proceed briefly to notice whatever appears peculiar among plants, vegetables, and fruits. Indigo is not cultivated in Sylhet, but though one or two trials have been unsuccessful, I think (with men of some experience) that with greater attention it would succeed. The climate cannot, as it has been supposed, be wholly unfavourable, seeing that the plant grows wild on the hills, and that a very excellent dye is obtained from it by the simple processes there in use. The certainty of having rain for the spring sowings, and the possibility of choosing the ground above the chance of inundation, are among the advantages which I anticipate for the cultivation of indigo in these tracts. Poppy, sugarcane, safflower, sursoo, and other plants yielding oil, flax and hemp, call for no particular notice, they are all cultivated with success in Kachar, Jynta, and (except the poppy) in the Eastern division of Sylhet. Oranges, together with the arica and pan vines, for which this coun- try is famous, are all the produce of the lower parts of the Kasia hills, growing only on the limestone strata. Arica of an inferior quality is indeed found all over Sylhet, but deteriorates in quality to the eastward, until in Kachar it wholly disappears. Among other fruits, the plaintain is peculiarly fine, but the mangoe is inferior, and is not found to improve to the eastward; the lemon is found wild in the Kasia hills, and the apricot and lichi in those of Kachar; and in general the vegetation exhibits so much variety, and there are so many 2M 824 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. new plants offering themselves, as we advance eastward, that this, with the similarity of climate to that of the southern parts of China, led to the inquiries originally commenced by the late Mr. Scott for the tea plant, which if it has not yet been discovered in a wild state so far to the westward, would probably succeed on some of the soils in the alluvial formations of Kachar or Tippera. Several cognate plants have been found, and genuine tea plants were raised in my garden from seeds in 1835. China root ,(Rhubarb?) and lignum aloes are mentioned as the pro- duce of Sylhet in the “ Ayin Akhbari,” but I never heard that either engaged the attention of the trader. Land Tenures and Revenue.—The tenures in Sylhet being derived mostly from the Mahomedan government, are similar to those of Bengal generally; but the ‘condition of the land, which is subdivided to an extent elsewhere unknown, excites the attention of every intelligent inquirer. The permanent settlement included Sylhet, and about that time there were I think 27,000 proprietors enrolled in the Collec- tor’s books, since when, in consequence of subdivisions which have been facilitated rather than checked by the law, the number has more than trebled, anda revenue of three and a half lacs is now collected from a hundred thousand proprietors. The only species of holding which seems unknown in Sylhet, is that of the village commu- nity, or Bhya chara, and this is the more remarkable, as something very — | like it still exists in Kachar and Assam, and there seems so much reason to believe that it attained over the whole of Sylhet, as a part of the — ancient Kamrup; indeed I think it will be found that it is to the break- : ing up of these communities, by admitting the individual holders to 7 engagements with the State direct, that we must attribute the origin of — the extraordinary number of petty holdings in this district. Notwith- a standing the existence of some tenures of a different character in ‘ Assam, the most ancient form in that country, apparently, by which land was held, was under a grant from the prince addressed to a body 7 of proprietors, who by it were erected into a corporation, called a Raj, — Se and who possessed the land on terms by which they were bound each for the other, and for the revenue of the whole estate. In Kachar this is unquestionable, and indeed up to a recent period no other form of tenure was known or acknowledged. The pecuniary wants of the late 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 825 Rajahs led to the introduction among the Raj of titles borrowed from the Musalmans, such as Chrowdries, &c., but the ancient grants were directed only to the Bur Bhuyiah and Bhuyiah’s, names which clearly refer to the soil (ge) though they are not current beyond these coun- tries. In every Raj were certain classifications of the proprietors, made however without reference to the local positions of their estates, but according as they were charged with the payment of revenue to the prince direct, or to some one in whose favour he had made an assign- ment. These were called Khels, and the principal among them was the Khilmah, which paid to the Rajah, while all the others, as the Sang-jurai, Dekha-jurai, &c. after paying a fixed proportion only to -the prince, accounted for the balance to the’ Ranni, to the Jub Raj, or other holder of the assignment. The local administration and execu- tion of the prince’s orders were anciently intrusted to the Raj, subject only to an appeal to the Raja, and they had the power to settle land on terms similar to those by which they themselves held, transacting business in periodical meetings. I cannot detail the steps by which the power, consequence, and very nature of these corporations were destroyed ; but content myself with observing, that there is unquestionable evidence of the state of things I have described still extant in the country, while it is certain that the late Raja completed their subversion, and left to the Rajes nothing valuable but the name, by assessing each landholder according to the full extent of his cultivation, abolishing all local jurisdiction and autho- rity, whether in judicial or fiscal matters, and reducing all the proprie- tors to a footing of equality; though he still most inconsistently held them responsible collectively for the revenue of their Khels, making over the estates of defaulters to their management after they had in effect ceased to be a corporate body. Under every change the proprietors still retained their hereditary right in the soil, and the locality of each holding was ascertained from time to time by measurement, as the shares and boundaries of individuals varied continually under the influence of the laws of inheritance, though the boundaries of the Raj remained unchanged, unless by a Special grant made by the authority of the prince to a new corporation out of the unoccupied waste. Much of the cultivation, at least since the decline of the kingdom from its former consequence, was performed on r 826 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Distritcts. |No. 104. the smaller Taluks by the holders themselves, assisted by their families, but the larger proprietors leased their lands to Packhastyuts, retained some portion to be cultivated by their slaves, and assigned another to their hereditary Ryots, a class of people whose position was analo- gous to the Khudkhast Ryot on the one hand, and to that of agri- cultural slaves on the other; for while they had a right to cultivate at fixed rates, and cculd not be removed, they were at the same time not only answerable for the rent, but not at liberty to throw up their lands, or quit the property. I have been thus prolix in describing the Kachar tenures, because I think that an interest attaches to them on account of their antiquity, and because to them I*think the existing tenures in Assam and Sylhet may with truth be traced. I conclude that the land in the latter district while it formed a part of Kamrup, were held by Raj corporations precisely similar to those of Kachar; as the Mahomedan conquerors advanced, they altered the old state of things by admit- ‘ting the members of the Raj to engage individually for the revenue; or still more frequently by making grants to Musalman chiefs and colonists, who soon found it their interest to compound with the ancient proprietors, and accept a portion only of the Raj land, in preference to having the whole thrown on their hands denuded of cultivators, who rather than remain on their hereditary estates in the reduced condition of Ryots, would emigrate to the eastward. The portions given up by the old occupants would consist of shares of each Taluk, not of a parcel under continuous boundaries; and hence probably. arose the strange intermixture of the lands composing the estates of the leading proprietors in Sylhet, which are commonly found in numerous small parcels, at great distances from each other. Acquisitions made subse- quently by purchase or inheritance, with the practice of allowing all lands belonging to one proprietor to be recorded in the Revenue Offices under one number, without reference to their locality, would of course in time swell the number of these isolations. It had always been the custom to regulate all revenue demands on the land where the separate holdings were so very small, by a measurement made with more or less accuracy ; and accordingly at the formation of the perpetual settlement in Sylhet a departure from the general rule by which such measurements were at the time prohibited, was sanctioned in 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 827 that particular district. By the records of that survey, and consequent arrangements, it appears that only that portion of the district which was known to be occupied, and to which proprietory right distinctly attached, came under settlement, and though much of the land measured was recorded as junglah ; recent surveys shew that there must have been vast tracts of waste, which were not included in the operations of that time. The cultivation of these wastes has given rise to a legal question, which has employed the talents, and engaged the attention of some of the ablest civilians of our day. It is well known that by the provisions of the permanent settlement, the right of government to derive an increase of revenue from an extention of cultivation on the estates then settled, was declared to be given up for ever, and it was even added, that the advantage of this declaration should be conceded to those whose lands had been withheld from assessment by fraud, collusion, or mistake. But wastes which at the time of the settlement were not included within the known boundaries of any estate, could not by any possibility be contemplated in this arrangement ; and as it was known by general inquiries, which have since been confirmed by actual measurement, that the quantity of land under cultivation in Sylhet far exceeded the total on which the settlement had been concluded, it was quite clear that an acquisition had been made from the waste to which the government right for revenue would apply. Such lands have been called Halabadee, and have formed the subject of a most voluminous and intricate correspondence among the revenue officers for many years. The right of government to revenue from lands which have been reclaimed from the waste, and not included under the settlement, is admitted by all who have made themselves acquainted with the subject, but the difficulty is, to distinguish such lands; and its possibility is by some authorities wholly denied. On the part of the government it is urged, that documents founded on the old survey are still in existence shewing the superficial contents of each estate at the time of settlement, and that if on a measurement a Taluk is now found to contain more land than the gross amount (abadee and junglah) for which it was assessed, there can be no doubt that the excess has been derived from the waste, and indeed it does not appear, prima facie, that it could well be derived from any other source. 828 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. On the other side it is answered, that the documents alluded to cannot be relied on, and that even if they were worthy of more credit than can be conceded to them, still it would seem a good argument against a demand for increase of ‘“‘ jumma,” if the Talukdar were to urge that the total quantity of land in his estate was put down originally too small, either in consequence of “fraud, collusion, or mistake.” To this it has been rejoined, that there is of course no intention to deny the validity of such an objection in every case when it shall be satisfactorily established by evidence ; and the parties seem thus to be at issue on the point, whether the revenue officers t having shown that there is an excess of land, it rests with the Talukdar to prove that this excess was within his original boundary, or with the government to go one step further, and shew by additional proof that it was acquired from the waste. : In the course of this inquiry some documentary evidence was brought to light, calculated to facilitate the latter course of proceeding 4 very much. This was contained in certain records prepared soon after — the settlement, and shewing the boundaries, locality, and estimated extent of the waste lands which had been reserved from the settle- ment. These papers were very incomplete, and did not include the whole of the wastes; but on a measurement of the lands indicated by them, a very considerable quantity of cultivation was elicited, upon which the claim for revenue was admitted, and a much larger quantity on which it was nearly certain it could be established. I have had — no opportunity of learning the result of these inquiries, having been removed from the district before they were completed. The revenue of Kachar was derived, at the time of its acquisition by us, from a land tax levied at a rate much higher than that of Sylhet, from customs levied on all the frontiers at most extravagant rates, from a sort of excise taken at all Bazars, from monopolies of every thing valuable in trade, as ivory, timber, &c. and from a house tax on the inhabitants of the mountains. The first steps taken for the reform of this department were, the abolition of all monopolies, the removal of all prohibition on exports and imports, the abolition of — the excise, and the reduction of duties in the external trade. The immediate results were, an increase of trade, the customs on which, though levied at very reduced rates, yielded a far larger amount than 1840.| Memoir af Sythet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 829 under the old system was obtained from the whole of the Sayer Mahal, and I think this branch of revenue quadrupled itself in five years, thus affording another verification of the principle in finance,—that low duties by encouraging consumption, will be found more productive than high ones, which on the contrary check it. The sources of revenue in Jynta were very dissimilar to those of Kachar, as the Raja of that country having acquired the plains by conquest, appears to have abrogated the hereditary rights of the land- holders, and to have allowed none to hold except on terms annually granted or renewed at his pleasure, and which were very various. The plains of Jynta were probably conquered from Sylhet since the days of Akbar, one of the Mahus in the “‘ Ayin Akhbari” being called Chyntar, which may well be a mistranscription, the Persian letter © having been mistaken for @- History and people.—My notices of the history and people of these countries will necessarily be brief, as I do not propose to record the story of their petty dissensions and change of governors, but rather to collect and point attention to such facts whether derived from tradition or otherwise, as may throw light on the origin and mi- grations of the races which inhabit them, and this the more especially, as I am not aware that in so doing, I shall suppress any thing of real interest. | Kacharis.—According to records preserved among the family of the last princes of Kachar (which however are but traditions reduced to writing) the Kacharis conquered the kingdom of Kamrup, and gave to it a succession of Rajas from whom the late royal family of Kachar, of the line of Ha-tsung-tsa, derive their descent. The term Kachari is of modern date, the proper name by which that people call them- selves being Rangtsa, and the country from which they trace their origin being situated in the north-east of Assam. It is known that Kamrup extended anciently to the southward as far as the confluence of the Megna with the Brahmaputra; and the Kacharis appear to have established themselves in the countries east of that line, including Assam, Sylhet, Tippera, and modern Kachar, or Hirumbha, in all of which, except Sylhet, they are found as a distinct people differing in appearance, religion, and customs from the other inhabit- ants. . 830 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. The Ha-tsung-tsa family was expelled from Kamrup by the Rajas of Kooch Behar, and being driven* into Hirumbha maintained them- selves in a reduced but independent form until the time of Raja Gobindchundra, who after many vicissitudes of fortune, became in 1824 a British tributary, and being murdered in 1830, and leaving no blood relations, terminated the line. The people of Tippera are said to have the same origin with the Kacharis, and the similarity of religion, customs, and appearance, makes this probable. It may be added, that the Rajas of both countries have formerly acknowledged the connexion ; the Tippera family being described as a younger branch of the ancient royal family, which in their expulsion from Kamrup established itself in- dependently in the country which it formerly held as an appendage. The dates of these transactions cannot be traced, but the Assam Baranjis state, that at the commencement of the Ahom dynasty in up- per Assam, in the 12th century, the Kooch Behar princes had possession of Kamrup, from which, as well as from the date of the first Mahomedan expedition into Kamrup (in 1204) it may be concluded that the sub- version of the Kachar dynasty considerably preceded that era, and that the assertion made by the Kachar chiefs,-that their ancestors con- quered Assam about one thousand years ago, is tolerably correct. The existence in Kachar, even in these days, of many poor and proud families who disdain to labour for their subsistence, and look to official employment alone as a becoming source of livelihood, the number of offices, and their nature, so inconsistent with the poverty and insignificance of the late petty Court, are among the circumstances which attest the credibility of the story of former power, and taken with traditions current in these countries, entitle the pretensions of the Kacharis to a degree of credit, which they would- not otherwise deserve. The Kachari language is unwritten, having been superseded for all purposes of business by the Bengali for many centuries, and this circumstance greatly increases the difficulty of all attempts to trace the * The tradition is, that the invaders from Kooch Behar were preceded by Brahmans mounted on cows, against whom the Kacharis either could not, or dare not, oppose themselves ; but this is obviously a Hindu fiction. 1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 831 origin of the people through that medium. Greater probability of success offers through a careful examination of their religion and customs, on which points my inquiries will, I think, be found not to be without use. Although Brahmanism professes to receive no converts, yet great efforts have been made to bring within the pale of Hinduism both the Kacharis, the Munipories, and most of the tribes to the eastward. It is matter of history that Brahmanism had no root in Assam earlier than the middle of the 16th century, though it has since attained to such power as to shake the throne of that country. In Munipore its progress has been still more recent, but in Kachar Proper, or Hirumbha, the process of conversion has been going on before our eyes, and actually commenced within the last fifty years. The father and uncle of the two last Rajas professed the old religion, and did not conform to Brahmanism; but Krishna and Gobindchundra, about the year 1790 a. p., were both placed, with certain ceremonies, in the body of a large copper image of a cow, and thence produced by Bengali Brahmins as reclaimed Hindus to an admiring people. Place was assigned them as Chhettry of the Suraj Bungsi tribe, and numbers of their followers, after their example, were admitted to caste, and are called Hindus; but still greater numbers were infinitely disgusted at the whole procedure, and there can be little doubt that the divisions to which it gave rise, and the injudicious persecutions by which it was followed, were at the root of all the misfortunes by which the country was soon visited. The ancient religion of Kachar is not clearly referable to any of the forms existing in Eastern Asia, and certainly not to any of the Hindu systems, as will appear by the following account. The Kacharis ac- knowledge a Supreme Being, or first principle, from which the world and all that it contains is derived. They worship the manifest powers of nature, or rather spirits having authority over them, and the in- fluences of the seasons. No superstitious regard is paid to animal life, and even the cow was not anciently held sacred. __ There is no class set apart for the priesthood, neithér do any take \upon themselves exclusively sacerdotal functions; but these are per- formed by the elders in families, and by the ministers of state, and high public functionaries, on great public occasions. There was how- | 5 N q : } ; | 832 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. ever one officer who had charge of the series of ceremonies performed in the spring of the year, but his duty was abolished by the jealousy or bigotry of the late Rajas. Among their superstitions, it is the practice to perform sacrifice before a bamboo planted in the ground, and into which it is maintained the Power worshipped enters, on being duly propitiated, and causes the boughs to bend in token of his approba- tion. This custom is common also to the Tipperas. The indifference shown for animal life, and the absence of an esta- blished and hereditary priesthood, mark sufficiently the disconnexion with Hinduism, and the disregard for caste may be taken as an additional proof of this; for though the people are divided into forty Sympongs, these are only so many social distinctions, or tribes, and they are not prohibited from intermarrying or eating together, which they accordingly frequently do. All these circumstances considered, it will be found that this superstition more resembles the system of Confucius than any thing Indian. The law of inheritance appears to be, that all property descends in equal shares among the male children, and afterwards, in the natural order of succession, to the brothers and brothers issue; but as the leading men formerly made no acquisitions in land (for the Kachari cultivation is carried on by the inferior classes in a species of co- parcenary) the subject has not given rise to much investigation. Mar- riages seem to have been contracted. spontaneously, without the direct intervention of friends, but polygamy was allowed, and by the richer classes indulged in to a great extent. The marriage of widows was sanctioned, though not encouraged, and in order to escape the scandal of such connexions, it seems to have been usual for widows, at least among the higher ranks, to reside in the families of their deceased husband’s brother, by which it has after happened that more scandal was created than it was intended to avoid. Among peculiar customs, for which no reason appears, it seems to have been a rule that the Rajah should never reside in a building of masonry, but in bungalows surrounded by a stockaded enclosure, perhaps to refnind him of his origin among the woods of upper Assam. The worship of irascible female spirits, and the practice of the Tantra magic ascribed by the Hindus to the people of Kamrup, are imputations which derive some countenance from the existing worship of 1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 833 Ramchundi, the Thakoorain of Kachar, who is adored under the symbol of a sword, religiously preserved in the Rajbarri, and to the possession of which the most inexpressible importance is attached. It is worthy of remark, that no image of any thing having life is worshipped in Kachar, nor are there either in that country or Sylhet any remains of antique buildings, and especially of Hindu buildings, to attest the existence at an early date of a Hindu population. There is a footstep cut in the rock on the ridge east of Aquee, said by the people of both Kachar and Munipur to have been made by the gods as a boundary mark between the two states: this may be one of the numerous footsteps of Gautama, but there is obviously no certainty about its antiquity. Kasias.—Among the aboriginal tribes, the Kasias, or more correctly (as they style themselves) the Khyee, attract the most atfention, standing as much distinguished from their neighbours in personal ap- pearance, and social and religious customs, as their country is different from others in geological structure and physical aspect. The Khyee are an athletic race of mountaineers, fond still of a martial appearance, and their reputation as warriors is hardly extinct, as their extensive feudatory inroads are still remembered in Sylhet and Assam, the plains of which countries they formerly laid under contribution very frequently. The religion of the Kasias does not assimilate with any of the known Indian systems, but is limited to certain super- stitious practices (among which the augury seems to be in greatest esteem) and to the reverence for, and sacrifice to, the presiding deities of villages, hills, and similar localities, but does not comprehend the knowledge of a universal, all-pervading Intelligence, such as is ac- knowledged by the Kacharis, or the immortality of the soul. Brah- manism has made some progress among the Kasias, especially of Jynta, and some of the higher classes there have adopted Hindu practices, and obtained admission among the Sudra castes, but this has not led to the entire abandonment of their national superstitions, connected with which was the cruel abomination of human sacrifice, for being accessory to which the last Raja lost his throne and country. , The great peculiarity among the Khyee, and that by which perhaps their remote connexion with other tribes will be established, is the 834 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. custom which prevails in regard to the descent of both personal and real property, and which holds equally of regal authority. By this all property and right passes to the eldest son of the nearest female relative in the descending line, or generally, to the son of the eldest sister of the holder. Whatever laxity may be observed in regard to other practices, and however some of the upper ranks may conform to the rules of caste, and desire admission among the Hindus, this custom is by all most tenaciously adhered to. They are further charged with the practice of polyandry, but however it may in reality - | be tolerated, the upper classes in general disclaim it, and it can be said to prevail only among the poorer sort, with whom too it would often seem to mean rather facility of divorce than the simultaneous admission ofa plurality of husbands. It is possible, however, that unqualified polyandry existed formerly, and that it has fallen into disrepute since a more intimate connexion with the plains has sprung up. ' The Khyee language is unwritten, and moreover exhibits no affinity ‘with any of the languages of the neighbourhood, some, of which, | (numerous and diversified as they are), often offer indications of a common origin, but the point is of less importance, as among the rude mountain tribes great dissimilarity of language has been observed to exist, even where a common origin was nearly certain. There are no antique remains, or works of art, on which to build conjectures as to — the condition of the people by whom the country was anciently occu-~ pied, for though there are several considerable rude stone columnar erections, yet there is nothing peculiar or artificial in their construc- tion, and they are exceeded in magnitude and vastness of design by — Stonehenge, and by the Masses seen in Mexico. No mechanical con- trivances were employed in raising either these columns, or the cir- cular slabs which are often met, but they were constructed by manual labor, some of them being of recent times. There is however a stone bridge of considerable dimensions in the Jynta mountains, the style of which is Saracenic, but it is quite possible the work may have been constructed by a Mussulman in the employment of the Raja at no very distant period. No great respect is paid by the Khyee to hereditary chiefs, though their rank is readily admitted, but their influence depends more on their personal character, and their power to guide the public 1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 835 assemblies, without which nothing is decided either among the com- munity collectively, or the villages separately. _ Destruction of human life, whether by accident or design, in open war or in secret, is always the cause of feud among the relations of the parties, which are terminated only by reprisals, ora compensation in money. The equipment of a Khyee chief is martial and striking in appearance; a tunic of strong cloth, bordered by party colors, without sleeves, well adapted to muscular exertions, sits close to his body above the waist ; an ample shield of buffaloe hide or brass is slung at his back, and leaves him at liberty to employ both his hands either with the bow, the javelin, or a powerful two-handed sword which hangs by his side. This sword is unique in kind, and more like the German or Swiss weapon than any thing Indian. The bow is of bamboo, and is fitted with a slip of the same substance in place of twine, as it never softens in rain, and is equally useful in all weathers. It is to the credit of the Khyee that though acquainted with the use of poisoned arrows they never employ them against their fellow men in war, but only in the chase against wild beasts. A series of destructive defeats during a protracted con- test with the Government troops has not entirely destroyed the mar- tial disposition of this people, who probably still retain the remem- brance of those days in which their fathers pillaged both Sylhet and Assam. Conjecture is lost in assigning a probable origin to the Khyees. Seg- regated strictly in a tract of country as different from the neighbour- hood as they themselves are from the other tribes, they seem to owe the retention of their independence entirely to their personal qualities, as their mountains are by no means difficult of access. I am quite sensible that verbal analogy affords but a slight foundation on which to build an hypothesis, but I may nevertheless mention, that a people resem- bling the Khyee in some particulars formerly occupied a position on the south bank of the Brahmaputra at Measpara, where they were called Mek; they were known to have come originally from the frontiers of Butan and Nipal; the Khyee are called Mike by the Kacharis, and their customs in regard to marriage assimilate to those of Butan. The theory which would assign a western origin to the Khyee is counten- anced by their appearance, and especially by the absence in them of 836 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. those peculiarities about the eye which stamp the tribes of Indo-Chi- nese origin. Nagas.—The Nagas are found in all the tracts east of the Kupili River, as far as the country of the Khamtis, much of which is un- explored. This generic name seems to have been applied to them by the Hindus of the plain, with reference either to their scanty cloth- ing, or more probably to their residence in the mountains, but is not acknowledged among themselves or the other hill tribes, among whom they call themselves “‘ Kwaphee.” They are associated commonly with the Kukis or Koonjye, from whom however they are essentially distinct in customs, and personal appearance. The Nagas though often power- ful men, yet do not commonly display those marks from which great strength may be inferred. Their limbs have not the massive confi- guration of the Kukis and other hill men. It is a distinguishing particular of the Naga tribes that they are not a migratory or wan- dering people, and while the hill Kacharis and Kukis continually change their locations, seldom keeping their villages more than three years in one spot, the Nagas remain fixed, and their insignificant villages, which appear in one of Rennell’s early Maps, are to be found still as they stood in 1764. Again, the Nagas are remarkable as using no weapons but the javelin and dao, a sort of bill common to the Birmas, Shans, and most of the hill tribes except the Kasias; and they have no prejudices on the score of food, eating every thing indiscriminately, as well that flesh which has been slain for food as that which has not. In common with the Kukis and Garrows however they abstain strictly from milk, butter, or ghee, looking on the use of them with great aversion. The religion of both tribes is limited to a few superstitious practices, differing among themselves, but presenting nothing from which their origin or connexion with other tribes is to be inferred. 'Kukis.—The Kukis have long been notorious for their attacks on the peaceable inhabitants of the plains, to whom along the Sylhet and Kachar frontier they have at times been very troublesome. In addition to the javelin they employ bows and poisoned arrows, a practice perhaps suggested by their contests with the larger animals, as elephants and tigers, with which their forests abound. The object of their inroads on the plains is not plunder, for which they have never 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 837 been known to shew any desire, but they kill and carry away the heads of as many human beings as they can seize, and have been known in one night to carry off fifty. These are used in certain ceremonies performed at the funerals of the chiefs, and it is always after the death of one of their Rajas that their incursions occur. The proper limits of the Kukis are undefined, but they never seem to have stretched northward of Chattrchura peak, and Kukitunga on the frontier of Sylhet, nor above Soor and Tungtching in Kachar. The villages at Abong in Upper Kachar are exceptions, but they are well known to have been settled by Raja Krishnachundra with Kukis from the southward, who had sought his protection. The Kukis have been accused of cannibalism, and I am aware of an instance in which the charge seemed substantiated, but they disclaim the imputation with much vehemence, and I have seen no reason to think that the practice is frequent among them. People of Sylhet.—The inhabitants of Sylhet are Bengalis, and not distinguishable from that race in the districts to the westward. On a closer examination, however, it will be observed that the lower classes, especially the inferior castes of Hindu cultivators, bear marks of their indigenous origin, and a striking difference may be remarked between their features and those of the Musulman descendants of the colonists by whom the country was gradually conquered. The few families of any consideration in the district are known to be of Hindustani or Persian origin, and these are the most resvected, though they have been superseded of late years by one or two consi- derable Hindu houses, which have acquired fortune and consequence in our service. There are also some Musulman families, descendants of chiefs or Rajas under the Kamrup dynasty, who were forced to conform to Mahomedanism on the change of masters; of these the principal is that of the Baniachuny Raja, whose ancestor was probably the party conquered by Esau Afghan, in the reign of Akhbar, when “the kutbeh was read, and the coin struck in the Bhatta country,” according to Abul Fuzil. It must have been a Raja of the same family also who was attacked in 1254 a. pv. by Mulic Yuzbeg, the Governor of Bengal, who afterwards lost his life in Southern Assam, or rather in the mountains between Assam and Sylhet. The family though converted to Mahomedanism has always retained the title 838 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. of Raja: it is fast going to ruin under the joint influence of the laws of inheritance and improvident habits. It is impossible (and if possible would be tedious) to trace the steps by which the progressive conquest of this part of Kamrup was effected, but some of the principal may, I think, be satisfactorily established, and will be found worthy of attention. The earliest Mahomedan invasion is that of Mahomed Bukhtiyar, who is said to have penetrated through Kamrup into Thibet in a. p. 1205-6; and as I think his expedition, though unsuccessful, called forth a display of energy and talent calcu- lated to excite our admiration of these early adventurers, I shall offer no apology for attempting to elucidate it. Mahomed Bukhtiyar was the Governor of Behar, and in 1208 a. p. entered Bengal, and having rapidly overcome that country, he imme- diately turned his forces against Kamrup, which appears to have been then a powerful kingdom, and worthy of his arms. The accounts of his expedition, left us by Mahomedan writers, state that he proceeded from be Dacca, opening for himself a road along the banks of the Luckia; a that he marched under the guidance of a hill chief, of the tribe called Koonch, whom he had converted to Islamism; that they reached a mighty river “three times as wide as the Ganges” called the Bang- muttee, on which stood a city called Burdehund, which he captured ; that after marching ten days along the banks of this river, they entered the defiles of the mountains, having passed which, they crossed the river _ (Brahmaputra ?) by a stone bridge of twenty-two arches, after which the Raja of Kamrup submitted. He then moved into the Butan mountains, and reached the plains of Thibet, where his army was so roughly handled in a battle with the people of the country, and alarmed by an expected attack from the chief of a city called Kerrim- patan, which was governed by a Christian, having under him a Butia population with Brahman officers, that they retreated, and finding the bridge broken down by the Kamrup Raja, who now harassed them in every way, they returned, utterly discomforted with the loss of the greater part of their number, to Bengal, where Mahomed Bukhtiyar died of grief and vexation. I must own the latter part of this narrative is quite inexplicable on any hypothesis, except that of the fancy of the writers, or their desire to account for a defeat which was most likely the consequence of disease and privation. But the 1840.]| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. 839 first part admits of some explanations, calculated to remove apparent inconsistencies, and to render the story up to the passage of the bridge sufficiently credible. The points which demand elucidation are, the locality of the Bangmuttee and its extraordinary size; the stone bridge of twenty-two arches; and the name of the river over which it was thrown. In the narrative three hill tribes are mentioned, the Koonch, the Mikah, and the Nadera ; the Koonch it has been sup- posed are the people of Kooch Bahar, but however this may be, there is no difficulty about the Mikah, that being the name by which the Kasias at this day are known among the Kacharis; and Mikedeetah being the title of an officer who had charge of the frontier with that people, and such of them as occasionally took up their residence within the Kachar jurisdiction; and as it is expressly stated that the Mahomedan army crossed the mountains, before they reached the bridge, and before the Raja submitted, I conclude, that they entered Lower Assam, not by Goalpara, but by the Kasia or Kachar mountains. The river, three times as wide as the Ganges, could not have been the Brahmaputra, both because Mahomedan writers shew themselves acquainted with that river, and because no one who had seen the rivers about Dacca, could ever fancy the Brahmaputra above the Luckia to be even wider than the Ganges; but to reach the Kasia Hills, they must have marched along the edge of the inundation in the Bhatta country, most likely before the waters had much abated, and they mistook that for a river. : No river called Bangmuttee (burster of earth) is now known in the north-east parts of Bengal, but there is a place called Bangha, which derives its name, without question, from its position at the fork of the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, where the latter bursts from the : former and rushes towards the Bhatta country. It should here too be remarked, that Bhangh (St®) means to walk through water or mud, as well as to burst or break, and the expression therefore is applicable to the inundation. As the guide was called Ali Mikah, I conclude that he was a Kasia, and led the army over his native mountains to some point on the Burrampootah, where a temporary bridge, composed of timber, ‘supported on pieces of rough stone, might be erected, and where the ‘breadth would not be so great, but that in the dry season twenty- two arches might suffice for the passage over the actual stream. 50 840 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. (No. 104. If any doubt should still be entertained, that the first Mahomedan expeditions into Kamrup and Assam passed through the mountains _ north of Sylhet, I may mention, that in 1256 a. p. Malec Yusbeg, who -— had invaded Kamrup from Bengal, was killed while retreating ‘“ across the mountains ;” and that between 1489 and 1499 Ala-Udin, having “‘ first overrun Assam,” proceeded westward to the conquest of Kamrup, which course is impossible on any other supposition, than that he — entered Assam by the way either of Hirumbah or Sylhet, most likely — the former. Mahomed Bukhtiyar’s army consisted of ten thousand men, chiefly Tartar cavalry, and that he was able to subsist them, proves that the countries through which he passed must have been well cultivated ; but when we reflect that this expedition was made before the in- ~ vention of fire-arms, and that the invaders had therefore no advantage over the people of the country in regard to their weapons, while the ~ country is in no part favourable for cavalry, we cannot but feel our — respect for the skill, energy, and enterprize of the early Mahomedan ~ conquerors of India considerably elevated. ; The condition of Sylhet, as noticed in the Ayin Akhbari, with the : fact formerly noticed, that the Bhatta country was only recently con- — quered, proves that in the time of Akhbar, the district had not acquired — above one half of its present dimensions, and this supposition is 2 confirmed by Sunnuds bearing date in the 15th and 16th centuries, ‘ shewing that adventurers were encouraged to make war upon “ the infi- “ dels” on the frontier, and that lands were granted, of which they — were to obtain possession by force. The town of Sylhet existed in the time of Akhbar, and as this is known to date from the Mosque - built over the tomb of .Sha Gelaal, its patron saint, who con- — quered it from a native Raja, we may assume, that the current tra- dition, which assigns its erection to the middle of the 13th century, is correct. The first appearance of the English power occurs in 1762, when — a detachment of five companies of Sipahis under the direction of Mr. — H. Verelst marched from Chittagong under the Tippera Hills through my the southern part of Sylhet into Kachar, where they remained nearly a year, encamping at Kaspur, then the capital and residence of Raja — Hurrishchunder. After a lapse of seventy years the object of this — 1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. 841 march had been forgotten, except by a few old persons, who stated that it was for the conquest of Manipur, and this statement has proved to : | : : : be correct, the researches of Captain Pemberton having elicited the original treaty concluded with the chief of Chittagong, under which it was agreed that the Raja Jy Sinh of Manipur, who had been expelled by the Burmans, should be restored by us on certain conditions, chiefly of a commercial nature. The expedition was prevented by the diffi- culty of the country from proceeding beyond Kaspur, and was recal- led to assist in the war against Kasim Ali Khan. In 1774 a detachment under Major Henniker was employed against the Raja of Jynta, whose country was conquered, but restored on pay- ment of a fine. The cause of this collision is supposed to have been connected with the marauding habits to which the Kasias were then addicted, and which had not yet been suppressed. | There is but one point of general interest untouched, upon which I wish to offer a few words before concluding this very long paper. Slavery has always existed in these countries, and the number of persons in that unhappy condition is very large. In former days there is no doubt great atrocities were committed in regard to this matter, whole families of hill people being sometimes carried off openly, sometimes kidnapped, and sometimes brought under the pressure of famine, an evil of frequent occurrence among the hills. Even in our days a regular traffic was carried on in slaves, numbers being annually export- ed from Kachar to Aracan through the British territories. This was brought to the notice of the Civil authorities some years ago, and effectually checked for the future; but the law still permits domestic or local slavery, though it prohibits exportation, and while the hill people continue to make war on each other, and to sell their children in times of scarcity, perhaps it is only a wise discretion, which allows the existence of this great moral blot on society. But apart from legislative provisions, there is a course by which the evil might be gradually eradicated, while prodigious benefit in another shape, would at the sametime be conferred on all the countries in which it exists. This is the formation of an establishment for the purchase and manu- ‘mission of slaves, more especially of children, which are often sold at very low prices. These well brought up, and instructed in the use- ful arts as husbandmen and artizans, would in a few years become 842 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. [No. 104. the means of operating a great improvement in the social condition of the people among whom they would spread, and to whom they — would offer the sort of information which is required to elevate them in the scale of civilization, by the example of superior morality, intelligence, and well directed industry, which they might be expected to exhibit. The number of people in all these districts is on the increase, in a country where every thing tends to encourage increase, and where the checks, both positive and moral, are as entirely absent as they appear to be in China. The census* taken in 1820, shewed the in- habitants of Sylhet had more than doubled since 1801, and if little dependance can be placed on the accuracy of these returns, enough is known from other sources to warrant the belief of an enormous increase. The quantity of land brought into cultivation, and the creation of new estates by the subdivision of the old ones, are among the most un- questionable proofs of this assertion. Whatever doubts may be entertained, reasonably or otherwise, of the advantages resulting to India from the rule of Britain, I cannot omit to record my humble testimony to its value in this quarter, or to state my belief that as in no other parts which I have visited, has that rule been more manifestly exerted for the good of the people, so in no other has it called forth more unequivocal marks of loyalty, attachment, and confidence ; and far off may the day be, when these shall abate. In proof of this, I may notice the behaviour of the people during the invasion of Kachar in 1824, by the Burmans, when they advanced to the very frontier of Sylhet without in any way affecting its tranquillity. But in a more trying emergency, when the British troops were withdrawn for the protection of Dacca, the people of Sylhet not only remained loyal, but an offer was actually made by some influential men, to raise a levy en masse with which to oppose the enemy, and a small force was actually embodied, the men of which, by their local knowledge and endurance of climate, proved of considerable use. The readiness with which these took service at such a time, must be laid to the account of some deeper feeling than ordinary (for their homes were on the very frontier), * In 1801 number of persons, 492,045. In 1820, number of persons | ,083,720. ee eee ee See Oe eS ee 1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. $48 and that unquestionably was the dread of the devastation which accom- panied the Burmese advance; but if the existing Government had been unpopular, all would have been at least indifferent at a change of masters, and some certainly would have intrigued with the enemy. But nothing of the kind occurred, and I even succeeded in inducing some who had been released, after falling into the enemy’s hands, to return and act as spies on our behalf, at the risk of every thing which a Hindu (and these were Brahmuns) values more than life. On the other hand, many of the inhabitants of Kachar disgusted and worn out by the oppressions of their native chiefs, did coalesce with the Burmans, thereby proving that their dread of that sanguinary people could be overcome by their sense of the intolerable character of the Government under which they were groaning, and that they had reached a point in endurance, at which any change appeared for the better. — Memorandum on the Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, and on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, As- sistant Political Agent, Upper Sinde. The importation of raw silk from the north-west to Shikarpore is one of the most important branches of the import trade from that direction; the article appears to be of a superior description, and as I am not aware of its being known in the Bombay market, I have collected the following particulars to accompany samples. The following are the descriptions of the raw silk, with the prices of each in the Shikarpore Bazar, import duty paid (at one rupee six annas per maund). No. I. ‘ Kokanee,” from Bokhara (produced in Toorkistan) price 10* Shikarpore rupees per assar. No. 2. “ Toonee,” from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 13 Rs. i2 annas per assar. * Silk raw and in thread, prepared, is weighed at the rate of 90} Shikarpore rupees, or | assar, or 88 Company’s rupees Jast coinage. The Shikarpore rupee at present is worth 943 Company’s per 100 Shikarpore, or 5} per cent in favour of the former. 844 Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan. (No. 104. No. 3. “ Shal bafee,” from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 15 Rs. 10 annas per assar. vag » 4. “ Nawabee,” from Bokhara, do. 14 Rs. 12 annas per assar. » 0. * Gheelanee,” from Kermare and Fezed, do. 9 Rs. per assar. » 6. “ Kaloocheer,” from Kerat do. 9 Rs. per assar. The value of annual imports may be about 50,000 rupees, and the route is through the great pass of the Bolan; the traders are principally Affghauns, who visit Shikarpore with the annual Kaffillas from October to March, though much of the article is purchased by the Hindoo agents of the Shikarpore sowcars, who are to be found in all the important cities and marts of the north-west, (see Sir A. Burnes’ report on the trade of Shikarpore. ) Nos. 1, 2, 5, 6 of the raw silks above enumerated, are prepared for weaving, and dyed at Shikarpore. The Shal bafee and Nawabee, Nos. 3 and 4, are manufactured at Roree, on the opposite bank of the Indus, into a silk fabric, known as “ Duryaee,” value at Roree, 7 annas per guz. The silk thread prepared at Shikarpore, and here- after enumerated, principally finds a market at Khyrpore, Sukkur, Roree, Larkhana, Gundava, Bagh in Cutchee, and towards Lower Scindh, as far as Sehwan and Tattah, where it is manufactured into “ Loonghis” of various descriptions, ‘‘ Gul-budduns,” and other fabrics used in the country. The raw material, or prepared thread, does not — appear to enter into the export trade of Shikarpore, with the marts of the neighbouring countries. List of prepared silk threads from the raw “ Kokanee.” No. 1. “ Pestakee,” yellow, Gooljuleel, (Mettilat) dye, price 20 Rs. per assar. » 2. ‘ Chumunee,” light green, mixture of Indigo with the above; 20 Rs. per do. 3. “ Subz,” dark green do do. do., 20 Rs. per do. 5 4. ‘ Soormar,” Indigo do. 20. Rs. per do. » 9. “ Koombar,” orange, Koomba (safflower) dye do. 28 Rs. per do. » 6. “ Tillar,” deep yellow (light gold) Koombeera ? dye do. 16 do. »» 7. “ Koormis,” cochineal dye, crimson, do. 21 Rs. 12 annas per do. » 8. “ Ucho” white, undyed do. 20 Rs. do. 1840.) Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan. 845 List of prepared thread from the raw “ Zoonee”. 1. Pistakee, ) Same dyes 2. Chumunee, used as the 3. Subz, p above, price 4. Ashmanee (light blue Indigo) - | 24 Rs. per 5. = =e $]o = ————— biti i 1840. | March from Brinhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 903 with laterite; a good view is afforded at the eastern point of the bluff rock at Umurkuntuk overlooking the country towards Ruttunpoor, and again at the fall of Kupildhar, where the Nerbudda cuts through the laterite, ex- posing the compact basalt. Fossil shells were found under Patungurh, east of the Mohtura ghat, and just above the Purey ghat. In addition to the traces of coal noted in the route as found in the bed of the Johilla river near Palee, and in a small nulla near Khulesar Omareea of Rewah, Mr. Fraser had intelligence from natives of coal being found across the Soan in two small nullas called the Hewye and Buroona nullas, near the village of Sonhegaon in Sohagpoor district, specimens of which accompany the present series. In conclusion, I beg to forward the route from Umurkuntuk to Jubulpore, as received from Lieutenants Waugh and Rennie, who in 1833 came across the country from Chunar to this. M. F. Kurrunjeeah,... 9 0 Nulla, Bad ghat, road good, village small. Kudjurwar, ... 8 4 Tank, Road good, village fair. Kunjunpoor, ... 12 6 Nulla, Road bad. Jhilmilla, ... 70 Ditto, Road fair, stony. Beedaipoor, ... 12 3 Ditto, Ditto. Saipoor, .. 80 Tank, A ghat, village pretty fair or large. Oodhar nulla,.. 9 0 Nulla, Road fair, village small. Burgaon, ... 10 0 Ditto, Road bad, village fair. Shaipoora, ... 36 Tank, Road good, large village (a tacoor.) Serwae on the , | Mahanuddee, 11 3 Stream, Road not good, village small. Koondum, ... 12 0 Tank, Road good (from this tank rises the Heron) Unyher, ... 16 4 Well, Road very good, village small. Jubulpoor, ... 12 0 Road good. Total, 132 2 JuBuLPore, 5th October, 1840. Notr.—The inscription copied by Dr. Spilsbury is not of consequence, being, it would appear, a mere record of the name of the decorator of the place, a private person. I have not published a translation of it, as my Pundit was by no means confident of his rendering, the original not being correct. py 904 Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans-Himalayan Boodhists.— By W. E. Carrs, Esa. Nors.—The kindness of W. E. Carte, Esq. (Surgeon 69th Regiment N. I.) enables me to lay before my readers the accompanying lithographs, with a note of explanation by our Librarian. Mr. Carte’s ingenious interpreta- tion of the effigies on the scrolls, was necessarily limited by his not having the means of interpreting the writing which accompanied them: I have therefore omitted it. I owe to his contribution a singular discovery connected with the rings, to which Mr. Carte alludes. The reference made by him, induced me to examine them more closely with reference to their relation to emblems in use with Tartar nations, and the result goes T think to establish fair grounds for believing that they are no other than specimens of an ancient Chinese currency, brought doubtless by the Boodhist pilgrims from China into Afghanistan. I hope to submit a further paper shortly on the gems and antiques from the late Capt. Conelly’s collection, when I shall be able to state my impressions more at length. (Ty * Almora, 31st August, 1840. “The accompanying scrolls were obtained by me at Rampoor (near Kotghur) in 1888, from some of the nomadic Tartars who visit that place for the purpose of traffic. The scrolls were enclosed in small copper cylindrical cases, with rings attached, and by means of a string worn round the neck, perhaps as amulets. I have in vain endeavour- ed to have the printed, or written parts, decyphered. The Brahmins at this place avre, that they are in the Sanscrit language, though Tibetan character; and as Boodic mysteries, were regarded by them with so much superstitious aversion, not to say horror, that they would not assist in expounding such heterodox symbols. ‘“‘ T am now induced to forward them to you, from the similarity which some of the figures delineated in them bear to those on the copper ring, described in No. 14, Plate 2, Fig. 17, of the Journal Asiatic Society, as you will I think immediately perceive on comparison. The hand in Fig. 10, Plate 1, is also conspicuous, and perhaps further — coincidences may occur to a more experienced eye than mine.” | : 1840. ] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 905 Remarks on the above. By Csoma ve Koros, Esq. Librarian to the Asiatic Society. With reference to the two scrolls which were sent to you from Almora, and which you had left with me, together with a letter from Mr. W. E. Carte, on the 17th ultimo, I beg leave to inform you that both contain abstracts of some larger Tantrika works, or religious treatises, in Tibetan, interspersed with mantras in Sanscrit. The first paper, eight feet five inches long, of which the figures take two feet five inches, and the text six feet, contains 244 lines (two and a half inches long each) in printed Tibetan character. I cannot exactly tell you what the figures may represent, but I think the first is the regent, or ruler of the year, figured by a victorious king. The second is a tortoise, with nine spots on the belly, representing the lucky and unlucky periods, accordingly as the moon is affected by the planets and constellations, during her daily progress in her path. Then come the twelve animals, after which the years of the cycle of twelve years are called, opposite one to another, thus: the rat or mouse and ox; tiger and hare; dragon and serpent; horse and sheep, or ram; ape and bird; the dog and hog. Then the amphora and pices, for the twelve zodiacal signs ;—signs of four planets, as the sun and moon, for all the rest. Then representations of the four, eight, and ten corners of the world. A king, his minister, horse, elephant, soldier, sun, moon, eye, ass, &c. Afterwards, from the head of a bird downwards, in. two lines, there are Chinese symbolical figures, or characters, having perhaps the same meaning as the figures above designed. These symbolical characters were used 200 years before Jesus Christ, under the Han dynasty ; the Tibetans now also use them on large square seals. There are on this paper five different abridged Tantrika works, or sfitras, under distinct titles, the Sanscrit being generally erroneously written. 1. Contents of the first sitra. The salutation, only in Sanscrit, thus: Namo Shri Kalachakrayé (which should be thus: Namas Shri Kalachakraya. English : “ Salutation to the circle of Time.” The year, month, day, and hour, are figured by a prince, minister, soldier, and weapon. All the regents of the year, month, day, and hour; those of the planets, constellations, stars, Nagas, and imps are requested to look on these symbolical figures, and be favourable to the person who 906 Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. [No. 105. wears or carries with him these symbols and mystical prayers, that he may succeed in every undertaking. Many particular businesses or works (religious, sacrificial, civil, and economical) are here enumerated, and all classes of divinity are requested not to hinder him in any of his occupations, but to assist him, that he may increase in prosperity, and see all his works accomplished. Here also occur some mantras ; that, at the end being thus: Om/ Supratishtha Vajrayé-Swahd, Mangalam. . ; 2. The second work contains in Sanscrit, short addresses to Shakya Muni, to Vagishwari, to Manipadme, to Vajra Pani, and to Vajra Guru, Padma Siddhi. 3. The third contains one sloka and a half, in Tibetan, with a mystical formula in Sanscrit, on the melodious recital of the several attributes of Manju Shri, (in Tibetan, Jém-pdl) the god of wisdom.—It is pretended that this short siatra, taught by Shakya himself, and buried under ground in the country of Lho-brag, in Tibet, by Padma Sambhava in the 9th century after Jesus Christ, was taken out and divulged by Guru Chos-kyi d, Vang phyug. 4. This is called the venerable stitra, dispelling the darkness of the ten corners of the world. The salutation is especially addressed to Jém- pal (Manju Shri, in Sans.) and to the ten Buddhas in the ten corners of the world. In each of the ten corners of the world (four cardinal, four intermediate, the Zenith and Nadir) fancifully is named a Buddha province, with a fancied Buddha in it. To each of them successively is addressed a set form of salutation, with a short request, thus: “Tf I go towards that corner, after having obtained my aim, grant that I may quickly return home.” Again a request to those Buddhas, that he who carries with him this sitra, may obtain, together with his family, similar blessings to those granted to a handsome faced youth by Shakya, when he first taught him this sitra. Then follow some man- tras. Lastly, is stated by whom, and in what part of Tibet this sutra, was found, and taken out from under-ground. 5. This is styled the ‘“ Satra of eight lights.” The salutation is ad- dressed to Buddha, religion, and holy priests, &c. There are several mantras, or physical formule in Sanscrit, to avert any unlucky year, month, day, and hour, the influence of any malignant planet or star. Other mantras for preventing any unlucky accident before and Llate/” Prided Pell | RAGAN Asnane \ ok SNS ey, : $ ’ pe ' : : q oa “2 i ad Trane Tica A diastole hale omee Se | ate aku ee % he a P: + ‘es , i Oe yes + > ae Sa aee Ana. Za ES Ee: SN , + 4 irs ee \ “ Ce = ~ S S ~ < a x < ———— Rh Bo Ss) Si y S S SS SN S S & SS = ® Any Plato MMS IATL yb MIMS phe Keer te bith: Prete Ballin bcs 5 oY eS é ae x by - x 7 1 a 5 1840. ] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 907 after noon. ‘Then follow several other mystical prayers for averting any evil or calamity, intended by Tshangs-pa (Sans. Brahma) by the great god (Sans. Mahé Déva). Then follows a prayer, that by the re- petition of the mantras all evil spirits may be driven away, all hostile troops defeated, and that every wish may be accomplished. State- ment of the place where this Sitra was found under the ground. The conclusion is with this mantra: “ Om / Vayra Chan'da Mahé Roshana Him, Phat. Namas Chan’da Vajra Krodhaya, Hulu Hulu, Tishtha Tishtha, Bandha Bandha, Hana Hana, Armati Him, Phat, Mangalm.” | ; The second paper (four feet eight inches long, together with the figures of the twelve animals, after which the years in the cycle of twelve years are denominated) contains, in 121 lines three inches long each, a manuscript copy of the two last numbers of the former paper, also a rough sketch of the nine spots on the belly of a tortoise, in a square; and afterwards, successively downwards, the figures of the twelve animals of the cycle of twelve years. The writing may easily be read, but the orthography is bad, and the Sanscrit titles and mantras have been erroneously transcribed. | This is the sum of the general contents of the two scrolls worn by the Tibetans as amulets for obtaining the favour of particular divinities, and for averting all kinds of evil spirits. Report on the Country between Kurrachee, Tatia, and Sehwan, Scinde. By Capt. E. P. De a Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General. This portion of Scinde contains a space of 6,934 square miles; the position of the above places being as follows— Latitude. Longitude. Kurrachee, DOA OT Cio Oat” Tatta, 24° 45’ 0" 67° 59 0" Sehwan, Ope ye OL O8°7 aa: The soil may be considered as generally light clay, although in some Soil and Inhabitants. places there is a good deal of sand, and in others sandstones and pebbles, mixed with the soil. The former is in general the formation of the lower parts, whilst of the latter, the hilly tracts are composed. Where irrigated and manured, this soil is very productive, but except in the vicinity of the river Indus there is little or no cul- | DZ 908 Report on the Country between [No. 105. tivation in the whole of the country under description. Indeed, with — exception of the large towns above mentioned, and those permanent villages along the right bank of the Indus from Tatta to Sehwan, with Gharra and Gooja, there are no fixed villages within the limits; the in- habitants are consequently few, and are chiefly employed in tending large flocks of sheep and goats, camels, and buffaloes, in which their wealth consists. Their habitations are as rude as their appearance, being com- posed of a kind of matting or tattie, made from a reed called puk or punkah; these resemble the huts seen in many parts of India, in the outskirts of villages, in which Wanggries and Kolatnees reside ; the reed there is called sozlkee ; when properly made their tatties keep out the rain and dust in a wonderful manner. The puk or punkah used in © Scinde is of a much larger size, and of a dark brown colour; it is easily rolled up when the shepherds require to move, which they do according as the grass and water become expended. These people, (it will be remembered I speak of the wandering tribes,) are Belooches, — Jokias, and Soomries. The Belooches occupy a portion of the country which would be des- ) cribed by aline being drawn from the end of the Jutteel Hills to Tatta. — The Jokias, the country between Tatta and Kurrachee. And the Soom- © ries the remaining part of the district. The former are insolent and thievishly inclined, being Scindian j Belooches, and patronised by the rulers of the country. ‘ The Jokias are well disposed; and the Soomries a quiet, inoffensive t race, in this part of the country, whatever they may be elsewhere. . From the inquiries I have instituted, I do not believe that the amount of population in this part of Scinde (the large permanent villages and towns not included) exceeds 5 or 6000. Their food is chiefly meat; grain is little used, a substitute is found for it by dry- ing and pounding a berry called decr, which is mixed with water, and packed away in pots; this with sour milk as a beverage, is what they exist on. They derive some profit from the coarse nummuds made from the wool of their goats and sheep; as also, since our arrival, from the quantity of the puk tattas* and mats that have been disposed of by them. * These Tattas are not made by the Soomries, but by the Seks and Lubannas.— E.P.D. ; | 1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 909 The Revenue derived from this part of Scinde by the Ameers is re- Revenue. alised chiefly at Kurrachee, which alone pays yearly one lac of Rupees, out of which the following sums are paid— Saduk Shah Newaub, ... ... oe er ae 180 0 O 14 Beloochee (Jukia) Sepoys, ats wit vein LOO SOL na) 4 Golundauze, oe < ae Hi fis 20 0 O 1 Jemedar and 20 Sepoys, As a nscie 2, OMe Naqua Jemadar of Kelafsees, su ae ae Lis o Alla Rukka Jemadar, se i ae Nae 30). (0) 3G Tukchund, ... tas ue. slave nee: ‘is 30.0 0 Abbasali. Shaw, ee ck seit ae se 23 OO Kurrumchund, ne oa hs ee se 31. 00 2 Moonshees, aa ‘e ut ‘Seis ea 24 0 O Inferior Ditto, se ae : os om o- 720 2 Peons for collecting taxes on the Marais (fisher- men) a as sia 58 16 0 O Writers and Ronee. for the Port ih 19.0. 0 2 Durwans (door-keepers at Mitta and Pee Gates, ) EY O,, 0 2 Attendants at principal Police station, iO. .0 Peon over Moochees, ... 4 0 0 Paymaster (Receiver) se ai Le 5 (ire: Pom 0) Stationary, Hileege SIN) OS a aek Be Sis 0 3 Syyuds, Pensioners, sae ee N: Sue 24: 8 0) 12s" 724 SG Annual Expenditure, se 5 se naeig (O}OGe OaO Expenses allowed annually in Fort Munoora, formerly, 1,344 0 O -Sepoys (20) at 5 Rupees, 100 Water for above, 12 19 ae one 10,038 0 O Annual Gift to Muggar Peer, ae aa doe AOE Ae 10,145 0 O ad 910 Report on the Country between (No. 105. The amount thus realised from Kurrachee is the produce of the land and sea customs, there being little or no revenue derived from the soil. I can form no idea here of what the revenue of Tatta and Sehwan may be; the tax on the “ Mahamios,” or fishermen on the Indus, is a considerable source of wealth to the rulers of the country.* The only Rivers of any note in this tract are the Hubb, (which rises Rivers. near Zehrey, and enters the sea, west of Cape Monge) and the Barran; the others, consisting of the Mulleere Hurchee, Leaeer, Kowranee, Rooah, Peepree, Goorban, Murraie, Pokun, Warkees, Kay- jooree, and Doombeh, are all mountain streams, dry the greater part of the year, but water always found by digging a few feet in their beds. I am led to believe that a sufficient quantity might be readily obtained (by excavating large pools in the rivers) for irri- gation, were the excessive taxation abolished, and greater protec- tion afforded the cultivators. This is a matter of serious consideration on the route from hence to Sehwan direct, as the great difficulty now to be overcome, is the want of supplies on the line of route. In the Pokun Kayjooree, or Doobee (the same rivers, only at different points, so called from halting places) water would not be found probably without great labour, but were holes or pits made, the water would remain in them. Their beds are rocky, the others sandy. The Hubb has been traced from the Pubb hill to the sea, a distance Hubb. of fourteen and a half miles, throughout which a depth of water of eight inches in the month of September was found, and in some places deep pools, abounding with fish and alligators. The river is said never to fall even in the driest seasons, and is the chief resort of the Soomries and Belooches. This does not appear to be ~ the description of a fine river, but in this part of Scinde a running 4 stream (except after rain) is seldom met with. : The Hubb enters the sea west of Cape Monge (Mooaree) and be- tween it and the island of Churna or Churn. It rises near Zehrie, and has been traced from near Hoja Jamote, in the route to which place a description of it is given. The Barran rises in a mountain called Kirter, north-west of § Barran. Humlanee thirty coss, and joins the Indus two and a | * In preparation—E.P.D. 1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 911 half furlongs south of Kotree ; for one mile from its junction with the great river it contains a good deal of water. It is laid down on the route from Kurrachee to Hyderabad direct. The streams are frequently called after the tribes that are in the habit of residing on their banks, and indeed the villages or camps also derive their names from the same source ; “ Hoja Jamote,” “ Hoja,” the chief of that party, and ‘‘ Jamote,” the name of the tribe, ‘“‘ Shah tra Gote,” **Muhumud Khan ke Tando,” are of this derivation. Hills are numerous in the northern and north-east portion of this Hills. tract, and it will be easy to trace them by reference to the map. The ranges are— 1. The nearest to Kurrachee, ending in Cape Monge. 2, The Pubb range, of which that mountain is the highest point. 3. The Sahkan Hill; the Morethe ; and Har More Pubb. 4. Jutteel Lukki, Karra, and a number of other detached hills, which bear the names given them in the map. It will be seen that the Lu- kki mountains do not hold the place assigned them in most of the maps. They run from the Jutteel range nearly south-west towards Hydera- bad, and from the Lukki pass (the town of Lukki near the pass pro- _ bably, gives it the name of Lukki) by projecting into the Indus. This pass is now nearly destroyed by the force of the current of the river, and probably next year will not exist. In these hills hot springs are found, also alum and sulphur. The fort of Runnei, which I shall have occasion to describe hereafter, is situated hereabouts. The Jutteel run nearly south-west from Sehwan, are very lofty and Jutteel. steep; they extend to Dooba, or Domba, sixty-six miles, and the road direct from Kurrachee to Sehwan runs between them and another range, equally high. It may be said that the tract of country from Soameanee to Sehwan, and from.thence to Kurrachee, contains scarcely any thing but hills and mountain streams. Lead, antimony, alum, sulphur, and copper, are found in these hills. The forts are Munoora, Runnie, near the Indus; Bamboor, near Forts. Gharra, Killa Kote, near Tatta; the old castle called Kaffer Killa, near Sehwan. Munoora will be found described in the report by Captain Harris Munoora, and myself on Kurrachee. : 912 Report on the Country between — [ No. 105. Runnie ka Kote is situated two and a half coss from Sunn, a town of Runnie. about 100 houses, on the right bank of the Indus. It was built by Meer Kurrum Ali, and his brother Meer Morad Ali twenty-seven years ago, cost twelve lacs of rupees, and has never been inhabited in consequence of there being a scarcity of water in and near it. That so large a fort should have been constructed with- out its having been ascertained beforehand that an article so indis- pensably requisite, not only for the use of man, but even for the con- struction of the walls, was wanting, seems most extraordinary ; but I am told that this is the sole reason for its having been abandoned. A rapid stream in the rains runs past it and joins the Indus, and by a deviation from its course, part of the walls of this fort have been de- stroyed. The hill on the north face is the steepest, and from the in- telligence I received, must be at least 800 or 1000 feet high; the op- posite hill is of considerable height, and the east and west walls are built on level ground, and join those constructed on the hills ; the whole is of stone and chunam, forming an irregular pentagon, and enclosing a space capable of containing 2000 men. The course of the river (which I believe to be that described by me in the account of Scinde, written in 1832 as Sunn river) ran formerly round the base of the north face, but about twelve years ago it changed its course, and destroyed part of the north-west wall, the distance from that wall to the river being about 400 yards; the bed of the river (original course) is described as rocky; if so, nothing could be more easy than to deepen it at the point where it has taken a turn, and construct a tunnel from thence to the fort, and below the wall (which must be rebuilt on arches) an excavation made inside, to receive the water, and a supply would be secured. It is not surprising however that this idea has not occurred to those who originally built the place, without considering from whence water was to be obtained. The fort is thirty-eight coss from Kurrachee. I have a survey of the route to within twenty-seven coss of it, and shall endeavour to get a rough survey of the fort, as it might be of use as a station for our troops. The Ameers, I am told, would gladly give it up, considering it of no value from the cause stated. 4 Bambour is in the Gharra creek ; it is scarcely distinguishable now, and Bambour. is reported to have been the site of a Kaffir city and fort. oe ee 1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 913 Killa ka Kote is three miles south of Tatta (built by the Newabs Killa ka Kote. from Delhi, it is said.) There are several traditions respecting it; I take the following Kaffir Killa. account and sketch of it from my Journal, kept during the Scinde Mission, April 14, 18382. “ This evening we landed near the town of Sehwan, and after visiting a ruined Eadgah, which at a distance we mistook for the fort built by Alexander, or rather said to have been built by him, we discovered by the aid of two Scindians that the mound was north-west of the town, through a part of which we walked and ascended the fort. It is an artificial mound, eighty or ninety paces high; on the top, a space of 1500 feet by 800 surrounded by a broken wall; we examined the remains of several old towers of brick, and I took a hasty sketch of the gateway, which is remarkably lofty. The mound is evidently artificial, and the remains of several towers visible. The brickwork seems to extend to the bottom of the mound, or at any rate to a considerable depth, as we . could see down the parts washed away by the rains. A well filled up, was observed. We were told that coins and medals were frequently found on and near the place, but we were not so fortunate as to obtain any.” I regret now having had so little time to devote to the examination of this fort, but think the period of its construction is not of so an- cient a date as is ascribed to it. The resources of the country, as far as grain, cloth, &c. are concerned, Resources. are drawn from the large towns near the river, and its vici-. nity. Cattle, sheep, goats, and camels, are abundant in the desert tract. Grain is brought from Tatta and Sehwan; bajary, wheat, and rice, principally brought from Larkhanna. Grass is abundant along the river, and in the hills N. E. of Kurrachee. A supply should be cut and stacked in September and October, for the Scindians merely bring in the daily supply. At Tatta—cloth, loongies, and carpets; at Sehwan, carpets, and the Manufactures. Caps worn by the Scindians at Kurrachee. Iam in- formed many articles of the same sort are made. Skins and hides, raw and tanned, are exported to Arabia and Bom- bay. The report on Kurrachee includes this subject. The only one near Kurrachee is the Peer Munjah Musjeia, and Curiosities. hot springs, 9 miles N.E. of Kurrachee. The hot 914 Report on the Country between [No. 105. springs abound with alligators, and a most disgusting sight they are; there are, it is said, upwards of 200 of them, in a small space scarcely 120 yards in circumference, some very large ; their appearance basking in the sun is not unlike a dried date tree. This place has been well described by Lieutenant Carloss, Indian Navy. The climate of Lower Scinde, out of the influence of the sea breeze, Climate. is bad during the months of August, September, October, and November; fevers are then very prevalent, and of a very dan- gerous and obstinate nature. The fact of the whole of the 26th regiment having suffered from fever, (2 Officers and one Havildar only excepted), 3 European Officers, and nearly 100 men having died this season, is sufficient proof of the unhealthiness of the climate in these months, within the influence of the malaria arising from the inundated lands. Sehwan is not better I fear, for, from its situation it is equally open to miasma from the marshes S. W. of it, and the inundated country N. and N. E.; most of our people who have been there have been attacked with fever. Kurrachee has been healthy, and the climate mild and temperate; the cold bracing, but not severe hitherto, (16th December), a point which may be of importance in fixing the site of the cantonment for the troops remaining in Scinde. The roads in this part of Scinde are, as in most others, mere foot Routes. paths, wheeled carriages being unknown; better are scarcely necessary. Surveys have been made of the following :— Kurrachee to Tatta ; to Sehwan ; to Kotree ; to Hubb River, and along its bank to the sea; to Fort Munoora by land ; to Hoja Jamote ; es to Mujjah Veer ; i to Gisiey Creek ; these have been performed by two guides, Oree Sing and Essoo Rama, and my private guide, Kenkaya Mahadavia ; and a survey of our camp, and the country near it, by Capt. Boyd, who acted for me during my absence on sick certificate. 