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BRITISH MUSEUM (NATURAL HISTORY),
CromweELL Roap,
Lonpon, S.W.7.
Telephone :
KENSINGTON 6323.
Telegrams:
NATHISMUs,
SOUTHKENS, LONDON.
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: _ B7MAY 1935 =
“AARcHsEOLOGICAL
AND
Natural HISTORY
- Sociery.
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JOURNAL
OF THE
DERBYSHIRE ARCHAOLOGICAL |
AND 1
“J
NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY.
Peed BY j.. CHARLES COX, LL.D.
a
VOL. IX.
JANUARY, 1887.
London :
BEMROSE & SONS, 23, OLD BAILEY;
AND DERBY.
7 Fe. he” Pa eae 8
ill
CONTENTS.
List OF OFFICERS - - : “ : = 2 2 Og
RULES - - - - - - - - - - - - - vil
LisT OF MEMBERS - - - - : = = z - oe ny
‘
‘
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’
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‘
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on
“
SECRETARY’S REPORT
BALANCE SHEET - - - - - - - - - XXxii
OLp DEEDS IN THE PaRIsH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
TRANSCRIBED AND TRANSLATED BY E.G. - - - ed
CARVED PANELS FROM THE OLD HOME OF THE BABINGTONS IN
DERBY.
By Rev. CHARLES KERRY. - - - — : . Bae"
INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES, 1676.
yes O- Appy. i. Ay tsa ltd xed EW7A! tre MO BALERS «bop
PAINTED GLAss IN MORLEY CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE.
By GEORGE BAILEY - - E = : 2 arias
On A CROMLECH FORMERLY STANDING ON RIBER HILL, MATLOCK,
IN THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
By BENJAMIN BRYAN - - - - - - - - 39
NoTEs ON THE MANorsS OF KiRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY.
FrRoM THE MSS. OF THE LATE GODFREY MEYNELL - - 45
A VISIT TO DERBYSHIRE IN 1630 - - - - - - - 54
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER, 1688—1708.
By Pym YEATMAN - - - - - - - - 55
EXTRACT FROM THE WOLLEy MSS. - - - - - - - 69
On DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD.
\
By J. CuarvLes Cox, LL.D. - - - - - - 70
A CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY FROM
THEIR COMMENCEMENT IN THE REIGN OF RICHARD I.
By W. H. Hart - - . - - - - - - 84
A LITERAL TRANSCRIPT OF THE OLDEST REGISTER OF WEST
HALLAM, DERBYSHIRE.
By Rev. CHARIts KERRY - - - - - - - 94
lv CONTENTS.
PAGE.
DUFFIELD CASTLE; ITS History, SITE, AND RECENTLY FOUND
REMAINS; WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE SEVEN EARL FERRERS
WHO HELD IT.
By J. CHarLes Cox, LL.D. - - - = : E - 118
ON SOME FRAGMENTS OF ENGLISH EARTHENWARE LATELY DIs-
COVERED AT DERBY.
By L. M. Soton - - - oa erie - : Z - 179
THE BRADBURNE CHANTRY, ASHBOURN.
By W. D. FANE - - - - : 2s oe : - 188
LIST OF PLATES.
TO FACE PAGE
I, BABINGTON PANELS - - - - - FRONTISPIECE.
II. BasBincTOoN PANELS - - - - - - - = 21
III. Srarnep Grass, MorLey CuHuRcH - - - - - - 33
IV. STAINED Giass, MorLEY CHURCH- - - - - - 35
V. LeEAD Font, ASHOVER - - - - - - - - 74
VI. Leap CIsTERN, WILLERSLEY CASTLE, CROMFORD - - - 82
OUTLINE PEDIGREE OF FERRERS - - - - - - 118
VII. EARTHWORKS OF DUFFIELD CASTLE - - - - - 137
VIII. GRouND PLAN OF DUFFIELD CASTLE - - - - - 157
IX. “CrLts,” AND RoMAN Pot, DuFFIELD CASTLE - - - 143
X. Masons’ Marks, DUFFIELD CASTLE - - : - - 168.
Mi
List OF OFFICERS;
President ;
THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE,
K. G.
Vice-Presidents :
Duke oF Norro.k, E.M.
DUKE OF PORTLAND.
MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON.
LorD SCARSDALE.
LoRD VERNON.
LorD WATERPARK.
LorpD BELPER.
Lorp Howarp oF GLOossopP.
Lorp HINDLIP.
LorD BuRTON.
RIGHT Rey. LorD BISHOP OF
LICHFIELD.
RicHutr Rev. Lorp BISHOP OF
SOUTHWELL.
Hon. E. K. W. COKE.
Hon. W. M. JERVISs.
Hon. FREDERICK STRUTT.
RIGHT Rev. BisHorp ABRAHAM.
Sir H. S. Witmor, BART.,
WAGE Gals?
Sir J. G. N. ALLEYNE, Bart.
Sir ANDREW BaRCLAY WALKER,
BART.
Very Rev. DEAN OF LICHFIELD.
VEN. ARCHDEACON BALSTON.
T. W. Evans, Esq.
J. G. Crompton, Esa.
N. C. Curzon, Esq.
G. F. MEYNELL, Esq.
H. H. Bemrose, Esq.
Council :
JOHN BAILey.
GEORGE BAILEY.
WILLIAM BEMROSE.
JoHN BorouGu.
Rev. J. CHarLes Cox, LL.D.
THomAs EvANs, F.G.S.
C. G, SAVILE FOLJAMBE, M.P.,
F.S.A.
Rev. M. K. S. FRITH.
WILLIAM JOLLEY.
Rev. F. JOURDAIN.
RICHARD KEENE.
F. J. ROBINSON.
How. Creasurer :
C, E, NEWTON,
FRANK CAMPION.
C. JAMES CADE.
E. Coo.Line.
J. GALLop.
T. W. CHARLTON.
E. GREENHOUGH.
Sir JAMES ALLPORT.
W. H. Honpces.
A. H. DoLMAN,
W. MALLALIEU.
Wn. Wess, M.D.
W. R. HOLiLanp.
How. Secretary :
ARTHUR Cox,
Auditors :
J. B. Coutson.
Won. BEMROSE.
lia i
ae *
Vil
BOLES,
I.— NAME.
The Society shall be called the ‘“ DERBYSHIRE ARCHAOLOGICAL
AND NatTuRAL HIisrory SOCIETY.”
II.— Opsjectr.
The Society is instituted to examine, preserve, and illustrate
the Archzology and Natural History of the County of Derby.
III.— OPERATIONS.
The means which the Society shall employ for effecting its
objects are :—
1.—Meetings for the purpose of Reading Papers, the
Exhibition of Antiquities, etc., and the discussion of
subjects connected therewith.
2.—Genera! Meetings each year at given places rendered
Interesting by their Antiquities, or by their Natural
development.
3-—The publication of original papers and ancient
documents, etc.
IV.—OFFICERS.
The Officers of the Society shall consist of a President and Vice-
Presidents, whose election shall be for life; and an Honorary
Treasurer and Honorary Secretary, who shall be elected annually.
V.—COouNCIL.
The general management of the affairs and property of the
Society shall be vested in a Council, consisting of the President,
Vill RULES.
Vice-Presidents, Honorary Treasurer, Honorary Secretary, and
twenty-four Members elected from the general body of the
subscribers ; eight of such twenty-four Members to retire annually
in rotation, but to be eligible for re-election. All vacancies
occurring during the year to be provisionally filled up by the
Council.
VI.—ApmISSION OF MEMBERS.
The election of Members, who must be proposed and seconded
in writing by two Members of the Society, shall take place at any
Meeting of the Council, or at any General Meetings of the Society.
VII.—SuBSCRIPTION.
Each Member on election after March 31st, 1878, shall pay an
Entrance Fee of Five Shillings, and an Annual Subscription of
Ten Shillings and Sixpence. All Subscriptions to become due, in
advance, on the 1st of January each year, and to be paid to the
Treasurer. A composition of Five Guineas to constitute Life
Membership. The composition of Life Members and the
Admission Fee of Ordinary Members to be funded, and the
interest arising from them to be applied to the general objects of
the Society. Ladies to be eligible as Members on the same
terms. No one shall be entitled to his privileges as a Member of
the Society whose subscription is six months in arrear.
VIII.—Honorary MEMBERS.
The Council shall have the power of electing distinguished
Antiquaries as Honorary Members. Honorary Members shall
not be resident in the County, and shall not exceed twelve in
number. Their privileges shall be the same as those of Ordinary
Members.
IX.—MEETINGS OF COUNCIL.
The Council shall meet not less than six times in each year,
at such place or places as may be determined upon. Special
meetings may also be held at the request of the President, or five
Members of the Society. Five Members of Council to form a
quorum.
RULES. ix
X.—Sus-CoMMITTEEs.
The Council shall have the power of appointing from time to
time such sectional or Sub-Committees as may seem desirable for
the carrying out of special objects. Such sectional or Sub-
Committees to report their proceedings to the Council for
confirmation.
XI.—GENERAL MEETINGS.
The Annual Meeting of the Society shall be held in January
each year, when the Accounts, properly audited, and a Report
shall be presented, the Officers elected, and vacancies in the
Council filled for the ensuing year. The Council may at any
time call a General Meeting, specifying the object for which that
Meeting is to be held. A clear seven days’ notice of all General
Meetings to be sent to each Member.
XII.—ALTERATION or RULEs.
No alteration in the Rules of the Society shall be made except
by a majority of two-thirds of the Members present at an Annual
or other General Meeting of the Society. Full notice of any
intended alteration to be sent to each Member at least seven
days before the date of such Meeting.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
RIE
The Members whose names are preceded by an asterisk (*) are Life Members.
Bloxham, M. H., F.S.A., Rugby.
Cox, Rev. J. Charles, LL.D., Barton-le-Street Rectory, *
Malton.
Hart, W. H., F.S.A., Public Record Office, Fetter
Lane, London.
Fitch, R., F.S.A., Norwich. Honorary Members.
Greenwell, The Rev. Canon, F.S.A., Durham.
Irvine, J. T., 167, Cromwell Road, Peterborough.
Watkin, W. Thompson, 242,West Derby Road, Liverpool
Wrottesley, General The Hon. George, 55, Warwick
Road, South Kensington, London.
Abney, Captain W. de W., F.R.S., Willesley House, Wetherby Road, South
Kensington, London.
*Abraham, The Right Rev. Bishop, Lichfield.
Addy, S. O., George Street, Sheffield.
Alexander, Rev. C. L., Stanton-by-Bridge, Derby.
Alleyne, Sir John G. N., Bart., Chevin House, Belper.
Allport, Sir James, Littleover, Derby.
Alsop, Anthony, Wirksworth.
Allsopp, The Hon. A. Percy, Streethay Lodge, Lichfield.
Andrews, William, Literary Club, 13, Hopwood Street, Hull.
* Arkwright, Rev, W. Harry, Vicarage, Cromford.
Arkwright, James C., Cromford.
* Arkwright, F. C., Willersley Castle, Cromford.
Bagshawe, ¥. Westby, The Oaks, Sheffield.
Bailey, John, The Temple, Derby.
Bailey, George, 32, Crompton Street, Derby.
Baker, F. Wright, 102, Friargate, Derby.
Balguy, F. Noel, 9, Pelham Street, South Kensington, London.
EE
LIST OF MEMBERS. x1
Balston, the Ven. Archdeacon, D.D., The Vicarage, Bakewell.
Barnes, Capt., Beaconsfield, Bucks.
Bate, James O., Gerard Street, Derby.
Bateman, F. O. F., Breadsall Mount, Derby.
Bateman, Thomas K., Alvaston, Derby.
Battersby, T., Kedleston Road, Derby.
Beamish, Major, R.E., 28, Grosvenor Road, London, S.W.
Beard, Neville, The Mount, Ashburne.
Belper, The Right Honourable Lord, Kingston Hall.
Bemrose, H. H., Uttoxeter New Road, Derby.
Bemrose, William, Elmhurst, Lonsdale Hill, Derby.
Bennett, George, Irongate, Derby.
*Bickersteth, The Very Rev. E., D.D., The Deanery, Lichfield.
Bishop, E. J., Osmaston Road, Derby.
Blackwall, J. B. E., Biggin, Wirksworth.
Blandford, Rev. H. E., Ockbrook.
Boden, Richard, Grove Terrace, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Boden, Walter, Gower Street, Derby.
Boden, Rev. C. J., Morley Rectory, Derby,
Bogonschevsky, The Baron Nicholas Cassimir de, Pskov, Russia.
Borough, John, Friar Gate, Derby.
Bowring, Chas., Duffield Road, Derby.
Bradbury, Edward, 16, Arboretum Street, Derby.
Bridge, Rev. T., Poynton, Stockport.
Bridgeman, O. Granville, Bilton Hall, Rugby.
Brigden, Geo., Irongate, Derby.
Brindley, Benjn., South Parade, Derby.
Brooke, Rev. Wm., 70, Bloomfield Street, Derby.
Bromwich, Rev. C. T., S. Werburgh’s, Derby.
Brushfield, T. N., M.D., The Cliff, Budleigh-Salterton, Devon.
Bryan, Benjn., 1, Victoria Street, London, S.W.
Buchanan, Alexander, Wilson Street, Derby.
Burton, The Right Hon. The Lord, Rangemoor, Burton-on-Trent.
Busby, C. S. B., Duffield Road, Derby.
Butler, W., Smith’s Bank, Derby.
Cade, Chas. James, Spondon.
*Cammell, G. H., Brookfield Manor, Hathersage.
Campion, Frederick, Ockbrook, Derby.
Campion, Frank, Duffield Road, Derby.
Cantrill, Mrs. W., Charnwood Street, Derby.
Carter, F., Irongate, Derby.
xil LIST OF MEMBERS.
Chancellor, Rev. J., S. John’s, Derby.
Charlton, Thomas W., Chilwell Hall, Notts.
Christian, Rev. F. W., The Vicarage, South Wingfield.
Clark, G. D’Arcy, Highfield House, Derby.
Clark, Rev. Walter, B.D., S. Helen’s, Derby.
Clayton, Mrs., Queen Street, Derby.
Clay, T. Spender, Ford Manor, Lingfield, Surrey.
Clowes, Wm., Norbury, Ashburne.
Clulow, Edward, Junr., Victoria Street, Derby.
Cokayne, Andreas E., Bakewell.
*Cokayne, G. E., F.S.A., College of Arms, London.
*Coke, Colonel, Debdale Hall, Mansfield. ‘
Coke, The Hon. Edward Keppel Wentworth, Longford Hall.
*Coke, Major Talbot, Hardwick House, Richmond Hill, Surrey.
Cooling, Edwin, Irongate, Derby.
Cooke, Charles, Spondon.
Copestake, T. G., Kirk Langley.
Cottingham, Rev. Henry, The Vicarage, Heath.
Coulson, J. B., Friar Gate, Derby.
Coulson, G. M., Friar Gate, Derby.
Cox, William, Brailsford.
Cox, Arthur, Mill Hill, Derby.
Cox, F. W., Priory Flatte, Breadsall, Derby.
Cox, Miss, The Hall, Spondon.
Crompton, J. G., Lilies, Derby.
*Cross, Robert, Bakewell.
Croston, James, F.S.A., Upton Hall, Prestbury, Cheshire.
Crowther, Wm., Free Library, Derby.
Curgenven, W. G., M.D., Friar Gate, Derby.
Currey, B. S., Little Eaton Hill, Derby.
Currey, Percy H., Little Eaton Hill, Derby.
*Curzon, Nathaniel C., Lockington Hall, Derby.
Dalton, C. B., Grove Terrace, Derby.
Davy, John, Gerard Street, Derby.
Davis, Frederick, Palace Chambers, S. Stephen’s, Westminster.
Devonshire, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Chatsworth.
Disbrowe, Miss, Walton Hall, Burton-on-Trent.
Dolman, A. H., Wardwick, Derby.
Downing, Wm., Olton, Birmingham.
Dunn, C. B. Noble, The Tors, Crich, Derby.
Eckett, S. B., Advertiser Office, Derby.
LIST OF MEMBERS. xiil
Eddowes, C. K. )
Eddowes, Mrs. C. K. }St. Mary’s Gate, Derby.
Eddowes, Miss j
Edmunds, Wilfred, Derbyshire Times, Chesterfield.
Egerton, Admiral the Hon. F., M.P., Devonshire House, London.
*Evans, T. W., Allestree, Derby.
Evans, Walter, Darley Abbey.
*Evans, John, Highfields, Derby.
Evans, Henry, West Bank, Derby.
Evans, Thomas, F.G.S., Pen-y-Bryn, Derby.
Evans, Robert, Eldon Chambers, Nottingham.
*Eyre, Lewis, 78, Radcliffe Gardens, Kensington, London, $.W.
*Fane, William Dashwood, Melbourne Hall.
Ffytche, Lewis, F.S.A., The Terrace, Freshwater, I.W.
Fisher, Edwd., Abbotsbury, Newton Abbot, Devon.
*FitzHerbert, J. K., Twynham, Bournemouth.
*FitzHerbert, Rev. Regd. H. C., Somersal Herbert, Derby,
*Foljambe, Cecil G. Savile, M.P., F.S.A., Cockglode, Ollerton, Newark.
Forman, Rev. T. R., S. Alkmund’s, Derby.
Forman, Hy., Chellaston, Derby,
Fox, Rev. W., The Rectory, Stanton-by-Dale.
*Freer, Rev. T. H., Sudbury, Derby.
Frith, Rev. M. K. S., The Vicarage, Allestree.
Furneaux, Rev. W. M., Repton Hall, Burton-on-Trent.
Gallop, Joseph, Normanton Road, Derby.
Garbutt, Horace, 31, Friar Gate, Derby.
Gillett, F. C., Duffield Bank House, Derby.
*Gisborne, Miss, Allestree Hall, Derby.
Gisborne, T. M., 64, Canning Street, Liverpool.
Goldie, Rev. A. R., The Grange, Thulston, Derby.
Goodall, Thomas Sorby, 5, S. Peter’s Street, Derby.
Goode, Mrs.
Gregory, Mrs., 4, North Street, Derby. ,
Greenhough, Edward, Parkfield, Willersley Road, Matlock.
Greensmith, L. J., Longcliffe House, Charnwood Street, Derby.
Greenwell, Geo. C., F.G.S., Elm Tree Lodge, Duffield.
Gresley, Rev. L. S., Ashover.
Groves, Rev. C. W., Grammar School, Risley.
Hall, W. S., 39, Hartington Street, Derby.
Hall, J. Payne, Uttoxeter.
XIV LIST OF MEMBERS.
Hall, Rev. Tansley, Boyleston, Derby.
Hambly, C. H. Burbidge, Holmside, Hazelwood, Derby.
Hamilton, Rev. C. J., The Vicarage, Doveridge.
Hartington, The Most Noble the Marquess of, M.P., Devonshire House,
Piccadilly, London.
Hartshorne, Albert, Bradbourne, Wirksworth.
Harwood, James, Corn Market, Derby.
Harpur-Crewe, Lady, Spring Hill, East Cowes, I.W.
Haslam, A. Seale, Duffield Road, Derby.
Haslam, W. Coates, Ripley, Derby.
Heather, Rev. W. M., Cauldon, Ashburne.
Hefford, T. N., 46, Queen Street, Derby.
Hindlip, The Right Hon. the Lord, Hindlip Hall, Worcester.
Hipkins, Rev. F. C., Priory, Repton.
Hodges, W. H., Osmaston Road, Derby.
Holland, W. R., Ashburne.
Hollis, H. W., F.R.A.S., Butterley.
Holly, Wm., Ockbrook.
Holmes, Major, Makeney Lodge, Derby.
Holmes, H. M., London Road, Derby.
Holmes, H. M., Jun., London Road, Derby.
Holmes, G. E., London Road, Derby.
Holoran, G. B., Osmaston Road, Derby.
Hope, Rev. William, S. Peter’s, Derby.
Hope, W. H. St. John, F.S.A., Burlington House, Piccadilly, London.
Hope, Miss Rose E., 13, Ashburne Road, Derby.
*Hovenden, R. Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon.
Howard, The Right Hon. Lord, of Glossop, Glossop Hall.
Howard, W. F., Cavendish Street, Chesterfield.
’ Howe, W. E., Fernie Bank, Matlock Bath.
Huish, Darwin, Wardwick, Derby.
Hunt, J. A., The Poplars, Ockbrook, Derby.
Hunter, John, Field Head House, Belper.
*Hurt, Albert F., Alderwasley, Derbyshire.
Hurt, Miss, 46, Clifton Gardens, Maida Hill, London, W.
Jackson, John P., Stubbin Edge, Chesterfield.
*Jervis, The Hon. W. M., Quarndon, Derby.
Jervis, Hon. E. S. Parker, Aston Hall, Sutton Coldfield,
Jessop, William de Burgh, Overton, Alfreton.
Jeudwine, W. W., Hollywell House, Chesterfield.
Jobson, J., The Cottage, Spondon, Derby.
LIST OF MEMBERS. XV
Jobson, Godfrey, Derwent Foundry, Derby.
Johnson, E. S., Littleover Hill, Derby.
Johnson, Rev. Wm., Repton.
Jolley, William, Eldon Chambers, Nottingham,
Jones, Joseph, Babington Lane, Derby.
Jones, Rev. T. J., Tickenhall, Derby.
Jones, T., Jun., 10, Edge Hill Road, Nether Edge, Sheffield.
Joseph, Ferguson, Friar Gate, Derby.
Jourdain, Rev. Francis, The Vicarage, Ashburne.
Keene, Richard, Iron Gate, Derby.
Kerry, Rev. Chas , Stonebroom, Alfreton.
Keys, John, London Road, Derby.
Kingdon, Clement B., Ednaston Lodge.
Kirkland, Capt. Walter, 3, West Terrace, Eastbourne.
Knipe, W. Melville, Melbourne.
Lamb, John, Corn Market, Derby.
Langdon, W., 5, Grove Terrace, Derby.
Leacroft, Rev. C. H., The Brackenfield, Alfreton.
Leader, J. D., F.S.A., Sheffield.
Leech, Mrs. Samuel, London Road, Derby.
Lichfield, The Dean and Chapter of—Chas, Gresley, The Close, Lichfield.
Lichfield, The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Lichfield.
Lindsay, J. Murray, M.D., Mickleover, Derby.
Litherland, Hy., Ravenshoe, Burton Road, Derby.
Livesay, Wm., M.D., Sudbury, Derby.
Lomas, J., Marble Works, King Street, Derby.
Longdon, Frederick, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Lott, Edward, Corn Market, Derby.
Lott, F. B., Huddersfield.
Lowe, Major A. E. Lawson, F.S.A., Shirenewton Hall, Chepstow.
Lowe, William Drury, Locko Park, Derby.
Mackie, John, Cliffe House, Crigglestone, near Wakefield, and Watford Villa,
New Mills, Stockport.
Maclean, Hugh, Ashburne.
Madan, Rey. Nigel, West Hallam.
Mallalieu, W., Swallows’ Rest, Ockbrook.
Maunsell, J. Poole, Mercury Office, Derby,
McInnes, E., 100, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Meakin, Miss
F 3 e Spondon.
Meakin, Miss Harriette
Xv LIST OF MEMBERS.
Mellor, Rev. T. Vernon, Idridgehay Vicarage, Derby.
Meynell, Godfrey F., Meynell Langley, Derby.
Milligan, Colonel, Cauldwell Hall, Burton-on-Trent.
Mills, Henry, Laurels, Etwall.
Milnes, Rev. Herbert, The Vicarage, Winster.
Milnes, E. S., Culland Mount, Derby.
Mole, R. L. Homer, Full Street, Derby.
Molineux, Rev. C. H., S. James’s Parsonage, Derby.
Morley, Henry, London Road, Derby.
*Mundy, Meynell, 30, Green Park, Bath.
Mundy, Edward Miller, Shipley Hall.
Mundy, Rev. T. B., Wilne, Derby.
Murray, Frank, London Street, Derby.
Naylor, J. R., Charnwood Street, Derby.
Neal, Thos., Chestnut House, Highfield Road, Derby.
Needham, E. M., The Cedars, Belper.
Newdigate, Colonel, F. W., West Hallam, Derby.
Newmane, Madame Cavania, George Street, Derby.
Newton, C. E., The Manor House, Mickleover.
Norfolk, His Grace the Duke of, E.M., Arundel Castle.
Oakes, T. H., Riddings House.
Oakes, C. H., Holly Hurst, Riddings.
Oakes, James, Holly Hurst, Riddings.
Olivier, Rev. Alfred, Normanton, Derby.
*Paget, Joseph, Stuffynwood, Mansfield.
Portland, His Grace the Duke of, Welbeck, Notts.
Pountain, Lieut.-Colonel, Barrow-on-Trent.
Prince, Paul, Madeley Street, Rose Hill, Derby.
Ratcliffe, Robert, Newton Park, Burton-on-Trent.
Redfern, James, Etwall.
Robinson, F. J., Darley Slade, Duffield Road, Derby.
*Rutland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Belvoir Castle.
Sale, Richard, Barrow Hill, Derby.
Sale, W. H., The Uplands, Burton Road, Derby.
Sankay, Ww. H., Sandiacre, Derby.
Scarsdale, The Right Hon. Lord, Kedleston.
:
:
t
LIST OF MEMBERS. XVil
*Schwind, Charles, Broomfield, Derby.
Seeley, Charles, Junr., Sherwood Lodge, Nottingham.
Shaw, John, Normanton House, Derby.
Sheldon. T. G., Congleton, Cheshire.
Shuttleworth, John Spencer Ashton, Hathersage Hall, Sheffield.
Sitwell, Sir Geo., Bart., Renishaw, Chesterfield.
Slack, J. B., Ripley, Derby.
Sleigh, John, Evers!ey, Matlock.
Smith F.N., Wingfield Park, Alfreton.
Sneyd, Dryden, Ashcombe, Leek.
Sorby, Clement, Darley Dale.
*Southwell, Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, Thurgarton Priory, Notts.
Spilsbury, Rev. B. W., Findern, Derby.
"Statham, Geo. E., Matlock Bridge.
Stephenson, M., 3, Rowden Buildings, Temple, London, E.C,.
Storer, Charles John, Market Place, Derby.
Strick, Richard, Silverdale, Staffordshire.
*Strutt, The Hon. Frederick, Milford House, Derby.
Strutt, Herbert G., Makeney, Derby.
Sutherland, George, Arboretum Square, Derby.
Sutton, Edward, Shardlow Hall.
Swann, Rev. Kirke, Forest Hill Lodge, Warsop, Mansfield.
Swanwick, F., Whittington, Chesterfield.
Swingler, Henry, Ireton Wood House, Derby.
Taylor, Frederick Ernest, Friar Gate, Derby.
Taylor, Tom G., Hartington Street. Derby.
Taylor, H. Brooke, Bakewell.
Taylor, Wm. Grimwood, 83, Friar Gate, Derby.
Taylor, A. G., S. Mary’s Gate, Derby.
Taylor, Mrs. A. G., S. Mary’s Gate, Derby.
Tetley, Rev. W. H., Charnwood Street, Derby.
Tinkler, S., Derwent Street, Derby,
Thornewill, Robert, The Abbey, Burton-on-Trent.
Towle, R. N., Borrowash, Derby.
Trubshaw, Chas., St. Aubyn Villa, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Trueman, H., The Lea, Esher, Surrey.
Turbutt, W Gladwyn, Ogston Hall, Alfreton.
Ussher, Rev. Richard, Grove House, Ventnor, I.W.
*Vernon, Right Hon. The Lord, Sudbury.
XVIil LIST OF MEMBERS.
Wadham, Rev. J., Weston-on-Trent.
Waite, R., Duffield, Derby.
Walker, Sir A. B., Bart., Osmaston Manor, Derby. |
Walker, J., Old Uttoxeter Road, Derby.
Walker, Benjamin, Spondon, Derby.
Walker, William, Lowood, Cromford.
*Wathall, H. W., Alton Manor, Wirksworth.
Wardell, Stewart, Doe Hill House, Alfreton.
Waterpark, The Right Hon. Lord, Doveridge.
Watson, F. W., William Street, Derby.
Webb, Wm., M.D., Wirksworth.
Whiston, W. Harvey, The Gardens, Osmaston Road, Derby.
*Whitehead, S. Taylor, Burton Closes, Bakewell.
Williams, J., Midland Railway, Derby,
Wilmot, Miss, 28, Westbourne Place, Eaton Square, London.
*Wilmot, Sir Henry, Bart., V.C., C.B., Chaddesden Hall.
Wilmot, Rev. F. E. W., Chaddesden.
Wilmot-Horton, Rev. Sir G., Bart., Catton Hall, Derby.
Wilmot, Mrs. Edmund, Edge Hill, Derby.
Wilson, Arthur, Melbourne.
Woodforde, W. B., Breadsall Lodge, Derby.
Woods, Sir Albert, Garter King-at-Arms, College of Arms, London.
Woodyatt, Rev. George, Repton Vicarage.
Worthington, W. H., Derwent Bank, Derby.
Wright, F. W., Full Street, Derby.
Wright, Fitz-Herbert, The Hayes, Alfreton.
*Wright, Charles, Wirksworth.
Yeatman, Pym, Cedar Villa, High Barnet.
N.B.—Members are requested to notify any error or omission in the above
list to the Hon. Sec.
XIx
REPORT. OF >THE: HON: SECRETARY;
1886.
WHE eighth anniversary of this Society was held in the
School of Art (kindly lent by the Committee for the
occasion) on the 1st of February, 1886. The Ven.
The Archdeacon of Derby, Dr. Balston, presided. The report of
the Society’s proceedings for the past year, showing a steady
increase in the number of members, was read and adopted.
The officers for the year commencing were elected. The one
vacancy on the Council, caused by the removal from Derby of
Mr. Allpass, was filled by the election of Mr. W. R. Holland.
The members of Council retiring under Rule V., viz., Messrs.
Evans, Foljambe, Frith, Jolley, Jourdain, Keene, Robinson, and
Hope, were re-elected. The Hon. Secretary, the Hon. Secretary
of Finance, the Hon. Treasurer, and the Auditors, were
also re-elected.
The Marquis of Hartington and Sir Andrew B. Walker, Bart.,
were elected members and Vice- Presidents of the Society.
Dr. Webb read a paper describing the celebrated Tutbury
Horn, and the old Ram’s Horns of Wirksworth, both being
exhibited by kind permission of their respective owners, Messrs.
W. H. G. Bagshawe, and Albert Hurt. An ancient alabaster
sculpture, the property of the Rev. B. W. Spilsbury, was
exhibited, and described by the Rev. Dr. Cox, who also read
a paper on Old Lead Work (Plumbery) in Derbyshire, illustrated
by full-sized drawings.
Before the meeting separated, the Rev. Dr. Cox desired to call
XX REPORT.
the attention of members to an advertised Sale of old oak from the
Church at Spondon. Dr. Cox stated that the Society . had
remonstrated with the Churchwardens, and quoted the authority
of a well-known and experienced Diocesan Chancellor to prove
that such a sale, without express faculty, is absolutely illegal ;
he hoped the meeting would give expression to its feeling upon
the matter in a vote of strongest deprecation. Mr. Borough,
interposing, said he was in a position to state that the Church-
wardens of Spondon had that day withdrawn the oak from the
sale. Dr. Cox’s motion was, therefore, not put to the meeting.
It is most deeply to be deplored that some of the old oak, owing
to a blunder or misunderstanding between the Churchwardens
and the auctioneer, was, after all, sold, although the greater
portion is still preserved in the parish, and may yet, it is earnestly
to be hoped, find its only proper resting-place within the walls of
the Church of S. Werburgha, Spondon.
During the past year there have been six meetings of the
Council, at which the attendance has been regular, though we
cannot help thinking that there are more of the elected members
who might, if they would, share in the responsibility of the
Council’s work.
The first expedition of the Society during the past year was
held on May 22nd, to Ratcliffe and Kingston. The party left
Derby in special saloons attached to the 1.35 p.m. train for
Kegworth. From Kegworth Station the party drove to Ratcliffe
Church. The Rev. C. S. Millard, Rector of Costock, conducted
the visitors over the Church, and pointed out the various
interesting features, notably a fine series of monuments, most
of them to the family of Sacheverel. The party next drove to
Kingston Church, where they were received by Lord and Lady
Belper, and the Rev. H. Hamilton. Mr. Millard again acted as
guide, and drew attention to the various details of interest
without and within the Church, the special feature being a
magnificent stone carving erected by Anthony Babington as the
canopy for a tomb. After examining and discussing the pecu-
liarities of the Church, the party walked to Kingston Hall, where
REPORT. Xxl
they were entertained at tea by Lord and Lady Belper, and
allowed to inspect the pictures and pleasure grounds. The
return journey was made from Kegworth at 7.9 p.m.
The next expedition of the Society was held on July 28th, to
Ashover and Dethick. The party left Derby in special saloons
attached to the 10.32 a.m. train for Stretton. From Stretton
Station the party drove to Ashover Church, which was described
in detail by the Rev. Dr. Cox. Luncheon was taken at the
Hydropathic Establishment, Ashover. and the party afterwards
drove, via Trinity Chapel, to Dethick, where the Rev. Charles
Kerry read the following paper upon the family of Babington :—
BABINGTON FAMILY.
I have been requested by the Honorary Secretary of our Society
to.say something to you on this occasion concerning the history of
the Babington family. I doso with much diffidence ; first, because
it is utterly impossible for anyone in the allotted time to give any-
thing but a mere sketch of this distinguished and wide-spreading
family ; secondly, because I cannot produce anything not previously
elucidated ; aud, lastly, because we have amongst us one who has
perhaps more knowledge of the subject than any other person in
England. I mean my worthy and esteemed friend, Dr. Cox,
whose work on the Churches of Derbyshire is one of the most won-
derful examples of patient research and diligent investigation ever
produced in our own times. It is to this work, and to ‘“‘ Burke’s
History of the Commoners,”’ that I am mainly indebted for the
materials for this paper.
Burke deduces this family from Sir Bernard Babington, lord of
Babington, in Northumberland. I do not know of any place in
this county of this name, unless it be identical with Bavingion, by
Thorkcington, near the centre of the county. On a ceiling at
Harnham Castle (about five miles east of Bavington), once occu-
pied by the Babingtons, is the crest of the family, in high relief,
within a circular medallion, viz., a dragon’s head between two
dragons’ wings, gw., with, I believe, a scroll issuing from the mouth.
I assign this medallion to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of
xxil REPORT.
the sixteenth century. Harnham, once a stronghold, is now a
farm house, occupied by Mr. Thornton.
Sir Bernard Babington had issue,—
Sir John de Babington, Chief Captain of Morlais, in Bretagne,
under Edward III. His son,
Sir John Babington, of East Bridgeford, Nottinghamshire, died
in 1409, leaving, by Benedicta, his wife, daughter and _ heiress of
Sir Simon Ward, of Cambridge, five sons and a daughter, viz.,
(1) Zhomas, his heir. (2) Sir William of Chilwell, Nottingham-
shire, and Kiddington, an eminent lancer. (3) Arnold, a citizen
of Norwich, and Merchant of the Staple. (4) Norman, of East
Bridgeford, Sheriff of Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire in 1428.
He married Mary, daughter of John Lord Mowbray, Duke of
Norfolk, but died s-p. 1437. (5) John Babington, of Aldrington,
co. Devon, ancestor of the Babingtons of Ottery St. Mary. (6)
A daughter, Sidonia.
Thomas, the eldest of these children, sold his patrimony of East
Bridgeford to his brother, Sir William, of Chilwell; and, after
serving with Henry V. in the French wars, returned home and
purchased the manor of Kingston. It is said that the sword and
bow he wore at Agincourt are still preserved. He married Isabella,
daughter and sole heiress of Robert Dethic, of Dethic. She died
in 1435, and the said Thomas in 1467. By this union the
Babingtons became lords of Dethic. One fragment, at least,
of the original home of Thomas and Isabella remains. It is a
doorway with a double ogee arch, with a massive but ruinous
abutment on the south side of it. It now forms the entrance to a
modern cellar beneath a dairy. This Thomas, the first of the
Babingtons of Dethic, and his wife Isabella, the last of the
Dethics, lie interred at the east end of the north aisle of Ashover
Church, where some years ago there was an incised alabaster
slab to their memory.
Thomas and Isabella left a son and successor,—
Sir John Babington, Kt., of Dethic and Kingston. Sheriff
of Derby and Nottingham in 1480. He married Isabel, daughter
REPORT. XXill
and heiress of Henry Bradbourn, of the Hough, or Hulland, in
the parish of Ashbourn, in this county.
It appears from the visitation of Derbyshire made in 1569 and
1612, that this John erected a painted window in Staveley Church,
which at that time exhibited the Arms of Babington and Dethic,
and bore this inscription, ‘‘Orate pro bono statu Dni Johis
Babington qui istam fenestram fieri fecit.”
Sir John Babington was slain at the battle of Bosworth, by Sir
John Blount, Provost Marshal, in 1485. It seems more than
probable that his body was conveyed from Bosworth to Kingston
(one of his estates much nearer Bosworth than Dethic), and since
his widow was interred at Radcliff, close by, in the following year,
I presume that he was buried there. An incised alabaster slab,
bearing a female effigy, surrounded by a marginal inscription, may
still be seen in the north chancel aisle of Radcliff Church. It has
“Hic jacet Isabella Babyngton quonda uxor Johis Babyngton de
eee obiit vij. .... . The rest is quite obliterated.
Burke says she died on the 18th of March, 1486. (In case of
the restoration of Radcliff Church, this Society should have an eye
to this valuable memorial.)
Beatrice, married to Ralph Pole, of Wakebridge.
Anne, married to James Rolleston, of Lea. She died in 1507.
Her husband was living in 1518.
Their brass memorial now lies on the south side of the sacra-
rium, at Ashover. It was probably removed from the Rolleston
Chapel at the east end of the north aisle about the year 1798.
Elizabeth, married to Ralph Frauncis, of Foremark, in this
county.
Margaret, married to Edmund Pilkington, of Staunton, Derby*
Isabel, married to John Rosell, of Radcliff, Notts., and
Cecily, married to Thomas Samon, of Annesley Woodhouse,
Notts.
Sir John Babington was succeeded by his son, Thomas Babington,
of Dethic, Sheriff of Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire, in 1498, who
married Editha, daughter of Ralph FitzHerbert of Norbury. Hedied
on the 13th of March, 1518, and was interred bythe side of his wife,
XxIVv REPORT.
Editha, whose body lies beneath the handsome tomb in Ashover
Church. According to Woolley it appears that Azs gravestone
lay on the south side of the large monument with the recumbent
effigies. The stone was inlaid with brass plates, one exhibiting an
emaciated figure or skeleton, and the other, which is still pre-
served, the following inscription ; ‘‘ Here lyeth Thomas Babyngton,
of Dethic, Esq., son of John, son and heyre to Thomas Babyng-
ton, and Isabella, hys wife, daughter and heyre to Robert Dethic,
Esq., which ‘Thomas, deceysed, the 13th day of March, 1518, on
whose souls Jhu have mercy.”
This plate is a rescript, the reverse commemorating one Robert
Prykke, Serjeant of the Pantry to Margaret, Queen of England,
who died in 1450. It was removed from the slab to which it had
been more recentlyattached at the foot of the recumbent effigies, by
the Rector and myself, and has been framed and hinged under my
instructions by the well-known firm of Barfoot, late Leaver, of
Maidenhead. It now occupies its former position, and is sus-
pended on a Purbec marble slab, which seems to have once borne
a rhyming epitaph to Edith, surmounted by a representation of
the Blessed Trinity.
Thomas and Edith had a large family, no less than nine sons
and .six daughters. The eldest of these, Sir Anthony, Knight,
of Dethic, was Sheriff of Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire in 1534.
He married, first, Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of John Ormond,
Esq., of Alfreton, by Joane his wife, daughter and heir of Sir W.
Chaworth. His second wife was Catharine, daughter of Sir John
Ferrers, Knight, of Derbyshire. It was this Sir Anthony who
erected the tower of Dethic church, so famous for the heraldic
illustrations of the alliances of the family.
I shall now take the issue of this Sir Anthony, the ‘‘ fozwer builder,”
by his first wife, Elizabeth Ormond :—
Thomas, his eldest son, of Dethic, married Catharine, eldest
daughter of Sir Henry Sacheverell, of Morley, where her beautiful
memorial, with its recumbent effigy, may still be seen. She died
on 23rd of August, 1544. Her will is preserved at Somerset
House. He departed on the 21st of April, 1560, and left two
— — a
REPORT. XXV
sons and a daughter, viz., Henry, Edmund, and Anne. His
eldest son,
Henry, of Dethic, was born in 1530, the year in which the tower
was founded. He married, first. Frances, daughter of Sir John
Markham, and secondly, Mary, daughter of George, Lord Darcy,
of Aston, by whom he had no issue. By his first wife he had
three sons, Anthony, Francis, and George.
1. Anthony, of Dethic and Kingston, attainted for high treason
in 1586. He married Margaret, daughter of John Draycott, of
Penisley, Stafford. (See Note at end.)
2. Francis, who became possessed of Kingston by his brother’s
death, and sold it to Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury.
3. George, of Dethic. He married Helen, daughter of Hen.
Vine, of Ash, in Surrey. and hada son, Ferdinando. This George
sold the manor of Dethic to Wednesley Blackwall.
The second son of Thomas Babington and Katharine Sacheverel,
was Edmund, who married Mary, daughter of George Zouch, of
Codnor. His sister, Anne, was married to John, son of George,
Lord Darcy.
Thomas Babington, who married Katharine Sacheverell, had
three brothers, viz., Edward, Bernard, who married a daughter of
Sir Gervaise Clifton,. and had issue the distinguished Gervaise
Babington, Bishop of Worcester, who died on the 17th of May,
1610. The third brother, John, married Sanctria, daughter and
heiress of Sir Richard Stanhope, of Rampton, and left issue.
Sir Anthony (the tower builder) married for his second wife
Catharine, daughter of Sir John Ferrers, by whom he had two
sons and three daughters. George, married Anna, daughter and
co-heir of Sir John Constable, of Kinolton; Richard; Elizabeth,
married to Sir George Pierpoint ; Catharine, married to Sir John
Markham ; and Mary, married to Sir Robert Brett, of Rotherby.
Sir Anthony died in 1544.
Now I return to the issue of Thomas Babington and Editha,
and shall name the brothers and sisters of the tower builder,
Anthony, the eldest son.
The second son was Sir John Babington, Knight of Rhodes,
XXV1 REPORT.
Lord of St. John’s, London, Commander of the Preceptory of
Dalby and Rothley.
Third, Ralph, LL.B., Rector of Hickling, Suffolk, in the chancel
of which church he was buried in 1521.
Fourth, Sir Roland, who married Jane Ridge, of Kinver, and
died 20th June, 1548, having issue (1) Henry ; (2) Augustine, who
married a daughter of George Zouch, of Codnor ; (3) John, who
sold Normanton, and other lands, near Derby ; (4) Michael, of
Derby, living 1611 ; and (5) Catharine, who was married to George
Curzon, Esq., of Croxall, in this county.
Fifth, Humphry, died 1544, of Rothley Temple, probably
acquired by his marriage with Eleanor, third daughter and co-heir
of John Beaumont, of Wednesbury, Staffordshire, grandson of
Henry, Lord Beaumont.
Sixth, Thomas, Rector of Yelverton; died 1511.
Seventh, William Babington, of Wednesbury and Jeremor, Staf-
fordshire, who married Jane, eldest daughter and co-heir of John
Beaumont.
Eighth, Robert, who died in the Temple, London, and was
buried there.
Ninth, George, who died young.
Their sisters were :—
(2) Elizabeth, who died young.