1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 915 The following remarks were drawn up by me in transmitting copies of the routes to Bombay :— The routes forwarded by this day’s post, December 1 5th, are of consi- derable importance, since they shew the present state of the country on the right bank of the Indus, from Sehwan to the sea; from which it will be observed, that in a line of road extending in one instance 140 miles, and. in another 96, not one single permanent village has been met with, although no scarcity of water exists; various causes are assigned for this desolation. The revenue of the country is reduced to that realized at Kurrachee, which averages one lac of Rupees. The route from hence to Hyderabad vid Kotree has been lately travelled by Lieutenant and Mrs. Travers, and by Lieutenant Franklin, 2nd Grenadiers, and his detachment of 60 rank and file. No difficulty has been experienced; supplies of grain and food were taken from hence ; sheep, and goats are procurable on the line of route. The country is quiet, and the few people met with civil and inoffensive; water is found in the beds of the rivers by digging a few feet. The above remarks are equally applicable to the route from hence to Sehwan, which is however of greater importance than the former, since it opens a direct communication with the interior of Scinde. To the merchants the discovery of this route is of the greatest value, since, by pursuing it, they avoid the delay and danger of entering and tracking up the Indus to Sehwan, a journey of at least one month; which can be performed in ten days from Kurrachee. The water com- munication from Sehwan to Larkana, and to the Indus by the Arul and Narra, is highly advantageous, since the rapid current is avoided, which is an obstacle in the Indus. The route from Kurrachee to Hoja Jamote, in the vicinity of Kanaraj river, has proved the existence there of lead and antimony. The in- formation I have obtained in consequence, of the existence of copper near Beyla, is also of importance; and may hereafter be turned to account.. It remains only for me to speak of the boats and boatmen, the Boats and Boatmen. harbour of Kurrachee having been described in a former report. The boatmen are all Mahomedans, and called Moanas. They are respectable and hardy fellows, and not of the same description as the Mohannas of Upper Scinde, and on the river. The wives of the OA 916 Report on the Country between Kurrachee, &c. (No. 105. latter are called Kod/ee, and are not remarkable for their fidelity, a point which causes their husbands to be looked down on. The tonnage for boats on. the river is calculated by a measure called Kharar,* which in the measurement of boats is equal to three Bombay candies, making the Kharar — lbs. English. But at Kurrachee the tonnage is calculated in candies. The follow- , ing measures are in use at Kurrachee. Four Chotallo, one Pattee; six- teen Pattee, one Kassa; sixty Kassa one Kharar; one Kharar, ninety Bombay maunds. Tn measuring grain the Kharar varies in size, thus ; bajery and wheat three and a half candies one kharar; rice, three and a three-quarter candies one kharar. Description of Boats belonging to the harbour of Kurrachee. Kotia.—The Kotia resembles botells used in India, it has a flat stern and round bottom, and does not fall over much, when ground. Dinjee.—The Dinjee is sharp bowed, bottom, and stern, and must be supported by props when aground, like the pallymar used in India, excepting having a high stem or poop. The former are heavy sailers, the latter speedy. Camp KurracHEE, December 26th, 1839. Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak” on the Loochoo Islands ; communicated from the Political Secrata- riat Office, Government of India. To C. B. Greenzaw, Esa., Secretary to the Marine Board, Calcutta. Sir, The last letter I had the honor to forward to your address, was from ~ Singapore, dated 23rd June; on the following day I sailed for Macao in. ~ the transport ‘“ Hooghly,” taking with me the transport “ Clifton,” as — directed by His Excellency the Admiral and Commander-in-Chief ; and — arrived with the above ships at Macao on the 12th July, where I received _ further instructions to proceed with the ships under my orders to Chu- 4 * « Khur waw ”’ literally. oo ee ere > 1840. | Wreck of the Transport ** Indian” Oak. 917 san, and arrived at the latter port on the 28th July, where I joined the Admiral and fleet. His Excellency the Admiral directed me to return to Singapore, and assume the duties of Resident Agent for transports at that port; in pursuance of which, I was directed by Commodore Sir J. J. G. Bremer to join the transport “Indian Oak” for a passage to the latter place. We sailed from Chusan on the 10th of August, and on the 14th instant following, I regret to say, were wrecked on the Great Loochoo Island, in lat. 26° 21’ 46’ N., about 10 miles to the north- ward of the principal place, Napakiang ; and longitude by the “ Indian Oak’s” chronometer 127° 12’ 45" K., which now proved to have been full thirty miles too far west. For particulars, I cannot do better than refer you to the enclosed copy of a letter addressed to Commodore Sir J. J. G. Bremer, forwarded through the chief officer, Mr. Field, who succeeded in making Chusan in the launch, and returned to our relief with H. M’s. ships ‘“‘ Nimrod” and “ Cruizer” on the 16th September. As the junk mentioned in my letter to the Commodore had been built, and nearly completed, in which it was our intention to have proceeded to Singapore, Captain Barlow, senior officer, was of opinion, that she might be useful to the force at Chusan, and determined on sending the ‘‘ Cruizer” back with the mails and despatches on the following day, and remain to ac- company the junk. When all being completed, and the stores and crew of the “ Indian Oak” embarked on the junk, I, with Mr. Payne my writer, embarked on the “ Nimrod,” and sailed on the 29th of September for Chusan, where H. M’s. ship “ Nimrod,” with the junk ‘ Loochoo,” arrived on the Sth instant. I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to those kind Islanders, the Loochooers, were I to omit stating, and bringing to the notice of government, the very great kindness and hospitality received from the moment of our landing to the date of our departure, which was uniform from the first to the last, with the exception that we were not allowed to pass into the interior, or exceed the limits of our compound beyond the wreck; our own contrymen could not have been kinder. They not only built a vessel of 150 to 180 tons burthen, but gave us a plentiful supply of provisions during our stay of forty-six days on the island, and one month’s provision for every person in the junk ; they also furnished H. M’s. ships with water and fresh supplies during their stay, declining to receive any thing in the shape of payment 918 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” [No. 105. in return; stating they neither wanted gold or silver, but in the event of any of their own vessels falling on the coasts of any of our settle- ments in distress, that we would treat their people with the same kindness, and send them back to their country. The only return they accepted was a telescope from myself, and one presented by Captain Barlow, with twelve copies of the Saturday and Penny Maga- ~ zines, a small print, and a looking glass in the name of Her Britannic ~ Majesty. | In conclusion, I can only regret my inability to do full justice — to those kind, hospitable, and good people. In my letter to Sir J. J. | Gordon Bremer, I stated the latitude of the wreck to have been 26° 11’, which is wrong, and which mistake was occasioned by an error in the 1 sextant, that I did not discover until after the departure of the long q boat ; the true latitude however is 26° 21’ 46” N. both by double alti- — tudes and altitudes of the Pole Star, all taken on a false horizon, at the — village of Peekoo. “a As I have kept a journal of occurrences during our stay in Loochoo, | should it be requisite, I shall be able to furnish full particulars of every 1 occurrence, winds, weather, &c., that took place until my departure : in H. M’s. “ship Nimrod.” His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief — has directed, that I should hold myself in readiness to proceed to ~ Manilla, with two or three transports, in which sick troops are to be embarked for a change of air and fresh supplies. On receiving further instructions, I shall not fail to apprise you of my movements by © the first opportunity. ‘ H. Co’s. Transport, Futty Salam, ( Signed) J.J. R. Bowman, Cuusan HaRrBour. Agt. for T: ransports, Eastern Expedition. 19th, October, 1840. 4 To Sm J. J. G. Bremer, K.C.B. & K.C.H. Commodore of the \st Class. Sir, It is with sincere and deep regret, that I have to report the loss — of H. M’s. transport, “Indian Oak,” R. Grainger, Master, on one of the _ Loochoo Islands, on the 14th instant, about 11 a.m. The following heads z of occurrences will I hope afford you all the information I am at 3 present able to give, on this most unfortunate event. "a 1840. ] Wreck of the Transport * Indian Oak.’’ 919 Monday, 10th August. Parted company with H. M’s. ship ‘ Alli- gator,” off Keeto Point, Chusan, and passed out, between the Buffalo’s Nose and the Quesan Islands. _At9vp.m. the S. Easternmost Island, Pata-hecock, bore EbN. 4 to 5 miles, blowing a fresh breeze from the northward, steered SEbE. Noon, Tuesday 11th.—In Lat. by Obs. 28° 26’ 17"; Long. Ch. 123° 24’ 15" E. departure taken from Chusan said to be in 122° 6’ E, of Greenwich ; at this time blowing a hard gale from NNE. with a high sea ; the ship was reduced to close-reefed topsails, and topgallant yards sent down on deck. Bar. 29° 63’. Midnight. Severe gale and high sea, Bar. 29° 50’. Noon, Wednesday 12th.—Lat. Obs. 27° 13’ 22” N. ; Long. Ch. 124° 55' 45” E.; Bar. 29° 40’; ship’s main rigging very slack, and in great danger of losing the main-mast ; sent down the gallant mast, and swifted the rigging in. Furled the fore and mizen-topsails, and hove to under close-reefed main-topsails. Midnight. Gale very severe from the northward, blowing in gusts, with rain and a very high sea. Bar. 29° 35’. Noon, Thursday 13th.—Lat. Obs. 26° 29’, N.; Long. Ch. 124° 51’ E.; Bar. 29° 35’, P.M. 3, somewhat more moderate, set the fore-topsail and steered EbS. 6 p.m. Set fore-sail, and at 10 P.M. set the main-sail. Midnight strong gales and hard squalls. Friday, 14th.—10 a.m. course per log, from noon of yesterday, allowing one point lee-way for the heave of the sea, placed the ship in as follows :—Course per log 166° 30' E. 121 miles. Lat. D. R. 26° 51’ N.; Long. R. R. 127° 2', from which Capt. Grainger consi- dered himself well to the SW. of the Loochoo Group, when in the act of working up the above reckoning, discoloured water was reported by the officer of the watch, and the ship immediately hauled up SSW. the wind previously having hauled to the NW. in a very severe squall, shifted to the westward of the ship, broke off the SSE. ; land and breakers were now seen on our lee quarter, extending to SSW. on our weather bow; wore ship and stood to the northward, at this time the fore-top- mast staysail, fore-topsail, and foresail, were blown out of the bolt ropes ; found ourselves unable to weather the north point of the Island, : off which was a long extent of heavy breakers, and a very high sea | 920 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” {No. 105. . running; the weather being so very thick, the land was scarcely discernible, although not more than three miles off. Finding ourselves embayed, and no possibility of saving the ship, wore with the hope of saving the lives of the crew, and stood to the southward for what appeared an opening, but which proved only a small inlet or bay, full — of breakers. The heavy sea and the want of sail, setting us fast on the shore, between 10-30, and 11 a. ™M. struck on an extensive rocky ledge, extending about two miles from the shore, with numerous rocky ‘patches, just a-wash. The sea now made a clean breach over the ship ; she shortly after fell over on her beam-ends, and broke her back about the chess tree, the fore part falling in deep water. Cut away the main mast, and some time after the mizen mast. All hands now col- lected aft, under the poop, and on the weather quarter and mizen chains. On the ship’s falling over, lost the larboard quarter boat which was washed on shore, by which we observed the tide to be falling. . The gale now increasing to a severe hurricane, with heavy rain, our only remaining hope was in getting a rope on shore. The first attempt to carry a line on shore was made by William Bagburn (seaman sent from the Blenham) but owing to the strong drawback, failed, and was with some risk hauled in; a second attempt with the lead line was made by a lascar, who succeeded in reaching the shore (greatly exhausted and cut by the rocks) but lost the line. About this time a number of natives came down and motioned us to land. An x attempt was now made to get the jolly boat out, which was stowed on the launch, but in doing so, she was stove to pieces. Several attempts were now made with hatches, gratings, and oars, all of 4 which failed, owing to the line fouling the rocks; two more attempts — | were made, by two lascars, to carry the log line on shore, one of — whom succeeded, and the end of the deep sea lead line got on § . shore, but which also fouled the rocks, and was thereby rendered use- a less. The tide coming in, all the Islanders with our two men left — the reef; our only remaining hope being in the strength of the ship, Ea and the after part holding together. As the tide came in, the wind — and sea increased; the latter making a complete breach over all, fore and aft, and throwing pieces of sheathing and copper over the vessel in all directions. Finding it impossible to hold on longer on 1840. | Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” 921 the outside, all hands got under the poop, with the ship on her beam ends and deck nearly perpendicular. As the tide came in, the sea gradually hove the vessel higher on the reef until she lodged on a small ledge of rocks. Our rudder was torn off with part of the counter shortly after striking, through which the sea rushed into the poop and lower cabins. Each sea that struck the vessel. Shook her very frame. Closely huddled together under the poop, were the commander, officers, passengers, and crew, drenched by every sea, and shivering with cold, most of us having thrown off all clothes, as it was likely to impede swimming. We remained in this state until about 4 past 11 p.m., when the tide having receded, and the weather considerably moderated, we found ourselves much nearer the shore, and comparatively smooth under the lee. Sounded on the lee side, and found only from five to six feet water ; immediately piped all hands on shore, the mizen mast, yards, and gaff forming a raft. All hands got on shore, including the sick, in safety, with exception of a few cuts and bruises from the rocks. All the crew and passengers having got on shore, myself, the commander and officers followed, and after walking about a mile over a rocky ledge, towards some lights at high water mark, were met by a party of the Islanders, and greeted with kind hospitality, hot tea and rice being served out to every man. Nothing can show their hospitality in a stronger light than the following :—I had nothing on but a shirt and drawers, drenched to the skin; one of the prin- cipal men noticing my situation, took off his outer jacket or coat, and insisted on my putting it on. After resting on the beach a short time, we were conducted to a comfortable dwelling, or court house, where dry clothing was given to all who stood in need, and we were again regaled with warm tea, rice, eggs, and fowls. Words are not adequate to express the kindness, attention, and hospitality we have received from the first moment of landing to the present time, from these kind and good people; their honesty is beyond praise,—articles of silver, gold, and wearing apparel strewed in every direction to dry, but not an article touched. _. Most of our wearing apparel has been saved, but all more or less damaged from being drenched for several days in the sea. Several dozens of the Commander’s wine and beer have also been saved, but I regret to say little of the ship’s provisions. We are entirely | | 922 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.’ — [No. 105. dependant on these good people, who have up to the present time sup- plied us abundantly. | For all further particulars, I refer you to the bearer, Mr. Field, first officer of the late ship ‘‘ Indian Oak,” whose conduct throughout this trying occasion has been most meritorious ; and in nothing more so, than at present, in volunteering to proceed in the launch to Chusan, as the bearer of intelligence most unfortunate, and I fear of serious disap- pointment and loss to the expedition generally, which no one can feel more than myself. I can give you no description of the place, as we are not allowed to go beyond the limits of our dwelling, except to the wreck. | From altitudes taken in a false horizon for the Chronometer, and several altitudes of the Pole Star, I make the geographical position of our dwelling, about two miles east of the wreck, as follows :— By a meridian altitude of the sun from Sed 26° 1]! 34" N. wreck, about 14 miles horizon, By several altitudes of the Pole Star taken} 26° 11! 29" ,, in an artificial horizon, a Long. by Chronometer, ... ... ... «197° 12! 45” E. : from which I conclude we are on one of the small Islands to the west- _ ward of the Great Loochoo; but the natives whenever questioned, say we are on the larger Island, but jealous of our gaining any know- ledge of their Island, invariably evade the question ; they however have j promised to build a vessel to take us to Singapore, of the following — dimensions, which they say shall be ready in two months, viz. 65 feet long, 23 ditto broad, 71 ditto hold. : I trust however Mr. Field will succeed in reaching Chusan in safety, — from whence I feel assured speedy relief will be sent, with this hope, and full confidence in a good God, I am, &e. Loocuoo Istanps, \ (Signed) J. J.R. Bowman, 28th August, 1840. Agent for Transports, Eeastern Expedition: P.S.—Since writing the above, I have been assured by one of the — principal men, that we are on the Great Loochoo; this from what I ~ can see of the land from the wreck, is my opinion, also ; judging from 2 Captain Hall’s description of Napaking Harbour, the wreck lays a little — to the southward of Abbey Point, in the above place. If I am right, 4 1840. ] Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak? 923 and what the islanders state is correct, the longitude shown by the “ In- dian Oak’s” chronometer, must be twenty-five miles too far west. I have had no opportunity of getting a lunar as yet, but shall endeavour to do so by the first opportunity. 1 have also to add, that every cir- cumstance relating to Chusan and the fleet, has been kept a secret from the Islanders, fearing it might operate against us, as they are tributary to China, and now fitting out two junks for Amoy. I trust however we shall be relieved from our present painful situation before these or other vessels return. Mr. Field, the bearer, I hope leaves to-morrow. [ have the pleasure to state the dispatches and letters are saved, but more or less wet with sea-water. ( Signed) J. J. R. B. we eee Note.—I lose no time in publishing the above interesting narrative. The natives of the Loochoo Islands seem to preserve unimpared the kindness of disposition, which distinguished them when Basil Hall visited that distant archipelago, although some greater degree of caution and strictness as respects intercourse with the interior, on the part of foreigners, seems now to obtain among them, than was the case when Englishmen first became intimately acquainted with them. Of Captain Beechey’s sub- sequent visit, there exists I believe no published account; and although Mr. radescant Lay, the naturalist, who accompanied that officer, has published a notice of the Bonin Islands, he has not included (I speak from memory) in his work any detailed mention of the Loochoooans. A narrative of the Russian Captain Creiisensturn’s voyage to Loochoo has I believe appeared on the continent, but I have never seen the book. The accidental sojourn of Captain Bowman and his party among these kindly islanders, is an occurrence of much interest; and it is to be hoped that no Englishman will ever abuse their hospitality, nor fail to requite it, when the occasion may offer of returning it in kind. py 924 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late Capt. Enwarn Conoxty. The country of the Eusofzyes' is naturally, and by themselves, divided into the Sum, (a Pushtoo word signifying a plain) and the Kohistan or hilly districts, comprising the valleys of Chumla, Booneer, Swat, &c. and the physical characteristics of the two divisions are hardly more opposed to each other, than are the manners and condition of their respective in- habitants. The present memoir will treat chiefly of the Sum, with a few : exceptions (to be hereafter mentioned) ; the whole of this tract is peopled by that great branch of the Eusofzyes, called the Munder.? Scattered over a perfectly level plain, every where practicable for guns, in villages which mutual jealousy prevents them from fortifying even with walls, the Mun- — ders have always been exposed to the inroad of foreign invaders, and seem in consequence to have early sought the protection of, and willingly to have submitted to, some one chief of their own clan; though their peculiar democratic institutions prevented their acknowledging obedience to any minor authority, if we except that capricious and limited deference which custom has accorded to the petty Mulliks. The Mullikzyes, a powerful and numerous tribe, whose principal seat is Yar Hossein, the largest village in the Sum, are said formerly to have given a Khan to the Munders;? but the chieftainship has been in the family of Punjtar since the days of Aurungzebe, whose letters patent it still possesses. Though in the confusion — consequent on the dismemberment of the monarchy, several chiefs have _ risen to limited authority in the Sum, all of them acknowledge as their — rightful head—if they have ceased to pay obedience to the descendants of— ~ Bagho Khan, the founder of that family, and these alone possess the power — of life and death, the Beri Kheil (that of Bagho) being regarded with a respect hardly inferior to that paid by the Dauranees to their Sudozyes.4 Futteh Khan, sixth in descent from Bagho, died a few days before I left ~ Peshawer. The high character he supported during a period of peculiar difficulty, and the light which his history throws on the present condition — of the Eusofzyes, require that a slight sketch of his career should be given. It was during the short, but brilliant reign of Syud Ahmed,> whose prin- cipal supporter he was, and to whom he may be said to have given the — crown, that Futteh Khan obtained his greatest power; not only the — Munders, but the Eusofs of Swat and Booneer seem to have acknowledged _ him as their head and leader at this period, but on the defeat and death of the Syud Badshah, the consequence of Futteh Khan became daily less and less. The Sikhs flushed with victory, poured large armies and large treasures into the plain, and by bribing some, and intimidating others, con- trived, if they could not get possession of the country, to weaken it by exciting jealousies and divisions among the petty tribes, and by substitu- ting numerous small lordships in the place of one common interest. The 1840. | Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan, 925 people of the hills, particularly those of Booneer, who had been the principal supporters of the Sum against its foreign enemies, disheartened by their losses at Noushera,* contented themselves with brooding over their disgrace, and rarely ventured to leave their fastnesses; and it seemed likely that, in spite of the difficulties opposed by the differences of their religions, the disunited Munders would shortly fall an easy prey to the victorious and one-minded Sikhs. One man alone prevented this. As his physical resources and apparent means of resistance grew less, the courage, the moral influence, and it may almost be said, the actual strength of Futteh Khan increased. Punjtar is a cluster of five small villages, not containing altogether 500 houses, situated at the upper extremity of a valley, which opensinto the Sum. It is a place of no strength whatever, not even being surrounded by a wall, and the road to it is open and prac- ticable for guns; but such was the terror inspired by the name of its chief, that for many years it remained the bugbear of the Sikhs, and their largest armies never ventured to approach it. At last a force of, itis said, 15,000 men with guns, and under an European officer, ascended the valley. The in- habitants were amused with proposals for an accommodation, and during the night, guns having secretly been conveyed to the top of a hill which commands the place, an attack was made on the unfortified little villages. Of the few Punjtaris thus taken by surprize, the greater number hastened to place their families out of reach of the fury of the Sikhs; but all those not encumbered with wives and children, some 2 or 300 only, with Futteh Khan and the Moullas at their head, unappalled by the overpowering masses of the enemy, made a stand, and maintained an unequal fight for many hours. Futteh Khan himself swore not to retreat, and was at last carried off the field by force in the arms of his soldiers. The Sikhs destroyed the principal village and mosque, but retreated the next day, lest the Booneeris should be down upon them; nor have they since revisited Punjtar. Futteh Khan made a vow to pray in the open air till he had burned some house of images, and shortly afterwards with a few followers, in pursuance of his vow, he crossed the river, attacked a Sikh town, and levelled its Dhurmsalla with the ground. Ruujeit Singh was fully aware of the importance of conciliating an enemy so spirited and implacable. He offered Futteh Khan a jageer of three lacs, and to support him as Khan of all the Eusofzyes, if he would only nominally acknowledge himself his subject, by sending him a hawk or two, or a horse as a tribute. Most of the Khan’s friends, and even the -Moullas recommended not that he should degrade himself into a pensioner of the infidel, but that he should send a horse to the Maharaja as an exemption from the annoyances and anxieties to which the vicinity of the Sikh troops exposed them; but the Khan was inflexible : with his character, 926 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105. he would have lost his power. ‘ Horses and hawks,’ he wrote back, “are to be found with rich nobles at the courts of kings; I a poor Zemindar have nothing of the kind, but I can send you a fat cow if you please.” Futteh Khan left several childern, but the three eldest (who are by one mother) alone claim notice. The first, Mokurrib Khan, the present chief, will be described in another place. He was on bad terms with his father, and for eight years before the death of the latter had lived apart from him. The second, Alum Khan, isa good looking, well disposed, intelligent lad, under twenty years of age, and was the favourite of his father, who, a little before his death, sounded his friends as to the possibility of setting aside in his favour the claims of Mokurrib Khan to the succession. He was checked by the honest bluntness of his Cazi, who exclaimed before them all, ‘‘ Death to your house !—would you murder both your children?” The history of the third son, Mudduh Khan, gives a curious picture of the state of society among the Eusofzyes. He is now about fourteen years old; at the age of eleven he drew his sword on his tutor, who had struck him, and ran away from his father’s house, to which he could never be induced to come back. He found refuge with Mokurrib Khan, who resided indepen- dent of Futteh Khan in a fort some eight miles from Punjtar, and having (in the manner related of Nadir Shah,) formed into a band several children of his own age, he carried on a sort of war with his father, plundering his sugar-canes, and otherwise annoying him. Futteh Khan would never allow the name of the boy to be pronounced in his presence. A few hours before his death, when he was distributing his property among his children, the Cazi ventured to remind him of Mudduh Khan: ‘ Who names that infidel?” said the dying man, “he is no child of mine.” Of the minor chiefs of the Sum, who deserve notice here, the principal ; is Arsilla Khan of Zaideb, who, having been on bad terms with his neigh- — bours of Punjtar, was in a manner forced to save himself from ruin by seeking the protection of the Sikhs, strengthened by whom, he is now the most powerful of the chiefs of the plain. The Komalzyes have two chiefs ; of influence, Khadir Khan of Gooroo Mejar, and Ahmed Khan of Hatti Murdan; of the latter, mention is made in the narrative. Mir Khan of Sudoom, known generally by the name of the Mir, j is the most powerful of the Amazyes. His experience, firmness, and — courage have gained him much respect, and enable him to rule with a ~ stricter hand than the Eusofzyes will in general submit to. The Muchehi ~ family (mentioned in the narrative) have however scarcely less influence — among the Amazyes. Besides these, there are a few chiefs, who will be mentioned in the sequel, who have lately been turned out of their posses- — sions by the Sikhs and Arsilla Khan. 1840.] Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 927 It is easier to learn the general character of the chiefs above named, than to form a just conception of their power and resources. Mokurrib Khan’s influence, for example, may be said to extend over a great part of the Sum, but his actual authority is limited to about seventy villages, (in these the smaller ones called “‘ Bandas” are not included) from most, if not all of which he draws the “ Aoshr” or tithe, with this, and the produce of his lands (the return from which is however but trifling) the “‘ Jizeea,” or tax on the Hindoos, the tax on the fakeers (or villains) and now and then some plunder from the Sikhs, he is able to maintain an efficient body of 1,500, or perhaps 2,000 foot men; and 5,000 of his tribe will rally round him on emergency. To his soldiers he gives but three rupees a month; but living is very cheap in this frugal country, where flesh is rarely eaten, and a fowl is a luxury. Mokurrib Khan has but few horsemen; he was endeavouring to raise a corps when I left him. His father is said to have left about 30,000 rupees in cash, besides valu- able property in shawls, &c. the accumulated plunder of years. Arsilla Khan keeps up more horses than any other chief of the plain, but if the Sikhs left the country, he would sink into insignificance, and would be obliged to make terms with Mokurrib. Ahmed Khan and others are well inclined towards him, (for he is a liberal man, and bears a fair character) and would not permit him to be altogether crushed by the Punjtaris. | Of the military strength of the other chiefs, it is not worth speaking ; each of them keeps up from two to six hundred followers, horse and foot, chiefly the latter, and they have the power of raising their clans, and have much influence in the “ Jeergas,” or public meetings, which assemble, to discuss all the more important questions. The Eusofzyes, as before remarked, are not the only inhabitants of the Sum. Leaving for the present the original possessors of the country, who are now reduced to the condition of Helots; the other tribes are the Gudoons, the Khuttuks, the Baeezyes, and the Mamunzyes (the Maho- medzyes of Elphinstone); but these last may be considered as separate from the Sum, and will not be further mentioned here. The Gudoons, called also Gudans, and east of the Indus, Judoons, are a Kaukur tribe, who migrated into these parts, perhaps two centuries ago. They are divided into two great branches, Salar and Munsoor, of whom the first are settled to the east of Punjtar, and the rest in Drumtour. The Salars are said to have 64 villages, and to muster 6,000 matchlocks ; their government is a democracy, more rigid than that even of the Eusofzyes. I was nearly causing a quarrel at Grenduf, their chief town, by inadvertently asking who was their head Mullik. We were much struck by the appearance of wealth and comfort of their villages, which are large and populous, 928 Notes.on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105. and the Hindoos seemed to be more numerous and thriving amongst them, than in any part of the country we visited. The Khuttuks occupy the left bank of the Sundi,’ from below Noushera to Jehangiri. They have not more than fifteen or twenty villages ; and their position has forced them to pay obedience to the Sikhs. The Baeezyes, whose numbers I have heard rated at 12,000 fighting men, are also Khuttuks, but they have for a long time been a separate and dis- tinct tribe. Of their history I know nothing. They are always spoken of.as the richest people in the country, and many of the Hindoos settled amongst them are said to possess great wealth. This is not improbable, as one of the principal roads from the north to Peshawar runs through their territory, and an active commerce is carried on, on either side of them, in salt, cloths, &c. . Like the Gudoons, the Baeezyes are governed by petty Mulliks, and have always preserved their independence against all foreign enemies. Of the population of the Sum, I can only form a guess of the probable amount, some data I had collected on the subject having been carried off by the Khyberees, but it may not perhaps be very inaccurately rated at one lac of fighting men. All the tribes above mentioned have the same manners and customs, and (including the Eusofs) may, without hesitation, be pronounced the best irregular soldiers in Afghanistan. Their cavalry, which are so few in number as scarcely to deserve notice, are from their mode of training and equipment rather Hindostanee than Afghan. The mass and strength of the Eusofzyes is infantry. Most of the soldiers, and — every man is a soldier, are armed with heavy matchlocks ; others have long ; spears, which they use with singular dexterity, either on horse or foot; a few are clothed in chain armour; and some use even bows and arrows ~ of formidable size. They generally avoid close fighting, though if forced — to it, they have the character of being excellent swordsmen. _ It is said, that they have some idea of opposing cavalry by forming into / close masses, or ‘‘ Goles,”’ with their spears extended ; but this I have never — seen, and am inclined to doubt. At whatever time of the day or night the © “ Nakara,” or drum is beat in a particular measure, every man able to bear arm ssnatches them up, and hurries, ready for action, to his particular — “ Hoojra,” or public meeting room, of which there are from eight to twenty — in every village; and from thence, in distinct parties, under separate flags, F they proceed to the scene of action, and despising the protection of walls, advance singly into the plain. | ee: se | Ne! a) — S Zz ae Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 936 ‘janbas aq] Ur ‘WAATS aq [ITM Goays @ ‘A1OysTY asSOUM JO—'G IZ0AT ay} ut seXzjosnq ay} Jo sivads Jo soe] oUlU ay} Jo JaIyo oy} sem oym) ‘nfeqy ueqy "Yeys s90yg Jo amy] ; ‘ee Vy IV nnn pom ‘ ‘pemyy JA ‘pomoye yl ‘eqyv. ‘rezk ‘pezyeq NOs < Bite phe hale Sa eS ee er ai ‘yo ‘euey “ey. “opng ; Cn nn, pent tl ‘aeMyy ‘eqy ‘jeuley ee ee ‘nuUre fy ‘imfny ‘IapIqy ‘muey pnd WAaNnoOw ‘sakZopng ay} Jo A[rurey JuaJaytp ev 0} paudisse st drysueqy of} yorAr Ul LopUNyA] Vos syuadsep Jo a[qey, SurMo][Oy aq} SOAIS TUeYsTy Maze ,, WJ, .,seXzopng ,, ayqey, oy) Aq woes aq []IM Se “OsTe ore [LOY Y We ea ],—'p 970N 1840. | Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 937 Note 6.—The Booneeries (or Booneer wal, as they are more generally called) were the principal sufferers at that battle. Blinded by religious fury, and an undue estimate of their own strength, their only desire was to cut off the retreat of the Sikhs. They are said to have fought rather like devils than men. Moullas, boys, and unveiled women, mingled promiscuously in the fight. For days before, the whole Sum had been a moving mass of men, hastening from the upper country to join in the great struggle which was to vindicate the honour of Islam. Each man Carried ten days’ provision. No correct estimate has ever been formed of the number of the ‘‘ Ghazis,’? which name, in anticipation of victory, they had assumed; the greater part only shared in the flight. Had they delayed one day more, they would have been joined by the Swat army, which never reached the field. But it was impossible to hold them back. The Booneeries, distinguished by their black turbans with a bright yellow border from the rest of the Eusofzyes, who are generally clothed in white, first rushed forward, and by thus precipitating the contest, lost the day their courage deserved to gain. But their reckless valour was of no avail. Their scanty stock of ammunition soon expended, they fought with arrows, spears, swords, stones; one man scrambled up behind the ele- phant of Phoolra Sing, the real leader of the Sikhs, and cut down that chief with his ‘*silaweh,’’ or long knife. Repeatedly driven back by the steady fire of the Sikhs, they were as often rallied to the charge by the shrieks and curses of the women, and the ‘Allah ho Akbars’’ of the maddened Moullas. At last, but not till they were decima- ted, and every house in Booneer had to mourn its martyr, they broke and fled, cutting through the Sikhs whom they had wished to intercept, and from that time, broken- hearted, they have scarcely ventured to leave their valley. After the battle, dead Booneeries were found lying on dead Sikhs, their teeth still clutching the throats of their adversaries. Though seventeen years have elapsed since the fatal day, so deeply do they still feel their loss, that when unusual merriment has by chance pre- vailed in a ‘‘ hoojra,’’ awhite-beard has been known to check them with—‘‘Is this a time for laughing, when the bones of your brothers are whitening Noushera?’’— Noushera is the common topic of conversation among the Eusofzyes, and the favourite theme of their songs. I was particularly struck with one which commenced, «* Ah Mahomed Azeem, where is the blood of our children you sold at Noushera?”’ Chorus, between every line, *“Wae! Wae! Wae!”’ [b] Note 7.—The Cabul river, between Peshawer, and the Aba sin, or Indus. Note 8.—Since this was written, Evayut Oollah has returned from the Punjab, and is struggling to regain his authority. Having money, which his rival has not, he has succeeded in bringing over half his tribe to his side, and a furious civil war is raging. This trip to Lahore has been most disastrous to him. It cost him not only his country, but his eye-sight ; a clumsy doctor at the Durbar having under pretence of couching, blinded him. Note 9.—The history of the father of this chief will be found in Elphinstone. Note 10.—In the name ‘‘ Mabun,”’ we have evidently a corruption of ‘* Mea Maha Bun,” or the great forest; a title sufficiently appropriate, on account of the pines which cover the mountain. Note 11.—Of the map which accompanies this memoir, all that can be said, is, that it is better than any one hitherto published of the same country; butour every motion was so watched and misconstrued that we could only take a bearing by stealth, and some important bearings were lost in the Khyber Pass. [b] I have taken some liberty with the chorus, which is really ‘‘ wee wee,” and which, however melancholy it may sound when chaunted in a low solemn tone by the Afghans, could only ap- pear ridiculous in English characters. It is the most usual chorus of the songs of the eastern Af- ghans. Mahomed Azeem it is well known (see Conolly and Burnes) shamefully deserted his friends at the battle of Noushera, 938 Extract from Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837-38. “A Lecture, by Mr. Williams, onthe mode of taking casts in sulphur, from coins, medals, and Oriental cylinders, illustrated experimentally. ‘‘ The following is the process, as ingeniously described by Mr. Williams :— ‘A number of slips of paper, about an inch in width, and of a length sufficient to go somewhat more than once round the coin, or medal, should be first prepared; and also a number of slips of card, not quite half the width of those of paper. The coin is then, to be oiled with a piece of cotton wool, dipped in sweet oil, and as much of the oil as possible wiped off with another piece of wool. The edge of the coin should next be placed about half way at one end of the slip of paper, and the paper rolled round it, a little stiff paste being previously put upon the opposite end of the slip. This will cause it to adhere firmly, and thus form a hoop round the coin, which will be suspend- ed about midway by the edge, and must be retained in that situation by means of one of the slips of card, bent round, and placed beneath it, within the hoop of paper. The object of this arrangement is to cause the opposite sides of the mould to be as nearly as possible of the same size. A little water is then to be poured into a cup, or other vessel, and a sufficient quantity of the finest plaster of Paris lightly sprinkled into the water, leaving sufficient of the latter to cover it. A slight effervescence will take place as soon as the bubbles have ceased rising. The superabundant water is then to be poured off, and the mixture stirred with aspoon. ‘The plaster is now ready for use. A thin coating of plaster is then to be laid on with a small brush, having moderately stiff hairs, over the face of the coin, and the mould filled up to the rim with the spoon. The use of the brush is to prevent bubbles from forming upon the surface of the coin, as these would entirely spoil the mould; and, in order to prevent the accumulation of bubbles in the plaster, which is afterwards poured in, it is advisable to raise the hoop with the coin and plaster in it, about an inch, and let it drop upon the table two or three times. This, of course, must be done immediately after the pouring in of the plaster. The whole is now to be left until the plaster is set, which will usually be in about twenty minutes. ‘* When this is effected, the under side is to be turned up, the strip of card removed, and any plaster that may have found its way between the edge of the coin and hoop of paper cleared away. The operation of mixing and applying the plaster, must now be repeated; and in about half an hour the plaster will be sufficiently set to allow of the moulds being separated from the coin. The paper must be removed, and great care taken in pulling off the moulds; as, unless thev are taken off perfectly straight, they | will be injured, in consequence of some of the deeper parts being broken off by the twisting of the mould. Should the mould not yield readily, the bottom of it may be dipped into water, when it usually will very easily come off. Should this however fail, heating the bottom of the mould before the fire, after having wetted it, will frequently , have the desired effect. These precautions are necessary, as a gentle force being suf- ficient to remove the mould, some adhesion may be suspected where more than that ap- pears to be required, which the methods pointed out will usually remove. Any super- fluous plaster about the mould must be carefully removed, avoiding all injury to its surface. ‘* When these moulds are used for making a cast, the bottom must be placed in water so shallow as not to cover the face of the mould. They will imbibe a considerable a 7» 1840. } Mode of taking casts from coins, &c. 939 quantity, and when they appear to be uniformly damp, they are ready for use. They must now be evenly placed at the proper distance, and in their right position, with a strip of paper passing rather more than three parts round, and held firmly in the fingers, the marks on the mould, made by the end of the hoop of paper in which they were formed, being the guide for their right position. The sulphur having been melted in a proper vessel (theone used by Mr. Williams being a pastry-cook’s pattie-pan, with a handle, and a kind of spout made to it,) is now to be poured between the two sides of the mould, by means of the aperture left in consequence of the paper not com- ing completely round. As the sulphur cools, which is very soon, it shrinks; and the vacancy thus left must be immediately filled up,—this being repeated until the edge is perfectly solid. The moulds are to be removed with the same precautions as when they were taken from the coin, and the edge of the cast carefully pared, and then rendered smooth by being rubbed with a piece of fine sand-paper. Should they be required nearly of the colour of the sulphur, nothing further is requisite, except a slight polishing with a piece of cotton wool, or a soft brush. For his own casts, Mr. Williams has considered it advisable to use an artificial colour, which is given by applying black lead in powder to the casts, with a soft brush, and then covering them with a varnish composed of a solution of dragon’s blood in spirits of wine, which gives them a fine dark, bronze appearance. **Some precautions are necessary to be observed in using the sulphur. When melted, this substance is at first very fluid; as it gets hotter it becomes thick and ropey, and a still greater degree of heat renders it again comparatively fluid. It is, however, fit for casting in the first of these states only, and if employed in the other cases, usually either destroys the mould, or produces a bad cast. The best criterion is to observe when the sulphur begins to solidify round the edges of the vessel in which it has been melted ; it may then be used with safety. It also often happens that the first cast taken after the mould has been moistened is a bad one, in consequence of there being too much water upon its surface. A second cast taken immediately, without wetting the mould again, will usually be a good one; and not more than three should be taken without repeating the moistening ; for, should the mould be too dry, it cannot be separated from the sulphur without injury. It is also a good plan to place the wetted moulds upon blotting-paper, as it quickly absorbs the superfluous moisture ; but this requires some experience, as the mould often gets too dry to be used without subsequent wetting; and the other method is perhaps the safest for beginners, It is often necessary only to dip the fingers in water, and apply it to the back of the mould, to give it the necessary degree of dampness. These are matters, however, for which a little practice and experience are the best guides. ‘In the casts made from moulds formed in this manner, it is obvious that the thick- ness depends upon the resembrance, or the fancy of the caster. Should the exact thickness be required, the following method of making the mould may be resorted to :— “ Here, the coin having been oiled, as in the former case, must be placed with the side which is least raised upon a flat surface, such as a piece of glass, or a slate, which has also been previously oiled. he plaster is applied to the upper surface of the coin with the brush, as before, and the whole is then to be covered with as much of the plaster as may be required. When set, this will separate from the surface upon which it has been placed, and exhibit the coin embedded in the mass. It must be 6D 940 Mode of taking casts from coins, &c. [No. 105. carefully cleared of the superfluous plaster, leaving a slightly shelving depression round the edge of the coin; and hollows must be made in the flat surface of the sur- rounding plaster with the point of a knife. This must now be covered with soap-suds, the coin being carefully retained in its place. The operation is now to be repeated upon this surface, as in the first instance, the liquid plaster being poured over the whole of the flat surface of the surrounding plaster. When set, the two parts of the mould will be easily separated, the soap preventing the surface from adhering; and, the coin being taken out, a channel must be cut to the outer edge of the mould, for the passage of the sulphur. When prepared by moistening, as in the former instance, and put together, the raised knobs corresponding with the small hollows made with the . point of the knife, will keep all steady; and, the sulphur being poured into the mould through the channel cut for it, a cast of the coin will be produced, exhibiting an exact facsimile of the original. ‘‘From this process, it is not difficult to perceive how casts of small objects of different kinds may be taken; for example, moulds of the cylinders from Babylon or Persepolis. These require to be taken in at least three parts. Having oiled the cylinder, it is to be surrounded with a wide strip of paper, and the portion enclosed taken, say one-third. Having removed this, and carefully trimmed the edges, made hollow in the sides, as in the coin-mould, and soaped them, it is to be replacea upon the cylinder, and another portion taken, say another third, by hooping with paper, &c. as before. This after being separated from the first portion, trimmed, &c. as before, is once more, with the first portion, to be applied to the cylinder hooped with paper, and the third portion taken. When used for casting, after moistening and putting together, © a piece of doubled paper may be applied to one end, which may be kept in its place by © a finger placed beneath it, and the sulphur poured in at the other end, until the hollow : left by the contraction of the sulphur disappears. When cool, the mould is to be removed, and the cast trimmed, cleared of the marks of the junction of the mould, — and, if thought fit, black leaded and varnished, as in the case of the coins. | ‘“Mr. Williams concluded with a few words respecting the purchase of plaster of — Paris. Of this article there are several qualities ; that procured at the oil-shops being f the commonest. That which is known by the name of Super is the only kind which i should be used for moulds; and it is not generally to be obtained except from the — actual manufacturers. The best he has met with is prepared by Grande and Sons, Bed- ford Street, Liquorpond Street; and sold at the rate of one shilling and sixpence per bag of fourteen pounds; or wholesale at seven shillings per cwt. A bag of seven pounds may, however, be procured. ry Y Nors.—I have extracted and published this, in the belief that the account ; of the process may be useful to coin collectors in this country. 941 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. ( Wednesday Evening, 13th January, 1841.) The Honorable H. T. Prinsep in the Chair. The following gentlemen were proposed as Members :— Capt. R. Firzceravp, of Engineers, by the Officiating Secretary, seconded by Lieut A. Brooms of Artillery. C. B. Trevor, Esq., C.S. by T. S. Torrens, Esq., seconded by the Officiating Secretary. Rasa Kuan Benapoor, Khan of Gyah, by the Honorable H. T. Prinszp, seconded by the Officiating Secretary. The following gentlemen, have been elected Office-bearers for the current year— President : The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryan, Vice-Presidents : The Honorable Sir J. P. GRanr, Sir H. Seton, ——— H. T. PRInsEp, -——— W.W. Birp. Committee of Papers : Major W.N. Forsss, C. HurFnaGte, Esq., EK. Stiruine, Esq., Lieut. A. Broome, N. Watticu, Esq., M. D. Dr. J. J. HEeBERLIN, H. H. Spry, Esq., M. D. Baboo ProsoonocoMAR TAGORE. Professor W. B. O‘SHAUGHNESSY, Library and Museum. The following books were presented :-— Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—England; vol. 10th, .. .. «2. «2 «2 o- Ditto ditto—Greece, vol. 7th, .. .. «. «oe of « 5 LOT Madras Journal of Literature and Science, No. 27 pe une, 1840. ee Ais Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, No. 57 aot MEER Ch a 5. wf 2's) nie Pavel iia \i'eip, thie Bene) meth esos London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, Philosophical Migwing and Journal of Science, 3rd series, vol. 17th, No. 108, August, 1840. .. .. .. Joarna! des Savants, Juin, 1840, SON Beh a : eat Teen asd The Calcutta Monthly Journal, 3rd series, No. 71. “Geen 1840, eines Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Collection in Philadelphia, 1839, 8vo. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 6th, pt. 3rd; New Peereme bate pis, | 1839) 3%) i vore (ine), we bee sles wiles /\ Sa), wer papel) tele Laws and Regulations of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, RPMs ens on. Sie. pe sluhie aie bap wale wie Uae 50 Maia ee Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. Ist. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, AAO! 7s hea ee Us hee Winsh: Weld gia. ede melimer | Get baty bie a en) 942 Asiatic Society. [No. 105. Fransactions of the Geological Society,of London, 2nd series, vol 5th, pt. 3rd, London, 1840/4to. a. ee ee oe am Gelehrte Anzeigen Herausgegeben von Milgliedern der K. Barer. Aladeinte a | der Wissenschaften, Munchen, 1835 to 1839, 4to. os... ee es ee oe 9 Uber die indischen Verwandtschaften im ASgyptischen, Von O. Frank... «. | Be Verhandelingen van het Bataviasche Genootshap, Batavia, 1838, vol. 17th, pis."3dto Sih, eS eee ee CLS A Ueber die iidligelien Verwandtschaften in Augyptischen, &c., Von O. FRANK. Ou | 1840. | Asiatic Society. 943 Ueber das Bild des Weltbaumeisters, Visvakarman, in einem der Felsentem- 1 pel bey Illora in Indien. Von O. Frank. .. . bie aera te Molliiscorum species, &c. Resensuit, Dr. J. R. hoe Disvertatie Inaugu- ralis. Monachii, 1839, (presented by the author.) sroreauisra a et ct one raiaivadipika, (in Sanskyit.) so ee) oe aie wel lee ss ew ap we The Officiating Curator submitted his Report for the month of December, 1840, from which the following is an extract :— ** Osteological Department.—We have here added two skeletons (Pelican and Flamingo), and we shall I hope soon be provided with almirahs for the smaller skeletons. ** Mammalogical Department.—Nothing new. ‘* Ornithological Department.—A pair of Flamingoes, a Pelican, and a Pigeon have been added. ; ‘“« Reptiles, Fishes &c.—Nothing new. ** The total of additions to the Museum this month have been— “1. A bat Vespertilio (Murinus?) Presented by D. GLEGa, Esq.—preserved in spirits. «2. A Pigeon (Columba ?) Mr. F. M. Boucnrez—stuffed and mounted. *« 3. A small tortoise, (Emys?) Mr. Nicotas; skeleton—mounted. ‘**4. Two Pelicans, (Pelicanus onocrotalus,)—purchased. 1 skeleton, 1 stuffed— both mounted. ‘¢5. Three Flamingoes, Pheenicopteros (Indicus?) purchased. 1 stuffed,—1 skele- ton, mounted. “In conclusion, I beg to recommend to the Committee, that the printing of the nine ‘‘ Catalogues, occupying the 4U pages of the book herewith sent, be commenced ; pre- ‘‘ facing this series of our Museum books with an introduction, somewhat after the pro- ‘posed one annexed, for correction to this report. We shall thus, as we are framing, ** and placing collections, be proceeding with the Catalogues, and every series so ar- ‘‘ranged is then available to the student; and is placed, as far as human care can ex- *¢ tend, beyond the risk of oblivion and loss.”’ The proposition contained in the Report was concurred in, the Honorable the Pre- sident, remarking on it — “The Report of our acting Curator shews great attention to the duties entrusted to him, and I quite approve of his proposal to print the Catalogue sent round with his Report.”’ The Officiating Curator reported that a considerable number of duplicate specimens, principally of Birds, &c. were available for transmission to Europe; and he moved, that as many specimens of great interest to naturalists might be collected, prepared, and sent to England at a small expense, it was worthy the attention of the Society whether such might not be prepared, and sent tothe Honorable the Court of Directors, as due to them, from the Society. The Officiating Curator was instructed to prepare the duplicate Ornithological Spe- 944 Asiatic Society. [No. 105. cimens and Reptiles; as also the duplicates of Capt. Hurron’s Spiti Valley Geologi- cal collections, for transmission to the Honorable the Court of Directors, through the Government. The Officiating Secretary read to the Meeting, the following note from Mr. John James MippLeton, who had undertaken to furnish notes on Major E. PotTiNGEr’s Astrolabe. ‘I have much pleasure in returning Major Potrincer’s Astrolabe, and your very valuable book.* It may be gratifying to you to know, that from the observations of Ulug Begh, I have without difficulty ascertained the forty-two stars, given on the face of the Astrolabe. ‘¢T have not yet succeeded in getting the plates finished, but they will soon be so. [ have had them all done three times, and yetnot quite to my mind; the lithographers wid? think for themselves, instead of confining themselves to mere imitation of my drawings, and you may imagine the consequence. I send you the drawing of the back of the instrument, which is the best I have got ; yet it has some defects, on account of which _it must be redone. I expect them all to be completed in the course of a week how- ever; andas all the materials for my notes are ready, you may expect the whole soon.”’ Read a letter from Dr. OrHMAN Frank, Professor of the University of Munich, re- commending to the notice of the Society, Dr. Rorn, whose intention to visit India is to enrich his natural knowledge; and presenting to the Society the following Treatises of his own, viz.— J. On the image of Visvakarman. 2. On the image of Hari-hara. 3. On the relations of India to Egypt. Read a letter from M. C. Visscuer, Secretary to the Batavian Society of Arts and ~ Sciences, forwarding for presentation to the Socitey, the 3rd, 4th, Sth, 6th, 7th, and 8th parts of the 17th vol. of Dissertations, published by the Batavian Society, accompanied by a Chart and 15 Illustrations. Read the following paper on the Mythological connection between Artemis and Nana, by Dr. W. E. Carte, 6lst Regiment N. I. ‘*On the Mythological connection between Artemis and Nana. “NANA NANA PAO. This deity has been identified as the Grecian Artemis, the Ceres or Diana of the Latins, but as the analogy is as yet incomplete, an endeavour will be made to establish it; with this view, each of the words (Artemis and Nana) will be considered separately as to their etymology, in the hope of arriving at some degree of certainty, on so difficult a subject. ‘First then, as to APTEMIS. The commonly received etymology of this wordis; anp-TEuvw, the air cleaving, but as the Greek adjective agpoTouog exists, had * The tables of Ulugh Beg, with Latin translation. 1840. | Asiatic Society. 945 her name been derived from this source, it would have been written agooTpa, and not Aoreue, for this reason probably Donnegan, in his Lexicon, omits this derivation altogether, nor does he supply another. ‘The coin of the Emperor Commodus (see Brewster’s Edinburgh, Encyclopedia, Art. Numismatology, Fig. 7. Pl. 423.) gives a delineation of the Artemis of Ephesus, where her principal temple was situated. She is here represented in a cereal character, as the producer of food, in fact the words of Virgil— : Vos 6 clarissima mundi Lumina, labentum czlo qui ducitis annum, Liber et alma Ceres,’ prove, that the Moon and Ceres were one and the same ; further, to show the influ- ence the moon was supposed to possess over the vegetation process, the same author has— : ‘ [psa dies atias alio dedit ordine Luna, Felices operum.’ and again ‘Ipse Pater statuit quid menstrua Luna moneret,’ «‘ And Horace addresses her as—‘ Prosperam Frugum.’ ‘*But to return to the coin; as before remarked, the Moon, under the name of Artemis, is represented on it in her cereal capacity ; the lower part of her body is im- mersed in the aoroOnkn or panarium, or receptacle for bread. She has many breasts, * betokening her fecund influence; her hands are expanded to denote libera- lity, and her head is surmounted by the Modius, or grain measure, and a harrow (possibly the symbol on the Nana coins) is attached to her by chains. All these are undoubtedly cereal diagnostics, and do not all assimilate with Artemis as de- rived from anp-TEuvw 4 but if the words Aproc food, bread, and tnt to send forth, produce, be taken, a compound word will be formed, which exactly coincides with her functions, Apreute, the producer of food; a parallel etymology is afforded in the word Av@euc¢ (from Av8oc) a plant remarkable for the profusion of its flowers.—The star on the coin is probably Arcturus, from its supposed influence in causing rain and storms, and the stags were assigned to draw her chariot. «9—-NANA—Nan, ws in the Persian language signifies bread ; and Nan-i- khur-chung Sin > Bs) the Moon; + khurchung taken as one word, means a tortoise, from the shell of which animal the Lyre was originally formed, but if divided into two separate words, viz. Khur-chung, the signification will in that case be ‘ Sovereign (of the) Lyre.’ Nan-i-khur-chung will therefore be ‘Nan, Sovereign of the Lyre.’ Here then is NAN in a cereal capacity, and also connected with the Lyre, which instrument frequently accompanied representations of Diana as sister of Apollo.—The name of the Latin goddess may therefore be Dea Nana, or Diana, instead of origina- ting from Dies-dianus, (an adjective which has no existence in the Latin, except in combination, ) as is commonly conjectured. * As these supposed breasts are without nipples, they may represent the cakes of bread men- tioned when treating of Nana, further on. $ Wilkins’ Richardson’s Dictionary word ihe 946 Asiatic Society. -[No. 105. ‘¢ To the above, it may be added, that on several of the Nana coins, the figure on the obverse bears a stalk and ear of corn in one hand, and what appears to be. one of maize in the other, while in front and under it, occur round symbols representing pro- bably cakes of bread. See J. A.S. vol. v. plate 3. figs. 2, 3, and 5, also plate 36 (same vol.) figs. 1, 2, 3, and 5. ‘*In the Hindu Mythology, there is also a goddess named ‘Anna Purna Devi,’ (vide J. A. S. page 345, No. 54, for June 1836,) whose name is deduced from the Sanscrit words ‘an’ food or grain; and Purna (pronounced poorna) to fill or cause to abound, being synonymous with Artemis; this goddess is merely an alias of Luchmi, the Hindu Ceres. The similarity of Nan and An, is also obvious. ‘‘ From what has been above brought forward, it will not perhaps be thought unrea- sonable toconclude, that Artemis, Nana Rao, and Anna Poorna Devi, were identical, as well in name as in office ; PAO being a Sanscrit word (meaning sovereign) and not being easily resolved by its adopters into a feminine termination, may account for its retaining the masculine one, Read a letter from Lieut. R. Picovu of Engineers, communicating through Col. D. Macteop an account of the Topes of Darounta, and Caves of Bahrabad, of which the following is a copy. ‘¢ T have the pleasure, herewith, to forward two boxes and some coins taken from the Jullalabad Topes; the third box I had previously promised to Dr. Atkinson, to whom it is now made over; it was similar in shape to the box No. 1, but not quite solarge. LIregret that the small gold box, with its contents, has been stolen, as it was the greatest curiosity of all; but the precious metal excited the cupidity of my servants, who have made away with it. The marble slab is too heavy to send down by Dak, and I have not got it with me; indeed I am not sure that it has not been lost, but it is possible that it may have been left in my hut at Jullalabad. I also send youa rough sketch of the Bahrabad Caves, which will give an idea of the place; I am sorry I have not time to make a more elaborate drawing, but must forward it rough, just as it was sketched. Want of time must also plead my excuse for the bareness of the few remarks I have penned, but no doubt your talented Secretary will be able to draw up a paper on the subject, should he deem it worth while.” The boxes with their contents, coins, and a small piece of rock crystal perforated were shown to the Society, and Lieut. Picou’s paper upon his discoveries read to the | meeting. Lithographs of the boxes with Lieut. Picov’s paper will be, the Officiating Secretary informed the meeting, published in an early number of the Journal, in con- nection with a paper by Mr. Brrp on the Kanari Topes opened by him. For the presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were accorded. JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Graner, Assistant Political Agent, undertaken by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken by permission from the records of the Political Secretariat under the Government of India. ) Leaving Nowgong, agreeably to instructions, on the 3rd of December 1839, I proceeded to Dhoboka, which I reached on the 5th of the same month. The country to that point being well known, requires no fur- ther description. I left Dhoboka on the 6th of December, at about 7 a.M., and arrived at Oopur Jumonah, at about 11 o’clock. First crossing the Jumonah river about half a mile above the Dhoboka village, we entered Tularam Senaputtee’s boundary line. The route lay through a forest, called Rungaghora, from whence most of the villages on the banks of the Ju- monah procure their fuel. There has been an attempt at a clearance in the forest, but much difficulty is experienced by the Ryots, from the great number of wild animals which infest this part of the country ; viz. elephants, tigers, rhinoceroses, buffaloes, and hogs. The path the whole way is tolerably good. Oopur Jumonah is a hamlet of about twenty or thirty houses, scattered along the banks of the Jumonah river ; it is fast decreasing in number, in consequence of the people having suffered much from the destruction of their crops by the wild animals in the neighbourhood. é 7th December.—Marching at about 7 a.m., I reached the Cacharee village of Nermolea, the distance being about ten miles. One hour’s No. 106. New Serizs, No. 22. 6 E 948 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. marching brought us to the Ha,our Ghaut, which we crossed to the Cacharee village of the same name in the Nowgong district. The Jumo- nah river is navigable for small boats at all seasons of the year to this village. The crops between Ha,our and Nermolea had suffered much from the high rise of the river Jumonah, which overflows its banks nearly the whole length of its course. 8th.—Departing from Nermolea, and passing considerable cotton tracts, we reached the village of Bokolea, four miles distant, where I found some of the lime burnt by Mr. Martin for Government, in store. The country along the banks of the river between this village and Ramsa (a small village six miles west of Mohong) is uninhabited, and is composed of large grass wastes with patches of forest at intervals ; the greater part of the low lands below the falls of the river, are liable to inundation. Passing through Bokolea, we continued on till we came to the huts erected for us, on the Tutra river, a small stream, which issues from the Mikeer Hills. To this point most of the Kyahs and other traders trafficing in cotton come in the cold season; there is high ground about it for a Haut (or fair), and there is a Mikeer village two miles inland. A short way above is the Oogeroo Chokey, establish- ed by Tularam, who exacts a toll from all his Ryots who frequent the Tutra mart. 9th.—Leaving the Tutra encampment, and passing through forest and grass jungle, we came to some low, undulating, grassy hills, from whence a tolerable view of the surrounding country is obtained, which became more overspread with hills, chequered by the ancient cotton cultivations of the Mikeers. These migratory agriculturists seldom remain longer than two years in one locality, and only very fine land induces them to determine on a three years’ residence; by which time a deep rooted grass springs up, which drives them to fell more forest for their staple crop, not being able to use the ploughshare to eradicate the roots, on account of the nature of the ground. Passing over these hills, we gradually came on the rumbling of the cataracts, which in- creased, as we approached, into a stunning din; the river at this part is confined by low hills on both sides, and the quantity of water that rushes over the falls in the rainy season, must be very considerable ; the height I was shown as that of the ordinary rise, cannot be less than 100 or 150 feet. Two paths lead over the hills on either side, and all 1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hillis. 949 cotton boats are obliged to be unladen at this point, and a change of boats takes place. Above the fall, on the right bank of the river, is a stratum of chalk. Proceeding by the path on the right side of the river, we came to a small rivulet at the base of the hill, in the bed of which, I was shown the stratum of coal that had been excavated. I was informed by Lieut. Brodie that it lay to the right of the path, and was comprised in a space of about fifteen or twenty feet long, up to the junction of the streamlet with the river Jumonah. The water is about two or three inches deep, and the coal bed is visible six or eight inches above the surface of the water; the superficial part of the seam is composed of a soft black substance, which on being cut away produced shale, or black slate, and further excavations showed servicable coal. Above the coal formation lies a thin stratum of red sandstone’, above this is a greyish soil, two feet deep, the surface of which produces the forest and underwood usually found in the vicinity of hills in Assam. The bed of the rivulet is about six or seven feet broad, by four or five deep; on either side of the coal- bed I found chalk. The only difficulty in working this seam would be the rise of the streamlet in the rains, and the expense that it would take to carry the coals to below the falls. The former difficulty might however be removed by leaving a wall of the coal itself, and opening the vein a few yards inland. A short way further on are two more rivulets, in both of which I found chalk rocks; one description con- tained small globular, dark grey substances, resembling decayed peb- bles. The distance from this locality to Ramsa is about one mile. The rock from which the lime was cut for Government, is situated in a small river below the falls called Mayong Deesa, in Tularam Senaputtee’s country. The coal found by Ram Doss Mohurer is a short way from Ramsa (half an hour’s march) in a N.W. direction ; it is in a small streamlet called Bongrong, which is almost dry in the cold weather. 10¢h.—Left Ramsa, and marched through fine open forest ; three miles distant crossed the Jumonah into Tularam’s country ; one mile further on recrossed it, and in half a mile reached Mohong. 11th.—The Nagas of the village of Gafaga came in, and gave me the following account of themselves:—They formerly belonged tothe tribe of Nagas called by them Chokannew, and by the Cacharees Dewansa, living 950 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. | No. 106. south of the Sumoogoding range, and on account of the frequent quarrels and oppression they had been subjected to from their own tribe, they had been obliged to emigrate: they first took possession of the high hills on which the present village of Tokopbe is situated, but even there, not being free from the attacks of their persecutors, they again fled to the lower hills upon which they are now. The following is the information I have been able to pick up regarding the wild tribes here about. The villagers of Gafaga, Mezattee, Badolasong, Kola, Muzals, Tooroofen and Gesinga, are all of one tribe, and have separated into a number of villages in consequence of quarrels amongst themselves; not acknow- ledging any regular chiefs, and every man being his own master, his passions and inclinations are ruled by his share of brute force, his dexterity with the spear, to which arm they have immediate resort for the adjustment of the slightest quarrel, and in consequence, villages are continually at feud. In addition to this, the Tokophen Nagas, who are of a different tribe, and speak another dialect, in league with the Nagas about the Sumoogoding range, pay them occasional maurauding visits, and take advantage of their flight on their appearing, to pillage their villages. The Nagas of the village of Gesinga, or as it is called by some Rengma, are at feud with those Nagas on the eastern bank of the Dhunsiri, in the Jorhat division, called by the Assamese, Lotah. The former village is under charge of an half Assamese and half Naga, Gesinga Phokun, who exercises some rule over the village. The latter tribe, from the different accounts I have heard of them, ap- pear to be of a more civilized character than the Nagas on the west bank of the Dhunsiri, having regular chiefs, whose orders they re- gard, and trading largely with the Assamese at Cacharee haut. The Tokophen Nagas came in, and declared that they had no evil inclinations towards the Majuttee and Gafaga Nagas, but that they had heard that the Dewansas intended making an excursion against themat the full of the moon. I gave them clearly to understand, that if they persisted in their present mode of life, and would not leave off their maurauding habits, they would be punished severely, and not allowed to remain in their present locality; and nothing more of the intended excur- sion was heard. It is a common practice with Nagas, when they are going to make an excursion against a village, to set reports afloat that other villages or tribes intend an excursion against the same village, 1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 951 ‘which blinds the villagers of the place attacked as to who the real - assailants are, as their excursions are generally performed at night. The Nagas here about procure their brass ornaments from the village of Gesinga, and their spears and daws from the Dewansa or Chokannew Nagas. Their villages are of inconsiderable size, and they have but few domestic animals ; some cows of the hill breed, pigs, and fowls, for the purpose of sacrificing to their gods. They acknowledge the power of three gods, viz. ls¢. Zanghuthee, or Janthee, the most powerful, to whom they sacrifice cows, bullocks, or bulls. His power prevails in all serious illnesses, and can kill or cure. 2nd. Hyeong, to whom they sacrifice fowls only, his power is of slighter extent. 3rd. Dherengana, to whom they offer hogs. | The two latter are the tutelar gods of the village of Gafaga, each village having different ones; some of them think it necessary to sac- rifice at one time, for any great worship, a cow, or bullock, a hog, and a chicken a few hours old; the former are eaten, but the latter is thrown away. Zanghuthee is acknowledged by all of them. Goats are not allowed as offerings. The physiognomy of the Nagas about here partakes a good deal of that of the Cacharee, in consequence of the admixture of the two tribes. I saw some Assamese who had been kid- napped when young, and who had become so accustomed to the idle, uncouth life of the Nagas, that they refused to leave them. Matrimony amongst these Nagas is a eivil contract, unattended by any religious ceremonies. The damsel is courted, and is presented with fowls, dogs, and spirits, according to the fortune of the lover, and after her consent and that of her parents (for they have the right of refusing) is obtained, the accepted lover gives a feast to all her relatives. A day being appointed for the union to take place, the whole of the villagers are feasted; they in return are obliged to present the new married couple with a new house in the village. Any breach of marriage vows is punished by a fine of a cow or hog, by the counsel assembled for , trial of the culprits. One of the most singular customs is, that after the birth of the first child, the parents and relatives of the new married couple are prohibited from touching any other villagers, or any other villagers from touching them, for two or three days ; should a villager 952 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106. infringe the rule, he is obliged to remain two or three days in the house of the parents and not to mix in society; but if the relatives of the party are in fault, they are punished by a fine of a feast. On the occurrence of a death, they howl their lamentations, feast, and bury the corpse, placing the deceased’s spear in the grave, and his shield, and a few small sticks like forks, with some eggs and gram, on the grave, as an Offering to ensure them good crops. I could get no reasons from them why their doing so would ensure them fertility of the soil. They are not very martial at present, having been generally the party attacked and subdued by the other Nagas. They have very little trade, and not much inclination that way, being too fond of idleness to exert themselves for their own improvement ; they cultivate small quantities of cotton, and exchange it for salt. Many of them have taken refuge in the Mikeer villages, and may in time adopt the industrious habits of those cultivators, but their unruly, independent inclinations would be a great obstacle to any attempt at improving them. Mohong Dejira now consists of about 50 or 60 houses; in former days it enumerated about 300. The emigrants have formed the villages of Bokolea and Nerondlea, and many are gone to Dhurumpore. The cause of their flight, it is stated, was owing to some Nagas a few years ago having killed two of their tribe; that may be partly the reason, but the itine- rant character of the Cacharee, may have influenced them greatly. The Cacharees here, till within two years past, have been obliged to pay tribute to the Nagas of Sumoogoding, to preserve peace. The tri- bute consisted of a cow or bullock, and one maund of salt per annum. The lands about here are of the finest description, some yielding very rich crops of grain, and can be irrigated at pleasure by a small rivulet which issues from the hills to the N., but the indolent disposition of the villagers (who are an admixture of Assamese and Cacharees) prevents their taking advantage of the fertility of the soil, large sheets of which remain uncultivated, which were formerly well cropped; but since the reduction of the village, and their union with the Assamese they have become great opium-eaters, and merely cultivate sufficient rice, &c. to afford them the means of subsistence. Some traders extend their traffic, up to this village, and procure a tolerable supply of cotton from the Dhejuah Cacharees. There are few Indian products that could not be reared on the low lands around this part of the country, and the presence 1840.] Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 958 of lime, coal, arid chalk about the vales, might prove of the utmost use to any manufacture or plantation which might be established, as the country becomes known and settled. Regarding the climate, I cannot say much from experience ; but the diseases both amongst cattle and men, which have proved so fatal to those attacked by them in the nor- thern parts of the Nowgong division, have not been known here, and this may allow one to conclude, that this part of the country is more salubrious than other parts. No grain having arrived till the 13th, I was unable to move forward; when thirteen maunds having accumulated, I proceeded with half of the Shan Detachment (leaving the remainder to follow when more grain ‘came up, as I expected its arrival every moment) to Dhemapore Nugger to which place I had requested Tularam Rajah to cut a road, having heard of the existence of the ruins of an old Cacharee fort on the Dhunsiri on my return last year, which nobody (with exception perhaps of one or two very old Cacharees belonging to Tularam) had seen. Crossing the Jumonah a mile or two distant from Mohong, we reached the Dhealow river, on which sheds had been erected for us, and were obliged to encamp, as I was told the second sheds were too far for us to reach that day, having started late, from the non-arrival of the coolies. The Dhealow is about ten or fifteen yards broad, and like most hill streams, shallow. The path was excellent, over a slightly undulating country; we passed a few clearances which had been deserted several years back, on account of the Naga feuds ; the distance to this is about six miles; the ap- pearance of the country wavy, with small rich alluvial plains at intervals. 14th.—Passed through the same description of country as yesterday, and was obliged to encamp at the second sheds, eight miles distant, on the Pikrong Deesa, the distance including our present march from this to Dhemapore, being too great for the coolies. 15¢h.—Passing over a small plain and some wavy ground, we found the path excellent till we reached the Looree, a small river, in the bed of which our route lay for three or four miles to within a league of Dhemapore; when we left it, and got upon some high country, which led us to the fine bund road skirting the walls of the ancient city. I was very much astonished to find so fine an old place, totally lost sight of by the Cacharees themselves, an oral tradition of which was merely in existence ; but they attribute it to the fear they have always felt 954 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. of going into these forests, which since the desertion of the place, have been overrun by wild beasts, and frequented only by plundering Nagas. The remains of Dhemapore Nugger consist of some pillars of various patterns, a gateway, the ruined tower, or palace wall, and a small fort to the north, besides tanks both within and without the walls. The fortification is surrounded on three sides by a dry ditch, of about thirty feet broad, a bund, or camp, and a second ditch. The gateway is in a tolerable state of preservation, but the inner passage, or guard room, has given way, and lies a heap of ruins, on which the Nagaser and other trees grow. The pillars are in three parallel rows, two of which are of a circular form, and one square; there are ten in each row of the former, and twenty in the single row of the latter ; many of them have been split asunder by trees falling on them, and shrubs growing from out of them ; in one spot a large banian tree has entwined its roots over a fallen one; some of them have been worn smooth by the wild animals (elephants, rhinoceroses, hogs, &c.) rubbing themselves against them. One of the pillars appears as if it had been an instrument for the punishment of criminals. It resem- bles two long square pillars joined at the base, and gradually increasing in distance from each other, from two inches at the bottom, to several feet at the top. The form of the town, or palace enclosure, is an oblong square, lengthways facing the river, which is about 200 yards off. It was built by Chokradoz, 4th Rajah of Cachar,* but long subsequent to the erec- *RAJAHS OF CACHAR. 