(4) Anne, married, first, to George Leek, Esq., of Chatsworth ;
second, to Roger Greenhalge, of Teversall. She died roth June,
1538, and was buried at Teversall.
(c) Dorothy, married to Robert Rolleston, of Swarkeston.
(2) Catherine, married to George Chaworth, of Wiverton, Notts.
(e) Jane, married to George Meverell, of Throwley, Stafford-
shire.
(f) Elizabeth, married to Philip Oakover, of Oakover.
The Babingtons of Rothley Temple are the representatives of
this ancient family.
The late James Pulleine. Esq., of Clifton Castle, Yorkshire,
had an original pedigree roll of the Babington family on vellum,
most beautifully emblazoned, executed apparently about the time
REPORT. XXVli
of Queen Elizabeth. It seems to have come into his family by
the marriage of his ancestor, Wingate Pulleine, in 41721, to
Catharine Frances, daughter and co-heir of Philip Babington,
Esq., of Babington, in Northumberland.
I was at Clifton on the occasion of the visit of the Royal
Archeological Society to York, when I carefully examined it, and
have written to Mrs. Pulleine for the loan of it for this meeting,
but have not received any reply. She must be abroad, because
I know that if possible she would have acceded to my request.
A Note on ANTHONY BABINGTON.
Sir Walter Scott describes him as a young gentleman of good
parts, large fortune, and an amiable disposition, but addicted to
romantic ideas on the subject of Jove and friendship, and an
unhesitating zealot in the cause of the Roman Church. The
plot for which he was attainted originated with three Romish
priests, two of the name of Gifford, and the third Hodgson, and
it contemplated the death of Elizabeth, with the consequent
exaltation of Mary Queen of Scots. It was first determined that
Savage, an English Romanist, holding a commission in the
Spanish service, shgquld put Elizabeth to death with his own
hand ; but it being considered afterwards as rash in the extreme
to entrust an object so important to a single arm, Babington
undertook to carry the plot into execution with a band of ten
gentlemen, with whom he was connected with the closest bonds
of community in studies and amusements. The names of these
persons were Windsor, Salisbury, ‘Tilney, Tichbourne, Gage,
Travers, Barnewall, Chaswick, Dunn, and Jones. The number
was more than double that which was requisite, but the rash and
romantic mind of Babington totally unfitted him to lead sucha
band of conspirators. His imagination (excited in an extra-
ordinary degree) displayed by one single act his utter incapacity.
He caused to be painted a picture, representing six of his
principal associates, with his own portrait in the centre, the whole
bearing a motto expressive of some hazardous undertaking.
XXVIll REPORT.
Babington assumed for his own share the most romantic, and
the least guilty portion of the enterprise, by undertaking the
liberation of Mary from the place of her confinement.
Salisbury, with others, were to assemble forces in the neigh-
bouring counties, while Tichbourne, Savage, and four associates
undertook the assassination of Elizabeth. The plot was discovered
through a person named Polly, a spy of Walsingham’s, who had
ingratiated himself with the conspirators ; and one of the Giffords
having turned informer, Babington was arrested with the whole of
the band (except Salisbury, who escaped from England), and
lodged in the Tower. Being separately examined, they confessed
their guilt, were tried, condemned, and executed.—From Burke’s
FTistory of Commoners.
A third expedition was made by the Society on September
2end, to Duffield. The party left Derby in special saloons
attached to the 1.40 p.m. train. From Duffield Station the party
walked to the site of the ancient castle of Duffield, where the
recent excavations have been made.
The Rev. Dr. Cox gave an address describing the probable
history of the castle, as suggested by the recent discoveries made
in uncovering the remains. The various ‘{ finds,” consisting of
stone implements, pottery of divers kinds, bones, moulded stones,
iron, oak beam, etc., were exhibited. After a careful inspection
of the ruins and of the “finds,” the party walked to Milford
House, where they were entertained at tea by the Hon. Frederick
Strutt, returning to Derby at 5.55 p.m.
In the course of the past year, the matter of the greatest value
and importance to all who are interested in archeology generally,
and the history of this county in particular, has been the discovery
_ of the remains of Duffield Castle. On Easter Monday, 1886,
Mr. H. J. Harvey, the son of the owner of the field, which was
known to be the site, but where absolutely no vestige of remains
could be seen, amused himself by digging a hole. In a very
short time was discovered, in more than one place, the face of a
wall. Further examination proved the walls to be of enormous
REPORT. XX1X
thickness—fifteen feet—and extending over a large area. Your
Council was communicated with, and a sub-committee was at once
appointed to watch any work that might be done. The Rev. Dr.
Cox visited the excavations, and afterwards consulted with Mr.
St. John Hope, the Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries, and
himself an experienced ‘digger,’ with the result that every
enquiry and comparison went to prove the great value and
historical importance of the excavations begun at Duffield. A
strong representative local committee, including some six members
of your Council, was formed, and an appeal for funds to carry on
the work of excavation was put out. ‘lhe owner of the property,
Mr. Harvey, most willingly allowed the work of excavation to be
continued. and Mr. Bland, of Duffield, indefatigably superintended
everything. The result has been the laying bare of the founda-
tions of the walls of a Norman rectangular keep larger than any
known example, save the ‘lower of London, the discovery of a
well more than eighty feet deep, and the unearthing of “finds”’ so
numerous, so varied in character, and in the period of history to
which they belong, as to defy description. Stone implements,
pottery, Roman, Anglo-Saxon, and Norman, knives with buck-horn
handles, a spindle-whirl, a Norman spur, part of an Anglo-Saxon
cruciform bronze brooch, bones of the dog, deer, and calf,
masses of hewn stone, a huge oak beam, and the well bucket,
have all been brought to light, after a six hundred years’ burial.
The work of excavation has ceased for the present, and the site
has been enclosed with a strong iron railing. The committee
have become tenants of the site, and every facility is afforded to
archeologists who may wish to inspect the keep or the various
relics which have been found. The sincere thanks of this Society,
and of all lovers of archzeology, are due to those who have
interested themselves so strongly and worked so hard throughout
the whole of this undertaking. If there were more men in the
world as willing to oblige as Mr. Harvey, and as willing to take
up hard work as Mr. Bland, archzeological research would be very
much easier to carry out than it is at present. The work done
at Duffield has been done well, and the result is an invaluable
XXX REPORT.
addition to the history of this county, as well as a matter of
sincere congratulation to every archeologist in the world.
In October last, your Council heard of a proposed restoration of
the Church at Monyash: members will be glad to learn that in
reply to a communication made to them, those in authority in
connection with the proposed work have promised to call the
attention of your Society to any point of difficulty that may arise.
All our members will have heard with unfeigned regret of
the accident to the Hon. Frederick Strutt, the most active of
our Vice-Presidents, and an unfailing supporter of all our under-
takings ; no member of the Society has taken a keener interest in
our work. During the past year, in particular, Mr. Strutt has been
even more busy than usual on our behalf, the very successful arrange-
ments for our day at Kingston were mainly due to his kind kelp,
and no one who was present at Duffield on the 22nd of September
last will ever forget Mr. Strutt’s genial hospitality on that occasion,
only five days previous to his terribly sudden fall, from the effects
of which he fhas not, up to the present time, rallied. That his
recovery may at last be perfect, is the heart-felt desire, we are
sure, of every member of this Society.
We have to record, with sorrow, the removal by death of
another of our Vice-Presidents. Llewellynn Jewitt was one of
the first to interest himself in the formation of this Society, and
always took a lively interest in our proceedings, though we have
not often seen him at our meetings. He will be a missed man by
many beyond our own circle. We regret too, deeply, the death
of one of our Auditors, James Lingard, another staunch supporter
of our work.
Our total number of members this year is rather less than last,
but as the names struck off are chiefly those of gentlemen who
never paid any subscriptions, the Society will not suffer from their
removal. We cannot congratulate ourselves this year upon the
appearance of the Balance Sheet ; as we said last year, expenses
have been incurred over the production of the journal, which were
far in excess of previous cost. The Society has been too am-
bitious with regard to illustrations, which are always a costly item.
REPORT. XXX1
Many county societies, similar to our own, receive valued contri-
butions from the pencils as well as the pens of members, or plates
have been given so as to reduce expenses. The present issue of the
Journal is less bulky than some of its predecessors. The article
on Duffield Castle would not have been nearly so profusely illus-
trated had not the Council sanctioned an arrangement whereby
the Society is only responsible for half their cost. It is quite
hoped that our expenses in future will be less, and that our
financial position will shortly resume its former satisfactory state :
this alone is wanting to make your Council quite satisfied with
the ninth year of our proceedings.
ARTHUR COX,
Hon Sec.
Mill Fill, Derby,
January 22nd, 1887.
BALANCE SHEET.
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4
DERBYSHIRE ARCHEOLOGICAL
AND
Narurar History BOCIETY.
OW Deeds in the PBavish Chest of
St, UWrvstaws, Wepton.
TRANSCRIBED AND TRANSLATED BY E. G.
ve 3 N the parish chest of the ancient church of St. Wystan
Vie of Repton, which is kept in the parvise over the south
porch, is a parcel of old deeds, or evidences, extend-
ing from the time of Edward I. to that of Henry VIII. A literal
extended transcript, accompanied with a translation, is here given
of each of these seventeen documents, arranged in chronological
order. ‘They all seem to be evidences of small plots of land that
at one time were Church or parish property, and that were probably
confiscated to greedy courtiers in the days of Edward VI., under
the plea of being associated with superstitious uses, such as the
: burning of a lamp in the Lady Chapel, recited in the tenth deed.
i The seventh of these documents is the Crown receipt for the
. year 1348, for the Tenths and Fifteenths granted to Edward III.,
from the township of Repton. This is an item of much value and
interest, for we believe it to be a unique sample of a locally pre-
served receipt for the payment of this impost.
VOL. 9 I
2 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
I.
ScianrT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus filius Galfridi de Rependone
dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmayi Radulpho filio Johannis
filii Radulphi de eadem unam dimidiam acram terre mee arabilis in campis de
Rep’ abuttantem usque Depedale et jacentem juxta terram domini Prioris de
Repend’ ex una parte Habendam et tenendam dictam terram cum pertinenciis
suis dicto Radulpho heredibus et assignatis suis de capitalibus dominis feodi
illius libere quiete bene et in pace de feodo et hereditate in perpetuum Et ego
dictus Radulphus filius Galfridi et heredes et assignati mei dictam dimidiam
acram terre cum pertinenciis suis dicto Radulpho filio Johannis et heredibus et
assignatis suis contra omnes gentes warantizabimus adquietabimus et in per-
petuum defendemus In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte mee sigillum
meum apposui_ Hiis testibus Hugone Meye Johanne filio Johannis Nicholao
Pikard Warino Carpentario Johanne Pistore et aliis.
[ Translation. |
Know all men present and to come that I Ralph son of Geoffrey of Repton
have given granted and by this my present charter confirmed to Ralph
son of John son of Ralph of the same one half acre of my arable land in the
fields of Repton abutting up to Depedale and lying next the land of the
lord Prior of Repton on one side To have and to hold the said land with
its appurtenances to the said Ralph his heirs and assigns of the chief lords of
that fee freely quietly well and in peace in fee and inheritance for ever And
I the said Ralph son of Geoffrey and my heirs and assigns the said half acre of
land with its appurtenances to the said Ralph son of John and his heirs and
assigns will warrant acquit and defend against all people for ever. In witness
whereof to this my present charter I have set my seal. These witnesses:
Hugh Meye, John son of John, Nicholas Pikard, Warin Carpenter, John Baker,
and others.
II.
ScIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus filius Johannis filii Radulfi de
Rep’ dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi necnon quietum clamavi
cum (sic) et heredibus meis Roberto de Fornewerke sissori manenti in Rep’ et
Alicie uxori ejus et heredibus eorum et assignatis unam dimidiam acram terre
mee arabilis in campis de Rep’ quam quidem dimidiam acram habui ex dono
et feoffamento Radulphi filii Galfridi et jacet in Depedale se extendens usque
le Croked Hayrowe inter terram domini Prioris, et terram Matild’ Agas
Habendam et tenendam dictam dimidiam acram terre cum pertinenciis suis
quibuscunque de capitalibus dominis feodi illius dictis Roberto et Alicie uxori
ejus et eorum heredibus et assignatis libere quiete bene et in pace cum omnibus
aysiamentis dicte terre spectantibus in feodo et hereditate imperpetuum Et
site
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 3
ego vero dictus Radulphus filius Johannis et heredes mei et assignati mei
dictam dimidiam acram terre cum pertinencis suis quibuscunque dicto (sic)
Roberto et Alicie uxori ejus et eorum heredibus et assignatis contra omnes
gentes warrantizabimus adquietabimus et imperpetuum defendemus. In cujus
rei testimonium huic presenti carte mee et quiete clamacioni sigillum meum
apposui Hiis testibus Roberto de Snepston Will’o Balle Will’o le Mason
Hugone Meye Will’o Appleby et aliis Datum apud Rep’ die Sancti Gregorii
Pape anno regni Regis Edwardi primo.
[ Zranslation.]
Know all men present and to come that I Ralph son of John son of Ralph
of Repton have given granted and by this my present charter confirmed and
also quit-claimed for me and my heirs to Robert of Foremark tailor dwelling
in Repton and to Alice his wife and their heirs and assigns one half acre
of my arable land in the fields of Repton which said half acre I had of the
gift and feoffment of Ralph son of Geoffrey and it lies in Depedale extending
itself up to the Croked Hayrowe between the land of the lord Prior and the
land of Maud Agas To have and to hold the said half acre of land with its
appurtenances whatsoever of the chief lords of that fee to the said Robert and
Alice his wife and their heirs and assigns freely quietly well and in peace with
all easements to the said land belonging in fee and inheritance for ever. And
I the said Ralph son of John and my heirs and my assigns will warrant acquit
and defend the said half acre of land with its appurtenances whatsoever to the
said Robert and Alice his wife and their heirs and assigns against all people
for ever. In witness whereof to this my present charter and quitclaim I
have set my seal. These witnesses: Robert de Snepston, William Balle,
William the mason, Hugh Meye, William Appleby, and others. Given at
Repton on the day of Saint Gregory, Pope, in the first year of the reign
of King Edward. [12 March, 1307-8.]
No. III.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulfus filius Galfridi filii Rogeri Car-
pentarii de Rep’ dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Roberto le
Taylur de Fornewerke manenti in Rep’ et Alicie uxori sue et eorum heredibus
et assignatis unam dimidiam acram terre mee arrabilis in territorio de Rep’
jacentem super Honerbromhul inter terram Matilde Agaz a parte australi et
terram Willi Costey a parte aquilonari et extendit se a forera domini Prioris
usque le Herdewiksiche Habendam et tenendam dictam dimidiam acram terre
de capitalibus dominis feodi illius dictis Roberto et Alicie et eorum heredibus
et assignatis libere quiete bene et in pace cum omnibus aysiamentis et commo-
ditatibus dicte terre spectantibus infra villam de Rep’ et extra in feodo et
hereditate imperpetuum Et ego vero dictus Radulfus heredes mei et assignati
mei quicunque dictam dimidiam acram terre cum pertinensiis prenominatis
4 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
Roberto et Alicie heredibus eorum et assignatis quibuscunque contra omnes
gentes warantizabimus in omnibus acquietabimus et cuicunque vel quandocun-
que dare vendere vel assignare voluerint imperpetuum defendemus In cujus
rei testimonium presenti carte sigillum meum apposui Hiis testibus domino
Hugone capellano Roberto de Snypeston’ Hugone Meye Will’o Balle Will’o
le Taylur et aliis Datum apud Rep’ die Jovis in festo Sancti Valentini martiris
anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi octavodecimo,
[ Translation. |
Know all men present and to come that I Ralph son of Geoffrey son of
Roger Carpenter of Repton have given granted and by this my present
charter confirmed to Robert the Taylor of Foremark dwelling in Repton
and to Alice his wife and to their heirs and assigns one half acre of my arable
land in the territory of Repton lying upon Honerbromhul between the land
of Maud Agaz on the south side and the land of William Costey on the
north side and it extends itself from the headland of the lord Prior up to the
Herdewiksiche To have and to hold the said half acre of land of the chief
lords of that fee to the said Robert and Alice and their heirs and assigns freely
quietly well and in peaee with all easements and commodities to the said land
belonging within the town of Repton and without in fee and inheritance
for ever And I the said Ralph my heirs and my assigns whosoever the said
half acre of land with the appurtenances to the beforenamed Robert and Alice
their heirs and assigns whomsoever will warrant against all people will acquit
in all things and to whomsoever and whensoever they will to give sell or assign
the same will defend for ever In witness whereof to the present charter I
have set my seal. These witnesses: Sir Hugh Chaplain, Robert de Snype-
stone, Hugh Meye, William Balle, William the Taylur and others. Given at
Repton on Thursday the feast of Saint Valentine the martyr in the
eighteenth year of the reign of king Edward son of king Edward [14 February
1324-5].
EV.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus filius Galfridi filii Rogeri Car-
pentarii de Rep’ dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Roberto le
Taylur de Fornewerke manenti in Rep’ et Alicie uxori sue et eorum heredibus
et assignatis unam dimidiam acram terre mee arrabilis in Campo de Rep’ versus
le Hay inter Honerbromhul et Brasput’ jacentem juxta terram Matild’ Agaz a
parte australi et terram Roberti Jon a parte aquilonari et extendit se a forera
Simonis le Lander usque le Herdewykesiche Habendam et tenendam dictam
dimidiam acram terre cum pertinenciis de capitalibus dominis feodi illius dictis
Roberto et Alicie et eorum heredibus et assignatis quibuscunque et cuicunque et
quandocunque dare vendere et assignare voluerint libere quiete bene et in pace
cum omnibus aysiamentis et commoditatibus dicte terre spectantibus in feodo
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 5
et hereditate imperpetuum Et ego dictus Radulphus heredes mei et assignati
dictam dimidiam acram terre cum pertinenciis prenominatis Roberto et Alicie
heredibus eorum et assignatis quibuscunque contra omnes gentes warantizabi-
mus in omnibus acquietabimus et imperpetuum defendemus In cujus rei testi-
timonium presenti carte mee sigillum meum apposui Hiis testibus domino
Hugone capellano Roberto de Snipeston’ Willo Appleby Hugone Meye
Will’o Balle et aliis Datum apud Rep’ die Sabbati in festo Sancti Cedde
episcopi anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi octavodecimo.
[Zranslation. ]
Know all men present and to come that I Ralph son of Geoffrey son of
Roger Carpenter of Repton have given granted and by this my present
charter confirmed to Robert the Taylor of Foremark dwelling in Repton
and to Alice his wife and their heirs and assigns one half acre of my arable
land in the field of Repton towards the Hay between Honerbromhul and
Braspute lying near the land of Maud Agaz on the south side and the land of
Robert Jon on the north side and extends itself from the headland of Simon
the Lander up to the Herdywykesiche To have and to hold the said half acre
of land with the appurtenances of the chief lords of that fee to the said Robert
and Alice and to their heirs and assigns whomsoever and to whomsoever and
whensoever they will to give sell and assign the same freely quietly well and in
peace with all easements and commodities to the said land belonging in fee
and inheritance for ever And I the said Ralph my heirs and assigns will
warrant acquit and defend the said half acre of land with the appurtenances to
the beforenamed Robert and Alice their heirs and assigns whomsoever against
all people and in all things for ever. In witness whereof to my present charter
I have set my seal. These witnesses: Sir Hugh chaplain, Robert de Snipe-
stone, William Appelby, Hugh Meye, William Balle and others. Given at
Repton on Saturday the feast of Saint Chad bishop in the eighteenth year
of the reign of King Edward son of king Edward [2 March 1324-5].
V.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus filius Galfridi filii Rogeri
Carpentarii de Rep’ dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Roberto
le Taylor de Fornewerke manenti in Rep’ et Alicie uxori sue et eorum
heredibus et assignatis quibuscumque unam acram terre mee arabilis in territorio
de Rep’ cujus una dimidia acra jacet in le mers inter terram Rogeri filii
Willielmi super le hul ex parte una et terram Matilde Agaz ex parte alia et
extendit se a le Scherthaude londe usque Trente et una Roda jacet super le
Ruggeweye versus Robincros inter terram dicti Rogeri et Warini Carpentarii
et una roda jacet in campis versus Neutone apud Knavegrene inter terram
dictorum Rogeri et Matilde Habendam et tenendam dictam acram terre de
6 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
capitalibus dominis feodi dictis Roberto et Alicie heredibus eorum et assignatis
quibuscumque libere quiete bene et in pace cum omnibus aysiamentis dicte terre
ubique spectantibus in feodo et hereditate imperpetuum Et ego dictus
Radulphus heredes mei et assignati quicumque dictam acram terre cum
pertinenciis prenominatis Roberto et Alicie et eorum heredibus et assignatis
quibuscumque contra omnes gentes warantizabimus in omnibus acquietabimus
et imperpetuum defendemus In cujus rei testimonium presenti carte sigillum
meum apposui_ Hiis testibus Roberto de Snipestone Will’o Appelby Hugone
Meye Will’o Balle Warino Carpentario et aliis Dat’ apud Rep’ die Dominica
proxima ante festum Sancti Georgii martiris anno regni Regis Edwardi filii
Regis Edwardi octavodecimo.
[ Zranslation.]
Know all men present and to come that I Ralph son of Geoffrey son of
Roger Carpenter of Repton have given granted and by this my present
charter confirmed to Robert the Taylor of Foremark dwelling in Rep’ and
Alice his wife and to their heirs and assigns whomsoever one acre of my arable
land in the territory of Rep’ whereof one half acre lies in the marsh between the
land of Roger son of William upon the hill on one part and the land of Maud
Agaz on the other part and extends itself from the Scherthaudelonde up to
Trente and one rood lies upon the Ridgeway towards Robincros between the
land of the said Roger and Warin Carpenter and one rood lies in the fields
towards Newton at Knavegrene between the land of the said Roger and Maud
To have and to hold the said acre of land of the chief lords of the fee to the
said Robert and Alice their heirs and assigns whomsoever freely quietly well
and in peace with all easements to the said land everywhere belonging in fee
and inheritance for ever And I the said Ralph my heirs and assigns whosoever
the said acre of land with the appurtenances to the beforenamed Robert and
Alice and their heirs and assigns whomsoever will warrant in all things acquit
and defend against all people for ever. In witness whereof to the present
charter I have set my seal. These witnesses: Robert de Snipestone, William
Appelby, Hugh Maye, William Balle, Warin Carpenter and others. Given
at Repton on Sunday next before the feast of Saint George the Martyr
in the eighteenth year of the reign of King Edward son of King Edward
[19 April 1325].
VI.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod nos Nicholaus Pykard de Repingdon’ et
Juliana uxor mea dedimus concessimus et hac presenti carta nostra
confirmayimus Roberto le Taylur de Repingdon’ unam dimidiam acram terre
nostre arabilis cum pertinenciis in Repingdon’ jacentem apud Kokthorn super le
Middelfurlonge inter terras Willielmi Agaz et Willielmi Nike et buttantem super
terram Ade Gambone ad unum capud et ad aliud capud super terram Roberti
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 7
Dousamour Habendam et tenendam predictam dimidiam acram terre cum
pertinenciis predicto Roberto le Taylur et heredibus vel assignatis suis libere
quiete et in pace imperpetuum de capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servicia
eis inde debita et de jure consueta Reddendo inde annuatim dictis dominis
capitalibus ij denarios quadrantem pro omnibus aliis serviciis et demandis
Et nos vero predicti Nicholaus et Juliana uxor mea et heredes nostri predictam
dimidiam aeram terre cum omnibus suis pertinenciis ut predictum predicto
Roberto le Taylur et heredibus suis vel suis assignatis warantizabimus
imperpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte nostre sigilla nostra
apposuimus. Hiis testibus domino Hugone le Barker capellano Will’o de
Swarkeston’ Johanne Cordi Will’o Meye Will’o Costeye et aliis. Datum apud
Repingdon’ die Mercurii proxima post festum Epiphanie Domini anno regni
Regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum vicesimo primo.
[ Translation. |
Know all present and to come that we Nicholas Pykard of Repton and
Juliana my wife have given granted and by this our present charter confirmed
to Robert the Taylur of Repton one half acre of our arable land with the
appurtenances in Repton lying at Kokthorne upon the middle-furlonge
between the lands of William Agazand of William Nike and abutting upon the
land of Adam Gambone at one head and upon the land of Robert Dousamour
at the other head To have and to hold the aforesaid half acre of land with the
appurtenances to the aforesaid Robert the Taylur and his heirs or his assigns
freely quietly and in peace for ever of the chief lords of that fee by the
services therefrom to them due and of right accustomed Yielding therefrom
yearly to the said chief lords two-pence farthing for all other services and
demands And we the aforesaid Nicholas and Juliana my wife and our heirs
will warrant the aforesaid half acre of land with all its appurtenances as
aforesaid to the aforesaid Robert the Taylur and his heirs or his assigns for
ever. In witness whereof to this our present charter we have set our seals.
These witnesses: Sir Hugh le Barker chaplain, William of Swarkestone, John
Cordi,’ William Meye, William Costeye and others. Given at Repton on
Wednesday next after the feast of the Epiphany of the Lord in the twenty-first
year of the reign of king Edward the third after the Conquest.
VII.
MEMORANDUM quod Taxatores et Collectores x et xve triennalium
domino Regi concessarum anno regni sui xxij® receperunt de villata de
Repyndon’ quadraginta quatuor solidos unum denarium et obolum de
primo termino primi anni concessionis predicte. In cujus rei testimonium
Sigillum officiale presentibus est appensum. Datum apud Derb’ die Veneris
proxima ante festum Sancti Michaelis anno supradicto.
8 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
[ Zranslation.]
Be it remembered that the Taxors and Collectors of the Tenth and
Fifteenth granted to the lord the King for three years in the twenty-second
year of his reign have received from the Township of Repyndon forty-four
shillings one penny and a halfpenny for the first term of the first year of
the grant aforesaid. In witness whereof the seal of office is appended to
these presents. Given at Derby on Friday next before the feast of Saint
Michael in the year abovesaid.
VIII.
PATEAT universis per presentes quod ego Johannes Cortel vicarius de
Wylington’ pro me et heredibus meis imperpetuum quietum clamavi Johanni
Cordy de Repindon’ et heredibus ac assignatis suis totum jus et clameum
quod habui habeo seu quovismodo habere potero in quadam placea cum
edificiis superstantibus et pertinenciis suis in villa de Repindon’ que quidem
placea cum edificiis superstantibus scituata est inter placeam condam
Willielmi de Herteshorn ex una parte et inter placeam que vocatur le
Steresplace ex altera parte Ita quod nec ego dictus Johannes Cortel nec
heredes mei nec quovis alius nomine nostro aliquod jus vel clameum in
dicta placea cum edificiis superstantibus et cum pertinenciis suis de cetero
exigere seu quovismodo vendicare valeamus sed ab omni accione juris et
clamei in eisdem exclusi sumus imperpetuum per presentes. In cujus rei
testimonium huic presenti scripto quiete clamacionis sigillum meum
apposui. Datum apud Repindon’ die Mercurii proxima post festum Anuncia-
cionis Beate Virginis Marie anno regni Regis Edwardi tercii post con-
questum tricesimo.
[Translation .|
Be it manifest unto all by these presents that I John Cortel vicar of
Willington for me and my heirs have for ever quitclaimed to John Cordy of
Repton and to his heirs and assigns all right and claim, which I had have
or in any wise shall have in a certain plot with buildings standing thereon
and their appurtenances in the town of Repton which said plot with
buildings standing thereon is situate between the plot formerly of William de
Hartshorn of one part and between the plot which is called the Steresplace
of the other part So that neither I the said John Cortel nor my heirs nor any
other in our name shall henceforth be able to demand or challenge in any wise
any right or claim in the said plot with buildings standing thereon, and with
their appurtenances, but from all action of right and claim in the same shall
be for ever shut out by these presents. In witness whereof to this present
writing of quitclaim I have set my seal. Given at Repton on Wednesday
next after the feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the
thirtieth year of the reign of King Edward the Third after the Conquest.
y Ser
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 9
IX.
PRESENS indentura testatur quod dominus Johannes de Mielton’ capellanus
Willielmus Botilere de Repindon’ Hugo de Engleby de eadem et Nicholaus
Nyke de eadem concesserunt ac dimiserunt Stephano Taylour de Brettoby
manenti in Repindon’ Margerie uxori ejus et Thome filio eorum terciam partem
unius mesuagii in Repindon’ cum pertinenciis suis et tres buttas terre arabilis
cum suis pertinenciis jacentes super Bromhull unam dimidiam acram jacentem
versus le Hay inter Honourbromhull et Barseputte juxta terram condam
Willielmi Agas et terram Roberti John’ ac eciam unam dimidiam acram cum
suis pertinenciis jacentem apud Kokethorn super le Medel Forlonge inter
terram predicti Willielmi Agas et terram Willielmi Nyke et abuttantem super
terram Ade Gambone ad unum caput et terram Roberti Dousamour ad aliud
caput Habendam et tenendam de capitalibus dominis per servicia eis inde
debita et de jure consulta omnia terras et tenementa predicta cum suis
pertinenciis predictis Stephano Margerie uxori ejus et Thome filio eorum ad
totam vitam eorum trium et alteri eorum qui diucius vixerit Reddendo eciam
eisdem domino Johanni Willielmo Hugoni et Nicholao heredibus suis et
assignatis suis annuatim pro predicta tercia parte mesuagii et tribus buttis cum
suis pertinenciis quinque solidus et decem denarios ad duos anni terminos in
Repindon’ usuales pro omnibus aliis serviciis libere quiete bene et in pace Et
si contingat predictum annualem redditum quinque solidorum et decem
denariorum aretro existere in parte vel in toto per unum mensem post aliquem
terminum prestatutum bene liceat predictis domino Johanni Willielmo Hugoni
et Nicholao et heredibus suis et suis assignatis in omnibus predictis terris et .
tenementis cum suis pertinenciis distringere et districcionem penes se retinere
quousque de predicto redditu ac de arreragiis si que sint plenarie eisdem fuerit
satisfactum Et predicti dominus Johannes Willielmus Hugo et Nicholaus et
heredes sui et assignati sui omnia terras et tenementa predicta cum suis
pertinenciis prefatis Stephano Margerie uxori ejus et Thome filio eorum ad
totam vitam eorum trium et alteri eorum qui diucius vixerit ut supra dictum est
contra omnes gentes warantizabunt et defendent In cujus rei testimonium hiis
indenturis partes prenominate mutuo sigilla sua apposuerunt Hiis testibus
Roberto Wele Johanne Wareyn Johanne Byschope Roberto Daubour Will’mo
del Hay et aliis. Datum apud Repindon’ die Jovis proxima post festum
Sancti Gregorii anno regni Regis Ricardi secundi post conquestum quarto
decimo.
[ Zranslation.]
The present Indenture witnesseth that Sir John de Mielton chaplain William
Botilere of Repton Hugh de Ingleby of the same and Nicholas Nyke of the
same have granted and demised to Stephen Taylour of Bretby dwelling in
Repton Margery his wife and Thomas their son a third part of one messuage
in Repton with its appurtenances and three butts of arable land with their
Io DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
appurtenances lying upon Bromhull one half acre lying towards the Hay be-
tween Honourbromhull and Barseputte next the land formerly of William Agas
and the land of Robert John and also one half acre with its appurtenances
lying at Kokethorn upon the Medel Forlonge between the land of the afore-
said William Agas and the land of William Nyke and abutting upon the land
of Adam Gambone at one head and the land of Robert Dousamour at the
other head To have and to hold of the chief lords by the services therefor to
them due and of right accustomed all the lands and tenements aforesaid with
their appurtenances to the aforesaid Stephen Margery his wife and Thomas
their son for the whole life of the three of them and to the one of them who
shall the longer live Yielding also to the same Sir John William Hugh and
Nicholas their heirs and their assigns yearly for the aforesaid third part of a
messuage and three butts with their appurtenances five shillings and tenpence
at the two terms of the year usual in Repton for all other services freely
quietly well and in peace And if it happen the aforesaid yearly rent of five
shillings and ten pence to be behind in part or in all for one month after any
term before appointed it shall be fully lawful for the aforesaid Sir John William
Hugh and Nicholas and their heirs and their assigns to distrain in all the
aforesaid lands and tenements with their appurtenances and the distress with
them to retain until cf the aforesaid rent and of the arrears (if any there be)
it shall be fully satisfied unto the same And the aforesaid Sir John William
Hugh and Nicholas and their heirs and their assigns all the lands and tene-
ments aforesaid with their appurtenances to the aforesaid Stephen Margery his
wife and Thomas their son for the whole life of the three of them and to the
one of them who shall the longer live as is abovesaid will warrant and defend
against all people. In witness whereof tothese Indentures the parties afore-
‘named have mutually set their seals. These witnesses: Robert Wele, John
Wareyn, John Byscope, Robert Daubour, William of the Hay and others.
Given at Repton on Thursday next after the feast of Saint Gregory in the
fourteenth year of the reign of King Richard the second after the Conquest.
X.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Cooke de Repindone capellanus
dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea indenta (sz¢) mea confirmavi Willielmo
filio Johannis de Engleby tres seliones terre arabilis cum suis pertinenciis de
Engleby que simul jacent super le Wyteflatte inter terram Prioris de Repindone
et terram Johannis Fyschere et lanceant super foereram condam Roberti
Gregory quos quidem seliones habui ex dono et feofamento domini Willielmi de
Meiltone capellani Habendum et tenendum predictos tres seliones cum suis
pertinenciis predicto Willielmo filio Johannis et heredibus suis sive assignatis
suis libere quete bene et in pace imperpetuum de me et heredibus meis per
servicium unius floris rose ad festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste ac
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. II
eciam reddendo inde annuatim preposito seu procuratori luminis altaris Capelle
Sancte Marie in ecclesia parochiali de Repindone qui pro tempore fuerit
sexdecim denarios ad festum Sancti Michaelis in liberam puram et perpetuam
elemosinam sicud aliqua elemosina melius et quietius dari potest Et si
contingat predictum anualem redditum sexdecim denariorum aretro existere in
parte vel in toto per duos dies post octavas predicti festi Sancti Michaelis
volo et concedo ego predictus Willielmus filius Johannis pro me et heredibus
meis et meis assignatis quod ex tunc bene licebit preposito seu procuratori
luminis predicti altaris qui pro tempore fuerit in omnibus terris et tenementis
bonis et catallis nostris distringere et districta penes se retinere in quorum manus
fuerint inventa quousque de predicto redditu sexdecim denariorum sive de
arreragiis si que sint plenarie fuerit sibi satisfactum Et ego vero predictus
Johannes et heredes mei predictos tres seliones et cum suis pertinenciis
sapedicto Willieimo filio Johannis et heredibus suis sive assignatis suis ut
supradictum est et in forma predicta contra omnes gentes warantizabimus et
imperpetuum defendemus In cujus rei testimonium presentibus Indenturis
tam prefatus Johannes Cooke quam sepedictus Willielmus filius Johannis mutuo
sigilla sua apposuerunt —_Hiis testibus Johanne Fraunceys de Engleby Symone
Fraunceys de Mieltone Laurencio Halm de Engleby Will’mo Gylot de eadem
Hugone de Engleby de Repindone et aliis Dat’ apud Engleby dxe Mercuriiin
vigilia Ascencionis Domini anno regni regis Ricardi secundi post conquestum
sexto decimo,
[ Zranslation. |
Know all present and to come that I John Cooke of Repton chaplain
have given granted and by this my present charter indented have confirmed to
William son of John de Ingleby three selions of arable land with their appur-
tenances in Ingleby which lie together upon the Wyteflatte between the land
of the Prior of Repton and the land of John Fyschere and strike upon the
headland formerly of Robert Gregory which said selions I had of the gift and
feoffment of Sir William de Meiltone chaplain To have and to hold the afore-
said three selions with their appurtenances to the aforesaid William son of John
ana his heirs or his assigns freely quietly well and in peace for ever of me and my
heirs by the service of one rose-flower at the feast of Nativity of Saint John Baptist
and also yielding therefrom yearly to the provost or proctor of the altar-light of
Saint Mary’s Chapel in the parish church of Repton for the time being
sixteen pence at the feast of Saint Michael in free pure and perpetual alms as
any alms can be the better and more quietly given And if it happen the afore-
said yearly rent of sixteen pence to be behind in part or in all for two days
after the Octaves of the aforesaid feast of Saint Michael I the aforesaid
William son of John do will and grant for me and my heirs and my assigns that
then it shall be fully lawful for the provost or proctor of the light of the afore-
12 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
said altar for the time being to distrain in all our lands and tenements goods
and chattels and the distresses in whose hands soever they shall be found to
retain with him until of the aforesaid rent of sixteen pence or of the arrears
(if any there be) it shall be fully satisfied unto him And I the aforesaid John
and my heirs the aforesaid three selions with their appurtenances to the often-
named William son of John and their heirs or their assigns as is above said
and in form aforesaid will warrant and defend against all people for ever. In
witness whereof to the present Indentures as well as the aforesaid John Cooke
as the often-named William son of John have mutually set their seals. These
witnesses: John Fraunceys of Ingleby, Simon Fraunceys of Milton,
Laurence Halm of Ingleby, William Gylot of the same, Hugh de Ingleby of
Repton and others. Given at Ingleby on Wednesday the Eve of the
Ascension of the Lord in the sixteenth year of the reign of King Richard the
second after the Conquest.
XI.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Robertus Dawbur et Alicia Dawbur de
Repyndon’ dedimus et concessimus et hac presenti carta nostra confirmavimus
Symoni Hauker et Roberto Maynard et Henrico Maysam et Willielmo
Neke omnia bona nostra et catalla mobilia et inmobilia vbicunque fuerint
inventa predictis Symoni et Roberto et Henrico et Willielmo habenda et tenenda
ad voluntatem suam si deficiamus unam diem solvendi. In cujus rei testimo-
nium presente carte nostra (sc) sigillum nostrum appossuimus. Hiis testibus :
Johanne Bolt Johanne Bischop Will’o Boteler Hugone de Engulby Ricardo
Neke et aliis. Datum apud Repyndon’ in festo Sanctorum Philippi et Jacobi
apostolorum anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post conquestum quinto.
[Zranslation. |
Know all men present and to come that I [for we] Robert Dawbur and Alice
Dawbur of Repton have given and granted and by this our present charter
confirmed to Simon Hauker and Robert Maynard and William Neke all our
goods and chattels moveable and immovable wheresoever they shall be found
To have and to hold to the aforesaid Simon and Robert and Henry and
William if we make default one day in paying. In witness whereof to this our
present charter we have set our seal. These witnesses: John Bolt, John
Bischop, William Boteler, Hugh of Ingelby, Richard Neke, and others.
Given at Repton on the feast of Saints Philip and James Apostles, in the
fifth year of the reign of King Henry the fourth after the Conquest.
XII.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod nos Robertus Hanson’ de Repyndon’ et
Thomas Hether de Tuttebur’ Barker dedimus concessimus et hac presenti carta
nostra confirmavimus Ricardo Piper de Repyndon et Alicie uxori ejus unam
a a
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 13
dimidiam acram terre arabilis cum pertinenciis suis jacentem in campo de
Repyndon’ inter terram Rogeri de Maysam ex parte una et terram Thome del
Stone ex parte altera et lanceat super Hardewyksyche Habendam et tenendam
predictam dimidiam acram terre cum pertinenciis suis predictis Ricardo et
Alicie uxori ejus heredibus et assignatis suis libere quiete bene et in pace in
perpetuum Reddendo inde annuatim predictis Roberto et Thome Hether
heredibus et assignatis suis tres danarios argenti ad festum Nativitatis Sancti
Johannis Baptiste et si predicti Ricardus et Alicia uxor [ejus] vel heredes sui
aut sui assignati per capitalem dominum pro predictis tribus denariis districti
fuerint tunc ijdem Ricardus et Alicia uxor ejus heredes et assignati sui a
solucione predictorum trium denariam annui redditus cessabunt donec prefati
Robertus et Thomas Hether heredes et assignati sui plenam et sufficientem
inter capitalem dominum et predictos Ricardum et Aliciam uxorem ejus
heredes et assignatos suos de hujusmodi districcione mitigacionem fecerint Et
nos predicti Robertus et Thomas Hether et heredes nostri predictam dimidiam
acram cum pertinenciis suis predictis Ricardo et Alicie uxore ejus heredibus et
assignatis suis ut predictum est contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus in per-
petuum per presentes In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte nostre sigilla
nostra apposuimus Hiis testibus Thoma de Doddyngsels Ricardo Broune
Johanne Bolte Roberto Dawbur et Ricardo Nykke et aliis Datum apud
Repyndon’ die Sabbati proxima post festum Translacionis Sancti Edwardi
Regis anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post conquestum undecimo.
[ Translation. |
Know all present and to come that we Robert Hanson of Repton and
Thomas Hether of Tuttebury Barker have given granted and by this our
present charter confirmed to Richard Piper of Repton and Alice his wife
one half acre of arable land with its appurtenances lying in the Field of
Repton between the land of Roger de Masam of one part and the land of
Thomas del Stone of the other part and it strikes upon Hardewyksyche To
have and to hold the aforesaid half acre of land with its appurtenances to the
aforesaid Richard and Alice his wife their heirs and assigns freely quietly well
and in peace for ever Yielding therefrom yearly to the aforesaid Robert and
Thomas Hether their heirs and assigns three silver pence at the feast of the
Nativity of Saint John the Baptist And if the aforesaid Richard and Alice
[his] wife or their heirs or their assigns shall be distrained by the chief lord
for the aforesaid three pence then the same Richard and Alice his wife their
heirs and assigns shall cease from the payment of the aforesaid three pence of
_ yearly rent until the aforesaid Robert and Thomas Hether their heirs and
assigns shall make full and sufficient mitigation of such distress between the
chief lord and the aforesaid Richard and Alice his wife their heirs and assigns
And we the aforesaid Robert and Thomas Hether and our heirs by these
I4 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
presents will warrant the aforesaid half acre of land with its appurtenances to
the aforesaid Richard and Alice his wife their heirs and assigns as is aforesaid
against all people for ever In witness whereof to this our present charter we
have set our seals. These witnesses: Thomas de Doddyngsels, Richard
Broune, John Bolte, Robert Dawbur and Richard Nykke, and others. Given
at Repton on Saturday next after the feast of the Translation of Saint
Edward the king in the eleventh year of the reign of king Henry the fourth
after the Conquest.
XIII.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod nos Willielmus Baker de Swartlingcote et
Katerina uxor mea dedimus concessimus et hac presenti carta nostra
confirmavimus Ambrosio Fissher capellano heredibus et assignatis suis omnia
mesuagia terras et tenementa redditus et servicia cum suis pertinenciis quod
habemus in villis et in campis de Repyngton’ Meleton’ et Willyngton’ holme
Habenda et tenenda omnia predicta mesuagia terras et tenenda omnia
predicta mesuagia terras et tenementa redditus et servicia cum omnibus suis
pertinenciis prefato Ambrosio heredibus et assignatis suis de Capitalibus dominis
feodorum illorum per servicia eis inde debita et de jure consueta Et nos vero
prefati Willielmus Baker et Katerina uxor mea omnia omnia (szc)’ predicta
mesuagia terras et tenementa redditus et servicia cum suis pertinenciis prefato
Ambrosio heredibus et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes warantizabimus et
defendemus in perpetuum. - In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte nostre
sigilla nostra apposuimus. Hiis testibus Ricardo Broune Will’o Warde de
Coton’ Roberto Saveney et multis aliis. Datum apud Repyngton’ predictam
die Sabati proxima post festum Sancti Dionisii anno regni Regis Henrici sexti
post conquestum Anglie undecimo,
[ Zranslation. |
Know all men present and to come that we William Baker of Swadlingcote
and Katherine my wife have given granted and by this our present charter
confirmed to Ambrose Fissher chaplain his heirs and assigns all the messuages
lands and tenements rents and services with their appurtenances which we have
in the towns and in the fields of Repton Milton and Willington holme
To have and to hold all the aforesaid messuages lands and tenements rents and
services with all their appurtenances to the aforesaid Ambrose his heirs and
assigns of the chief lords of those fees by the services to them therefrom due and
of right accustomed And we the aforesaid William Baker and Katherine my
wife will warrant and defend all the aforesaid messuages lands and tenements
rents and services with their appurtenances to the aforesaid Ambrose his heirs
and assigns against all people for ever. In witness whereof to this our present
charter we have set our seals. These witnesses: Richard Broune, William
——————e
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 15
Warde of Coton, Robert Saveney and many others. Given at Repton afore-
said on Saturday next after the feast of Saint Dionys in the eleventh year of
the reign of king Henry the sixth after the Conquest of England.