1 Oodi Bhim ; the founder of the House ; his son, 2 Kartrick Chundro; his son, 3 Beerdurpo; his son, 4 Chokradoz ; his son, 3 Manik Chundro ; his son, 6 Phalgoo Durpo ; his son, 7 Hurrick Chundro ; his son, 8 Narionee Chundro ; . his son, 9 Madub Chundro ; his son, 1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 955 tion of Ghergong in the Jorhat district, the first residence of the Cachar Rajahs. It is stated that after being driven from Ghergong by the 10 Oodok Narion ; his son, Tl Indra Bol; his son, Nychinggra, 12 Moyurut Doz: his brother, his son, his son, Krete Chundro, 13 Gooroorod Doz ; his brother, 14 Ordoa Detee ; his brother, 15 Mokorod Doz; ~ his brother, 16 Tamruz Doz; his son, 17 Sooroo Durpo ; End of regular line 18 Krete Chundro ; his son, 19 Ram Chundro ; Hurree Chundro being an his brother, infant at the death of his fa- 20 Lukee Chundro ; ther, Ram Chundro, his uncle, his nephew, assumed the royal power. 21 Huree Chundro ; his son, 22 Kishen Chundro ; his brother, 23 Goovin Chundra, murdered in 1830. Tularam claims descent from Soroodurpo, the 17th Raja of Cachar, thus Soroodurpo—his brother—Ghumber Sing. im Hada, Dow, Pa ; Racha Dow, Moodooram, Anundro Ram, oO “ Kishen Churun, Doorga Ram, Seeb Ram, Govin Ram, a eres Tula Ram, Joy Ram, Runget Ram, aa or) Nohal Ram, Bundoo Ram, Notr.—Lieut. Grange does not inform us whence he derives his list of the Cachar Rajas. His description of their ancient abode will not fail to interest the readers of the J ournal. It is curious to note this instance of singular change in the political and social condition of the Naga country, in connecticn with the discoveries lately made of the former existence of civilization in tracts now among the wildest in India. It is only thus that the difficulties which beset the antiquary and the historian in this country, can be appreciated. The materials are now in course of slow accumula~ tion, which will assist some future Gibbon in giving such a history of India, as must, | fear, remain for years a desideratum in literature. ae 6F 956 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106. Assamese, Chokradoz settled on the Dhunsiri river, and built Dhemapore, but hearing of the approach of a famous Hindoostanee warrior, called Kala Par, who had been converted from the Brahmin easte to the Mahomedan faith, and had become a great destroyer of Hindoo ~ images, he fled with the image of the tutelar god of the house of Cachar to Myhong, in the hills, where he built a fort. Kala Par not finding his foe, pillaged the place, and withdrew to his country. On his retirement the Ahoms,* or Assamese, came to take posses- sion of Dhemapore, but Chokrodaz not fearing his new enemy came down from his retreat in the hills, and meeting an Ahom Phokun, inquired of him the reason of the Ahomean invasion, to which the Pho- kun replied, that they had merely come to look at the country, and that the army had withdrawn, which answer satisfied the Raja; when how- . ever, in fancied security he and his people laid aside their arms and proceeded to encamp and cook, they were attacked by the Assamese who had been laying in ambush, and not being ready to receive their treacherous foe, were put to immediate flight. The Rajah, with the remainder of his men, succeeded in effecting his escape to Myhong, where he remained, and Dhemapore was deserted. He died at Myhong, as did several of his successors, and the court was afterwards removed to Kaspore in the plains. The country round Dhemapore has all the appearance of having been at a prior period well populated. On the right bank of the river are three large tanks, two of which were excavated by the Rajah and Ranee; they are twenty cubits deep, and with the exception of a break in one or two places in their banks, are quite perfect, and hardly a weed is to be seen on their surfaces; they abound with fish. The banks are heavily wooded, and I found several kinds of citron growing on them. The wild elephants and rhinoceroses had taken up their abode upon them, and use the tanks as their baths. The whole country in the vicinity is covered with forest, containing very fine timber of the following descriptions—Cham,! Tetachapa,? Ghunsiri,? Rata, Toon,‘ Awal,°® Hullok,’ and Nagaser.’ I am informed by Tularam * Rather the conquerors of the Assamese (vide Asiatic Society’s Journal No. 104) these warriors devastated Assam simultaneously with the Musselmans. (oy 1 Artocarpus Chaplasha ? 2 Laurus? 3 Laurus Sassafras? 4 Cedrela Toona. 7 Mesua ferrea, No, 3 is I believe a species of Camphora.—{N. W.] 1840, | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 957 and others, that the Nagas west of the Doyang river derive their origin from an union of the Cacharee and Naga tribes, and that in former days the Nagas were far away beyond the Doyang river. The Nagas them- selves acknowledge an origin from the Cacharee tribe, and on that ac- count they used not to decapitate the Cacharee prisoners they made, to obtain ransom (?) which they invariably did with the Nagas that fell into their hands. Their unusual custom of not acknowledging any regular chief amongst themselves, tends greatly to confirm that statement, as the Lotah, Nimsang, and other Nagas on the east of the Doyang river, I am informed, have regular chiefs, besides a chief over a number of villages. The scantiness of the present Cacharee popula- tion may therefore be accounted for by their having been partly absorbed in the surrounding tribes, and their emigrations to all parts of Assam. The Cacharees attribute the desolation of their country to. (what they call) their innocence and simplicity of character, and the superior cunning of the Ahoms, of whose magic powers they have many tradi- tional stories ; certain it is, that Dhemapore must have been the seat of a considerable population in former days. The appearance of the lands about, are of the richest description, and they have been much extolled by all persons who have seen them. The country is high, and not liable to be inundated by any rise of the river, with undulations and small hillocke at different places ; there are a few marshes and low lands on the banks of the river, which are very rich, and well adapted to low land crops ; but the products most likely to be suited to the higher growers, are tea, coffee, sugar, tobacco, cotton, wheat, &c., and all kinds of vegetables. There are a great number of animals of all descriptions about Dhemapore, and those that came under my observation, were the elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, buffalo, hog, and deer; there is also a great number of birds of many varieties of plumage, and several kinds of lizards. There is a Mora Dhunsiri a short way to the south-east, along which we discovered by the cut twigs a wild animal’s track, used by the Nagas, leading from Sumboogoding towards Tokophen, by which it is evident that they have hitherto been in the habit of communicating with that village, and no doubt have been one of the parties engaged in annoying the Rengma Nagas. The latter complain both of the 958 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. Lotahs and Dewansas, but more particularly of the former, whom they — call Chokannew, and the latter Choquennew. The Dhunsiri river con- tains gold of a dark colour. I succeeded in procuring a few grains, through means of agold-washer I took up with me, but the quantity procured held out but little inducement for him to continue washing on his own account. The depth of the river was not sufficient in the cold season to admit of canoes reaching Dhemapore, though no doubt they can do so at other seasons of the year. The breadth of the river within its banks up there is 160 feet. There are many deep holes in different parts of it, which contain many descriptions of very fine fish, and the Cacharees kill great numbers of them with a poisoning creeper they call “‘ Deo Bih,” which they bruise and wash in the waters. Having received intimation that no grain had arrived at Mohong since my leaving it, and the quantity I had brought on with me not being sufficient to authorize my moving forward (only a day’s grain being in camp), I returned to Mohong to urge on the large quantity which had been despatched from Raha in November, but which from unforeseen difficulties had been detained at Sil Dhurmpore. I reached Mohong in two days, and returned to Dhemapore on the 17th, and grain arriving on the 19th, I was enabled to start from Dhemapore on the 21st, but not having a sufficient number of coolies to take the whole of the party on, I was obliged to leave the Assam Militia which had arrived from Jorhat behind, to follow me up when I sent back the coolies for them. The distance from Dhemapore to Su- moogoding I should say, in a straight line, would be about fifteen miles, but by the route I followed, not less than twenty-two or twenty- four miles, which I accomplished in 22 days, Having built a stockade independent of the villagers, and part of the Jorhat Militia having arrived under their Subadar, I left them in post here to guard any grain that might come up, and quitting Sumoo- goding on the 2nd February, reached Razapamah or Jykamee that day, — the distance being but six miles. We did not pursue the route followed by Captains Jenkins and Pemberton, but descended to the southern foot of the Sumoogoding ridge, and went along the stony bed of the Desem Unurue, or Kooki river, till we reached the eastern base of the low ridge on which Razapamah or Jykamee is situated. As we reached the village which stood about a quarter ofa mile from the river Keruhee, an influen- 1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 959 tial chief came down with all his war accoutrements on ; upon my inquir- ing the reason of his being thus equipped, he said, had we intended any harm, they would have fought us. They had piled up stones on their small circular towers, by the path side, to throw at us as we advan- ced, which proves how ignorant they still are, some of them, of the effects of fire-arms. He offered me his house, and several houses of his party for the night. He informed me that the village was divided into two parties, and that he could answer for the peaceful intentions of his own party, but not for the other. He said he had suffered much since I had last seen him, having quarrelled, fought, and found his match in a fellow villager, who had burnt his house and grain, and made him almost a beggar. In the evening, over a brisk fire, I succeeded in obtaining some of their martial ideas ; bringing his shield, which was covered over with the hair of the foes he had killed, and carefully unwrapping a cloth off two pieces of ratan covered with the hair of his sisters, he placed them on each side of his shield, and commenced springing about with very great agility, spinning his spear round all the time. He then showed me, with an air of very great pride, the two ratans covered with hair, and said that they could only be worn by warriors who had killed many of their enemies, and brought in their heads, who are then en- titled to receive some locks of hair from each sister, tied on ratan, which they are obliged to wear on their shield, in the manner above des- cribed. They consider certain Nagas their natural enemy, over whom gaining any advantage would be great honor. On my inquiring who his enemies were, he very innocently replied, the Beren Nagas, and those about Simkir ; his feud with the Beren Nagas having arisen from a quarrel he had had with some of the Nagas of that village, at the salt wells near Sumoogoding. On my telling him that I had come up on purpose to suppress the aggressions committed in that quarter, he re- plied that he was aware of it, and had not been out since I was last up on their hills, and that he had assisted the Dak wal, who had foolishly gone up after me. The latter case was true, but whether the former was, or not, was impossible to say ; though as no aggressions from this quar- ter have been heard of this year, it is probably true. Leaving Jykamee on the 8rd, we followed the route by which Captains Jenkins and Pem- berton came, for a short way, and then turning to the left, entered the villagers’ cultivations, on which we found the tea tree growing in the 960 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. most luxuriant manner, uncared for, and unknown; in the rice fields it springs up in all directions in fine bushes, from the roots of old trees which had been cut down by the Nagas in clearing their lands for culti- vation ; the leaves of the plants found in the rice fields were much broad- er, and of a deeper green colour (some leaves tinged with yellow) than those obtained in the forest. It grows in many places on the low hills in this neighbourhood, and appears a very hardy tree. The greatest size which the trees I saw attained, were from two or three inches in dia- meter and fifteen or fifty feet high ; the jungle causing them to run up this way to get at the air and light. The country it is found in, is very like that about the environs of the falls of the Jumonah, where there is but little doubt that tea would grow equally as well as it does on the Naga hills. I am informed by a Burmese who was formerly on the frontiers of China, that in the districts of Taongbine and Taongmah, the Polong inhabitants cultivate nothing else but the tea tree, and that from one description alone four varieties of tea are obtained, which he described in the following manner—First kind, from the buds, called in Burmese Shuabee. Second kind, when two leaves only have shot forth, called Kugengoo. Third kind, when five and four leaves have shot forth, called Kugeyenka. And the fourth kind when in five and six leaves, called Kyeot. The latter is drank only by the common people. In ap- pearance it is exactly the same as that found about Jykamee. The hills on which the Polong people live, are much higher than those we disco- vered the tea on in the Naga hills, Passing over these low hills, we came to a small plain, on which we found ginger growing wild. It was quickly dug up by the Shans for medicinal purposes, who said it was to be found growing in the same state, only in the Singhpo country. Crossing several feeders of the Desem or Unurue river, we ascended to the village called by the Munipoorees, Ookusuha, and by the Nagas about this part, Terriamah, or by the Nagas on the Cachar hills, Umponglo. The villagers, as they did last time I passed their village, offerred us no opposition, but showed us a place to encamp upon, and assisted to clear away the jungle for that purpose, for which I gave them presents. There is no good ground near the village for encamping on, but before ascending to it there is a small stream on which Captains Pemberton and Jenkins formed their camp, which is a good place for halting at coming 1840. ] Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 961 from Jykamee, and prior to crossing the great range. There is also another spot beyond the ridge Terriamah is situated on, which is im- mediately beneath the great range on the Desem or Unurue river. 4th. February. Ascended the great range by the path followed by Captains Jenkins and Pemberton. The ascent was extremely steep and harassing to the coolies, and we did not reach the small river beneath the Haplongmee, till 3. rp. m. Haplongmee is called by the Nagas about here Konomah, which is equivalent to the Sinpalo of the Nagas about Beren, and the Cachar hills. 5th. We started from Haplongmee in search of the Muniporee detachment, which was to have met us there, and encamped on the Tobool or Tzupfoo river, in the fence erected by the Munipoorees on | their return route; but my party only taking up one quarter of the ground they did, I was obliged to make the fences much smaller. I calculated the force of the Munipooree detachment at 400 men, judg- ing from the extent of ground it covered. The Nagas after promis- ing to show us the route to the place where we might find the Muni- poorees, or at any rate to the next village, began to slip off one by one, after we had moved a short way from their village. 6th. Passing a short way up the bed of the Toobool, or Tzupfoo river, we turned to the right, and ascended a slight ridge. The country about this is extremely rugged and repulsive in appearance, being composed chiefly of high rocky ranges, with but little flat ground at their bases. The sides of the ridges are covered with low bushes, and small quantities of grass, and here and there a stunted fir or two. I saw some apple trees which had been planted by the Nagas ; also, in the vale in which we encamped, willows growing along the ditches, as in parts of Europe. The climate I should say was good, it was moderately warm in the day, and cold at night, with sharp hoar frosts on the ranges. All the water in our mugs and pots was thickly frozen during the night we remained at this place. 7th. Not thinking that I should find the Munipoorees by advancing further, after the misrepresentations we had received, I turned to retrace my steps to Konomah or Hoplongmee, hoping to be able to make a detour and visit Ikare and Singpagee ; and proceeded down to our former encamping ground on the Toobool, or Tzupfoo river. The fences and huts had been destroyed by the Hoplongmee Nagas, but we soon erected others. 962 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106. 8th. Advanced to the heights before entering Hoplongmee. I found some difficulty in procuring information regarding the customs of the Nagas of these parts, on account of their suspicious character, and fear of answering my questions, which they think might tend to discover some of the exceeding cunning habits which they possess. They are very fond of argument, and have recourse to it immediately they become aware that they are not able to cope with their enemy viet armis, aud do not scruple to resort to the most absurd falsehoods to try and intimidate their opponents. They are, like most mountaineers, very uncleanly, and their habi- tations are seldom or ever cleared of the filth of ages. The houses are large, and are generally divided into two apartments, in which they live and keep their grain, animals, &c. One family only resides in one house. When not obliged to work, the men are lazily inclined, and spend their mornings generally in sipping a species of fermented liquor, but when pushed to labour, they are very active, and work very cheerfully to some merry song. Their reaping song in particular struck me as being exceedingly wild and pretty. They form a line of men, women and children, and advance together, singing in chorus and cutting down the crop. They cultivate several kinds of vetches and peas, and have four or five species of rice, some grown on the mountains, and some in the vales. The latter are produced on lands that have been shaped out in steps and are irrigated by the innumerable streams, rivulets, &c. found at the base of nearly all the mountains. . They breed cows, pigs, goats, fowls, and dogs, and eat of nearly every living animal; in fact I do not know of a single exception, rats, snakes, monkeys, tigers, elephants, being all equally tasteful to them. I was informed that Konoma, or Hoplongmee, is composed of 300 houses, half of which are Angamee and half Dewan Nagas, but they unite and join in all pillaging expeditions with the two Angamee villages of Mozomah (Ikaree) and Khamona (Impagee), both of 500 houses strong. The three villages, to keep up their tie of alliance, are required to give a united feast once a year, each village sending a cow and other articles for the occasion. The villages at the northern base of the great range are an admixture of the Angamee and Dewan tribes. The Angamees are known to the Nagas by the name of Khunomah, and the tribe known by the Cacharee name of Dewansa, is called Thungeemah; a difference must be observed between the 2 1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 963 names of Khunomah and Konomah, the latter being the name of the village of Hoplongmee, and the former of the Angamee tribe and of an Angamee village. I could not obtain any accounts of the origin of this singular tribe, who appear to have been a small colony established in the midst of a number of tribes, who, from their daring and martial character, have held all the surrounding tribes in awe, and after increasing itself into three or four villages, has com- pletely gained a supremacy over its neighbour, and although the latter boasted of a much greater number of villages, though not so large as the Angamees, and a larger tribe, they are not able to attack them in return, from their want of unity and confidence. The attacks of all these wild tribes are looked upon in no other light than authorized martial exploits against their natural enemies, which sin- gular to say, they consider all Nagas not of their own tribe. Now however that they are attacked by them in return, they are becoming less inclined to continue their former distant maurauding expeditions, and confine themselves merely to the revenge of any injury they may have, or fancy they have, received. The Dewan tribe, I imagine ‘has obtained that name from having formerly either resided on, or come from beyond the Dooyang or Dewan river. From the village of Yang, another tribe springs up, whose dialect is different from either the Angamee or Dewan Nagas, and who are called by the former tribe Zamee. Beyond the Doyang, other large tribes of Nagas exist ; Lotah, Nemsang, &c. &c. these tribes I am informed differ from those to the west of that river, and are under their respective chiefs, whose authority they acknowledge, which is contrary to the sys- tem of the Thuggeemah (Dewan) and Angamees. The latter tribes when about to undertake any expedition, assemble the aged and fighting men of their villages to discuss the matter over, and the greatest bullies generally succeed in getting their wishes adopted. The Nagas of these parts acknowledge the power of three gods. The first is known by the name of Rapoo, to whom they sacrifice cows and bulls only. He is the chief, and has the power of killing or curing. The second is called Humaadee, to whom they sacrifice dogs ; and the third Rampaow, to whom they sacrifice cocks and offer liquor. They said, they had all three the power of killing or curing in different dis- eases. Their marriage ceremony is nearly the same as that of the Rengma Nagas, 6G 964 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. Landed property is hereditary, and is cultivated for ages by the pro- prietors. In building houses, neighbours are required by custom to assist each other, for which they are feasted by the person whose house they are building. On deaths of fathers occurring, the property is divided, and all the family share, the house going to the eldest son, unless he has one of his own, when the mother retains it. The barter value of different articles at the village of Hoplongmee was as follows, a cow is valued at 10 or 12 conch shells. A pig & sit. 2iditto. A fowl ws » 1 packet of salt. A goat me » 2 conch shells. A male slave ij »» 1 cow and 8 conch shells. A female ditto. Ee », 98 ditto, and 4 and 5 ditto. The children of slaves are slaves. The climate of Hoplongmee is in the month of February very fine, the days are mild, and the nights very clear and cold, and a strong hoar frost rests on the ground till 8 a.m.—I found wild raspberries growing on the hills in the vicinity, and some nettles resembling those found in Europe. The hills are of considerable altitude, and those in the immediate neighbourhood of Hoplongmee covered with stunted a grass, with wooded patches on their sides. The alpine scenery is ex- tremely fine, and few sights could exceed the grandeur and fearful appearance of astorm rolling slowly through these mountain chains. We experienced some very high bleak winds on them. The Nagas have several ways of prophesying the success of any ex- pedition they are going on. One is by cutting a soft reed with their spear head into flat pieces, and if the slices fall to the ground one way, success is sure to fall in the opposite direction intended ; according to the number fallen that way, so will be the proportion of ill luck ; suc- cess by another mode is by the means of the flight of a cock. If he flies strong and far, it is a favourable sign; but if, on the contrary, he should fly weakly, and to no distance, ill luck is sure to ensue. In going on an expedition, if a deer cross their path they return, and defer their trip till some other day. This same superstition prevails also amongst the Shan tribes, with the slight difference, that if a deer cross their path from right to left, they proceed, but ifin the opposite direction, i. e. from left to right, they return immediately, considering it a warning not to proceed upon any expedition. 1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 965 Leaving about 9 a. M., we crossed the great range, and after a very fatiguing march, did not encamp on the Unurue or Desem river till dusk of evening; we this day reached a stream, three miles to the south of Jykamee, the distance from that village to the base of the great range being rather too far for the coolies. 15th February—Quitting at 64 a. m. an hour’s march brought us to Jykamee. We encamped this day on the Desem river, at the southern base of the Sumoogoding hill. We discovered the tea tree growing in the neighbourhood of camp in a very luxuriant manner, the country is of the same description of low hills, as found in the vicinity of Jykamee. 19th. Marched round the village, to avoid going through it, as the Nagas seemed to have much objection to it, and met some Nagas from other villages. 20th. Leaving Pepamee, and proceeding for about a mile, we came to some trees, in which I halted the party ; we encamped upon a small stream about four miles from Pepamee. In the evening we observed their beacons alight (on high hills) in all directions, which I found out were signals of our position, and movements; the number of beacons burning at the same time, being the signal of our advance, retirement, or halting place ; the path was very good, over a ridge of low hills. 21st. Our progress was very slow, and although the distance to Juppmah was four or five miles, we did not arrive there till 3 p. ma. We entered the village through a narrow lane, with a stone wall on either side, and a bamboo trellis work over it, and a single plank of consider- able thickness as a door. This village was a very old one, of about 300 houses, although report always augmented the number to 500 ; it is composed of half Angamee and half Dewan Nagas. Some of their stools or bedsteads were very large, cut out of a single tree, and they held them in great esteem ; their iron instruments being of the most infe- rior description, it must have taken them considerable time and labour to cut out the trees. We found a great quantity of rice in the jungle, of four or five different kinds. The Rengma river winds past the western foot of the hill this village is situated on. On a hill on its right bank, bearing from Juppmah 554, is the village of Bephomee. The country about this is composed of good sized mountains, though of much less altitude than those of the 966 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. great range, averaging from two to three thousand feet high. The Sumoogoding range, after admitting the Desem river through it to the east of that village, continues in a north-eastern direction till it is again broken by the Rengma river passing through it, and it finally ends at the Doyang river; the hills on the eastern bank of the latter river extending down its course to about. the parallel of latitude of Mohong Dhejooa. The mountain on which Juppmah is situated, over- looks the Sumoogoding ridge, and the whole country is visible up to the Rengma Naga hills, to the west of the Dhunsiri; the eye extending over a vast dark looking forest plain, with the course of the Rengma winding through it, till it is lost sight of in the distance. The hills to the east, between the Rengma and Doyang river, are of a far less height than those to the west of the former river, and run in parallel ridges, east and west. The largest mountains lay in detached ridges to the south of the great range. It appears to me that the latter range would form a well defined boundary between Assam and Munipoor, running in an almost uninter- rupted straight line from the Meghpoor valley up to the Rengma river, a slight bend only taking place to the southward, of not much con- sequence, about Berem. I regret extremely I was not able to prosecute my examination of the country further to the eastward, which I was obliged to give up on account of the delay that I had been subjected to in the plains, and the lateness of the season at which I entered the hills. Sickness had commenced in camp, which made marching very harassing with the limited means I had of conveyance. 27th. After much difficulty in providing conveyance for the sick, I left this ground, and returned by the path we had come. We encamped in our former fences of the 20th. On the 28¢h, reached Meyepamah ; and on the Z9¢h, arrived at Sumoo- goding, and found that the whole of the stockade, grain, and property left behind, had been destroyed by fire, through the carelessness of a sepoy. 2nd March. Deeming it imprudent to trust a post at such a distance from any civilized population with only a few maunds of grain in a weak stockade, and fearing the ill will of the villagers, I brought the whole party down to Dhemapoor, where we found 200 maunds of grain assembled. 967 A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By JoHannes AvpaLL, Esq, I.A.S. Se. Armenia, that favoured portion of the globe, famed in the page of ancient and modern history both for its physical resources and political changes, is generally admitted to have been prolific in giving birth to men of vigorous minds, and no ordinary attain- ments, maugre the lamentable disasters consequent on the overthrow of the dynasties of its kings, and the invasion of the barbaric hordes, by which it was overrun in the various periods of its history. The subject of this memoir, Mechithar Ghosh, was born in the Armenian era 592, corresponding with Anno Domini 1148, in the city of Ganzak,-once the capital of Armenia Major, situated between the sea or lake of Gelam and the river Kar, or Cyrus. While in his teens, he devoted himself to the study of the Armenian language and classical literature, under the able and paternal tuition of the learned friar Johannes of Tavaish. His heart burned with a love of knowledge, and his whole attention was literally absorbed in the acquisition of the learning of his country. The death of his preceptor, which imbued his mind with a tinge of melancholy, and subjected him to a temporary dejection of spirits, was not allowed to cool his ardour in the pursuit of his favourite study. From an association with learned men of all ages and all grades, he derived an exhaustless fund of knowledge, and was thus enabled to enrich his mind with the gems of science and literature. Not content with the intellectual riches of which he was already possessed, he repaired towards the frontier of the Black mountain,(') then the acknowledged centre of all Haican(*) learning and science, and the reputed resort of all men of letters and genius, with the view of extending his mental acquirements, and attaining to the highest possible eminence amongst his contemporaneous literati of Armenia. Here he was received with the greatest kindness, and the most marked attention, by his kindred spirits; and ultimately had the gratification to see his laudable endea- yours crowned with the most triumphant success. He had the merit QC) Ubu L fwd ix Armenian. (2) Haic 44y4 was the grand progenitor of the Armenians, who are also called Haics 2&4 -p ? after his name. 968 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, [No 106. of ranking in the list of the most learned and erudite of his age, a consummation to which his whole ambition aspired! The extent of his learning could only be equalled by the degree of austerity which he had imposed on the mode of his life. He was highly esteemed by all, for the urbanity of his manners, and rigidness of his moral discipline. After a stay of some years in the society of men eminent for their love and acquisition of wisdom, he went to-the city of Carin,() (the modern Erzertim) preparatory to returning to Ganzak, the land of his birth. No sooner had he commenced tasting the sweets of the company of his relatives and nearest friends, after a long separation, than he had the misfortune to feel the disasters from the inroads of the Scythians, by whom that part of the country was cruelly harassed and devastated. This induced him to quit his native soil, and to proceed to the province of Khachen, where resided Vakhthank, the prince of Hatherka,(*) under whose protection he expected to enjoy comparative ease and freedom from the molestation of unbelievers. Here he meditated the propriety of devoting himseif to a monastic life ; and having determined on this step, he bade adieu to his protector, and repaired to the province of Kain, where stood a convent, known by the appellation of Ketick.(°) He took shelter within the precincts of this monastery, and joined its inmates with a full acquiescence in the rules of the institution. On the demolition of that convent by the incursions of enemies, he constructed a new one on the spot, called the “ Valley of Tanzut.”() He also built in this place a church, consecrated by the name of St. Gregory the Illuminator,(’) and a small chapel dedicated to St. John the Baptist.©) Subsequently, on the increase of the popu- lation in that place, he erected another church of solid stone, and on a more extensive scale, which was consecrated by the name of the holy Deiparous. The erection of this sacred edifice was finished in (3) Ywphb Carin is the name of the city of Erzerim, in the classical atlas of Armenia. (*) U faunal Aefeuitth 2w [Fb p.pry in Armenian. @ Dbunhh or Pbunkay fustp in Armenian. (°) Tanz Subé signifies pear in Armenian. The valley abounded in pears, and was therefore called Qgsndoem Tanzut, or full of pears. (7) Urcee tebanp Lqeuuenpliy St. Gregory the Illuminator flourished in the third century, and evangelised Armenia. ©) Uaepe SodSuiiobkea Whpnfy in Armenian. 1840. | the Armenian Legislator. 969 the year 1191. The convent, newly constructed by him, received the name of Ketick,@) which appellation was afterwards applied to him, in commemoration of his being the founder of that monastery. He was also known by the cognomen Ghosh,(") which appellative was added to his Christian name, in consequence of his having very little, or no beard; this circumstance is corroborated by the testimony of his cotemporary and countryman, Kirakus("') Ganzakensis, who had the honour and pleasure of his personal acquaintance and friendship. Mechithar Ghosh is known to have been the author of numerous works of sterling merit. He wrote a book on human nature, in the shape of an address from Adam to his sons, and from Eve to her daughters. He also wrote several treatises on the Christian faith, and on the Communion of the Altar. His pastoral and admonitory epistles are also extant, and afford a proof of his unassuming piety and philan- throphy. At the end of this epistolary work he says, ‘“ If I have ever erred in addressing these monitory letters to my countrymen, or un- intentionally offended those whom I intended to benefit, I am most cordially penitent for my error, and readily ask their indulgence and forgiveness.” He is also said to have written a commentary on the book of Jeremiah, and a great many sacred odes and poetical pieces. Some of the latter have been handed down to us, and are pro- nounced to be sufficiently elegant and sublime, to stamp him as a poet of no ordinary kind. His composition of ‘‘ Choice Fables,” is a combination of the utile dulci, and indicates his capacity to unite a great deal of instruction with much amusement. Of all the works of Mechithar Ghosh, the latter is the only one that has ever been printed. It was published by the Mechitharistic('”) Society of Venice, on the 18th of January 1790. The chief recommendation of these Fables is, their originality, for which they are considered to be far (°) The subject of this memoir was also called Wblémp Gfunkuy Mechithar of Ketick. (1°) Ghosh (ez in Armenian signifies Puupd or Puppy > vulgo Powmwh >» and in English, beardless, or one having very little beard. (1) Ghpahau Quttduhegh in Armenian. Kirakus is from the Greek word Kuptayoc, andits adoption as a proper name, is very common among the Armenians, ('*) This Society was founded by Mechithar of Sebastia, in the early part of the eighteenth century. Its members have been pre-eminently successful in promoting the revival of Armenian literature, and the publication of numerous works of considerable merit, 970 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh. [ No. 106. superior to the “Select Fables of Vartan,” published at Paris in the year 1825, with a French translation, by that most indefatigable and highly distinguished orientalist, M. J. St. Martin, under the auspices of the Asiatic Society of that place. But the crowning literary production of this great Leviathan of Armenian literature, is the Code of Laws which he concocted, framed, and promulgated, in the year 1184, and which has immortalised his name as a legislator and first-rate author, in the recollection of posterity. In the preparation of this law-book, he availed himself of the assistance of Frater Josephus and Frater Paulus, both equally distinguish- ed in the page of our national history, for their literary attainments and deep research. The laws comprised in this Herculean work are both civil and ecclesiastical, and admirably adapted to the state of the Arme- nians of those days. Mechithar Ghosh shines more conspicuously in the character of a legislator than in that of a divine, a disciplinarian, an annotator, a poet, or a fabulist. I have treated, at great length of the code of this eminent legislator, in my “ Essay on the Laws and Law- Books of the Armenians,”(*) and furnished some specimens of the laws contained therein. I must here repeat, what I have already stated elsewhere, my deep regret at the total absence of a printed Armenian standard Code of Laws, to the great inconvenience and difficulty of the Armenians located within the pale of the Honorable Company’s courts in this country. Authentic and genuine copies(“) of the law-book of Mechithar Ghosh, are to be found in the extensive library of the Me- chitharistic Society of Venice. Want of funds to meet the expenses - of printing, if I am correctly informed, is the only cause of the non- publication of this valuable work of antiquity ; which, if published, would unquestionably be considered one of paramount interest and utility to the Armenian nation in general, and to the Armenian colonists of Bengal in particular. If the Armenians living under the jurisdiction of the Zillah courts of this country, be really willing to promote the security of the property of their children, let them step forward with ('°) Which will shortly be published. . (‘*) Since writing the above, I have been credibly informed that correct and elegantly written copies of this book are also kept in the library of Etchmiatchin. It is to be hoped that the work in question will speedily be published, either at Venice or Etch- miatchin. 1840. | the Armenian Legislator. 971 their purses unstrung, and, with a spirit of true patriotism, bestow this posthumous work of their renowned legislator of the twelfth century, as an invaluable boon on their expatriated countrymen of British India. But to return to the immediate subject of this brief memoir. In almost all national meetings, and in all synodical proceedings, Mechi- thar Ghosh took a willing and active part. He was present in the grand council, convened in 1178, at Hiromclah,(*) having for its object the formation of a union between the Armenian and Greek churches. His presence was also considered to be indispensably necessary in the two synods, respectively assembled at Lori and Ani, in the province of Shirak, between the years 1205 and 1207, for the express purpose of reconciling differences and dissensions, provoked by uneasy and turbulent spirits. He was desired by a particular invitation, bearing the signa- tures of the principal ecclesiastical dignitaries, to favour them with his attendance. He attended the council of Lori, but sent an apology for his inability to be present in the synod of Ani. Advanced age, aggravated by bodily infirmities, was the unavoidable cause of his ab- sence from that assembly. He sent, however, his vote in writing, expressive of his acquiescence in the proceedings of the majority of the meeting. Not quite contented with this, and unsuccessful in bringing the affairs of the meeting to a satisfactory termination, the assembled Bishops persuaded Mechithar Ghosh, by repeating their soli- citations in writing, to honour the assembly with his presence. The meeting stood adjourned, waiting his arrival with no small degree of anxiety. ‘* Hasten,” said they in their letter, “‘to our succour, for we are sadly divided; and the division cannot be healed but by a sweet word from your lips. Your apology for your advanced age and bodily infirmities, is inadmissible. Should you be visited by death on your journey hither, we shall hold your memory in reverence by a suitable and lasting monument, worthy of the public virtues of the best of our divines. Only hasten to our succour!” Mechithar Ghosh complied with their wishes, however fatiguing and wearisome the journey to a valetudinarian of his age and description. His presence at the assem- ' (5) 2andkpuy in Armenian. The etymological signification of Hiromclah is the castle of Rome. It was an impregnable fortress in the twelfth century, and belonged to the Count of Jocelyn during the days of the Crusaders, Z H 972 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. (No. 106. bly had an electric effect. A short address from him, judiciously and temperately worded, calmed and soothed the assembled multitude. The differences and dissensions were buried in the waters of Lethe; peace and unanimity restored ; and the assembly dispersed to the satis- faction of all parties. Such a wonderful character was Mechithar Ghosh ; and so universally esteemed, admired, honoured and respected by his countrymen, for his public and private virtues. The qualities of his mind kept pace with the qualities of his heart. He attained to a good patriarchal age, and terminated his earthly career, Anno Domini 1213, and his remains were interred in the convent of Ketick, with every demonstration of honour and affection becoming the memory of so great and useful a man. He had a great number of pupils, several of whom survived him, and rendered themselves distinguished by their literary productions, and acts of public utility. I cannot better conclude the memoir of this very learned and truly excellent man, than in the words of his countryman and contemporary, Kirakus Ganzakensis :-— Qudate gpk Ghpuhaw - °° Puaqaedp Eft agp wwhbanbgut fh Uist * duppwmbuuhat pup > puiigqh Sadpur foliaunne (thu ‘ngs Sasa. “ hGgun pin dkbwjh nbqho > b. gay wr. tos yrds Gaqdisig + put. gb gun winewt frpry dfobltwmpbp qudbibufs +. + + + pwi.p Unpw wp. ghetushutp bk pb gunpSop + + + duu uyuafuf Sadpurry paged opp ‘Ebb fb hupgh dupgugiin SuShei qht.pbwiu> bk qguyfib’f huopgh § wubb puny Gaya > o_uatb hf pdt > wattine ft dépunft Spanish: Be punqaedp yuzuhb pang inpas Sasufh *f murnfi ferpranyh nha 2” ‘“‘'There were many who availed themselves of the benefit of his indoctrination. The fame of his learning had spread far and wide, and attracted pupils from all parts of the country. He comforted them all, pursuant to the literal meaning of his own name !(°) His words and instruction were beneficial, and full of merit and grace! Owing to the celebrity of his name, many who had been invested with the degree of professorship, scrupled to acknowledge their own dignity, and went to him with the profession of pupilage on their lips. They were indoc- trinated by him, and newly received order. Several of his pupils had the merit of being honored with the doctoral degree.” (©) Mechithar [ffup(duwp etymologically signifies comforter, comforting, comfort- able, comfort, in the Armenian language. 973 Letter, forwarding a paper on the formation of the Museum of Economie Geology of India, from Captain 'TREMENHEERE, Engineers, to H. Torrens, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society. Caleutia, 27th January, 1841. I have the honour to state for the information of the President and Members of the Asiatic Society, that the collection of specimens form- ing the basis of a Museum of Economic Geology, is placed in the room which the Society has been pleased to appropriate to that purpose. I regret that my stay in Calcutta is so short that I shall be unable to complete the labelling of the specimens before my departure for Moulmein. The labels are, however, all prepared, and Mr. Piddington has kindly undertaken to place them near to each specimen, so as to render them distinctly legible. Corresponding printed numbers, which are also ready, are to be affixed to the specimens themselves, the num- bers now attached being only of a temporary description. To provide, as far as possible, for obtaining specimens of Indian mineral products, &c., and to explain the principles and objects of a Museum of this description, I have prepared a memorandum, in which I have endeavoured to describe the substances which it is con- sidered desirable to collect, and the indications by which localities, which are likely to afford them may be traced in such a manner as to require little or no previous acquaintance with mineralogy or geology, to render contributions useful and illustrative. A similar communication has been made to the Government of Bengal, with a view of increasing the collection of specimens suited to the objects proposed ; and should your Society concur in the sugges- tions contained in the paper herewith enclosed, its communication to the corresponding members of your Society, may prove of service to the Museum of Economic Geology, now forming. It is my intention, in compliance with a suggestion from Govern- ment to that effect, to maintain a correspondence, during my absence, with the Curator of your Museum, by which, and by personal com- munication, on any occasional visit which I may make to Calcutta, I shall be able to arrange for the disposal of specimens, which the Cura- tor may receive, in furtherance of the views herein alluded to. 974 Museum of Economie Geology of India. [ No. 106. MEMORANDUM. Numerous specimens of coal, and of ores of the . useful metals, recently received by Government from the Court of Directors, have been placed, with the consent of the Asiatic Society, in one of the Society’s rooms, at their house in Park Street, where they are arranged for public inspection. These specimens form part of a collection, to which it is intended that additions shall be made, until a complete series, exhibiting the mineral products of Great Britain shall be ob- tained; exemplifying at the same time, their modes of occurrence in rock formations, and the processes of converting the rough ores to the metallic state. With this view communications have been opened with the Director of the Geological Survey of England, for the supply and interchange of specimens suited to the objects proposed. Simultaneously with these, it is proposed to collect, with the aid of Engineer Officers, Officers of the Revenue Survey, and by donations from individuals interested in the subject, specimens of similar pro- ducts and processes of manufacture of this country, which will be ar- ranged in a manner convenient for comparison with the foregoing, and for exhibiting at one view the mineral resources of India. To these will be added specimens of soils, and other substances, showing the application of Geology to Agriculture; specimens of ma- terials used for public buildings, and for roads ; models of machinery adapted to mining and agriculture in India; and, lastly, records of mining operations which have been undertaken, or are still in progress. Materials will thus be obtained, at no distant date, for a Museum designed to illustrate the application of geology to the useful purposes of life, to be entitled ‘““ The Museum of Economic Geology of India.” The Museum already possesses a series of specimens of British coal and ironstone from the South Wales and South Staffordshire districts, from the forest of Dean, and from Newcastle. In British tin and copper ores, chiefly from Cornwall, the collection may be considered complete. The collection of specimens, exhibiting the various stages of metal- lurgical processes, comprises illustrative series of iron-smelting, and manufacture, as practised in South Wales; of the tin smelting of Cornwall ; and of copper smelting, as practised at Swansea. To these, it is intended to add the Bristol mode of manufacturing brass and the 1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 975 new and old methods of reducing zinc from its ores. Other mineral substances employed in the arts and manufactures will also be includ- ed, such as those illustrative of porcelain, common earthenware, pot- tery, fire bricks, and other manufactures from clays and their com- pounds, and of metallic oxides and earths employed as pigments, showing the mode in which they may be usefully and permanently associated with each other; as well as a series showing the important manufacture of glass. In the agricultural section, specimens of Indian soils and subsoils, or subjacent rocks, will be collected, with information of the mode of treatment and usual produce of the land, together with the conditions of exposure and meteorological influences to which it is subject. By analyzing such specimens, the connection of agricultural products with the chemical and physical properties of the soil, as well the mineral and vegetable substances most fitted for increasing the fertility of the land, will be ascertained ; and the results being compared with others similarly obtained in this, or in other countries,* correct principles will be established, either for the introduction of new products of cultiva- tion, or for the improvement of those already existing. The substra- tum of soils being generally an element in their relative fertility, an in- spection of these alone would lead to suggestions of much value to the cultivator, and to a knowledge of the geological character of the upper surface of the country from which they may be taken. Another section will comprise stones, slates, marbles, porphyries, ornamental granites, and other building materials, as mortars, cements, and other artificial compounds, applicable to architectural and engi- neering purposes. A focus will thus be presented, to concentrate all information relating to the Economic Geology of India, and it is considered that a collec- tion of natural products, such as it will contain, may serve to point out localities which would be worthy of attention; and by exciting the in- * We have learnt, while this Memorandum is passing through the press, that a far wider interest is taken at home in the improvement of India in connection with its agriculture, then has ever heretofore been the case. Our acting Curator, Mr. Pidding- ton, having requested Mr. Stikeman the Secretary to the East India and China Asso- ciation to procure for him’some sugar soils from the West Indies, for comparative an- alysis with those of India, the Mauritius, &c, Mr. Stikeman applied to Lord John Rus- sell, who, upon the recommendation of Sir John Cam Hobhouse, has kindly obtained an assortment of soils from the West Indies, and their arrival here is daily expected.—Ep. 976 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [ No. 106. terest of the private speculator, tend to develop the mineral and agri- cultural resources of the country. An efficient means would also be afforded, of imparting instruction to native youths, whose services may be made available towards the gradual accomplishment of the objects proposed, with reference to the vast extent of territory which is open to investigation. It will be perceived from the above, that this Museum is not intend- ed for the reception of specimens of rocks or fossils to illustrate points of theoretical geology, but to exhibit those substances occurring occa- sionally in the solid crust of the earth and others, which are applica- ble to the useful purposes of life. To those therefore, who may be requested, or who may be desirous Mineral substances. to afford assistance in furtherance of the objects here set forth, it will be sufficient to state, that, any mineral or metallic substances, accompanied by specimens of the rocks in which they are found, with descriptions of locality and mode of occurrence, will be of service to a Museum of this description. The fissures and crevices of rocky strata, either along shores, or in vallies and ravines, should be examined, and indications will often be found in water courses and river beds, whereby metallic ores may be traced to the source from whence they have been abraded. Tin, gold, and platina are usually found in such situations; small rounded masses of the former, denomi- nated stream tin, being scarcely distinguishable, save by their higher specific gravity, from common pebbles. The sands of rivers should be sometimes washed, as should also the alluvial detritus found in valleys or beneath the surface of level plains. Indications of copper are often afforded by a ferruginous and somewhat friable substance near the sur- face, specimens of which are desirable, as they serve often, with practised miners, to point the probable prospect of ore beneath. The vicinity of rocks, coloured green, blue, &c. may also be worthy of examination. If with such specimens, the probable thickness of the stratum of rocks in which they occur, its dip, including the angle of. inclination to the horizon, and direction of the beds by compass, be given, as well as the direction of any fissures that may be observed, it. will enhance the value of the information afforded. A convenient size for specimens, is about three inches square, and about an inch in thickness, those of the accom- panying rock, may be four or four and a half by three inches, and about 1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 977 the same thickness. They should be carefully numbered, both on the specimens themselves, and on the envelope in which they are wrapped ; one copy of the list to which the numbers will refer, should be trans- mitted by dawk, and another placed in the box with the specimens. Specimens of slates, with the dimensions, quantity, and rate at which Building materials. they can be obtained; also of marbles, and building stones, cut into six inch cubes, will be desirable. The expense of quarry- ing and of transport to the nearest water conveyance should be detailed. One side of the cubes should be left to exhibit the exposed or weather- ed surface of the rock, the others roughly chiselled. The cubes of marble may be polished, except on their under surfaces. The quality of water at the issue of springs, and the sediment depo- Examination of sited by them, should be particularly noticed, as they springs. rise to the surface, generally, at some fault or disloca- tion of the strata, and will probably be imbued with matter derived from the metallic bodies with which they may have been in contact. Thus, water percolating through a bed of coal has often its surface coated with a thin film of oxide of iron, derived from the decomposition of iron pyrites, diffused through the coal. When traces of coal are dis- covered, it would be very desirable to transmit pieces of the strata of rock with which it is supposed the coal is associated, stating the extent of surface which the deposit is believed to cover, and the depth at which it is found; accompanied, if possible, by a vertical section, with figured dimensions of the accompanying beds. Descriptions of native mining operations, and complete series of Operations of mi- Specimens showing the processes followed in the re- ning and reduction of duction of ores, in their various stages of progress, via to the metallic state, will be highly valued, when accompanied by explanations of the modes of procedure. Specimens of soils should always be forwarded in connection with communications, and inquiries of agricultural interest. Soils being generally the upper decomposed portions of subjacent Soils. mineral substances, whether hard rocks of various kinds, or clays, marls, sands, &c., mingled either naturally or artificially with vegetable and animal matter, it becomes very desirable in col- lecting specimens of them, that they should be accompanied by others of the hard rocks, clays, marls, sands, &c., on which they rest ; 978 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106. so that by careful analysis of the whole, with due attention to climate and the other obvious conditions to which they may have been ex- posed, some general and useful results may be brought to light, respect- ing the soils best fitted for the growth of the various plants usually cultivated in this country. | In selecting soils for the Museum of Economic Geology, care should be taken to obtain fair average specimens of the localities whence it may be considered desirable to send them ; and to insure the true sub- soil, subjacent hard rock, clay, sands, &c. ; specimens of the latter should be obtained as near as possible beneath the spot whence the soil may have been so selected, for it sometimes happens, that the soil of a field varies in places, from resting upon different kinds of sub-soils. The soil above hard rocks is not unfrequently separated from them by broken angular fragments, the half-decomposed portions of such hard rocks; specimens therefore of sub-soils, or subjacent mineral substan- ces should, in such cases, be taken from the solid hard rocks beneath, and not from these fragments, which have commonly suffered too much decomposition to exhibit the real chemical composition of the rocks themselves. These angular fragments must not be confounded with gravels, sometimes overspreading hard rocks, to the depth of several feet, and chiefly or wholly composed of rounded pebbles, mixed with earthy, sandy, or clayey matter, the whole being often derived from a distance ; for such gravels then form the true sub-soil, and the soil above them would partake of the character of the earth, sand, or clay, mixed with the pebbles, with the addition of the decomposed parts of such of the latter, as may disintegrate by the effects of the weather upon them. The quantity of soil taken as a specimen, should weigh about a pound; it should be well dried and tied up in a canvass bag, labelled to correspond with a memorandum, in which the general agricultural produce of the spot, whence the specimen was taken, should be noted ; the kinds of manure known to have been used upon it mentioned ; the amount of grain or other crops per beegah stated ; the dimensions of the beegah, and the best kind of produce which has been hitherto — obtained from it, specified. A loose label should also be inclosed within the bag to guard against accidents. As so much depends on climate and position, the general character of the seasons should be pointed out, and the aspect of the ground, as regards exposure to 1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 979 prevalent or hard winds, with any slope the ground may have, and its height above the sea should be stated, specifying if possible, the general temperature of the locality, and the degrees of greatest heat ,nd cold annually experienced. With respect to specimens of sub-soils, if of marl, sand, or clay, portions weighing about a pound, should be dried, tied up in a canvas bag, and labelled, to correspond with the respective soils above them. If the subjacent rocks be hard, a piece weighing also a pound, and fresh broken from the body of the rock, as nearly as possible beneath the spot whence any specimen of soil may have been selected, would suffice, and should be wrapped in strong brown paper, labelled to correspond with the soil above it. As specimens of many sub-soils may be rendered valuable for the purpose of illustrating those either well or ill suited to the growth of such trees as by their roots pe- netrate beneath the upper soil, commonly known as vegetable mould or humus, and which upper soil supports the great bulk of the plants commonly cultivated; it would be desirable to add a memorandum to any specimens which may serve to illustrate points of that kind. All specimens of soils should, if possible, be enveloped in wax cloth, and even packed in tin cases or cannisters, if any are at hand. When a sufficient number of specimens in either of the departments here mentioned, has been collected, they should be packed in a box, and be sent by the cheapest, most efficient, and safe conveyance, directed— On Service. The Curator of the Museum of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta. For the Museum of Economic Geology. At the same time a communication should be addressed to the Curator of the Museum of the Asiatic Society, under cover to | The Secretary to the Government of Bengal, Fort William, stating the conveyance by which the specimens have been forwarded, with copies of the memoranda attached to them, referring to numbers on | the specimens, in order, as much as possible, to prevent their loss. Calcutta : | 22nd January, 1841. 980 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106. I have printed with unfeigned pleasure, the foregoing memorandum, to the value of which no recommendation can add. Every friend to India, whether connected with the Society or not, will, it is earnestly hoped, aid in accomplishing the great ends, to which, by the liberality of the Court of Directors and of the Government of India, it may now aim; viz. the full development of the agricultural and mineral resources of the country. Since this memoir was read to the Society, the following contributions to the Museum of Economic Geology, in addition to the collections sent out by the Court of Directors, under the care of Capt. Tremenheere, have been received. Specimens of cotton, coffee, sugar, tobacco, and tea soils, &c. from India, the Mauritius, United States, Nie Pildineton sich es: &c. of which “as, are analysed. Acta Cabator 1 Specimens of Burdwan iron ores : analysed. : 5 Specimens of the earths used in the curious red As. Soc. Museum. a g glazing of the native sugar pans. Specimen of white clay from Rotasghur, which May be used like pipe clay for claying sugar. I doubt not that we shall shortly be enabled to add many more to this list. To use the words of Mr. Piddington, “Our friends have only to re- collect, that nothing pertaining to, or derived from the earth, if useful to man, can be unacceptable to our intended collection, and that even what may to them appear an every-day matter, and of no moment, may be fraught with important results in the hands of others.” I append to this valuable paper, further correspondence of interest to the Society, and to subscribers to the Journal on this important subject of Geological research, it having been put at my disposal by the Committee — of Papers. ‘Ty G. A. Bususy, Eisg. Secretary to the Government of India, Sir, General Department. Being authorised by the Honorable Court of Directors to deliver to the Government of India certain specimens illustrative of the mineral productions of England, I have now the honour to report my arri- 1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 981 val at Calcutta, on the ship “‘ Lord Hungerford,” with these specimens under my charge. They consist of 43 Specimens of coal from the South Wales and South Stafford- shire Coal districts; presented by Mr. H. T. De la Beche, F.R.S. &c., Director of the Museum of Eco- nomic Geology, under Her Majesty’s Government. 10 Specimens of coal, and others of ironstone and limestone from the principal working beds near Birmingham ; pre- sented by J. S. Dawes, Esq. 50 Specimens of copper and other metallic ores, chiefly from Corn- wall; presented by Mr. H. T. De la Beche. 119 Specimens of the ores of iron, copper, and tin, from South Wales, Cornwall, and elsewhere, collected by myself, amongst which are many specimens of copper ores ; presented by Seymour Tremenheere, Esq. _ 24 Specimens illustrative of the process of tinsmelting, exhibiting each stage of progress, from the rough ore to the metallic State; presented by Thomas Bolitho, Esq. of Penzance. Details concerning the above are entered in a book, which is for- warded herewith, on the plan followed at the Museum of Economic Geology, wherein it is intended to describe the mineralogical cha- racter and geological connection of each specimen, together with such information as may be useful in tracing indications of similar sub- stances in India. The form of this, as well as of books of other Departments, kept at the Museum, is given in enclosure No. 1. In addition to the specimens which have been enumerated, others have been promised by gentlemen connected with mining and smelt- ing establishments ; and as arrangements were made at the India House for their immediate dispatch, they may be expected shortly to arrive. They include, Specimens of the process of copper smelting, as practised at Swansea ; by H. Vigors, Esq. Specimens illustrative of the modes in which the Cornish copper, lodes, occur in rock formations. Specimens of the coal beds, and of ironstone from the Peny- darren works at Merthyr Tydfil, and of the process 982 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106. of manufacture of different kinds of iron; by G. Grenfell, Esq. Specimens of the principal coal beds, and of the iron ore, worked in the Forest of Dean ; by — Protheroe, Esq. Specimens of the principal working beds of the Newcastle coal field ; by Charles Bigge, Esq. Together with others, if the Government should desire them, which Mr. De la Beche will, I have no doubt, with the consent of the Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Woods and Forests, be able to forward from time to time from the Museum of Economic Geology ; many duplicates and spare pieces being often available for the purpose. Some of the leading features of the mineral wealth of England, and ' the methods by which it is turned to the best advantage, will be thus represented, and will afford the means of comparison with similar products and processes in this country. The mineral resources of India although more abundant, and more generally diffused than those of any other portion of the globe of equal surface, have hitherto attracted little attention; and have been aided in a very slight degree by the means which are necessary to their proper development. The search for metallic ores has been unguided either by the principles of science, or by the practice of other mining countries and workings conducted without the skill and power required to prosecute them successfully, have been confined to within small distances from the surface. Hence the stores of useful metals which India is known to possess remain comparatively untouched, and present at this day, almost a maiden field for im- provement. Enclosure No. 2, represents in a tabular form, localities wherein ores of the useful metals have been worked, and others which have been observed and recorded. The following is an abstract of the paper alluded to, showing the number of places in each of the princi- pal ranges of hills, which produce the undermentioned ores. 1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 983 ee : | S| 8 x 2 Pm ‘ S a 2. lo} = ol = abe ig sai k= Hlole |yAla os) qin Himalaya tange, ... .». ...| 9 | 10 J 8 hygee ee 4 Aravully, pte SORT 6 | 10 P \ 8 1 Chittore, ... 5 ewan a Vindhya, Sonnac Sie al aarti ial WF) Ba Kasya, bs oon 3 ae Assam Territory, ... 1 Leas Tenasserim, ... ... ar) Oi, 1 1 Dinirives it 1 Malabarrange, ... ... river Corgmanoel,... 2. we \ ata 2 beds . Movalsy ie wstokviatuyeGO i2F1\| walk | LiL Beh devil 2 The extensive distribution of iron ores of good quality, is the leading feature of Indian mineralogy. These are found in great abundance in every range of hills, in some of which they have been worked on a very limited scale, but with great success, for long periods of time. In several instances, beds of coal occur contiguous to them, as at Hoshungabad, Palamow, Sheregur in the Burdwan district, on the Adjai, seventy miles south of Boglepore, Serrareem, and Cherrapoonjee. The iron districts, Marwar, Bundelkund, a portion of Malwa, Behar, and Sambhulpore,* are situated within the limits of the great sandstone formation with which the coal measures of India are associated. It extends in a broad band across the centre of Hindoostan, from the valley of Assam westward, to that of the Indus, and it is probable that coal will be found in various parts of this formation, and suffi- ciently near to these deposits of iron, to render them extensively available for economical purposes. In the districts of Saugur, Jabul- pore, and in the valley of the Nerbudda, limestone also occurs, the con- nection of which is important, as upon the union of these three sub- stances, the success of iron-works depends. This extensive sandstone tract, presents also another source of inter- est. In it the diamond mines of Punnah in Bundelkund are situated, and the strata here are believed to be identical with those containing the dia- mond breccia of the Ellore district, and of Cadapah, on the Pennar. These * Captain Ouseley discovered a rich field of excellent coal on the banks of the Hurdah (Hutsoo of the maps) in last November. yy 984 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [ No. 106. last have been traced as far north as Nagpoor, and other intermediate points of connection with the Bundelkund formation may also be found. The Himalayas at Kumaon, the Aravully range at Shekawattee, and the hills of the Nellore district, are the only portions of country which have been worked for copper: very few other localities are yet known ; but in such extensive ranges of primary mountains of similar character, it may be asserted that deposits of copper are not confined to these localities only. The Aravully range is of moderate elevation, and appears to offer facilities for further examination. The Singhana copper mines are at the northern extremity of this range, where the disturbing forces have probably acted with less intensity than elsewhere, and there is reason to believe that the lines of fissure in other portions, especially near the junction of the stratified rocks with granite, may partake of the same cupriferous character. This range has been found to be productive of lead also. There is no evidence of tin westward of the Bramahpootra, but it occurs in alluvial ground in many parts of the eastern peninsula, from Burmah to the extremity of Malacca, Sumatra, and Banca where the chief deposit exists; abundant sources therefore of this metal remain unexplored in the ranges of hills which diverge to the south-east from the great Himalayan chain, to form this peninsula, of which Sumatra and Banca seem but disconnected portions; and it will most likely appear that Assam, at the northern extremity of this stanniferous country, will also yield tin in its alluvial for- mations, derived from the Himalayas, by which it is bounded. These ranges of hills, are likewise the repositories from whence the rivers of Assam, Burmah, Ava, &c. receive the gold dust with which their sands are charged. (Signed) G. B. TREMENHEERE, Capt., Engineers. Extract from Letter No. 70, from the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, General Department, to Captain G. B. TREMENHEERE, dated the \3th January, 1841. In reply to your letter and its enclosures of the 24th ultimo, I am directed to convey to you the acknowledgments of the Right Honor- ‘able the Governor of Bengal, for the information and suggestions 1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 985 therein contained, and for the specimens of the mineral productions of England brought out by you. A copy of your communication will be forwarded. to the Asiatic Society, in whose rooms you will be pleased, agreeably to the accommo- dation which has been tendered by that body, to place the collection. I am desired to observe, that if during your absence you will main- tain a correspondence with the Curator of the Society’s Museum, you may turn to servicable account the experience which you have acquired in England, for the formation of a Museum of Economic Geology, and the Asiatic Society will without doubt, upon any occa- sional visit which you may make to Calcutta, give you every facility of inspection, and allow such weight to your suggestions, as consistently with their rules may tend to the furtherance of the object in view. It is the intention of the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal to avail himself of your services and acquirements, in consequence of your appointment to the department of public works in the Tenasserim pro- vinces, and to the superintendence of the Government forests, for the fur- ther prosecution of the inquiries commenced by the late Dr. Helfer into the mineral and commercial resources of the Tenasserim province, with a view to the development of the natural productions of that country. Your particular attention will be directed in all your excursions to the practical geology and mineralogy of the Tenasserim territory, and you will report on the means and prospects of working any of the mines that have been, or may be discovered, and furnish specimens of all productions, in every possible case in duplicate, for the Govern- ment, and the Honorable the Court of Directors. Note by Captain Tremenheere. The following are suggestions concerning the mode by which the collec- tion of geological specimens arrived from England, may be made useful. By assigning for their reception a room in some public building, where they should be arranged in cabinets under glass, in a manner convenient for public inspection. With them, or in an adjoining apartment, might be placed models of such machinery as is suited to the purposes of agriculture or mining in India. A focus would thus be presented for the concentration of specimens of rocks, minerals, metallurgical processes, soils &c., from every locality, whereby a knowledge of the mineral resources, as well as of the capa- 986 Museum of Economic Geology of India. | No. 106. bilities of any district, in an agricultural point of view, would be gra- dually obtained. These specimens, with descriptions accompanying, might be prepar- ed according to printed instructions of the Committee of the Royal Soci- ety, framed for the guidance of those employed in Magnetic Observato- ries, whereby accurate accounts, with specimens, may be transmitted by persons entirely unacquainted with the sciences of geology, mineralogy or agriculture. The Engineer Officers, or those of the Revenue Survey, with whose de- partments the physical character of the country is nearly connected, seem to present the best means by which such information may be obtained. The specimens on their receipt, might undergo comparison with those already arranged, and be subjected, if essential towards the elucidation of a proposed object, to chemical analysis, for which pur- pose the services of a chemical analyst would be necessary. Localities would thus be indicated, which might appear to be deserv- ing of more particular examination, and to which it would be desirable to send a person properly qualified for the purpose. It is conceived, that information so obtained would not only be of service to the Government, but, as the fullest publicity is intended, might serve to encourage private enterprize. If such a system were in operation, it would afford the best means of imparting instruction in these subjects, both by lecture and manipula- tion, to youths of the medical school, or others who might even- tually be attached to Executive Engineers, or to Collectors of Revenue; serving thus as an efficient medium of communication between such functionaries and the natives on matters tending to develop the natu- ral resources of the country. The reception of mining records is another object which may be combined with the above one, of great importance at this period, since records of all operations hitherto conducted under European superintendence can now be easily obtained. The want of such re- cords in England has been much felt, and has been the cause of much useless expenditure of capital in modern times. A collection of standard books, treating on the subjects above re- ferred to, should be by degrees provided for. G. B. TREMENHEERE. Captain, Engineers. 1840. | Museum of Economie Geology of India. 7 GST Form No. 1. Ores of the useful Metals, Coals, and Mineral Mining Specimens, generally. ’ : ; : Donor’s No. Mineralogical | Locality. eenaeal sence d a eae name, if | Remarks. description. ! composition. | obtained. ‘| presented. mei. | ter | | | | | | | | No. 2, Metallurgical Processes, and Manufactured Articles. Kind of Where By whom Composition | How and Donor’s No. = ee manufac- | manufac- of the where name, if Remarks. i aie tured. tured. substance. obtained. presented, | : | | } | | No. 3. Specimens of Soils, and of the Rocks beneath them. Mineral General } Analysis |Character of agri-| Where Name 3 Name of Se g x4 No. mck composition | character of the |cultural produce] and how of ba : of rock. of soil. soil. | of the soil. obtained. | donor. 5 | | 2 —— !———_— | —$ |__| ———_—. —$ | —___ —_ }_____ i) | No. 4. Polished Granites, Porphyries, Marbles, §c., worked into columns, §c. Kind of Form into which| Where, and by | How and | Donor’s No. substance. | Locality. | the specimen is | whom worked where name, if |Remarks. worked. into form. obtained. | presented. —_ |__| | —— 2 | ee 6k [No. 106, Museum of Economic Geology of India. 988 é : s ; Aq ‘peyues |}. ‘uInasny “s ake) “UINISN 93 72 por9A dIITqng_ oy} 1oz WNISN]T 9Y} Loy UINesnf ; MOY peataoas “syIeUley ayy E sariua -1[9p ee vo uth apeu sisk{teue Jo wor} | epeur sisAjeue Jo u0T} jo onZoy |-ead jt { paseyound 10 “TOU oud 07 ON * jo zaquinyy -diiosap pur raquny -diiosap pue Joquiny{|-diosap pue Jequinyy| -eze9 ul ‘oN | poy waserdieyey AL SuOTIIPpY ——bupua sajuong ayy sof uinjay ‘08 ‘spooy sfigsaloyy sazy fo quaujsodag ‘hbojoax oruouoary fo wnasnyy ‘9 ‘ON ee ees es | ee Sr fe ee 4 “41 : a 1 . . d “SIS “U0T} ‘gouap : sSuoy : . . : 0 peyanij}su09 sor amsseid | , I t sie ox |: 0s ec eee eee ee ee ee Ff Es aeiod _araym | tod ao11g |uortpuco @ pal eourjsisoy |oourystsoy ' yeorueyy | jereurp, joweuszeumg salias Tea1Soloey B * ~ |:£opdura aay A, | ‘sasodind bursaaubury 40 poungoapyospy 4of pahojdua sauojy ‘eC ‘ON Museum of Economie Geology of India. 989 1840. ] “UIP URLT ureydeg ‘pleyiesueq ureydeg “mI]0o “Te Uyor I1g ‘ap hoy a} ‘aodny iad sivas QT ye ‘saovyd asay} ye pros st uoIyT ‘IW9U SI 9U0}s -OUlI[] SNosdRTISIe uy “AdyTea sty) ur Sat}I[VIOT 19y}0 ore YeuOsIeg »w “euweg ‘eofiy ‘t1oaq,y ‘“aoodursmq ‘eTIMsop |-*:° ‘emoshT ‘WIMOg “epleg ‘msueq “Insei1og)|**** "pouloajsa YONW st UOT sIyT|***° ‘pooyMogystau sty} UI JURpunqe pue AjITenb poos Jo ato uyles:- ‘sasodind uowmu1o0s 10} pon;jea ATUO st ‘feJaUL oY} SuTyxIOM Jo apout yoy -1ad WAI 9Y} WoT Ng ‘spunoge AjzITeNb Jo 919 ‘a10pUT 0} uoIT sot[ddng}::++ “PeqetiGess2 918 SOTIPUNOF TRLVAVG *saoutaoid osoyy punog yorya ‘sy[Ty ey} ur quepunqe A104 *poytom Ayqeyyoud aq 03 yuatoy -Jus satytyuenb ut yerkoq 0}4uUa0sep oy} UT|**°° ‘9IQ UOT JO UIBA aGIeT Wieee- "peq oAtsuo}xe ules: “uor}u8}32 Jo AYjIom pawisep ore our Wes|N yy oy} pue sIyy, “sapeyq pros 10y puewlap UL YONU st olay opeut uo oy J/*°°° "[99]s poos e pioye plnom pue ‘esoursuepy ouos sureju0g “9UO}SOULT] YIM potueduiod9e ‘aqiyeuta LY ‘aqt}eUle FY e@eeoe ‘aqiyeule Fy ‘re—tnoadg ‘oneuse ‘apIxXO MOTIO X st 2 ‘aoutaoid oy} ul WOM 4seq oy} spfatAst** —“Joedut09 “aA0ge ay} Y}IM payoouuod oq 0} pasoddng)**** ‘snosovaryy "UOIL OOS Jo "judd s98d “Hoqia FY ureydeD|0g 0) QE wo1y Surpperf ‘paq aatsue}xe uy)s** ‘ayyeUNO TY ‘ ‘uoTyd LIasap Aytioyyn y SYIVULIY jeorZoresaurypy e@eee oq} jo AoTTe A eooe @eee eee eeoe ‘AT[NACIYE esee ‘[NOUIe Ny eeoe ‘Ay[Naely eoee sreeteess (100d970100,7 e@ceelsceeceeoesn ‘Tye ‘a1odyes0r) eecce 22s 2:29.59 SIOUBADY -ee* “eppnqgin Ny eoee ooeceleeeoe ‘a10yIY eeece ‘arog |" ** “empey|** ‘aserreyeyooy9 ‘eAyput A eoneece “eM [PIAL eeceo ‘aj00}Ue YJ “eAYpur A ce@oeee “EMT? IN eeee ‘ys.npueyg “eXypurA eaooeee ‘AT[NARIY eeee ce ‘I@MO TAI eoee ‘Ay[uaery serscie® BATE TN eevee “eMRTAL eooe eces ‘Snuegq eeee ST else eeee ‘eXeTeull py eooe eeeeesesl|eeeceese ‘qeihaq pes Oke TmTET| © °*° ‘a1OULING eveecoce ‘edryg sees ‘ekereutpy|**** ‘atouning|/**** ‘“auoseyg oece ‘eAvTeull Fy cece THOeUN YT eeee oss ISTE Ny eece “eXeTeUll Fy eece “‘IIqoysiqg eese eevee TIS *se° ‘eXereurpy|*°** ‘moeuny|**** | SyesMoyO ree+ SeXeTeullpy eoce ‘uovminy}|""°°°°?* “aesjny ecoe “eheTeulpy ese0e ‘uorun y eecovesee ‘esmey eace ‘eAvyeult py vee, ‘uoewny eeoe joyeurey en en) eee ee ‘asued [LET *IIUIAOIT “Aqipeoory ‘pipuy ur punof synjayr ynfasn ayp fo sascQ “UOLT ‘aIQ jo uorjd110seq zy ° [No. 106 Museum of Economic Geology of India. 990 “uos “Woo Te Ig “ose d10puy WW cece ‘ayerpAzy eoce BIEL ES ee ‘peqesopAty eece ‘euemSpoocy ce -Aasko A, “Aq[|eAtsuedxe uoat ay} pur ‘Jood axe solo oy,|*"** —aytyeutapy|**** “tee see tyes ‘peqelepAT eco teases “ cece eco eocceleces e800 eovolsece “essllg eeoe woeo evee ee 5 ecco ‘otjause e000 e680 ecvelseeeo 8200 eereicede SKOAR €¢ MOTT deg 3 *189U SI OSTe BUOJSaTU'T|** ‘WOT JO ee So OO hie 8 eink SESS | 298 Saale ss a Ric's # |store eet ~ *Aajoy “ydeg ‘919, SINDDO OsTe [eos aytowyjUY|'* ‘Aepo WoIT pay|eers oees ceeeistes oeee ceeeieree UTaUTTNOT] “ *[99]S pUe SOUIUL UOIT s}I OF paze1qeys\ eese eoee eeccelseecee 8020 C0 0e|ee00 ‘messy eevee eeoe eece “é “u0sy}e AA me) ‘e090 yu sind9() econo eves eoosl|ecoee ‘ekseyy e200 ©8600 cece **-aofuoodesray9 73 : ; § ‘aodni & 10} ptos sauol’ “TW @ fare UOT JO slaaS 0Z% ‘“[eOd YIM smMIIQ;-""" 7"*e TT isee ‘ekGe yy |e eee. *eheOee selec. . Tas TETITS “4 *purT Peo ‘Id coos eeee eeerlseee ‘eAsey°°°* oqyIS cece ‘elipueg a *JSOLOATT "a "ADY ‘gU0JSOTITT YyTAL ‘108sneg jo "AN so] UL oe @eoe e@eee eeceolsceoe 2200 eeee\ee00 ‘10sneg eoce ‘jyeulson J, "as0"Y “ITN ecce ebee eoecelevnee e880 e800 ‘arodtnyquing esse ‘yeopury 6c “EMO J, OATL OY} UO OsTe a1oy puNoJ SI TeOO|**** **°" st eeisee* Sa1odyneg ** ‘“euempuooy|**** ‘Sooiperag ‘[ejoul Jo “jue. “soup ‘AJ 4 [ted og preté Gory ‘sero oTqenzea sproye joraystp apouM au], *[e0o Wim sIndId¢—) cece sees woaesl|eeces e308 #8 Co \/ee0e ‘ueMpiIng eece ‘mSiveye ce “juep ; sunqe st pue ‘uot 1o11edns AoA e Sployyy eoee esse eeecleecee e080 8800;' 0008 see eveelseone ‘ay pese TAL 74 “ssPTD "ITN ‘aouepunqge years uy econ eevee eceeleoce ‘Tyeulery eaee ‘ryeulersy eeee ‘epundlig ce -yuepunqe ee pue yorr st 910 aL a 0) yy sIndIQ eese eeece @eoeol|seeo «+808 seene\|ee ‘moweyed|**** eecsn miarate “UOT UI YO st soutaord sty jo uortod ATTY ey, ‘Telpy ey} uo | [209 YIM Sin990 Jt SIG} JO YyMos soprur Qsi-*** ttt tttt|tses “VAQpuIAsessst* Geyeg **** ‘asodatsog U2 eece eoee eceeel|eeee 88080 e080 ‘punyjlapung Baisiee = 9.°.SO WUT “ec w” x . n ann =e = =e *SNONSTJUOD Sai1qT]VI0T auj}o JO Te1og pue “eueprem ‘TUNUEIeY|**** tt" fee isses cere seesies‘punyjepung see's ‘epoyey 41aq1ep] “JdeQ} a01yeas Jo Jey} 0} JXoU syYUVA vOM sIyT|**** — ‘ayyeTMETT|s*** ee" tees |e Spunypepung)|*s** ‘orodes99 yy s “SIUUT YY “pNov'T ; Cone ERMONRERITE. iat abe . yjoq uo 3 Auedmoooe 9} pres st yeogiesss scts seetisess “edypurals**s ‘fedoyg)** ‘peqeSunysoy UOT] ‘notdtiasa : é : ; -Aqaoyny “syIeUlOY reorshi tient asuel ITH dONTAOI J -Aqyeoory : ae 4 S (‘panunuoy )—nipuy ur punof soapy ynfesn ay7 fo sascQy 991 Museum of Economic Geology of India. 1840. ] -WpOoTe WW “Ad } Aes puowriq¢ 10 su0}spues oyy a SINdIO|-SeIT ®WIefnoedg}**** sees eeetyere* — “AIOTION ‘Ay ndeusueg) "7YSnNOIM Ajtsea are pue ‘Ay7ddns ssoypunog & paoye SOUIUL OT, Hae ss qsaq ao uwaAad 5 : pue ‘uoit ystpsum Aue 0} aorsedns aq 04 MPTP AC ) lores st uoarayy, ‘ssv01d ay} wt posn ore UOIT B1OpUT JO SYIJY-OM], ‘[90}S snoseut fen z -eq annee Ul sade a0} pasn uoeq sepy|'iss. ‘orjeuseyyisss: core tsesyet ts ‘99}100pULI0 qq ‘seuUe Q OF Plos 4yS1em soodny QT] “soodepuog weary OM} pure ‘seTTedy19y] Wor sjred oe1q} Jo uotjiodoid Ul st aInjoRjnueUT UI pasn UON oy, “eIsIed 0} palsies st YOM “uos cc (ZJOOM, 35 POT[LD 1209S SII OF payerqeyad)*°°* CAGTO UOT SS SS > CTU ING ge gs nee eae UMIPUNGteseno yf eS “yyeoH “AT ; one 2 oly [eee weer e e eseoe eeee e860 5 eee ¢ Sunure ee oe “I Aq poysttqejse SyIOM UOTE oATSUa}XW;"*** Fe fee UWleTe@S| -0 puedg i ( les ies ‘Bd ee e@eo eeee eeoee MRCYAIES) eeee eeee e@eeoe dAISUD}XO aie 9194} JSPOD “MS oq} uC ne ceea gt tes oy ‘egisas ie ye | *A£ILOYSUIIN Y pue ‘amy Aqin yy ye Os[TV eeeo eece eceeleree eevee coos |eeon ‘uvou0 yy ‘SOOIPUIBAIG 6c | ‘ oeaites arte mrs Sie eoe0e eee @eeel/@e@ee e088 e ee|eee8@ 6910 ‘eyodeyruewme ry tc pue ‘AyyWuenb Aue ur pourezqo aq ued 219, P Fear (ON ee be 5 eeeo aouels uody eeee @eee eees eoeoee ejsppng BpRolAepnyy goes Jo Seis Ue ate e2ee cere evrsejee 6 a ce ‘audozy “IG d ® pue sosioy AuvuL ore oteyy Atsnepy yyi °°’ ToT ests tee tes a10TRouRg | ‘sNVYD ey} 0} 9L0T]9 A WOT | -unge pue yo st 210 SIU I, “InsNes 19 NT ee ‘snoooRolpl e@eee exee ee2eejeece ‘ar0sA fA ecce ‘AT[NSOAO K | ‘guoys uort Avpo| ses tee ceeeyttts foxosAy|** Staesedemaeq ¥ eoese ‘goueys UOIT e@2ee e820 ef ee /eee8e ‘a.10sd JA ee ‘SoorpayyyyoO ay | ‘pernjouynueut st poaig|***s ottts oceetitees Greqepey|ts** farosdy|s*** forod Aja ‘yquenb ojqesrapisuoo up|*** tt teeters cess ceesieees Seog Nits ‘Arpunueley UOT | . d . . *3IQ) JO i, *AWOyNY *syAeuley wopsorneety ‘asued [IIE] dOUIAOIg Aylyeoory wor} bau a |° nk cn Se (‘penuyuog )—opuy ue punof symapy ynfasn ayp fo sac [No. 106. Museum of Economic Geology of India. 992 -aIpae yy ft ‘IIN ‘100dAapog jo Aoqyea au} ul puy ween eeee e@eose,seee 88 ee 8e20,8808 ‘reMey ecco ‘pepue yl «e “eq -wo0ojeg jo jorgo en} Aq poutoo st saddog cece eoce ececsleree e800 eoaejceosn ‘TOMO TA] ecce “elqulooyes (73 ‘anuadar poppath Ap1aurI0} ‘ppoy, ‘JoQ leaey 07 pres are YJAou oy} 0} sauTpy|***s fet ft et issss “ATTMARIy)+*** ‘ueyjseley|***° ‘rooddar es "Sopot ' il raddoo fq pastoavay st yinsfery 04 and ‘sayeuoqaeo Some) Chupa aos Suen se parle © « ‘ne ley és seg Ee daa! -uaysry Worz ‘Ao]TeVA ool Y Oy) [Te yey pue sees SATmavry|**** ‘ueqysefesy|**°° ‘yans ley "4 ples stjJ ‘YJNos pue yOu suNI apoy eyT,| soprxopey Cjcsr* ‘AyT[Mavry\*°°* ‘ueyysefery|**°° ‘arouly es ‘soadni (Qn by {°° ‘seyeuoqies C|**** ‘Ay[naeay| ‘oayemeyeyg|**** ‘soqng us ‘neapiog ‘ydeg¢ jroy Ayyenuue pouty ore Aoyy, “satiny [pue sjoinydyns |**** ‘Ay~nAery) ‘vayemeyoyg|***° TWO ee -U99 IO} poyloM useq eAvY soutut ssayy,|‘Aois 2 MoTTaX Cjr°** ‘AT[Naery) ‘oayemeyoyg|**** ‘eueysuig a "qq9 A iG | eevee cose e@ece vee “efeyeull yy een yeMansy eee evce eeee ee ‘UOSSpoyy “ATT ; *[ejaul [Jaq pure ‘sseiq i ‘athory ‘acy ¢ |‘teddoo jo sartojoejnueutapqetapisuoo sepqissss octte oseeepees Sekeremmpyi**e* = “nedany}**** ‘npueuyey sf “ITUISIS WOLF VaIJ VIE Sa.1O ( asouy [Tv “Alquenb q{jeuls ur peArasqo H udeq sey a0 weygy VV *SIOUIUL aq} eooe ecoo eoes|eees “eXeTeULl FT e000 eeee ceeeleese ‘aasTey yy ee | 0} WOTJONAISqo years osned oy se yosos |**°* seer seeeisses ‘ekepeupT|*°°* SUowMNy]** “Suoiny 104g ag SI }SIYOS oY} WYO yy “peyeavaxe Aytsea [tees sees seeei ees SekepeurpyT)|**°* “UoeuINy|-*°* Wey yy xe | Sl Ory oye} poyeanpur jo speq uranao0 =| “Jornydynsatqnoq| *** ‘eAeyeurzy|*°°* SuoemNy|+**° ‘Ay0g “ ; : d Avy], ‘aqoyq pue andueyqg jo asoy} |4einydtnsetqnoq)**** “eXefeuryzz|**°* “uoeunyy|***° “ell ee HoqieH 342 1 |) Souryodun ur yxou ore sour asayyz,|Jomnydinsarqnoq|**** ‘eXepeunpy|**** “UoeuMyl sss — ‘joBuer a | ; ace eevee eoce seee “eXeyeul py eooe ‘uoeuIny, eoece ‘11qouq ‘ se | *poylom | ATISvd SI PUL YOI VUOJSIUITT UTSINDI0 4] ‘raddoo jo ‘jua0 1ad KG spyetd a10 oy, : : | L *JOLIYSIp ay} ul aurut yedioursd ay} st sty], eee eooe everslocce “eXeyeull yy eoee uoeuny eoce indueyq -raddog ; ° ecce eoce ecceol|ecee eeee seve|ee *10}AT[ULOOG eeee eecee ecee «sé : evcoe ‘orjause ee8e e800 eeoalsese ‘ueou0y 2ece ‘10083 J, ce “yUeLD) ‘ydeg ecco e@ece eoacleeee e600 econ l|sene ‘going eocoe afpoog “UOT : diaoso , *31Q) Jo A ‘Aq0y NY * SYIVULIY renee “esueL [ILE *Q0UTADIG AytyeoorT | won a aq © sire A oh 2 Ress? ‘a[0SuO - sey Auedmog suturyy toddog uerpuy oyy, EO Soles | ee saints hie ‘ex0]19N ee "neepliog ‘deg ‘pouopuege U99q SLY GUIRIOM SIG |"°8* coer sete feces tees seeeleees (orodynyg|*>:: maveseg) “seddoQ .| _ Z "uo dI19Sa : 3 ‘a9 JO jo “Aqroyyny "syemMa y | ‘aartore ‘ sunt ‘asued [ITH dOUTADL Aqipeoory uordrxoseq (‘panuyuoy )—nipuy ur punof spojayyr qnfasn ayz fo sasc [No. 106. Museum of Economic Geology of India. 994 | ‘satjquenb afqeiap -Isuod ul ysnp pjos umop Aveo uex00qy ay} pue ‘yepuod[oy) ‘1elog jo SI9ATA aT, ‘seXvyeul -If] 2} Wo, GUINSSI SIOATI JO Spoq ey} UT |**** e@oeae ‘yaaquazy “deg ; “SsuosuNyoS pure ‘oqeiysuog ‘osediysuog ye sauIul Yor are oa10t], aone ‘sour pedroutsd ay 7 eevee e@eee eaccee eeeoe -28 snolojUISIY 9.) (ON | 4ydeg : eeees "moryT “yde { ps ha T 3°) Uayeung ‘eay ut ospe sourut ore o1oyy,|**"* - : ALS “oukopy “Iq 5 Deaton E “euaTes JO UIA Wy Yo & st ai10y} alodaysogq Woy seztu ~pi**** nS OM) O} sainie) **** *sreoA WS 1oy uoxtq ydeg Aq poyIom useq sepy|***” ‘aNUBAGI YONU pa -pjatk aavy 0} pres ore YyA0U ayy 0} souTp|"**° *souor ‘uoxIg ‘ydeg ; : “PIV -lasueq ‘ydeg “Aqoy Ny *SyIVULI YY eese eaeee —— | eee oe | e@oeoe eeee eoee eooe e@ooe eoee e@een “eud| “eud] -sIp oy} poeystuiny AplewI0J s1ay oUTUL W|-e5 snoLeJWUASIY “uorydi10sep [eosoeso uly | eecoleoes ‘quefung ‘nedan eoee ©8088 ]/eee2e8 e280 e@ 8008 ‘eryewung ‘qeuling ‘yeuling ‘yqeuling eocete er ®elesnes @eee ‘Ayjnaviy|** ‘arodkapog eeceeo 2eee C88 Plesnee e@ecee eve eeee0 e808 @8F}e¢e828 #28282 aeee e@eseeo ©8820 C802} geoeve ‘indsen e@eoeo speete er fe}ene0e ‘a10T 19 N ‘eXyputa |°*** ‘a1odapsog eeee ‘TEAUC TA eeecs ‘Ay MARIY eeeoe ‘ueyyse fery ‘AyTnarry |** °° ‘weyyse ley ‘asuel [ITH | i { | I "QDUTAOIg | “IOATY -e@e50e eanelecee 82900 seee Apphueyeyy ou @eselecee e808 seen *IOATA TJULOL) OY], eeoce e@eed ‘suepeg ‘uaToooueg “eT[OITeQo0 AA ‘ula00peq *>**“oodeiseuly) eooe ‘WIRIS ‘ue}ooyg ‘messy ‘TeMOL ‘UIsW [NOP ‘UIIIOSSeUO J, ages ‘1unsieg ‘Ayjtdeusueg *> ‘g1odaemyon'y ss Soodepoyr see° NeqelaasnN ‘r00dAor “AjITeoO'T (‘panuyuog )—nipuy ua punof syojapg ynfasn ay? fo saiQ ce ac «¢ sit be 66 ce . cé 66 ¢¢ be ce 6¢ "IBATIS ce ce cé €¢ *a1Q jo wor dri1oseq ‘peay i ne ee ee | { Z = 995 Museum of Economic Geology of India. 1840.] 6 “qeujstyy ay} Jo Aaypea oy} ur ‘audoy “IQ ~|jstXo saurm puourerp yorym aeau joy |tt'* é “SIP aq} UI seSeT]IA UaAas Jo auO st sITT|**** : “Sutads eeu 7G. { snommydyns @ st afey} sa100ssnpy mopeg!**** "‘JOL1}SIP O10T]9N OY} UT Yedeppuy ye puy ‘qeley alospped 94} Jo A10}1110} ay UI aye] v UT ‘resunep pue ‘asunsmey ‘asuoy, ay} se ‘spoq 19AtI UL pure SAUTUL Peay JO Solle][es oy} UI s}Isodeq!| ‘** S2eoae eecee eeon @eoeelfaeugeon eeee eese eeee ‘eXvyeull yy eaeoe;eenee eees8 @eee eee “eAeTeUIPT “dos ‘soytaAd vost Suture, SEES erates ea ee, 5 -ueydayg “f¢ “IJA] WOO syooL ut souadsaiopya ut sInddO ‘satqijuenb o[qeieptsuos ur JOATI GWOOS OY} AvaU paAdasqo uaeq svzy|**** thts seee|se* ekeleuITy *Aouug soley “sourysem pjos aq} yin speq JOATL uy ecco ereve eoeel|eeee coon cece “WRI pues qeuling Ul osTy|**** eeee @eeo;t@eene eeee eeee ese ‘yoanydjng @eoce ccoee cove “1OTJUOIJ OY} JOYSOAA | 282 tte eee lee eee wees “MEYSUIAR I “LIA eeee cece @eee @oe08 @eee eeee “sulyuosr ‘yden ese6 aeons eeoe|eeee staee coos "ose plos "ploqme NT “nory] 4 eAey Unbuoy, pue ‘ansag “eurgg-ulyo 5 -09 ‘soery ‘elpoquiey foyIUeIs UI SINIIOQ eee sees @eeeleese eese see “INS1a WY JO opnjzyey oy} ut ere Aoyy, ‘leak ev soodny 000‘CT pperA soulul oyy\°*** ence e@eeo|®eee e800 eres *JSOYOIL 9Y} SI 90} -JOoqooN f andiueyy ‘qeioode1aous) 32 OsTY eoce erece @eeeleeee seee eres *poyIOM SOUTUL plOx) eecsee eeeoe e@sveel|t®eoar e@oeen eecee “USI AA ‘deg “pjos jo sourul you sureyuog coee ecoce eooel|s®e0e cece e008 P “U0! “AVION "syreuloy See ale asuel [ITH @Geeleeece ‘arora **** ‘Atndepuoy sors secele* selpupesueyes ‘a10T[ | °° * “OAT arepoo ‘1odejeuy ‘“oeun y eoee ‘reqoq eoee eace “eAYy eeeo0 e@eeae @eoe eoee c2te@ ccroe ‘spueysy] uewepuy eves ‘CAV eeee eo ‘aoule y eocoe “ed0eR PIN pine aee. .Oe ‘£OAe T, @ecere @228 seeeltene ‘UIOW[NOT aisles ‘em[ey* °° ere eevee ** “peqepe1oyy|**** “aary yey OOS Sagi Fase eoy “yeyuog "res “eooepeyy| ‘Sunsop, Sueyeg rece ‘meIg} ‘enuueydnjueg "see SGeuIng|**** ‘aejzooqoo AA eee ‘AY see ‘waooprg eeee e@eesee e@eae eesne ‘messy sees ‘ggoshfI| ‘UIN[ssuouelag “Q0UTAOIg “Aqiyeoory (‘panuyuog )—nipuy ur punof symayy ynfasn ayz fo sauQ cc ‘aaoyTg|**** ‘Ay[naepeyy| ‘spuourerq ¢é ce 6“ ‘mmyding ‘UOI]T Jo ajyeyding ‘osequin, ‘gsauesue yl *‘I9ATISHIING re “Vunel cé *AUOUIIJUY ‘6 €6 ce 6é ce “PPD ‘d1Q jo uondiwoseq 6L [No. 106. Musenm of Economic Geology of India. 996 "sIALOP “qnarry *syneyyy U1d}sOM 9Y} UL eyeYTNSeg ye AyWuUeNnb Aue Ul Sojes pUe fsolaySTION ayy Ur “eZUag “1d |punuledej0G ye puNoF st Yea UTeTe0I0g “Kasho a ‘Iq *sjoures jo oulul V e@eer eeee eeeese e@eee eeeoe eeece ee “‘peqeiopA Py eeee ‘qeysunyeg *JOUICLY) e@oce esee @eeelsace e820 Coneleooecs AY eeee ‘uoaydyeky ‘earyddeg evens esec @Cereeleecee eeee Ceealevce ease" ‘uekydeAy 6é ‘UOTARD UI pue “e[NsuIUeg aq} Jo s}9114 -SIp o1}7eseq pue OIJIUeIS 94} JO SIOATI ayy UI an900 ‘zedoy, pue ‘adas yeq ‘UOdIT7 ‘Aqni Jaurdg oy} se ‘suIad afqenyeA ay}O|* °° ttt ttt lee ee cone ceeelee ‘1o0yequitog|**** ‘aankesuog “Aquy *OTJLUILD aq} JO sure} -UNOU 9} UT pue ‘0113stp reuueg any uy" *"s eeee eeeeleree ee¢e e2ee}/ee2ee e280 eecelecee eo “S10TTON 66 eeee eoce eee elesee eevee csevoeleres ‘AW eece ‘uaAydredy 3 cece eoere eee eleecee ere 0e eeosleoon ‘oryeureg eece ‘uleTeS ‘unpuni0g “SOULIUL 9} : Jo aonpoad ay} sq] QON*TT sea Aequiog Woy payiodxa Ayiawlioy anyea Tenuueoypie ss tote ce etteses Sarodgeng)°’*** “qovoreg|**** ‘etdeag aey| “Uelpeuiog "saoue ey} Jo Aauanof sep maj e UIYIIM sate taddq pue ‘yeryuag ‘1aMO'T eq} Ul punog ecee "eUIUL eecoe aeee eoaeleeee ‘{nedan eocce e@cee ece0ec 6c ‘qaqdureg “3K ‘OPES UNS Ul sdUddSeLOPFS UI sinddQ/-n[Y Jo ayeyding)***+ ‘eXyput,a|’***‘atodepSog|***- ‘Suosqiyeg “wUnTy ‘ai0djior pur a1red1ayQ ‘epueg ‘yeuung jo sefexy oy} 0} ATpenu -ur soodni 000‘02‘T per a10q soulut eq, as ee eooe @eeeleceoe eevee eroele * punyjepung eeee eo ‘yeuung * eee e@eec eeeeleese eres eoeolese®e ceee eveelecars ‘OOUIN -kp nueyey ey} uO eoee eceae @eeelanee c2ee coceles0e e200 seeclee ‘giodjnyquing éé “AIBA POL) aq} UO econ ecee eect elesee cove seeeleeer eeae geee °° “WMeTTeqoeipng 2 eeee evce eeceeleeee Coes covs|e®see e208 seeeleses “epuod[oxyy ¢ : "UION -auhka “y 9} OF spunois MOT au} pue sooryd osoy} °H d U99MJOq SAIT[eA VY} UI saUIUL [TelaAas EEE NR © MRS SIS RES ig 08'S til Meme el gio ea eer ip rere 8 = Casa oie alo], “TeUUI ou} jo Aoqyy eA 3} Uy ee ecese e@ceelecese ence seeeleos2ee eee ee2eelecve ‘yedeppng *spuowleiqy a ae Dee | eS ES CEES = © ae es ee es et rer Carer a Fata SS oy eer Ea i Nh 2 lees *AIIOyNY “syIVUla yy renateeeene "aSUeL [ITF] *IOUIAOL “Aqpeoo'7T Siac a ls ( ‘paprauog )—nipuy ue punof syojapy ynfasn ayp fo sang 997 Grammatical construction of the Ho lanquage.—By Lieut. T1cKELu. I hope due allowances will be made for the imperfectness of the grammatical details here given, when it is remembered that the Ho language has no written character, nor does there exist a person, native of the Kolehan or otherwise, who could give me the slightest assistance on this point. It would be trite to observe that grammar is as inherent and essen- tial to all languages, even the most barbarous, as a vocabulary itself. By first learning a number of the words and sentences arbitrarily, the system on which they are founded may be detected in due time by patient comparisons of them, even when the speakers themselves are unable to give the inquirer the least information on the con- struction of what they are saying. With this difficulty once mastered, it is inconceivable with what ease the most (apparently) complex and difficult languages become familiar. The sounds of the Ho language are exceedingly pure and liquid, without strong aspirates or gutturals, and may be well rendered by the English alphabet, or still better the French one, as that admits of the slight nasal inflection which prevails in many words in the Ho dialect. Let the following conventions be made to the sound of the vowels, in the ensuing dialogues, &c. 7 Py as in “ father,” “ rather,” é — , “prey,” <“ été,” i —— , “skip,” “trip,” ee ;, “* sheep,” ‘* peep,” ¥ UEEEED AYN 66 fly,” 66 try,” aioray—— ,, longer sound as in “aye, aye?” 0 =e 5) >> bone,” ~ * stone,” oo —— on) an tOole’..’ “ateghe, *n (nasaln),, ‘ Ton” “ Fanfaron,” (French. ) The long acute vowel sounds, such as 00 and ee, also the letter 7, are pronounced too liquidly and subtilely to be easily imitated by a | stranger, and in some words the inflections of the vowels are in- conceivably complex and mellifluous. The general euphony or cadence * Also g, as the French liquid g, in Coulogne, Boulogne. | { | / 998 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [ No. 106. of the language is sprightly and cheerful; if the subject be of a complaining nature it subsides into a strange chaunt, the sentences being linked together by such see-saw sounds, as “‘ na-do na-do enété na-do” which have no meaning, but serve to connect together the speaker’s ideas. When two or more words come together, the former ending, and the latter beginning with similar vowels, they are joined by ellipsis. as “ Hola’lé seniéna,” instead of “ Hola allé seniéna,” we went yesterday. ARTICLE. There are none, (properly speaking), definite or indefinite. Nown. There is no distinction of genders; marked or influenced by ter- mination, it being determined by the sense or meaning of the word, whether referring to a male or female being. [Besides man and woman, “ erril” and “ éra,” boy and girl, “koa” and “ kodee,” names of relations, and those of a few domestic animals, all other nouns are distinguished in their gender by prefixing ‘‘ Sandee” male, or “ Enga” female, as in Persian or English oh J y ay wale, he-bear, she-bear. : A noun has three numbers, singular, dual, and plural, as in Greek. The nouns can scarcely be said to have declension as the terminal does not vary either according to number or case, although a dis- tinguishing adjunct, which may be called a ‘ Pronoun article,’ from its nature and use, is added. Singular. Dual. Plural. Nom. Séta, @ dog. Setaking, éwo dogs. Séta ko, dogs. Gen. Séta-4, of a dog. Setakingya, of two dogs. Seta kod, of dogs. Ab. Seta-té, from a dog. Seta king té, from twodogs. Setakoteé, from dogs. The dative, accusative, and vocative cases do not differ from the nominative, being only known from their position in a sentence. In composition, the noun in an accusative case takes the first place in the sentence, if the nominative be a pronoun; otherwise the noun- — nominative precedes, the accusative follows, and the oblique or dative case comes immediately before the verb, sometimes immediately after it. “En ho kajikeedi aya éra,” that man said to his wife, “ Dendka 1840. ] Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 999 oé tootigoikeea,” Dendka shot the bird. ‘‘Kedn hin do chowlee seta emadya,” my son gave the dog some rice. ADJECTIVE. The adjective does not alter in termination, either in number, case, or gender; and always precedes the noun it qualifies. As “« Boogee ho,”’,a good man ; ‘“‘ Boogee ho-a,” of a good man ; “ Boogee ho lo té,” with a good man, &c. There are no degrees of comparison, but as in Hindustani the qualifying words very, or most of all, are prefixed to denote grades of quality, as “‘ Etka,” bad, “Ena té neea 0 etka,” this is worse than that. ‘‘ Sabee ré nee o etka minna,” this is worst of all. ‘‘ Boogee léka éra,” a pretty woman. “ Boogee léka éra ko,” pretty women. PRONOUN. The first personal pronoun has four numbers, the singular, dual, plural, and plural comprehensive. The others only the three first, as noticed in the noun-substantives. The possessive pronouns are the same as the personal, with the genitive inflection @ added. PERSONAL PRONOUNS. Singular. Dual. Plural. Pl. comprehensive. lst. Eeng or aing, J Alleeng, we two Allé, we Aboo, we all 2d. Um, thou Abben, you two Appe, you e 3d. Ay or ayo, he Aking, they two Ako, they : In speaking, if the person include the person addressed, himself, and every one present, as nominatives or agents, he uses the plural com- prehensive. If he exclude the person addressed, he employs the first person plural, as ‘“ Hola aboo seniéna,” yesterday we went (i. e. you and all of us.) ‘ Hola allé seniéna,” yesterday we went (i. e. not you, we alone. ) The personal pronouns in the nominative case both precede and terminate the verb, optionally with the speaker, as, J speak, ‘‘ Eeng kajitanna” or ‘‘ Keng kajitannaing” or “‘ Kajitannaing.” I go, “Keng senotana,” or ‘“ Keng senotannaing,” or “ Senotan- naing.” 1000 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [ No. 106. And to give energy to the sentence, the pronoun is repeated, with the connect “do” between them, as “‘ Eeng do eeng kajitanna,” Z’7s I who speak, “*Um do um kombookenna,” Zhou alone statest tt. The most difficult part of their construction is in the dative and accusative cases, which are absorbed in the verbs they are governed by, in a manner unknown to other languages, being placed in the centre of the verb, after the root, and before the tense terminal. 9 fas As, I speak to thee, ‘Keng kajimetanna ;” he spoke to me, “ayo kajikedzngia ;” he spoke to them, “kajiked koai;” the tiger saw me ‘“‘koola do neldedingia ;” he killed him, “ a¥o goikeddya.” Here I have underlined the oblique or accusative pronoun, where it comes in, just before the tense terminal of the verb. PossEssivE Pronouns. Singular. Dual. Plural. Pl. comp. Ist. Eenga* or dingia! my alleengia allea abooa 2d. Umma, thy abbena appéa 2 3d. Aya, his - akingia akoa : These always precede their substantives. DEMONSTRATIVe PRONOUNS. Singular. Dual. Plural. Nee or inee, this neeking, these two niko, these Need or ineea, of this neekingia, of these two neekod. of these Neeté or ineeté, to, with, neekingté, neekote, &c. this En, that enking, those two enko, those Ena, of that enkinga, of those two enkoa, of those Enté, by, from, with &c. that enkingté, enkoté, ‘“ Nee” chis, is sometimes used idiomatically by a person referring to himself. If a Kole were to be asked what countryman he was? he would answer, ‘Ho nee gé,” I am; or literally, this is a Kole. Of what clan are you? Answer, ‘“ Poortee neegé,” J am a Poortee. * Pronounced, as ‘mignon,’ ‘ Ligne,’ &c. in French. ~ 1840. | Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1001 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS. Okoi, who ? chikan, which ? chia, what 2 Okoia, whose ? chikana, of which ? RELATIVE Pronouns. Relative pronouns are very vague, the sentence being generally so rendered as to obviate the necessity of them, thus, instead of saying, The man who went; a Kole would say, The gone man, “ Senien Horo.” But at times ‘ Chikana,” whatever, and “ Ena,” that, are used relatively, as “‘ Chikana um kajeea, éna eeng diooma,” what you say, that I will listen to. VERBS. Verbs are either active or neuter. There is no passive voice. The Infinitive mood is formed by adding ¢éa to the root. The Present participle by adding tan or ¢é. The Past participle by affixing hed¢e. In the active or transitive voice, the Present tense Indicative mood, adds to the root “ ¢anna,” in the neuter voice, “ akanna.” The Imperfect tense there is none, the Present tense being used, and its Imperfect signification understood by the context. The Perfect tense is formed by adding in the active voice, ‘ kidda, keea, kenna, lidda, or tadda,” to the root. In the neuter voice, “ dena,” or “7zéna,” sometimes “‘ henna.” There is no Pluperfect tense, but greater completion is expressed by conjugating the verb “ chabted,” to finish, added to the root ; much the same way as “ chookna” in Hindastanee. The Future is formed by adding to the root eea or od, or sometimes simply @, in which latter case the sound of the root is prolonged. Except “nooitea,” to drink, which makes “noonooa;” and “ roted,” to gore (as a bull) “ rorod.” The Imperative is formed by adding (in the 2nd person singular) to the root, “mén” and “ omén” or “ ymén,” if the root end with a con- sonant. In the other persons kd precedes the pronoun, and the simple root of the verb, which will be more clearly shown in conjugating. In a negative sense, ‘‘ alum” or “alo” is prefixed to the 2nd personal pro- noun, @ being added to the root; if in the 3rd person, singular, dual, 1002 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [ No. 106. or plural “ aloka” is prefixed to the pronoun, and the root alone of the verb is used. The Subjunctive mood is vague and imperfect. In the Present, and Future tenses “7rédo” is added to the root, sometimes together with the word “honang,” “derang,” or “ tora’ (signifying conditionality) affixed. The Past tense is formed in the same way; indeed there appears to be no Past Subjunctive tense; but sometimes the conditional terminal ‘‘ yédo” is added to the Past perfect Indicative. This word ‘“ 7rédo” admits the vowel to be affixed to it, or to come immediately before it and after the root. Conjugation of the verb ‘‘ Kajéeted,” to speak. INFINITIVE Moon. Present tense—Kajéetéa, to speak, Present Participle—Kajitan, or Kajienté, speaking, Past Participle—Kajikedté, having spoken. Inpicative Moop. Present tense. Sing. Dual. Plural. Ist. Person, Aing, Alleeng—Allé, Kaiit 1s te ee Um, ¢ Kajitanna, Abben—Appeé, pr ‘ei hi Stages or Aking “Ako, } 17h Perfect tense. ae alg es Seek a9 ) Kajikidda, Kajilidda or Kajitadda. 3d. Ayo— Aking— Ako, 5 L &c. spoke or have spoken. Future tense. Aing, Um, &c. &. &c.—Kajeea, I Se. &e. will speak. IMPERATIVE Moon. Sing. Dual. Plural. Eeng Kakajee, Let me speak. | Kajeeaboo or Abookakajee, Let us all, §c. Um Kajeemén, Speak thou. | Kajee ben or Abbenkakajee, Speak you, &c. Ayo Kakajee a Let him | Kajeealling or Allingkakajee, Let us, Sc. Kakajee o kai, speak, | Kajeeallé or Alléokakajee, Let us, Sc. Kajeeako or Akokakajee, Let them, &c. Kajeeaking or Akingkakajee, Let them, §c. 1840. | Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1003 NEGATIVE. Sing. Dual. Plural. Alokaing kajeea, Do not let me speak. | Alo k’aboo kajeea. 7 Alum kajeea, Speak not. Alo k’allé kajeea. | Do not let us se Alo kai kajeea, Do not let him speak. Alla’bben kajeea. Be. & | Al’appé kajeea. a ca Alo ka’ko kajeea. | erat | Alo ka’king kajeea J SUBJUNCTIVE Moon. Present tense. Eeng Kajeerédo, Jf I speak. Aboo, Um Kajeeredo, [f thou speakest. | Allé, Aio Kjeeredo, Lf he speak. | eee . Kajeerédo, If we &e. speak. Ako, Aking, J Perfect or Pluperfect. Eeng, Um, &c. &c. &c. Kajeekedrédo, Jf I &c. §&c. had spoken. CoNDITIONAL, OR POTENTIAL. Eeng Kajéaing honang, I would speak. Um Kajeeum honang, Thou, §c. Allé &c. &c. Kajeea honang, Ayo Kajeea honang, He, &c. We might or would speak. Nore. As has been before explained, in all these tenses and persons (except in the Imperative) the pronoun may be either prefixed, or affixed, or both. The same Verb, Conjugated with its Objective Pronodin. INDICATIVE. Present tense. Keng or Ayng Kajeeing tanna, L speak to myself. " Kajee metanna, I speak to thee. x Kajee aitanna, I speak to him. a Kajee’ létanna, TI speak to ourselves. “ Kajee’ ling tanna, J speak to us two. % Kajee’ ben tanna, J speak to you two. % Kajee’ petanna, TI speak to you. “ Kajee king tanna, J speak to them two. 33 Kajee kotanna, I speak to them. The same exactly for all the other persons, and tenses, &c. 6M 1004 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [No. 106. Perfect tense. ( Kajikedingiaé. } spoke to myself. | Kajiked’mia. te we: spoke to thee. ( Kajikedata. | spoke to him. a as i TE I | z ., | Kajikede’lia. spoke to ourselves. Ae re rai 4 Kajiked’lingia. > 4, spoke to us two. aie | Kajiked’bena. spoke to you two. Kajiked pea. spoke to you. | Kajikedkingia | | spoke to them two. | Kajiked’kod. J | spoke to them. Examples of this construction, especially in the Imperative mood, will be given in the Vocabulary, so need not be further dwelt on here. It is scarcely possible to reduce the verb ‘‘to be” to conjugation, unless we suppose the varied forms in which it is used as inflections of separate verbs, wanting in many tenses. For “to be” is expressed by different verbs, according to its allusion to time, a person, or a thing ; and again as whether it relate to mere existence or nature of existence. In short, there is no auxiliary verb “to be” which can be independently conjugated. The unchangable word “ minna,” or ‘‘ minnakana,” is applicable in the present tense alone, to denote a state of existence, as “Keng, um, ayo, &c. minna, or minnakana,” J am, thou art, he is, &c. But in past and future tenses some other verb denoting presence, as the verb “to come,” “to reside” &c. must be employed. But the verb “‘¢o be,” when implying the nature of existence, can be rendered in the past and future tenses, as well as the present, by adding to the participle or adjective, od in the future, and zena in the past, as “‘eeng laga akanna,” J am tired ; “eeng lagaoa,” I shall be tired; ‘‘eeng lagiéna,” ZL have become tired; ‘“‘eeng rénga akanna, or renga akannaing,” J am hungry; ‘“‘eeng rengaoa or rengaoing,” J shall be hungry ; ‘eeng rengaiéna,” I was hungry. Oda and tena, it is to be remembered, are inflections of the future and past tenses in all neuter verbs. Again the verb “ ¢o be” can be simply represented in the future and past tenses, when speaking of a thing, by the word “ hobawa,” z¢ shall or will be, and “hobiena,” it has been ; also in the present, “‘ hobow- tanna,” 7¢is. This mode of expression commonly refers to the success 1840. ] Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1005 or accomplishment of any project. In the English idiom we should say for “ hobawa” it will do, or it will answer ; “hobiena,” it is all over, or has succeeded ; *“‘ hobowtanna,” if is going on. That boy will be a thief, could not be rendered “‘ En koa do Lenina hobawa,” but “‘ En koa do komboo 04.” Your business will be done to-morrow, not ‘“ Umma kajee gappa 04,” but, ‘“ Umma kajee gappa hobawa.” This will never do, ‘Ka hobawa;” go away, it is all over ‘“ Mar- senomeén hobiéna.” In English and other languages, state, nature, or condition, is render- ed by affixing or prefixing the various tenses of the verb “to be” to the adjective, as to be hungry, J am hungry, I was hungry; “to be glad, I am glad, &c. c.” But in the Ho dialect the adjective itself be- comes a neuter verb, and is conjugated by affixing to it the different inflections denoting time and mood—to be hungry, “rengatéd ;” I am hungry, ‘‘renga akannaing ;” Z was hungry, “ rengaiénaing ;” &c. NEUTER VERBS. After what has been said, it would be unnecessary to give any example of the conjugation of neuter verbs. It only requires to be remembered that their present terminal is “akanna” instead of *‘ tanna;” and their past inflection ‘‘iéna,” instead of ‘“‘kidda, tadda, lidda, or eea,” all of which latter are transitive forms. Some verbs are both neutral and transitive, as “Chabatea” ¢o finish. They have therefore both inflections. In the transitive form ‘ Chaba- _ tea” is frequently added to the root of some other verb, to denote completion ; but it may also be used alone: in the neuter form, it is of course confined to the third person. EXAMPLEs. Yomchabakiddai, He eat it all up. Bychabakidallé, We finished (making ) it. Kajeechabymén, Finish speaking. Gappa miang chabawa, Jé will be done to-morrow or next day. Nado chabiéna, [¢ is now finished. The word ‘“ Hered” is placed between the root and terminal of a verb to denote positiveness or certainty ; as when the speaker means 1006 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [No. 106. to state something as an incontrovertible fact, as, ‘‘ Kajee hereakiddai,” most assuredly he spoke.. “‘ Oodoob heredmén,” speak positively. The causal form is rendered by putting “ chee” between the root and terminal—as ‘“‘landated4,” to laugh, makes ‘“landacheetea” to cause to laugh ; ‘‘atoomtea,” to hear, “aloomcheetea,” to cause to hear, as in Hindustani @ is inserted (with a few exceptions) for the same purpose, as Hunsna, Hunsana; Soonna, Soonana, &c. Continuity (in the Imperative mood alone) is expressed by adding “akan” to the root, as “doobmén” sit down, “ doobakdnmen,” remain sitting ; ‘“ Aioom mén,” listen, “‘ Aioomakanmén,” continue listening. Finally, the thoroughly performing an act, is often rendered by adding the verb, ‘“ jometea,” ¢o eat, to the root of the expletive verb, as “ nel- joomkidallé,” weall saw it (thoroughly ) ; “‘aioomjommen,” Listen ( atten- tively) ; ‘“‘Geetee jom-meén,” sleep (soundly). And should the verb be of a violent nature (referring to some violent act) the particle ‘“‘ tab” between the root and inflection gives force to the meaning, as ‘‘Goitab kiddai,” he slew him (outright) ; “ Toltab kidallé,” we bound him (forthwith); ‘“ Neertabmeén,” Run (quickly) fly! so “ Ooitea” is to jump, and “ Ooitabtea,” to bound (as a tiger. ) Ka before the pronoun gives the verb a negative form, as has been before explained in describing the Imperative mood. _ There is no verb “to have,” possession being denoted in the same manner as in Hindustani, J have, “‘ Eengtra minna”—“ Méré pas hye.” From the foregoing remarks may be gathered, that in the active or transitive voice The present terminal is, ‘ Tanna.” The past, ‘“* Kidda, tadda, lidda, kenna or kheea.” In the Neuter Voice. The present terminal is, “* akénna.” The past, *“7éna or léna ;” In Either Voice. The conditional, subjunctive, “redo” or “hedrado,? or potential mood terminate in | all these terminals being of course subject to the inflections of their pronouns, which are, as has been said, as often affixed as prefixed. 1840. | Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1007 A nondescript species of Verb is used in rendering the sentence “ what shall or can, I, (thou, he, sc.) do ?” Future and Present. Ch’eeng chikya, Cz 7} Chee’m chikya, Thou, Chee chikya, | He, Cheeboo chikya, | We all, Chee’lé chikya, We, ieee chik pa, what shall or can : Von, | do ? Chee’ben chikya, You two, Chee’ko chikya, They, Chee’king chikya, They two, Chee'ling chikya, J l Wetwo, J Past tense. Chee’ng chikakidda, what could I have done ? &c. &c. &c. The verb “to be able” is rendered by ‘“ Dytea” in its moods and tenses, as, “ Niddo eeng bydya,” I can make this; ‘‘ Umdokad¥a,” you cannot ; ‘ K’ai dyod,” he will not be able. Many little exceptions and variations occur to these general rules, which it would be impossible to become familiar with, without con- stant practice in their arbitrary use; but the foregoing remarks com- prise all that would be of practical utility. The constant elision and confluence of words beginning and ending with vowels must be remembered, and that the particle do, has no meaning whatever. This will render the examples above given to the different rules simple and illustrative. Nore.---The Vocabulary, and Dialogues in the Ho language will be pub- lished in No. 107. I have had 50 copies extra of the Grammatical con- struction, Vocabulary, and Dialogues of the Ho language struck off, and shall be happy to distribute them (gratis) to parties desiring to have them. Hy 1008 Nore, to be appended to my account of the coins of Mayas, in the article on * Some New Bactrian Coins,” No. 105. In the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. iv. plate 21, No. 4, there is a sketch of a square copper coin of large size, which Mr. James Prinsep attributed to Antimachus. M. Jacquet (Jour. Asiatique, February 1836, p. 170,.No. 48,) thought that it belonged either to Lysias or to Philoxenes; and M. Raoul-Rochette (J. des S. March 1836, p. 131, note 2,) recognized it as a coin of Philoxenes, from its native legend. The coin, however appears to me to belong to Mayas ; the Bactrian Pali legend being plainly PIYPILY PATAIYEA PATLY ] [Maharajasa ra] jatirdjasa mahatasa Maasa. “(Coin of the great king, the king] of kings, the mighty Mayas ;” and from this the Greek legend is readily completed—BASIAEQ> BAZIAEQN METAAOY MAYOY. Dr. Chapman possesses a duplicate of this coin, which has ASIABOS BASTA: ssseses. ces. AYO, on the obverse ; and As th [ra] jatiraja [sa], on the reverse. It is a curious fact, that the copper coins of the earlier Bactrian princes are, in comparison to the silver coins, extremely scarce. Thus of Euthydemus there are but a few copper pieces known, and all of one single type. Of Demetrius there are, I believe, but two copper coins yet known, both of which are in the possession of Captain Hay, and I hope shortly to make them public. Of Antimachus not a single speci- men has yet been found to my knowledge, and yet his silver coins are moderately common. A. CunNINGHAM. This note to Lieut. A. Cunningham’s interesting paper, published in my last number, reached me after the sheets had been struck off. Hy 1009 A Third Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of Storms in India ; being, Researcues relating to the Hurricane in the Bay of Bengal, and at Cuttack, from 27th April to 1st May 1840.—By Henry Pippinaton, Esa. On the 30th April the station of Pooree (or Juggernauth) in Cuttack, was visited by an awful Hurricane, which destroyed almost every house, Native and European. It was subsequently learnt by the arrival of the ship Nusserath Shaw, with troops on board, dismasted, that several of the ships of the China expedition, which had sailed a short time previous, had suffered, and that the storm had extended across the Bay from near the Andaman Islands, if not to the eastward of them, in about a NW. direction to Pooree. It seems also to have travelled as far as Kurnaul, inland. Our documents for the investigation of the track of this storm, amount to about thirty logs and reports of different kinds, the which, preserving al- ways the expressions of the writers in all that is essential, I have abridged into as small a compass as possible; and I have, as before, condensed the whole into a table at noon; giving thus a view of the contrasts which the weather presents in different parts of the Bay, at nearly the same moment of time, the difference of Longitude being too small to require any correc- tion of moment. I regret not having been able to add to this Memoir the logs of several of the ships of the expedition, such as the Marion, Isabella Robertson, and others; but as they have not been forwarded to me, I have thought the delay not worth incurring, as it is not possible to say when they may return to this port. Our evidence for the track of the storm will, I hope, be found tolerably complete, from its centre having on different days passed over, or close to, five ships, and to one station on shore. Weare thus enabled to mark its route with greater exactness, for a longer time, and to a greater distance, than any of the preceding ones hitherto investi- gated. As in the foregoing Memoirs the logs and tables are followed by a summary view, stating the grounds upon which the track of the storm, the size of the vortex, and its rate of motion are laid down. The general reader, to whom the professional details are tedious, will find her I trust that nothing has been assumed without due amount of proof. The seaman can judge for himself. Extract from the Log of the Ship “ Nusserath Shaw,” Capt. Edwards, bound from Calcutta to Singapore and China, with troops on board. Reduced to Civil time. 27th April, 1840. At midnight, light airs and fine, hot, sultry weather; wind SEbS.; at 4 a.m. EbN.; at 8, increasing; and at noon frequent hard squalls. Lat. Obs. 16° 2’ N. Long. Chron. 91° 21’ E. p.m. strong breezes ENE. to midnight, with dark cloudy weather and increasing sea, 1010 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106. 28th April. Wind ENE. to noon. 7 a.m. lost maintopsail. 9 a.m. increasing gale; lost fore and main topgallant mast and head of main topmast. 10, gale increasing; lost mizen mast, boats, &c. At 11, heavy white squall. Noon, blowing a perfect hurricane; three guns lost overboard; no one able to go aloft.. From 7 a.m. lying to under bare poles, with wind to the SE. Noon, Lat. account 14° 26’ 23” N. Long. 91° 34’ E. p.m. blowing a hur- ricane; all the hatches battened down. Wind ENE. At 3 p.m. it shifted suddenly round to SW., laying the vessel gunnel under, with sea awfully high. Midnight, the same, and frequent squalls ; vessel a perfect wreck, with all the braces, &c. gone. 29th April. From midnight lying to. 1 a.m. wind SSW. Noon, squally and rain. Lat. Obs. 15° 23’ N., Long. 90° 31’ E. Wind SbW. p.m. fresh gales and heavy weather, with dreadful heavy gusts of wind and squalls ; sea breaking over the ship; 33 feet water in the hold. At 8, weather as before. Midnight, less wind and sea, but ship labouring dreadfully ; lying to throughout, with wind to the westward. 30th April. 1am. Ship rolling dreadfully ; stilllying to. At 4, very squally, and fresh gales, with dark cloudy weather. Noon, Lat. 15: 31’ N. Long. 90° 11’ E. p.m. fresh gales with a heavy cross sea ; wind SE. ; ‘bore up for Calcutta. Extract from the Barque “ Tenasserim’s” Log Book, by Capt. T. Tapley, bound from Calcutta to Rangoon. Reduced to Civil time. 27th April, 1840. First part, light variable winds from the SSE. and sud- denly shifting ENE. Midnight calm, sea smooth; last part of part of this day, strong fresh breeze eastward, smooth water. Long. Chron. Noon,... at Bd de 91° 50’ E. Lat. Obs. = eee za ee siete 17° 40’ N. Noon. This day cloudy ; wind from the eastward ; about a seven and eight knot breeze. . 1. p.m. Strong breezes eastward, cloudy sky, and unsettled weather. Sunset, strong breezes and cloudy, with a threatening appearance to the eastward. At 8, made the ship snug. Midnight strong breezes from EbS3S., with a very threatening appearance; breeze gradually increasing, and com- ing in strong gusts and squalls. 28th April.—At 4 a.m. weather more threatening and a heavy sea getting up from the eastward. Daylight, wind SE. having every appearance of a gale, and blowing very hard, made all snug for bad weather. At 8, blow- ing a severe gale; sea at this time tremendous, battened a double tarpaulin fore and aft. Sea making a continual breach over the ship, and blowing very hard. Noon, heavy gale, ship labouring much, was obliged to keep : ; : | | } : | | | | | | | a } 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1011 the close-reefed topsail on her, owing to the heavy weather lurches ; sea making a continued roll over the vessel; gale increasing. Sun obscured. During the whole of this twenty-four hours ship was sailing to the south- ward. p.m. heavy gale from SE. and varying to SSE. with a terrific sea on making a awful breach over the ship; going 23 knots through the water up to 4 a.m. Course SbW. to SW. From 4 a.m. to noon, ship’s head to NE. and ENE.; having wore round. Carried away one of the channel plates. Midnight ship rolling heavy, taking the sea in on both sides. 29th April, 4 a.m. Wind a little more moderate, but sea still continuing the same. Set reefed foresail to steady the ship. Noon rather clear, but gale still blowing hard. Wind SE. PG ODS NOON, neds tasat hase alesse cose’. LOS Oo, No Mane Ops: NOOM, Gs ees. etm, wee vi ese GLOUR EK. At 9, a brig passed, scudding under a Patil only, with topgallant mast on deck. 1 p.m. up foresail; a very threatening appearance to the southward. At 2-30, wore ship to the SW., at the same time, to clear a whirlwind. By this maneuvre allowed the whirlwind to pass about 200 yards on the lee quarter ; at this time blowing a perfect hurricane. Wind SSE. and S. Furled every thing to a storm main trysail, and hove the ship to; torrents of rain; sea making a constant breach over the ship. At5 p.m. more moderate; set the close-reefed topsails, and at 10-30, wore ship to the ESE. Sea still continued high, and a cross head sea, owing to shift of wind in the whirlwind. 30th April. Daylight, more moderate. Wind SSE. Wore round to the SW.; sea still running high and confused. a.m. weather clearing up a little. Noon Obs., Lat. ... Mr dion elie ees 2k N. ihitto Long... 6c. ...admrebem stent Oo, 50" Es Noon, moderate. The phenomenon which Capt. Tapley describes in the log of the 29th, and which I have printed in italics, I thought so extraordinary that I requested of him a more particular account of it, and the following is his very graphic description of this awful addition to the fury of a tem- pest, which is, I believe, quite new in our naval records. A whirlwind coming down upon a vessel, lying to, in the midst of a hurricane, must, one would think, carry inevitable destruction with it,* should it fall upon her. The Freak seems to have lost her foremast in one, as will be seen by her log. Capt. Tapley says, “I have much pleasure in giving you answers to your inquiries, as nearly as I can. At 1 p.m. 30th April, by Nautical _ time, (but by Civil time the 29th,) a very threatening appearance to the _Southward; ship’s head east, a terrific squall from the SSE. rising very * Col. Reid refers to an instance of this kind, but I cannot now find the passage _ again.—H. P. 6N 1012 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106. rapidly, and having a very blowing appearance. When the squall was within 2 miles of the ship, perceived a heaving whirlwind flying to the NNW.; immediately wore ship to the SW., or first to the westward, to give the ship way through the water; by doing so, allowed the whirlwind to pass the ship; when passed, brought the ship to the wind, clued every thing up, and furled all. Soon after, about 10 minutes, the squall took the ship from the SSE. Ship’s head about SW., blowing a complete hurri- cane, could not see half the length of the vessel on the water, owing to the tops of the sea being blown by the force of the wind, and a deluge of rain at the same time. I cannot remember how* it was turning, as we were anxious to turn out of it; it was going round at a furious rate, and dis- appeared in the rain to the NNW. I do not recollect any lightning at the time.t Wecould not discern it until it had approached pretty close, and then the most we saw was the foaming of the water travelling up in a rapid progress. The day had been fine and a little clear for a few hours, but blowing hard. At the time this squall appeared, the sky all round assumed a threatening appearance, and squalls gathered and rose rapidly. After this severe squall, the weather kept bad during the remainder of the 24 hours.”’ Extract from the Log of the Barque “* Amelia Thompson” from Penang, towards Madras. Monday, 27th April, 1840. Civil time. p.m. Strong breezes, with heavy Wind. squalls of wind and rain. West. a.m. Hard gales with rain. 8 a.m. More moderate. Noon. Moderate and fine. Bar. 29°55—Lat. Obs. 4° 14’ N. Long. 88° 18’ E. West. p.m. Strong breezes and squally. Wbs. 8 p.m. Heavy squalls with rain. = ae 8-30. Wind veered to the WNW;; wore ship to WSW. Tuesday, 28th April, 1840. a.m. Ditto, weather at daylight more West. moderate. WSW. Noon. Moderate weather. Lat Obs. 4° 25’ N. Long. 870 48! E. The Barque “Clarissa” from Penang to Madras experienced no bad weather until the 28th of April, 1840. At noon on that day, she was in 7° 1’ N. and 870 56’ E.; it had been blowing hard from West to WSW. in squalls, * + These are replies to my queries.—H. P. 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1018 with rain and a high sea, but did not approach to agale. On the 29th, the weather became moderate, the swell high and confused. The Barque “ Ganges” from Malacca to Madras. On the 26th of April, 1840, in 6°37’ N and 95° 56’ E. a fresh gale commenced at SSW. veering to the SW. On the 27th she hove to under storm staysails; the Barometer fell to 29°50, blowing a hard gale from SSW. to SW. At noon, still lying to in Lat 7° 10’ N. 95° 18’ E. Bar. 29°60. On the 28¢h the gale abated, and at noon the weather cleared up. Lat 8°7' N. 94° 33’ E. Bar. 29-80. Extract from the Log of the Brig “ Freak,” from Calcutta to Singapore ; commu- nicated by Captain Smoult. Reduced to Civil time. 19th April, 1840.—Left the Pilot at the Sand Heads, and carried the wind about SSW., standing to S. Eastward. The wind then became light, and veered from SSE. to SW.; the weather continued light and variable with flashes of lightning, in the north after sunset. On the 20¢h, Lat. 200 31'N. Long. 88° 35’ E. On the 26th, Lat. 19° 23’ N. Long. 88¢ 40’ E. light winds, between SW. and South, with strong northerly currents until 27¢h, when the wind hauled round to the East. Lat. 18° 56’ N. Long. 88° 30’ E. p.m. Moderate breeze with fine clear weather. At 8, the wind increased, and weather became cloudy and threatening, which obliged us to take in all steering sails; the wind moderated at midnight; set the steering sails. 28th April. At10a.m. the breeze freshened again, took in all steering sails: and royals, the Barometer standing about 29°30 steady. Lat. 17° 40’ N. Long. 88°32’ E. p.m. strong breeze and threatening weather, the Barometer vibrating very much,* dark heavy clouds rising in the north, wearing the appearance of ragged edges. Commenced making preparation for a gale of wind by sending down the lofty yards, and securing spars, hatchways, boats, &c. and double gasketting the sails as we furled them. At 6. p.m. we had got every sail stowed, except the close-reefed fore topsail, the gale increasing so rapidly from NNE. that it obliged us to stow the main topsail, without reefing ; the sea rising in proportion. The wind gradually veered round to the north, and blew from that quarter till midnight, (Lat. Acc. 15° 46’ N. Long. 88° 18’ East) when the wind chopped round to the NW. suddenly, and blew with double force, which threw the ship on her broadside; the helm was immediately placed a-weather, but was rendered useless, owing to the position of the ship. She lay dormant for some time, the * The italics are mine. This vibrating of the Barometer is frequently noticed in the Logs in Col. Reid’s work, and seems an infallible sign. In Professor Barlow’s account of the water barometer it is particularly noticed as ‘‘ resembling the breathings of some huge animal.’’—H. P. 1014 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106. tempest roaring with great fury, and sea flying over us in foam. The lightning mingling gave it the appearance of fire and water ; the roaring of the wind prevented us distinguishing whether it thundered or not. We were soon enabled to brace the fore yard forward, which in a trough of a sea wore her before the wind, heading per compass SE. by E. directly in the trough of a tremendous sea, knocked up by the wind from North, which rendered our position most dangerous, as every sea appeared coming on board; in a short time she broached to, with her head north. The wind veering to the westward, and blowing with great fury, the ship was again thrown on her side, but being head to sea, lay much easier (the Barometer sunk to 27:25 in the gale). The foam flying so thick as to extinguish every object except at intervals; a supposed break in the sky afterwards proved to be the top of the sea! 29th April. About one in the morning, a sudden and awful gust of wind carried away the foremast. It was accompanied with a vivid flash of lightning, which enabled us to see the mast and yards carried up in the air, as if in a whirlwind, and then fall on deck with such violence that the fore yard arm stove in the fore hatchway, and went chock over into the weather wing of the ship, leaving the other arm extended to leeward. To this the wreck of the mast and other yards were attached, acting as a lever on the ship, keeping her side down. It remained thus the rest of the night, in spite of all our endeavours to cut and clear it away from the ship. The furled sails blew away by piece-meal; the quarter boat filled with water and broke away ; heavy seas breaking on board, and the dark- ness so intense, that we could not see a yard before us; the water rushing down the hatchways, against all precaution, carried away the larboard bulwark and several stanchions, did the round house much injury, and every thing in its way; we found much difficulty in getting the crew to the pumps. Found a great quantity of water in the hold; consi- dered it prudent to throw over some of the cargo in order to lighten the ship, as the water forced down the fore hatchway in great quantities. The wreck of the masts aft beating about in a most fearful manner, endanger- ing the main mast, the only spar we had to work the ship with in running down to the Sand Heads. At daylight, wind SW.; the crew kept constant- ly at the pumps. Barometer rising very slowly, being at 27-30. Noon, sun obscure, Lat. account 16° 2’ N. Long. 88° 36’ E. p.m. wind SW. still blowing furiously, and ship labouring heavily, shipping water over all; showers of rain at intervals, hands kept constantly at the pumps, and clearing away the wreck. The same weather throughout. 30th April. At daylight loosed the peak of the main sail, hoisted it up a few feet, and hoisted the foretopmast staysail to the throat halliards, 1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1015 in order to keep her to the wind; this soon blew away, together with a spare jib, which was hoisted to the main stay. Constantly employed pumping. Noon a little more moderate. Lat. account 16° 41' N. Long. 88° 0’E., cut away the wreck from the jib-boom, which was sprung, bent a spare foresail to the mainyard and set it; got a preventer main topmast stay up, and otherwise repaired damages. Bore up for Calcutta. lst May. Midnight squally with rain and thick cloudy weather, at day- light people employed setting up rigging, &c. and getting up a main top- sail. Noon moderate breeze with passing clouds. Lat. Obs. 17° 26’ N. Long. 87° 47’ E. Barometer 28°30. May 4th. At 4. v.m. got a pilot. During this gale, and previous to it, the following phoenomenon manifested itself; that of the clouds rising rapidly in the north, appearing ragged and black, with white feathery edges, and stretching to the southward in long tails; the sea becoming tumultuous in, and as soon as the gale reached us the atmosphere hecoming very sultry. Barometer stood at noon about 29.30, or about the standard height previous to the gale, and now in Calcutta, about 29-20.* Extract from the Log of the Brig “ Vectis,” R. Isemonger, Commander, bound from Calcutta to the Cape. Reduced to Civil time. 28th April—At noon, fresh breezes east, and cloudy. Lat. 18°37' N. Long. 87° 55’E. Standing south, going 6 knots. p.m. strong breezes ; dull hazy wea- ther. At 8 p.m. preparing for bad weather. Midnight, wind ENE. blowing a gale; head SbhW. 29th April_—ti a.m. Increasing gale, scudded; and at 6 a.m. hove to un- der bare poles. At 7 a.m. full hurricane and heavy sea; lost jibboom; ship- ped a heavy sea, which hove the vessel on her beam ends, and cleared the deck, bulwarks, &c. : Cut away the topmasts. Noon, the same weather, wind marked as variablet, Lat. 16° 58’ N. Long. 88° 4’ E. At 2 p.m. began to mode- rate. Wind marked as veering to the Northward, then to the Westward. At 8 p.m. it stood at SSW. 2 feet water in the well. 30th April_—a.m. to Noon, heavy cross sea. Lat. 17° 40’ N. Long. 88° 10’ E. Wind SbW. Gale continuing, and very high sea. * Itis due to Captain Smoult to say, that this very valuable account of the storm was accompanied with a capital MSS. chart, on which the vessel’s track was accurately laid down.—H.P. t Inthe confusion of a small vessel on her beam ends it is probable no one could say how the wind was for some hours; or it might have been veering rapidly, and is thus marked variable. 1016 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106. 1st May.—4 a.m. more moderate, but heavy squalls with rain. Wind SbW. Noon Lat. 18° 43’ N. Long. 88° 18’ E. Wind SSW. fresh gales and squally, bore up for Calcutta. 2nd May.—Noon Lat. 19° 54’ N. Long. 88¢ 29! E. “ George and Mary ;” Captain Golightly. An imperfect account of the weather experienced by the “ George and Mary,” Captain Golightly, states, that upon the 28¢h April at Noon, the wind veered from SW. to East with a fine. steady breeze, to which all sails were set. At 6 p.m. it became cloudy, with a heavy bank to the NW. The wind shortly after shifted to North in a very heavy squall, lasting for three-quarters of an hour, to which every thing was let go, and the vessel was than prepared for bad weather. The wind continued to veer to the NW. and at daylight of the 29th, had increased in violence. At noon of the 29th, Lat. was about 16° N. Long. 84° 30’ E.* the gale being at its height, and blowing a severe hurricane from the NNW. which lasted: for six hours; the wind then veered to the East, then to ESE., to S. and SSW. and at daylight on the 30¢h began to moderate, leaving a ‘‘ nasty cross sea.” Extract from the Log of the Barque “ Flowers of Ugie” from Calcutta to the Mauritius. Reduced to Civil time. 27th April, 1840.—At noon in Lat. 19° 52’ N. Long. 89° 24’ E. at which time and till midnight, fine clear weather. Wind SE., standing to the southward. 28th April—At noon smart breeze ESE. and clear. Lat. 19° 19’ N. Long. 88° 22' E. 3p.m. Bar. 29:17, breeze increasing fast from ESE. veer- ing to East at 7 p.m. At 6, very bad appearance to the SE., reduced sail. Midnight, strong gales; Bar. 29:11. Ship going 5 knots, and standing to the SW. 29th April.—At 4 a.m. squally with rain. At 7, Bar. 28-19. At 9, gale increasing, furled every thing. At 11, very heavy gales, with heavy rain and dark gloomy weather ; hove the ship to on the larboard tack, under bare poles, wind being at NE. at 10; and North at 11. Very heavy sea breaking on board, and sweeping every thing away. Noon very bad weather, vessel straining much, and making much water. Bar 28°15. From * This is apparently a rough guess from memory, the account being written at the Captain’s request by an assistant of the house to which he was consigned, the log book being on board the ship, and the ship on its way down the river. 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1017 midnight to 11 a.m., she had run 76 miles SWbS3S. Lat. 17° 15’ N. Long. 86° 43’ E. by acct. at noon. p.m. Gale still increasing, with a very heavy sea, and vessel lying nearly on her beam ends, so much so, that the pumps would not suck water. Wind NW. at 1 p.m. Bar. 28:36; At 3 p.m. wind West. At 5, SW. At 8 South, at which it continued till midnight. Bar. at 7 p.m. 28°41; at midnight 28°19. At 4 p.m. tremendous gales, with heavy rain and gloomy weather ; at midnight gale abating a little. 30th April_—e6 a.m. more moderate, but at noon very heavy gales and bad weather, Lat. 17° 48’ N. Long. 86° 53’ E. Bar. 29.11. p.m. Strong gales and cloudy; saw a vessel standing to the northward with loss of foremast and mizen mast. At 9, Noon, moderate, with lightning to the NW. Wind South till midnight,, vessel lying to, head West. 1st May.—Midnight cloudy weather, wind South till noon, when mo- derate-with fine weather, Lat. 18° 23’ N. Long. 86° 58’ by Acct. 2nd. May.—At noon in Lat. 18° 44’ N. Long. 88° 6’ East.* Extract from the Log Book of the Ship “‘ La Belle Alliance,” Capt. Arkcoll; from Madras to Calcutta. Reduced to Civil time. 29th April, 1840.—Midnight; moderate breezes and squally, latter part a fresh gale with hard squalls and showers of rain. 28th. At 3 p.m. the Lighthouse on False Point NWDbN, at 4, the ighthouse WbN; at 5-30 tacked to the SE; at 6, the Lighthouse WbS3S. and theland at WbN. At midnight tacked to the Northward; at 3-30 a.m. tacked to the E; at 5, the light WNW. At daylight, an increasing breeze from NE. and squally. At Noon an increasing gale with hard squalls, distance on the log 71 miles. Lat. Obs. none. p.m. A strong gale with hard squalls and thick hazy weather ; latterly an increasing gale with violent gusts of wind. At Midnight a violent gale, with violent gusts of wind. 30th April. a.m. to 5 a.m. The gale increasing, with violent gusts of wind and heavy rain; furled topsails; ship laying to under storm main staysail. At 6 a.m. ship plunging deep, with a heavy confused sea ; carried away the flying jibboom; cut away the wreck. At 8 a.m. trying to strike topgallant masts; ship laying over and plunging deep could not, and obliged to cut away fore and main topgallant masts to save the top- masts; in so doing the head of the foretopmast broke above the rigging ; * Bar. of the ship “‘ Flowers of Ugie’’ at noon, 18th August in Calcutta at ten EME OMT) 0 etic Shiba si ec! seh ose BCom’ tee “sek ae lee aa |) MOO The Barometer at the Surveyor General’s Office. .. «2 «2 oe «+ «2 29°06 Difference to add. in 2p onde 0-11 This correction has been made to the Bar. heights given in the log. 1018 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106. a heavy confused sea. At 9 a.m. a sudden calm, struck main topgallant mast; ship labouring much, from the heavy sea. At 10, a violent gale from SSW. with most awful gusts of wind and heavy rain, the ship laying to under storm main staysail. At noon, gale continuing with equal vio- lence. p.m. A violent gale, with awful gusts of wind, and a heavy sea. Moderating after midnight, with thick hazy weather. At 1 p.m. in a sudden gust of wind and rain, the storm main staysail blew away, the ship lying to under bare poles; heavy and violent gusts of wind and rain, during the day. At 2 p.m. in a heavy gust of wind, the ship labouring much, the starboard boat’s davit gave way. Cut away the boat to clear wreck.—Ship lying to under bare poles. Violent gusts of wind from SSW. with heavy rain and thick hazy weather during the night. lst May. At5 a.m. the weather moderating, set close-reefed topsails. At noon the weather moderating and the sea going down; thick hazy weather. 30th April, 10 p.m. Bar. 29°40 Meg one: Se 29°20 SHAME as sealk 29:00 Di ahs «Woo sl 28°10 Ouce cta gre »- 28°30 Ly auteer tea ese 28°60 Ist May, 4 p.m. ...... 28°90 Di Sedaiea chs talena 29-10 | Ze Gerrteue Baus 29°30 Lat. Obs. 19:19 N. The first of the gale was from the NE., and at 11 a.m. on the 30¢A, it sud- denly shifted to the southward, and blew if any thing heavier than before. I am indebted for this extract, which is so highly interesting, as marking the direct trask of the storm towards Pooree (Juggernauth) to Capt. Biden, Master Attendant of Madras, but I could not obtain a sight of the ship’s log while at Calcutta; so that her exact position at the time of the shift of wind, is not so certain as it might have been; neither could I obtain a comparison from her Barometer. Abstract of the Log of the ship ‘‘ Christopher Rawson,” Capt, Smellie. Reduced to Civil time. On the 27th, exchanged numbers with the Marion, Capt. Pope, in Lat. 17° 15’ 30". N. Bar. 29°80; the Bar. down 4 lines, and the weather very op- pressive. Light SSE. winds and sultry. Barometer falling fast. 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1019 28th April. Midnight, heavy gathering clouds in the SE. and threatening look. At 10 a.m. a very heavy squall from East ; I consider this the commence- ment of the gale; the scud flying in confused masses, and a number of sand birds on the rigging. At noon, heavy appearance of weather. Lat. Obs. 190 29'15" N. Bar. 29-40. p.m. Blowing fresh from E. and ESE., the Baro- meter 29-35, and every appearance of worse weather ; making a bold push for the Pilot. Midnight and until day-dawn, constant heavy squalls and much heavy rain. 29th April. At 4 a.m. sounded in 17 fathoms; at 5 sounded in 10 fathoms, and by two excellent Chronometers made the Outer Floating Light bear from us due west 15 miles distant ; finding the sea too high to receive a pilot close-reefed the top sails and courses; under this sail stood out South; wind abeam at East, gale increasing and the sea rising fast. At 10 a.m. @ tremen- dous sea spread from the SSW. and a heavy ground swell on our beam East ; preparing for bad weather. At noon gale very heayy, no sun, suppose ourselves SSW. from the Floating Light, distant 30 miles. Gale increasing at ESE. and East in the heavy squalls; a very high con- fused sea often breaking over all. At midnight sprung fore yard; sounded in 30 fathoms. 30th April. 2 a.m. Blowing a hurricane, sprung our main mast in the deck partners; the sea washing away our large cutter, davits and all, and making a clear breach over all ; both pumps going. The wind SE. and veering round gradually to the southward. At day-dawn observed some broken spars and short pieces of plank passing us; shipped a heavy sea, broke the lash- ings of the skylight, which unshipped, and nearly filled our cabin with water. Noon., Lat. Obs. 20° 28’ N. A heavy sea struck the ship aft, and injured our rudder head. Bar. 28°80. Bar. 28-90; gale continues heavy; ship under bare poles, lying in the trough of the sea, very uneasy. Wind SSE., ship’s head SWbW. Having blown our storm staysails away got a bolt of new canvas in the mizen rigging. 1st May. At day-dawn ship on her beam ends) and the sea making a fair breach over all; the water much discoloured; sounded in 16 fathoms on the edge of Point Palmiras Reef, the wind suddenly shifting into the SSW. wore ship to the SE. Sun obscured at Noon; no vessels in sight. Some attempts at a clear-up; ship lying helpless in the trough of the sea; Bar. rose 4 lines. At 2 p.m. set the close-reefed topsails. Sunset clear weather, but destructive sea, midnight heavy squalls from SW. Qnd May. Day-dawn, moderating fast. Out reefs, and stood to the WNW. At 7 sighted a Pilot vessel. At 8° 30! obtained a pilot. From our position on the commencement of the gale, I supposed myself in the centre of the Bay 60 1020 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106. during the worst part of it, and allowed 86 hours drift under bare poles before I looked for shoal water. My astonishment was great at finding the ship, early on the Ist, in 16 fathoms on the reef; and I can only account for it by supposing the easterly gale had caused a current, or set, to the west- ward of at least 4: miles per hour; which may perhaps account for so many vessels getting over on the Point, as I had the advantage of 15 miles easting at its commencement. ewe ee Balasore. A letter from Balasore, dated 4th inst., says :— “We have just escaped a severe hurricane; it blew very hard on the night of the 30¢h, and the tide rose very high, but luckily the wind did not last long’ enough to drive the sea over the country. At Pooree they have felt the hurricane most severely. I hear that all the houses and the Government Cutcheries have been blown to the ground, and much damage has been sustained; great part of the native town has been destroyed, and several lives lost. When the circuit house fell, two men were buried, and escaped with broken legs. Pooree is full now, the gents from Cuttack having gone there to enjoy the cool breeze; they and the residents took refuge in the only house which stood the storm: the description of the scene is fearful. Mr. Ewart lost his Arab horse, buried in the ruins of the stable. The natives declare that Juggernauth’s august presence alone prevented the sea from washing away the town. The storm was felt at Cuttack also severely, and I much fear it has been des- tructive on the whole line of coast. This is a true version I think, and you may perhaps like to give the readers of the Englishman the news.”— Englishman, 7th May, 1840. (ee Report from Captain A. Bond, Master Attendant, Balasore. 29th April, ...... Bar. 29.66 Ther. 85° NE. Rain and squally, 30th Ditto, ditto, ...... 29.57 ditto, 82 NE. Rain and puffy, : Ist May, ditto, 8 a.m. 29.25 ditto, 81 E. Strong gusts of wind, D7it0;: Wee ence es ses ae 29.43 ditto, 82 NE. and East. On the 1st May, a.m.; at Balasore; strong gusts of wind, with continual rain, inclining to a gale till 8 a.m., when the wind veered from NE. to South, and cleared up at SW. at 9 a.m. At Budruck, 32 miles WSW. of Balasore, the wind stronger, with flying clouds to the SW. I was at Budruck on the morning of the gale, and from the log kept here, it was very similar to the one I kept there, in every respect. 1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 102] The strength of the gale was felt more southerly at Pooree; and inland the rain appears to have been heavier, and the wind less. The May gales have not affectd Balasore since May 1823. No vessels lost on the coast; several put into Chooramoon in distress. A. Bonp. I am indebted for the following letter to Mr. Ewart, Magistrate of Pooree. Your letter to Mr. Cumberland has been handed to me. During the storm, and for some weeks, Mr. Cumberland had been very unwell, and had ceased to keep a Meteorological Register. At the time of the storm, land two other gentlemen were staying at our house. On comparing notes next day, we discovered that we differed in one material point, viz. which way the storm went round. To the best of my remembrance, the South-west wind, which generally blows so steadily during part of February, March, April, May, and part of June, failed and became variable, hanging between South and East. The sky was very cloudy, and on Wednesday, 29th April, there were showers. On Wednesday afternoon the wind was very strong from NbE.; the rain and wind continued to increase during the night from ENE. On Thurs- day morning, 30th April, at daylight, it was blowing strong, but people went about their ordinary avocations. By 10 a.m. there was a gale from NE. At noon I went on my elephant to visit the various ladies who had come with their families, but without their husbands. The wind was so violent and gusty, that I found it necessary to hold fast by the pad-ropes, and the drifting rain and sand frequently made the elephant stand, and refuse to proceed. From 8 a.m. on Thursday, 30th, the rain was incessant. The wind continued to blow, with about the same violence, after 10 a.m. till evening from the North-east. It then veered to nearly North, and after hanging between N. and NE., at about 7% p.m. entirely lulled. About 8, what we imagined the ordinary monsoon breeze began to blow from SW.; it however increased, and got round to nearer the West. By 93 v.m. it blew from WSW. with far greater violence than it had from the other direction. Many houses had lost a portion of the thatch by the NE. wind, but almost all were, destroyed by the West wind. It began to abate about 4 a.m. on Friday Ist. May; there were occasional gnsts during the morning from SW., but our usual breeze blew _ pretty regularly ; my impression was, that just before the lull on Thursday _ evening the wind was at NW. and went by the East to SW. This struck me particularly, because it was contrary to the received theory. I fear this is a very vague account, but it is the best I can give. PoorEE, 30th May, 1840. James K. Ewart. 1022 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106. Nore.—It will readily be seen by those to whom the Theory of Storms is familiar, that the centre of the hurricane, as here described, must have passed over, or a very short distance to the South of the station. The discrepancy of opinions mentioned might easily occur at such a time, amongst gentlemen who were not seamen, and it is more than probable, that, at the centres of storms and near them, counter currents and eddies do occur; and that their changes are almost instantaneous; the main change was from about NNE. to SW. and at the centre this might have happened either way, without affecting the truth of the theory. H. P. (ees eee Tue Great Storm In Orissa. [From a Correspondent at Pooree. | ~ “On Thursday, the 30th April, one of the most violent storms ever re- membered in Orissa visited the station of Pooree, and surrounding district. The wind blew very fresh from the North-east early in the morning, and towards the middle of the day increased so much, as to make every one take precautions to guard against its violence. The surf was unusually high and roaring, and approached the bungalows much nearer than was at all pleasant. Out-offices were levelled, and clouds of sand buried every thing. About 6 o’clock in the evening the wind lulled, when it was hoped that the worst was over, but the disasters of the day were as nothing in comparison with what the night brought. The wind suddenly shifted round to West and South-west, and recommenced in all its fury. Every one sat waiting for the worst, running from one room to another, as the house gave way, and when the general crash came, it was fearful.—The wind and rain so boisterous, that no one could stand erect exposed to them. Ladies then escaped to their palkees, anxiously awaiting the break of day. The darkness of the night totally prevented any communication of one house with another, and it was not until morning that the whole truth could be known. Alas! every bungalow in the station has been destroyed—not one is there that can possibly be inhabited. One solitary puckha-house stood the buffetting of the storm, as it would appear, intend-_ ed as a refuge for the destitute. It was most providential that some families deserted their own houses during the afternoon and took shelter in any secure place they could find ; for had they remained they must have perished. Entire roofs and walls came to the ground, other houses went piecemeal, rafters and thatch coming down, and some have disap- peared altogether. Some ladies were obliged to desert their bungalows, and remain in their palkees on the sands the whole night. In fact, no one 1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1025 has escaped, and many have lost every thing they possess. The drift of the sand was so great, that every thing was buried several feet in it, and a most difficult task it has been to recover property so embedded. The ruins of the houses are almost unfit for repairs, except under a cost equal to the original expense of building, and the whole coast presents one scene of destruction. The city has suffered to a great extent; indeed every house has been blown down, but the immortal remains of Juggurnauth lie undisturbed in his celebrated temple. The surrounding villages have been equal sufferers, and a camp belonging to the revenue surveyor, about 20 miles distant, was totally destroyed. Large trees strew the road, and many lives have been lost in consequence. One family, of eight persons, were crushed under one tree; but the loss of life has been much less than could have been expected. I have not heard of more than forty altogether ; but accounts may be brought in hereafter. Altogether the scene has been one I never wish to witness again, for independently of the great pecuniary loss, it has been an awful visitation, which those who have lived and experienced can alone comprehend. Poorss, 3rd May, 1840.”—Englishman. Extracts from the Log Book of the Barque ‘‘ Elephanta,” of Greenock ; from Clyde to Calcutta. Reduced to Civil time. April 28th. Bar. 29:60. From midnight to 8 a.m., wind SE. to EbS. fresh breezes, and cloudy ; a heavy swell from the SW. From 8 a.m. till noon, light winds and cloudy. At noon Lat. Obs. 15° 20’ N. Long. Chron. 84° 29’ E. The same till midnight. 29th. NE. fresh breezes and cloudy weather throughout; a heavy swell from the Eastward ; the current has set the ship EbN. 20 miles these 24 hours. At noon Lat. 16° 24’ N. Long. Chron. 84° 22’ E. p.m. light winds and cloudy weather. 31st. a.m. Fresh breezes from SW. and cloudy, with a great swell from the NE.; the ship labouring and pitching very heavy. At Noon, cloudy, the landin sight bearing WbN. to NbW. supposed to be the Dolphin’s Nose. _ At Noon, by very indifferent Obs. Lat. 17°46’ N., Long. Chron. 840 28’ E. ; to midnight, moderate and fair. lst May. a.m. SSW. Fresh breezes and cloudy; a swell from the SW. At Noon Lat. 18°48’ N., Long. Chron. 85° 40’ E. p.m. moderate breezes and hazy weather. Extract from the Log of the Schooner “‘ Amelia,” Captain Ross. Reduced to Civil time. The “Amelia” was off the Sand Heads when the last gale commenced. Unfortunately during the gale the Barometer was injured, which prevents 1024 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106. any correct information on that head, further than that it fell two-tenths the day previous to the gale. _ 29th April, 1840. At midnight, winds easterly, with light passing squalls. Outer Floating Light bearing EbN.6 a.m. Windeasterly. Being now to the eastward of the Western Sea Reef, breeze increasing with heavy appear- 7 ance to windward. Pilot apprehensive of bad weather, recommended stand- ing to sea; stood to the South-eastward. Noon, winds ENE. blowing very hard and sea rising. p.m. winds ENE. increasing to a gale. Midnight, ditto, blowing a hard gale and heavy sea. 30th April. 6 a.m. Ditto as before, blowing with violence, and squalls with rain. Noon, ditto weather; shipping much water on deck; soundings in 62 fathoms. 6 p.m. wind east with heavy appearance to the south-eastward, with occasional heavy rain and hard squalls. Midnight, wind SE. with increased violence, now blowing with great fury. Our sails were blown out of the bolt ropes. 4 cross turbulent sea rising in pyramids, and breaking over the vessel, while the force of the wind depressed her lee bulwarks under water.* Soundings in 45 fathoms. lst May. 6 a.m. Wind veering southerly, still blowing with fury and a great sea. 8 a.m. Wind SW. rather more moderate. Soundings in 20 fathoms. Wore to the Eastward. Noon, wind SW., gale abating. Found by Obs. that our situation is 15 miles to the southward of False Point in 22 fathoms ; bore up for the river. The two days previous to the gale, we had the wind from the South- eastward, light, with hazy weather, hot and sultry. The gale commenced from the North-eastward, veering to the Eastward and South-eastward, at which point it blew with the greatest violence, and began to break up soon after it reached the South-west point. During the gale the heaviest appearance of the sky was to the SE. and Southward. The upper clouds appearing to move N. and NW.+ even while the wind was NE. Extract from the Log of the H. C. F. L. V. ‘ Beacon,” C. Hudson, Commander. April 29th, 1840.—a.m. Fresh SE. breeze and cloudy. 4 .m. Breeze in- creasing ; veering to ESE. cloudy unsettled weather. Daylight, increasing breezes at ESE. and cloudy unsettled weather, heavy sea. 8 a.m. Fresh breezes at Eastward, cloudy unsettled weather. Noon, strong breezes at East, veering to NE. with heavy squalls of wind and rain, threatening appearance. Noon to 4 p.m. blowing in heavy gusts from E. to NE. and ENE. heavy * This is an instance of the possibility alluded to in p. 46 of my first Memoir, (p 645 Journal As. Soc. for August 1839.) Ifthe shift of wind had been sudden, the vessel would have been laid down against the whole fury of the waves. ¢ This is somewhat equivocal, for it may mean tothe N. and NW. or from the N. and NW. The observation is nevertheless important. —- | 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1025 passing showers, and dark, cloudy, threatening appearance all round. Sun- set, blowing hard at ENE. with passing showers, and very threatening appearances to the SE., heavy sea. 8 p.m. Blowing hard at ENE. with pass- ing squalls and light showers, with dark cloudy threatening appearances all round. Midnight, moderating, ENE. breezes and cloudy unsettled ap- pearances to the Eastward. 30th April. a.m. Strong breezes at East, with dark, cloudy, unsettled wea- ther. Daylight, blowing hard at ESE. with very threatening appearances all round, and a heavy cross sea. 8 a.m. Strong breezes at ESE. and dark, cloudy, unsettled appearances to the eastward. 8 a.m. to Noon. wind veering from ESE. to East, with continual heavy squalls, and heavy rain, dark dismal clouds, and very threatening appearances all round, with a confused sea. 4 p.m. Strong breezes at East and EbS. with dark cloudy, unsettled weather. Sunset, strong breezes, veering from East to EbS, with dark dismal clouds, and threatening appearance to the SE. with heavy sea. 8 p.m. Strong breezes veering to SE., with dark dismal clouds and unsettled, with threatening appearances all round. Midnight, fresh breezes veering from SE. to SSE. with heavy passing squalls of wind and rain; unsettled appearances and lightning to the Southward, with distant thunder. lst May, 1840.—a.m. Blowing very hard in squalls at SSE. dismal threatening appearances and passing showers, with very heavy sea. 4 a.m. Wind increasing to a gale at SSE. with a very heavy sea. Daylight, blow- ing a gale at SSE. with dismal threatening appearances. 8 a.m. Gale increasing at SSE. with very threatening appearance, and very heavy sea. Noon, blowing a heavy gale at SSE. very threatening appearance, sea still continuing. 4 P.M. Gale still continuing very heavy, weather clearing up a little ; sea still continuing heavy. 8 p.m. Moderate breezes veering to SbW. and SSW. with passing squalls of wind and rain, and unsettled weather, with lightning to the SW. Sunset, moderating a little, and wind veering to Southward and SbW. with passing squalls of wind and rain, sea continuing. Midnight, blowing hard at SSW. and SW. with heavy passing squalls of wind and rain, with dark cloudy weather all round, and lightning to the SW. Mr. Hudson adds the following remarks. “ As the variation of the wind and the appearances of the weather, were correctly stated during the gale, the only remarks I have to make thereon, are, that in every gale I have experienced here, it has invariably began at the Northward, veering to the Eastward, sometimes as far as North-east and back again,* generally break- ing up at SW.; the heaviest part of the gale generally being between SE. and South, except the last, the heaviest of which was at WSW., the point at which it broke up.” f nagles * So in the S. 1026 Third Memoir with referenee to [ No. 106. Extract from the Log of the H. C. L. V. “ Hope ;” Eastern Channel. W. Clark, Commander. Date. Winds and Weather. Bar. Ther. Remarks. Wednesday, a.m. Fresh Easterly breezes, dark, cloudy April 29th, threatening weather, and lightning, 1840. 