XIV.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod nos Willielmus Baker de Swartlyngcote et
Katerina uxor ejus (s%c) dedimus concessimus et hac presenti carta nostra
confirmavimus Ambrosio Fissher capellano heredibus et assignatis suis unam
acram terre cum pertinenciis in Repyngton’ jacentem juxta Bromehill inter
terram predicti Ambrosii ex parte una et le More Syche ex parte altera
Habendam et tenendam predictam acram terre cum pertinenciis predicto
Ambrosio heredibus et assignatis suis libere quiete bene et in pace de
Capitali domino feodi illius per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta Etnos
vero prefati Willielmus et Katerina et heredes nostri predictam acram terre cum
pertinenciis prefato Ambrosio heredibus et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes
warantizabimus et in perpetuum defendemus. In cujus rei testimonium huic
presenti carte nostre sigilla nostra apposuimus. Hiis testibus Ricardo Broune
Roberto Dauber Gilberto Ins et multis aliis. Datum apud Repyngton’
predictam die Sabati proxima post festum Sancti Cedde episcopi anno regni
Regis Henrici sexti post conquestum Anglie quartodecimo.
[Zranslation. ]
Know all men present and to come that we William Baker of Swadlingcote
and Katherine my wife have given granted and by this our present charter
confirmed to Ambrose Fissher chaplain his heirs and assigns one acre of land
with the appurtenances in Repton lying next Bromehill between the land of
the aforesaid Ambrose of one part and the More Syche of the other part
To have and to hold the aforesaid acre of land with the appurtenances to the
aforesaid Ambrose his heirs and assigns freely quietly well and in peace of the
chief lord of that fee by the services therefrom due and of right accustomed
And we the aforesaid William and Katherine and our heirs will warrant and
defend the aforesaid acre of land with the appurtenances to the aforesaid
Ambrose his heirs and assigns against all people for ever. In witness whereof
to this our present charter we have set our seals. These witnesses: Richard
Broune, Robert Dauber, Gilbert Ins and many others. Given at Repton
aforesaid on Saturday next after the feast of Saint Chad bishop in the fourteenth
year of the reign of king Henry the sixth after the Conquest of England.
XV.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego dominus Ambrosius Fisher capellanus
dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Radulpho Fisher heredibus
et assignatis suis unam acram terre cum pertinenciis in Repingdon’ jacentem
juxta Bromehill inter terram predicti Ambrosii ex parte una et le More Siche -
16 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
ex parte altera Habendam et tenendam predictam acram terre cum pertinenciis
predicto Radulpho heredibus et assignatis suis libere quiete bene et in pace de
Capitali domino feodi illius per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta Et ego
vero prefatus Ambrosius et herdes mei predictam acram terre cum pertinenciis
prefato Radulpho heredibus et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes warrantiza-
bimus [et] in perpetuum defendemus. In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti
carte mee sigillum meum apposui Hiis testibus Will’mo Percy Will’mo Hill
Ricardo Hunt Johanne Daubeni Will’mo Baker et multis aliis. Datum apud
Repingdon predicta[m] die Lune post festum Sancti Dunstani episcopi anno
regni Regis Henrici sexti post conquestum Anglie tricesimo octavo.
[ Zranslation.]
Know all men present and to come that I Sir Ambrose Fisher chaplain have
given granted and by this my present charter confirmed to Ralph Fisher his
heirs and assigns one acre of land with the appurtenances in Repton lying
next Bromehill between the land of the aforesaid Ambrose of the one part and
the More Siche of the other part To have and to hold the aforesaid acre of
land with the appurtenances to the aforesaid Ralph his heirs and assigns freely
quietly well and in peace of the chief lord of that fee by the services therefore
due and of right accustomed And I the’aforesaid Ambrose and my heirs will
warrant and defend the aforesaid acre of land with the appurtenances to the
aforesaid Ralph his heirs and assigns agairist all people for ever. In witness
whereof to this my present charter I have set my seal. These witnesses :
William Percy, William Hill, Richard Hunt, John Daubeny, William Baker
and many others. Given at Repton aforesaid on Monday after the feast of
Saint Dunstan bishop in the thirty-eighth year of the reign of king Henry the
sixth after the Conquest of England.
XVI.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus Fisher de Repingdon dedi
concessi et hac carta mea presenti confirmavi Rogero Smythe capellano
Willielmo Dawns et Johanni Clerke heredibus et assignatis suis unam acram
terre cum pertinenciis in Repingdon jacentem juxta Bromehille inter terram
Roberti Fisher qui nunc tenet de Prioratu Sancte Trinitatis de Repingdon ex
parte una et le more Siche ex parte altera Habendam et tenendam predictam
acram terre cum pertinenciis predictis Rogero Willielmo et Johanni heredibus
et assignatis suis libere quiete bene et in pace de Capitali domino feodi illius
per servicia inde debita et de jure consulta Et ego vero prefatus Radulphus
et heredes mei predictam acram terre cum pertinenciis prefatis Rogero
Willielmo et Johanni heredibus et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes
warrantizabimus et in perpetuum defendemus In cujus rei testimonium huic
presenti carte me sigillum meum apposui Hiis testibus Willielmo Percy
Lia
DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON. 17
Richardo Hunt Will’mo Baker Johanni Prest Johanni Laurenson et multis
aliis Datum apud Repingdon predictam die Dominica post festum Sancti
Johannis Baptiste anno regni Regis Edwardi quarti post conquestum Anglie
secundo.
[ Zranslation. |
Know all men present and to come that I Ralph Fisher of Repton have
given granted and by this my present charter confirmed to Roger Smythe
chaplain William Dawns and John Clerke their heirs and assigns one acre of
land with the appurtenances in Repton lying next Bromehille between the
land of Robert Fisher (who now holds of the Priory of Holy Trinity of
Repton) of the one part and the more Siche of the other part To have and
to hold the aforesaid acre of land with the appurtenances to the aforesaid
Roger William and and John their heirs and assigns freely quietly well and in
peace of the chief lord of that fee by the services therefore due and of right
accustomed And I the aforesaid Ralph and my heirs will warrant and defend
the aforesaid acre of land with the appurtenances to the aforesaid Roger
William and John their heirs and assigns against all people for ever. In
witness whereof to this my present charter I have set my seal These witnesses :
William Percy, Richard Hunt, William Baker, John Prest, John Laurenson
and many others. Given at Repton aforesaid on Sunday after the feast of
Saint John Baptist in the second year of the reign of King Edward the fourth
after the Conquest.
XVII.
SCIANT presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus Aleysaunder de Repyngdon
dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Johanni Fraunceis de
Fornewarke juniori Richardo Meysem de Repyngdon et Georgio Smythe de
eadem unam peciam prati continentem dimidiam acram jacentem in Leyholme
infra dominium de Repyngdon in quodam campo vocato Repingdon felde inter
terram Willielmi Browne ex parti orientali et terram Mauricii Barkley militis
ex parte occidentali et abuttantem super Potlock hege ex parte boriali et super le
quarell poole ex parte australi Habendam et tenendam omnia (szc) predictam,
peciam terre seu prati prefatis Johanni Richardo et Georgio heredibus et
assignatis suis in perpetuum de Capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servicia
inde debita et de jure consueta ad usum predictorum Johannis Richardi [et]
Georgii heredum et assignatorum suorum in perpetuum Et ego vero predictus
Radulphus et heredes mei omnia (szc) predictam peciam terre seu prati prefatis
Johanni Richardo Georgio heredibus et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes
warrantizabimus acquietabimus et in perpetuum defendemus per presentes ad
usum predictum In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte mee sigillum
meum apposui Hiis testibus Will’mo Meysem Johanne Smythe Johanne Pratt
Johanne Hunt et Rogero Bysshop et multis aliis Dat’ primo die mensis
Aprilis anno regni Regis Henrici octavi vicesimo.
2
18 DEEDS IN THE PARISH CHEST OF ST. WYSTAN’S, REPTON.
[ Translation. ]
Know all present and to come that I Ralph Aleysaunder of Repton
have given granted and by this my present charter confirmed to John
Fraunceis of Fornewarke the younger Richard Meysem of Repton and
George Smythe of the same one piece of meadow containing half an acre lying
in Leyholme within the lordship of Repton in a certain field called
Repton felde between the land of William Browne on the east part and
the land of Maurice Barkley knight on the west part and abutting upon Port-
lock hedge on the north part and upon the Quarell poole on the south part
To have and to hold all the aforesaid piece of land or meadow to the
aforesaid John Richard and George their heirs and assigns for ever of the
chief lords of that fee by the services therefor due and of right accustomed
to the use of the aforesaid John Richard [and] George their heirs and
assigns for ever And I the aforesaid Ralph and my heirs all the aforesaid
piece of land or meadow to the aforesaid John Richard [and] George their
heirs and assigns will by these presents warrant acquit and defend against
all people for ever to the use aforesaid In witness whereof to this my
present charter I have set my seal These witnesses: William Meysem, John
Smythe, John Pratt, John Hunt, and Roger Bysshop, and many others.
Given the first day of the month of April in the twentieth year of the reign of
King Henry the eighth.
19
Carved Panels from the Oly Wome of the
Babingtons tw Derby.
By Rev. CHARLES KERRY.
LOVER, in his History of Derbyshire (Vol. ii., p. 521),
states that in 1712 the ancient stone gateway of old
Babington House was standing. “ This gateway was
ornamented with the arms of Babington sculptured in stone,
and supported by baboons upon tuns. Zhe hall was wainscotted
with oak: on the panels were various devices, and baboons upon
tuns carved thereon; the same being a play upon the name of
Babington.”
Six of these panels are now in the possession of the Rev.
Charles Kerry.
The first (Pl. I., No. 1) has a tree with three drooping branches
on each side, each having a cluster of berries on a twisted stem,
each leaf plain, and ending in a single point. The foot of the tree
is inserted in a tun—plainly indicating a rebus. The stem of the
tree is supported by two lions rampant, their noses being in con.
tact in front of the stem ; their forelegs are placed on each other’s
shoulders, as if in the act of embracing.
The same device, but without the lions, also appears on two
oak spandrels, taken from the old roof of Dethic Church, and still
preserved there. This roof was erected by Sir Anthony Babington,
Knight, about 1530. The following extract from the fourth
volume of the Surrey Archeological Collections (p. 294) may serve ©
to throw some light upon this rebus. Mr. Charles Baily, in his
remarks on timber houses, writes: ‘‘ Much painted glass, con-
20 CARVED PANELS FROM THE OLD HOME OF THE BABINGTONS.
sisting of coats of arms, badges, and other figures, is still preserved
in many of the windows at Sutton Place, near Guildford ; amongst
which is a curious rebus of the Weston family, which was
interpreted and explained for the first time by Mr. William Henry
Black, F.S.A., upon the occasion of the visit of the members of
the Surrey Archzeological Society on July 7, 1864. It appears also
on many parts of the exterior, executed in terra cotta. It isavine
leaf with a bunch of grapes in conjunction with a barrel or tun.
Mr. Black reads it in Norman French—the grafes as UVES; the
‘UV’ in which is equal to ‘VV’ or ‘W,’ UVES thus becomes
‘WES,’ and the tonne or tun completes the name WESTON.”
In this panel, however, the tree bearing the grapes or clusters
is planted zz the tun—hence, according to this interpretation, we
shall obtain the word WES-IN-TUN, or Wessington, the name of
an adjoining township to Dethic.
I can find no traces of an alliance of the Babingtons with the
Wessington family, but the device may refer to some connection
of the Dethics with a neighbouring family of this name, which
alliance would naturally be perpetuated by the Babingtons as the
heirs of the Dethic family.
The second panel (Pl. I., No. 2) has a Phcenix rising from its
ashes within a conventional wreath. The folding of the wreath
above is probably not without its significance. The bird will imply
resuscitation, and the wreath duration.
The third panel (Pl. I., No. 3) is very interesting, and, taken with
the first, corroborates unmistakably its Babington origin. At the
top of the panel is the head of a baboon. In its mouth is a flute,
dividing itself a little below the voice-hole (formed exactly like
that of a child’s modern whistle) into two curved and diverging
pipes, each showing five recorders or finger-holes. The pipe for
the right hand has three above and two below. In the pipe for
the left hand this order is reversed. These pipes, combined with
pomegranates, form a sort of canopy to the principal compartment,
which contains a cockatrice rampant, with three claws and a spur
on each foot; its dragon-like tail is curved over from beneath.
Whether the bird is intended to be rampant or “saltant,” I
Race 4
Bile he ve
‘ASYSG ‘11VH G10 NOLONIGVE WOYS STANVWd HVO rs
ASH3G '3N32> "4
“AdALONILY 10d
=
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nae ae
LI AEV Td
CARVED PANELS FROM THE OLD HOME OF THE BABINGTONS. 21
cannot say, but its lively attitude would lead one to suppose that
it was not insensible to the strains of the piper above.
The baboon with his pipe is clearly intended for Baboon ‘‘ tune,”
or “tone,” a form of the family rebus which is most unusual.
The fourth panel (PI. II., No. 1) has a bird of the wading family,
with its long neck tied into a single knot. The wings are very short
and the billlong. The feet (unwebbed) have each four long claws
—three and one. The bird is enclosed in an oblong compartment
by a plain moulding with Vandyke foliation on-the top and sides.
From the treatment, this also may be intended fur a family device.
The fifth (Pl. II., No. 2) has a common form of late Gothic
panelling, with leaves for cusps.
The sixth (P1. II., No. 3) has the bust of a laughing jester looking
across his right shoulder. His dress consists of a conical shaped cap,
the point of which falls behind the head and terminates ina globular
perforated pendant. The cap is secured by a double cord passing
round the head and forming the belt of a feathery crown. He
wears a fine linen shirt, finely pleated round the neck into a plain
punctured collar or band, probably fastened at the back. The
collar of his jerkin is of fur, and of the most ample dimensions,
rising from a point at the waist and completely covering the
shoulders.
From the amount of character depicted in the face, the
prominent forehead, the bright piercing eye, the Roman nose,
and the expressive mouth, there can be no doubt but that we have
here a tolerably good portrait of a valued servant and favourite of
the Babington household.
22
Hrubentory of Kobert Marples, 1676.
By S. O. Appy, M.A.
has been chosen as illustrative of the manner in which
. the house of a Derbyshire country gentleman was
Gia and furnished two centuries ago. The original document
is in the Lichfield Probate Registry.
Robert Marples, whose house and household goods are here
described with some minuteness, was a man of considerable estate.
He was descended from an ancient family, which was formerly
seated at Holbeck Woodhouse, in the parish of Norton Cuckney,
in the county of Notts. In 1533, Richard Marples of Holbeck
Grange was, with the exception of Sir Wm. Pierrepont, the only
freeholder and the largest landowner in Holbeck.*
By the kindness of Earl Manvers I have had an opportunity of
seeing many deeds and documents at Thoresby, to which Robert
Marples was a party, affecting lands both in Derbyshire and in
other counties. Upon any disposition of the family estates of the
Pierreponts being made, his name generally appears as trustee.
The inference seems to be that he was steward of the Earl’s estates.
His family had, at least a century previous to the date of this
inventory, been associated with the Pierreponts either as friends,
retainers, or relations, and this connection continued down to the
year 1716, when Richard Marples, of the city of London,
gentleman, ‘‘ Receiver General” of the Dean and Chapter of St.
*Survey Book of Sir Wm. Pierrepont, 1533, fees Earl Manvers. The land
attached to the Grange was 129 acres. The other holdings were limited to 4
or’5 acres each. J
nn a
a
INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES. 23
Paul's, as trustee for the then Duke of Kingston, conveyed the
Manor of Cromford in Derbyshire, to William Soresby, gentleman.
It appears from Close Roll 1649 (part 52, number 39), that
Robert Marples was living at Barlborough on the roth January,
1649. The Earl of Kingston was killed in the King’s service
near Gainsborough in 1643. Probably, therefore, it was about
that time that Robert Marples removed from Holbeck Wood-
house to Barlborough.*
It is certain that Robert Marples made no testamentary
disposition of his lands, and there can be no doubt that they
passed by settlement or deed of entail He died in August, 1676,
and was buried at Barlborough on the 21st of that month. The
manner in which some of these properties devolved may be
gathered from the following notes of fines, passed a few years
after his death. To understand the effect of a fine it must be re-
membered that the plaintiffs are the purchasers or grantees of the
land in question, and the defendants the vendors or grantors
Fine Hil. 30 and 31 Car. I1., Derby (1679).—Between John
Chambers, /Z/aintiff, and Edward Marples, William Marples,
Robert Staniford, and Hannah his wife, defendants; of one cot-
tage, 14 acres of land, 4 acres of meadow, 10 acres of pasture,
and common of pasture in Barlborough.
Fine Trin. 30 Car. 11., Derby (1679).—Between Andrew
Clayton, gent., and John Greaves, clerk, plaintiffs, and William
Marples and Ellen his wife, defendants ; of one messuage, 40 acres
of land, to acres of meadow, 25 acres of pasture and common of
pasture for all animals in Barlborough. —
Fine Trin. 33 Cur. If, Derby (1682). Between John
Chambers the elder, John Chambers the younger, and John
Taylor, plaintiffs, and William Marples and Ellen his wife, John
Roper and Elizabeth his wife, William Roper and Mary his wife,
and George Kent and Ann his wife, defendants; of 30 acres of
land in Bazlborough.
fine Hil. 35 and 36 Car. 1/., Derby (1684.)—Between Ralph
* By his will, dated 12 July, 1639, Robert Pierrepont, Earl of Kingston, gave
to the said Robert Marples 100 marks.
24 INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES.
Heathcote, clerk, John Greaves, and Elihu Hodkyn, plaintiffs, and
Francis Willoughby, gent., and Mary his wife, Robert Jarvis and
Mary his wife, and Elizabeth Marples, spinster, defendants ; of one
messuage, 30 acres of land, 3 acres of meadow, 28 acres of
pasture, and common of pasture for all cattle in Barlborough.
Fine Hil. 36 and 37 Car. I1., Derby (1685.)—Between John
Renshawe, gent., Henry Bradley, and Francis Marples, plaintiffs,
and Thomas Spencer and Elizabeth his wife, William Marples,
John Heydon and Susan his wife, and Henry Lowe, defendants ;
of one messuage, one garden, 22 acres of land, 2 acres of meadow,
3 acres of pasture, and of the r6th part of the Manor of Darleigh,
and other premises in Darley, Bridzetown, Barlborough, and
Staveley.
Fine Trin. 2 Jac. II., Derby (1687.)—Between John Kirke,
gent., plaintiff, and William Marples and Hellen his wife,
defendants ; of premises in Barlborough. *
Hannah Marples, widow and administratrix, died in November,
1676, and on the 20th March, 1685-6 William Marples, of Barl-
borough, the eldest surviving son, took out letters of administration
of the goods of Robert Marples, deceased, ‘‘ unadministered by
Hannah Marples, his mother, likewyse deceased.” The surety to
this bond was Francis Parkes, of Higham, co. Derby, gentleman.
As, during the great rebellion, the Earl of Kingston was on the
side of the Royalists, and was, indeed, slain in the service of the
King, we may be sure that Robert Marples espoused the same
cause, and it is a matter of history that most of those who followed
the king suffered in their estate. A notable example of this, was
Colonel Wm. Bullock, of Norton Hall, whose monument in the
church of Norton declares how his estate was almost frittered
away by the civil wars. I think it probable that the estate of
Robert Marples suffered in the same way. At all events, it is not
easy to understand upon any other supposition why, after his
death, his family should have so soon sold their inheritance.
*T have little doubt that, by the fine passed in 1687, the house in which
Robert Marples lived was conveyed. Possibly this John Kirke was one of the
Kirkes of Anston.
———e
7
rd
i
&
INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES. 25
William Marples, eldest surviving son of Robert, lived at
Moorside, in the parish of Staveley, which adjoins Barlborough.
His son, Samuel Marples, married, on the rith June, 1696,
Margaret, daughter of Robert Wilson, of Ecclesall, near Sheffield,
and George Jobson Marples, Esquire, of Brinkcliffe Tower,
Ecclesall, and of the Inner Temple, barrister-at-law, is the heir-
at-law of and the seventh in direct descent from the above-men-
tioned Robert Marples, as appears by a pedigree of the family
entered at the Heralds’ College.
Marples is generally written Mapples or Maples in documents
earlier than the 17th century. At this period the letter @ was
universally sounded as the a@ in father now is, and in the
Barlborough registers the name is written indifferently Marples,
Mapples, or Marpulls.
A True and perfect Inventorie of all the goodes and chatles
of Robert Marples, late of Barlbrough, in the countie of Darbie,
deceased, praised the sixtenth day of September, anzo regni regzs
Caroli secund/ Angliae, &c. vicesime octavo annoque domzzz 1676
by us whose names are hereunto subscribed.
ae eae e
Imprim/s his purse and apparell Soa on S566 9S
Goodes in the house.*
Itm one landiront and Gallowbalke,{ one Recon-
hooke,§ a paire of tonges, one fierpan, two Gi. 50: .o
toosteing Irons, and one longe plate... i
* The hall, or house-place. In farm-houses, to this day, the principal
“Jiving-room,” situated between the parlour and the kitchen, is called the
“house.” It is here analogous to the modern dining-room. The entrance
ee to the greater and to the lesser manor house of this period was through
is room.