3 a.m. Heavy gusts from the Eastward, and passing squalls. r is Bos Daylight. Strong Easterly breezes and AS a ditto weather. aes 8 a.m. Fresh breezes and cloudy, with en passing squalls and rain. 29°67 81: as! Noon. Strong Easterly breezes and ditto Poe ditto weather ; rain at times. 29°65 81: Hes Sunset. Ditto winds and weather. ~So 8 p.m. Ditto winds and weather. 29°65 81> S on = Midnight, heavy passing squalls from the Eastward, and ditto weather. Thursday, a.m. Heavy squalls from Eastward, and April 30th, threatening weather ; passing squalls 1840. and very heavy sea on. ee Se) ee e hes ee Sunset. Blowing hard from East to ES. Easterly, with passing squalls andrain. 8 p.m. Blowing hard at SE. Ditto weather. 29°55 81: Midnight. Ditto from SE. to SSE. and ditto weather. Daylight. Strong East to ESEasterly & breezes, cloudy and squally weather. = 8 a.m. Ditto cloudy, and threatening ap- a pearances all round. 29°60 81: g Noon. Strong ESEasterly breezes and iS ditto weather. 29°60 82: 2 S = Friday, a.m. Blowing a moderate gale at ESE. May ist, with heavy gusts at intervals, and 1840. rain; weather still threatening; ship- ping much water. Daylight. Gale increasing at SE. battened down the hatches and made all snug ; veered to 200 fathoms cable. 8 a.m. gale still continuing at SE. with frequent squalls and rain. 29°50. 81° Noon. Moderating a little, veering to the southward, frequent squalls of wind and rain, and heavy sea on. 29°53 83: 4 p.m. Decreasing at SSW. very unsettled appearances all round; very heavy sea on. Sunset. Strong SSWesterly breezes, with cloudy and threatening appearances all round. 8 p.m. Ditto ditto weather. 29°67 81: 10 p.m. Wind shifted suddenly round | SSW. to NW. with threatening appear- ances and much lightning. Midnight. Light variable breezes from NW. to SW. cloudy and threatening appearances to the Westward, andrain. ~ Se ee oe 200 fathoms cable. — 1027 ‘ the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1840. ] “oUy Tayivom Pue “ASA 07 “ANG Worl o[GVlivA SpuIm YIEZ UG “HS O1°MS UWOAT SpuiAy ~xTOTpVOM ouy pu ‘ayeropour Sutpsoaid Yoo AUT, “A ON ‘eas Aavay pure UlVl YIM “ASH OAN [°° “sop FT “S¥eqq yysry Sur uloly syenbs prey pYSuprusr 0} “W'v g WO ‘spuIM Aylojseq oyerapour jaed sit q|-JeOT,T ‘jauueyy wojseq 1oyouery|** “A ‘q ‘Woolajog : fu ida) “pues “O{QeO “SJ OST YAM [yrep ‘stuoyyey NZ ‘seurmypeg ywtog Sup “yonur SutLnoge] essa a “Ayyenbs AoA pue Yseqy 0} “ANG sdzea1q Suoygljo qed WisyWON yo soyoue yyl'* “A ‘d ‘aswoyeag *SULOY}PT (OT ‘a SQN ‘Aong you SuIpi ‘urea AAvoy pue s[jenbs prey yjIM “Ag 01 A ENVY “ANA ‘AST -ueyy YINog fjoay vag U1E}s9 AA sozaeig Yysoay Aep sty} Jo yred WI AST O} “YS Woy pum fauryz -yIQz uC|ey} jo [rey Yosuoyyey /[ OYoUe VYI|°° A ‘d ‘htaaneg “ITGe9 “STG OF POII9 A ‘W'd ()E-f Je HC-.6Z 0} UeT]ey “ieq ‘vos Aavay e pue ‘Sutuada oy} UI UTeL YIM sezeodq Ayiaysegy BuONG “Gq N@ Ulory pu ‘pieMyseq oy} 0} soueteedde Autiojs pue ‘AyTenbs 1WstAep IV ‘pley SuIMmoTq ‘}seq 1o}je, pue o[ppiul fan pum “ued SILT “‘Jaoy ‘ASH 0} °YS Woy sozaaiq JYSTT 4397 au} UQ|VIG us9}s3 AA SULOYJL] By] AOPoue VW \"A “gd ‘OH ‘eUsd TA : ores 66 [May EMRE ee ae ‘owtyy [TAT ‘SyAeWI9yy pue “19yyea AA ‘SPUT AA “UOIJENTGS “sjassa A JO some Ny ‘ayeq ‘spoapy puny ay) Jo uowmg ro) 22 10 ‘OYSt ‘Any pe o ‘nudpy y6z fo MD 94 fo mag «vjnqny, [ No. 106. th reference to ir we Third Memo 1028 “aus oY} JYSIuprwM oO} pure “GqnTS Je ates @ SUIMOTG ‘W'd OT FW ‘ured pue SuruzySiy yIM “ASS 02 “|S sy[enbs privy ‘W'd Q ‘Jaye, ‘aye1spou siout {uooN “SQM wor syenbs prey yred 4st “SUISLIIOUL oTes ‘Wid f ‘ayqes swoyjyey QQ, { urer Aavoy YIM “Sq 0} ANG Seyes Ysa & e eeee eeee eeoeoe eeee “‘SO]TTUL 41 ‘Stsqa ysiy = Ssuryeory jouueyg ulejseyq soyoue yy|****A “q “WoOIZ]0g sees cooe sKensazsak se ‘serrupeg qurog joywed urloq WON Yo royoueyy|°*** A ‘gq ‘asioyeas "* suOyyey sT Salojog se aoyoue zY|"""’ “Aq ‘Araaneg “ASS 0} ‘GS Woy sayes Ysosy 10}Je] “SH Woy syesopout yred sit “pivy SUIMOT {IS “sey 0} punor poyney puIM oF, “JOsupiy ‘seve Youw Surddrys yessea { Suruuns vas Aavoy A10A pue o[es prey e@ SUIMOTG Uday} ‘stONyey CZ] 0} pord0A ‘SuIsveIOUT “W'd QT “Ured YIM sjsns Aavay Ul SUIMOTY “preM{sey ot} VOL] ore @ 0} OSOI pUTAA “UOON JV “Yonur Sutinogey] jassoA Soourseedde AuI0}s Alea pue “ANG Wor Urer pue strenbs Aaeoy 4ySipfep yy “stpenbs Aavoy “premyseq oy) Worl oes SuoNg rs Gers Ge ee Se OS ‘SyLeWley pure “IoyVEo AA “SPULAA an ‘OP8T feee Fgaay Vag UToso Ay LOyoUR VW)" “A ‘qd ‘eUsay] [dy qI0¢ pouty Eat “"UOTJENITS *sJessaA JosomenN | ‘ayeq re es se ee the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1029 1840.] “MSAA OF “MSS Sayeropour WyStuptyy ~“Suryeropout apes *w’d “swOYye; NG] YIM SuIptA ¢ sees Kavay Surddiys * A, ¢ 0} punos poroaa ofes ‘w'v QTV “ees Aavoy AoA @ WIM ‘YNog WOT] ares Zutsevasour SurvsoUL spremoy, “AAS wWosy opes eyed Ajreg|** “* °° — sazojaq se royoue yY}°" “A ‘d Bicrenc) (19) ‘ayexopou “JySiupIAT “AASS 02 “GSS pura ‘ Suresspou ayes ‘uoony *apqeo swoyyey 00g { ulese Sutaup yystdep yy |** °° °° “arojaq se ‘searlwy[e q “BUIAUIp ‘W'V T JW ‘sTearaqut ye ured Aavoy YIM “ASS 02 “ASA sees ysorq|yutod joqred urayyoN Joroyoueqyy|"* “A “qd “esioyeeg “pnops pue “MAG Wo ayeIopoul puIM “FOSTUPITT “MS WOIJ aye1apoyf “Wd OS-Q _“AO]]1} 04} AeMe porate pue vas Aavoy e poddrys “SaMS UOT aTeS Yso1y e Surmo[q ‘UOON “OYUN poses *e 08 Jo] “sULOYY BJ NOT YIM Jooy veg UlOISOAA UOSUTALIP "WV QIV “UleLpUe "MANA Woy | Joory eG W19}Se AA OY} UO SWOT }EF Trenbs ev yjtMm “AAG Wor, SuNRIOpoyT "W'd “MVS OF “ASS Wosz sopes Yysorg “wv|F]] OUI perslip ¢ etoyaq se royouezy)"* “A “d ‘AIVANVD "yJNOG 0} perhey “Gesung yy ‘“SuTjeqe pum ‘Wd FIV “|S purm £ [IN] oF uedeq ‘UOON ‘aouereadde ro1ee7O & YIM ng “GS Wosy ayes prey e SuLMOTG Ts wSrykepry ‘ynog ‘sene] {-qg ‘otppra f-qgq Mou Gxed ysry “purpA’’ “Joou BAG U19}se Aq doyoue yy)" “A ‘d ‘eusoy| alee G eI 1 “ounty [LAID "UOTJENTS “sjassaA Jo soureny | ‘oyeq See os “sylewey pue ‘1eyyea Ay ‘SpuT AA 10380 Third Memowr with reference to [No. 106. Schooner “‘ Margaret,” Capt. Thaddeus; proceeding up the River. 28th April, 1840. Civil time—Noon. Lat. 20° 45’ N. Long. 88° 32/ E. 55 fathoms, soft mud. p.m. Fresh breeze ENE. At 9, NE. cloudy, and light- ning from SE. and East at midnight. 29th April—Noon. Strong breeze and cloudy ; working up. p.m. Small rain. pm. ENE. and at 5, NE. Midnight; strong breeze NE. and threatening gloomy weather, with drizzling rain. 30th April. Wind ENE. At daylight threatening. Noon, passed Dia- mond Harbour, midnight hard squalls. At anchor off Wollooburrya. 1st May. a.m. ENE. Wind fresh breeze and rainy, cloudy and threaten- ing at daylight. At 8-30, wind SSE. strong breeze. Noon, heavy gales. 4-30. p.m. Wind South. Midnight, heavy gale with small rain. At anchor half way between Wollooburrya and Calcutta. 2nd May. a.m. Wind South. Strong gale with small rain; arrived at Calcutta. p.m. SSW. Wind, with rain. At Calcutta, the following are my own observations. The Barometer is corrected to the standard at the Surveyor-General’s Office. 29th April, 1840. Civil time.—At 8 a. m. Bar. 29°74. Squalls from the NE. During the day close sultry weather, calms and light squalls at times from NE. with drizzling rain. At7 p.m. Close and sultry, drizzling rain and light airs from the NE. with cloudy, gloomy, weather all round. Bar, 29-67. During the night, gloomy weather, with light breezes, from the E. and NE. 30th April—The same weather continuing. At noon squalls and driz- zling rain from East and ENE. Bar. 29:64. Calms and heavy rain to 43 p.m. Bar. 29°57. Evening and to midnight, light airs from the East, dark gloomy weather, and drizzling rain at times. 1st May.—F rom midnight to 6 a. m. dark gloomy weather, with light breez- es and squalls at times from Hast and ESE. At 6 a. m. Bar. 29°52. A squall from the SE. with heavy rain: scud flying fast from the SE. 103 a. m. Bar. 29°52. Strong breeze SE. with squalls. Noon. Bar. 29°47. 5 O° a eh = is = S au sal loje} o So eee ern = ow *JOYSULOULIIY, J, 9¢4.90 4 ‘‘ e COs fo CG Giese | s¢ 982-82 |‘ |F4| “« [es] ‘les #19-88 f “* 184) ‘* jZ8] °* eae $FSG.9z A“ [Esl “116, “° 136|302-82 991.8% § “< |08| ‘° |16| ‘* 1Z6/992-82 06g-8z § ‘108! ** |¢6| ‘* |96\989-82 029-82 |“ 118] ‘‘ [FG] ** 'S6/SG2-8z ae) 6 |e bs Sle. ie bd = se 5 5 = eofse.| eb ec lee Foal Oc eee ee ® “JaJSUIOULISOY, YF, ‘Wd % Ie ONIT 868-86 | ‘a [Sse | 0S ce c. ee ‘aaney uley } 179) “ |89|GbL-82 4 99 99| ‘* |g9} ‘* |69|ZT2L-82 Jo 6é 19 (73 ZL “cc ei 916-82 c = Abc le a < “ Oty GC oUMLIIO: WAGO\ ot Od -mey sceydoystayg \ ‘oourtlY Pd eT ‘9197 JO SIOMOTT ‘yoy eee ese eee ‘premyNog oy} Woy sUI}E1OpOs[ “Uy pue oyedepowt “YING ***“9Z991 OFV19PO JL eeeses eee \ ‘rapuny} ‘soyes prey “MS ‘unog useAg ‘Azey sozoodq \ tee oe oT qsoyy “SGMS pure “MSS : eee eee eee -- <7penbs \ Sr Ss aes pue solved ysedy “MSS med “soov[g pue *‘1aY}VIM PUe SPUL S[ossoA JO SoWeN ‘OFST ‘KEW IST ‘uOON “oull} TIATD ‘a1eq re) / [No. 106. Third Memoir with reference to 1044 ‘sIMoY ZI SUL -padoid 94} “MSS pue ‘MN ih “| 99°6G | Zh G8 | GG ET fo * Saryerepou qqg}ss +++ +++ “qeaeg 01 "MS WOI, SulIe.A o[ey VW “ eee eee eee oat 18 6h FL ‘Azey pure 9ZooI1q Ysory "MSS alata 5 eee coe ‘norug| “yao plu ][y Sumunyuos ‘qoms oo oh “" 106 08 | 4h ¢ |°**oug pue ozoo1q Aqtoysany|e*> *** ‘stTPeEmMUIOg SHopuswia.} yng “Iaq}VvOM DUTT 06 ese 02°66 eee eee eeo eve ‘seIpey 1V "HT “esurt09 +y °N °V } WOT souryeqe 2) i239) too eee eve Ch cg QP 61 eescccens ‘SOUIT} qe sisn3 "MS eee vee ‘qyeums -snf 10 99100g 1V IO} “MS Wor TTenbs Aavoy VW ‘W '¥ g 4B YING es Maman & 0} “AN woay. Suntdoa ee Ig SF'6S | OL 28 | 82 IZ sjsns Suo1js yINog ‘groselegq +V "ey NITVQ MOTAq soTTUI es ss dire dha Hrs eeeenay: ek ; ee ZI vAlInqoo]JoA, OYoue a | ayes Laval "ASS Goreo1R yy "VY.s1u ~plul 0} "Wd 6 JOG 4e pa te “+ | 166% | ZZ 88 | bE Gs |'SlenbsyjtM afeH"|oqoy-AS|"* “VELAOTVD 4 -puo pue ‘WV 9 7% UeSeq Z[RH 7 ee ae “* | 0b G8 | 8h SL | ‘Azey pue oyeropom -gg|': *** ‘eyueqdarq| ‘panueyuo ? ‘OF8T ‘dn olog ‘s} gg ul sealuyeg a Ee < Sa A ae | eee or cals = sag ‘AVI 4S] jULOg JO YINOS 9} 0} SoTIU CT Supeqe a[es "Ms MUR URY "MOON | y) ° 4 oO . ) ae | eee eager nue 2 lind ciaaves aoe Cg aes, > a: ‘ : i : re shee : "sooR[gq pue "OWT [LAID syreUOY sou dong | wa favoT/N eT] seem pus cpu | octet Corea] ei tae ce a an SN Se ee ee a ae eae ee 0 ee ee eee ee | 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1045 We have now to show what is the evidence we possess for— I. The formation of the vortex, and evidence for its form. II. Its size III. Its rate of progression. I. The formation of the vortex and evidence for its form. Our evi- dence for the actual circle laid down on the 27th is, as will be subse- quently seen in speaking of the centres, very imperfect ; as is also that of the 28¢h, where all we know is, that it was a veering hurricane with the Nusserath Shaw, and could not be said to reach the Freak till the evening. Hence I have taken it to be a vortex of about 300 miles in diameter, and that the Zenasserim’s SE. gale was a little without the circle, though really arising from the same disturbance. The diagrams, and the subsequent remarks upon the evidence by which I have placed the different centres, will render unnecessary any further detail upon this head. In estimating the centres for the different days, I have been guided as follows,— ; On the 27th, we have the logs of the Nusserath Shaw and Tenasserim available, and of these, the Nusserath Shaw—near to which vessel the centre passed on the following day at 3 p.m. when she had the shift of wind,—must of course have been the nearest to it. She had the wind steady from ENE. during the whole of the 24 hours (from noon 27th to noon 28¢h) an evidence that she was on the direct line of the track of the storm. She also made good, from noon to noon, a course of 100 miles S. 7° E.; while the track of the storm (by projection from the shift which she experienced, from ENE. to SW.) must have been about N. 34° W. and S. 34° KE. so that we may say, without much exaggeration, that the ship travelled 100 miles, and the hurricane 180 miles almost directly towards each other! A very re- markable instance of the truth and value of the Theory of Storms, ifrightly understood ; for it is clear that this, which happened to a single ship, might have happened to a whole fleet! Heaving to for six hours, would have saved the owners and underwriters the heavy loss which the dismasting and return of this vessel to Calcutta entailed ; and a good Barometer and Simpiesometer on board, would infallibly have indicated the coming danger in time. 1046 Third Memoir mith reference to [ No. 106. The Tenasserim seems but just to have felt the first puffs of the storm on this day. It will be remarked in the table for this day, that the Ganges in Lat. 7° 10’ N. Long. 95° 18’ E. was hove to from the day preceding, in a heavy gale blowing “from SSW. to SW.” The chart does not admit my including her position, but if projected, it will be found that if the circle of the storm was completed, she was about on the opposite side of it from the Nusserath Shaw ; and I have thus, with reference to the rate of travelling of the centre of the storm, between the 28¢h and 29th, assumed that it may have been about half way between them, or 290 miles from each. This would give it a circle of 580 miles on the first day, and we have no better authorities. The brief extract from the log of the Clarissa which vessel it will be seen, could not be far from the same latitude* on the 27th; being on the 28th in 7° 1’ N. but seven degrees further west; (her Long. being 87° 56’ E.) gives us ‘blowing hard from West to WSW.,” so that there was probably, as in the gale of June, 1839, a Westerly and South- westerly gale blowing across the mouth of the Bay, while the vortex was forming and travelling over from the Andamans to Cuttack. “The fine weather and SE. breezes” of the Flowers of Ugie and Christopher Rawson are exactly what should occur on the northern arm of a parabola formed by the deflection of a heavy SWesterly monsoon, setting in from the Bay against the high land of the Ma- lay Peninsula. For the 28th April. If we take the storm to have now travelled at the rate of 7 miles an hour, its centre at noon may have been about 15 to 25 miles SSE. from the Nusserath Shaw ; since this ship had, at 3 p.m. the shift of wind from ENE. to SW. as shown by her log; so that the centre must have passed near her, to the Southward, or even over her. The Venasserim at 180 miles distance, had the wind at SE. “a heavy gale” though if this was the hurricane, she should by her position, which is nearly due north of the Nusserath Shaw’s, have had the wind at East. As there can be no doubt about the Nusserath Shaw having had the centre close to her at noon, and that her position was not far wrong, Ihave taken the t] a 2 eing bound from Penang to Madras, she had to make a westerly course across 1¢e ay. 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1047 point marked, 20 miles to the SE. of her, for its place at noon. The Tenasserim had probably her part of the storm somewhat deflected by the opening between the Andamans and Cape Negrais? or was not properly within the vortex, but in the northern arm of the parabola of the monsoon. The Freak and Vectis can scarcely be said to have felt the storm at noon on this day; the Freak at least not till 6 P.M., when it was a rapidly increasing gale at NNE., so that its circle may have been about 300 miles in diameter at this time. On the 29th April, we find that the Freak—which vessel had had the gale rapidly increasing from NNE. at 6 p.m. on the 28th,—had it veering to NW. at midnight between the 28th and 29th, and to SW. by 6 a.m. or daylight ; making on the whole 14 points of veering in 12 hours. At noon she had it also SW. Projecting this, it shows that the centre may have passed some 30 or 40 miles to the North-east- ward of her position at midnight, which is very carefully laid down by Capt. Smoult ; and that it was travelling in a N. Westerly direction. The Flowers of Ugte also, with a very careful log and corrected Ba- rometer, had, we find, the storm increasing, from ‘ squally with rain” at 4 a.M. to heaving to under bare poles at 11; the wind from East at midnight, to NE. at 10; North at 11; NW. at 1 e.m.; West at 3; SW. at 5; and South at 8 p.m. With her Barometer at 28°36, and the wind veering 16 points in the seven hours! between 10 a.M., and 5 p.m. or 23 points per hour; she cannot have been more than 15, or 20 miles at the utmost, from the centre. I should estimate it to have passed also to the NE. of her position. By projection I find 12 miles may have been her distance from the centre. The log of the Vectis, though the centre cannot have passed far from her, is by no means so carefully kept as those of the Freak and Flow- ers of Ugie ; so that, though I have placed her as I found it written, I am inclined to think that she may have been nearer to the Flowers of Ugie than she is placed on the chart. That of the George and Mary presents also some anomalies, and the very remarkable one, that the wind seems to have veered as if the storm had passed close to the Southward of her. This could not have been, at all events, the same vortex. Did any division take place of the main vortex into two? which might account for this? and for the anomalies in the log of the Vectis ? I should be unwilling, however, to suppose this, 1048 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106. upon the very imperfect statement which has reached me, and this writ- ten by the clerk of a commercial house, who was probably not a seaman. I have then taken the Freak’s and Flowers of Ugie’s positions, to determine the place of the centre this day, particularly the last ves- sel’s, as there can be, but little doubt of her position, as she was going free till the time she hove to; and the logs of both vessels are excel- lent. The Tenasserim and Nusserath Shaw are apparently out of the actual circle of the storm on this day. They were perhaps be- ginning to feel the monsoon, which as I shall subsequently show was making its way rapidly up the Bay. For the centre of the 30th April. We find that according to Mr. Ewart’s very graphic letter, the shift of wind took place at Pooree (Jug- gurnath) between 74 p.m. and 94 P.M., so that we may take the centre to have passed that station at 85 p.m. of the 30¢h. From noon of the 29th to 84 p.m. of the 30¢h is 324 hours, and the distance from the centre of the hurricane on the 29th to Pooree, is about 165 miles. Throw- ing away fractions, this is about 5.1. per hour, and assuming the storm to have travelled ina straight line, we find upon measuring back for these 84 hours, that the centre at Noon fails about 40 to 45 miles to the SW. of Pooree. This also agrees with the log of La Belle Alliance, which vessel had the shift of wind—and she probably passed through, or close to the centre,—at 11 a.m. This position of the centre would give the wind at the station of Pooree NEbE. Mr. Ewart’s letter says NE., but a dis- crepancy of a point might occur even to a seaman; where compasses, weather-cocks, and vanes were not, we suppose, abundant ; and where the tempest was also a sand-storm. To the North, we find the Chris- topher Rawson with the wind marked at SE. at daylight, and SSE. in the afternoon, but we have no statement of the wind exactly at noon, and in the state she is described, her observation of latitude must have been but a very indifferent one. Her place in the circle would give the wind to have been about SEbS., so that there is with her, also, a difference of a point, ora point and a half, only. The logs of the Flowers of Ugie with a gale at South, and Vectis, a gale at SbW. differ widely from what they should have been had the circles of the vortex extended so far as their positions. I have marked them on the diagrams, and now proceed to consider the probable cause of this discre- pancy, and of that which we observe in the logs of the Pilot and Light 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1049 Vessels. I have adverted, in both my preceding Memoirs, to the probable effects produced by the interruption which a vortex may experience when approaching the land. In this instance, as before, we must consider the storm as a fluid vortex, moving onwards and striking the extremity of the Coromandel range, with two openings, that of the valley of the Mahanuddee, and of the low country above the Balasore hills, through which to force its way, (see the second Chart to my first Memoir). It is difficult to suppose, and with the imperfect maps we possess, impossible to calculate, what the effect of this double interruption would be; but we may, I think, fairly attribute to it the diminished rate at which the storm appears to have travelled; its remarkable change of course during this last 24 hours; the ‘awful gusts” of wind described in the log of La Belle Alliance, and the discrepancies of some of the logs as to the direction of the wind.* We find, what is very remarkable, the Elephanta coming up along shore with the usual monsoon wind of the season, and ‘fresh breeze and cloudy weather,” though, as will be seen by the diagram, she is not far from the circles of the Christopher Raw- son, Vectis, Beacon, and Freak, all of them still in very bad wea- ther. There can be no doubt about the Elephanta’s position, since she had the land in sight. The “great swell from the NE.” which I have marked in italics, is, clearly that of the tempest, which at this time was just approaching the unfortunate station of Pooree. The Elephanta’s distance from the centre of this day is considerable, being 163 miles, which would require the vortex to have been 326 miles in diameter, to have reached her. Taking the nearest range of elevated land to be 30 miles inland from Pooree, we may suppose that circle of the storm upon which the Flowers of Ugie is placed in the diagram, to have been just impinging against it at noon, and hence perhaps the sort of flattening of it into an irregular oval, which gives the wind on the NE. and SE. portion,— Flowers of Ugie, Vectis, and Christopher Rawson,—a more southerly direction ; and farther to the NE. creates the irregularity of the Pilot * Captain Smoult of the ‘‘ Freak’’ in a letter subsequently sent, says ‘‘ at day-light on the 30th, the wind had hauled round (in the space of four hours) from NNW. to ESE. then back to Southward and SW. from which quarter it blew generally, till I arrived at Point Palmiras.’’ 1050 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106. and Light Vessel’s having the wind so far to the Eastward as EbS. to ESE. ; while at Balasore it is NE. and puffy. We may on all these grounds I think, assume that the vortex had become wholly irregular, except near the centre. We should remark, however, that throughout there is no contradiction as to the general rule for the direction in which the wind moves ; for all the evidence goes to show that in the open ocean it would have been a circular storm, blowing from right to left. For the centre of the ls¢ May, we have to consider that the mon- soon wind was making its way up along the coast ; but we find that at Pooree, though abating from 4 a.M., there were still gusts at times from the SW. La Belle Alliance was on the verge of the southern part of the storm; but the Christopher Rawson, close off Point Pal- miras, though the weather is clearing a little, is described as lying help- less. From this vessel’s position, the report from Balasore, the wind at Calcutta, and with the Pilot and Light-vessels’ logs* I have judged the centre to be about where I have marked it, but we must not forget, that to extend the circle to Calcutta, will make it one of 300 miles in diame- ter ; and that from this point, nearly half way to Calcutta, that part of the vortex nearest the earth had, since before noon of the 30¢h, met with all sorts of obstructions; since it was travelling onwards amongst the numerous ranges of hills which bound the vallies of the Mahanuddee, the Braminy, the Byturnee, and the Subunreeka rivers, to the north of Cuttack as far as Midnapore. From this cause, we cannot on this day expect any great regularity in the direction of the winds, if we project them on circles, and we must be content to take this day’s evidence as before, as proof only that the general law of direction has been always followed as far as we have any evidence. II. The size of the vortex. From what has been before said, and from the chart, it will be seen that the storm appears to have been more extensive about the 27¢h, and again to have expanded on the Ist May, but our evidence for both these days is incomplete. That of the 27th, because we have but two ships by which to be guided, and that of the 1st May, because the only * I suspect some inaccuracy in the log of the ‘‘ Beacon’’ for this day, but have not been able to verify my supposition. 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1051 evidence we have is all on one side, and within a small arc of the cir- cle. Hence we must say, that if appears to have been, while crossing the Bay a vortex of about 260 miles in diameter; and that 2¢ may have been larger at its commencement and termination. The Coringa hur- ricane of November 1839, is, I think, clearly enough evidence of a storm contracting in size, and this may be one of a storm first contracting and again expanding? for as, in truth, we know so little of the laws which govern these phenomena, all we can do,—all at least that I can venture to do,—is to set down the evidence carefully, with such conclusions as may strike us. Our evidence, and our conclusions will all, I trust, be weighed out and scrutinized by abler hands and heads. II]. The rate of progression of the storm. From the centres laid down, this will be as follows :— 27th April to the 28th Lk ... 175 miles 28th to 29th bos Wa \ = \ \ \ = fs 30th ———_ al ii \ wh Belle Alliance y J OA / : Xo / PY Ouler circle 278 males in diameter \ , Flowers f Ugie / 4 +) Calre 294% a) mh ‘ \ \ \ \ | ena 77 | Latesgr 08 1 fi} ff / feos} as Veclis f fs ‘ we L, £2098 SOUT & Belle Alliance ae Elephanta \ \ | / 4 \4 \ \ \ | | [ ; x y | | Late(7 223! Ae yy / ) 29k — | — = : _ ee 7 ———— = ————$___—__ \ q A Hower ef Ugee : Ss ~ a | } | 5 | \ Slee / Zs Heh / ee / Y ef Tenasseriny &% a SU! fi CONG Sl . > ES . Nusserall Shaw WT. Deagram of the Hurricane at Neon 29April 1840 Cuter circle 260 miles iv diameter Cruntal Lith rss_ Calcutta. eine he eae doer Binilipatamn IX Vicagapatam of / oan ar ors | Masulipalary o C \F Deeg » MADRAS 9) Sadras | Pondicherry References A Hurricane is desegnated by A strong or heavy Gale A Gale Waid variable or unsteady PF Calonere A o Ghilakhal Rungpore o Jungipore @ eN Moorshedab: A ) vi (os (ishinugur q Centre (May Balasove oe f yo \ Zz Chittagong, \ . {okKhycok Fhyoo NA anti wy CHART To the third Memoir on THE LAW OF STORMS IN INDIA Shewing the Tracks and Stations of Vessels cud probable course of the Hurricane inthe Bay cf Bengal 27% April to1s’ May 1840 HuNnry PIDDINGTON ie al / f cdl Is OFarren I & Cnle 27 April iio Gruntal Lith! Frss. Calenss. cS rok U i Nebeae emataerens| aearae % nett i agama Kah hinge 1840, | Asiatic Society. 1059 To H. W. Torrens, Esa. Secretary Asiatic Society, &c. &c. Sir, With reference to letter No. 17, from the Deputy Secretary of the Government of Bengal, conveying a request from the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal, to “be furnished with full information regarding the {Zoological collection alleged to have been made over to the Museum of the Society’’ by the late Dr. Hetrer; I have the honor to report that— 1. It appears by the Society’s proceedings of 10th December, 1838, that the Or- See pp. 836, 337, of Journal nithological part only, of Dr. HELFER’s collection was ori- Asiatic Society herewith sent , : sii" u No. 81 for September 1838. ginally deposited at the Asiatic Society’s rooms ; the Honor- able the President in Council having referred to the Society, as per Mr. Secretary Prinsep’s letter, of 12th September, 1838, soliciting its advice and assistance, “generally in the matter; and also as to the separation of the specimens, that could be spared. 2. That the division of the collection into three parts, as recommended by the Museum Committee, was made at the Museum; and that of these, one, being packed by the Curator and Assistants, was forwarded to Government for shipment to Europe, for the Honorable the Court of Directors. Dr. HELFER’s part was taken away by him, at that time. 3. That of the part left for the Society, some birds were mounted, and the remain- der, being 173 (duplicates) are now in the Museum. 4. These duplicates form a part of those (322 specimens in all, and mostly birds) which at our last December Meeting, I recommended being sent home to the Honorable the Court of Directors without delay; as they would be of value at home, if only for exchanging, while they had almost none here, and were necessa- rily fast deteriorating. 5. No collections of the classes Mammalia, Reptilia, or Pisces, from Dr. HELFErR, have reached the Society, that I can learn. With the birds are three skins only of Mammalia (two monkeys and one of a squirrel), and these, no arsenic having fortunately been used in their preparation, are in a very indifferent state. 6. This remark applies equally to the birds; but it is possible that European taxidermists may succeed in mounting and repairing a very considerable number of them; and in Europe they would thus last a long time. _ As. Soc. Rooms, I have, &c. &c. 13th January. 1841. H. Pipp1neron, Acting Curator, As. Socy’s. Museum. A copy of the foregoing paper, together with No. 81 of the Journal Asiatic Society, was forwarded for the information of the Government. Norway, &c, Resolved—That the following reply be made to Dr. Tamnau, Jun. 6T 1060 Asiatic Society. [No. 106. To Dr. F. Tamnau, Jun. Berlin, Prussia. Care of Messrs. Tamnau & Co. Hamburgh. Sir, As. Soc. Rooms, 3rd February, 1841. I am directed by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter under date 8th November 1840, and to express to you on the part of that Body, the lively feeling of satisfaction with which it finds itself in communication with you, particularly under circumstances which promise so much advantage to the Society, and prove in a most gratifying manner, the flattering consideration with which you regard it. The exchange you propose is one which the Society would for itself gladly close with, but there are reasons which induce it to pause before concluding an arrangement, the terms of which are unexceptionable. The Museum of the Society in the department of Mineralogy and Geology, has been from causes which it would be impossible now to enter upon, deprived of the ad-_ vantages of systematic arrangement, so necessary, or rather so indispensable to its utility. Rich in specimens, it has been most unfortunately deficient in the means of arranging them, while difficulties of other kinds have interfered with the facility of classification to such a degree, as to leave the Society in doubt even as to the real extent and value of several of the collections it possesses. Under these circumstances, I am desired to inform you, that the Society would rather propose to commence the interchange of specimens, than suffer you to do so; lest it should so happen, that the value of what it would be in a position to offer, should be incommensurate with that of the collection which you might forward. I shall take occasion to address you again on this subject, as the gradual arrange- ment of the Museum proceeds, begging in the mean time to inform you, that the list you have furnished will be carefully borne in mind, and specimens, if available, put aside for transmission to you through Messrs. ALLEN and Co., Booksellers, Leaden- hall Street, London; to whom all communications to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, may be at all times addressed. Be assured, Sir, of the sentiments of respect, and esteem with which I have, &e. H. Torrens. Read a letter from Capt. T. S. Burt, forwarding Copy of an inscription from the neighbourhood of Mount Aboo, and detailing the result of his researches there, and elsewhere in Rajpootana. Read communications from Capt. Hutton, regarding his late visit to Killa Bheest, near Khelat, in search of inscriptions. Read a paper from Lieut. Bairp Situ, on the practical properties of the Galvanic Battery. Read apaper from Dr. JaMEISoN, regarding some interesting Geological discoveries. The Secretary informed the Meeting that the communications from Capts. Burt and Hurron, Lieut. Bairp Smitu and Dr. Jamrtson, would be published in early numbers of the Journal. 1840. ] Asiatic Society. 1061 Read a letter from Major Rawirnson of Candahar, offering for publication in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, his Memoranda onthe Persepolitan inscriptions, and his copies of them. It was observed by the Secretary, that anxious to give the Society the credit of first publishing the results of that distinguished antiquary’s important discoveries, he would place the material, on its arrival from Candahar, at the disposal of the Society for publication in the Transactions of the Society, a course, observed the Secretary, he thought best calculated to give the record of Major RawL1Nnson’s priority of discovery a permanent existence, while, in order to meet that Officer’s wish, that this right should be asserted as soon as possible, he would anticipate matters, by giving the letter press in the Journal, as from the Transactions, while engravings of the cunciform inscriptions were being prepared. Referred to the Committee of Papers. On the proposal of the Honorable the President, Sir E. Ryan, seconded by the Honorable H. T. PrinszEp, the Officiating Secretary (H. Torrens Esq.) was ap- pointed Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. For the presentations and contributions, the thanks of the Society were accorded. ~ a rol mbit eh Bey: osiny sei eh ve a reg, sy Devenir tat hp iS MRL ee ayesha aig a on f Baba wid sa nt ate ie tite Pasi rt Pes pree sere SL AS ea et aay 6G Leer . ecretieney. cocky VAR pees ee wet hike t eve i. paroaeed Seat van vat Se) : LIPID, yet, i ahah “ ana one Aerlemchel wiohiege RD) a5: ak et ae : 4 ditya jee i eet a ‘i a6 tie hc ty ANSGAR Se ae wat ash “4 etetd ab f dis hare OK, ‘. ry P54 the i * \ oN sul a chon, Pe tas Me CIN ies . co oS Ride (elle ie Py Ua ee . me ay Fi Yow . re Di DW 9 seit ata a id wee Shs ero: A Cae a tet Tae — ‘Ai Fi LAF Misapprehension appearing to exist in some quarters as to the real character of this Journal, and the Members of the Asiatic Society having been alluded to with reference to the mode in which it is conducted, the Editor thinks it proper to state, for the information of those who may not be aware of the fact, that he is alone answerable for its contents, and for its management. The Asiatic Society of Bengal has no controul over, nor concern with, this Journal save as a subscriber to it. 1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1055 after 6 p.m. lost all three topmasts and both cutters. At 7 P.M. wind veer- ed to the Northward and Westward at 7h. 30’, blowing a severe hurri- cane; Barometer 28-OOinches, ship a complete wreck ; wind veered round to Southward ; a heavy sea struck the stern and stove in the upper dead lights. At 8 p.m. Barometer rising, but still blowing beyond descrip- tion; the gig blown away during the night; 2 feet water in the well. Midnight gale moderating. Barometer 29:00; ship lurching heavily. “29th April. Daylight moderating. Bar. 29.50.” The Chart having been lithographed before this log reached me, I could not place the Marion upon it; but as she must have drifted to about Lat. 15°00’ N., Long. 90° 00’ E. at 7-30 p.m. and these lines intersect each other; her position will be easily seen; as being about 115 miles from the centre of the storm on the 28¢h ; which as we see by the veering of the wind, passed to the Northward of her at about 7h. 15’ P.M. giving a velocity of 164 miles an hour for this short space of time ; while as we have seen, the average velocity for the twenty-four hours was 141 miles. This is good evidence of the truth of our work. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Wednesday Evening, 3rd February, 1841.) The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, in the Chair. The following gentlemen proposed at the Meeting of the I3th January last, were ballotted for, and duly elected ; viz. Capt. W. R. FirzGeraLp. C. B. Trevor, Esq. Rasa Kuan Benapoor, Khan of Gyah. The necessary communication of their election, and rules of the Society for guidance, were ordered to be forwarded to the parties. Capt. W. Smytu, Bengal Engineers, was proposed a Member by G. A. Bususy, Esq. seconded by the Officiating Secretary. Library and Museum. Carey’s Principles of Political Economy, 8vo. .... rees coos coon O Essay on the Rate of Wages, 8vo. .... sane » arels vate ote l Credit System in France, Great Britain, and the United States, ...... l Answers to the Question—‘‘ What constitutes currency?” &c. &c... Presented by the Author, .+.«- cece eos swee esve Sa | Pickering’s Eulogy on Dr. Bowditch, .... weve Pater wae ye | Tyson’s Discourse on the Surviving Remnant of Indian Race, ...- goes yd Memoir of T. C. James, wclme aia A Sore! Du Ponceau and Fisher’s Memoir on the History of ae Celebrated Tieaty made by W. Penn, Biesis eoee cece cvee woe esee pean A Oriental Christian Spectator. New series, vol. Ist, No. 12, ele ieee llth Report of the Inspectors of the Eastern State Penitentiary of Pennsyl- vania, eoece oose cove eosee eves e000 een eooe ] 1056 Asiatic Society. [ No. 106. Journal of the Academy of Natural Science of Philadelphia, vol. 8th pt. Ist 8vo. 1} Calcutta Monthly Journal, &c. 3rd series, No. 73, fale alin ee | Madras Quarterly Medical Journal, vol. 3d. No. 19, aise stasis amet Murray on the Topography of Meerut, Calcutta, 1839, .... cece 1 Communication, Faitea la Société Philosophique Américaine. Philadelphia, 1840, eeeoe eee @eeo @eeoe @eoee e@eee eeee e@eeee 1 Dewan Waheed MSS. (in Persian) 8vo. Presented by Rajah Soorag Narain Roye, eese0e enee @eee eeee e@eecse eees eecoe eoee 8 The following report was submitted by the Officiating Curator for the month of January last :— H. W. Torrens, Esq., Sir, Secretary, Asiatic Society. I have the honor to submit my report for the month of January. “¢ Paleontological, Geological, and Mineralogical Departments.—I have proceeded at every spare moment, in arranging the collections most in need of it, but I have been so often interrupted in this, by the necessity of searching out names, localities, &c. that I have commenced a tabular index to the Society’s Journal, of matters relating to these departments, which will not only save much time to the Curator of the Muse- um, but be of great use to visitors and students; as if printed at the end of our Catalogues, it will form both a summary and a table of references. This is particularly needed by strangers, who do not know what we have been doing of late years, and what we possess; or who do not know where to look for papers referring to the subjects or localities, on which they may desire information. Four volumes of the eight published ones of the Journal, are thus indexed, and page | of the index is sent here- with, for inspection. The duplicates of Captain Hutton’s Himalaya specimens, are packed for trans- mission to the Honorable the Court of Directors. I have carefully compared and assorted the two series, so as to insure their perfect correspondence. ‘¢ Osteological and Mammalogical Departments.—-N othing new to report. ‘‘ Ornithological Departments.—The duplicates in this department are all packed for transmission to the Court of Directors; being 270 specimens. ‘* Fishes, Reptilia, c.—Our duplicate snakes also (66 specimens) are packed for transmission to the Court of Directors. ‘‘ The additions to the Museum this month have been as follows :— ‘3 specimens, Procellaria capensis, Stormy Petrel, or Mother Ca- Dr. T. R. Ror, ry’s Chicken.—Stuffed and mounted. 1 specimen, Diomedia Chlororhynchos, or Yellow-billed Albatross. —Stuffed and mounted. “*CuraTor.—1 Specimen, Falco ater, Common Kite.—Stuffed and mounted. « PuRCHASED.—1 Viverra Genetta, the Genet.—Stuffed and mounted. As. Soc. Museum, I have, &c. &c. 3)st Jan. 1841. : H. PrppINGTON, Acig. Curator, As. Soc. Museum. The duplicate specimens alluded to, as also the duplicates of Captain Hurron’s Spiti Valley Geological Collections, have been forwarded through the General Depart- ment of the Government of Bengal, for transmission to the Honorable the Court of 1840. | Asiatic Society. 1087 Directors, with reference to a resolution passed at the Meeting of the 13th January last. Read a letter from Mr. James Dopp, Assay Master at Agra, offering to the Society a valuable collection of minerals chiefly Cornish; most of them good and instructive, and some few rare. Resolved —That a communication be made to Mr. Dopp, to the effect, that if he should feelinclined to takeinta consideration an offer for his collection of rupees 600, the Society would be recommended to purchase it, as an addition to their Museum. The Officiating Secretary noticed the existence of a number of models of crystals in the Assay Office of the Calcutta Mint, where they were of no use, and might with advantage be placed in the rooms of the Society. Application to the Officiating Assay Master to this effect having been made, and that Officer not appearing to come into the views of the Society as to the expediency of the removal of the models. Resolved —That the request of the Society be submitted to the Government, so that the Officiating Assay Master may be authorized to transfer the models in question to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. Read a letter from Mr. Secretary Bushby of the 20th January last, conveying the autho- rity of the Supreme Government to the application of the Society of the 13th Novem- ber last, to purchase certain instruments and cabinets from the collection of the late Jas. PrRinsEP, Esq. for a sum not exceeding rupees 1,350. Read letter from the Officiating Curator of the 25th January last, reporting purchase of the instruments and cabinets for rupees 730. Resolved —That the thanks of the Society be conveyed to the Government for this grant, and that an order be issued for the payment of the amount, from the General Treasury in favour of the Secretary. Read a letter from Professor O’SHauGunessy of 2lst January last, applying for the use of the Society’s rooms, for a course of Lectures. Resolyed—Thatthe Officiating Secretary inform Professor O’SHauGuHNEssyY, that the President and Committee of Papers of the Asiatic Society are happy to have it in their power to facilitate the delivery of the course of Lectures he contemplates giving, on the Laws and Effects of Galvanic Arrangements, by placing at his disposal the rooms of the Society, the costs and charges of lighting being borne by him. Read a note submitted by Mr. W. H. Botst, Accountant to the Society, on the | pecuniary grant made to the Society by the Honorable the Court of Directors, the | object being to point out the real intentions of the Court, as connected with that grant. | Resolved—That as doubts are entertained by the Society, a reference be made to | the Government, and through them ultimately to the Honorable the Court of Direc- | ) | 1058 Asiatic Society. [No. 106. tors, to ascertain whether the Court in authorizing the Government of India to pay the amount of rupees 300 per mensem, intended it as a separate grant for a distinct purpose, in addition, and not in supercession of that made by the Government of India in July 1837, pending a reference to the Honorable the Court of Directors; and whether the larger subsequent grant is to be considered as merging in the previous smaller one, because it was made as the result of the reference from the Government. Read a letter from Mr. Secretary Bususy of 13th January, covering correspondence with Capt. TREMENHEERE, respecting the Geological collections brought out by that Officer from England. The Secretary stated, that the chamber lately occupied by the model of the Moor- shedabad palace, would be available for the collections of Capt. TREMENHEERE. Read a letter from Capt. TREMENHEERE With enclosure, on the subject of Economic Geology in India. In submitting the paper in question, the Officiating Secretary suggested, that as the best means of availing themselves of Capt. TREMENHEERE’S ingenious production, the Editor of the periodical, called the Journal of the Asiatic Society, be supplied with a copy, and requested to give it as early publication as he can conveniently, in his Journal. As Editor, the Secretary begged to state, that not only would the paper be inserted if entrusted to him in the Journal, but any number of extra copies supplied to the Society for distribution to whomsoever they please, with no other charge than the cost of the paper they are printed on. The suggestion of the Secretary was agreed to, and the paper furnished for publica- tion, as proposed. Read a letter from Mr. C. VisscuEr, Secretary to the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences, forwarding results of tide observations in the Archipelago of Batavia, during the year 1839. Resolved—That the civility be reciprocated, by transmitting to Mr. VisscuEr for presentation to the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences, copies of Registers of the rise and fall of the tide at Pulo Island and Singapore, received through the General Department of the Government of Bengal, during November and December last. Read aletter from Mr. Deputy Secretary Young, of 29th December last, requesting to be favoured with full information regarding the Zoological Collection by the late Dr. Here, alleged to have been made over to the Asiatic Society’s Rooms. The Officiating Curator having been requested to furnish a report on the subject; submitted the following :— JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. Vocabulary of the Ho language.-—By Lieut. TickE.u. GOD, Since Bonca, or Marane Bonea. Persons, Distinctions, §e. a man, ho or horo, woman, éra, father, appoo, mother, enga, son, koghon, daughter, kodih6n, nephew, hdntédét, brother (elder, ) bad, brother (younger, ) oonditté, _ brothers, oondi boko, sister, missee, (?) husband, herel or ham, wife, éra, old man, ham old woman, booree, adult woman, ballé hapanoom, adult youth, ballé sepéd, middle aged man, gandee bar, boy, koa, No. 107. New Serizs, No. 28. girl, kdoee, lord or master, gomke, servant, chittratannee, fostered servant \ dassee, hired labourer, nallatannee, peggar, koitannee, thief, komboo, diviner, oja or soka, ( Oorza, ) priest, déoree, ( Ooria, ) witch or wizard, najumtannee, a Lurka Kole, Ho, a Nagpoor Kole, Orang, a Bhoomij, Mootkan, without wages, a bramin, bamee, foreigners in general, dickoo, blacksmith, kamar, potter, koonkal, gwalle (drover,) gow, ( Ooria, ) 6 uU 1064 Vocabulary of the Ho language. weaver, pial or malee, work, pytee, name, notoom o7 noomoo, boiled rice, mandee, dinner (eatables) doondoo, meat, jeeloo, ege, petto or billee, salt, booloong, ghee, gotom, name-sake or friend, sakee, business (affair, ) kajee, Edibles, &c. oil, soonoom, water, dah, spirits, arkee, rice-beer, eelee, milk, toa, Features of Country, Elements, &c. fire, sengel, water, dah, earth, oté ov hassa, air, hoio, rain, gamma, dah, thunder, reemeed saree, lightning, hicheer, hail, harril, frost, rattan dah, dew, saparoom, clouds, reemeed, wind, hoio, the sun, singee, moon, chandoo, a star, eepil, a forest, beer, a grove, tota, a sacred grove, saer, a mountain, booroo, a small hill, gootoo, lofty or huge rock, hootoop, a flat rock or slab, sereng, a stone, dirree, a valley, kocha, a ravine, hooang, a scrub jungle, patta, a grass jungle, doomboo, a cave, oondoo, a plain, pee, a river, garra, a rivulet, lore, a spring, seteng sood, a well, chooa ov sood, a water-fall, dooltan dah, sand, geetil, clay, hassa, soil, oté, mud, lossod, a deep pool, ikir, a road, hora, a village, hattoo, atemporary dwelling \ assa, in the woods, a house, 04, a sleeping house, mandee 0a, a farm house in the fields, § oosam 08, a hut to watch crops, gooyoo, | No. 107. 1840. ] a granary, kolom, cattle pound, got, ( Oorza, ) a year, sirma, last year, ma, this year, missad, next year, kalom, year after next, ter kalom, some years ago, ma man, a month, chandoo, a day, ma, daylight, singee, day by day, dimsee, sunshine, jété, yesterday, hold, day before yesterday, holater, to-morrow, gappa, day after to-morrow, miang, Vocabulary of the Ho language. << 1065 byre or cow house, gow 0a a ricefield, koondee, Time. to-day, tising, last night, enang needa night, needa dark, nooba or hendé light, marsal morning, setta very early, eedang bo cock crow, seemko rar evening, aioob midday, tikin afternoon, tara singee midnight, talaneeda one day, moosing two days, barsing three days &c., appé ma &c., two days after to-morrow, indree, now-a-days, nimir three days after to-morrow, tértree, the other day, hola man one, miad, two, barria, three, appia four, oopoonia, five, moya, six, toorooia, seven, aya, eight, eerilia, nine, arrea, ten, gel, _ eleven, gelmiad, _ twelve, gelbarria &c., "half, talla, _ whole, jake, Numeration. twenty, hissee, twenty-one, hissee miad &c. thirty, dosee, , thirty-one, dosee miad &c. forty, barhissee, fifty, barhisseegeél sixty, appéhissee, seventy, appehisseegle, eighty, oopoonhissee, ninety, oopoonhisseegél, one hundred, mee sow, two hundred, bar sow &c. half a maund, bissea, a seer (measure), pattee, 1066 rupee, taka, eight anna piece, adelee, four anna piece, sikkee, Vocabulary of the Ho language. [No. 107. pice, dibia, a coss, gowdee, a cubit, mooka, Miscellanea, Tools, se. cloth, lijia, string, byre, a fowra (shovel), koollam, hatchet, haké, small ditto, kondé hake, adze, hassee, chizel, rooka, crowbar, sobol, pickaxe, saba, hammer, kotassee, pinchers, sandasoom, scraping knife, katoo, nails, médkinniloom, lock of a door, bakenesét, bellows, sinnipoot, file, réta, iron, med, plough (yoke,) ar, shaft of plough, issee danda, ploughshare, nyl, iron point of ditto, pal, pin of yoke, samballee danda, thong to tie yoke & shaft, nanglee, sugger (jungle hackery), saggee, shafts of ditto, tagree jangee, thong to lash on yoke, chamta, axletree, ligga, cross bar, join- \ sambalee danda, ing the shafts, mud board, karra, its handle, kaba, earthen pot, chatoo, or panjaree, lota, moota, basket, dalan, small basket, tonkee, battle-axe, kappee, bow, asar, arrow, sar, barbed arrow, kan sar, plain arrow, kootoo sar, blunt headed ditto, tootee, trident ditto, roompa, fishing arrow, porla, transverse ditto, sompa sar, bolt (for a kind tonga sar, of cross bow), spear, chooree, jingling staff (to fright- en scorpions, &c.) a stick or staff, danda, a club, sdnta, teneke danda, a flute, rootoo, drum, doomang, fiddle, banam, pan-pipes, eepoo rootoo, kettle-drum, damma, booang (a cocoanut with horse mic bang boong, stretched across), cow horn, sakwa, a necklace, hissir, brass bracelets, sakom, ditto on upper arm, taré, ear-rings, moorkee, 1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1067 ear chain, joroé and booin, float, pooi, nose ring, koodmoo, bat fowling net, lowta, peeper putta, peerpeeria, clap net, oé janalum, armlets, andoo, bird lime, atta, toe rings, katta pola, brick trap, jampa, finger rings, tee pola, quail trap, room room, a saree, sye lijia, hare net, kooltrey janaloon, thread (for bind- : tiger trap (made like) koola rana- ing hair), phindee, a huge rat trap, ) tang, dip net, janalum, a mat, jattee, large ditto, kabra, a bedstead, parkum, casting net, mahajal, (Ooria,) a stool, gandoo, small dip net, ganaree, rafters, senéor, basket weir, koombat, uprights, koonto, dip basket, sonobo and sonolong, wattling branches, jatta, trap basket, jimmeree, thatch, syoo, fishing hook, bunassee, door, doodr, fishing rod, bunassee danda, wall, genil. line, bunassee sootan, Parts and affections of the Body. the body, homo, the nostrils, mood oondoo, — head, bo, — breast, kooam, — hair, oop, — shoulders, tarran, — eyes, mét, — fore arm, soopoo, — nose, mooa or moota, — arm, tee, — bridge of nose, mooa dandee, — hand, tee, — ears, lootoor, — palm of hand, talka, — mouth, 4, — fingers, angolee, ( Ooria, ) — teeth, danta, — nails, rama, — jaw teeth, gandoo danta, — claws (of animals, ) sarsar, — gums, danta jeeloo, — thumb, engadaro, — tongue, aldng, — armpit, hatla oondoo, — cheeks, joa, — nipple, tod, — eyebrows, mét kandom, — backbone, sindree jang, — throat, hoto, — belly, lye, — nape of neck, serom, — navel, bootee, 1068 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107. the penis, loé, veins, patta, — testes, billee, # ginews, sting patta, — pudendum, roojee, fever, homo hassoo, — nates, doobooi, dysentery, lye dool, — anus, ee oondoo, epilepsy, ambarree, — thighs, booloo, small pox, maree, ( Ooria, ) — knee, mookooi, cholera, oola, — leg, koorchoo katta, lame, lokey, — calf, dooroonga, maimed-handed, loonkee, — foot, katta, blind, sooree, — toes, daro, deaf, kalee, ( Ooria, ) — urine, dookee, palsied (he is,) tirtir tannai, a ene poondee dookee ov dumb, konda, hon dookee, squinting, apir mét, — foces, ee, stuttering, alangé jereana or jer, — saliva, bé dah, rheum, manda, —— pus, sondro, cough, koo manda, — blood, myoom, flatus, gassee, — brains, hatang, leprous, toondoo bandia, — bowels, joroye l¥e, pain, hassoo, — stomach, pora l¥e, shivering, rookoo, — heart, soorr, heat, lolo, — liver, eem, itch, kassara, — spleen, pilla, mustaches, 4 goochoo, — gall, issia, wise teeth, joa jang, — shoulder-blade, dowree, poma adami, oot totoa, a bone, jang, tail, chalom, Quadrupeds. monkey (macacus rhesus, ) gye, hadgar koola, or mendee lungoor (circocebus entellus, ) sarra, 9°” koola, tiger, koola, large red jackal, tow koold, a very large old tiger, garra koom, common jackal, kurmcha, leopard, ten koola, . fox, tooyoo, tiger-cat, bow, ; dog, seta, common cat, poosee or bill¥e, wild dog, tannee, small tiger cat, beer billye, bear, banna also baloo, 1840.] ratel or Indian badger, (mustela ratalla, ) na, civet cat, sdgot, | great red squirrel, hondeng, flying squirrel, ooral, common palm squirrel, too, hare, koolhye, porcupine, jeekee, rat, kattia, bandikote rat, gooroo, musk rat, choondee, mouse, chootoo, ichneumon, saramboombooi, pteropus (flying fox) badooree, small bat, chootoo bardooi, manis or pangolin, armoo, saumer deer, saram, neel gye, mooroom, female neel gYe, soosam, spotted deer (axis, ) poosta, spotted eagle, doomoor kwid, jungle eagle, booroo kwid, kite, kwid, great meadow hawk, pere kwid, chicquera hawk, reechee, peregrine falcon, beesree, ruby-eyed hawk, halloo, pied buzzard, tookoo sambé, jara honey buzzard, kora kwid, kestrel, sookla reechee, great horned owl, doondoo, little owl, pécho or kokdr, ‘butcher bird, charree, Indian roller, toian, king crow, danchoo, Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1069 oosa ban- four horned deer (chickera), oré, muntjac deer, seeleep, antelope, badoo, memina, yar, gower, synl, arna, beer biar, common buffalo, karra, ditto female, bitkil, cattle in general, ooree, calf, miew, two or four toothed bull, damkom, young bullock, boysur, barren cow, gowee, young cow (two or four teeth), péta, goat, boda mérom, gelt goat, byda mérom, sheep, ménree, pig, sookree, wild boar, beer sookree, horse, sédom, Birds. oriole, bocho, hoopoo, pootamdoombee, cassican crow, hoyan, bulbul, cheporr, Malabar hornbill, deoree, common or gingi ditto, mat tongé, blue-throated barbet, gootoor, Philippine barbet, koodn, great parakeet, meeroo, lesser ditto, kéad, common kingfisher, chooing kikir, great ditto, liangtong kikir, pied ditto, marang kikir, chesnut headed ditto, garra kikir, gold-backed woodpecker, ham éré 1070 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107. middle spotted ditto, gegéd, cerulian flycatcher, hattar, scarlet and black \ pykee ee flycatcher, honey sucker, sooi 0é, duree finch, gondree, reed grosbeak, peereed, pit lark, soorooi oe, water wagtail, ooree manda, koél, toad, myna, saloo, hill myna, booroo saloo, crow, ka, Indian magpie, hoorlee, crow pheasant, sengel topa, goat-sucker, hapoo, swallow, hen, common dove, potam, green pigeon, hooa, domestic pigeon, doodmool, peacock, mara, ditto with full train, atoommara, cock, seem, jungle cock, beer seem, black partridge, hendé chitree, grey partridge, cheetree, quail, bassa batta, bush quail, gerred, button quail, della door, rain quail, batta, double spur partridge, askal, adjutant stork, gooroor, ( Ooria,) sarhuns (syrus,) hoorr, damoiselle crane, ago maree, white stork, ganda keea, great white egret, solong kantoo, common paddy bird, ko, black stork, kankee, black ibis or curlew, raén, Norfolk plover, kooi toopee, bastard florikan, kenkoto mara, snipe (jack or whole,) két batta, painted snipe, kon batta, sandpiper, doolbee, cormorant, dah ka, dabchick, dah seem, nobbed goose, toopee hey dégé. whistling teal, hé dégé, girra teal, merdm derébet, brown cuckoo, bota kakoo, a bird, 06, nest, tooka, egg, petto or pbillee, Reptiles. crocodile, pynl, iguana, torr, chamelion, kaka rambad, crested lizard, kaka, small lizard, rété kaka, rock lizard, sereng kaka, monitor lizard, kettra, tortoise, horro, land tértoise, pee horro, a frog, choké, a toad, rotopoto choké, a snake, beeng, cobra capella, pando nagoo, cophia, russellii, pogo jarra, dhomun, jamboo beeng, kerate, barra cheetee, 1840. ] tree snake, hartoo, Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1071 amphisbeena, soonoom beeng, great ringed snake, sakém beeng, scorpion, marmar, black and white kerate, dyte, earth adder, noor beeng, coluber constrictor, patayan beeng, python, toonil, grass snake, loyong beeng, water snake, dah doondoo, bug, majee, cassida beetle, roopa cheedoo, male (winged) ant, boordool, queen white ant, boonoom enga, red tree ant, how, procession ant, hab moi, little red ant, moi, black ant, tonto, boatman, gowcheedoo, water clock, dahooroo, pipula, dah cheedgo, white ant, needeer, booroo gon- scolopendra, sengel marmiir, mygale, or bird- catching spider, dam or koola koola baraban- bindeeram, jungle spider, bindeeram, crab, katkom, ns Insects. ichneumon fly, koonkal ho, muskeeto, peechoo or siking, beetle, sadom cheedoo, tumble dung ditto, ee ooroo, capricorn ditto, hopo, fly, roko, tusser moth, loomam cheedoo, butterfly, pampal, louse, tilloo, flea, sikoo, tick, tickee, (?) grasshopper, sOmsorr, water scorpion, chachahatacheedoo, mantis, banna jye jye, jungle hive bee, toomblee, wasp, soorpang, - carpenter bee, perom, - great black bee, bah ooroo, - earth worm, linda, leech, happad, a tree, daroo, branch, koto, leaf, sukam, cricket, tété, caterpillar, jepender, coccoon, koa, muscle, gendr, fish, hakoo, Trees, &c. thorn, janém, flower, bah, fruit, jo, 1072 tamarind tree, jojo daroo, peepul, hessa daroo, burgut, bye daroo, jack tree, ponso daroo, plantain, kadal, mangoe, oolee daroo, castor oil tree, bindee, kuchenar, sing 4, Indian laburnum, hurree daroo, assun tree, hatna daroo, saul, sarjeem, jamoon, kooda, neem, neem, kurm, koomba, - taree tree, réldaroo, tillye, tillye, kurhar, doorlee, dhad, heseldaroo, gloriosa superba, bing kichoom, byre bush, bakra, water lily (pudm,) ty bah, a salook lily, salkat, mowhooa tree, mad kum, mowhooa berry, dola, Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107. keond tree (ebony,) tirril daroo, seesoo, kirree daroo, damun, goin yer, gumhar, kasmar, maize, toorpoo gangye, dhan, baba, | ‘wheat, gdm, chunna, chola, oorid, ramba, ruhur, sané, buddee, poondee ramba, vetch or pea, 4a, cotton, katsom, sugarcane, goor danda, tobacco, sookool, soorsoo, mannee, surgoojia, ramtia, tie, tilmee, jowar, tillye gangye, moong, moogee, thatching grass, syoo, other grasses, doomboo, wild grape, ee etoar, cocoanut, boorka, Adjectives. acid, jojo, adult (man, ) ballé sepéd, adult (woman, ) ballé papanoom, bad, etka, bitter, moroia, black, hendé, blunt, toogooma, broad, ossar, clean, boogin, cold, rabang, cool, réa, dark, nooba, deep, ikir, dirty, homoo, drink, booloo, fair, essel, fat, rota, fierce, koorkoor, foolish, konka, gentle, labit, good, boogee great, marang, 1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. green, gade, gross, (fat,) dildil, happy, jeesookoo, heavy, hambal, hot, lolo, hot (taste, ) had, large, marang, left (sinister,) koigneé, light (luminous,) maskal tété, light (weight, ) lar labbar, long, jilling, loud, essoo sarian, little, hooding, many, essoo, merry, billing, naked, tota, narrow, hooding ossara, new, nama, noisy, sarian, old (thing), paparee, old (man), ham, old (woman), booree, passionate, oan, pointed, richoop, pretty, boogee nellotea, proud, marang mordo, plentiful, poora, passive, happa, rabid, bala booloo, ragged, sér, right (dexter,) etom, rough, kété or illing, to admit, hoojoo cheeted, —admit (confess,) édkedtea, — advance, darantea, round, gota, red, arra, sad, mundookoo, salt, hém, sharp, lessér, short, doongooi, 1078 short (man,) toom broo or imiting, shallow, tembé, sick, hassoo, slow (lazy,) gair, small, hooding, smooth, lebbé, spotted, kabra, square, chepéd, stinking, etka soana, striped, onol, strong, iting, sweet (luscious, ) ibilla or nogod, slender, sooroo, tail, sangalee, thick, rota, thick (fluid,) eebil, thin (man, ) battree, thin (fluid,) etang, ugly, kaboogee nellotéa, weak, hooding péa, well (in health, ) boogee, white, poondee, wicked, etka, wise, séana, yellow, sassang, young, hon, Verbs. to arise, ootanted, — arrive, setretea, — argue, epésérted, 1074 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [No. 107. to ascend, rakabted, to breathe, roonted, — ask, koolitea, — bring, agweeted, awitea, — ask (demand or beg,) asseetea, — bring forth (young,) honitea, — avoid, ochorented, — burn, rooitea, — awake, enétea, — bury, topatea, — bake, ladéteé, — buy, kiringtea, — bathe, reantea, kopanted, — call, jewted, — be, minna, (defective verb, ) — call (name), metyted, — beat, rootea, — care, he&tingted, — bear (load,) go eedeted, — carry, sabeedeeted, — be angry, oantea, — catch, sabted, sasabted, to be ashamed, giewtea, — cavil, tirree mirreeted, cool, réatea, — cherish, assoolted, born, oondoobotea, ——~ cheat, chakadted, —— happy, sookootea, — climb, dehtea, rakabted, hungry, rengated, — conjoin (2 streams, ) lérétea, hot, lolotea, — cost, gonomted, in flames, joolatatea, — covet, maltea, noisy, kakaldtea, — conceal, ookooted, sad, heatingtea, — copulate, doopooirtea, silent, happanted, — correct, byrooytea, sleepy, doomtea, © — count, lekatea, tired, tagowtea, -—— cry (weep, ) raétea, —— thirsty, tetangtea — cut, hadetea, open, meetea, — cut cloth, changated, vexed, mundookootea, — cut down (a man,) maited, to begin, etetea, ookoorootea, — cover, haroopted, — beg (charity,) koitea — collect, gemertea, — bewitch, tengentea, — come, hoojootea, — bind, tolted, — cross over, tarrumtea, — bite, hooated, habted, — crouch, oogoorookoonted, — bite off, hooatopangtea, — dance, soosoontea, — blame, tomunted, | — delay, gareeted, ; — boil (verb neuter,) poorotea, © — destroy (any thing,) rapoodtea, — boil, (verb active,) issiniteé, | — deny, kokodtea, — break, perechoated, —- descend, agoontea, — break in pieces, rapoodtea, — die, gojotea, goitea, — s 1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1075 to dig, laeted, maeéted, — dirt, homootea, — dive, oonoomteda, — dread, boroted, — dream, koomooited, — drink, mooitea, — make to drink, anooited, — drip, lingeetea, — dry, (v. n.), hanjettea, to drive, hartea, — drown, charoo, Gas — soor, daboora, Sees, — eat, jometed, — embrace, hamboodtea, — emit, dlcheeted, — emit (urine,) dookeetea, — emit (foeces,) eeted, — emit (flatus,) gasseetea, — exercise, bonga ondongetea, — fall, endagoitea, — fall (from a height,) jewtea, — fear, boroted, — feed, (or graze,) atertea, — fell (a tree,) gingted, to freeze, ratantea, ne cher boroléréted or boro- cheetea, — forsake, bageeted, — gargle, poéted, " gemerted, — gather (together, ) ) hoondites, — get (obtain,) namted, — get behind (hide,) danangted — give, eméted, — go, senoted, — go before, dirtea, — go behind, doiatea, — go in, bolotea, — go out, oltea, oléted, — go out (quench as fire,) éted — go up, rakabted, — gore, rotea, roroted, — grasp, sabakanted, — grieve, heatingted, mundooktea, — grow, marangted, — hang (suspend,) dangted, oorool gooi- — hang (killaman, ) | haeies — hail, (v. neuter, ) harrilited, — fight, (shooting,) toopooingtea, — hail, (call out) jewyted, — fight (withswords, &c.,)mapatea, — harm, dookootea, — find, namantea, — finish, sekatea chabated, — fish, hakoogoikentea, — fling, hoodmated, — fly, apirtea, — fly, (pop,) etéted, _ flow, harritea, dooltea, | — follow, doiated, _— forget (temporarily,) reengted, _— forget (totally,) adatea, — hate, oanted — heap, gemerted, _— hear, aioomtea, — hit (shooting,) toited, — hide, ookootea, — hold, tellyted, sabted, — howl, rated, — hunt, sangartea, — hurt, hasoocheetea, — hush, hapacheetea, 1076 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107. to irritate, koorkoorcheeted, to measure, mokyted, — issue, andongtea, — mend, amingted, — jest, sandabyted, — mind, oodkedted, — join, lereted, — miscarry, enda ddtea, , — jump, ooited, — miss, katoited, — keep, doited, _ — mix, missowted, — keep, (in the mouth), latoométed, — mourn, [see To muse, | — kill, rogoited goikeeted or goiteé, — muse, heatingted, — kill, (with a club), tam goitea, — name (a person), noomooted, — kiss, chérébetea, — name (athing), metyted, metdted, — know, adanted, adaoroomtedé, — nigh or near, nditea, — know, (an pie nelroo- — obtain, namted, tance, ) meted, — obstruct, baribakedted, kesedted, — lag, doiated, — open, raéted, — lash, rooted, — oppose, [see To obstruct, | — last, tyntea hobowtea — offer (on an altar,) domated, — lament, gamtea, — pain, hassookeetea, — laugh, landytea, — pass (by or over,) paromted, — lave, kossantea — peep, sangeel nelleted, — lead, eede atweetea airtea, — pierce, ropootooited, — learn, etonted, — place, doétea, — leave, bagéted, — plait, gdéted, — lie, labakajitea, — plant, beettea, — lie down, geetee sengérrtea, | — play (fun,) oonoongted, billingted, to light (illumine,) maskaltea, — play (instrument,) orangted, — light (asa bird, ) agoontea, — plough, seeted, — like, [see To love, | — point at, choondoolted, — lime, (bird,) attatea, — poison, rédanookedté goikeeted, — line, jeedted, — praise, essoo booginted, — load (burthen,) gotea, — pray (invoke,) dangeted, — loose, ratytea, atytea, détea, — price, gonomted, — lose, adyted, aderyted, — pull, orowited, towiowited, — lose, (victory,) kidytea, — pursue, harted, harsabeetea, — love, jeesookooted, — push, oodoorted, — lurk, oogoorookoonted, — put, [see To place, | — make, byted, — quench, étea, — make round, lagotytea, — rain, gamatea, — marry, andeeted, — ramble, honorbytea, 1840. ] to rape, hoinkeetea, — reach, seterted, tegated, — read, olsukam porowteéd, — reap, irétea, — recognize, nelroometea, — relate, oodoobted, — remember, adaoroomtea, — repeat, kajirooytea, — reside, tyntea, — retire, oossantea, — return, roodtea, dooirted, Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1077 to shine, joolted, — shoot (at,) tooingted, — shoot (kill,) poited, — shove, oodoorted, — show, nellecheeted, — shut, handited, — seize, sabtea, sasabted, — sign (mark,) ankaitea, — silence, happacheeted, — sin, enkated, — sing, doorangted, — return (going round,) bioorted, — sit, doob ted, — ridicule, landabyted, — rip, changated, — rise, ootanted, — rise (the sun,) olentea, — roar, rated, — roast, rappytea, —- rub, gassarétea, — run, (or run away,) neerted, — say, mented, — sacrifice, bongated, domatea, — salute, joharatweetea, — save, bunchibowteda ( Ooria. ) — scare, borocheetea, — scold, erangted, gondetea, — scratch, gotaéntea, — scream, yewtanted, — see, nellotea, neltea, — sell, akaringtea, — send (away,) kooltytea, — send (for,) kedowited, — set (down,) doited, _ — set on flame, atartea, | — sew, sooeted, _ — shake (shirer,) v.n. tir tirlea, _— shame, giewted, | | — slander, cheeryted, oomibyted, — sleep, geeteeted, — smell, jeeted, — smell, (v. n)., soanted, — smile, landated, — snatch, rapated, — snore, hootirted, — soil, homootea, — sound, sgriotea, — sound (depth), tegatam roopted, — sow, hereted, — skin, potated, — speak, kajeetea, — spit, béhted, — spoil, enkatea, — square, lachepedetea, stand, tingoontea, —— — steal, kombootea, — stink, etkasoanted, — stop, (v. n.) tyntea, tingoontea, — stop, (v. a.) kesedted, dérumteéd, — strike, rooted, — string (a bow,) dahtea, — suck, lététea, chopodtea, — summon, [see Send for, | 1078 amgengamden to- to suspect, } munted, -— swear (oath,) sarraentea, — swim, oiartea, — take, (in the hand,) tellyted, — teach, etokeetea, etocheetea — tear, oé chachatea, — think (deem,) adkarted, — thirst, tetangtea, — throttle, lingoikeetea, — throw, hoodmaratea, — throw away, endatea, — throw down, endaéted, — tickle, gérégetetea, — tie, tolteda, — transplant, roaétea, — tumble, endagoitea, — turn, (v. n.) bioortea, — understand, aioomooroomtea, Vocabulary of the Ho language. to vex, atted, — vomit, ooloted, — wake, eneteda, — walk, senoted, — wander, honorbyted, — want (ask,) asseeted, — wash (cloth, &c.,) eetkittea, — wash (the body,) noanted, — wash (the teeth,) karkadted, — waste away (the body), oosootea, — wet, loomted, — wear (clothes, ) botoéted, — weave, lijjia tingétea, — weep, raétea, yamted, — win (victory), malyted, maddy ted, — wither, rotea, — work, pyteetea, — wound, gowkeetea, — yawn, chabetea, Conjunctions, Prepositions, and Adverbs, &c. &c. yes, 6ya or 4, no, banno, bannoa, not ov not so, ka, none, bankwa, perhaps, honang, derang ov tora, <¢ Oh, that’sit? ” or hie? and, ando ov ondo, “© Of course,” ando ? *“‘ Ts’nt it!” kachia ! “* Hullo, there!’ ocho he ! certainly, batchiad, «* Say you so?” “ T say !” hela! ettia ! when ? chooila ? okobetar ? where ? okoiré ? okoitar ?- how many? cheminang ? so many, eminang, emindré, enté, entédo, then, { or enété nado, forwards, airté, backwards, oosa, before, airté, airdo, firstly, seeda ré, now, na, long ago, moonooré, afterwards, tyoomdo, entétyoomdo, any one, amba, with, lo, loté, [No. 107. : 1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1079 soomang, eskarchim on one side, kootee re, alone, (A Sontae word,) far, sanging, great many 07 very, essoo, near, naité or jappar, much, poora, above, sirma ré, then (at that time,) enbétar, below, sooba ré, hither, neeparté, behind, danang ré, thither, enparté, quickly, buddeete, hence, niaité, separate, essam, here, nendré, in, 7é, both are there, endré, out, by, with, from, se affixes, terrparte or terr- the whole, jaké, the other side, \ parparrum, the half, talla, this side, niparparrum, each, mootid, in the midst, talla ré, Adverbs are formed by adding té to their aljectives. like, leka, why ? chikan menté, a little, anga ov angaleka, ** never fear” “ there now!) | or else, bandrédo, ** depend upon it” &e. \ joo ! To this Vocabulary might be added a long list of terms of relation- ship, more elaborate in the Ho language probably than in Hindu- stanee ; also a catalogue of Keelees, or Clans, into which the Hos are subdivided ; but these I omitted ascertaining during my stay in the Kolehan, and the opportunity of so doing is now lost. Many of their proper names are names of birds, beasts, &c, and from their birth they frequently retain nick-names, descriptive of some peculiarity in early childhood. A fem names of Places. _ Chybassa, the dwelling of Chye, Lossod ikir, the muddy pool, Pootoo dirree, the window stone, Roko sookod, “ pleasant to flies,” _ Tonto hattoo, village of ants, _Syul dowree, the gower’s shoulder, | Keead chalom, parakeet’s tail, Kattia mara, rats and peacocks, | Hoio hattoo, village of winds, Sarjum hattoo, village of Saul trees, | Geetil i “... oat 455 see as hs «+. per gureb, 4 Opium, 0 Wheat, aoe ae 5a .. 14 Khiyar, RHORBER"o or + Masfur, ae 5 nae oo 12 Hemp, Cucumbers, Water and Musk Aico Fi. .— Barley, 0 Ekura or Shumleet, a kind of iit one Paluk, a kind of Spinach, Onions, the Ege plant, Keenu or Urzun, a kind of Millet, soe a Surshuf mustard (which is also collected in kind) gate lic, cummin, anise and Wadsh or Badiyanu, ... : Surshuf or Sirson, Moong (Phaseolus mungo), Jan or Ujmood, and Pease (Ruwa,) are collected in kind, (bhutaee) at the rate of a third of the produce per jureb of wet land. wo wowworh Fr PrP DD ea i=) eel Khureef Harvest. Rs. As. Sugar-cane,... atk 284 ube ie io, +. per gureb, 10 8h Cotton, <— ae He ide ape AE . 4 12 Joowara (large maize) carrots, turnips, radishes, Toore, | (a kind ofcucumber) Eroun, pumpkin, Kurela, a vege- |_______ 4. 8 table, (Momordica charantia), and Mehra, another kind of vegetable, The following pay in kind, a third if grown upon land flooded by the Indus,.and if irrigated by the wheel, only a fourth.—Rice, Bajra (Holcus spicatus,) Indigo, * The harvest year terminates in the middle of the year of Higra. 1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1103 Mash, a kind of vetch (Phaseolus max,) Musoor (Ervum lens,) Sesamum, Sure (Panicum italicum,) and Chunna (Cicer arietinum.) Land revenue of the district of Sukhur, on the south bank of the Indus for a.d. 1839 :— Rubbee Harvest. Rs. As. Tobacco, Hemp, Onions, Cucumbers, ... at. w+. per jureb, 5 4 Wheat, Joowaree, Cotton, Bajree, Moong, Pease, Gram, Ujwain, Gushneez, Surshuf, and Sesamum, are asses- sed in kind, at one-fourth of the crop per jureb of wet land. Khureef Harvest. Rs. As. Sugar-cane,... ate BE an Be “ae sae DEP FUreO,- OF oe Warrots, * ... ate Mi ei ola ig ane G Neg Turnips and Radishes, _... ios sae Ee . —— 3 4 The land revenue is calculated in Khurwars and Kasus, and a Zumeendar on paying the dues to the Kardar, or governor, imprints his signet ring on the officer’s book, at the foot of his account, as security against mistakes and imposition hereafter.* Table of Khyrpoor, or Shuhzadpoor, measures used in Khyrpoor and the purgunnah of Moghulee :— 4 Chouthaee, or 23 Pa, ... ... 1 Patee or Patoee. 5 Chouthaee, or 3 Pa and 3} Ana, 1 Pinkee. 4 Patee, or 24 Seers,... ssa be Loyn: 4 Toyan, or 10 Seers, ... se bo RaSE 6 Kasu, or 14 Mun, a ca de ok hia: 10 Tokhu, or 15 Mung, ... «os 1. Khurwar. Weights and measures used in the districts of Roree and Sukhur, the lesser for precious metals, &c., and the rest for grain, oil, ghee, and other commodities. The small weights vary a trifle in some parts of the country. * The entry in the Kardar’s book is as follows:— (Zumeendar’s name.) Wheat, 4 Khurwar. Government share 2 Khurwar. . Zumeendar’s share2 Khurwar. Government ung 6 Kasu. Zumeendar’s ung 14 Kasu. 1104. Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107. 8 Ruttee,... Fe aa ..» 1 Mashu. 114 Mashu,... dat ae «.. 1 Sohrab, or Kyrpoor rupee. 42 Mashu,... ate oe ental Pola, G*> Tolas, ties Mk a cs at na. 4 Anas, or Chhutanks, ... .-- 1 Pa, or 24 rupees. 4 Pa, ue a co - 1 Seer, or 96 Sohrab rupees. 40) SCCES,) Pees: Sad fs --. 1 Mun (pukka.) 15 Muns, ... ‘i's Site ..» 1 Khurwar. o GSeersyy ude. Li ae soo > de Dhura, 8 Dhura, ... mi ; F 1136 Asiatic Society. [ No. 107. and one of the most valuable works of the sages of Hind, (like the Kitab i Shaffa, by Shaikh al-rasi.) It contains an account of all their various sects, and the history of their ancient kings, also the life of Shakmuni, who according to their opinion, and the testimony of Kamakshari al Bakhshi al Kashmiri, is the guiding prophet of the people of Hind and Khata. ‘To this work he gave the name of Patanjal, a copy of which he carried away with him. “‘Since the history and actions of Shakmuni, who was once the prophet of the people of India, have, through the lapse of time, sunk into oblivion, I, the meanest of God’s servants, Abd ul Kadir, resident of Devi, of Lakhnau, have transcribed the following account of him from the Jdmi al Tawdrikh. And, at the request of the high in dignity and rank, Major Herbert, I have made a translation of it into easy Persian. In certain parts the original was defective and obliterated; these defects, with their proposed corrections, I have marked on the margin. Deo soli scientia.”’ ‘I have nothing further to add respecting this rare and ancient work, except to express my regret that it has not been deposited in the Society’s library, where it might be accessible to Oriental scholars. There may be other valuable MSS. in Colonel Baillie’s collection, which I have not had time to examine; and I shall only mention here, a very fine copy of the Mahabharata. It is beautifully written on one roll of fine paper, laid on cotton or silk, and abounds with well-executed paintings, representing most of the complicated events described in Hindu mythology. I believe it contains the whole work, as the writing is extremely small, though very distinct. The roll is about 220 feet long, and I should say from four to five inches wide within the margin, which is ornamented and illumined throughout.’ I am, Sir, yours faithfully, 8, Alfred-street, Bedford-square, D. Forsss.’ 26th October, 1839. «*P.S. In the preceding letter I have alluded to a Persian MS. in the Society’s possession, entitled a Catalogue of the Library of Farzdada Kuli. This work is frequently quoted by my friend M. Garcin de Tassy, in his Histoire de la Litterature Hindoui et Hindoustani, lately published; for which reason I beg leave to subjoin the following extract from an account of it, which was read at one of the meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1838. ‘“<¢The accompanying MS. is a catalogue of books in the Arabic, Persian, and Hindu languages, amounting, on a rough estimate, to upwards of 2,000 volumes. It is fairly written and well arranged, the works being classed under the different subjects of which they treat, as may be seen by referring to the second blank leaf at the beginning, where I have given an abstract of the contents, “<¢ Of the works here mentioned, many, I believe, are unknown, even by name in this country ; but there is one in particular which merits attention, as it has been long given up for lost by the Orientalists of Europe. I allude to the original Arabic text of the Chronicles of Tabari, which is here described (p. 10) as follows :—‘ The Chronicles of Tabari—the Author’s Autograph, with seventy portraits of prophets, his Eminence the Apostle, and various princes, Iv THE ARaBic LancuacE—RARE.’ ‘‘Here then it is evident that the original of Tabard existed (in all probability) in India within the last forty or fifty years. Unfortunately there is no date, nor name of person or place mentioned in the book, from which we could discover of whose library _ 1840. | Asiatic Society. 1187 it is the catalogue. The last words are the writer’s name, Davar Bakhsh, a piece of information of no great consequence. On the first blank leaf some one has written, barbarously enough, in Roman characters*, what I believe is intended for Persian, and apparently signifies, ‘A Catalogue of the Library of Ferzada Kole ;’ but even this affords us very little enlightenment. I am led, however, to infer from circum- stances—in the first place, that the book has been written within the last forty or fifty years; this is evident from its mentioning (p. 90) the Diwan of Sauda, a Hindustani poet, who died only a few years before the commencement of the present century. Secondly, it is a catalocue of the library of some prince, as may indeed be inferred from its extent, but still more from an expression that occurs in page 95, viz., ‘A list of the books remaining in the old chest belonging to his August and Sublime Highness.’ Thirdly, and lastly, there is every reason to infer, that the prince alluded to was Indian, from the number of Hindi books mentioned in the Catalogue, and in the list referring to the old chest aforesaid. i ‘¢< Tf the above inferences may be relied on, we have reason to hope that the original and genuine text of Tabarf, the Livy of Arabia, may yet be recovered. It would seem that an ancient manuscript of it did lately exist in India, and is, in all proba- bility, there still. As to its being the autograph of the author, I believe we are to take that expression ‘ cum grano salis’ as we do the originals of Corregio and Rubens, &c., so very plentiful among picture-dealers and amateurs. But whether the MS. here alluded to, be, or be not, the author’s own copy, is a question of minor importance. The main object is to rescue it, ere it be too late, from that state of obscurity in which it at present lies, and to that end I have been induced to lay this brief and imperfect notice of it before the members of the Asiatic Society. It is probable that some indi- vidual out of that learned body may be able to trace the history of the MS. catalogue here presented. The booksellers from whom I had it, could tell me nothing as to whence it came, or whose it had been. *<* It would be tedious to notice many ofthe rare works mentioned in the catalogue; there are a few, however, which I cannot pass over. In page 11, we have ‘The Mustafa Nama, in the metre of the Shahnama, containing the history of Persia (or rather of Islamism) from Muhammad to Tahmasp of the Suff family, amounting to 104,000 couplets, beautifully written, and ornamented with gold dust.? Such is the literal translation of the description given of this stupendous work, which is very nearly twice the size of the Shahnima, and embraces a period of about a thousand years, ‘** Further on, among the works on Philosophy, Logic, and Rhetoric, are mentioned several pieces translated from Aristotle, Plato, and other wise men of Greece, all of which are highly interesting. There is also a Persian translation of the Makamat of Hariri, which would be invaluable in explaining many passages of that learned, but, to us, obscure writer.’ **To the above remarks, written nearly two years ago, I must now add my altered belief that the Tarikh i Tabari, mentioned in the catalogue, is nothing else than Colonel Baillie’s MS. of the Jémi al Tawdrikh. This I infer from the identity of _ the description given of both, and, above all, from the number of pictures agreeing in both. The doubts which I might feel as to the genuineness of Tabari’s autograph, do * It runs thus,—Ferisht Khootab Khaona Ferzada Kole. 1138 Asiatic Society. [No. 107. not apply to the Jami al Tawarikh. Tabari lived a thousand years ago; and Rashid al Din finished his history only as far back as a little more than half that period. That the Jami al Tawartkh is really and truly what it purports to be, viz, the author’s own copy, written under his own inspection, I have not the least reason to doubt, as I have seen manuscripts of an older date in as good a state of preservation. Should any of your readers feel sceptical on this point, they may easily satisfy themselves by carefully examining the hand-writing and paper, and comparing the same with others of the corresponding era.”’ | D. F. The Secretary noticed that he had made inquiries through friends in the North- Western Provinces to procure a copy of this highly valuable work, and had intimation of the existence of a copy of the Ist vol. in Arabic said to be at Lahore. He however believed that his correspondent (a native bookseller at Delhi) possessed the work him- self. He had made some exertions to ascertain the condition of the volume, which he subsequently gave up. The Secretary communicated the intelligence of the discovery of papers of value among certain MSS. volumes which were deposited with the late Mr. JamEs PrinsEp’s books at the Society’s Rooms. They consisted chiefly of MSS. of Capt. Herbert, the greater part of which were notes Astronomical, Chemical, and Geolo- gical, together with results of his Himalaya Survey, observations which was thought not to have been published. At any rate it was incumbent on the Society, thought the Secretary, to examine these papers carefully by a Sub-Committee ; agreeably to that suggestion, Major Forges, Professor O’SHauGcuHNEssy, and Lieut. Broome were requested to afford their valuable aid on the occasion. The Secretary further reported that among some old records of the Physical Class, Asiatic Society, were found several Catalogues of Minerals in the Museum, supposed to have been lost, of the collections by Coulthard, Rose, Streave, &c. &c. The Secretary reported to the Meeting that some months ago he had communicated with Mr. W. C. Hurry, onthe subject of a Chinese Dictionary compiling by the Rev. J. M. Cauiery, and that he had requested from that gentleman certain documents connected with the undertaking. These were now received, and sub- mitted. It was resolved, that these should be referred to the Committee of Papers for consideration and report. Read letter from Mr. J. AvDALL, of the 5th March 1841, forwarding for presen- tation to the Asiatic Society, a copy of his ‘‘ Victoria Spelling Book,’ in Armenian, divided into two parts, and embellished with 24 engravings. Read the following report submitted by the Officiating Curator for the month of February last :— | 1840. | Asiatic Society. 1139 “HH. W. Torrens, Esa. Secretary Asiatic Society. “e-Sir, **T have the honour to submit as follows my report for the month of February. ““ Geological, Mineralogical, and Paleontological Departments.—Proceeding at every spare moment, with Catalogues, of which a part are now at press : and with the numbering and arranging of collections. «‘The two cases of specimens forwarded by the Honorable the Court of Directors, under the care of Captain TREMENHEERE, as a basis for a Museum of Economic Geology, have been imported, and their contents temporarily arranged; but before putting the labels we have to fit up the interior of two out of the three cases. Another case is wanting to exhibit this collection properly, and several others to contain the additions we can make to the Museum from the Society’s collections and from dona- tions, and for those expected from England. The report on this collection has been made and sent in to you. ‘* We have some valuable additions to these departments, which will be noticed in the account of additions to the Museum. ** Mammelogical, Ornithological, and Osteological Departments.—Several additions, which will be detailed at the conclusion. I beg to report that we can make up another box for the Honorable the Court of Directors; it will consist nearly as follows :— **]. Skeleton of a Fox (Indian) prepared by us. **2. A small box of fresh-water shells, being part of a collection presented by Mr. Stocqueler. “3 00 Skins of Birds, Z ae with horns, Duplicates from Sir A. Burngs’ Collection. 8 Fishes of the Indus, ‘IT may suggest here that we point out to the Curator of the Museum of the Court of Directors, the great facility with which, if approved of by the Court, he might procure, in exchange for such specimens as he already possesses, some of the many which we require for the Museum of Economic Geology. It is scarcely possible to send home a skin of a bird, a skeleton, or a scull from India for which some duplicate may not be obtained in exchange, which would be of utility to us here. ‘‘Three large cases of specimens have been sent down by Mr. Cuarkg, Political Agent at Umballa, which upon examination prove to be the collections made by Sir A. Burngs, on his mission to Scinde, to which many of his drawings now in the hands of the lithographers relate. They seem unfortunately to have remained for the whole time without any care whatsoever, and many are wholly destroyed ! ‘¢ Mr. Clarke informs us that the collection has been inspectedby Dr. Jameson, who has promised a report upon it. The contents of the chests were as follows :— memes retained forthe Museum): °6 2. ise asbise lise tldhieet ee bilg lee Madd ——— duplicates, to be senthome, .. «e «2 ce «8 «2 ec 6 of of OO —-.—— rotten, and thrown away, vo cette a intel Worelhdiere Mt srehr. iota oe Hep Asiatic Society. [No. 107. Sculls with Horns.—for the Museumsae a Se ek, ee ee I dupligates, for sending ome, sere 8) Py gO° Mee Bees eae, Se Total, Horns .—for the Museum, ee ee se ee ee se eo ee ee ee ee duplicates, for sending home, ee es ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee Total, duplicates forsending home, .. .. 2 «we os Total, 7 2 +) 7 Fish.—for the Museum, ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee l 8 9 Porpoise scull, Alligator, Iguana, Lizard, Turtle, &c. altogether. .. .. «. 7 Snakes in spirits of wine, rotten and thrown away. .. «2 « «+ «+ 13 Skins of animals rotten and thrown away. .. .. «2 «os «+ of «os oe 8 N. B. Claws and beaks of birds, and sculls of animals, preserved when worth do- ing so. Fish Reptiles &c.— Nothing more to report. ‘* Donations.— Have been numerous and important. I have already noticed Sir A. Burnes’ collection, to which we have to add the following :—- Dr. Spitspury—a chest of Fossil bones from the Nerbudda. Col. MacLEop—two boxes, being series of geological specimens collected by the late Captain PEMBERTON on his mission to Bootan. No catalogue with them. H. Pippineton, Acting Curator.—A collection of Cotton, Coffee, Sugar, Tobacco, and Tea soils, &c. from India, Mauritius, United States, Singapore, &c. many of them analysed. 7 Specimens of Burdwan Iron ores analysed. Specimens of the earths used in the curious glazing of native Sugar-pans. G. Ewspank, Es@.—A young panther. Skeleton for the Museum. Mr. D.. E. Roprigurs.—A pink-headed Duck, Fuligula caryophillacea—Museum. Mr. H. P. Vizerre.—A Snipe, Scolopax—? Museum. Purchased.—2 Wild Geese, Anas indica or black-hooded Goose. 1 Skeleton; 1 stuffed,—Museum. 1 have the honor to be, Sir, | Calcutta, Your obedient servant, lst March, 1840, H. PIDDINGTON, Actg. Curator, As. Soc. Museum. The Society having been requested by Government, by a letter from Mr. Secretary Bushby of the 3rd February last, to submit a report of their Curator on the speci- mens brought by Captain Tremenheere, and deposited with the Society for the basis of a Museum of Economic Geology, and in what manner they were of opinion additions to the present collection may most usefully be made to it—Read the following report from Mr. H. Prppineton, dated 26th February, 1841. : 1840. | Asiatic Society. ; 1141 H. Torrens, Esa. Secretary, Asiatic Society. Su, In obedience to the commands of the Right Honorable the Governor General in Council, conveyed in Mr. Secretary BusuBy’s letter to you, under date 3rd February, I have now the honor to submit my report on the collection brought out by Captain TREMENHEERE, as a basis for the proposed Museum of Economic Geology. I should state perhaps, that Mr. Bususy’s letter only reached me on the 10th instant, and that I have also been delayed by the necessity of referring to Captain TREMENHEERE’S Memorandum, which I have only this day obtained from Bishop’s College Press. I have incorporated with the report, my views as to the additions which may most usefully be made to the Museum, and as to the manner in which these may be best obtained. I remark, that the Society in general is referred to on these points, but as my ideas relative to them are necessarily connected with the facts and views comprised in the report, I have thought that I might, without presumption, and even with some convenience, as to perusal, combine them in one statement. I.—The collection brought out by Captain TREMENHEERE, is a valuable basis for a Museum of Economic Geology, but it should be borne in mind, first, that it is only a commencement ; and next, that it is almost a purely English collection. The little we yet know of Indian Geology has taught us that, on many points, there are wide differences from the received systems at home, extending even to the absence, or great rarity, of whole formations, and the presence of others which have no known corres- ponding types in Europe, or indeed in any part of the world; and it is quite possible that her mineralogy, when better known, may also produce its novelties. Hence we re- quire,—if we wish to render our proposed Museum complete, as a light to the acquisition of existing knowledge, and a guide to future research, and this more especially in an ‘economic point of view—a complete English and foreign series of specimens, by which the student and speculator may well understand their systems and processes, and a complete Indian one, fully to comprehend and avail ourselves of our own. I mention this in the first place, that I may not appear desirous of embracing too much, or to be remarking in any spirit of depreciation upon what the liberality of the Honorable the Court of Directors and the Government of India have allotted to the Society. II. Coal.—The present collection comprises 51 specimens of coal and anthracite, from various coal fields. Those from several other English coal fields, as I learn from Captain TREMENHEERE’S report, are to be sent out. To these I suggest should be added specimens from the Scotch, and if possible from the French, Belgian, and American coal fields; with a series of specimens from each, illustrating also the coal formations and pseudo-coal formations; as for instance, that of Brora in Sutherland- shire. As we improve our mining systems and our mining knowledge, we shall probably obtain better coal.* We require also a set of sections of the coal measures of * It may be perhaps doubted if our Indian coal has yet had fair play! The amount of our experiments as yet seems to have been, the burning of Indian and English Coal upon grates and in furnaces made for the latter, and then to pronounce the Indian coal as inferior! It is so no doubt, but it might produce far better results in grates and in furnaces adapted to it, on the principle _ that every kind of coal requires a different arrangement of these, to produce its maximum effect, f | | This remark is not perhaps exactly in place here, but the importance of the subject may excuse its introduction. 1142 Asiatic Society. [No. 107. different districts. These are not always published, but many of those which are not so may perhaps be obtained for us by the Honorable Court, through Mr. De ca BEcuHE, or by the efforts of members and friends of the Society through their connec- tions at home. I allude to American specimens here, and shall have occasion to do so again in the course of this report, because there are peculiarities connected with the Geology of both North and South America, which render every light obtainable from those countries of the greatest interest to us. The use of anthracite in metrallurgical eperations, is but recent in England, and I am not aware that it has yet been used there for steamers, though the Americans are said to use it very extensively in their steam-boats. Models of all kinds of anthracite furnaces are an object of much importance to India, where this combustible is so often found. III. Lron Ores and Smeltings.—The collection comprises about forty specimens of iron ores, their lodes, smeltings, and slags. We must recollect, in relation to this most important metal, in which India is so rich, that a considerablé portion of the Indian ores of it, are varieties of the black or protowided class, as magnetic iron-ore, titaniferous iron-sand, iron, glance, &c. though we have, as in Burdwan, and many other places plenty of the other kinds, of the finest quality, while the majority of the English wrought ores belong to the Red and Brown, or peroxided and carbonated classes. Again: the whole system of English iron-smelting in the present day is one of smelting by coke; whereas the finest European irons, as the Swedish, Biscayan, Catalonian, some of the German, and all our fine Indian irons, are made by the charcoal process. Many of our rich ores are moreover situated where wood is abundant, and even a nuisance, and likely to be so for a long period of years; while coal (or coke) were it only from the want of roads, must be for a long time out of the question in such situations, to say nothing of the limestone. Hence I should say, that it is a great desideratum in an Indian Museum, to possess specimens of the Spanish, Swedish, German, Corsican, Elbese, Pyreneean, and other ores of iron,.of known fine qualities, worked by charcoal only, and often affording excellent iron at a single operation, as many of our simple native smeltings are known to do. As a guide to the Indian speculator, these ores, with descriptions or models of their furnaces, and full accounts of their processes (when these are not to be found in standard works of easy reference here) may be invaluable, as shewing him how to direct his efforts most advantageously and upon a scale, perhaps, better suited to his means than are the vast operations which the English iron-master, from the confined rates of profit, and excessive competition at home, finds indispensable. I may add in reference to this matter, that strange as it may appear to those unacquainted with the subject, there is scarcely any question of metallurgic chemistry upon which so little is known as that of the ores of iron ! IV. Tin Ores.—In this department the collection is very complete; from the lodes and ores, their roasting, stamping, washing, and smelting, down to the refuse of the furnaces. Ina word, almost nothing is here wanting, and I embrace with pleasure this opportunity of saying that the mass of the specimens in all classes appears to be what may truly be called working specimens, as distinguished from the show specimens of the mineralogist’s cabinets, and thus of much higher value for our purpose. ‘The Tin assortment consists of about 20 specimens of ores and lodes of various kinds, and of about 24 of the ore in various states of preparation, its smeltings, refuse, &c, 1840. | Asiatic Society. 1143 _ Tin is an ore little found except in England, or in the Eastern Islands, and Malayan Peninsula (we know nothing of the Tin mines of Mawar or Ava) but with such additi- ons as we shall be able to make to the collection, from specimens already in the Muse- um, we may consider it as tolerably complete with respect to this metal. The desiderata are—good accounts of the Saxon and Bohemian works, and ores, with specimens. Of the Chinese and Malay Tin smeltings of the Eastern Islands, with samples of their ores; and specially of their refuse or slags, which last ave probably well worth exami- nation. It is said that both silver and gold have been found in them; and there is a des- cription of Tin brought from Borneo, which is sold to the Chinese at Sooloo, and other places, for exportation, at a very high price; this is said to contain one or both of the precious metals. For our Eastern provinces, the investigation of every fact of this kind is of high importance. V. Copper.—The copper ores are about seventy in number. They are also mostly an English assortment, comprising only the ores most usually found and worked in England. Several of the Indian, Asiatic,* and American copper-ores now in the Museum, will form valuable additions to this series. Our desiderata here are however numerous, we require some of the continental ores of Europe, and a series from South America, especially of those which exhibit the mixtures (or combinations) of copper and silver, or copper and gold. Weare promised, I observe, as with the tin ores, samples of the English ore in all the stages of its progress, from the mine till it leaves the smelting house, with its slags, which are so instructive to the working speculator. But we require these both from England, where the smelting of copper is a separate trade, and the poorest ores are turned to the best account, and where all is performed by coke; and also from such countries as South America, many parts of Germany, &c. where charcoal alone is used. It is evident that even under the most scientific management, the modes of smelting, as governed by the fuel, must greatly influence results. The preceding remarks (at p. 9.) on the fuel, which may be available in certain situations, fully apply to copper as to iron works. VI. Lead Ores.—We have but nine of these (of but one or two varieties) in the collection ; and these again, with one or two expections, of the commonest kinds. Every thing therefore is to be acquired in this department. We can supply something as to Indian specimens from the Museum. The lead ores, independent of their value as lead, deserve high attention, particularly those of the argentiferous class, which in fact run into the silver ores, containing at times so much silver, as to render the lead of little or no importance. : VII. Antimony, Manganese, Zinc, and Tellurium.—We have in the collection but eight or ten specimens in all of the three first of these metals, though they are all of importance ; we shall be able to supply a few from the Society’s, but we may say pretty nearly, that every thing is wanting in this section. The Indian and Eastern ores of antimony are deserving of great attention, for none of them have been yet examined, and they are so commonly met with, that some will no doubt in the end be found to belong to the class of antimonial silver ores. I mention the auriferous Tellurium in the section on gold. Captain TREMENHEERE’S paper announces, I ob- serve, an assortment of ores and specimens relating to zinc and the manufacture of brass. * Asiatic copper ores. With reference to my remarks at pp. 4 & 5, I may mention here as a confirmation, that we have in Colonel Burney’s collection of minerals from Ava, an ore of copper (with the same half-roasted from the Burmese workings) which is certainly not a common one, and perhaps new to the English miner at least. 7G 1144 Asiatic Society. [No. 107. VIII, Silver.—We have but three of these ores, but we shall be able to supply several South American, and other specimens, from the Society’s collections. We require, however, series of the European and American silver ores with their lodes, preparations, and smeltings. I mention particularly here, the Mexican and Peruvian silver ores, because some of them would, from their earthy appearance, and the small proportion of metal they contain, be passed by as mere red earthy soils or iron ores, which in fact they are. Some of these ores are from the staples of some of the great mines of Mexico and Peru, and it may be possible, that we have also deposits of these ores on the flanks of the Western Ghauts; or in other situations of which the geological features approach to those of South America, though upon a smaller scale. «© TX. Gold.—There are no ores of this metal in the collection, and but very few in the Museum. It is indeed generally obtained from washings, but it is of importance to us to have specimens of all its ores, particularly of the auriferous iron ores, and of the telluretted gold ores of Hungary, which so much approach those of antimony. We require also the alluvial and diluvial soils in which gold is found; and especial- ly drawings or models of the American washing-frames, which are so extensively used at the gold-washings of Virginia, Georgia, and the Carolinas. These are cheap and effective, and perform so much work ina day, that many tracts which had formerly been abandoned by the gold-washers as too poor, have been washed over again to a good profit. It is evident that this is what is required for the gold-washings of Southern India, (and for the auriferous sands of our rivers, where labour, though cheap, is made dear by being applied in the expensive and wasteful process of hand-washings. “© X. Quicksilver.x—There are no ores of quicksilver in the collection. We shall perhaps be able to supply one or two, but this metal is both so important as an article of commerce, and as an agent in the separation of the precious metals by amalgamation, that we should by all means obtain an assortment of its few ores, and specimens of the deposits in which they occur, from Spain, Idria, and South America. We shall not Ihope be thought too sanguine if we hope that when the numerous carboniferous deposits of India are better known and studied, mercury may be found. We know that it exists abundantly in Yunan, most probably in the formations in which it has always, hitherto been found, and it is therefore quite possible that it may be found on our Eastern (Assam or Cacher) frontier. Like silver, one or two of its known ores might easily be passed over. The metallic- looking ores of any mineral we know, are sure to attract attention; it is the rubbish-like, earthy-looking ones, therefore, which specially demand a place ina Museum of Instruction. ‘* XI. Arsenic.—We should not omit to collect all the ores and lodes of this metal which so much abounds in India and to the eastward. Independent of its value as an article of commerce, its frequent association with the precious metals may induce a hope that a careful examination of its ores might lead to some discoveries. It is probable that we are yet far from knowing all the combinations of this Proteus of the metals with others. ‘« XII. Bismuth, Cobalt, Chrome, and Nickel.—The ores, lodes, and every sort of information relative to these metals, should not be neglected. Some of these are 1840.] Asiatic Society. | 1146 but little known, and new ones it is possible may be discovered. The uses of some of them (Bismuth, Cobalt, and Nickel) are probably only limited by their prices, and what they, or other metals now almost considered as curiosities, might become, if more abundant, the history of Chrome fully testifies. «« XIII. Alum, Soda, Borax, Amber.—Specimens of the Alum-slates of Europe, of the Soda earths of Egypt and India, of the Borax and Boracic acids of Italy and Thibet, and of the Indian ambers, are also desiderata, In reference to one of these only, I may mention that I have ascertained that the soda earths of India may be purified and discoloured by a very simple process, and thus great tracts of land now barren and valueless, may yield crops as valuable as the barilla-fields of Spain, or the kelp- shores of Scotland. ** XIV. Agricultural Geology.—-Captain TREMENNEERE’S report adverts so ably to the now well recognised importance of this branch of the science, that no remarks of mine in this respect are necessary. The collection contains a few specimens of soils from Cornwall, but there are no labels or descriptions with them. Capt. Tremenueere informed me, that on account of his hurried departure, he was no, able to find his notes, but hoped to be able to send them tome, I have had the pleasure of contributing, from my own cabinet of soils, about forty specimens of Cotton, Sugar, Tobacco, and Tea soils ; many of which are anaiysed. These are from America, the Mauritius, Singapore, various parts of India, &c.; and I am advised by Mr. Srikeman, Secretary to the East India and China Association, that through the active assistance of Lord John Russext and Sir John Cam Hosunouse, a chest of West India Sugar soils is now on its way to me on the ship ‘‘ Lord Melbourne,”’ for the purpose of comparative analysis with those of India and the Mauritius. A great desiderata here are Sugar soils from the valley of the Mississippi, and from Demerara ; for itis evident, that for Bengal the analogy mainly to be looked for is that between soils forming, as here, the alluvion of rivers. The volcanic soils are more likely to prove guides for those of Central and Western India. It should be borne in mind that we require for India not only the soils for tropical productions, but those also for the productions of temperate climates. At this moment, for example, one of the most valuable acquisitions we could obtain, would be a few specimens of soils from the hop gardens of Kent and Sussex! as a guide to the gentlemen who are so zealously endeavourirg to introduce that valuable plant.* In this department, then, nothing can come amiss to us ; for we may always dispose most advantageously of every thing. 1 forbear, for the sake of brevity, entering into the list of what we principally require. “© XV. Mineral Manures.—The Mineral manures, from the peat of the jheels, so extensively used in India, to gypsum, which is now the main support of a large portion of the agriculture of the older American states, though its use is unknown here, should not be omitted in our collection, The kunkers of all kinds might, there is no doubt, be often available as a valuable manure, if their use as such was known. * Specimens of the soils of the best sheep-pastures from England, Germany, Spain, and particu- larly New South Wales, would be also valuable guides; for it is certain that the quality of wool depends as much on the soil as on the grasses. 1146 Asiatic Society. [ No. 107. “XVI. Architectural Geology—Stones employed for Architectural or Engineering pur- poses ; Ornamental Stones, as Marbles, &c.—Of these the collection contains but one or two specimens. We have many of cornices, capitals, and images, which would afford much instruction, though the antiquity of but very few of them can be known The conditions of climate here are so different from those of Europe, that it may be difficult to establish correct comparative views, though we need not on that account neglect European specimens, and the results of their experience. We require however, more especially, specimens of stones, bricks, and marbles from ancient Indian buildings and fortifications ; with, of course, the dates of their erections, when these can be ascertained. These it should be remembered are desirable both when they have well, and when ill withstood the effects of the climate ; for both are lessons to the architect. It should be carefully noted if they appear ever to have been protected by plaster, paint, or casing; specimens from more recent erections, particularly where exhibiting signs of early decay, should not be neglected. The tomb-stones of the early European settlements might perhaps afford good practical lessons in this respect. The church of Bandel bears, I think, the date of 1680, and it is possible that many tombs of at least a century old, might be found, either European or native, of various materials. ‘« The foregoing remarks hold good for the ornamental stones and marbles. Our Museum affords a very few of these, and a geological series of specimens from the sandstone quarries of Chunar, by Captain Franxtin. ‘XVII. Mortars and Cements.— We have nothing of this kind in the collection, nor in the Museum, as far as I have yet seen ; but the field which these afford for curious and profitable research, and the great public and private advantage to be derived from a thorough investigation of it, isimmense. It would appear that many of the native cements of former times were, like those of the ancient Romans, even more durable than the brick or stone with which they were used, and very far superior to any thing which can now be made, even with the greatest care. It is then, well worth our attention to procure also from the ancient buildings, both of India and Europe, specimens of the mortars and cements. All the limestones which can be obtained, from the kunkurs up to the pure marbles, are of course desiderata, as being the raw material of the cements. I should add to these, specimens of the corals, and of the fresh and salt-water shells so extensively used for making lime in India. We are quite ignorant as yet of what may be the effect of mixing the shell and stone limes in various proportions ; of what is owing to the Silica alumina, and oxides of iron in the kunkurs, to the phosphates (from the shells or the iron of the kunkurs) and to all these with the various proportions of lime and magnesia, which form the bases of the cements. These are great objects of research, for which the first requisite is to have series of specimens at hand ; without which they must always be imperfectly examined, and most frequently will not be so at all. “XVIII. Materials for Road Making.—These, 1 need not say, are of primary importance. It is true that expence frequently prevents their being carried far, though sometimes a road may carry the materials for its own extension. But there is another point of view in which the collection of both good and bad materials for road-making may be important, when the subject comes to be 1840. ] Asiatic Society. 1147 scientifically considered. I mean that of the combinations of the different materials to be found at hand, or made at a small expence;—thus, we know that throughout the great basaltic district of India the elements of the Puzzolanas are every where found. We know that durable roads have been constructed of volcanic materials. We know that minute proportions of ferruginous or calcareous matters have often extraordinary effects in consolidating earthy materials. But of what is available, or how it should be used, in any given part of the country, we are totally ignorant. It is evident that Indian road-making requires, if possible, more than the careful aggregation of materials to resist the torrents of the rains, and the heats of the dry weather. It is probable that it is yet a science to be created between the chemist and the engineer.* “‘ XIX. Plastic Geology.—Clays and earths for pottery and other manufactures.—Of these we have none in the collection, and none, particularly so described in the Museum. Our first requisites are series of the English and other European pottery- clays, and of those from China, if obtainable. The scouring and pigment earths, and fire clays, of all kinds, are also required. Very good fire clays are found in Burdwan, Rajmahl, and near Moorshedabad. I have been able to contribute specimens of the earths used in the curious red varnish of the native sugar- pans, which is of extraordinary durability. ‘«« Apart from the improvement of our domestic manufactures, it is quite possible that some of our Indian clays may well pay for exportation. «‘ XX. With respect to how all these desiderata may be best obtained, the Society should, it is evident, first make known its wants, both in Europe and in India, by printing detailed memoranda, and offering exchanges where these can be desirable. From Europe we may doubtless count greatly upon the liberality of the Hon’ble the Court of Directors, and that of the many old and tried friends to India who seek but to know how they can best serve her. Scientific Institutions, and such associations as the Royal Agricultural Societyt will no doubt be ready to meet our wishes. As a matter of purely commercial interest also, we must not forget to address the Chambers of Commerce, and the principal commercial houses connected with India both in England, on the Continent, and in America. There are doubtless many gentlemen amongst these who only desire to find individuals or public bodies ready to receive their suggestions and contributions, and assist their inquiries. ** In Indiawe shall doubtless find many mercantile men, and members of the Services, ready to move their friends at home, or in various parts of India, in our behalf. To Capt. TREmENHEERE'S suggestions of assistance from Officers and Assistants of the Revenue Surveys, I should add, that we may obtain much from the principal and subordinate Collectors of all ranks, the Civil Surgeons, Planters, &c. and I doubt not that it will be the pride of the Society to see justice done to their contri- butions. * The recent introduction of Asphatum as a material for roads and pavements will occur here as a case in point. +t I am not sure that this is the correct title of this body. 1148 Asiatic Society. [ No. 107. ‘¢ The foregoing report will I fear be thought too long, though I have endeavoured, by abstaining almost wholly from explanatory notes and quotations in support of some of the views advanced, to make it as brief as possible. It will not I hope be forgotten how vast are the questions to which almost every paragraph of it leads. I have adverted in it, more than once to the high importance of the proposed Museum, in common with all institutions of the kind, as affording a ready access to much of what the student and speculator could not otherwise hope to obtain a sight of. 1 would farther remark, for this cannot be too well borne in mind, that in India we require, of necessity, much more assistance than in Europe, to prosecute successfully researches of this kind. We require this from the vast unexplored fields on all sides, and because the labourers in them are so few, and so liable to be interrupted by illness or change of residence, that, unless the objects of research are within their immediate reach, the mere time occupied in collecting them involves a thousand chances of fatal interruptions. We require it, moreover, because it so sel- dom occurs in India that the talent, the time, and the pecuniary means, are all found together. Those who have the time and the talent, lack the means ; and those who have amply the means and the knowledge, can rarely afford the time, unless at the sacrifice of their health, of which we all know more than one melancholy exam- ply. Itis thus that so little has been done by the English in India in the way of. researches of this kind, and that we have often, unjustly enough, borne the reproach of indifference or of ignorance. It is thus I would then respectfully urge, that we require far more assistance than in Europe, where, from the abundance of talent, means, disposable time, settled modes of life, great facilities of communication, and of reference ; and almost perfect knowledge of every existing resource, the student or speculator has, so to say, a mere pastime, in comparison with the difficul- ties which beset him in India:—India! a field of research so vast, that no man can even guess the extent of it; and he would bea bold one who would venture to pronounce to what its investigation may not yet lead us.” Calcutta, I have the honor to be, Asiatic Society’s Rooms, Sir, 26th February, 1841. Your obedient, humble Servant, H. PipDINGTON, Actg. Curator As. Soc. Museum. It was resolved—That a copy of this interesting document be forwarded to Mr. Secretary BusuBy, for submission to the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal. The President noticed the presentation of the plan and section of the Ghaut about to be constructed to the memory of the late James Prinsep, Esq. by R. H. Rartray, Esq. Resolved—That Mr. Ratrray be thanked for the same, and that it be hung up in the rooms of the Asiatic Society, as requested by that gentleman. , For the presentations and contributions, the thanks of the Society were accorded. JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY. The Galvanic Battery in its various Practical Applications as an Igniting Agent.—By Lieut. R. Batrp Smitn, Bengal Engineers. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. The dependence of the action of the Galvanic Battery on chemical principles, the excitation of that action by the employment of chemical agents, and the habit of considering the Battery as an instrument of scientific research rather than of practical utility, have tended, to a certain extent, to excite impressions unfavourable to its extensive ap- plicability in engineering operations. Practical men naturally dread employing any agent of whose nature they are not thoroughly cognizant, and are therefore liable to be prejudiced against the Battery, by finding themselves unable to apprehend the rationale of its effects. To aid in the removal of such an impression, it may be remarked that an acquaintance with the theory of the Battery, is by no means essential to the comprehension of its mechanical details and applica- tions, as a little experience would immediately prove. A few op- portunities of observing the Battery in action, of noting the different manipulations, such as forming connections, apportioning solutions, &c. _ will, with common intelligence, enable any one to employ it indepen- dently. The remembrance of what has already been done, both at | home and in this country, will also tend to remove any farther pre- judice which may exist against the practical application of the Galvanic Battery. No. 108. New Series, No. 24. 7H 1150 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108. Having long been impressed with a sense of the great economical importance of the Battery in all the varied operations in which the explosive force of gunpowder is employed, and having had an ex- cellent opportunity of becoming acquainted with its details during the progress of the demolition of the barque “Equitable,” in which I had the pleasure of being employed under Capt. Fitzgerald, I was led to prepare this paper, in the hope of rendering the experience then attained, available to the fullest extent for the benefit of others under similar circumstances. After a considerable portion of it had been written, I learned that a pamphlet by Col. Pasley on the same subject was in course of publication, and I therefore im- mediately laid my paper aside. On receiving Col. Pasley’s pamphlet, however, I found it was entirely confined to details of his own plans, and as experience had proved that these admitted of most material im- provements and modifications, I conceived my paper might still be useful, and accordingly resumed and completed it. The original plan has been extended by the addition of a section ‘on the Theory of the Battery,” in which the recently published views of Sir Michael Faraday on this long disputed point, have been briefly developed ; and as his researches have entirely removed it from the domain of “ doubtful knowledge,” as he himself terms it, to that of inductive certainty, the addition may prove interesting to those who desire to understand the principles as well as the practical applications of the Galvanic Battery. _ Section I.— The Construction of the Galvanic Battery. The elementary form of the Galvanic Battery consists simply in the interposition, between two plates of different metals, (usually copper and zinc) of a fluid capable of exerting some action on one of these plates, while it has none, or at least a different one, on the other. A communication established between the plates, either by direct contact, or by the interposition of some conducting substance, then admits of the circulation of a current of Galvanic electricity. It would be foreign to the design of this paper, to dwell upon the various combinations and modifications of the above elementary Battery, by which different compound circles have been formed ; and information concerning these is the less called for, since all have been recently : 1 } 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1151 superseded by an arrangement due to Professor Daniel, in which the re- moval of the defects of former constructions has been accompanied by some most important and peculiar advantages. Of this alone, there- fore, will the details be given, and as zine is procurable in this country, both in the massive and laminar states, a simple modification of the constant Battery adapted for the use of each, will be described. In the original form of the constant Battery in which the zinc is [Fig. I. a.] used in solid rods, the copper element consists of a cylinder of that metal in its thinest obtainable state. The cylinder is formed, as shewn in Fig. I, with a small collar, and to one side of it a small copper cup to contain mercury, or a clamp-screw socket for facilitating metallic connections throughout the Battery, is attached. The zinc element is a rod of that metal, varying in diameter and [Fig.I.b.] length, according to the strength required for the Battery, perforated at one extremity by a thin piece of wood, which, on the zinc being inserted within the cylinder, rests on the collar, and prevents any direct contact of the two metals. The rod is usually amalgamated with mercury, as will subsequently be described, and its exterior end is made to terminate in a small mercurial connecting cup, or clamp-screw. The principal objection to the earlier forms of the Battery arose from the rapidity with which the energy of their action was found to decline. On this being traced to the deposition of particles of reduced oxide of zinc on the copper plate, in consequence of certain chemical actions within the cell, its recurrence was prevented in the constant [Fig. I. c.] Battery by the interposition of a membranous partition be- teen the two metals. This membrane is usually made of ox gullets, and is so constructed, as readily to fit on to the collar of the copper cylinder. Thus, then, the Battery when complete, with the exception of the solutions, consists, (1) of the copper cylinder ; (2) of the mem- brane within this; and (3) of the zinc rod separated from the copper by the membrane. The dimensions vary according to the strength required for the Battery; that employed by Col. Pasley in his experi- ments in February 1839, consisted of 10 cylinders, 21 inches high, by 34 ditto in diameter, with zinc rods one inch in diameter. The modification of the constant Battery necessary for the employ- ment of sheet zinc, consists simply in making the copper cells rect- angular instead of cylindrical, and the adoption of this form is much 1152 The Galvanic Battery. » [No. 108. accelerated by employing pasteboard instead of ox gullet partitions, a suggestion due toDr. Q’Shaughnessy of Calcutta. The details are as follow;— 1. The dimensions having been decided upon, a piece of sheet copper of [Fig. II. a.] the proper size, is to be formed into a rectangular cell, the junctions of the side pieces and bottom being soldered with hard brass solder. As the power of a Battery is considerably augmented by bring- ing the opposite surfaces of copper as near as possible to each other, the edge and bottom pieces of the cell are usually very small in propor- tion to its sides. When the latter are 14” or 15" square, the former may conveniently be made half an inch in breadth. A small connecting tube, about an inch in depth, or a connecting screw soldered at the top of one of the edge pieces completes the copper element. 2. The partition cases are made of common strong brown pasteboard, [Fig. II. c.] two pieces of this being laid together, and their edges or three sides compressed between strips of teak wood, half an inch in breadth, 1-8th in thickness, the length being regulated by the dimensions of the copper cell into which the case should slide easily. Screw nails of copper, if such are to be obtained, but otherwise of iron, passed through the teak binders and the pasteboards, render the case water-tight at the edges, and complete its manufacture. The zinc element consists of a piece of the sheet zinc of commerce [Fig. I. b.] (spelter) of such a size, as to admit of its readily passing in- side the pasteboard case, and rounded off, as shown in the sketch. A thick copper wire is soldered to it, to facilitate the connections throughout the Battery, by dipping into the mercurial cupsabove described. A Battery of this rectangular form was used in the destruction of the barque ‘“ Equitable,” having side pieces 14" x 14”, edge and bottom ditto 14° x 1", pasteboard cases 133" x 131”, and zine plates 12” x 12", the number of cells employed being 12. Section I].—Of the Exciting Solutions for the Battery—their nature, preparation, and proportions. It has been found by experience that strong chemical action on the zinc of a Battery, with the interposition of a good conducting solution between the zinc and the copper, are the conditions by which powerful galvanic action is insured. ; 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1153 With the constant Battery, solutions are always employed in pairs, of which sulphate of copper invariably forms one, and sulphate of soda or dilute sulphuric acid, may be used indiscriminately as the other. A saturated solution of sulphate of copper, or blue stone, is prepared by adding this substance to boiling water till the water ceases to dissolve it, and then allowing the mixture to cool. Should any crystals of the blue stone be deposited during the cooling, it is a satisfactory proof that the solution is fully saturated; if no such deposit takes place it is advisable to add more of the salt to the water. A simple method of ascertaining, during the progress of preparation, whether the solution has reached the point of saturation, is to place a single drop on a piece of glass, and mark if minute crystals, or solid matter, are immediately deposited, if so, the addition of blue stone may be discontinued. The proper strength will readily however be estimated after a little ex- perience from the intensity of the blue colour of the solution. A pro- portion of one part of blue stone to three parts of water by weight, has been found by experiment to be most effective, and a large copper cooking vessel is perhaps the best utensil for boiling the mixture in. The sulphate of copper is obtained in the bazaar under the name of ~“ Nila tutiya,” and at an expense of from five to seven annas per Ib. The solution of sulphuric acid, or vitriol, hitherto employed in the cylindrical Battery, is made by mixing one part of strong acid with eight parts of water. The solution of sulphate of soda, or Glauber’s salts, which has been used with the blue water in all the experiments to be stbse- quently detailed, is prepared by dissolving one part of the salts in eight or nine parts of warm water, and allowing the mixture to cool before use. Its native name is ‘ Kari nimuk,” and it is obtainable to any extent at the trifling expense of two rupees per maund. It is unnecessary to notice the numerous other kinds of solutions which have been proposed, as the preceding are at once effective, abundant, and simple, and will amply suffice for every practical purpose. ee | Section III.—Of the Arrangements for bringing the Battery into | action, and the precautions to be observed thereupon. _ The first step towards bringing the Battery into action after all _ the preceding details have been completed, is to charge the cells with 1154 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. the exciting solutions. The membranous bag of the cylindrical Battery is to be filled with the dilute solution of vitriol, so that this may be in contact with the zinc rod, and the space between the membrane and the copper is to be charged with the saturated solution of blue stone. In using the rectangular Battery, it is necessary to soak the paste- board cases in the dilute solution of sulphate of soda, till they are thoroughly saturated. Each copper cell is then to be made about two- thirds full of the blue stone water, and subsequently the damped paste- boards are to be respectively inserted. The solution of soda is then to be poured inside the cases till the blue water rises to within an inch of the mouths of the cells, care being taken that no extensive inter- mixture of the two liquids takes place. In this case sulphate of soda is in contact with the zinc, and sulphate of copper with the copper elements of the battery. The cells having thus been charged, the small connecting cups are then to be partially filled with mercury, and to complete the circuit throughout the entire battery, the wire attached to zine No. 1, is made to dip into the cup of copper No. 2; the wire of zine No. 2 into the cup of copper No. 3; and thus the zines of the series are to be each connected with the adjoining coppers. By this arrangement, a copper cup is left vacant at one extremity of the battery, and a zinc wire unemployed at the other. These are usually called the poles, and through them the power of the battery is directed as occasion may demand. When the zine plates are new, the solutions well made, and the con- nections perfect, indications of activity may usually be obtained a few minutes after the battery has been charged. The junction of the two poles by means of a short piece of copper wire having one of its ex- tremities terminated by a small portion of very fine platinum or iron wire, will afford immediate proof of the circulation of the galvanic current, by the heating of the small wire to a degree dependent on the inten- sity of the action. Should it appear that the ignition is not so deci- ded as might be expected from the size of the battery, it is probable some accidental interruption has occurred within the circuit, and the action of part of the cells been thereby neutralized. To ascertain the locality of this interruption, the test-wire is to be retained in contact with one pole, and the platinum at its extremity made to communicate with each eS gt ae a ee ae ne 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1155 cell in succession, beginning with the most distant. Passing thus along the battery, the total cessation or marked diminution of the heat- ing power at any one point will indicate the accident to have taken place there, and on examination it will usually be found that either the connecting wires have slipped out of the mercury cups, or that their extremities have become corroded, and unfit for insuring perfect metal- lic contact, or that the connections have been imperfectly made. The removal of the impediments will be indicated by the full development of the power of the battery, in the intense ignition or fusion of the fine test-wire. When batteries of a considerable number of cells are employed, it increases materially their igniting power to make the cells act in pairs by connecting two zinc plates directly with two copper cells, so that they may act as one, but with double their former surface. Reference was formerly made to the propriety of occasionally amalgamating the zine plates and the extremities of the connecting wires. With the former this is effected by washing the surface of the zine with a weak solution of sulphuric acid, and then applying a little mercury, which immediately combines with the zinc, and renders its surface bright and smooth. Care must however be taken in handling plates after amalgamation, as they become exceedingly brittle. To amalgamate copper wire, the simplest plan is to brighten the surface, and then to rub the brightened portion with a piece of soft leather to which a little mercury has been made to adhere by means of a thin coat of tallow. After continuing the friction for a short time, adhesion of the mercury to the copper is effected. The mercury employed in these manipulations generally becomes impure, it may however be purified again sufficiently for use, by straining it through a piece of fine cloth of any kind, by which the dust &c. is removed. When the object for which the battery was put in action has been accomplished, the zinc plates should be immediately withdrawn from the pasteboard cases, and well washed with pure water till all the black deposit which will be found upon them is removed. Having recently had an opportunity of perusing Sir Michael Fara- day’s admirable “ Researches in Electricity,” I am indebted to that work for the following remarks relative to some farther precautions to 1156 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108. be observed in the use of the Galvanic Battery :—‘ Weak and exhausted charges, should never be used at the same time with strong and fresh ones in the different cells of a trough, or the different troughs of a battery ; the fluid in all the cells should be of the same strength, else the plates in the weaker cells, in place of assisting, retard the passage of the electricity generated in, and transmitted across the stronger cells.” “In the same manner, the association of strong and weak pairs of plates should be carefully avoided.” ‘“ The reversal, by ac- cident or otherwise, of the plates in a Battery has an exceedingly injurious effect. It is not merely the counteraction of the current which the reversed plates can produce, but their effect also in retarding, even as indifferent plates, and requiring decomposition on their surface in accordance with the course of the current, before the latter can pass, is very deleterious. I find in a series of four pairs of plates of zinc and platina in dilute sulphuric acid, if one pair be reversed, it very nearly neutralizes the power of the whole.” Another very serious impediment to the full action of the battery, is the deposition of copper on the surface of the zinc. This generally arises from the extensive intermixture of the solutions in consequence of imperfections in the partitions. Great attention ought therefore to be paid to keeping these water-tight at their edges, so that intermixture may only take place through the pores of the substance composing them. In my own | experience, I have occasionally found the entire igniting power of a large twelve cell battery lost, from the preceding cause, and I find Faraday repeatedly cautions us against it. Section 1V.—Of Conductors—their nature, uses, and modes of construction. When the Galvanic Battery is required to produce its igniting effects at a distance, as is the case in all mining operations, a path must be provided along which the generated current can find a ready and uninterrupted passage. Such a path is best furnished by metallic wires, the conducting power of the metals being very much superior to that of any other class of substances. Of the metals, copper is invariably preferred, in consequence,of its high conducting power, its | } 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1157 ductility, flexibility, and cheapness. The dimensions and other details connected with the conductors are determined by the nature of the circumstances under which they are to be employed, which may he classed under three heads :— I. When the conductors are simply led along the surface of the ground, as in blasting rocks in quarries. II. When the conductors are led under the surface of the ground, as in military mining. III. When the conductors are immersed in water, as in sub-aqueous mining operations, for the removal of sunken vessels, or rocks in the beds of navigable rivers, &c. In the first case, the conductors require no protection whatever, and may be formed of naked wires, care being however taken that while the operations are in progress, no metallic contact takes place between them. This might be effectually guarded against by inserting corks or pieces of wood between the two wires, at convenient intervals, through- out their length. Our information relative to the best arrangements for conductors employed in military mining operations is still very limited, a few experiments due to Colonel Pasley being all that has yet been published on this branch of the subject. It is only at establishments where military works are continually being executed, that facilities for experiments of this kind can be obtained, and it might be worth while on the part of Government to sanction a series of them, at the head- quarters of the Sappers and Miners at Delhi, where, during the practice season, all the requisite facilities would be readily available. Colonel Pasley employed the same conductors in his military mining expe- riments as in his sub-aqueous explosions; they were elaborately in- sulated by repeated applications of water-proof composition, tape, and spun yarn, as will be more fully described hereafter. Although I feel considerable hesitation in venturing to express an opinion on a strictly experimental point, I am yet inclined to believe that, especially in dry earth, the minimum of insulation will suffice; a single covering of tarred tape to each wire, would, I believe, prove effectual under such | circumstances. In the third and last case, when conductors are immersed in water, the arrangements for insuring their efficiency are necessarily more | UI 1158 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108. intricate. Water, especially when holding saline matters in solution, being a good conductor, its contact with the wires during the passage of a galvanic current would tend much to diminish the igniting power of this ; to prevent such an effect is therefore of primary importance in the formation of conductors for sub-aqueous operations. Colonel Pasley, to whose zeal practical science is so much indebted, has des- cribed a very effectual method for insuring the insulation of conducting [Fig. III. a.] wires. In his plan “A 14 inch new tarred rope of the intended length of the conducting wires is passed slowly through boiling Stockholm tar, which renders it impervious to water,—a necessary pro- cess, or the rope on becoming wet after the wires are attached to it, as described below, would shrink one foot in 100 feet, and draw the wires into kinks.” Two copper wires 5. each 20 feet longer than the rope, after being annealed, are separately coated with water-proof composi- tion (made by melting | tb. of pitch, 2 oz. of bees’ wax, and 2 oz. of tallow together, taking care that it never boils) and are covered with cotton tape, which is bound round the wire while the composition is hot. The wires are then bound to the rope by strong packthread, c. a turn being taken round each wire every time to prevent the d. possibility of their shifting. This being done, they are to be bound round again with coarse tape 14 inch wide, after another e. coating of composition has been laid on. Lastly, the whole must be served with new tarred yarn, and again paid over with the composition, when the process is complete. These arrangements, there ean be no doubt, would be most effective in preventing any water from reaching the wires, but the resulting conductor is objectionable on account of its very great weight, and the difficulty of managing it when its length is considerable, especially in situations where strong tides and currents [Fig. V.] are to be contended against. In a modification of this plan, adopted in some experiments in Fort William, to be subsequently detailed, the preceding objections were, to a considerable extent, a. removed. The rope and coatings with tape were entirely dis- pensed with, the wires were each served with tarred rope yarn, over 6. which a coat of dammer and grease was laid, the two wires were then lashed together by rope yarn, another coat of composition applied, and the conductor was complete. Five hundred feet of conductor, or one thousand feet of wire were thus prepared, immersed in salt water, IS inl ok to — rie es Ws } 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1159 subjected to great strains, and were found most effective. The only objection to the plan arose from the tendency of the thick wire to break, and difficulty of reaching the fracture in consequence of the strong adhesion of the insulating material to the wire. This of course admits of being readily obviated by annealing the wire, or employing a rope of small wires, instead of one thick one. Another method for making conductors for sub-aqueous explosions [Fig. 1V.] characterised by great simplicity, and possessing several im- portant advantages, has been suggested by Dr. O’Shaughnessy. In this a. only one wire is insulated, by passing it through a series of corks, which are subsequently coated with water-proof composition, and wrapped round with wax cloth, or some other impervious substance. b. The second wire remains unprotected, and is simply tied with twine to the corks. The chief objection to which, in practice, this plan has been found subject, has arisen from the breaking of the corks across, and the consequent exposure of the insulated wire to metallic contact e. with the other, or with adjoining substances. This objection might be removed by serving the corks round with yarn, which, without destroying the buoyancy they possess, would effectually remove the danger of accidental contact, or by covering the wire with tape and water-proof composition, prior to its being passed through the corks. In all cases, however, in which charges are employed at great depths, more perfect insulation than this plan affords would, it is con- ceived, be essential. Under pressure, the corks become saturated with water, and the consequence is that there is then no actual insula- tion of the wire. To form a perfect conductor, the plan for entire insulation ought therefore to be adapted for that portion of the wires passing vertically downwards, and the corks should be used for the horizontal portion; lightness and buoyancy will thus be combined _ with complete insulation of that part where insulation is essential, and all risk of failure from accidental metallic contact, or diminution of the heating power of the battery, avoided. The length of conductors is regulated by the limits of danger from the effects of the explosions, beyond which it is essential to the securi- ty of those engaged in the operations, that they should extend. This limit will necessarily vary under varying circumstances, and cannot _ always be determined with perfect accuracy. In blasting rocks and 1160 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. military mining, where the charges are carefully calculated to produce certain definite effects, the limit of danger may generally be known, or at least easily determined, but where large sur-charges are employ- ed, experience is still required to shew accurately the extent to which their effects will reach. On this point Capt. Fitzgerald, in his report on the operations for destroying the ‘‘ Equitable,” remarks, “the limit of actual danger with a charge of 2050 tbs. of powder, in a depth of thirty feet of water, may from such experience as this single instance affords, be calculated as something beyond 120 feet. At 200 feet it is conceived that a person in a substantial boat would be perfectly safe, alike from the effects of the waves and the fragments of the wreck ;” but should the charge be fired directly from a boat, he recommends “ that for charges of the above description, the main conductors should not be less than 250 feet in length.” These remarks must of course be received with the caution required by the limited experience on which they are founded, but they will furnish some standard to which, under similar circumstances, reference can be made. The depth of water most materially influences the limit of danger, which rapidly diminishes as that increases. In Colonel Pasley’s operations at Spithead, when the depth was about ninety feet, the limit of danger appears to have been scarcely beyond fifty or sixty feet, although the charges ranged between 2000 and 2500 ibs., and instead of a lofty column of water being thrown up, the elevation of the surface over the charge appears to have been but slight, and the visible disturbance comparatively trifling. In long conductors, it is impossible to have the wires continuous throughout, and the proper formation of the junctions is of essential consequence to their efficiency. The ends of the wires to be connect- ed should either be strongly brazed together, or if this may be impracti- cable, they should be twisted together in the smallest possible twists for a length of at least six inches. A few turns, or imperfect contact, should never be considered sufficient, as such connections diminish the igniting power of a battery most seriously, while, on the other hand, well made junctions do not perceptibly affect it. To prove this, a thin wire, 1-20th of an inch in diameter, and 100 feet in length, was taken, and the minimum number of cells required to ignite dry saltpetre cloth as- certained. When the experiments commenced, five junctions existed in the conductor itself, while there were two more at the poles of the 1840. | The Galvanic Battery 1161 battery, and other two at the extremities to which the platinum igniting wire was attached. With these nine junctions, five cells of a battery 14 by 1 caused saltpetre cloth to ignite, but four cells were not able to effect this. New junctions were made at the termination of each experiment, till from nine they extended to twenty-four, and still the same strength of battery sufficed to insure the ignition. The junc- tions were carefully made, and the contact rendered as perfect as possible. ’ When the distance from which a charge is to be fired is increased, either the strength of the battery, or the diameter of the wires employed, must be increased also. The exact proportion existing between these increments has not yet been decided, and the results of experience, as far as it has extended, must on this point guide our proceedings. Colonel Pasley states that with a battery of 10 cylinders, 21 inches high and 34 inches in diameter, having zinc rods 21 inches long and one inch in diameter, he invariably succeeded in igniting charges at 500 feet distance with copper wires 1-5th of an inch in diame- ter. The following experiments were made in Fort William with a bat- tery of the rectangular form, consisting of 12 cells, each 14 inches square on the sides, having edge and bottom pieces 14” by 4.’ The zine plates were new and unamalgamated, the pasteboard cases in good order. The solution of sulphate of copper in the proportion of 1 of salt to 3 of water, the sulphate of soda 1 salt to 8 water. The quantity of the former in each cell was 24 tbs. by measure, of the latter 3 tb., and the battery was found to be in excellent action a few minutes after the solutions were poured in. ‘The igniting effect was as- certained by bringing a small piece of platinum wire, forming part of the circuit, in contact first with dry cloth saturated with saltpetre, and afterwards with fine dry Dartford powder. Experiment 1. The length of the circuit in this experiment was 300 feet, each conductor being 105 feet long, and composed of three strands of copper wire, each 1-20th of an inch in thickness, twisted like a rope. With four cells immediate ignition of saltpetre cloth was effected, but with three cells it was not till after some time, that the same effect was produced. With four cells the powder ignited readily, but I found it impossible to effect ignition with only three cells. 1162 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. Experiment 2. The same conductors reduced to 50 feet. 2 cells produced immediately ignition of the cloth. 1 cell singed the cloth, and made it black, but could not ignite it. 2 cells caused the powder to explode directly. 1 cell caused the powder to smoke, but could not ignite it. Experiment 3. Conductors of single wires, 1-20th of an inch in diameter and 50 feet in length each, were now employed, and the following results obtained :— 4 cells ignited saltpetre cloth immediately. 3 cells merely singed it. 4 cells ignited powder immediately. 3 cells had no effect whatever. Experiment 4. The same conductors were employed, but thin brass wire was substituted for platinum. 5 cells caused the ignition of saltpetre cloth. 6 cells ditto of powder. This experiment involves a question of some importance; viz. the substitution of some other material for platinum, which in this country is most exorbitantly expensive. An interesting series of experiments might be made on this point, by which our resources could not fail to be increased. With the full power of a 12 cell Battery, I have frequently ignited charges of powder in water, at distances varying from 450 to 500 feet, employing insulated conductors; and by such a Battery was the final destruction of the ‘‘ Equitable” effected, where the conductors were 150 feet in length, 120 of which were placed horizontally, the remaining 30 vertically in the water. Before concluding this Section, it may be well to describe some expedients which, under certain circumstances, have been employed for the purpose of diminishing the lengths of conductors. The idea of effecting the completion of the galvanic circuit by means ofa self-acting mechanical arrangement, appears to have originated with Mr. Martyn Roberts, who claims to have been one of the first who applied the Battery to useful purposes. With the details of Mr. Roberts’ apparatus employed in his blasting experiments in Craig Leith Quarry, I am not sufficiently conversant to be able to describe it, but in blasting, such 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1163 an apparatus would seldom, if ever, be necessary. It is in removing obstructions to river navigation, where strong tides and currents are to be contended with, making it essential that the conductors employed should be reduced to their minimum length, that self-acting dis- chargers may be employed to the greatest advantage. We are indebted to Dr. W. B. O’Shaughnessy for an ingenious plan for such a [Fig. VI.] discharger, of which the following are the details. The dis- charger consists of two distinct parts, having distinct offices, one being intended for completing the circuit, and effecting the ignition of the powder, the other for breaking the circuit, should any accident delay the explosion, and so rendering it perfectly safe to approach the Battery, and if possible ascertain and remove the cause of failure. These two objects [Fig. VI.] are effected by causing wires to pass, as shewn in diagram No. 6, into four glass tubes partially filled with mercury. Over these, fixed in a small wooden framework, is placed a watch, for the hands of which a thin piece of sheet copper is substituted. This is fixed on the arbor of the hands, and each extremity carries, suspended from a short arm, a copper wire, bent like the letter U. The length of the legs designed for completing the circuit is so regulated, that on the copper hand being set to any specified number of minutes, they will not come in contact with the mercury in the tubes till that time has elapsed. Mean- while the legs of the other wire have been immersed in the mercury of their tubes, but if the circuit is completed without ignition, then the copper hand continuing to traverse the dial of the watch in four or five minutes more lifts them out, breaks the metallic continuity of the circuit, and thus effectully prevents all risk in approaching the Battery. This form of discharger was successfully employed on the occasion of the first explosion of the ‘“‘ Equitable” in the river Hooghly, but it was then apparent that the utmost delicacy was requisite in making its adjustment. This delicacy and minuteness of detail must always prove serious defects in any form of apparatus employed in practical operations, in which so many risks of derangement are incurred, and in the case of the watch-discharger, the expense is an additional objection. The idea of employing such an apparatus, having however been sug- gested, there was comparatively little difficulty in designing a form of it which should not be liable to the preceding objections, and one was accordingly contrived, which was successfully employed throughout the remaining operations for destroying the “ Equitable.” The principle of 1164 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. this will readily be understood by a reference to Diagram No. 7, by {Fig. VII.] which it will be seen that only two mercurial tubes, with one bent wire, are employed. The wire ¢. c. suspended with its legs dipping a little way into the tubes, is attached by means of a thin metallic chain and hook to a loop of string (saturated either in saltpetre or powder, so as to make it readily combustible) which passes through the composition of a portfire a. from which, prior to its being fixed in the wooden stand, part of the paper casing has been removed, as shewn at h. h. This portfire burning down, ignites the combustible string, and the bent wire falls by its own weight into the mercury, thus completing the circuit. Should any accident delay the explosion, then another portfire 6. calculated to burn four or five minutes longer than a. discharges a weight d. d. attached to it by means of a loop of string, rendered combustible as before. This weight on falling, raises the bent wire to which it is fixed by means of a thin chain, completely out of the tubes, and thus effectually breaks the circuit. On the first occasion on which this portfire stand was employed, it was discovered that the composition of the portfire a. just as it burnt out, fell into the tubes and checked the free action of the apparatus, but this was immediately afterwards rectified by the addition of a small copper plate e. for the portfire to rest upon, in the centre of which an aperture was pierced, just large enough to admit of the combustible string passing through. Throughout the very exten- sive series of experiments, which was made to test the action of the apparatus prior to its employment, on the occasion of the final demolition of the “‘ Equitable,” no instance occurred in which the com- position, even in the smallest quantity, fell into the mercurial tubes, and this result was the more satisfactory, as some considered the above defect fatal to the practical utility of the plan. Its susceptibility of derangement was severely tested on the day of the explosion, as the water was very rough, and the wind high, so that the boat in which the apparatus was fixed, was continually coming in collision with the neighbouring row-boats, and although large quantities of the solutions of the batteries were thrown out in consequence, no part of the port- fire stand was in the least degree disturbed, its subsequent action being as complete as could have been wished. The expence of the portfire stand is extremely trifling, as it may be made of any old materials which may be available. —— 1840. } The Galvanic Battery. 1165 Section V.—Of the Application of the Galvanic Battery in Blasting Rocks. The arrangements necessary for the employment of the Battery in blasting operations, are exceedingly simple. The blast hole having been prepared, and the charge introduced, the igniting wires must be inlaid in a conical piece of wood, and fixed in the grooves prepared for them by a thin wedge of wood, as shewn in Diagram No. & The [Fig VIII. a.] igniting wires projecting about an inch beyond the base, or larger end of the cone, must be connected by a fine platinum or iron wire, and round this a cartridge of finer priming powder must be placed. The cone is then to be inserted in the blast hole, and by gently pressing it down and turning it round, the larger end should be made to rest on the charge. A tamping of small fragments of rock must then be poured in over the cone, and the whole arrangements are complete. The main conductors should then be attached to the priming wires, and on the circuit being completed at the Battery explosion will ensue. In the event of the common methods of tamping being employed, it would perhaps be the best plan to continue the use of the priming needle, and have an open communication from the surface through the tamping to the charge. The priming wires, inlaid in Opposite sides of a bamboo, could then be introduced, and the igniting wire placed in direct contact with the powder of the charge. Had there been satisfactory grounds for believing sand a good tamping material, the use of the battery would have been much facilitated, as it would only have been necessary to pour the sand into the blast hole after the wires had been properly arranged; but I have in another place detailed some experiments, which, as far as they extend, militate against the employment of this material in blasting, and confirm Colonel Pasley’s previously expressed unfavourable opinion of it.* For blasting rocks under water, a very slight modification of the existing plan will admit of the use of the Battery. The tin case in [Fig. IX. a.] which the charge is to be lodged, must be made with a collar about three inches high, and 14 inch in diameter. A wooden plug 6, must be turned to fit closely into this collar, and grooves + * Professional Papers of the Madras Engineers, Vol. I. (mo. 1166 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. of an inch deep, cut on its opposite sides. These grooves c. are then partially filled, either with common sealing wax or dammer, and the priming wires, previously heated, are made to bury themselves in this. The wax being again softened, a strip of wood is to be forced into each groove over the wire, and every aperture through which the water _ could force its way, is thus closed. The plug having its inlaid wires con- nected by the igniting wire, and having a small cartridge attached, must then be driven into the collar of the case, and it only remains to con- nect the priming wires with the main conductors, lower the charge into the blast hole, and complete the circuit. An arrangement like the pre- ceding was employed in an attempt to fire a charge of powder at the bottom of an artesian well in Fort William, and although the pressure of the water was so great that case after case was burst, yet on no occasion could it be discovered that the water had reached the charge through the plug. A coating of sealing wax, and a tin cap, protected the exterior end of the plug, and prevented the water from passing through the pores of the wood, but this was rendered necessary only by the great depth of water, which was nearly 480 feet. In some operations, as those for deepening the Pambaum Passage, [Fig. X.] common quart bottles have been used to contain the charges, and when the depth is moderate, I have found, by a great many experi- ments, that if the priming wires in these are carefully passed through good corks, driven home and coated exteriorly with water-proof com- position, the Battery seldom fails to insure their explosion. Section VI.