+ Generally called andiron, but this is the older and better form, being derived
from the French /’azdter. The andiron consisted ‘‘ of an iron bar, sustained
horizontally at one end by an upright pillar or support, usually ornamented or
artistically shaped, at the other bya short foot ; a pair of these, also called
‘five-dogs,’ being placed one at each side of the hearth, or fire-place, with the
ornamental ends to the front, to support burning wood.” —AMurray’s Dict.
= The iron bar in the chimney from which the reckan-hook was hung.
§ A crook, or hook, for suspending a posnet or other vessel over a fire. The
Cath. Angl. has a rvekande. It is derived from the Icel. vekendr, a chain.
See Notes and Queries, 6th S. xi., 157.
26 INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES.
On
eee
Itm One table
Twoo seeled* chaires... sat Beis
One turnedt chaire
One chistet
Five Buffet stooles§
One Dresser|| one smale forme
e)
ts
(oe)
os
One paire of pistles ... ae aS
One Barrell and some salte_.... ts
Two Roopes of unwins and one hammer
Foureteene pewter dishes foure saltes one cupp two
sawcers one pewter botle two flagons eight pewter
poringers two pewter plates, in weighte 93 pounds
O°
On
(e) 1)
oo Cl
A 6-8 oh Gee
©. 10, ONG OUDO: -oy Gis
o
| onl
ie}
°
at rod. a pound in all — aot 3 li Ss
Tenn glass botles ... a O- OES
One Jacke** tipped with silver... sist . wo? Meeirre
One silver flagontt foure silver spoones ... oe Be AS.
One paire of snuffers two shealves with other husle-
ments{{ ... ve Ss ae ote) NOL GRRE ets
* Pannelled. ‘The wals of our houses . . . are see/ed with oke of our
owne.”—Harrison’s England, ed. by Furnivall, part i., 235.
+ Turned by the turner’s wheel, or lathe. A remarkable chair of this kind
was formerly in Hazelbarrow Hall, Norton. I may describe it as a great
bundle of spindles.
+ Chest. CAzste occurs in Havelock the Dane, 220. Lat. césta.
§ The Prompt. Parv. has “ bofet, a thre fotyd stole.” Buffet is still used
for a stool in Derbyshire.
| “ Dressar where meate is served out at.’—Palsgrave. ‘‘ Dressour or bourde
whereupon the cooke setteth forth his dishes in order.” —Huloet’s Aécedarium,
1552. Our modern sideboard may be compared with it. In the Boke of
Curtasye, ed. Furnivall, 1868, p. 195, the clerk of the kitchen is thus directed :
At dressour also he shalle stonde,
And sett forth mete dresset with honde.
{ Onions. As the word is derived from the Lat. zzonem, acc. of znzo, this
may have been the old pronunciation. Iremember a man at Cold Aston being
called Onion, though his real name was Unwin.
** A leathern drinking vessel. A vessel of this kind, made of dark leather,
tipped with silver, and called a ‘‘ black jack,” was exhibited, amongst other
specimens of ancient art, in the Sheffield Cutlers’ Hall, in 1885.
4+ The value of this silver flagon, probably an heirloom, should be noted. It
will appear below that 25 sheep are valued at £5. It was probably a large
two-handled ‘cup, like the sconce-tankards used in the colleges of Oxford.
+t Small articles of furniture. The Cath. Angi. has ‘‘ an hustylmentt, supellex,
supellectile, ulensile,” Long notes on the word will be found both in the
Prompt. Parv. and the Cath. Angl.
INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES. 27
In the kitchen.
One londiron* one fire pan and tonges one paire of
frogest ... awd Bee aia ioe Gt FZ 0
One paire of Cobironst four spitts two drippen panns 0 07 0
One smothen iron§ and other old iron Gos "6
Sixe Brasse potts 2° OL oO
Five Brass pannes_... we a 2 ee
Two dozen of Napkins bein Hugabacks|| ro EE
One dozen more of Hugabacks & 1 dozen & five
napkins of Diber .. wad ath i o28
Eighte linnen pillowbeeres** o 06 o
Nyne table clothes... ve Bes baPitoLvo
Foure towels and foure cupbordcloths tt... Soe OL 20S. 10
Thirteene linnen sheets and one paire of hepa
SHeetes ... wo ee aed pat) 2 bay G
One table & a fourme one cupboard ae a) Bt ik
One Greate Brewen tubb a oe 3 65 (0
One fire pann 6b onl" 6
One penn Bowkett four kitts§§ two bowles one truncke
one dish cradle one syle|||| six piggons“!{! one Brass
Morter one Iron pestle & three dozen of trenches*** 0 09 0o
* See dandiron above.
+ I donot understand this word. Possibly it means the irons upon which
the tongs, &c., rested.
{ The irons by which the spit is supported.—Ha//iwell,
§ A flat-iron for ‘‘ ironing ” or smoothing linen, etc.
\| Huckaback, a coarse kind of linen.
§] Diaper.
** Pillowcases. The word occurs in Chaucer as pilwe-bere. Palsgrave has
- **pyllowe bere, Zaye doretilier.”
tt “A cupboard-cloth or carpet. Tafes.”—Baret’s Alvearie, 1580. _‘* Cup-
board or dresser. Abacus.”—Huloet’s Abcedarium, 1552. ‘* A cupboarde to
set plate upon.” —Cooper’s Thesaurus, 1573. A cupboard was a small table
upon which bread and wine were placed ; a table forcups tostandon. ‘‘ Cup-
bordes layde with carpettes and cuysshyns.”—Zhe Boke of Keruinge, p. 169.
Ed. by Mr. Furnivall for the Early English Text Soc., 1868.
tt ‘* Bouke, a pail.” —Halliwell.
§§ ‘A wooden vessel.”—Halliwell. Still in use, I hear, as a wooden pail,
with one handle, for holding milk.
||| A strainer, or sieve, for milk. ‘‘ A mylke syle. Colatorium.”? Cath. Ang.
I] “Small wooden vessels, made in the manner of half barrels, and having
one stave longer than the rest for a handle.” —Halliwell.
*** Trenchers.
28 INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES.
One brandiron* two lead panns one chaire one old
kimble+ with other huslements} ae An. * 0) ene
In the Chamber over the kitchen.
Itm two kimbles O (Ove
One pair of Iron Racks o 06 8
One Stryke § date sie Oo: Om ES
One close stoole pott and three scutles || ... see.) KO ORME
In the New House. 4
Two tables and one fourme _.... oa a) Oo aa)
One livery table** one Deske one seeledtt chaire... 0 08 oO
Three Turned chaires one truncke oO o5F 10
One Green carpit_... ae 6 ‘067%
One Rapert}% O “oped
A Libry of Books 3) abies
In the Well Parlours
One stand bed with the beding on it being one
feather bead two boulsters two pillowes two
blankets one Rugg and one paire of sheetes Lio) BR Gamers
* ‘¢Brandiron, or posnet. Chytra.” LBaret’s A/vearie, 1580.
+ A brewing vessel. The Promf¢. Parv. has ‘‘ Kymlyne or Kelare, vesselle.
Cunula.” ‘Vhe word is found in Chaucer. Halliwell gives Aembing, a brew-
ing vessel, asa Lincolnshire word. In Cath. Angel. the word appears as “‘a
kymnelle, amzla.” Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Cath., describes the
word as meaning ‘‘a large tub, made of upright staves, hooped together in the
manner of acask. They are used for salting meat in, for brewing, and such
like purposes.”
+ See previous Note.
§ ‘*Stryke, to give measure by, voz/et a mesurer.”—Palsgrave.
| A. .S., scw¢el, a dish, or bowl. In Baret’s Alvearie, 1580, is ‘‘scuttle,
sportula.”
{| Evidently the Library.
** © A livery,” says Way (Prompt. Parv., 308), ‘‘ denotes whatever was dis-
pensed by the lord to his officials or domestics annually, or at certain seasons ;
whether money, victuals, or garments.” Halliwell gives ‘‘a livery cupboard,”
g.v. The Cath. Angi. has “lyveray of mete.”
+t See previous Note.
tt Rapier ?
§§ Probably so called from its. proximity to a draw-well. Within a few feet
of the window of an oak-panelled room of a house at Cold Aston, in Dronfield
parish, called Ockley Hall, was a deep draw-well.
INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES. 29
Sy od:
One half headed bed with the beding one feather bed =
one paire of blankets one bed hillinge* one paire
of sheetes one boulster one paire of curtaines ... I 10
One Chiste ie ae Be fay or (08
One Livery table one deske one paire of tables one
eanpit . ... a 4a Ay sen TOM OBO
In the ould mans chamber
One seelde bedsteade one boulster two pillowes three
coverlets one feather bead one paire of blankets
one paire of curtaines os “i fe aH Fa
Two chistes one little table ae sas we OF Ge
In the Well Chamber
One seeled bed one featherbed on it, one bouister
one paire of sheetes one blanket one Rugge .... + 3 +00 oO
Two chists one covert chaire ... a wae OMG RING
Two little boxes one lookeing glass with other
huslements ag exe ea ae 1) LORS ©2006
Ln the servantes parlour
One beadstead one featherbead one pair of Sheetes
two blankets two coverlets and one boulster ... I 15 oO
One cloose stoole three shelves three Buffet fourmes
one plancke with other huslements ... sack) Gs OR, 6
Ln the sellour
One Guyle fattt three loomes three barrels one soet
one piggen one tunndish§ with other huslements 1 “qe a
Ln the New Chamber
One bedstead one feather bed on it and one boulster 2 00
Six chaire frames three buffet frames... to Gael
One childe chare with other huslements ... itn One OTeERO
* Covering.
+ A wort tub; the tub in which the liquor ferments.—alliwell.
~ “°A large tub, holding from twenty to thirty gallons, and carried by two
men on a stang, or pole, is called a so.”—Halliwell. Palsgrave has ‘‘soo, a
vessel, ce.” In ‘*‘ Wright’s Vocabularies” is ‘‘¢iza, a soe.” ‘“‘ Tina, a
great bolle which beyng full of wine every man might drinke as he would.”
§ A wooden funnel through which liquor is poured into casks.
30° INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES.
ZL Saad
Ln the Deary
Itm two chearnes Oo O56
Two flesh kitts Ou C4mEO
One cheese tubb ©. e@atire
Five Butter potts o or 6
Two Bowles two trunckes 0 - O20
Foure Dressors as op ©
One plate of leade & one grater* oe 24 (Opoznre
One cleaver ove ie °o 00 6
One voidert with other huslements 0 168, 16
In the Entry
One large cupboard nee bee i) 2
One peazehooket & three pikeforks i 4
* Wain, wagon.
3 eae iron hoops by which cart wheels are bound. More frequently written
strake.
t Acorn bin. The Prompt. Parv, has ‘‘ bynge. Theca, cumera.”
§ The bars from which horses eat hay, etc.
|| I do not understand this.
4] Dray, or sledde, which goeth without wheeles.”—Aaret. Generally used
for carrying ploughs to the field.
32 INVENTORY OF ROBERT MARPLES.
ZL Svar:
‘Two stand Heckes* : © ©3 0
One Oxeharrowt & two horse harrows rope nates fo)
Three ladders ©) {ORO
Three ploughs & the irons Yr e0no
In the Beaste housses
One shelve waine copp{ three boardes one wean
shealven and one litle sled... site sos) ON Rename
Two pair of wean shealvins one swath rake one carte
peece and other huslements there on HKG? 6
Hempe Sy OnnOd AO
Tymber and other Ron 2 “Os. A
One grindlestonn§... o -eF, 6
One myllston Be sie a ©. “O0L 10
Foure yoks|] & two teames and a pair of lanes] 0. So
Two wean ropes OF 1e2)\o
Three sives one mault shovell ... 6 ORL 6
One window sheete and 3 sacks o' (eg Pio
In the Barne
Wheate and Barley ... $55 — 2 Sartre
Pease and oates eae nea .as | 2Gy eae ie
For Hay in the Barne and apie oak i. TEOW CRE oe
Five acre of Barley earth “ee 3 sais (OR Cr Eaae
Eleaven acre of Fallowes ahr 2) WARES @
Eight geese 4 hens 1 cocke and one ee with all
other huslemt. whatsoever... or 26. SG) at es
The whole sume ... th 205 igs se
William Johnson
Thomas Chambers ;
prisers
George Machen
Joseph Drue
* Four-sided racks in a farm-yard.
+ Ploughing was at this time, and for many years afterwards, done by oxen.
+ Top.
§ Grindstone; Cf. Grindleford Bridge, near Hathersage.
\| Yokes. (?)
4] Perhaps whipping lines for guiding oxen in ploughing.
** By this inventory a cow is valued at £3. Assuming that £22 is now the
average price, the total sum represents nearly £2,000 of our money.
4
PLATE.III.
sx
=
Zz pw
=N
=
ANCIENT PAINTED GLASS. MORLEY GHURCH
Mi
f»
MAK
33
Painted Glass tv Morley Church, Derbyshire.
By GEORGE BAILEY.
(Concluding Notice.)
fe ESIDES the St. Ursula window, of which a notice ap-
' | peared in this journal last year, there are two others,
) ~of which we now give coloured drawings. Plate III. is
from the window in the east end of the south aisle ; it has been
a three-light window, but one bay is blocked out by a monu-
ment. The two lights remaining are fitted with early xsth
century glass. It will be observed that the architectural’ orna-
ments, which form a frame to the figures of St. Elizabeth and St.
Peter, are massive, and that there is enough shading to give it
relief. The glass, on which this part is painted, is clear white ; but
the blue and ruby are coloured glass, the shading being painted
upon them.
Now, in the case of the St. Ursula window (Plate IX., Vol. viii.),
and in the other plate attached to this article, the way in which
the framework was painted is quite different ; there is no shading
at all, the crocketed tabernacle framework is only a yellow outline
stain on white glass, which has a pleasant silvery shimmer very
agreeable to the eye, and admitting a great deal of light. This
stain is not found earlier than the latter part of the 15th century.
It was discovered by Jacques Lallemand, of Ulm. His discovery
is called miraculous. He died on the roth October, 1491, aged
80 years.*
* See L’Art Monumental, par L. Batissier, p. 658.
3 :
34 PAINTED GLASS IN MORLEY CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE.
In the canopy work of the window now under notice, yellow is
used ; but not in the same way as in those to which reference has
just been made. It is used on the chamfers and in the recessed
parts only. There is, in the east window of the choir of York
Minster, canopy work very similar to that in Plate III. It was
painted by John Thornton, of Coventry, in 1405.* This would
fix the date very early in the r£5th century.
We will now turn to the figures. St. Elizabeth is not by any
means an elegant figure, being rather short. She is represented
wearing gloves, and has a closed book in her right hand. Her
dress, seen below the blue mantle, is richly embroidered, and she
wears white shoes. She stands on a handsomely decorated dais.
In the compartment below the figure are some persons in the
attitude of supplication. Three of them are females in black
dresses and black hoods; the bodies of the dresses are cut low,
and show an under-dress of yellow, which appears to be embrot-
dered ; a very elegant necklace completes the costume, the
pendant jewels from which nearly cover the breast. The male
persons wear long blue coats, with a girdle, to which is attached a
yellow purse ; they wear yellow hose and have yellow hair; their
shoes are white. These costumes appear to be such as were worn
during the Tudor period. It has been suggestedt that this
window may be a memorial to John Sacheverell, who was killed at
Bosworth Field, 1485; but this does not agree with his brass
which is on the wall near by. On it are five girls and three boys,
and the dresses are not quite the same.
The other light has a figure of St. Peter; the same shortness
will be noticed in him. He wears a ruby robe and a white under
dress, which is richly embroidered. From the third and fourth
fingers of his right hand hang the keys, and he supports an open
book with both hands, though the left is not visible. His hair is
yellow: “ His hed was crolle and yellow the hair ”—evidently a
favourite colour of hair.
* See Poole and Hugall’s History, p. 98.
+ Churches of Derbyshire, Vol. iv., Pp. 344-
PLATE.IV.
A
Ea _ oP a aN t, oe
IN \ a ‘i BS is — ice oat
a a i Le a
iy Ni “a — it
ae
mld AN
ihe
nia e
A
y
(\
AES
ANCIENT PAINTED GLASS. MORLEY CHURCH.
PAINTED GLASS IN MORLEY CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE. 35
We now take the remaining three-light window (Plate IV.). Itis
complete, and presents a much more cheerful and harmonious ap-
pearance than that which we have just described. It is rather over-
done with blue,—a fine colour, but apt to give a sombre appearance
where there is too much of it. In the centre-light of this window
are pictured the four evangelists writing on scrolls, each seated at
a desk, and accompanied by his emblem. All the evangelists
have wings. St. Mark wears a curious cap, or bonnet. All have
long yellow hair, and St. Matthew has a beard. The scrolls have
been broken, what remains of the inscriptions appears to be :—
St. Mark, iftis; St. Luke, in big binis; St. Matthew, rami Itt c i
filix ; St. John, xpr complens oia.
We will now take the glass in the bay to the right of the Evangelists.
In it are portraitures of St. William of York, and St. John of Bridling-
ton. The former was Archbishop of York from 1144 to 1147, in
which year he was deprived ; but in the year 1153 he was restored,
and remained until his death in 1154; he is said to have been
poisoned with the sacrament. Butler denies this; but it is so |
associated in an anthem sung on the feast of his translation, Jan.
7th, which is in the York Breviary. He is said to have done many
miracles during his life, as well as after his death, which took place
on the 4th June, 1154. ‘‘ His body gave the usual sign of sanc-
tity, distilling a healing oil” (Poole and Hugull’s Aistory, p. 42).
He was canonized in 1226 by Pope Nicholas. He was succeeded
by Roger, whose portrait is seen in the other bay on the left of
the Evangelists ; he became Archbishop on roth October, 1154.
About this time there was much objection raised as to subjection
to the See of Canterbury, the Archbishops of York asserting their
independence. Roger, who appears to have been a man of con-
siderable spirit, took a rather curious method of asserting his in-
dependence. “For, being cited to attend a Council at West-
minster (1176) before Hugo, the Pope’s Legate, a seat was designed
for the York Metropolitan on the left of that personage, one for
Richard, the Archbishop of Canterbury, being placed on the right.
Roger, indignant at this arrangement, endeavoured to intrude him-
self between the Legate and Richard ; but the latter not giving
36 PAINTED GLASS IN MORLEY CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE.
way, the Metropolitan of York sat in the Archbishop of Canter-
bury’s lap. The Bishops present were amazed, and remonstrated
in vain, whereupon Richard’s servants dragged Roger from his
resting place, stamped on him, beat him with their fists, and tore
to rags his Episcopal vestments ; whereon the Legate and the
Archbishop of Canterbury departed the place, leaving Roger pros-
trate on the ground.”* Roger complained of his ill usage to King
Henry II., but that monarch only went into convulsions of laughter,
and an appeal to Rome succeeded no better. He was a great
benefactor to York Cathedral. St. William, his predecessor, does
not appear to have done much for his Cathedral during his life,
but after his canonization, great revenues resulted from the num-
bers of pilgrims who frequented his shrine; and Archbishop
Walter Gray appears to have made good use of them in adding to
the Church.
- The Prior of Bridlington, who is represented on the same com-
partment with St. William, died on the roth October, 1379. An
account of his life may be found in Butler’s Lives of the Fathers,
Martyrs, and Principal Saints, as well as of St. William ; but St.
William’s successor, Roger, is passed by with the remark that he
was an “unworthy man.”
How these three Yorkshire ecclesiastics came to be associated
together in a remotely situated Derbyshire Church, may, we think,
be gathered from the following facts:—-We learn from Butler,t
that St. William “was the son of Earl Herbert, and Emma, sister
to King Stephen.” The Fitzherberts of Norbury were connected
by marriage with the lords of Morley.{ Nicholas Fitzherbert,
of Morley, married‘ Alice, the daughter of Henry Bothe, of Arles-
ton, co. Derby; Nicholas died in 1473. Henry Statham, of
Morley, married Anne Bothe, daughter of Thomas Bothe, of
Barton, co. Lancaster; Henry died 1480. The Bothe family
gave two Archbishops to York ; firstly, William, from 1453-64,
and secondly, Laurence Bothe, 1476-80. From these intermar-
* See Acts of the Church, p- 44, by J. W. Joyce, M.A. Whittaker, 1886..
+ Lives of the Saints, Vol. V1., p.
155.
_t See Churches of Derbyshir 2) VolvVe, ps 344.
PAINTED GLASS IN MORLEY CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE. 37
riages, it is not difficult to perceive how these Yorkshiremen came
to be represented in the Morley glass.
We notice in passing that the title of Saint is not given to
William in the glass, but to Roger, and that whilst William bears
the crozier with a cross, usually indicating an Archbishop, Roger
bears a crozier, or pastoral staff. The dress of each (a cope) is
the same, differing only in colour, one being red the other green ;
both wear gloves, and a ring, though not on the same hand or
finger. To the mitre of Roger are attached the pendant
bands called vit/e or ansule, which are absent from that of William.
There are four shields in the upper part of the windows :—rst,
azure, a lion rampant, argent, Estaferen; 2nd, gules three
lozenges, argent, Statham; 3rd, quarterly 1 and 4 Statham,
3 and 4 Morley, avgenz, a lion rampant sad/e, crowned or ; 4th,
Okeover, argent, a bend sadle, on a chief gules, 3 bezants, or.
Since writing the article on the Saint Ursula window (Vol.
VIII., plate 9), we have ascertained that there is a figure of the
saint in a window of the north aisle of the choir of Winchester
Cathedral, placed there by Bishop Fox, in the 16th century, the
head of which is gone, but the lower part of the figure remains.
She bears an arrow in each hand. There have been originally ten
kneeling figures of her companions, but only six remain. A
coloured drawing of this glass may be seen in Weales’ Quarterly
Fapers, Vol. IV.