—Of the Application of the Galvanic Battery in Opera- tions for removing Sunken Vessels from the Channels of Rivers, &e. &e. The great value of the Galvanic Battery as an addition to the resources of the engineer, has in no instance been so fully demon- strated as in operations for removing the wrecks of vessels from the channels of navigable rivers, &c. Every one who has obtained his experience from actual practice in such operations, will be ready to bear testimony to the uncertainty, the danger, and the expense of the arrangements previously necessary for effecting the ignition of the 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1167 sub-aqueous charges. The employment of the Galvanic Battery as the igniting agent, removes, to a great extent, these objections, and although, in sub-aqueous operations it is at present next to impossible to foresee and provide against every source of failure, yet the probabi- lities are now strongly in favour of success, whereas formerly they inclined in the opposite direction. Every successive series of opera- tions wili furnish us with new information, and every failure of which the cause is detected, will point out to us new precautions, so that in time we may expect to see the arrangements for employing the battery so fully matured in all their details, as to illuminate entirely those sources of accident, which in the existing state of our practical acquaintance with the subject, are so apt to escape undetected. An object of primary importance in all sub-aqueous explosions, is to render the cylinder in which the charge is to be placed, perfectly water- tight; for, as Colonel Pasley remarks, ‘if there be even so much as a pin hole to admit the water, it will inevitably reach the powder. The material of which the cylinder must be made, will be determined by the depth of water over it. For any depth less than 50 feet, experience warrants me in stating, that a cylinder of wood, prepared like a common cask, bound with iron hoops, having staves an inch thick, and carefully coated exteriorly with sheet lead, will be found effective. Such a cask or cylinder, five feet nine inches long, three feet eight inches bulge diameter, and three feet three and a half inches end diameter, was on one occasion of failure during the operations against the “‘ Equitable,” left at the bottom of the river Hooghly, under a pres- sure of fifty-one feet of water, for twenty-six hours, and on being raised and immediately opened, it was found that the entire charge of 2050 tbs. of powder it contained, was as dry and serviceable as when it was originally put in, and was in fact the identical powder with which, a fortnight afterwards, the final demolition of the vessel was effected. This may be considered sufficient to shew that within depths of fifty feet, wooden cylinders cased with sheet lead, can with safety be employ- ed. With a depth of ninety feet Colonel Pasley appears to have found it necessary to have recourse to wrought iron cylinders, but the limit at which the employment of wood becomes impracticable, has not yet been ascertained. We must wait the results of other experiments ere any decided opinions can be expressed; but Iam inclined to think that 1168 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. when the depth exceeds sixty-five feet, a wrought iron cylinder will be found necessary. For the priming apparatus, the following will, I conceive, be found [Fig. XI.] the safest, and most simple plan. The priming wires a. must be inlaid in grooves on opposite sides of a circular rod of teak wood, 6. about 1’ 3’ long, in the manner formerly described (when detailing the experiments in Fort William) with sealing wax and wedges, c. An iron tube, formed of a part of an old gun-barrel, about 1’ long, and having an iron flange 4’’ square, carefully soldered upon it d. at about three inches from one extremity, must be prepar- ed, and into this the teak rod with its inlaid wires must be carefully driven, till one end is flush with the exterior end of the tube, or that nearest to the flange. Over this must then be laid a thick coating e. of melted sealing wax, which both prevents the water forcing its way through the pores of the wood, and also keeps the priming wires at their points of issue from metallic contact with each other. The interior extremities of the priming wires, f- must then be connected by the igniting platinum wire, which it has always, as far as my experience goes, been found necessary to solder to the copper with gold solder. A small cartridge of fine dry Dartford or mealed powder, must then be placed in immediate contact with the platinum. The apparatus might now be introduced into the cylinder, and by means of the flange and screws, fixed there; but it is of much importance to have the means of insulating the priming from the main charge, so that in the event of water penetrating to the one, it may not communicate with the other, and it is also very desirable to have the means of inserting and withdrawing the priming apparatus with facility, so as to rectify any accidental derangement which may take plate, and these two objects are fully effected by the following plan, g. due to Capt. Fitzgerald. A metallic protecting case is pro- vided for the priming apparatus, and made a fixture within the cylinder f. At its mouth a fine screw, at least an inch in length, is made, and on the iron tube, immediately beneath the flange, there must be cut a corresponding screw. By these means the priming apparatus can be screwed in, or removed at pleasure. In finally fixing it in the cylinder, washers of leather covered with white lead must be placed beneath its flange, and the small fixing screws must be carefully 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. | 1169 brought home. Over all a disc of sheet lead, must be soldered, &. and the arrangements of the cylinder, with the exception of the loading, are then complete. The latter is to be effected by setting the cylin- der on one end, and pouring in the powder through an aperture, about an inch in diameter, in the other. This aperture must after- wards be filled by a wooden plug, and all the stray grains of powder being carefully removed, a piece of sheet lead must be soldered over it. It is an object of some importance to those conducting sub-aqueous operations, to be enabled at any time to assure themselves that the interior circuit of the wires is complete, without being obliged to with- draw the priming apparatus itself. Col. Pasley recommends that this should be done by introducing a portion of slightly acidulated water inté the circuit, and noting whether decomposition occurs ; but this is a most dangerous plan, and ought never to be adopted. The decomposition of a single grain of water, according to Faraday’s recent researches, requires a current of electricity sufficiently strong to keep a platinum _ wire 1-104th of an inch in diameter and eight inches* long, at a dull red heat as long as the decomposition is in progress, the guantity of elec- tricity maintained undiminished. The platinum wire we employ is considerably thicker than the preceding, but still the risk of premature explosion by Colonel Pasley’s plan is very great. The danger is removed by employing a very weak galvanic circle and a galvanomeier, but as the latter can seldom be met with in this country in its perfect form, I may be permitted, before concluding this section, to describe a simple substitute for it, employed during the operations against the “‘ Equitable” [Fig. XII.] safely and successfully. A piece of copper wire about 1-12th of an inch in diameter, and fourteen feet long, was coiled on a rectangular wooden frame-work, a. 6'’ long, 3’ broad, and 1’’ deep, care being taken to preserve the metallic coils throughout from mutual contact, 56. The magnetic needle of a small theodolite was then mounted on the point of a common needle, fixed in a thin wooden stand. On placing this within the frame-work, with the coils passing above and beneath it, and directing a galvanic current excited by the * The above length is stated merely to give some definite idea of the danger incur- red ; but Faraday states that if the wire were a hundred or a thousand inches in length, and the cooling circumstances alike, the same effect would be produced as if it were no more than half an inch. 1170 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. insertion of a circle, composed of a single piece of copper and zinc, each 2” by 1’, into a glass of very slightly acidulated water, through the wire, the needle was immediately affected. Sometimes it merely trembled violently on its pivot ; at other times its deflection was con- siderable, and it never failed to indicate the passing of a current when the circuit was complete. It is only therefore necessary to make the apparatus to be tested a part of the circuit, and if it does not interrupt the circulation of the current, the same appearances will be observed. The cylinder is lowered to its position near the wreck to be de- stroyed by means of rope slings and guys. It is usually slung under the bows of a vessel, having davits or fixed pulleys, through which the suspension ropes are led. At the time appointed for lowering the cylinder, this vessel is moored directly over the wreck, the bows being just over the spot destined for the cylinder, and the lowering is effected by gradually allowing the suspenders to glide over the davits till it is felt that the bottom of the river has been reached. A very simple and ingenious plan for insuring the descent of the cylinder in a horizontal position has been suggested by Capt. Bowman, and consists in marking the two suspending ropes at intervals of a foot or eighteen inches apart. By noting these marks, which are alike at corresponding distances in each suspender, the position of the cylinder can imme- diately be seen, and if one end is lower than the other, the proper correction can be made. On connecting the main conductors with the priming wires, the greatest possible care must be taken to ensure perfect contact through- out the junctions. Over each junction a piece of wax cloth or canvas should be wrapped, so as to prevent any contact of the conducting wires at those points, and it is sometimes advisable to lash a rough wooden case over the whole of this part of the apparatus. Section VII.—On the Theory of the Galvanic Battery. The first step towards the establishment of Galvanism as a branch of physical science, was made by Galvani, Professor of Anatomy at Bo- logna, in the year 1790. The accidental observation of certain muscu- Jar contractions in the limbs of a frog lying in the immediate vicinity 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1171 of an active electrical machine, and the subsequent discovery that the same movements were produced by touching the limbs with two pieces of different metals, led him to announce that he had discovered a new kind of electricity resident in the muscles of animals. This announce- ment caused great excitement among men of science at the time, and Galvani’s experiments were repeated, with various modifications, in all parts of Europe, being viewed with much curiosity, and giving rise to numerous speculations. The convulsions in the limbs of the frog only took place, it was observed, while sparks passed from the machine, and this fact therefore proved no more than that the muscles or nerves, or the two together, formed a very sensitive indicator of electrical action. It is on the subsequent remark, that by the contact of dissimilar metals, the same convulsions were produced, the science of Galvanism is founded. The theory by which Galvani accounted for the phenomena he had discovered, was that the electricity originating in the brains of animals is distributed to every part of their systems, and resides especially in the muscles. The different parts of each muscular fibril he conceived to be in opposite states of electrical excitement, and the contractions to be produced whenever the electric equilibrium was restored. This during life was effected through the medium of the nerves, and after death by the intervention of metallic conductors. To the metals themselves he traced none of the peculiar effects produced, considering them quite passive, and only necessary as furnishing channels of conduction for the animal electricity. These opinions of Galvani were very decidedly opposed, and foremost among his opponents stood Alex. Volta, Professor of Natural Philoso- phy at Pavia. By him it was maintained that the electricity was developed entirely by the contact of the two metals, and that the muscular convulsions were merely the effects of the passage of the electricity, thus developed, through the nerves and muscles of the animal. The views of Volta were far clearer and more distinct than those of Galvani, and to him belongs the true credit of having called into being the science, which in compliment to him, has been called Voltaic electricity as well as Galvanism. The latter is perhaps ‘the more common of the two, and I have therefore retained it in this paper, but it must be remarked, that the term Galvanic Battery 1172 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108. involves an anachronism, since this instrument was invented some time after the promulgation of Galvani’s experiments, and no portion whatever of the credit due to its invention can be claimed for him, it being the result of original and independent investigations by his opponent Volta. In explaining the action of the Battery, Volta assumed that during the whole time the two dissimilar metals were in contact, a certain force was in constant operation, tending to effect. the transfer of electricity from the one metal to the other. To this he gave the name of electro-motive force. Thus when zinc, and copper are in contact the alleged operation of this force is to impel the electricity from the copper to the zinc, so as to maintain the latter in a posi- tive state relative to the former, which is itself in this case negative. If therefore the redundant electricity of the zinc be by any means carried off, and the deficiency of the electricity of the copper be supplied from other sources, the electro-motive force will immediately renew this difference of condition, and thus maintain a continual eurrent of electric power, flowing always in the same direction. The office of the fluid in a Battery, according to Volta’s theory, is simply to conduct the electricity from one metal to the other, and its conduct- ing power determines the effective quantity of electricity which actually circulates in the Battery. The force ultimately generated was conceived to be the sum of all the forees acting in each cell separately, since the impulses given by the electro-motive force to the circu- lating electricity, were all in the same direction, and each added its effect to that of the preceding ones. Hence then the interposition of any substance between the two poles of a Battery subjected it to the influence of this powerful electric current. The chemical action of the fluid on either of the metal plates was considered by Volta as in no way connected with the origin of the electricity developed, and his theory consequently took no cognizance whatever of its existence. It was soon however observed, that in thus neglecting chemical action, Volta had committed an important, indeed a fundamental error, since it was found that the quantity of Galvanic effect was always in propor- tion to the energy of the chemical action, and that the extent of surface of contact between the metals, had no relation to the quantity of elec- tricity developed. It was farther found, that metals did not invariably stand in the same electrical relation to each other, but that this rela- 18-40. | The Galvanic Battery. 1173 tion was determined by the chemical properties of the fluid, with which they were placed in contact. Facts like these were quite irreconcil- able with Volta’s hypothesis, and pointed clearly to the very important relation which obtained between the chemical action of the fluid on the immersed metals, and the development of the Galvanic energy. Dr. Wollaston, by whom chiefly Volta’s theory was shewn to be untenable, conceived that the current of electricity was originally determined by the oxidation of the zinc, that the fluid of the circle served both to oxidise the zinc and to conduct the electricity which was excited, and that the contact between the plates served only to conduct electricity, and thereby complete the circuit. ‘Succeeding philosophers, did not receive Dr. Wollaston’s views as thus stated, and Sir Humphry Davy proposed another theory intermediate between that of Volta and the preceding. He adduced many experiments in support of Volta’s state- ment, that the electric equilibrium, is disturbed by the contact of differ- ent substances, without any chemical action taking place between them. He acknowledged however with Wollaston, that the chemical changes contribute to the general result, and he maintained that though not the primary movers of the electric current, they are essential to the conti- nued and energetic action of every Voltaic circle. The electric excite- ment was begun, he thought, by metallic contact, and maintained by chemical action. Such was the state of the question, when, in 1834, Sir Michael Faraday undertook the investigation of the source of the electricity in the Voltaic or Galvanic Battery. The contradictory evidence, the equilibrium of opinion, and the variation and combination of theory, which he found to characterise the labours of all preceding writers on this subject, forced him to repeat and examine the facts stated, and use his own judgment upon them in preference to receiving that of others. His previous discoveries of the identity of electricity and chemical affi- nity, of the power derived from the action of the Battery, with the power to be overcome in any body subjected to its influence, gave him the means of examining the question with advantages not before possessed by any, and of which he has made such admirable use, that doubt can no longer be said to obscure the subject. - Faraday had always coincided in opinion with those who maintained, that action of the Battery was continued by chemical action, and that ao ~ 1174 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. the supply constituting the current was almost entirely derived from that source, but whether metallic contact or chemical action originated and determined the current, was by no means clear to him. To set this point at rest, was therefore the first step in his investigations, and seeing no reason if metallic contact was not essential, why true decom- position by an electric current should not be produced without it, even in a simple circuit composed of two pieces of metal and an interposed fluid, he accordingly instituted some beautiful experiments under this impression, and persevering, ultimately succeeded in obtaining the most satisfactory evidence that metallic contact was not necessary to the production of the Galvanic current. This was farther aptly proved by referring to the spark which appears when the wires of a pair of plates in vigorous action are brought in contact with each other. This spark is occasioned by the electricity passing through a thin stra- tum of air, and its production proves that electro-motion really occur- red while the wires were separated, and anterior to any actual contact between them being the result of the action of pure, unmixed chemical forces. From his experiments, Faraday accordingly felt warranted in con- cluding that the electricity of the Voltaic pile is not dependant, either in its origin or its continuance, upon the contact of the dissimilar metals with each other; that it is entirely due to chemical action, is proportionate in its zntensity to the intensity of the affinities concern- ed in its production, and in its quantity to the quantity of matter which has been chemically active during its evolution. Thus when zinc, copper, and dilute sulphuric acid are used, it is the union of the © zinc with the oxygen of the water which determines the current, and though the acid is essential to the removal of the oxide so formed, in order that another portion of zinc may act on another portion of water, it does not, by combination with that oxide, produce any sensible portion of the current of electricity which circulates : for the quantity of electricity is dependent on the quantity of zinc oxidised, and in defi- nite proportion to it: its intensity is in proportion to the intensity of the chemical affinity of the zinc for the oxygen under the circumstances, and is scarcely, if at all, affected by the use either of strong or weak acid. But in considering this oxidation or other direct action upon the metal itself, as the cause and source of the electric current, it is of the utmost 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1175 importance to observe, that the oxygen or other body must be ina state of combination, and not only so, but combined in such proportions as will constitute a substance capable of decomposition, since without decomposition the transmission of a current cannot take place. The presence of such a substance is therefore essential to the action of a Voltaic circuit, and so intimate is the connection between its decompo- sition and power of transmitting a current, that if the one be checked, the other is checked also, and if the one be stopped entirely, the other stops with it. No Voltaic Battery has been constructed in which the chemical action is that only of combination ; decomposition is always included, and is, according to Faraday’s belief, an essential chemical part. But as the quantity of electricity set in motion by the decomposi- tion of a certain quantity of anelectrolytes or decomposable substance, is definite in its action, and cannot by any means be increased beyond a fixed limit, it is evident that the action of each cell of a Battery is not to increase the quantity, but the intensity of the current circulating. A single pair of zinc and platinum plates throws as much electricity into the form of a current by the oxidation of 32°5 grains of zinc, as would be circulated by the same alteration of a thousand times that quantity, or nearly Stbs. of metal oxidised at the surfaces of the zinc plates of a 1000 pairs, placed in regular Battery order, because at each cell, the quantity of electricity is expended in producing the decompo- sition of its equivalent of the exciting electrolyte, without which de- composition, as was before remarked, the current could not circulate at all. Hence then the action of each cell is to impel forward the quan- tity of electricity due to the oxidation of the zinc in any one cell, and thereby to exalt that peculiar property of the current, which we de- signate intensity, without increasing the quantity beyond that due to the zinc oxidised in that one cell. The waste of power in our com- mon Batteries, in which the zinc of commerce is used, is so enormous as to be almost incredible. Faraday asserts that the chemical action of a grain of water upon four grains of zine can evolve electricity equal in quantity to that of a powerful thunder-storm, and that with zine and platinum wires one-eighteenth of an inch in diameter, and about half an inch long, dipped in dilute sulphuric acid, so weak as not to be sensibly sour to the tongue, more electricity will be evolved in 1176 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. one-twentieth of a minute, than any man would willingly allow to pass through his body at once. The loss with ordinary zine appears to arise from portions of copper, lead, cadmium, and other metals being set free on its surface by the action of the dilute acid, and these being in contact with the zinc, form small, but very active Voltaic circles, which cause great destruction of the zinc, and in the same proportion as they serve to discharge or convey the electricity back to the zinc, do they diminish its power of producing an electric current, which shall extend to a greater distance across the acid, and be discharged only through the copper or platinum plate which is associated with it, for the purpose of forming a Voltaic apparatus. These evils are remedied entirely by adopting that process of amalga- mation of the zine described in a former section of this paper, by which its surface is brought into one uniform condition, and those differences of character between one spot and another, which are essential to the formation of the minute Voltaic circles, above alluded to, effectually prevented. _ Hence the full equivalent of electricity is obtained for the zine oxidised, and a Battery so constructed is only active while the poles, or, as Faraday calls them, the electrodes, are in connection, ceas- ing toact, or be acted on, the moment this connection is broken. The superiority of the amalgamated zinc is farther due to the state of the solu- tion in contact with it, for as the unprepared zinc acts directly and alone upon the fluid, which the amalgamated does not, the former by the oxide it produces quickly neutralises the acid in contact with its surface, so that, the progress of oxidation is retarded, whilst at the sur- face of the amalgamated zinc, any oxide formed is rapidly removed by the free acid present, and the clean metallic surface is always ready to act with fall energy on the water. | When an amalgamated zinc plate is immersed in dilute sulphuric acid, the force of chemical affinity exerted between the metal and the fluid, is not sufficiently powerful to cause sensible action at the surfaces of contact, and occasion the decomposition of water by the oxidation of the metal, but it zs sufficiently powerful to produce such a condition of the electricity (or the power upon which chemical affinity depends, ) as would produce a current, if there were a path open for it. Now the presence of a piece of copper touching both the zinc and the fluid opens such a path, and its direct communication with the zine is far 1840. | _ The Galvanic Battery. 1177 more effectual than any connection formed between that metal and it by means of any decomposable bodies or electrolytes, because when they are used, the chemical affinities between them and the zinc pro- duce a contrary and opposing effect to that which is influential in the dilute acid; or if that opposing action be but small, still the affinity of their component parts for each other has to be overcome, for they cannot conduct without suffering decomposition, and this decomposition is found experimentally to re-act upon the forces which in the acid tend to produce the current, and in some cases entirely to neutralise them. Where direct contact of the copper and zinc takes place, these obstructing forces are not brought into action, and therefore the pro- duction and circulation of the electric current are highly favoured. Hence the cause of the very great importance-of metallic contact in the Voltaic Battery. The liquid in the cells of the Battery has the power of retarding the circulation of the electricity generated, and it acts injuriously in greater or less proportion, according to the quantity of it between the zinc and copper plates, or, in other words, according to the distances between their surfaces. Hence then the reason of the great increase of power obtained by approximating the two metals, and Faraday states that not only is this power greater on the instant, but also that the sum of the transferable power in relation to the whole sum of the che- mical action at the plates is much increased. Double coppers owe their advantages in part to the same cause, but derive their superiority chiefly from the circumstance that they virtually double the acting surface of the zinc, or nearly so, the action on both sides of the metal being converted into transferable force, and the power of the Battery, as to the guantity of electricity evolved, highly exalted in consequence. The cause of the heat excited during the passage of a Voltaic current, remains still enveloped in considerable obscurity, and a more intimate acquaintance with the modes of action of electrical forces will be required, ere the difficulty can be fully removed. Uncertain as we still are of the precise nature of the electric current, the conclusion that the ultimate atoms of matter are in some way endowed or asso- ciated with electrical powers, is forced upon us by nearly all the great facts of the science. The researches of Faraday have led him to notice the truly enormous quantity of this electrical power, associated with 1178 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108. these particles, and he has found, on evidence to which it is difficult to refuse our assent, that no less than 800,000 charges of a Leyden Battery consisting of fifteen large jars, charged by thirty turns of a powerful Plate Electrical Machine in excellent order, are required to produce electricity sufficient to decompose one single grain of water into its elementary constituents! That the heat developed by the action of a Battery, is due to the mutual electrical action of the particles of matter thus highly charged, was originally suggested by Berzelius, the cele- brated Swedish chemist, and of this idea Faraday, in the seventh series of his researches, speaks with great commendation, but in the succeed- ing series, he finds reason to modify his praise, and states that the heat or light exhibit but a small portion of the electric power which acts, and “are merely incidental results, incomparably small in relation to the forces concerned, and supplying no information of the way in which the particles are active on each other, or in which their forces are final- ly arranged. Such being therefore the state of doubt in which the immediate cause of the development of heat by the Voltaic current is involved, I do not dwell longer upon the point; but I cannot close this section without briefly adverting to the very beautiful and comprehensive theory proposed by Faraday to explain the varied phenomena of conduction and discharge, as well as many others to which, as being unconnected with the subject of this paper, I do not allude. The division of bodies into conductors and non-conductors, or insula- tors, is nearly contemporaneous with the origin of the science of electri- city itself, and the states of conduction and insulation have in all electrical theories been assumed as essentially different, although no one has ever shewn in what their difference consists. By a series of most beautiful experiments, Faraday has however shewn indisputably that they are only extreme degrees of one common condition, and that they consist in an action of the contiguous particles of matter de- — pendent on the forces developed by electrical excitements. The first ef- fect of an excited body on other matter in its vicinity is, according to Faraday’s theory, the production among the particles of that matter of a peculiar state of polarization, which constitutes izduction. If this inductive or polarised state continues undiminished, then perfect 7n- sulation is the consequence. If, on the contrary, contiguous parti- 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1179. cles of the matter, whatever it may, be metallic or non-metallic, have the power to communicate their forces, then conduction occurs, and is a distinct act of discharge between these contiguous particles. The lower the state of tension at which this discharge takes place, the higher is the conducting power of the matter. Hence then throughout a wire conveying a charge of electricity, there is a constant series of discharges taking place between the contiguous particles of which it is composed ; and Faraday intimates, in the form of a query, the possi- bility that these discharges may be similar in kind, though almost infinitely different in degree, to those which take place between two charged bodies through the medium of the air, or other insulating sub- stance. A wire, it has been experimentally proved, has the power of sensibly retarding the passage of a current, and this power of retarda- tion may be traced through a chain of substances till it reaches its maximum in air, but nothing can be detected during this process to shew that its nature has in any way been changed or modified other- wise than in degree, and therefore Faraday asks, ‘“‘ may not the retarda- tion and ignition of a wire be effects exactly correspondent in their nature to the retention of charge and spark in air ?” To enter farther upon the various theoretical questions naturally brought before our view in examining the principles of the Galvanic Battery, would extend this paper to a great, and indeed unnecessary, length, and I trust that what has already been said, will suffice to point out the great principles of its action. The chemical theory of the Battery, and indeed the entire identity of chemical and electrical forces, may now be considered as indisputably established by the researches of Sir Michael Faraday, and the question, as was previously remarked, thereby removed for ever from “the domain of doubtful knowledge to that of inductive certainty.” 1180 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108. APPENDIX. Experimental Desiderata. As many of the details connected with the practical application of the Galvanic Battery still require to be experimentally determined or confirmed, I have thought it might prove useful to append to this paper a few Tabular Forms, shewing to a certain extent the experiments required. Having no higher object than the establishment of rules for guidance in common practice, these forms have not been pre- pared with a view to great minuteness of quantitative measurement, but they are still, it is conceived, sufficiently extensive to admit of the deduction of valuable practical inferences, and should they not be considered so, they can readily be modified. In recording experiments, all particulars connected with the Battery employed should be minutely and carefully specified, and it should never be forgotten, that if these are neglected or imperfectly stated, the value of the result obtained is most seriously diminished, and in some cases entirely destroyed. Each series of experiments should be prefaced by a detail of the dimensions of the copper and zinc elements of the Battery ; of the state of the zinc rods or plates; of the number of times they may have previously been used ; of the state of their surfaces ; whether amalgamated or not; of the nature and quantities of the solutions employed; of the nature and state of the partitions of the connections throughout the Battery, and of such other points as the experimenter may consider it useful to note. The same careful detail should be entered into, relative to the conductors used. The results of the experiments should, whenever it is practicable, be entered in their proper columns in the forms immediately on being obtained, as it is impossible to trust to memory for a series of numerical statements, and a single error may cast doubt on a whole set of experiments. s Maustrative Diagrams. ————— oe Ss] 5 H ss | if ra F + i - ape ae ¥ CR er RE mee 9 RAT VP or hag 5s 1840. | The Galvanic Battery. | 1181 TABLES OF EXPERIMENTS. To determine the number of cells of a Galvanic Battery (Dimensions, §c., previously specified) re- quired for effecting the Ignition of different substances, at different distances, and with different Igniting Wires. FIRST SERIES. Conductors dry and uninsulated. #| § . ‘A | Platinum Igni- | Iron Igniting [Brass Igniting als x |2 | ting Wire, 14in.| Wire, 13in. | Wire, 13 in. See a ees os) Oo |e Pola ay = E EBs a 25 S x eles a oe) REMARKS Bla le slag |Salsais |sajsajs |oaijoa SlmlgclO sis Gels lB .jBae 2 Bais 8. Peesisciseait PO Pu PaR Ram a™ 2s (4 ie Wt In: 1 { 40 |l-6th} 8. 2 2 3 3 4 5 6 7 8 2 | 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 | 80 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 |100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 {120 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 |140 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 {160 0 0 0 0 0) 0 0 0 0 0 0 eee 01) 0 | O10. Ol 0} Oy Oe). OF 0 SiiGes) 0 | 0 0 OES On OO: HO PSO Os NCO se. fo 0) | 0 0 On DONO} eG Oie Dil SOis0s ||. 0 asec ti 0):|" 10 0 GO. OU Oe Oar Peed 20 a ae. 1101 | '0 0 Orc0 | OW O- O cOm 20") 20 ,| &e.| O|} 0 0 OL RO GOON: Or TOR | Oni 241500 0: O 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 * S. P. C., Saltpetre Cloth, Conductors increase in length in arithmeti- F. P., Fine Powder, \ cal progression, the common difference be- C. P., Coarse Powder, ing 20. SECOND SERIES. Conductors in water and uninsulated. AQ, Water Fresh. Platinum Ig- | Tron Igniting | Brass Igniting niting Wire. Wire. Wire. — ef | ee No. of Experiments Length of Conductor. Conductor. Diam. of Conductor. No. of Junctions in ss SS oS ee ee ee ee a = SeScocec oo coococoococon eccoooocooon ecooccoooon cooooooon ocoooooocn eoeo asco on ecococooocosua cocoocoooo ecococococoes Ssecocococom 43. Water Salt. Foym similar to the preceding. 7M 1182 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108. THIRD SERIES. Conductors in water, but insulated. A. By Colonel Pasley’s method. Form similar to the preceding. G3, By Lieut. R. B. Smith's modification of ditto. — Form similar to the preceding. @, By Dr. W. B. O Shaughnessy’s method. Form similar to the preceding. FOURTH SERIES. Conductors under ground and uninsulated, A. In Dry Soil. g g B Abie Platinum Ig- Iron Igniting |Brass Igni- sls | 33 5 niting Wire. Wire. ting Wire. e168 | 218 [a a "EO csHca tones mt a 8 ES N S | | f REMARKS. gle a (> 8 SE S) S) . | <) cle fo TS eles he Ae ee je dee ey |e eae Slang! & |e 2 J . SIE SIE [SOlBC A R/O, Alm) Ola Ie jo Zid |A IA |A 1; 40 |i-cth 8 4 2 2 3 3 3 | 4 41/516 2; 60 | 0 0 0 0 0 0) 0 0 0 0;0) 0 3} 80 | 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0-)-O-|--0 4|100 | 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0/10); 0 ws) &e. | O-) 0 | Oxhuhoulimoble Osha Oc hq dsbeO 07 -Oulee | &eo|-0.| O:); 0) 26 Neo, santo. XO | G7) OulaneD are, (0b Ot 8-4-8 0-0-0 a Ortaatn 241500 |. 0.1.0 JO} - 0:40 | C7) 20 be nO halO |) OeleDr 1 SB | | 43, In Wet Soil. Form similar to the preceding. @, In Rocky Soil. ‘ Form similar to the preceding.—Nature, and if possible, the ingredients of the rock to be specified. FIFTH SERIES. Conductors underground, but insulated. Form similar to the preceding.—Nature and extent of insulation to be detailed. 11838 On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub-Hemalaya ; with a slight notice of a strictly Hemalayan species. By B. H. Honecson, Ksa., Resident at the Court of Nepal. (Lrerus MAcRoTus ET O10sTOLUS, NoBIS.) It has often been remarked that the ordinary type of the genus Lepus in the Gangetic provinces, differs materially from that of England, and it has been further alleged that the Hare of the Sub-Hemalayan ranges of hills is not similar to that of the plains below them. No one however has, I believe, heretofore been at the pains to verify or refute these allegations, which I therefore now purpose to test, and to show that the former is sound, the latter unsound. I have specimens of the ordinary Hare of the plains and of the hills now before me, and after the most careful compari- son, can discern no difference between them in size, proportions, or even in intensity of hue in the colours, further than as such every where varies with age, health, and seasons. The type therefore of this genus in the mountains and in their subjacent plains (on this side the Ganges at least) is the same; and of this species, which we shall call Macrotus (from the large size of its ears) the females are, as usual, somewhat larger than the males, being from snout to rump nineteen to twenty inches, with an average weight of 6 lbs. and a maximum of 83 to 9, whilst the males fall short by one inch or more of this size, and seldom surpass 5 lbs. in weight. The general structure and proportions are those of Lepus timidus, but the size is much less, the English hare being ordinarily 8 lbs. and frequently reaching 12 lbs.; and if I may trust my notes, as well as the fresh speci- mens now on the table before me, the females of Macrotus invariably have six teats, of which two are placed on the very top of the thorax, and four remotely from them in a parallelogram in the central part of the abdomi- nal region. This is a noticeable circumstance if the six to ten mamme of authors be ascribed to the genus with sufficient care, and if Timidus, or the European type, may be thence presumed to have ever more than six. If so, the invariably restricted number of mamme in Macrotus will form one feature of specific independency; another will be deduced from its inferior size; and a third from the greater length of the ears as compared with Timidus, to which, in its general proportions and colours, it certainly bears a close resemblance ; even in colours however, there is at least one material and constant difference, that whereas the dorsal aspect of the scut or tail in Zimidus is black, in Macrotus it is of similar hue with the back, but paler. Nor do I notice in Macrotus any peculiarity of structure in the hair (towards tips enlarged, acuminate, and recurved) such as is ascribed to 1184 Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces. [No. 108. that of Timidus. The general colour of the Indian Hare is a deep cinnamon red, copiously mixed with black on the body superiorly, but unmixed upon the limbs and front of the neck and chest, and also on the nape and dorsal aspect of the neck near it; pure white upon the head and body below, as well upon the insides of the limbs near it, upon the genital region, posterior margin of the buttocks, and whole inferior and lateral surfaces of the tail. The front of the upper lip, the margin of the mouth, a circle round the eye, and a line thence to the nostril are always pale, rufescent, hoary, or purer white, and so also the bases of the ears dorsally, anda strip thence continued towards the shoulders, and bounding the purely ruddy hue of the soft nape. The superior margin of the ears on both sides is black, but the general hue of the fur on the ears anteally is similar to that of the head, whilst posteally and interiorly the ears are nearly nude. The mustachios (which are not undulated) are half black and half white, and though the arms or cubits are usually unmixed with black, yet this is not always the case, the animal in very high fur having the cubits, like the tibiz (externally) powdered with black. The fur in general is very rich, full, and soft, both the woolly and hairy portions, the former of which seldom exceeds an inch in length, whilst the latter varies from ls to 1iinch. The hair has mostly four rings from the base, thus—bluish hoary, black, red, and black. The wool wants the terminal black ring every where, and is for the most part white, but ruddy apically: the hair wants it on the purely red parts of the animal, such as the abdominal aspect of the neck and the limbs; and both wool and hair are devoid of all rings, and wholly white upon the belly and parts adjacent, as well as upon the inferior surface of the head. Some hairs are wholly black or dusky on the back; but in general besides its bluish hoary base, every hair on that surface of the animal, has two black rings divided by a red one, which latter is of a deep cinnamon hue, almost exactly, or if the reader pleases, brownish-red. The buttocks posteally are less dashed with black than the middle of the back, which in fine furred animals is very dark: but the ordinary dorsal colouring of the hair and wool prevails on the buttocks, as well as on the dorsal aspect of the tail, both parts being like the back, though somewhat paler. Occasionally the wool and base of the hair are dusky, rather than hoary, and the intensity of the red hue, as well as the quantity of black tipt hairs, depend on health, age, and season, both in the hills and the plains. There are of course five digits on the fore extremities, and four on the hind ones, but the thumb con- sists of a nail only, and the other anterior digits are gradated, as in our hand; whilst in the posterior extremities the central digits are equal, and of the 1840. | Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces. 1185 laterals the interior is the longer. The mustachios are ample, extending much beyond the base of the ears, not harsh, nor adpressed, nor undulated as in Zimidus, and of many lengths. Above the eye are four to six lesser bristles, and two or three longer ones below it on each cheek. Eyes re- mote, and much nearer to the ears than to the snout; ears considerably (or eo) longer than the head, so that when pulled forward they may be ex- tended from 13 to 2 inches beyond the tip of the nose. Head compressed, and arched entirely along the vertical line. Scut without the hair ex- tending only half way from the knee towards the heel of the straightened leg, and with the hair falling considerably short of the os calcis. The following dimensions will complete the illustration of this species as found in the mountains and plains. Plains. Hills. Mas. Mas. Foem. Snout to base of scut, ... Be netugeh=6 1-6 1-7 Snout to occiput straight, 4 4 4 = Ditto ditto, by curve, 4 3 42 plus 48 _Snout to fore angle of eye, Be Vieas S20 plug BD Thence to anteal base of ear, 1 i I A. 12 Ears length from scull, 48 43 5 Ditto ditto from anterior inner base, 3 a 33 44 Width between eyes, Hos au wn 1? 12 7 Scut only, 34 3 ~ 3 - Scut and hair, 44 5 5 Olecranon to carpus, 35. 3 “ 3 Fe Thence to tip, long finger (not nail,) ... 2 2 25 a ; 14 15 1 Tibia or knee to os calcis, LH +e: 45 4 7 5 Thence to tip long toe (not nail,) see 42 4 42 Girth behind shoulder, win ae 8 93 103 Weight (very thin) aap Tet wat 4ilbs. 42]bs. 5lbs. The following specific character may perhaps serve to distinguish our animal: Lepus macrotus, with black tipt ears longer than the head. General colour, full cimnamoneous red, shaded above with a black : tail dorsally con_ colovous with the buttocks, head below and belly pure white: in size less than Timidus. Snout to rump 18 to 20 inches, and weight 5 to 7 Ibs. Head (straight) 4. Ears five inches. abitatt. Gangetic plains and sub- Hemalayas. Of the Tibetan species I possess only some wretched remains | which enable me however to indieate the species thus :— 1186 Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces. [No. 108. Lepus Ovostolus, with fur consisting almost wholly of wool, considerably curved and interspersed rarely with very soft hairs. Slaty grey blue for the most part and internally, but externally fawn-tinted above, and whitish below and on the limbs: some hairs on the back tipt with black beneath a subrufous ring. Tail white, with a grey blue strip towards the back. Apparent size of the last. Habitatt, the snowy region of the Hemalaya, and perhaps also Tibet. Hares of the first species are exceedingly abundant in the Nipalese Tarai and British districts near it, but less so in the mountains, though there also they may be found in most districts wherein the declivities of the mountains are not very precipitous nor wholly covered with dense forest. Hares love the lower and more level tracts within the mountains, where grassy open spots are interspersed with copsewood under which they may safely rest and breed; for in the mountains the hare never resorts to holes or burrows; nor, I believe, voluntarily in the plains, though I have heard the assertion that it does so. Jn the plains patches of grass interspersed with cultivation are the favourite resorts of this species, or Jhow shrubberies fringing the banks of nullahs, where, occasion- ally the animals congregate in numbers wholly unknown to the moun- tains. The Indian Hare, or Macrotus, breeds frequently during the whole year, and produces usually two young ones at a birth. The young are born with the eyes open, and furnished with teeth. In June 1835 I took two from the left horn of the uterus (none in the right) of a female; and these young, though unborn, had the eyes open, and the fur quite perfect. In fact, the young follow their dam as soon as they are born. CATHMANDOO, February 1841. Nepal, March st, 1841. The account of the Hares which I sent you was written currente calamo, and without my being at the trouble to look (shame on me) at my own Catalogue of Mammals apud Linnean Transactions, where the Hare of the plains is named Jndicus, and that of the Himalaya Gmodius. These names might do, and changes are bad: but tropical appellations are object- ed to, and in the plains there is another Hare, Nigricollis, wherefore the names affixed to my paper with you should perhaps stand; but a note at the foot of the page should identify them with Indicus et Gimodius respec- tively of the Catalogue, thus: ‘These species are named respectively Indicus and CGimodius in my published Catalogue. Nor perhaps was it worth while to drop the local appellations, though Nigricollis constitute a second species in the plains of India.” B. Hopveson. | \ U H if 1187 A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind. By Captain G. E. Wesrmacort, 37th Regt. Bengal N. I. {Concluded from page 1113. ] The Indus generally begins to rise in March and abate in the early part of October, but varies in different seasons. In 1839 it just rose in the end of March, but did not overflow until May. It commenced decreasing on the 2Ist of August, and had fallen twelve feet at Bukur in the end of September, and about four more the close of the month following. The suddenness with which it rises and falls are only equalled by the snow torrents of the Himalayas and Switzerland. I have known the river increase several feet in a few hours, and people are frequently carried away while bathing by a rush of water, which bears them along without the power to resist it. On these occasions boats are driven against the banks, and if old and crazy, break in pieces, and the passengers are drowned. The shores of the river are fertilized by the annual inundations, and artificial channels are cut from it in the interior of the country to prepare the land for tillage. Some of these useful and munificent works belong to the time of the Mogul emperors of Delhi. A great navigable canal called the “Sind” leaves the river about thirty miles above Bukur, and after pass- ing Shikarpoor pursues a southerly direction to Noushuhra, the boundary of the Purgunnah of Moghulee, and enters that of Chandkoh. Lower down it joins the Nara, which tumbles into lake Munchar after a circuit- ous course of about 120 miles. Another great canal was cut on the east bank by the late Meer Sohrab. It receives its water from the Indus, a few miles below Bukur, and terminates im the desert soon after passing the city of Khyrpoor. In the height of the floods, however, it flows southwards in a continuous stream, diffusing plenty over a wide extent of country, which would be, without it, an unprofitable waste, and a portion ofits waters find their way back through different channels to the Indus. The supplies of this canal have failed within the last two years, and unless pains are taken to deepen it, will soon cease to flow. It would be a serious loss to the people of the capital, who depend on it for wholesome water several months of the year, that which they draw from wells being soft and brackish, and hardly drinkable by persons unused to it. The filling up the canal would occasion a diminution of the revenues, which will pro- bably induce Meer Roostum to repair it. Both the Shikarpoor and Khyr- poor canals frequently overflow their banks during the freshes of the Indus, and dry up when the river subsides. The small cuts that irrigate 1188 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. the country are exclusively at the charge of the farmer, who contributes likewise to the expense of making and repairing the large canals within his property. As soon as the waters of inundation evaporate, the soil is ready to receive all kinds of seed almost without preparation. It is sown in the month of October, and always yields an abundant harvest. The river does not oceupy above a fourth of its channel in the dry months, and not more than a tenth of the soil on its banks, capable of cultivation, is turned to ac- count. There are vast tracts in north Khyrpoor, which the inhabitants of Bengal would seize with avidity, overrun with tamarisk, and the long feathering grass known in India by the name of Moonj. The tamarisk springs from the soil within a month after it is deserted by the water, and villagers at a distance from the stream drive their buffaloes to graze on the shoots and young grass which cover the banks. The herbage is extremely nutritious, and communicates great sweetness to the milk of eattle that feed on it. Cow’s milk is inferior to buffaloe’s milk in richness and flavour. The people convert the milk to ghee, and dispose of it to merchants and boatmen, who carry it for sale to the markets of Roree and Sukhur. The peasants remain at the river in tamarisk sheds until the floods oblige them to retire. Some of the sheds cover an area of several hundred yards, and contain 400 and 500 buffaloes, with the herdsmen, their wives and children. Half a dozen families often crowd into a narrow space divided from the herd by a railing, and cook, eat, and sleep on the ground among milk pots, platters, spinning wheels, and a few articles of common furniture. There are no rocks in the river above Bukur, and the extent of cultiva- tion on the Khyrpoor side much exceeds that on the shore opposite; the bank is cut to receive Persian wheels, and the peasant removes them when the floods cease to another locality. The stream of the Indus is foul and turbid, and though little encumber- ed in the dry months with reeds and drift wood, is sufficiently rapid to hold in solution quantities of sand and other matter it washes along in its course. The number of shoals that perpetually shift their position ob- struct the navigation, and render it necessary in the dry season to stop boats while one of the crew is sent forward to sound the channel. Vessels are constantly obliged to cross from one bank to the other, and the want of paths through the dense jungle makes it difficult to carry the track line, and serves materially to lengthen a voyage. The east part of Khyrpoor is nearly desert, and the scanty supply of well- water loathsome to the taste. The few spots which yield good pasture de- pend on the rains, which often fail. The supply in 1839 was said to exceed eS es we el ed Bort pe ok eh a — <_ aan 1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1189 what had fallen for years, but lasted only four days. In the two preceding years a drought destroyed thousands of cattle. The dye, or tamarisk, is the most abundant preduction of the wilds, and almost as useful to the Sindee as the bamboo to the native of India. The flowers (sakoor) are dried, pulverized, and infused in water, and form a red fluid in which cottons are steeped to prepare them for dye. A considerable quantity of flowers are exported to Persia and the Punjab. The wood sup- plies the inhabitants almost exclusively with fuel, and they employ it in the construction of houses, boats, and agricultural implements. The -boughs are used for fences and cattle sheds, to line wells, and to thatch houses, and are plaited into baskets, and mats for boats, for which their strength and toughness admirably fit them. The young shoots form a nutritious diet for goats and cattle. Next to the tamarisk in point of usefulness is the Moonj, a species of grass which rises twenty or thirty feet high. The peel is twisted into rope for masts and track lines, the texture depending a good deal on the length of time the grass is beaten. The ropes last a twelve month if kept constantly wet, but hot and dry weather destroys them in a third of the time. The string made from the plant is used to lace the common country bedsteads, and the thick part of the stem for screens (shutees) for the eeiling and walls of houses. The upper stem bears a long feathering flower, and is made into screens and baskets to hold grain and chaff for cattle. The Kas is another description of wild grass, sometimes used to thatch huts, and cattle browse on the shoots. The Pees reed grows on the hills, and is much used for rope, and more pliable than Moonj, but wet destroys it ; and there is a long flag called putar found on the banks of streams and lakes, made into soft pliable ropes, which boatmen pass round their loins in tracking. ’ Nitre is found in great abundance effloresced on the surface of the soil, and the people manufacture salt more than enough to supply their wants. Coarse salt sells in Roree at four and five muns the rupee, and a fine kind at ten seers. Coarse cotton cloth (Khasa) is manufactured in the principal towns and villages, chiefly for home consumption, and a little is exported to Afghan- istan and Persia. Common loongees are fabricated at the villages of _ Raneepoor, Gumbut, Khoora, and Duraz, situated together to the south of | the capital. They are chiefly cotton with silk borders, and a few of silk _ and cotton mixed, and very inferior to the fabrics of Thalfa and Buhawul- _ poor. Silk cloths are woven at Roree, Khyrpoor, and Shikarpoor, but the | weavers are ignorant how to flower and variegate them. Sind caps are ae | 1190 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. chiefly made at Shikarpoor and Roree, and a common one with a cotton top and silk sides costs a rupee. Common shoes of brown leather are made every where at from four to sixteen anas a pair. They are inferior to those of Buhawalpoor, and the people are unacquainted with the art of embroidering them. Manufactories of paper and gunpowder are esta- blished in all the large towns. The best paper factories are at Shikarpoor and Larkhanu, but produce paper of inferior quality to that of Kashmeer and Delhi. | Dromedaries and asses constitute the principal means of conveyance. The duty on grain is often levied on the load, and merchants to save money overload their cattle, and put 800 lbs. on a camel and 250 on an ass. A fine camel will carry this weight easily, but six hundred weight is an ay- erage burthen on a long journey, and a female carries one hundred pounds less. The latter is only employed in case of necessity. The best saddle camels come from Kuchee and Jussulmeer, and sell in Khyrpoor at from 100 to 150 rupees, and baggage camels at from 30 to 60 rupees. These were the prices before the British approach; they are now almost double. Camels are ridden on a journey by people of rank, and carry their clothes, provi- sions, and a servant armed with a sword and matchlock. Merchandise is brought overland from India and central Asia exclusively on the camel, as ‘it is the only animal that can endure the heat and fatigue of the desert in the summer months. It finds nourishment in the most inhospitable spots, and performs a stage of twelve and fifteen miles with ease. Caravans travel at night in the hot months, and the camels are left to browse in the day-time, but in winter the day is devoted to the journey, and the night to repose. These animals are not used to carry swivels, as in Rajisthan, but they turn mills and water-wheels. The Sind camel is the species with one hump, or Arabian camel, usually called the dromedary, and the small breed ‘of Khyrpoor is not capable of supporting much fatigue, nor of lifting the load a good camel of western India will carry. Disease, hard work, and poor diet occasion a great mortality among them every summer.* The lower classes have a large number, and cannot afford them grain, and they feed in the wilds on juwasee, and other nutritious shrubs. These depend on the rain, and in seasons of drought, such as 1837 and 1838, the animal is reduced to a state of great misery, and numbers perish. Large herds are pastured by a single peasant, whose maintenance is almost the only charge on the proprietor. Part of the Thur, or Indian desert to the south-east of Khyrpoor, belongs to the Ameers of Hydurabad, and is celebrated for a very superior des- * During the hot months of 1839 the camels of the British Commissariat at Sukhur died at the rate of one per cent. ? 1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1191 eription of goats and cattle. The ghee is excellent, but the dealers adul- terate it with flour before they carry it to the markets.* A Khyrpoor goat gives commonly three-quarters of a seer of milk, and a fine one that yields a seer is worth two rupees. Goats kept for the table sell at from twelve to twenty anas a piece. A male costs one rupee, and when trained to fight, which is a rather favourite pastime, twice and thrice the sum, and a kid from eight to twelve anas. A good breed comes from Gumo, in the _ district of Khyrpoor, but Boordgah is considered to produce the finest goats, sheep, and cattle, of any place in the prince’s territory. Oobaro, in north Khyrpoor, produces ghee in great abundance, and immense herds of buffaloes are grazed on the banks of the Indus in the districts of Boong and Bara.+ The females cost from twenty-five to forty rupees, } according to the quantity of milk they yield, a calf ten, and the highest price of a male is twenty-five rupees. A ram costs 13 rupee: a ewe that gives half or three quarters of a seer of milk, the same: ewes reserved for slaughter one rupee, and a lamb from ten to twenty anas. The best horses and asses come from Afghanistan and Persia. The horse of Sind is small, lean, and of miserable aspect, but hardy, and capable of enduring great fatigue. Mules for burthen and hire are kept chiefly at Khyrpoor by Talpoorees, who are too poor to entertain servants, and usually accompany the animals. The ass, like his fellow of Arabia and Egypt, is a small active animal, with considerable power of endurance, and so useful that there is hardly a * In India ghee is adulterated with Muhooa oil, the shukurkund, or sweet potatoe, and the ghoiya vegetable, &c. + The width of the Khyrpoor territory at Bara and Boong is only ten or twelve miles, and extends along the Indus about thirty miles north of Sulzulkot, and terminates between Boong and Rajinpoor. The possessions of the Ameer of Khyrpoor are repre- sented in Arrowsmith’s map to include Rojhan, the chief town of the Muzaree Belooch, but do not project north of Keen in Kuchee, which is nearly opposite Boong. The late Rajah Runjeet Sing seized and annexed Miyan Rojhan to his dominions in the middle of 1836, because of an attack by the Khyrpoorees on his frontier post. Arrowsmith’s map of central Asia, dedicated to Lieutenant, now Lieut. Colonel Sir A, Burnes, is I believe the most correct chart of the Indus that has been printed, and at that time (1834) Rojhan belonged to Khyrpoor. The travelling distance from Buhawulpoor, in Daoodpootra, to Feerozpoor is 160 kos, or 225 English miles. The kos in Daoodpootra is about one mile and three furlongs English, and the frontier extends within 56 miles of Feerozpoor. The Indus constantly changes its channel, and a survey of its course this year might give a very inaccurate representation of it the next. In the summer of 1539 upwards of 4000 bighas of land, partly cultivated, situated midway between Ooch and Mittun, were transferred by a caprice of the stream from the Sikh territory to Buhawulpoor on the east bank. The river is gradually deserting Ooch, which is now upwards of three miles from the bank in the dry season. { These were the prices at Roree and Sukhur before the British entered Sind, and may be taken as the average throughout the country. 1192 Account of Khkyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. family of Moosulmans and Hindoos without one. He brings grass and fuel, carries the merchant and his grain, and the poor keep him for hire. He is never fed on grain, and subsists in the wilds the best way he can, but is always in sleek and comfortable condition. The pig is not found in Sind in a domestic state, but the villages, like those of India, swarm with a breed of half-wild disgusting dog, who subsist almost entirely on offal. Tigers, wolves, jackals, boars, porcupines, deer, and hares, harbour in the forests; and among the amphibious animals are the alligator, otter, badger, and porpoise. Alligators inhabit the creeks and minor streams that diverge from the Indus, and are held sacred by Hindoos and Moosul- mans. Tigers are rare, and kept by Moojawurs attached to the tombs of eminent saints to attract visitors. The hog is the scourge of the farmer, and he is obliged to employ watchmen at night to preserve his fields from their ravages. Wolves carry off poultry, but seldom attack grown-up per- sons. Badger and otter skins form an article of export to Afghanistan. Snakes, scorpions, and centipedes abound in rocky situations, and the last attain a large size. Flies, mosquitoes, and many varieties of beetle and grasshopper appear when the inundations subside, but are less numerous and troublesome than in the wet season in India. Leeches are plentiful, and extensively used for venesection. Among the birds are a peculiar kind of Myrops or bee-eater ; the black partridge, similar to that of Kuch, but differing from the species found in the north provinces of India; the grey partridge. Two kinds of woodpecker found also in the Konkan ; the razor-beak, similar to that of Gujerat; several kinds of gull; the pelican ; a species of plover, peculiar, I believe, to Sind; and the Kunchee, or Bhooketta of India, a black bird with long feathers in the tail, remark- able for its antipathy to the crow. Though a third less in size than its foe, the Bhooketta attacks it with so much vigour and determination, that it trembles with fear, and endeavours to escape without offering resistance. Geese, ducks, divers, snipe, and other water-fowl are uncommonly plentiful. The first congregate in thousands on the banks of the Indus and the exten- sive lakes and morasses formed by its overflow, and form part of the food of the lower classes. The multitude of fish in the Indus, and the lakes and streams that flow from it, also supply the inhabitants with food. The saleswomen dispose of the small fish by weight, and sell the large ones to purchasers in any quantity they require, by guess. The following catalogue of six- teen, includes, I believe, all the species found in the Indus in Upper Sind. I have added the price in the Roree market of the largest and finest of the kind, but it varies of course with the season and drought. 1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1193 The Khuggur* ranks first in point of flavour and wholesomeness, and is called par excellence, “‘’The fowl of the Indus.” It attains the length of ten or twelve inches, and sells for about three pys. The Dumrat (Rohoo of the Ganges) is considered next to the Khuggur in excellence. It comes into season in September, and is plentiful the fol- lowing month. It grows to the length of 43 feet, and sells for twenty pys. The Pulla, a kind of carp (Roree of the Ganges, and Hilsa of Bengal.) The Theleet+ is a dark coloured fish, of good flavour, twenty-six inches long, and sells for nine pys. The Shakirf{ is eighteen inches long, and sells for five pys, but is not a favourite. There are a few always in the market, but October is the best month for them. The Singara} is well flavoured, and much eaten. The largest measure about twenty-four inches, and sell for six pys. The Pundun* (Ruya of the Ganges and Jumna) spawns in the month of Sawun. The largest are six and seven feet long, and sell for eighteen pys, but are not prized from being full of small bones. The Goj* (eel) grows three feet long, but is little caten, from its resem- blance to a snake. It sells for four pys. The Lahoor,*+ Mo6oko6r,* and Putonee* are each about eighteen inches long, and cost three and four pys. The first is much eaten, but the last is disliked from being full of small bones. The Dumun} (Kutera of the Ganges?) is nine inches long, and costs two pys. It is full of bones. The Sonee} measures eight inches long, and sells at three pys the seer. Like all bony fish it is eaten sparingly. The Pullura is three inches long, and sells at the same price. The Ghart and Kooree+ are each two inches long, and cost four and five pys the seer. They are great favourites. When the river is in a state of flood the fishermen live in boats, and at other times on the banks in temporary huts built of reeds and tamarisk cut in the forest. They farm tracts of the river, one or two miles long, by the year, and sometimes pay in kind at the rate of a third or a fifth, and at others head money every second month. Two or three men residing under the same roof, pay less than a single individual. A fisherman of Roree pays every two months, Rs. ... ... 3 PW OeHSHeEMenatOOe her, 5... s.s0 sie! adi tene). Ga (eee edad Three fishermen together, ... ... baie Pegs! oc cher sees emia * Always in the market. t In season in October and Noyember. 1194 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. (No. 108. The Pulla fish has been sometimes compared to the salmon, from the extreme richness of its flavour, and is excellent either fresh or salted. When full grown it measures about eighteen inches long, and comes into season in Upper Sind in the month of Sawun, when the river is full, and is in its prime about six weeks. The people prize it less than others of the finny tribe from its heating quality, which is said to generate itch and another disagreeable disorder in those who eat it constantly, and it is filled with small bones. The poor Sindees, among other dirty practices, broil and eat the entrails. The price of Pulla depends on the drought. In 1838 a full grown one sold in the Roree market for two pys, but the sup- ply failed in the season following, and the demand made for it by the British, raised the price to six pys. The peculiar manner of fishing for Pulla has been well described by Burnes in his voyage up the Indus. It is a novel spectacle to see the stream in the floods covered with men floating fearlessly on vessels of baked clay. A vessel (muttee) will usually contain twenty gallons of wa- ter, andis much flattened at the sides. Those half the size have handles ‘through which the fishermen pass a rope to tie to their waists. The fisher covers the opening at the top of the jar with the pit of his stomach and swims into mid-stream, with a net ready for use on his shoulders. The net is woven inlarge meshes, and fixed at the upper end of a bamboo, twelve or fourteen feet long, with branches at the top like a fork. He plunges the net vertically into the water and remains motionless with his thighs drawn up on the jar until the fish are snared, when he tightens the mouth of the net, disengages the fish, spears them, and drops them into the vessel. The fisher usually selects a reach of the river for his empioyment, and after floating the length of his beat, gains the shore to deposit his spoil. He either transfers the jar to his head, or leaves it hanging to his loins, and with the net on his shoulder walks across the point he swam round, and again commits himself to the water. Fallen trees swept along by the cur- rent sometimes break the earthen vessel, and endanger the fisherman’s life. In situations liable to this accident, he substitutes for the muttee a large gourd enclosed in netting, which he binds over the pit of his stomach. It obliges him to swim low in the water, and often his head and shoulders alone are visible. The fishermen of the Indus have spare figures and swarthy complexions; they wear beards like the other Sindees, and a wrapper of blue or white calico round their heads and loins. A muttee, or earthen jar, costs from 12 to 16 anas. A net with a handle of bamboo, or bank woced, 12 anas. A gourd, 1 or 2 pys. | i ae a ee ee oe 1840.}| Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1195 In lakes, and shoal water produced from an overflow of the Indus, large quantities of Pulla are taken in nets, called jalee, fabricated and worked by eight fishermen (Mohone. ) Another kind of net used by one man is six-sided, five feet in diameter at the opening, and shaped something like an umbrella without a handle: sticks, four feet long, supply the place of whalebone, and the intervals are filled with net, strong enough to hold fish three feet long. The cost of making does not exceed twelve anas. The military of Khyrpoor may amount to 10,000 or 12,000 men (Moo- sulmans), and are paid part in cash, and part in grain at harvest. The Ameer grants lands to chiefs and jaegeerdars on condition of their support- ing a certain number of troops for the service of the state in war time. They usually belong to the tribe of their chief, and work in his farm and household when not employed by Government. The soldier’s stipend is dis- bursed half-yearly at harvest, but is frequently in arrears. The infantry get from thirty-six to forty-eight rupees per six months from their chiefs, and half a rupee a month extra in war time from Government. The cavalry receive from ten to thirty rupees a month, and are divided into five grades. A few of approved courage receive 10 Khurwars* of grain, and 400 rupees in cash half-yearly. The 2nd class about 8 Khurwars of grain, and 200 Rs. half-yearly. The 3rd class about 6 Khurwars of grain, and 140 Rs. half-yearly. The 4th class about 4 Khurwars of grain, and 100 Rs. half-yearly. The 5th class about 2 Khurwars of grain, and 80 Rs. half-yearly. In actual war the pay of the first class is increased to 2 rupees a day. PRTGIARSY cock eee sock ace tice pees Leet fees) La rupee per-arenl. Grdtand 4th Classes, co sc: Weeye se eens eee LL Upee per diem: Most of the chiefs are Talpoorees, and also receive an increase of pay when employed, according to their rank. A Moghul officer in the service of Shah Nuwaz Khan, the minister of Meer Ulee Moorad, receives twenty khurwars of grain and two hundred and fifty rupees in cash yearly to furnish four mfantry soldiers. The grain is wheat and joowaree, delivered in equal quantities; the first in the Rubbee harvest, and the last in the Khureef, and the officer is at the charge of conveying it to his farm. Thesoldiers are Moghuls of his own tribe, and only serve in war, at other times they till his lands free of expence. If the officer’s services are required in peace he gets his food from the minister, and always a suit of clothes yearly. The Moghul pays his soldiers at the rate of seven rupees a month, calculated at twenty-one * One khurwar is equal to 15 muns, or 600 seers. 1196 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. rupees worth of grain and the same amount in cash each harvest, and they furnish their arms, and when travelling mess with their chief. Before the British troops occupied Sind there was scarcely any market for grain, but the demand for it has increased since 1839 to such an extent that the Ameers will be obliged probably to reduce the allowance to their troops, and place their pay on a new footing. The soldiers of the Principality are chiefly cavalry, half of whom ride ponies, and the others camels, horses, and mules. Their arms are swords, shields, matchlocks, and knives. The Ameer’s secretary inscribes the name of the recruit and that of his tribe in a register, and it is said that the whole military force could be assembled at the capital within eight days. The soldier is never punished with stripes, and rarely abused. Meer Roostum makes the chiefs responsible for the conduct of their men, and deprives the guilty of part of their jaegeers. ‘They receive their discharge if dissatisfied. The military are proud, and impatient of rebuke; and though faithful to a commander whom they love, are easily induced by ill- treatment to offer their allegiance to another. There are no forts in Khyrpoor of any importance except Bukur and Dijee, and they are in bad repair, and incapable ofresisting European artil- lery. There are Kots at Shergurh, Moobarukpoor, Oodur, Shahgurh on the Jeysulmeer frontier, Subzul on the Daoodpootra frontier, Kandura be- tween Roree and Khyrpoor, and a few other places. They are merely high mud walls built round a square, and pierced for musketry, but without guns. Dijee-Kot, or Ahmudabad, merits notice from having been the capital of the Soomras, and was destroyed by Ullah-ood-Deen, Emperor of Dilhee, towards the end of the fourteenth century of our era. It has not yet been visited by a European, and I am chiefly indebted for the following account of it to a Moghul officer lately in the service of the governor Ali pe youngest brother of Meer Roostum. Dijee stands on a hill about eight kos south of Khyrpoor, and three hun- dred yards from the east bank ofthe river Meerwah, which is fed from the Indus, but contains water only three months in the year. The prince uses it as a depot for treasure, grain, and military stores, and resides in the walled village below. There are four or five houses in the fort, and a well of brackish water, which supplies the garrison in time of siege. It is surrounded by a stone and brick wall, about thirty feet high and four thick, without a ditch. The only entrance is from the east through four gates connected by walls, and a ghorchu is mounted over theinner one, but none of the others are defended by cannon. The following guns of iron and brass are on the rampart :— 1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1197 1 Eight cubits long. 3 Seven cubits long. 5 Ghorchu (so called from being drawn by horses) of four or five cubits. 8 Ramjungiyo, or Jinjalls, six or seven cubits. 3 Gobare (mortars) 23 cubits. Each Ghorchu requires eight horses to draw it. Most of the guns are new, but would do little against a European army, and the miserable condi- tion of the Sind artillery is proverbial.* The small village of Dijee is surrounded by a wall and rampart twenty feet high, and seven thick at the base; it mounts six Ghorchus, but is too much decayed to offer re- sistance. Two of the eight gates are closed, and the others without shutters. A sheet of water, ten or twelve feet deep, and 150 or 200 yards wide, which has been formed partly by digging earth for the fortifications, encircles the place during the floods of the Indus, and dries up in the cold months. The village contains three wells of good water, and the country is cultivated on all sides except the east, where there are hills. The crops are Joowaree, Bajree, and Indigo. Fuel is brought from a dis- tance of two kos, and consists of tamarisk, Kundee, and Ber, (wild bullace). Ali Morad is probably entrusted with the command of Dijee because he is the martial genius of the family, and can assemble between 2,000 and 3,000 picked warriors in two days, from villages within a circle of twenty kos of his residence; they are chiefly Belooch, with some Afghans and Sindees, and one-half cavalry and the other half infantry. The town of Bukur fills an important place in the history of Sind, and I have abridged the following account of it from a work in the possession of a Suyud family at Roree and Sukhur. The dates in native manuscripts are often faulty, and should be received in this instance with caution. About the middle of the seventh century of the Hijru a Suyud of illus- trious family, named Moohummud Mukaee, arrived at Bukur. He was the offspring of Ameer Moohummud Soojan and a daughter of the then king of Persia (a Turk), who presented him on his marriage with the tract of country situated between Mushud and Kandahar. Moohummud Shoojan subsequently made an expedition to the south of his principality as far as the banks of the Indus, and liking the situation determined to revisit it. He directed his attendants to write an account of the spot, and retraced his steps to Mushud, where he died soon after, and was buried in the mau- * The Sindees have an exaggerated notion of the destructive power of our guns. When the Ameens of Hydurabad threatened in 1838 to oppose the march of our troops, a nobleman of their Court, who had heard strange accounts of our shells and shrap- nells, advised them to desist, as it would be rash to attack an enemy whose cannon discharge balls from both ends. _ i Oo 1198 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. soleum of his grandfather Huzrut Iman Human Sooltan Khoorasan Ubool Husun Ulee, son of Moosa Ruza. He left a son named Uhmud, and his widow pregnant of another. When the period of mourning was expired she went on a pilgrimage to Mudina, and from thence to Mukka, where she brought forth Meer Moohummud, surnamed Mukaee, from his birth- place. On her return to Persia she married a relation, and travelled with him and Moohummud Mukaee to Bughdad, where they were hospitably received by a nobleman named Shuekh Shahab-ood-deen Soohrwurdee. He formed a great friendship for Mukaee, and determined to give him his daughter in marriage, but his relatives supposing him a person of obscure birth, opposed it. The young man was indignant at their conduct, and asked them to accompany him to the burial place of Moohummud, that he might convince them of his holy origin. On reaching Mudina they enter- ed the tomb of the prophet, when Mukaee exclaimed, “ Salutation to thee, O ancestor,” and a voice from the sepulchre replied, “Salutation to thee, O son ;” which proof of sanctity so affected his companions and the towns- people that they fell at his feet, and after showing him extraordinary respect begged him to confer a blessing on their city by tarrymg some time init. He declined, on the plea of returning immediately to Bughdad, but determined first to visit Nujub, to give his companions another proof of his holy lineage. On entering the tomb of Ulee he addressed the spirit of the departed as he had done Moohummud, and a voice from the sepul- chre confirmed his origin. Shahab-ood-deen was overwhelmed with shame at what had happened, and after asking and receiving his forgiveness gave him his daughter in wedlock. In due time the lady brought forth a son called Sudr-deen, whose tomb is in the fort of Bukur, she died immediately afterwards, and her father followed a. u. 587. Among the papers that came into Moohummud Mukaee’s possession on his father’s death was the account of the Indus, already mentioned, and being curious to see the spot he travelled thither in the year of Hijru* 658. His companions agreed in considering it favourable for a settlement, and having mounted the hills to reconnoitre they discovered two herds- men grazing cattle. These men undertook to point out the spot that was so much admired by Moohummud Shoojan, and departing at night they arrived at dawn the following day at the foot of a hill, which the horses * The late Captain Macmurdo of the Bombay army, states that Bukur was founded by the Arabs, and built from the ruins of Atore. He mentions, on the authority of the Tohfut al Girami, that the town did not exist in the time of the Hindoo government, and that it got its name Bukur from Moohummud Mukaee. some years after its foundation. é 1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1199 and camels of the caravan, although urged repeatedly forwards, would not pass.* Moohummud Mukaee declared this a proof it was the site chosen by his father, and kneeling down offered thanksgiving, and because a cowherd conducted the caravan, and it arrived at the place at dawn, he called it Bukur, which means in the Arabic tongue “a cow,” and “ the morning.” At this period the inhabitants of the country were infidels, and when the governort Alim Khan Urghoon heard of the new worship he proceeded to seize and punish the offender ; on appearing however before Moohummud Mukaee he suddenly lost the power of injuring hin, and his disposition changed entirely : he entreated to be admitted to the bosom of Islam, and became one of its most devoted followers. He offered to assign lands to Moohummud Muhaee which the latter declined, and wished to purchase a spot where he could build temples to God. Alim Khan accompanied Sudr-deen to Sehwan to choose a site, and Suyud Ali, a friend of his father’s, persuaded him to settle there, and gave him his daughter in marriage. He purchased lands in the vicinity, which he called ‘“‘ Rusool- poor,” but had not been long there when Moohummud Mukaee disapproved of his residing so far from Bukur, and recalled him. He then desired him to mount a domestic on a camel, and promised to purchase of Alim Khan and bestow on him as much land as the animal could traverse between dawn and dusk. The man rode through a district on the east bank of the Indus, which became thence forward the property of Sudr-deen, who cul- tivated and peopled it. The district is two kos from the town of Roree, and retains the name of Alee-wahun it received from Sudr-deen. It con- tains the villages of Machee and Turee Chanee, and part still belongs to the descendants of Moohummud Mukaee, and they pay no revenue to government. Mohummud Mukaee died a. u. 691, and the Suyuds raised his son Sudr- deen to the chief dignity, Alim Khan’s death followed soon after, and in the year 697 Sudr-deen invited Nusrut Khan, of the Khilchee tribe, the then Sooltan of Mooltan, to take possession of Bukur. The Sooltan on his _ arrival gave his daughter in marriage to Budr-deen, son of Sudr-deen, and swore on the Koran to assign a third of his dominions to her in dower, but. broke his engagement and gave in lieu of it the country of Umeer -~Wuhun, now called Surjudpoor, in North Khyrpoor, which continued in the possession of Budr-deen’s descendants until the Kalhoras deprived them * This seems to confirm Captain Macmurdo’s opinion that Bukur was not originally ‘Surrounded by water. . | + He must have received this title on his conversion to Islam; his former name is not given, 1200 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. of it.* The issue of this union was two sons and two daughters, one of whom married her cousin, the son of Tajood-deen, and received half of Umeer Wuhun for a dowry, Sudr-deen married first the daughter of his uncle Uhmud, by whom he had six sons and two daughters, and secondly the daughter of Suyud Ali of Sehwan, who brought him four sons and two daughters. On his death his eldest son Budr-deen succeeded to the guddee of the Suyuds. Sometime afterwards his brothers Ullah-ood-deen and Ta- jood-deen went to hunt in the forest of Ali Wuhun, and applied to the steward of the chase to defray their expenses; this he declined without Budr-deen’s order, and his brothers enraged at his refusal slew him. Budr- deen was restrained by his relations and the Ulema from punishing this atrocious act, but their counsel displeased him, and he left Bukur resolving to fix his residence for the future at Mooltan. He was met, however, at Ooch by Hoosen Khan, a powerful Zumeendar of the Langa tribe, who had heard that the chief Suyud of Bukur was approaching, and went forth with his family to greet him, prevailed upon him by offers of service to settle in that city. He married Hoosen Khan’s daughter, and his brothers having afterwards expressed regret for their conduct, returned with his wife to Bu- kur; about this time he betrothed his daughter to Suyud Julal of Bokhara, who lived on the island of Khwaju-ka-than in the Indus above Bukur, which gave great offence to his brothers, with exception of Tajood-deen, to whom Moohummud revealed in a dream his approbation of the match. His brothers continued in the same mind, and Budr-deen withdrew after the wedding with Julal and his wife to Ooch, and never returned to his na- tive city. The descendants of Tajood-deen, son of Sudr-deen by his second wife, and grandson of Moohummud Mukaee, now occupy the first place among the Suyuds of Bukur and Roree. His great-grandson Saood- deen sat on the cushion a. u. 980. The posterity of Moohummud Mu- kaee are scattered over the country between Lahor and Thutta, and reside chiefly at Lahoor, Ooch, Mooltan, Bukur, Sukhur, Rooree, Shikarpoor, and Pulot. I did not ascertain the date Bukur was first fortified. Capt. Macmurdo mentions that when the Urghoons made it their capital it-stood on an is- land in the Indus, and Shah Beg built a brick wall round it for its defence. I find in the history of the Suyuds that Shah Hoosen Khan Urghoon held the government towards the middle of the tenth century of the Hijru, * Nusrut Khan died a. u. 717, and left a brother named Allah-ood-deen, who was at Bukur at the time of his death. This event was followed by a revolution, and many competitors started for the throne, but I am not aware who succeeded to it. The MS. states briefly that the Jam of the Soomra tribe arrived about this time at Bukur, and assumed the government. . 1840.| Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1201 and rebuilt the fort ninety* tunab, or 1350 yards in circuit. Nadir Shah is said to have destroyed the works when he invaded Sind in 1747-48, but they differ little at this day from the description given of them in the time of Shah Hoosen. He made the wall fifteen yards high and four thick, and pierced it with four gates. The Koon, SE. facing Roree, is now shut; the Kingree S. ; the Khururee N. towards Sukhur also shut ; and the Nag to the N. E.; none of the gates have outworks or barbicans, but steps are cut in the rock for the convenience of obtaining water. The fort is an ir- regular oval, and has sixty-one bastions of different sizes connected by an embattled curtain, and the diameter, measured from the Koon to the Khu- ruree gate, and from the Nag to the Kingree gate, is the same, namely twenty-one tunab, or 315 yards. Hoosen Khan appointed Muhmood Khan, a noble of his court, to command the fort while he travelled between Mool- tan and Thutta, and it was at this period (a. u. 928) that the emperor Humayoon was defeated by Sher Shah the Afghan, and fled towards Bukur. When Muhmood Khan heard of his approach he hastily built an Alum Punah, or outer-wall to the fort, which embraced the whole of the limestone rock in the Indus, and was 125 tunab, or 1875 yards circuit, twelve yards high, and four thick, with four gates opposite those on the inner wall. It had seventy bastions, and two gardens called Nuzurgah and Goozrgah, which are now planted with date trees. Muhmood Khan had scarcely completed the defences when Humayoon arrived, and requested admittance. The governor gave no answer, and closed the gates, and reduced the impe- rial army to great distress for provisions. The Suyuds in Bukur pitying their condition, sent the emperor a present of sixteen hundred Khurwars+ of grain, which relieved the wants of his army for a time, but the garrison still held out, and he was obliged eventually to raise the siege, and marched to Jeysulmeer. Afterwards he withdrew to the fortress of Umurkot in the desert, where the empress gave birth to the infant Akbar, a. nu. 949. Hu- mayoon subsequently returned to Bukur, and leaving his Wuzeers Moojir- hid Khan and Moohibb Ali Khan with the army to besiege it, set out for *Tunab. A Tunab according to the measurement then in use was derived from Arabia, and equal to fifteen yards. The following are the dimensions of the Ara- bian tunab and jureb. 6 Barley grains placed lengthwise one above the other, .. .. 1 finger. 32 fingers, CoRR MANY | ais” 0:00 Clad ain Caimab vas.” Vole nM cin’ Sis% je aie Ue CREEP. antics, cs c0ysp es vised) as.) ebcren, ee rd AMA: 4 Tunab, raatiicis oa. ker Ma an Pee oat olde aia aren REe Lye Thus a jureb comprised an area of 3600 yards. This measure is still used in Kabool, except that only twenty-four fingers go to the ziru. ¢ A Khurwar is equal to about 1050 lbs. avoirdupois. 1202 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. Kandahar. They failed in obliging Muhmood Khan to capitulate, and he died during the siege, and was succeeded by an officer of the same name. After this the Wuzeers marched to Thutta. Moohmud or Moohummud Khan, acquired independent, sovereignty and historians distinguish him by the title of Sooltan. He died 980, while Meer Eesa of the Turkhanee tribe from Thutta was besieging the fort.* In the same year Sadood-deen, son of Meran, of the lineage of Moohummud Mukaee Kuguree, was chief of the Suyuds of Bukur, amounting to seventeen hundred families. They had suffered great inconvenience and privations during the siege, and deter- mined with the consent of their superior to abandon the fort. They accordingly settled on the east bank of the river on the Lohuree hills, a lit- tle to the south of Bukur, and founded the city called after the hills Lohree, improperly Roree. The fortifications were rebuilt and restored the last time by the go- vernor Nuwab Ghoolam Sudeeg Khan, about fifty or sixty years ago, in the reign of Timour Shah, to whom Bukur then belonged. To obtain bricks he broke down the tombs of Puthans which covered the heights of Sukhur, and reduced them to a complete ruin. The open space between the walls is of irregular breadth, being in some places thirty feet, in others less than twelve. The Alum Punah to the NW. is now about eight feet high, and more than double the height to the south, and looped for matchlocks, but without embrasures: It does not extend to the east and south-east faces, where the Indus almost washes the base of the wall, and leaves no path over the rocks. About half the Alum Punah on the faces not mentioned is fallen, and was in course of repair when our troops arrived in 1838. The rampart is twelve feet wide. The natives consider the fort impregna- ble, but a few rounds from heavy artillery would throw down any part. The lofty embattled pinnacles are imposing to the eye even in ruin, and the fort is admirably situated on the Indus between the towns of Roree and Sukhur, but the superior elevation of the hills on both banks make it of little value as a stronghold. The British have converted a hill near Sukhur into a battery for seven cannon, and a few hundred native infantry and a small detail of artillery formed the garrison of Bukur in the autumn of 1839. A few ceriss and peepulf trees take root in the walls, and hasten their ruin. A large bastion to the NE. has already fallen, and others * The tomb of this enlightened prince still exists in good preservation among the Kalhora sepulchres at Thutta, and is remarkable for the beauty of its carvings. ¢ Captain Macmurdo states that the Arghoons were jealous of the great power possessed by the Suyuds, and compelled them to leave the town, and occupy Lohree. This was probably true, and the fact of their sending grain to Humayoon’s army proves their bad feeling to the governor. { Mimosa cerissa and Ficus indica. 1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1203 | totter. The fortifications are brick hardened in the sun, and faced with large square bricks and tiles laid in mud instead of cement. Part was for- merly encrusted with porcelain glazed, coloured, and ornamented with Persian inscriptions. The once flourishing city of Bukur contains now only twenty-five houses, and exhibits a deplorable picture of desolation. The British have converted the governor’s palace on the east wall into a powder magazine, and the entire area is covered with mounds fifteen or twenty feet high of bricks, the debris of buildings and ordure that have accumulated for ages.* The Indus sweeps round Bukur in a rocky channel, half a mile wide, in form of a horse-shoe, of which the fort occupies about the middle, and can be traced in clear weather through a perfectly level country for fifty or sixty miles. The stream directs its force at present against the west bank, a little above Sukhur, and were it to give way, there are no obstacles to oppose the course of the river over the flat plains. In event of this con- tingency, and the Indus deserting Bukur, it would be valueless as a military position; and it will probably happen at no distant period, unless checked by a strong embankment: the current turns now about eight miles from its natural direction. In 1839 the Indus began to subside the last week of August, leaving extensive shoals opposite the fort, which arrested reeds and timber. It rose a little the three last days of the month, but six weeks afterwards shoals filled above a third of the bed, and decayed vegetable matter and slime, exposed to a burning sun, produced exhalations that generated remittent fevers. In the end of October the river had fallen about sixteen feet, and entirely deserted the NE. and SW. angles of Bukur, leaving a bank on the north face, a quarter of a mile in circuit, and a shallow ford alone divided the fort from the island of Khwaju-ka-than. The bank to the SW. was three feet above water level, and more than a furlong in circuit. The Indus appears to be forsaking its western channel, which had in the beginning of November only four and a half feet water in the deepest part, but the strong current could not be forded. The eastern channel has a width of nearly five hundred yards. * Quantities of gunpowder, amounting to a hundred pounds together, were found buried in three places, and are supposed to have been introduced by the Talpoorees to blow up our troops. In July 1839 a Sipahi while cooking was thrown violently on his back by an explosion, but escaped without injury, though his food was projected into the air. People had lighted fires on the spot for months, and that an explosion did not take place before is ascribed to the dampness of the earth, which is filled with salt- petre. Had the great Magazine ignited, it would have destroyed every soul in the fort, and rent the fortifications to atoms. + Captain Thompson, the Principal Engineer of the Bengal Column of the Army of the Indus, threw a flying bridge over this channel, which was swept away shortly after 1204 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. (No. 108. In July and August the river pours down floods of water over the rocks at short intervals with angry violence, and casts up waves a mile and a half below Bukur with a noise that can be heard a distance of several miles. It frequently dashes boats in pieces, and drowns people bathing. In 1839 it thrice carried away the pont volant connecting the fort with Sukhur, and sacrificed the lives of two men employed to replace it; and the ferry boat that left Sukhur every morning for Roree lost about a mile and a half in the transit, which it accomplishes in the cold months in about seven minutes. Bukur is the only pretty spot on the Indus in its course through Sind. The growth of timber is less luxuriant than at Gouahatee, the principal town of Assam, but the broad and rapid stream with rocks frowning over it, and the picturesque groves and islands, remind the traveller forcibly of that beautiful and unhealthy spot. The view of the town of Roree from the rampart is a fine subject for the pencil of an artist, and embraces on the north a small island, which the Moslem and Hindoo have endowed with a sacred character. A shrine and tombs, terminating in numerous gay spires of coloured porcelain, cover another island below the fort, and a third lower down the stream forms the abode of a solitary anchorite, who has lived there many years on the donations of pilgrims. Fruitful date trees mixed with the mango, plantain, and pomegranate, line the shores of the stream for miles, and flocks of pelicans, remarkable for the whiteness of their plumes, are seen in the summer months sailing majestically on the current. Note on the rivers Nara and Arrul in North Sind. The Nara ranks first among the streams of North Sind that receive their waters from the Indus, and spreads fertility over a district inferior in wealth and importance to none in the Ameer’s dominions. I ascended the stream in June 1839 in a vessel of seven hundred muns burthen, and as the country it runs through has only been visited by two or three European travellers, I have thrown: together a few notes on the voyage, which occupied a fortnight. Nara signifies a snake in the Sind dialect ; and the river richly deserves the title, from the extraordinary sinuosity of its course, equalling, ifit does not surpass, that of the Goomtee in Oude. From the point where it leaves the Indus, about thirty-five miles below Bukur, to its junction with lake Munchar, is about fifty miles in a direct line, but nearly one hundred and twenty by the course of the stream. The distance across a belt of land in the army crossed in the middle of February. Another bridge over the western channel, connecting Sukhur with Bukur, stood till the end of March, when the floods destroyed it. 1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1205 one of the turnings which the boatmen took an hour to circle was found to be only twelve paces From the sharpness of the turns it is often im- possible to carry sail more than fifteen minutes together, and even when the wind is favourable for boats ascending the stream, they are dragged great part of the way by the track rope. The Nara is navigated throughout its course four or five months of the year by vessels of eight hundred muns burthen. Boats proceeding north- ward always take this route in the inundations, to escape the current of the Indus, which it is impossible to breast without a strong favourable breeze. Those bound to Bukur re-enter the great stream about thirty- five miles below the fortress, and always return by it to the ocean. The only part of the river where an obstacle occurred, was at the hamlet of Gahé, where the men, to save time, went up a channel which the farmers had lately opened by cutting an embankment to let off the floods which had risen suddenly, and threatened to destroy the crops. Here the stream, which has a westerly course above the village, turns abruptly south, sweeping round a sharp angle with immense force, and it was only after a dozen attempts that the men succeeded in dragging and pushing the boat up the rapids. The stream rolls along a rapid volume of water from thirty to fifty yards wide, but sometimes diminishes to twenty, and has an average depth of about four. There are a good many ferries in the upper part of its course, traversed where the current is strong, by a pont volant worked by a man, who receives half a pye for conveying over a foot passenger, and double the amount for a horse or bullock. The Nara is surrounded, where it leaves the Indus, with shoals and shift- ing sands, which make it difficult for boatmen to find the entrance. It is skirted in places by a wide expanse of fields unbroken by forest, and clusters of cottages at intervals of two or three furlongs. The grain cultivated is chiefly wheat, joowaree, and rice, and a good deal of cotton and a little tobacco. I saw ten or twelve Persian wheels working together, and in the gardens apple and nut trees, mangoes, grapes, and limes, luxuriant rose bushes, and a profusion of white and scarlet oleander. None of the fruits are remarkable for size or flavour. The soil is sand or stiff clay, and canals from six to ten feet wide, cut from the Nara, receive the floods and convey them through plains divided by low ridges and embankments: the crops are most luxuriant, but the mode of tillage slovenly, and the manure of a worthless description. Fifteen miles from lake Munchar are extensive low lands base of trees, and little elevated above the level of the Nara, so that banks are required to _ prevent the river overflowing. Part is cultivated with rice and wheat, and 7P 1206 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. part pastures sheep, herds of horned cattle, and a small breed of horses. Before the British arrived in Sind, grain was so plentiful that the people measured at a guess the quantity demanded by purchasers, and even now about forty seers of wheat are sold on the farms for a rupee. The shores untouched by the plough are without paths, and the dense jungle of acacia and tamarisk of large growth that overhang the water is never cut, and is a serious impediment to boatmen in tracking. It would be a great benefit to commerce, if the peasants were obliged to remove the trees. Their villages are usually at a short distance, and they obtain wood for fuel, building, and agricultural implements from the jungle, and might without much additional trouble cut it on the river banks. The country towards lake Munchar is lower and more intersected by streams than the tract to the northward, and extensive lakes and sheets of water covered with lotos and rushes harbour multitudes of geese and other water-fowl. Neither the domestic goose nor the duck is an habitant of this region, and though the river swarms with fish there is not suffici- ent demand for it to induce people to make fish-catching a profession. The common fowl is plentiful, and the people hardly know what price to ask for it. They are glad to exchange their poultry for earthen platters and pipes, and glass bottles of British manufacture, and our boatmen were seldom without a chicken for supper. . There are no alligators in the Nara, but it is infested by a small leach, which is troublesome to those whe bathe in it. Shortly before the-river joins lake Munchar, it flows through a channel which had lately been deepened,-and the earth thrown up on the banks gave it the appearance of a canal, but the resemblance soon disappeared. The thick groves of tamarisk exclude the air, and make the atmosphere in summer oppressively close, and when the floods subside in September and October the soil engenders miasma. No dew fell during the time we were on the river, and our party slept in the air surrounded by swamp and jungle without suffering injury. , The people on the shores of the Nara are nearly all Moosulmans. Their hamlets consist usually of small groups of cottages at short inter- vals along the banks, and a sequestered spot in the vicinity, sheltered by trees, is set apart for the dead, and held sacred from intrusion. The huts are generally on rising ground, and built of mud with terraced roofs, on which the farmers raise a chamber of reeds, where they pass the night in summer to escape the suffocating heat and stings of musquitos and other vermin that swarm the river. When the peasant is too poor to incur this expence, he removes his mat, or bedstead, to the roof of his cottage, and in situations liable to inundation, resides in a shed covered and fenced | ( i i 1840. ] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1207 with tamarisk boughs. Sometimes he relinquishes part of this humble dwelling to his cattle. The only town on this route besides Sehwan, is Khyrgaon, situated on the west bank of the Koodun, a branch of the Nara, and has not yet found a place in the maps; it is about thirty miles from lake Munchar, and has seven mosques and between 2,000 and 3,000 inhabitants, about a fifth of whom are Hindoos. The bazar was last year totally destroyed by fire, and the people were rebuilding it in a very superior style to that of the Sehwan and Thutta markets, which it promises to surpass in width and loftiness. The chief articles exposed for sale are striped and coloured cottons. The lake Munchar bears E. 10 N. from the town of Sehwan, and about sixteen miles distant. In the season of inundation it spreads far beyond its limits, and overflows the groves of tamarisk and rushes on its shores. The figure is a long oval, between forty and fifty miles in circuit, and the greatest length is east and west. The shores are fringed with lotos, and rushes six feet high, except on the south-west side, where there is a waste of sand. Barren hills are seen at a distancerising in altitude as they recede from the lake, and form the modern boundary between Sind and Beloochis- tan. A hot dazzling vapour floats in summer over these desolate heights, which are as unpromising to the eye as the mountains on the coast of Ye- men, and afford no shelter for travellers. The solitary village of Jungar, with the domed sepulchre of Peer Bubber, is to the south, and the only in- habited spot distinguishable; near it are extensive meadows where sheep and buffaloes pasture. Among the varieties of fish that inhabit the lake I recognized the Rohoo, the Silun, and the Saolee, which are speared with bamboos barbed with iron, a common mode of fishing where water is suf- ficiently clear to distinguish objects below the surface, which is never the case in the Indus. Lake Munchar presents a beautiful sight in the season when the lotos is in blossom ; the plants occupy a circle of more than twenty miles, cover- ing the surface of the water with a thick carpet of leaves and flowers far beyond the range of vision. A channel fifty or sixty feet wide, winds with many sinuosities through the midst of the lotos beds, and a current sets to the eastward at about two miles an hour. The water is clear, but has ra- ther an unpleasant taste of vegetable matter, and a pole, three fathoms _ long, was dropped into it frequently without touching the bottom. To reach the Nara in the western limit of the lake, boats force a passage through reeds and lotos, and no one unacquainted with the navigation could disco- _ ver the mouth, it is so completely hidden from view by these plants. The river Arrul may be considered almost a continuation of the Nara, and after emerging from the east side of lake Munchar has a course of 1208 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. about twenty miles to the Indus. The banks are fringed thickly with tamarisks and acacias, and an undergrowth of camel-thorn and turf, There are a few hamlets on the banks, and a good deal of land under tillage. The river expands nearly a hundred yards at Sehwan, and the depth in the middle is never less than twelve feet. Below the town its course is circuit- ous. Sehwan stands on an eminence on the west bank of the river, about four miles from its mouth, and close to the Lukkee hills, part of the great chain of Hala, that forms the west boundary of Beloochistan. The hills approach the Indus a little below the mouth of the Arrul, and consist of lime, in which a great variety of petrified shells, wood, and coral, are em- bedded, well worth the attention of geologists. I had not leisure to visit them, but Major Smee of the 5th Bombay Infantry, an indefatigable collec- tor of shells, found the following specimens during two days he passed at Lukkee :— Several species of Trochi, A species of Helix, ——— Bulimus, —_——-—. Turritella, a sae Cy pen, —_—_——-—- Conus, ——_——— Terebellum, ——__——__—- Oliva, Voluta, —__—_————. Cryptostoma (genus of Voluta,) ——_————. Ostrea, Pecten, and a large species of Nautilus, measuring eighteen inches across. I be- lieve the cowrie and core are rarely found in a petrified state. There are likewise hot springs in the neighbourhood, impregnated with sulphur and alum, and the last is an article of export. Ruined houses, mosques, and sepulchres cover an enormous space at Sehwan, and are a melancholy record of the prosperity of the town under the Summa Jams, the Urghoons, and the Moghuls, before the Kalhoras de- prived it of its independence. The modern town is said to contain 2000 fa- milies, of which a fifth are Hindoos, and there are forty grain sellers’ shops. The houses are mud, and rise to several floors, the uppermost being often built on arches, and surpass in style and accommodation those of Hydura- bad and Thutta. The bazar is narrow and crooked, but of considerable length, and covered with mats to exclude the sun. Belooch caps, shoes, silk strings for drawers, and a few other silk articles for the lower orders, are fabricated and exposed for sale. There is scarcely any trade, and an 1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1209 entire absence of bustle and activity. At the time of our visit there were forty boats at the town, including one of 300 muns in progress of construction. Twelve were small craft belonging chiefly to Sehwan, and the rest to towns on the Indus. More than half were without cargoes. The shrine of Lal Shah Baz, a holy man of Khorasan, is the great object of attraction to Moosulmans and Hindoos, who flock hither from the Dukhun, Northern India, and the Punjab. The tomb is a quadrangular edifice covered with a dome and lanthorn; round it are small domes and blue enamelled spires and coloured porcelain tiles, and inscriptions in the Arabic letter decorate the walls. A gothic arch admits the visitor to a paved court with arcades, where a number of mendicants lodge, and solicit alms in a tone of command rather than entreaty. A door on the side opposite the entrance, closed by handsome shutters of hammered silver, leads to a lofty domed chamber with Arabic inscriptions, niches, and a canopy. It contains the tomb of the saint covered by rich cloths, and the balasters with silver plates, much corroded by time. The numbers of pigeons that have sanctuary in the building give it a musty, disagreeable smell. The sepulchre is reputed to be rich in money and endowments, and enjoys the revenues of the Sehwan gardens, and many villages in the district. The Ameers of Hydurabad make pilgrimages to the shrine, and went there in 1828 to return thanks to Allah for restoring health to the late Morad Ali, the principal Ameer. The fort of Sehwan stands on a scarped rock, about a hundred feet above the Arrul, and divided from the town to the south by a deep channel, which is dry nine months of the year. The interior is completely ruined, but the corner towers and shell of two noble gateways are tolerably perfect. The temperature of the air on the Nara, in June, was considerably higher than on the Indus, as shown in the following table :— Average range of the Thermometer on the |Average of Thermometer on Nara from 4th to 18th June 1839. the Indus during six days of June 1839. ee | ee ee PREMPRCe PMO OG 21 0 Oe Dees Oneae Gee 850 te ROMP cn Sie od ff Slein LiUe eA ie wah) Stee 103¢ 96° 3 P.M. Pi.) cas Mens «ve. (caiieeisear 98° BERS Peis. car! woe | ke 102° 96° 8 P.M. Fas SARS cea eh TG bt. oe) News 96° 9]lo The mercury on the Nara rose several days at 3 p.m. to 111° and 112¢, and once to 113° of Fahrenheit. 1210 Account of Kkyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108. Note on Khyrpoor in North Sind. Land owners who hold Sunnuds (title deeds) of rent free tenures of the Emperors of Dilhee and their successors, pay no revenue to the state. Suyuds pay one-fourth of the crop; and the wng, or expense entailed by Government in collecting the revenue, is remitted. Some noble families of Moghuls, Puthans, and Sindee Zumeendars pay one-fourth like the Suyuds. A second class of cultivators pay one-third, a third class two-fifths, and a fourth class one-half the crop. The cess varies in different districts, and is regulated by the prince or his lieutenant. Proprietors of gardens pay revenue in cash. I have stated in my ac- count of Khyrpoor that government leaves only one-sixteenth of the pro- duce to the owner. I find on reference to my notes that in some places it exacts sixty, and in others seventy-five per cent. Indigo is taxed a fourth, and is not cultivated in the districts of Roree and Sukhur. Buhawul Khan, the Nuwab of Daoodpotra, collects in kind, nomi- nally a third and fourth of the crop, but fines and exactions leave the farmer only half the produce of land near towns and villages pos- sessing facilities for irrigation. Land distant from inhabited spots, and watered from wells, is taxed a fourth and sometimes a fifth for a term of years, according to agreement with the Zumeendar, who clears the land and digs wells, to irrigate it. The people complain universally of the high assessment, and the prince obliges Zumeendars to grind in their mills a certain quantity of grain produced on the royal farms without re- muneration. His oppressive measures have depopulated a large extent of country, and numbers of the inhabitants have settled on the west bank of the Sutluj, where the assessment though nearly as heavy as in Daoodpotra, is levied fairly. The land on the west bank is of better quality, and yields a large return, which enables the peasant to support his burthen, and he enjoys complete security of life and property under the police system in- troduced by the late Runjeet Singh. The inhabitants have put aside their arms, and in the large district of Mooltan, bordering on the Sutluj, I am informed that it is rare to find a sword or matchlock in a family. The people of the Sikh states west of the Sutluj paya fourth and fifth of the crop either in cash or kind, and the former is sometimes obliged to purchase the government share at a price greatly in excess of the market rate. There are also profit and loss settlements adopted, apparently from the system in operation in the British provinces, which are unfavourable for the farmer. The ruler of the Punjab takes half the produce of “ Silab,” or land inun- dated by rivers, and a fourth or fifth, and sometimes as little as a seventh, ‘of land irrigated from wells, according to situation and fitness for agricul- ture. The ruyeeuts are on the whole better off than in Daoodpotra and Mumdot, where they save nothing, and make a bare subsistence. The cess in the Puthan Chiefship of Mundot in the Sikh states east of the Sutluj under British protection, amounts to a third and fourth of the crop, and in 1839 the people were in a state approaching starvation from the total failure of the periodical rains. G. E. Westmacort, Captain, 37th Regiment Native Infantry. 1211 Three new Species of Monkey ; with Remarks on the genera Semnopi- thecus et Macacus. By B. H. Honeson, Esa. Whoever has occasion to refer to the family of the Simiade in works of Zoology, will, I think, be struck with the fugitive and doubt- ful manner in which several proximate forms are generically separated from each other; and this impression is peculiarly likely to arise, if the reference be made with a view to classifying the ordinary Indian species. Are the larger ones (Langoors) Semnopithect or Cercopi- thect ? Are the smaller ones (Bander) Macaci ant alium quid? It is universally laid down that the Semnopithect and Cercopithect both have cheek pouches; yet is there not really any trace whatever of these pouches in their prototypes, the Langoors of India, not at least in those of Nepal: and whilst Cuvier’s type of the former genus has andromorphous canines, Horsfield’s has these teeth as formidably developed as in the true Carnivora; the difference in ¢his case being consequent only on nonage or feminity, though insisted on by authors as essentially diagnostic of separate types or genera. Again, what animal exhibits the typical characters of Macacus ? If Fhesus, then are our Indian Banders not Macaci, as generally alleged, for they have neither the elongated snout, nor the very short tail of that species: nor are their canines longer than in the Langoors, to which they bear a strict likeness in the outline of the profile, and in the facial angle; the only differences in these respects being caused by the greater dip between the brows at the base of the nose, owing to the superior saliency of the orbital bones, and by the shortness of the round terminal nares. Without further preface, I shall now proceed to give a summary description of our Nipalese species of Langoor and of Bander, prefixing to each an amended indication of the generic character, for the reasons above assigned. SIMIADZ. GENUS. SEMNOPITHECUS. Generic character. Facial angle 45 to 50; face flat; nose short, with long narrow lateral nares ; head depressed ; limbs long; thumbs small, remote ; callosities large ; no cheek pouches; 5th tubercle on last molar 1212 Three new species of Monkey. 3 [ No. 108. present or absent (a trivial idle mark); canines variable, large only in grown males, for the most part; stomach sacculated and banded as well as intestine; tail very long, commonly tufted, and usually exceed- ing the length of the animal. Very agile; grave deportment; gregari- ous; not docile. " Species new. Schistaceus hodie (Nipalensis of Catalogue). Habit of Maurus. Dark slaty above ; below and the entire head, pale yellow; mere hands and feet somewhat darkened or concolorous with the body above; a pencil of black hairs radiating upwards from the brows; concolorous ; tail longer than the body, and more or less tufted ; skin black ; nude on face, and on last phalanges of anterior digits; hair on the crown short - and radiated, on the cheeks long, directed back, and hiding the ears ; piles or fur of one sort, nor harsh, nor soft, moré or less wavy, three to five and a half inches long on the body, closer and shorter on the tapered tail: thirty inches long : tail without the hair, thirty-six: hand six and a half; foot eight and a half. Females smaller, with shorter canines. Habitatt. Tarai forest and lower hills, rarely the Kachar also. Genus Macacus. Pithea (Ong, antiq.) nobis. Generic character. Facial angle 50. Muzzle not elongated ; cal- losities large; buttocks often nude ; structure compacter, but generally resembling that of Semnopithecus, only that the thumbs are larger; the orbits more salient; the head rounder; cheek pouches distinct and large ; the canines similarly variable, being large and grooved in grown males only ; the nares short, round, and terminal ; the stomach simple, though the coecum and rectum be sacculated ; and, lastly, the tail shorter, though usually equal to half the length of the animals. Agile; lively; gregarious ; familiar ; intelligent; and very docile in confinement. Ist. Species, new. Oinops (orvw) nob. (Nipalensis* of Catalogue). Tail, without the hair, half the length of the entire animal; ears partially exposed ; buttocks posteally nude, and like the face, carneous red ; colour of fur a full brownish yellow-red or deep rusty, passing into slaty grey on the anterior quarters, and purpurescent slaty internally. Twenty- two inches long. Tail, without the hair, ten ; hand four and a half; foot six; pile or fur of one sort, as in the last, and of like quality and set * Topical names dropt, as seldom appropriate. ee 1840. | Three new species of Monkey. 1213 generally : two to three and a half inches long on body, shorter on the tapered, untufted tail, and not radiating on the crown of the head. Females smaller, with less canines. Habitatt. Tarai and lower hills. 2d. Species, new. Pelops (7nAo¢ et wy) nob. Structure and aspect similar to the last. Colours more sordid or purpurescent, slaty partially merged in rusty ; buttocks posteally (except the callosities) clad: face nude and dusky, flatter than in the last. Twenty inches long. Tail, less hair, nine and a half; hand four and a quarter; foot five and seven-eighths. Habitatt. Northern region of hills exclusively. Fur ful- ler and more wavy than in Oinops. N. B.—In all the above three species, the digits are basally con- nected by membrane, which in the posterior extremities reaches for- ward beyond the first phalanges. In the first, the thumb scarcely reaches the base of the metacarpus : in the second and third species, it extends only half way down the first phalanx of the index. In the posterior extrimeties the same digit has a size and strength, especially in the Macaci, more analogous to those of the thumb in our hand. In Semnopithecus this digit extends a little beyond the base of the metacarpus. In the Macaci to the end of first phalanx of proximate digit. NEPAL, March, 1841. —— SSS ESS —— ; =—_ . > HEAD OF MACACUS OINOPS. er he ce ‘ 1214 General notice of the tribe of Kujjukzyes ( Upper Sinde). By Capt. N. Hart, 2nd Regt. Grenadiers (Bombay Army.) The Kujjukzyes are the descendants of a Kakur chief named Kujjuk, who resided with nine other Kakur chiefs in the village of Mejhtur,* ten koss from Borjaba in Kakuristan. In consequence of a feud in which Kujjuk was overpowered, he fled with his family and dependants to Seewee,} in northern Kuchee (to which town he had been in the habit of emigrating during the winter) and settled there. At that time the Governor of the country was Jeeymed Khan, the son of Baroo, the founder of the Baroozyes. They granted one cubit’s breadth of the waters of the river Nareet to Kujjuk, to enable him to raise grain fer his people. One evening on bringing in their flocks from the jungle a he-goat was missing. The tracks being followed up the next morning, the animal was seen baited by a wolf, which had not been able to destroy it. They secured the goat, and carried it home in triumph. This occurrence was considered so propitious by Kujjuk and his followers, that they determined on building a town on the spot. Some years afterwards, when their numbers had much increased, they obtained the grant of a larger portion of the waters of the Naree from Mirza Khan,§ the son and successor of Jeeymed Khan, and to evince their gratitude were ever foremost in the service ofthe Baroozyes. In process of time this grant was increased to eight cubits. From Mirza Khan Baroozye to Mahmood Khan, the father of Habeeb Khan, the power of the family de- clined, while that of the Kujjuks increased ; and on Mahmood Khan’s at- tempting to enforce the payment of the tribute claimed by the Dooranee monarch, they slew him. ,His son Habeeb Khan being unable to controul them, and being obliged to abandon Seewee, from which city they had cut off the water for their own use, the Candahar Sirdars sent Hajee Khan Kakur, with an army to demand the arrears, due since the dismemberment of the Dooranee monarchy. At this period, the tribe had eight chiefs, descendants of the sons of Kujjuk. They agreed to bribe Hajee Khan to destroy their enemy Habeeb Khan Baroozye, who was then living in the village of Kooruk, four miles from Seewee. The Hajee accordingly seized him one day in durbar, and gave him over to the Kujjuks, by whom he was put to death. His brother Sadoola Khan fled with his three nephews, (Shukur * In Tassin’s map E. Long. 690 20/. Lat. 300 30/. + By Tassin E. Long. 690 45/ Lat. 290 40/, formerly called ‘‘ Koohung.” The fort still remains, though the town has long since been in ruins. { This river has a bund across it, and cuts measured by the cubit are made from it for the supply of the different villages. § Founder of Mirzapoor near Mittree, at present in ruins, Se ee 1840. | General notice of the tribe of Kugjukzyes. 1215 Khan, Misree Khan,* and (name unknown) to Candahar, but their com- plaints were not attended to for a long time. At length Sadoola Khan was ordered to return to Kuchee and collect the revenue as his forefathers had done. The Kujjuks persuaded him that the Hajee alone had been the cause of his brother’s death, and for some years they gave him a small por- tion of the tribute, but having quarrelled with him for demanding the whole amount, they killed him. His nephews fled to Lehree, and sought the protection of the Doomkees, where they remained some years. But reduced to extreme poverty, they were necessitated to throw themselves on the mercy of their enemies for subsistence, and the Kujjuks saw with pride the descendants of the Bazoozyes, once the governors of Kuchee and their masters, now begging at their gates for relief. For a year or two they were permitted to reside in the town, but then sent to Kooruk, where they have since remained. To such a degree of power -had the Kujjuks risen, and so great was their influence, that in a. u. 1228-9 (a. p. 1813), when Ahmed. Yar Khan (the son of Bairam Khan), Surfuraz Khan (son of Moostapha), and Mall Zeinub, Nusseer Khan’s daughter, fled from the protection of Mahmood Khan, the reigning prince of Kelat, they took refuge in the town belonging to that tribe, and Meer Khan, the head chief, agreed to assist them in obtaining a settlement of their claims. Mahmood followed them with an army, and for four days was encamped in front of the place, but doubtful of taking it, he granted two shares of the revenue of Dadur to the Mall, two to Ahmed Yar Khan, agreed to treat Surfuraz Khan as his own son, and then withdrew. In Mehrab Khan’s time also, they suc- coured some fugitives, arfd that prince appeared before their walls with a large force, but eventually retreated without coming to blows. On the occasion of destroying the village of their neighbours, the Murukzanees, about thirty years ago, Meer Khan was slain by a matchlock ball. The surviving Murukzanees sought refuge in the village of Duhpall, where they now reside. The names of the Kujjuk chiefs, the descendants of the sons of Kujjuk, are :— 1. Ismael Khan, son of Punjoo, Punjoozye. (The head chief Punjco being the eldest son.) 2. Eesan Khan son of Alee Khan Baranzye. 3. Syud Khan __,, Door Khan Dowlutzye. _ 4, Kurim Khan ,, Taj Mahomed Kashee. 5, Hassun ps Meer Khan Kashee * Lately serving in the Beeloche levy. y 8 y 1216 General notice of the tribe of Kujukzyes. [No. 108. 6. Meeran son of Jan Mahomed Kuryazye. 7. Door Khan _ ,, Nusseer Kuryazye. 8. Keemool Khan,, Tutebar Sagzye. The tribe is said to have numbered from seven hundred to one ae fighting men this year. The waters of the Naree, though latterly almost entirely kept by the Kujjuks for their own use, was formerly divided as follows :— To the city of Seewee eight shares and one “ Ghanga,”’* for the use of its gardens. The village of Kujjuk, 8 shares i Kooruk, 8 icy) os Gooloo, Gi, is Lohnee, Ai Fey - Murukzanee, 3 ,, Taken by Kujjuks e Sapee, Gyils ,j ey Abdoola Khuer, 3 _,, 5 Mahmood, De, rn Bukhera, 2 vikws Extracts from Capt. Hart’s letter transmitting the above. “A few miles from our camp is a large mound of earth, evidently the remains of an ancient city. The people call it “ Dumb-i-Dulora Shah,” who they say was a Kaffer king, who once reigned in Sinde, but owing to his manifold crimes, particularly that of marrying his sister, showers of ashes were rained on his cities by the Almighty. May not this king be Dahir-ben-Chuch, sovereign of Sinde, when first invaded by the Mahome- dans? ‘“‘ Should any thing turn up I will not fail to send it. I am told of five other similar mounds, where caves are said to have been found, but veracity is not a Sindian virtue, so until I can send people to search, I must doubt it. There are so few persons who do know any thing of the country, that at times I almost despair of acquiring any information; what I do get is purchased, for no one will open their mouths without being paid for it. Books (where so few can read aught but the Koran) are not to be had; one Moolla in Dadur says he had one containing an account of the ‘‘ Dumbs,” but it was burnt when his house was destroyed last November. That you * Ghanga, a water course always running—differing from that measured by the cubit, which was only allowed to each cultivator one day and night in his turn. It was called a ‘‘ Puo,” and again subdivided into ‘‘ Hitts,” or finger breadthis. 1840. | General notice of the tribe of Kuyukzyes. L217 may judge how ignorant they are, even of their own annals, I send a copy of an inscription cut on the side of a hill at the entrance of the Chota Bolan pass. There are some tombs not far from it, but the villages in the imme- diate vicinity being deserted, no one can tell me any thing about it. I have sent copies to Shikarpoor and other places, without success. I was at first told it was done by the Kaffirs, and led on a wild goose chase, thinking . I had at length got something worth communicating, but the letters that are legible are so plainly Persian, that it is not worth troubling oneself further about it, except perhaps to fix a date, could it be read. Even at Bagh, the capital of the district, where I offered any sum for an account of the town even, noone would write it. The only way would be to employ persons for the purpose, send them to the principal places, and then glean from their accounts and the Chuch Nama. I will, if you wish, send you all I have picked up, but I fear it will not repay you the trouble of reading.” Norte.— The translation of the inscription, which is modern Sindee, was given me by a native merchant in Calcutta, who understands the language tolerably well. It is nothing more than a receipt for one hundred rupees, with the names of witnesses to the payment,(!) and in another style of character a query, as to what had become of a certain Oula Mirza, with a reply, that nothing was known of him. Some cyphers (probably a date) are illegible to my translator. I have written to Captain Hart, urging him to pursue his researches in Sinde, and he has since obliged me with an interesting notice of the Brehoees. py Second Notice of some forged Coins of the Bactrians and Indo-Scy- thians.—By Lieut. ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, Engineers. When I first drew attention to the subject of counterfeit coins, my remarks were chiefly directed towards those which had been cast in moulds formed from genuine ancient coins: I had then seen none of any other kind; but I was aware of the existence of one piece which could not have been cast; namely, the gold piece of Amyntas in the possession of Lady Sale, ‘‘ which is in all respects similar to the copper coin of the same king, except that the figures are reversed.” Not having seen the coin, I was induced to say, that ‘the fact of the type having been reversed, showed an advance in the art of forgery ;” for I did not suppose that a spurious coin which had deceived any one, could be so ludicrously barbarous in execution as that of the forgeries 1218 Second Notice of some forged Coins [ No. 108. in the accompanying plate: for all of which, as well as for several cast forgeries, I am indebted to the disinterested kindness of Dr. Chapman of the 16th Lancers, who sent me all the suspected specimens in his own cabinet, and impressions of other suspected coins which he had seen, accompanied also with several genuine coins, that I might have, by a personal examination and comparison of them, the very best possible means of drawing correct conclusions regarding the genuineness of the suspected coins. The forgeries which I am now about to notice are of two distinct kinds, of which the most likely to deceive, consists of pieces formed in moulds from genuine ancient coins. These are generally repro- ductions in gold of ancient silver coins; though some few specimens are known of silver, formed from genuine copper coins, and even silver gilt pieces have been offered for sale. This kind of forgery is how- ever not likely to do much injury to the cause of numismatic science ; for the cast pieces only repeat the very types and legends of genuine coins. Now the very fact of a gold piece being of the same size, type, and make as a known true silver coin, should at once lead a collector to suspect its genuineness, and to examine carefully whether the gold piece has not been cast. Of the genuine gold Bactrian coinage only one specimen of Euthydemus is at present known; and this scarcity alone should make collectors cautious how they purchase a gold Bac- trian piece, unless it should be of a round form, and of a type unknown either in the silver or copper money of the same prince. From what I have said, it will be evident that our best safe-guard against cast forgeries, lies in the cupidity of the forgers, who reproduce the ancient silver coins in gold, that their profit upon each piece may be greater; and by this very change of metal we have an almost certain proof, furnished by the short-sighted forger himself, that the piece cannot be genuine. Were the forgers of cast coins however to confine themselves to the multiplication of szlver casts of genuine silver coins, the only means of detection would be in the want of sharpness and distinctness both in the figures and in the letters, and more especially where they join the field or ground of the piece ; and in an excess of sharpness about the edges, instead of the smooth rounded edge of a genuine coin; as well as in a kind of dull frosted appearance, which cast coins usually have. | 1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. 1219 I will now describe the three gold pieces that Dr. Chapman has brought to my notice, all of which have evidently been cast in moulds formed from genuine silver coins. The first is of Menander, and is a cast of a well known type, having a bare diademed head to the right, and on the reverse Minerva Pro- machus : this was purchased at Kabul for 30 rupees; some ducats also which were bought from the same person by another gentleman, have since turned out to be forgeries. The second is likewise of Menander, but of a different type; the bare diademed head of the king being to the left, and his right hand being raised in the act of hurling a javelin forward. This was also pro- cured at Kabul. The third is of Antimachus, being a gold cast of the commonest type of the silver drachmas of that prince ; with a figure of Victory on one side, and on the reverse a horseman at speed. This piece was likewise purchased in Kabul, and I have no doubt that all three of them are the manufacture of the same hand. The first of these pieces is in the possession of Major Fitzgerald, and the others belong to Dr. Chapman, who when they were presented to him by a friend, at once suspected them to be forgeries ; and my examination of them only confirms his suspicion. The gold piece of Menander belonging to Dr. Chapman, weighs 74 grains, whereas the gold piece of Antimachus weighs only 56 grains ; the difference between them being 18 grains. From an examination of seven genuine drachmas of Menander, and of five of Antimachus, I find that the heaviest of them weighs 40 grains, and the lightest one 32 grains ; the difference between them being only 8 grains, or less than one-half of the difference between the two gold pieces. But as gold is less liable to injury and corrosion than silver, the extreme difference of weight between ancient gold coins should not be so great, as that between ancient silver coins; yet here we find that the differ- ence between these two gold pieces is more than double the greatest : difference to be found between any two silver coins. Now as this | excess of difference between the gold coins is too much to have arisen | from the effects of time, we must look for some other cause ; and that this _ cause can only be that the two gold pieces have been cast in moulds formed from genuine silver coins, is proved by the following facts. 1220 Second Notice of some forged Coins [ No, 108. 1. The heaviest of the genuine silver coins weighs 40 grains; and as the relative specific gravity of silver to ‘en is about 11 to 20, we have ; as 11 is to 20, so are 40 grains to 72 , grains ; the weight which a gold piece would be if cast in a rails formed from a silver coin weighing 40 grains, and within ee grain of the actual weight of the cast gold piece of Menander. 2. The lightest of the eenune silver coins weighs 32 grains ; and therefore as 11 : 20 :: 382: 58. grains; which would be the weight of a gold piece if cast in a facule formed poe one of the light- est genuine silver coins; and which is within 2= , grains of the actual weight of the cast gold piece of Antimachus. 3. The difference between two pieces thus formed is 725 —58-— “=l4-, or nearly double the difference between the here and lightest genuine silver coins; and also very nearly the actual difference be- tween the two gold pieces under examination. The metal of the Anti- machus is of a paler colour than that of the Menander ; and therefore as it must contain more silver, its relative specific gravity must be less : if however the metal of the two pieces had been the same, the differ- ence between their weights would have been a grain or two nearer the difference which I have calculated. From these facts, then, I come to the conclusion that, as the weights of these two pieces are the same as the weights of gold casts made in moulds formed from the heaviest and lightest genuine silver coins; and as the difference in weight between the two pieces is more than double what it should be if they were genuine coins, and very nearly the same that it would be if they were cast as before said ; these pieces of Menander and Antimachus must be forgeries taken from genuine silver coins: a conclusion which is fully borne out by all the suspici- ous circumstances observable in their appearance. There is a faintness and an indistinctness in the outlines of the figures on these pieces, that stamps them at once as cast coins; and where the relief in the figures on the original coins is small, it is seldom reproduced in the casts; as in the instance of the gold piece of Antimachus, on which the horseman has no neck, and the horse has scarcely any visible pasterns; and where the letters are at all crowded on the original coin, the spaces between them become filled up in the cast piece, and render the legend almost illegible ; as in the i ee eee 1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. i221 gold forgery of Menander, where the letters ANA are joined together by several flaws; and this place I suppose to have been the mouth of the mould, and that the letters have become confused together by the more rapid cooling of the molten metal towards the neck of the mould, which prevented it from entering perfectly into the hollows of the letters at that part. From the same cause the letters BAZIA on the gold piece of Antimachus are totally obliterated. I may add also as a further proof of the spuriousness of these pieces, that, when I showed them in the midst of several genuine silver coins to a native goldsmith, and asked him if he could make me some casts from them, he replied, that the figures and letters of the casts would not be so clear and distinct as on the original coins; and then added, as he picked up one of the gold pieces, ‘“ This was made in a mould.” Of the second kind of forgeries, the specimens which have come to my notice, are chiefly of silver, with the exception of Lady Sale’s gold piece of Amyntas, and the gold piece of Kadphises engraved at the foot of the accompanying plate. No. 1. A round silver piece of the size of a tetradrachm, weighing 243 grains. It is evidently imitated from a coin similar to Dr. Swiney’s tetradrachm, published by Mr. James Prinsep in the Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal, for November 1836; if not indeed from that very coin; which I had frequent opportunities of seeing, when it was in Dr. Swiney’s possession. Its relief was exceedingly bold, as I have shown in the left hand section of the plate, and this boldness is what will always be wanting in forgeries made by natives of India, whether from modelled moulds, or by engraved dies. The section to the right is of the spurious piece of Euthydemus; and a single glance at the two sections will be sufficient to show the great difference in the relief of the head of the two coins. It is true that there are ancient tetradrachms of Euthydemus of great rudeness of execution ; (vide, Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal, June 1833 ; plate 11 ; Fig. 6,) but even they are distinguished by a boldness in | the relief of the head, which is not to be found in any of the modern forgeries, which I am about to describe. These ancient rude tetra- drachms are discovered chiefly in the neighbourhood of Bokhara, from 'whence many have passed into Russia, and have been published by the celebrated Russian antiquary M. Kéhler. I have one now before : OE | {| | 1222 Second Notice of some forged Coins [No. 108. me which likewise came from Bokhara; it weighs only 140 grains, and is therefore properly only a heavy didrachma: it is in high relief, and of extremely barbarous make ; but as coins of this description are found in great numbers about Bokhara, there can be no doubt of its genuineness. This specimen must therefore have belonged to a local coinage of Euthydemus, which was confined to Bokhara alone as a tributary state; for if Bokhara had been under the immediate govern- ment of Euthydemus, there would either have been a royal mint esta- blished, or none at all; but if Bokhara was, as I suppose, a state tributary to Euthydemus; then it is easy to believe that one of the stipulations of the tribute was, that the money of the Bokhara state should be coined with the head, and in the name of the paramount sovereign. Another point which distinguishes the engraved tetradrachm as a spurious one is its utter barbarousness as a work of art ; the sketch in the plate gives a faithful outline of the head, preserving all its pecu- liarities ; of which the most remarkable is a full eye ina side view of the face. This singularity at once stamps this piece as a forgery, and proclaims it to be the work of a native of India, whose artists invariably represent a full eye, even in a side face. A third peculiarity is the fringe observable around the eye, on the forehead, before the ear, beneath the chin, and on the shoulder ; which almost tempts me to believe that the forger had copied his die from Mr. Jas. Prinsep’s engraving ; for these fringed parts in the spurious coin are the very portions that are shaded darkly in Mr. Prinsep’s etching. This supposition is still further borne out by the want of the central portion of the upright stroke of the monogrammatic letter ® on the reverse of the spurious piece; this part in Mr. Prinsep’s etching being so much fainter than the other strokes of the letter, that it might easily have escaped the eye of a forger, who was ignorant of the Greek characters. The last peculiarity which I need notice is, that the standing figure of Hercules on the reverse is without a club: for the forger ignorant of the figure represented on the true coin, has overlooked the fact that the lower part of the left arm is concealed beneath the lion’s skin: he has accordingly transformed the club, which reposes in the hollow of the arm on the original coin, into that half of the arm which should be ee a i ee ee ee ee , ee a a a 1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. 1228 hidden by the lion’s skin, which it carries, and he has omitted the club altogether. This omission alone is sufficient to prove that the engraved tetradrachm is a forgery ; but when taken in conjunction with the lowness of relief in the figures, the ludicrous barbarism of its workmanship, the full eye in a side face, the two feet of Hercules turn- ed to one side after the fashion of Indian art, and with the incomplete monogrammatic letter @, there can be no doubt whatever that it is a forged coin. I observe that both the legs of Hercules exhibit a double outline to the right, which can have happened only from double striking ; prov- ing clearly that this piece must have been struck from dies engraved by the forger. When dies are once engraved they may be used either for striking, or, with the addition of some clay round the edges to separate the two dies to a distance requisite for the thickness of the coin, they may be used as a mould for casting forged pieces ; and indeed Dr. Chapman, to whom this piece belongs, mentions that there is a cast of it in existence. The piece was procured at Bajawur ; and it has been subjected to the fumes of sulphur to give it a dark appear- ance. No. 2. A small round silver piece of the size of a drachma, weighing 61 grains ; it is one of two pieces in the cabinet of Dr. Chapman; and there is a third specimen also weighing 61 grains in the possession of another gentleman, of which an impression is now lying before me. The execution of this piece is considerably more barbarous than that of the spurious tetradrachm of Euthydemus just described. The head faces to the left, instead of to the right, as on all the genuine coins of Eucratides: one of the three spurious pieces however has the head to the right. The change in the direction of the head, from right to left, may possibly be owing to the inadvertence, and not to the cunning of the forger; for if he engraved his die from a genuine coin, and not from an impression, the die would have the head in the same direction as the coin, and the stamps made from it would be reversed. I doubt however whether the forger had a genuine silver coin in his possession ; if he had one, he would surely have made several casts from it, instead of putting himself to the expence and trouble of cut- ting dies. I am therefore inclined to believe that the forger had nothing more than a sketch to guide him in engraving the dies of this 1224 Second Notice of some forged Coins [No. 108. grotesque piece of Eucratides. The eye is scarcely visible, and the nose, mouth, and chin are worthy only of a ludicrous mask. The caps and palms of the Dioscuri are also strangely disfigured ; and the name is corrupted to LIXAAATIAA on the first specimen, and on the third to BAETAE Q> LIXKPATIG § all which suspicious circum- stances prove most incontestably, that these pieces are forgeries. No. 3. A square silver piece of large size, weighing 118 grains; procured by Dr. Chapman at Peshawur. The execution of this piece is very much superior to that of any of the others in the accompanying plate; but there are several suspicious appearances about it, which induce me to believe it to be a forgery. Of these the principal are ; its square form ; its identity in size and type with a copper coin already known, having an owl on the reverse; and the total omission of the Bactrian Pali letter P s, at the end of the word Maharajasa, although there is plenty of room for it on the piece. It is curious to observe that the same omission occurs on the genuine copper coin published by Mr. Prinsep, from the corner of the coin having been cut off (vide Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal; November 1836. Fig. 6,) and on this account alone I am inclined to suspect that this forged piece must have been stamped by a die copied either from that identical coin, or from a sketch or impression of it. I have no doubt whatever that the piece is a forgery. No. 4, is likewise a square silver piece of large size, and is of ex- tremely barbarous workmanship; the title of BAZIAE Q® is spelt BAZAIE QOS, and the name is written MEVAH...3 some of my objections to the genuineness of the last coin, apply equally to this ; namely, its square form, and its identity in size and type with a known copper coin, having Minerva’s Gorgon-headed shield on the reverse. ‘These facts alone are sufficient to raise suspicion ; but when coupled with the barbarously rude execution of the piece, and with the jumbling of the letters of the legend, I have no hesitation in de- claring it to be a most pitiful forgery. No. 5, is another square silver piece of large size, and of the rudest possible workmanship. The king’s head and the figure on the reverse are both in directions contrary to what they are upon the original coin ; and this reversal of the figure of Minerva, betrays that the piece is a forgery ; for it brings the buckler upon the right arm, and leaves the 1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. 1225 a left arm to wield the spear; thus making the goddess of Wisdom left- handed. The legend also is much corrupted, and reads BACUE QS NIKAoToPo > AMYN ..3 the missing letters of the name be- ing the very same that are wanting upon the coin that was stolen from Colonel Stacy. In the legend of the reverse, I observe that the initial letter of the name in the corrupted Bactrian Pali characters has a foot-stroke to the left, the same as in Mr. Jas. Prinsep’s engraving ; but this stroke does not appear on the plaster cast of that coin, which I have now before me; nor on a genuine round silver drachma of Amyntas, which through the kindness of Dr. Chapman I have been able to examine. On both of these, the initial letter of the name is the same as is found initial in all the names beginning with the letter A. All the circumstances observable about this piece, stamp it at once as a forgery ; its extreme rudeness of workmanship, its corrupted legends, and its having the buckler of Minerva placed in her right hand, all prove it to be a spurious piece ; which its square form, and its identity in size and type with a known copper coin, only serve to confirm be- yond the possibility of a doubt. It was procured at Peshawur from a man who had also a similar piece in gold; and the latter may very likely be the very piece which is now in the cabinet of Lady Sale. Here then, in addition to the spurious piece already made known by Mr. Raoul-Rochette, we have two more in gold and silver agreeing in all respects, save that of metal, with the copper coin of Amyntas, which was stolen from Colonel Stacy. The same sloping cut which is attributable to accident in the original coin, is here found repeated in all these spurious pieces; and I have therefore little doubt that they have all been copied from sketches or impressions of that very coin. In No. 6, I have given the Bactrian Pali characters of the name of Menander, as I find them upon a beautiful square coin of that prince of middle size. The first letter is m, inflected with the vowel e ; the se- cond is ”, with a dot to the left below, which invariably represents the long a; the third character is a compound, the curve at the top thus c, being one-half of the Bactrian character € 2 ; the middle portion is d; and the foot stroke to the right is 7, which occurs exactly in the same way in the name of Eucratides, and in the word putrasa ; and the last letter is s. Thus the four characters read simply according to the 1226 Second Notice of some forged Coins [No. 108. Greek, Méndndrasa. I may add however that this is the only coin on which ] have seen the name written in this way. In No. 7 I have copied the Bactrian Pali characters of the name of Amyntas, as they appear upon the beautiful drachma belonging to Dr. Chapman. The first letter is the initial a; the second is m, inflected with the vowel ¢; the third is compounded of the half of the letter (as above) and ¢; and the last is s; the whole four letters reading together in perfect accordance with the Greek, Amintasa. It is a curious fact that the engraved originals of all the five forged coins, now published, are to be found in the same plate in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, (Pl. 46. Nov. 1836) ; and as I have ' shown that the foot stroke to the initial letter of the Bactrian Pali name of Amyntas, which is found in the engraving in that plate, does not exist on the actual coin, and that the wanting portion of the stroke of the monogrammatic letter @ on the spurious tetradrachm of Euthy- demus is the very portion that is faintly sketched in Mr. Prinsep’s engraving ; I am almost tempted to believe that the forger of these spurious coins is in possession of a copy of that plate; and that all these forged pieces have been imitated from the engravings contained in it. It is scarcely possible that a native of the East, resident in Afghanistan, should have one of these plates in his possession ; and as all the information which I have received from Dr. Chapman and from others, tends to prove that a white man is the superintendent forger of many false coins, I have little doubt that he (the white gentleman) is in possession of a copy of that plate, and of others; and that he has pointed out to his native assistants the particular coins which he wished to be forged. Of the common coins, such as drachmas of Menander and Antimachus, tbe forger has made casts, because he was easily able to procure original specimens; but of the rarer coins, such as those of the types imitated in the forgeries which I have just des- cribed, the fabricator, unable to obtain original specimens from which to form his moulds for casting, has taken advantage of Mr. Prinsep’s etchings, and has imitated them as well as he was able. Such at least is the conclusion that I have come to from the facts before me; and I have hopes that before long, I shall be able to expose the white gentle- man, who superintends the forging of these coins, to the merited con- tempt of the public. | 1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians. 1227 No. 8. A small round silver piece, weighing 38 grains, in the cabi- net of Dr._Chapman ; a duplicate of this piece is in the possession of Captain Hay, who has kindly favoured me with an impression of it ; and I am thus, by a careful comparison of Dr. Chapman’s coin with the impression of Capt. Hay’s piece, able to say that they have both been struck by the same dies; and also that Capt. Hay’s coin must have been struck before Dr. Chapman’s piece, for on the reverse of his coin there is no visible flaw, whereas on the reverse of Dr. Chapman’s coin there is a great flaw passing across the male figure, and a lesser flaw across the female figure: proving that the reverse die must have become cracked from repeated hammering, and that there are most probably many more similar counterfeits in existence. The original of this piece will be found engraved as No. 7, of plate 28, vol. iv. Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal. The chief objections to the genuineness of this piece are; Ist. its metal, none of the Indo-Scythian coins yet discovered being of silver ; 2nd. its size and type, which are identical with those of a gold coin already known; 3rd. the jumbling of the letters on the obverse, where I observe that the letter A is the only legible character of the words PAO NANO PAO3$ 4th. the want of a halo round the head of NANA, which is never omitted upon the genuine coins in gold and copper; and to these I may add, the filling in of the arms and body of the half length figure on the obverse with small strokes, apparently copied from the shaded lines in Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. The Indo-Scythic coins of Kadphises, Oerki, and Kanerki are always of superior execution ; the relief of the figures is bold and rounded ; and not low and flat as on this silver piece ; besides which, the limbs and bodies of the figures on the genuine coins are never formed of outline strokes, as on this silver piece, but are boldly and creditably engraved. I have no doubt, from all these circumstances, that this silver piece is a forgery. No. 9. A round gold piece in the possession of Mr. Conolly, C. S. It is of very inferior execution, and is evidently copied from the coin published by Mr. Jas. Prinsep as No. 1 of the same plate in which the original of the spurious piece just described is given. Dr. Chapman, who suspected this coin to be spurious, kindly procured me an impres- sion of it, from which I have made the accompanying sketch, A cast 1228 Second Notice of some forged Coins — — { No. 108. of the original genuine coin is now before me, and I can therefore vouch for the correctness of Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. On the obverse of this rude piece it is observable that the little charioteer of the original is replaced by two unmeaning strokes; and that the principal figure, as well as the body of the chariot, is orna- mented with a row of small lines, which I believe to have been copied from the shading of Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. The Greek legend is besides faulty: there being but a mere stroke for the A of Basileus, and the final ¢ of Kadphises being altogether omitted; and these two letters are the only faulty ones in Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. On the reverse the standing figure with a trident exhibits a double outline from double striking ; and the body has three sloping lines drawn across it, which are the very number of shaded strokes in Mr. Prinsep’s sketch. The Bactrian legend is particularly faulty; as I suppose from the incompleteness of the original engraving, from which the dies of this piece appear to have been copied. We have lu, Maha distinct enough, but then follows [] s, for which the two upright strokes of the 7 and 7, which are alone visible in the*etching, might easily be mistaken. From all these coincidences between this spurious gold piece and the engraving published by Mr. Prinsep, and from its extremely barbarous workmanship, I have no doubt whatever that it is a forgery ; and I suspect that it must have been copied from Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. It is certainly very curious that the same fact, which I have observed regarding the engraved originals of the Bactrian forge- ries being found all in the same plate, is to be noticed of the engraved originals of these two Indo-Scythian forgeries, which are likewise found together in another plate of Mr. Prinsep’s Journal. I shal] therefore not only be not surprised, but I shall expect to see other forgeries of the rarer original coins engraved in those two plates ; for I cannot help suspecting that the person who has forged all these coins is in possession of copies of those two plates. From the long remarks which I have made upon the coins of this second class of forgeries, it will be evident that the best test for distin- guishing a genuine coin is its excellence as a work of art; and this test will hold good with the earlier coins of the Indo-Scythians, as well as with the whole series of the Bactrian coins, which have pure r Le Counterfert Coins. A. Curnniigl arr, aed 7. Archer Zvi: 1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians. i 1229 Greek names. The forged specimens which I have described are, with the exception of the Owl Menander, of such grotesquely barbarous workmanship, that a single glance is sufficient to detect their spurious- ness. A collector therefore in examining a coin of this class has only to pay particular attention to two points; namely, whether its work- manship be worthy of Grecian art; and whether the double legends are perfect ; in carefully attending to which he will escape the pur- chase Of many medals, ‘‘ which if neither rare Nor ancient, will be so, preserved with care.” Since writing the above notice, several other.glaring forgeries have ‘become known to me through the kindness of zealous friends. From Captain Hay I have received sketches of two square silver pieces of Menander, the exact counterparts of Nos. 3 and 4 of the accompa- nying plate. In the Bactrian Pali legend of No. 3, I observe the same remarkable omission of the final P sa, of Maharajasa, although there is abundance of room for it on the forged piece. Captain Hay suspected them to be forgeries when he first saw them ; but as they formed part of a large collection which was offered for sale, he was constrained to purchase the whole. From Lady Sale I have received impressions of her gold Amyntas, which is of square form, and is in all respects, save that of metal, identical with the barbarous silver piece engraved.as No. 5: it is therefore, as I supposed in my former notice, an undoubted forgery. Lady Sale also purchased two other gold pieces at the same time from the same dealer; one of them a Kadphises in his chariot, similar to No. 9 of the accompanying plate, and the other a Kadphises with a common bull, reverse, both of which I cannot help suspecting to be worthless, from the bad company in which they were found. I have likewise received no less than nineteen forged silver pieces from my brother Lieut. J. D. Cunningham, at Peshawur, who knowing them to be forgeries, kindly purchased them for me with the hope that their early publication might put collectors upon their guard. Of these nineteen pieces, three are forgeries of a Roman drachma, and the remaining sixteen are forgeries of the drachmas of Menander ; six being of the helmeted type, and ten of the bare-headed type, of which a 7s 1230 Second Notice of some forged Coins, &c. [ No. 108. five have the face looking to the right, and five have it to the left : the reverse of all of them being Minerva Promachus. It is needless to describe them more particularly, as they are equally barbarous in execution with those which have already been noticed ; but there is one peculiarity observable about them, which alone is sufficient to stamp them as bungling forgeries ; namely, that the legends on all the pieces of Menander are reversed both in Greek and in Bactrian Pali, the former reading from right to left, and the latter from left to right. The average weight of these pieces agrees with that of the genuine coins, being 36} grains. ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM. rots pay ay * i ® * ig ee