This paper concludes our remarks on the Morley glass, the
whole of which has now been figured. The St. Robert of Knares-
borough, and the finding of the Cross by St. Helena, are in the
History of Morley Church, and the remaining three in this
Journal.
We were glad to see on a recent visit to Morley that the old
church -has fallen into hands that care for it ; the glass had been
cleaned from dust and cobwebs; rubbings had been taken of the
numerous brasses, and placed so that visitors could acquaint
themselves with them by means of cards on which names and
dates were given ; and a concise history could be gathered with-
out the fuss of a beadle or any other person to show the place ;
38 PAINTED GLASS IN MORLEY CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE.
happily in these days this can be safely done without risk of
damage. We believe, also, that contributions, towards the repairs
necessary from time to time, may be deposited in a small chest
placed for the purpose. A visitors’ book is also placed for any
who wish to record their names and date of visit. This appears
to us an excellent plan, which might be adopted in many other
churches with advantage.
The sizes of the lights in the St. Elizabeth and St. Peter
window are 4 ft. 7 in. by 1 ft. 3 in., and those in the three-light
window 5 ft. 3 in. by 1 ft. 7 in.
[Mr. Bailey has given us leave to express a doubt whether the St. Roger
of Plate IV. can be the Archbishop of that name; for we do not believe
that Archbishop Roger of York was ever canonised ; nor does it seem to us
at all likely that an archbishop of the date of this glass would be repre-
sented with a mere pastoral staff, especially when St. William, in the same
window, has a crozier. Surely it must represent some sainted bishop of the
name of Roger. St. Roger, Bishop of London, who died in 1241, was the
suggestion we made in Churches of Derbyshire (vol. iv., p. 344); perhaps it
is not a very likely surmise, but at present no better one suggests itself.—ED.]
@Onu a Cromlech formerly standing on Rtber
Hl, Matlock, tn the County of Derby.
By BENJAMIN BRYAN.
LTHOUGH I have not, for a number of years, resided
within my native county of Derby, I have constantly
availed myself of opportunities of learning all I could
about it through the media of such books as I could command.
In this way, I have, I daresay, acquired as much information as to
points of interest and the antiquities of the county as is possessed
by the average Derbyshire man. Nevertheless, it came upon me
as a revelation when I read, some two years ago, in the well-illus-
trated little “ Journey Book of England—Derbyshire,” published
by Charles Knight and Co., in 1841 (p. 39), that a monument of
antiquity of the most interesting kind, situate within the boun-
daries of the parish of Matlock, had been thrown down and
partially destroyed.
The passage to which I particularly refer runs as follows :—
“ Riber, two miles from Matlock, is, or rather was, a spot of
considerable interest to the antiquarian. In Bray’s ‘Tour in
Derbyshire,” published in 1783, there is a description of a Crom-
lech here, which resembled the Logan Stone of Cornwall. These
Cromlechs are the vestiges of our remotest British ancestors, and
usually consisted of a large stone placed in the manner of a table,
but in an inclined position, upon other stones set up on end.
They are supposed by some of our antiquarians to be the remains
of altars used for idolatrous worship. This monument of super-
stition no longer exists, having been broken to build stone fences.”
40 ON A CROMLECH FORMERLY STANDING ON RIBER HILL.
Having read this—the concluding passage, I may remark, not
without pangs of regret—I became anxious to know more particu-
larly what this Cromlech was like, and Pilkington’s ‘‘ View of
Derbyshire” (1789), being the handiest book of reference at the
time, I searched its pages in order to see what was there recorded.
My reward was a very meagre one. All Pilkington has to say
about these remarkable stones is this :—
‘©On the hill called Riber is what has been deemed by some a
Druidical altar. I have been told that it is a very large stone with
a bason upon it.”’ (Vol. II., p. 312.)
Tt will have been observed that the authority quoted by Knight
in the ‘‘ Journey Book,” is Bray’s “ Tour,’ a book which, being
lately at the British Museum, I took the opportunity of consulting.
Bray’s book bears date 1783, and the tenour of his record clearly
implies that he saw the remarkable structure under notice, so that
up to his time it was perfect and complete. I have made a copy
of his statement in regard to it, which runs as follows :—
“ On the top of the hill called Riber, which is above the church
[z.e., the old parish church of Matlock], is a stone said to have
been formerly a rocking stone, called in Cornwall a Logan Stone ;
but it is not movable now ; it has a round hole in the top,
exactly resembling one which Dr. Borlase in his ‘ Antiquities of
Cornwall,’ has given the plans of—plate xi., fig. 4. It is not very
large, and is placed on two other stones” (p. 129).
I had been most anxious to trace a sketch of the very Riber
stone itself; but, unfortunately, knew of no illustrated History of
Derbyshire, of a sufficiently early date to contain it. If there be
any such work, I shall be extremely glad to learn the fact. In
the meantime, as the next best thing, I went to Borlase’s book,
and there I found, as indicated by Mr. Bray, the plate of what,
according to him, is a Logan Stone resembling that formerly upon
Riber hill. A tracing of this plate, with the printed description of
it (also from Borlase) is attached hereto. (See postscript.)
I have made an effort to trace, by means of the available books
bearing on the locality, the latest date at which the Cromlech on
Riber remained entire, and the result of my research will be found
ON A CROMLECH FORMERLY STANDING ON RIBER HILL. 41
set out below. In the section relating specially to Derbyshire in
“The Beauties of England and Wales” (London, 1803), there
occurs the following passage :—
*©On the eminence above the [parish] church, called Riber hill,
are the remains of what has been supposed a Druidical altar, but
which has more resemblance to a Cromlech ; tho’ it may probably
have only been intended as a point for the transmittal of signals.
It is called Hirst Stones, and consists of four rude masses of grit-
stone, one of which, apparently the smallest, is placed on the
others, and is computed to weigh about two tons. On the upper
stone is a circular hole, six inches deep and nine in diameter,
wherein 50 years ago stood a stone pillar” (p. 505).
I must confess to having grave doubts as to the accuracy of
this “pillar” story. The fact that the earlier records make no
mention of such a thing asa pillar goes a long way towards dis-
crediting any such supposition as that one ever existed. The
name of “the Hirst Stones,” it may also be remarked, appears
here for the first time.
I do not profess to have exhausted all the authorities, but I have
taken note of what appeared to be the chief. I come now to
**Rhodes’s Peak Scenery’’ (London, 1822). At page 116, Part
III. of this elegant work, I find the following observations :—
“In our walk to Matlock [v/é@ Starkholmes] we passed along
the side of a hill to Riber Top, where there is a singular collec-
tion of stones, supposed to have been originally a Druidical
altar; some antiquaries say a Cromlech, which appears more
probable ; they are called Hirst Stones, and are not unworthy of
a visit, since those who feel no interest in these ancient relics will
be amply repaid for the toil and trouble of ascending this eminence
by the prospect it commands.”
My next authority is my last. The following quotation is ex-
tremely useful, inasmuch as it indicates with considerable exactitude
the precise situation which was occupied by these remarkable stones
when perfect. It is from ‘“‘The Matlock Companion,” printed at
Duffield, in 1835, by A. Jewitt, who was also, I believe, its most
intelligent author. Mr. Jewitt writes as follows :—
42 ON A CROMLECH FORMERLY STANDING ON RIBER HILL.
“ Leaving Matlock [Town] by a road a little above the church,
Riber Hill is seen rising to the clouds on the left hand. On the
brow of this hill, and nearly two miles above Matlock, our British
forefathers erected one of those stupendous monuments, a Tohnen,
Cromlech, or something of the same nature. It is mentioned by
Mr. Bray as much resembling a Cornish Logan Stone described
by Dr. Borlase. Till within these few years, this stone has re-
mained entire, though unnoticed by modern tourists. The land
on which it stood has passed into other hands; a new tenant has
got possession of the farm, and this monument of antiquity has
been broken up to mend his fences or repair his house. The large
stone which formed the base still remains almost entire, and in all
probability will be suffered to remain so for years, for it forms part
of the wall of the field. It is situated near the barn, a little to
the right of the fir plantation at the northern brow” (p. 35).
The fir plantation here referred to still remains, and Mr. Jewitt
indicates the situation of the Cromlech with so much particularity
that I felt sure that whenever I was enabled to visit the spot,
which I thought I had identified exactly on the Ordnance map, I
should find the site of the Cromlech at once. In August last I
ascended Riber Hill and sought the stone ; but so far as I could
trace, the hope expressed in the above extract that the rock which
formed the base would be ‘‘ suffered to remain for years,” had not
been fulfilled. In short, I was unable to find even the lower part
of the monument in anything like its pristine form, and my fear is
that it has been further mutilated until it bears no longer any
resemblance to its former self. Since J ewitt’s time, Riber Castle
has been built, and the stone used in its erection, or some of it,
has been obtained from a quarry which lies on the north-east side
of the building. On the further side of this quarry from the Castle,
runs, at a right angle with the wall bounding the fir plantation on
its south-east side, a stone fence. At a point about half-way along
the quarry side, the stratum of gritstone evidently cropped out at
the surface, precisely in the line of the wall, of which it must
literally have formed part. This outcropping piece of rock was, I
believe, the base of the ancient stone monument about which I
ON A CROMLECH FORMERLY STANDING ON RIBER HILL. 43
am writing; but it has been removed. That this removal has
been effected within some recent period is evidenced by the fact
that the wall has never been thoroughly repaired at the spot where
the rock clearly cropped up. I cannot help thinking that the
great regret which I felt on making this discovery will be felt by
all who take an interest in the ancient monuments and archzo-
logical remains of the county.
POSTSCRIPT.
' Rough Sketch (with description) of fig. 4, pl. xi., The Logan
Stone, in St. Agnes Island, Scilly. From Borlase’s “ Antiquities
of Cornwall” :—
AaN)
FEN \ y=
DRI
Baik
“There is a very remarkable stone of this kind on the island of
St. Agnes, in Scilly. The under rock is 1o feet 6 inches high, .
and 47 feet in circumference round the middle, and touches the
ground with no more than half its base. The upper rock rests on
44 ON A CROMLECH FORMERLY STANDING ON RIBER HILL.
one point only, so nicely that two or three men with a pole can
move it. It is 8 feet 6 inches high, and 47 feet in girth. On
the top is a large bason, 3 feet 11 inches in diameter (at a medium),
at the brim wider, and 3 feet deep. By the globular shape of this
upper stone, I guess that it has been rounded by art, at least ; if
it was not placed on the hollow surface of the rock it rests upon
by human force, which to me appears not unlikely.” (p. 181.)
[In July, 1866, I had a conversation with two old cottagers on Riber about
the missing Cromlech. Both of them, one aged 80 and the other 84, well
remembered the stones when standing, and said that they were destroyed
when a new line of fence was made. The older of my informants described
its appearance as something like a big cottage loaf, a description which can
not inaptly be applied to the Scilly Logan Stone. He further spoke of the
hole in the top stone, and said that when children they often clambered up and
filled the cup, which had always water in it, with spring or summer flowers.
This same cavity he described as being drilled deeper and filled with gun-
powder to effect the destruction of the upper stone.—ED.]
*
45
Hotes on the AVanors of Kivk Langley and
SMevuell Langley.
[From THE MSS, oF THE LATE GODFREY MEYNELL ; COMPILED
circa 1830.|*
MEYNELL LANGLEY.
JHE earliest record I can find relative to King’s or
Kirk Langley is in Domesday Book; it was then
part of the possessions of Ralf, the son of Hubert;
and Mr. Wolley of Matlock is inclined to think that it be-
longed to the Meynells at a very early period. By this survey it
appears that—“ Levenot has four carucates of land, there are to
the geld six carucates of land, there is in demesne one carucate,
and two villains and four bordars have two carucates; there is a
wood where cattle may graze, one mile long and three furlongs
broad, and a small underwood ; in the time of Edward the Con-
fessor worth one hundred shillings, now only forty shillings.” At
the compiling of Domesday Book, Langley does not appear to
have been held under Ralf Fitz Hubert by Robertus; but in the
certificate given by Hubert Fitz Ralf, 12 Henry II, 1146, of the
Knights’ fees held of him, Robertus de Maisnell is mentioned as
holding five of those Knights’ fees of old feofment, which at least
refers to the time of Henry I., 1108. Langley appears to have
been one of Ralf Fitz Hubert’s manors at the time Domesday
Book was compiled, but it is mentioned to have been then held
in demesne ; it is not improbable, however, that it was soon after
* Permission to print these Notes has been kindly given by his grandson, the
present Mr. Godfrey Meynell, of Meynell Langley.
46 THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY,
\
granted to Robert de Maisnell, or one of his ancestors, and
formed a part of those five Knights’ fees above-mentioned, and
that it afterwards became the property of a younger son, who was
the ancestor of the Meynells of Meynell Langley. Dugdale, in
his Warwickshire, p. 798, says that Philippa Savage was the wife
of Hugh de Meinell, of Langley Meynell, in Derbyshire, where
their chief seat was ; and this refers to the time of Edward I., for
he died in the 13th year of that king’s reign.
Thus far we have traced the manor of Meynell Langley in the
possession of the Meynells from Henry I.’s time, r108. In the
year 1268, Sir William Meynell, of Langley, was a great benefactor
to the religious house at Yeaveley.* In 1285, Lord Hugh de
Meynell resided at Langley, according to Dugdale, page 798, and
his son William resided here, and died 7 Edward II., 1314 ;+ his
son, Hugh de Meinel, was a Baron of Parliament, 1 Edward III.,
and Barnes says that he was with Edward III. at the battle of
Cressy, and that Lord Hugh de Meinel and several other nobles
were taken prisoners at Mants.[ The next in succession was
Richard Meynell; he died 33 Edward III., and, from the
authority of Barnes, was at the battle of Poictiers. In this king’s
reign there were two gallant esquires of England slain, Richard
Meynell and William Muswell; he might be son of the former.
The next possessor was Ralf de Meynil; he died ro Richard IL.,
1376. Ralf de Meynil left four daughters:—Joan, who was
married (1) to John Staunton, of Staunton Harold, (2) to Sir
Thomas Clinton Knt.; Elizabeth, te William Crawshaw;
Margaret, to John Dethick, of Newhall; and Thomasine, to
Reginald Dethick.§ Sir John Dethick, in right of his wife,
about 1458, became possessed of Meynell Langley, but he died
without issue male, and his estate at Meynell Langley devolved
upon his only daughter, Margaret, who married Ralf Bassett, of
Blore. William Bassett, his son, married Alice, daughter of
* Dugdale’s Monasticon, vol. ii., p. 546.
+ Vide Extinct Peerage.
+ Barnes’ History of Edward I/I., pp. 804, 810.
§ Vide Erdeswick’s Staffordshire.
THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY. 47
Robert Moston, of Peckleton, co. Leicester ; he died 1456, and
William, his son and heir, married Joan, the daughter and co-
heiress of Richard Byron; William was his son and heir, whose
father died 1498, and he, the son, married Elizabeth, the daughter
of Thomas Meverel,.of Throwley, and died in 1506. William, his
son, married Isabel, daughter of Robert Cokayne, and died in
1553. William Bassett was his son and heir, and the last pos-
sessor male of this estate ; he married (1) Elizabeth, the daughter
of Anthony Fitzherbert, and (2) the daughter of Thomas Austen,
afterwards Lady Corbett; he died 44 Elizabeth, 1602, and left
Elizabeth Bassett, his daughter by his second wife, his heiress.
Elizabeth Bassett was married to William, Duke of Newcastle,
whose fortune was spent in the service of King Charles I., for he
raised a regiment of horse at his own expense and maintained
them ;* she died young, but left a son. This estate was then
seized by the Protector Cromwell, and great dilapidation of the
woods ensued ; and I apprehend the many charcoal hearths now
visible in Meynell Langley were in consequence of the great falls
of timber at that period. When Charles II. returned, this estate
was restored to the family, but the finances of the Duke were so
far exhausted that it was found necessary to sell this and other
estates,f and he and his son conveyed Kirk and Meynell Langley
(but not the advowson) to Richard Meynell ; the purchase-money
for the two manors was £12,524 11s. 6d., a sum that now would
scarcely purchase a farm ; I think Isaac Meynell, another brother,
also joined in the purchase. This Richard Meynell ¢ was the
* It is stated by the Duchess of Newcastle that the loss sustained by the
Duke from the Civil Wars rather surpassed than fell short of £733,579.
Vide his life, and Walpole’s Royal and Noble Authors, vol. ii., p. 17.
+ Ihave in my possession an old rent-roll of all the estates of the Duke
that were intended for sale ; the date 1670.—G. M.
t Vide an old MS. in my possession, written by Thomas Meynell, rector of
Langley, of which the following is a copy :—
**In answer to any malicious person that shall suggest that Meynell of
Willington is not of the family of the Meynells formerly of Meynell Langley, I
say that we have the same coat of arms allowed us in all Visitations that Sir
Hugh Meynell had, and in particular my late father, Godfrey Meynell, Esq.,
at one of these Visitations, I think 31 Charles I. (according to the account Sir
Simon Degg gives of it), had the same coat of arms allowed him, and so had
his father, 1618, and I have heard my father say that he was placed at dinner
48 THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY.
sixth son of Godfrey Meynell, of Willington, in the county of
Derby, and was a descendant of the Meynells formerly of Langley,
as may be seen in the pedigree in the Herald’s College, and by
the pedigree entered by his father, Godfrey, 1618, and by his
monument in St. Dunstan’s, in East London. The same coat of
arms was allowed him that Sir Hugh Meynell had in 1285—viz.,
Vaire, argent and sable. He died a bachelor, and Isaac, his
brother, the seventh son, became possessed of Meynell Langley.*
Isaac left one only daughter, Elizabeth, who married + Honble.
Robert Cecil, member for Wooton Bassett, and second son of the
Earl of Salisbury, but, I apprehend, sold the estate to Godfrey
Meynell, Esquire, of Langley, grandson of the before-named
Godfrey Meynell, of Willington, and son of Thomas Meynell, the
rector of Langley, who married Catharine, daughter to Colonel
John Lane, of Bentley Abbey, in the county of Stafford, and
niece to Mrs. Jane Lane who was so greatly instrumental in
saving King Charles II. when he quitted the kingdom for
France.{ :
Thomas Meynell had one son and four daughters ; to his son
Godfrey he gave up property in his own lifetime, residing himself
at the rectory. He died in the autumn of the year 1705, and
the above Godfrey, his son, in the spring preceding. The son
married Mary Horde, daughter of Thomas Horde, Esq., of
Coates, in the county of Oxford; he left one son and one
daughter ; Godfrey, his son, died in the year 1758, and left his
estate to the grandchildren of his grandfather, Thomas Meynell,
by his three great-aunts (1) Katherine, who married Gilbert
above his godfather, Godfrey Thacker, of Repton, Esq., by the Herald, and
would have refused the place because he was his godfather, but the Herald
would not suffer him, but told him it was his place. Vaire argent and sable
was the De la Ward’s coat, and the nag’s head was the crest, and the daughter
of Dela Ward married to the Meynells of Langley. The pedigree is carried
down in the Herald’s College to anno 1634, Book G. 33, folio 7, and this coat
was then allowed by the Herald. This was writ by Tho, Meynell, rector of
Langley, and given to his son Godfrey, 1702.”
* Part of the estate lying in Kirk Langley was sold afterwards by Godfrey
Meynell, Esq.
+ First to Hale, of King’s Walden; second, to Robert Cecil.
+ Vide Lanes’ pedigree, and the Lanes’ petition to Charles II.
THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY. 49
Cheshire, whose daughter married, first, Mr. Peach, and secondly,
Mr. Cheney ; (2) Dorothy, who married; first, Mr. Warden, and
secondly, Mr. Hodgkinson ; and (3) Susanna, who married Mr.
Lord, of Little Chester, and who was the executrix of her father,
Thomas Meynell, the rector of Langley.
The father of the late Mr. Meynell was buried in the chancel,
by order of his father, Thomas Meynell, but as the father himself
died in the autumn following, the son’s widow removed the body
of her husband to the choir, where it now lies. Thomas Meynell
wished the chancel to be the burial-place, but the late Mr.
Godfrey Meynell was laid by his father, Godfrey, in the choir,
nearly under the monument since erected to Mr. Cheney and his
wives ; in the same place were buried two other children of his
father who died young.
KIRK LANGLEY.
With regard to the manor of Kirk Langley, this at the Conquest
belonged to Ralf Fitz Hugh, as one entire place. It then passed,
in the time of Henry III. (1218), to Ralf Fitz Nicholas ; then to
the Pipards of Oxfordshire, who, I think, assumed the name of
Twyford. In the time of Edward II. (circa 1264) it was possessed
by a Twyford, for Dugdale in his History of Warwickshire (page 36)
says that Sir John de Twyford made his residence at Stretton
Baskerville, County Warwick, though Kirk Langley in Derbyshire
was his ancient residence ; this was the 17th Edward II., and in
the year 1302, and it was then called their ancient residence.
At what period they first settled here I do not find. It appears
that Henry Pole, of Whittington, son of Peter Pole, of Heage,
married a daughter of Twyford, probably the daughter or sister of
Thomas Twyford, who died in 1523, and whose monumental in-
scription will be hereafter given.
I find by an ancient deed, anno 3 Henry IV., 1446, that Robert
de Twyford was then Lord of Kirk Langley :—
Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego William Dethic Miles dedi Roberto de
Twyford domino de Langley, Rado fratri ejus, Johanni de Garforth, Thome
de Dethic, filiis meis, omnes terras etc in villa de Raddeburne praeter terras
quasdam Johannis Annesty et Isabel uxoris ejus anno 3rd Henry 4th.
4
50 THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY.
We find Henry Pole buried at Langley, and Dorothy his wife,
who died 1558 ; and he appears to be patron of the church. Pro-
bably from the marriage with Twyford, he bears the arms of Pole,
together with those of Chandos and Twyford ; and in the centre
of the third shield is a cinque-foil, which denotes a third son ; but
the wife’s bearing on the tomb is not that of Twyford.*
An Inquisitio post-mortem, 20th Henry VIII, 1512, states that
Robert Knifton had in Langley 47 acres of arable land, 20 acres
of meadow, and 20 acres of pasture.
William Bassett possessed the manor of Kirk Langley, probably
by purchase from German Pole. He held it of the heirs of Jacob
Strangeways, and of the heirs of Stuteville by half a knight’s fee,
and it was of the value of £40.
Humphrey Bradbourne, Knt., had the manor of Burrows in Lang-
ley. He held 1 messuage, 38 acres of land, 20 acres of meadow,
20 acres of pasture, and 2c acres of wood, with the appurtenances,
and held of the Earl of Salop, as of his manor of Kirk Langley, by
fealty, and paying 5 marks yearly.
Lady Corbett, widow of William Bassett, held the manor. I
find that Lady Corbett was the daughter of Thomas Austen, of
Oxley Farm, Staffordshire, and was first married to William
Boothby, and was mother of Thomas Boothby, of Tooley Park.
For her second husband she married William Bassett, of Blore,
by whom she had Elizabeth, married first to Henry Howard, and
afterwards to William, Earl of Newcastle. Thirdly she married
Sir Richard Corbett, and died 1640, aged 74, immensely rich.
(Vide Nichol’s History of Leicestershire, vol. ili., p 732-)
The Knivetons had also lands in Burrows, and the farm belong-
ing to Dr. Johnson was their property.
Thus far I have attempted to trace the possessions of these
two manors until the reign of Charles II. At this period the
* The tomb at Kirk Langley to Henry Pole and Dorothy, his wife, is to the
eldest son of Henry Pole, who married the heiress of Twyford. For full ex-
planation of the armorial bearings on this tomb, and for further particulars
relative to the Twyford and Pole families, see Churches of Derbyshire, vol. iv.,
pp. 267-8, 273-5.—Ep.
THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY. 51
feudal system was wholly abolished, land owners became numer-
ous, and from that time it is difficult to trace the property. It was
formerly in fewer hands, and an estate of that day held by knights’
service may now have many owners; land is become of more
value, better cultivated, and parcelled into lots for sale. Then it
was granted in general for service done to the Crown, and seldom
in less quantity than a whole manor, or, when sold, large estates
were transferred from one family to another.
In April, 1817, Mr. Cornelius Brough gave me two deeds, one of
which I forwarded to Mr. Lysons, and of which I have received the
following account :—It is a grant from William de Longeley, clerk
to Henry Moyster of Kniveton, chaplain, of a messuage, with out-
houses, buildings, gardens, curtilage, etc., adjoining, and all the
arable land in his assart, with ditches and enclosures in the vill
and territory of Kirk Langley, which messuage adjoins to the
place of my daughter Cicely, to have and to hold, etc., of the
capital lords of the fee by due service with warranty. It is dated
in the zoth year of Edward II. The parchment is about eight
inches long and four wide.
The other deed is a grant from John Parker, of Whittington, to
his son Thomas of a house and lands in Kirk Langley, and these
are probably the same premises mentioned in the earlier deed.
This deed is dated 37 Henry VIII. The parchment is about
seven inches long and two broad.
Of these two evidences, which are now at Meynell Langley, we
give extended transcripts.—Eb.
Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Willielmus de Longley clericus dedi
concessi et hac presente carta mea confirmavi Domino Henrico Moyster de
Knyveton capellano unum messuagium cum domibus et edificiis et vastante
gardino curteli praterea et croftum adjacentem et totam terram arrabilem in
asartis meis cum fossatis et clausuris suis in villa et in territorio de Kyrke
Longeleye quod quidem assuagium jacet juxta placeam Cicelie filie mee
habendum et tenendum predicto domino Henrico Moyster et heredibus suis et
suis assignatis libere quiete integre pacifice bene cum omnibus suis pertinen-
tibus in feodo et heriditate in perpetuum de dominis capitalibus feodi illius pro
servicia omnibus (sc) inde debita et consueta pro omnibus Et ego vero pre-
dictus Willielmus de Longeley Clericus et heredes mei omnia predicta tene-
menta cum omnibus pertinentibus suis predicto Domino Henrico Moyster de
Knyveton capellano et heredibus suis et suis assignatis contra omnes gentes
Warrantizabimus in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte
sigillum meum apposui. Hiis testibus Dominis Hugone de Meignyll Johanne
52 THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY.
The following extract from the account of the Langleys, given
in the Churches of Derbyshire, is here reprinted, as it illustrates
and explains the earlier of Mr. Meynell’s account of their descent.
According to ‘‘The Bowke of Evidences of Twiforde his Lands”
(Add. MSS. 6672, British Museum), which is a chartulary of evi-
dences chiefly pertaining to Langley, neither of these accounts of the
Twyfords and the transference of their estates to the Pole family
are absolutely correct, but the discrepancy only arises in connec-
tion with some Christian names. It is hoped that this Twyford
‘‘ Booke” may be printed zw extenso in some future volume of
these transactions.
“The Manor of Langley was held, according to the Domesday
Book, by Levenot, under Ralph Fitz Hubert. There is no record
at that date of a church. The manor at an early period was
divided into two moieties, one of which became known as Kirk or
Church Langley, from having a church fabric on the estate ; and
the other as Meynell Langley, from the name of the proprietor.
At the beginning of the reign of Henry III., 1218, Kirk Langley
was held by one Nicholas. To him succeeded his son, Robert
Fitz-Nicholas, who died in the last year of Henry III.’s long
reign. He died without issue, and the jury, at the inquisition
after his death, found that his nephew, Ralph Pipard, then aged
28, the son of Ralph Fitz-Nicholas, was his heir. He died seized
of landed property at Thurvaston, Etwall, and Egginton, as well
as of the manor of ‘ Chirche Longley’ and the advowson of its
de Twyford milite Thomi de Staunton Henrico de Caumbes Henrico de
Meignyll et aliis. Datum apud Kyrke Longeley nono die mensis Septembris
anno regni Regis Edwardi filii regis Edwardi vicessimo.
Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Parkar de Whyttynton in
Comitatu Derbiensi Husbandman dedi concessi et hac presente carta mea con-
firmavi Thome Parker filio meo’Totum Illud messuagium cum omnibus croftis
terris et pasture et pasti et allis proventionibus habeo habui vel quovismodo
habere potero in villa et campis de Kyrk Longelle in comitatu Derbiensi
Habendum et tenendum predictum messuagium cum omnibus croftis preeterea
pasturis passiis et aliis pertinentibus dicto Thomi et heredibus suis imperpetuum
de Capitalibus dominis foedi Lllius pro futuris inde debitis et de jure consuetis
In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti scripto meo sigillum meum apposui
Datum vicessimo septimo die mensis Novembris anno regni Henrici octavi
Anglie Francis et Hibernie regis fidei defensoris et ecclesie Anglicane et
Hibernie supremi capitis tricessimo septimo.
THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY. 53
church, the rectory being valued by the jury at twenty marks per
annum. Names at this period were changed with much caprice,
according to the residence of the individual. It has generaliy
been supposed that a Fitz-Nicholas sold this manor to a Pipard,
but the inquisition that we have just quoted shows that Ralph,
son of Ralph, and nephew of Robert Fitz-Nicholas, inherited it by
descent. It would seem that he had assumed the name of Pipard
from having resided, previously to his becoming heir to his uncle,
at Rotherfield-Pipard, in Oxfordshire; or possibly from having
married an heiress. of the Pipards, who gave their name to that
place, for the Pipards are said to have originally sprung from a
hamlet of that name in Somersetshire. Robert Fitz-Nicholas had
also owned the manor of Twyford, in Buckinghamshire, which his
nephew, Ralph Pipard, also inherited, and of which he was seized
at the time of his death, in 1310. Twyford, Bucks, was one of
the most important of their manors, and hence the heir of Ralph
assumed that name in preference to Pipard, and was known as
John de Twyford.
**The manor of Kirk Langley, together with the advowson of
the rectory, remained in the hands of the Twyford, or de Twyford,
family until the time of Henry VIII., when Henry Pole, of
Chesterfield, son of Peter Pole, of Heage, married Ursula, the
daughter and heiress of Thomas Twyford, who died in 1522.
Henry Pole was succeeded by his son, of the same name, who
died in 1558. He died without issue, and was succeeded by his
brother Augustine, whose son, German Pole, sold the manor of
Kirk Langley to Bassets, of Blore, then also lords of Meynell
Langley, and the two manors were for the most part subsequently
held together. William Basset married Judith, daughter of Thomas
Austen, and widow of William Boothby. On the death of her
second husband she was married to Sir Richard Corbett, of Morton
Corbett, Shropshire. We find Lady Corbett presenting to the
rectory of Kirk Langley both in 1619 and in 1621. By her
second husband, William Basset, she had one daughter, first
married to Henry Howard, son of the Earl of Suffolk (by whom
she had a daughter, married to Sir John Harpur, of Swarkeston),
54 THE MANORS OF KIRK LANGLEY AND MEYNELL LANGLEY.
and secondly to William, Earl, and afterwards Duke, of Newcastle.
On the restoration the Earl of Newcastle presented to this rectory.
In the eighteenth century the advowson and next presentation
were repeatedly sold ; but during the present century it has been
in the gift of the Meynells, of Meynell Langley.”
A Vistt to Derbyshire tw 1630.
MONGST the Harleian manuscripts is preserved the note-
book of Justinian Pagett, Esq., a lawyer. It is headed :—
“ Remarkable things wh. I observed in my journey thro’ Warwick-
shire, Darbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Cheshire, Flintshire, etc.,
Anno 1630.”
The part relating to Derbyshire is very brief, and is as follows :—
“In Darbyshire we went into poole hole, a vast hollow rock,
wherein are several roomes, as it were, one on th’ other.
1. A river's head is heere. :
2. Stone hanging like icesickles, like a flitch of bacon ete.
3. The Q. of Scott’s pillars.
4. Picture of a Lyon.
In the town of Buxtons we saw a pretty little brick house where
in a lowe roome isa bath with 7 springs, 6 of them being hot, and
the seventh cold, so that with a span you may lay your thumb on
a hott spring, and your little finger on the cold. From hence we
went thro’ Castleton, where we saw the ruin’d castle and the
great hoale called the Divillsarse. From thence to Mantaur, a
high hill at one ende whereof the earth doth run doune con-
tinually like unto the sinking and gliding of sand in the lower
part of an hower glasse. From hence toa well neere a town call’d
Tideswell, wh. ebbs and flows sometimes 3 or 4 times a. day, and
from hence we went to Darby and Nottingham.”
55
The Diary of Benjamin Granger, of Bolsover,
1688-1 708.
By Pym YEATMAN.
@]MONGST those who have very kindly responded to
my appeal for the loan of MSS. relating to Derbyshire
topography is Mr. T. Thorneley, of Bolsover, who
entrusted to my care a small quarto, which at one
time doubtless had been the possession of Francis, Earl of
Shrewsbury, for it contains several Inquests relating to the great
Barmote Courts held at Wirksworth many years ago. In the
first year of my joining the Midland Circuit I was entrusted by
my good friend, Mr. Joseph Stone, of Wirksworth (descendant,
probably, of one of the jury of these Inquests), with a brief in a
cause tried in that very court, and exceedingly quaint and in-
teresting I found the procedure ; probably not materially different
from that which was pursued in the cases, though we have here
only the record relating to the customs.
The MS. commences with “‘ The great Court Barmote (Cur
magna’ Bermote) held at Wirksworth before Francis Count Salop
the zoth September 3 Edward VI.” Great Inquisition for the
King’s Mines within the wapentake aforesaid by the oath of Nicolas
Hyde Robt Cotton Ed Rowbotham Henry Storer Wm Leighe
John Spencer Thos Bramall John Gratton John Sommer Rich
Wigly Tho Cockeshoot Thos Woodwise William Bennett Thos
Stepele Thos Wood James Hall Roger Gell John Storer Henr
Spencer Rad Haughton Oliver Stoane Roger Maule Ed Wyllye
Will Shawe wee do p’sent and set downe paynes for ye minors as
followeth
56 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
“‘ Measures first we will that the Lord of the feild shall make an
able dishe from this daye forthe between the mchant buyer & the
seller against ev’ye good time as xpmas and whissontide two able
dishes upon payne of eivry time wantinge if it bee called for to
** And they Mynors shall have for their lot and cope sufficient
tymber for their works without any penny giuding of the next
founder within the King’s Lopp- Alsoe the shall have water to
washe theire myne without any lett for the said lott and coape
And if the Lord will buy their myne for as much as any other
man will give them he shall have their myne before all other
men and if he will not they shall sell their said myne wheare
the will to theire most profit witht impeachment or disturbance of
the Lord or any of his ministers In wittnes &c.
“These beene the lawes and customes of the myne used in the
High Peak and in all other places through England and Wales
for the wch to be had the wise mynors sued to the Lord King that
he would confirme them by his charter under his great seal in
waye of charity and for his profit and forasmuch as the aforesaid
myn’ beene at all times in p’ill of their death and that they have
nothing in certain but that wch God of his grace will send them.”
Then follows the well-known Inquisition of the 16th year of the
reign of Edward I. (1288), taken from the Bundle of the
Exchequer, made at Ashbourn upon Saturday next after the feast
of the Holy Trinity before Rignold of the Leye and William of
Meignell by the oath of Thomas Foljambe and others.
Then follows an Inquest taken 3rd May, 3 and 4 Philip and
Mary, of the same great Barmote Court, before 25 jurymen, con-
taining certain supplementary laws relating to mines and mining,
which may have been published already. It is very voluminous,
and contains some very curious laws, one, enacted against lead
stealers, of rare barbarity. On the third conviction for this offence
he was to be taken and stricken through his right hand in the palm
with a knife up to the “halfe ” into the stone, and theare he should
stand till he be dead or cut himself loose, and then he should fore-
swear the franchise of the mine.
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 57
These Inquests occupy only 22 pages of a book of 195 pages.
The rest has been used, after the manner of ancient books, by two
individuals of Bolsover; one Benjamin Granger, whose name
heads this article, who has used 54 pages ; and Henry Roades,
who has filled the rest. His portion of the book is of small value,
except, perhaps, for the prices of things of his date, 1741-51.
Roades was a builder and carpenter, and he worked chiefly for
the lords of Welbece, but he gives few details of his work there.
Benjamin Granger was a superior person, most probably a lawyer.
His entries are generally well written, in a legal hand, and he
refers to certain fees, his charges for writing documents. He
entitles his portion of the book, ‘ Accounts Stated 1688-90,”
during which period, or a portion of it, he was churchwarden.
He notes that he was so acting 19 Sep., 1690. He, however,
ceased to act in 1691, for he gives the names of these officers at
that period. His entries cover a longer period, and extend over
1676-1708. He was Sequestrator of the vicarage, and upon
the r2th April, 1699, he was summoned to the Bishop’s probate
court at Chesterfield, and passed his accounts, not, apparently, in
a very satisfactory manner (except, perhaps, to himself), for he
records that he had disbursed £12 more than the profits, and the
clerks desiring him to let them see the sequestration would not
return it to him. It was probably in this capacity that he noted
down many curious facts relative to the ecclesiastical history of
Bolsover, which are illustrative of the period.
Bolsover was a poor living. It stands in the King’s books as
worth only £14, with yearly tenths worth #11 114, and as being
of less value than £30, the vicar could escape the payment of
tenths to the king by simply making an affidavit of his poverty.
In fact, so poor was it that nobody seemed to care to stay, and
in the course of a year or two the inhabitants had quite a choice
of parsons. They probably were not of the choicest description,
for Mr. Granger informs us that one of them, Mr. Edwin Ferne,
was brought before Mr. Sitwell (no doubt, an acting justice of the
peace), and by him committed to Derby on a serious charge ot *
arson (burning Edward Hinde’s barn). This was in Oct., 1695.
58 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
On the 7th Jan., 1698, the Rev. Richard Chadwick, who only
read himself in the 3rd April previously, had his hand cut off by
one Mr. Adams, at Mr. Richard Brown's house in Chesterfield,
apparently not a mere medical operation, for the church was vacant
the following month, whether because of the death of Chadwick
or of his expulsion does not appear; but Mr. Granger records
that the day of the maiming he paid Mr. Chadwick 3os., part
of his dewes which were accounted for two days previously,
together with 4s. 6d., part of the Henn groats (tithes on fowls ?).
A curious note is added, that on June 26, 1698, six months after
he had read himself in, “ Mr. Chadwick came to Bolsover the
first Sunday after he had gotten orders,” from which it would seem
that he had not full orders, at any rate, when he read himself in.
Mr. Granger was evidently a decent sort of man, for on April 14,
1690, when churchwarden, the new parson, Mr. Hugh Jennings,
came to table with him, and stayed ro} weeks. This worthy
cleric went away from Bolsover the 14th Sept., 1691, and took all
his goods with him. ‘The charge of keeping the rev. gentleman
was 4s. a week, and: 3s. for his wife; and Margaret Roades
charged 1s, 6d. for ‘‘ washing of Mr. Jeunings and Miss Jennings
cloathes and linings,” which, if it was for the ten weeks, was cheap.
‘This lady was probably grandmother of Henry Roades, for at the
same period one Thomas Roades made the little yate into the
churchyard, and Henry records his own birth as son of Henry at
the same period. The family were probably hereditary carpenters
of Bolsover. Mr. Jennings was succeeded by Mr. Fearne, who
entered to the place by virtue of the sequestration. Alas,
on the 12th December following, Vicar Fearne was taken to
Chesterfield by an execution, so the church was vacant 17th
December and Christmas Day. This was preparatory to the
final catastrophe.
Many legal proceedings are set out minutely. There was a
procedure necessary at that period when a person desired to
move into another place. One John Parker, a tailor, removed to
’ Chelmsford, and the churchwardens and overseers entered into a
bond to take him back if he became chargeable to the poor.
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 59
Also certain solemn proceedings in respect of infringement of
common rights well worthy of preservation.
We obtain the reflection of the great events of the time, and
they were momentous. 26th Nov., 1691, was the day of thanks-
giving “for the happy Retorn of King William and for the bringing
of Ireland to its dew obedience.” Evidently they did not get a
service very often, for the parson of Elvaston supplied the cure
that day. 13th Dec. following, Mr. Hollingshead preached all
day, but the churchwardens “did give him nothing.” Evidently
he did not please.
26th February, assessment was made for carrying on the war
with France vigorously. There was no mistake about this vigour,
for it cost Bolsover £155 4s., and Clowne £25 17s. 53d.
3rd Dec., 1697, were rejoicings for the peace.
May-day, 1707, the union between England and Scotland was
concluded, that they are to be one people, a happier settlement
than that of poor Ireland’s, and so far more complete.
In February following are reports of the supposed Prince of
Wales’ insurrection, but Bolsover was safe, for in April, 1708,
several troops of horse and companys of foot were there, when
William Tettley was Constable of Bolsover and Clowne; and
Bolsover greatly rejoiced at the discovery “of the great plot laide
by the French and the Papists for invading England.” No doubt
the wily monarch encouraged these rejoicings, as a cover for the
numerous taxes he inflicted on a suffering people.
There is a delicious piece of bunkum, probably written upon
the death of King William (?), though it is apparently dated 1751,
and if so, it must have been Henry Roade’s composition, for
Benjamin Granger had long before passed away; and there is an
interesting item recorded in April, 1708, one of Granger’s last
entries, that Jonathan Clark of Waly did begin to be a carrier
with a wagon to London. Evidently Bolsover was an important
place at that period.
This diary gives a curious picture of the times, and is worthy of
rescue from oblivion.
The entries given are taken as they appear in the book, but
60 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
were evidently inserted as Mr. Granger remembered them,
or wherever he found a convenient space.
Lissa
John Carter and Thos. Butler Assemt. came to ............... 32 Gees
Joseph Caladine and Josh. Poynton colectors for the Pole (Tax)
13 Mar 1689 Robert Harrison and Joseph Jackson collectors for
the quarterly payments, the same being..............+.:. > Lion
Wm Colgreave Senr and Thos Hynde collectors of the assemt.
of 1d. in the pound made the 14th Oct 1689 came to....... 38 12 2%
24 Jany 1690 Was made a whole charge was upon the whole
constabulary (Clown paid £25 17 54 2) .... .....- ..0.. 155 4 8
Thos Kitchen and Rich Nickson collected ..... S52 08 Aree
Jou Walson\ and ott reer fete vateie ieleimie rise lea = 62 13 0
The whole assesmt...... 130 17 8
2 July 1690 Assemt. for repair of the church qdin the £ ..... TAG: 3
Glapwell to add an § part 2/ 3 /6
2 June 1690 Assmt. for Edward Hynd Constab at qd.......... 15, 9) OF
15 Nov 1688 do. Jeffry Stubbing (loa cote Maier Tipo eo eels:
Assmt. at 6d for the church without Glapwell...... ........-. 22 19 10
otal sitar 2015 2
(Of this the town contributed 41 9 04)
8 June 1691 Thos Brailsford Overseer assemt. .........-....- 12 4 of
Humphry Smale Overseer for Bolsover
26 July 1691 Henry Duke of Newcastle departed this life about aleven
oclock in the forenoon at Welbec Abbey
4 Augt 1691 I was discharged by one of my Lord of Thenrett’s servants for
paying of my rent till a suit be ended betn. ye said Lord and my lord of
Flayere Witness Robt Machan
12 Augt 1691 Henry Duke of Newcastle was interred in the vault in Bolsover
Church and had the serimoneyes of the church administered for the burial
by Mr. Rogace late Chaplain to deced Duke
5 Oct 1695 Duchess Dougher of Newcastle who died at London was interred
in the vault in Bolsover church and was buried by one Mr. Ewhate the
now Duke of N.’s chaplain the day above written.
1 Apl 1696 Mr Wm Rogers is dead who was born at Kirkby Steven in
Westmorland and interred at Bolsover Church behind the Porch door
20 Mar 1692 Gilbert Baker of Woodhouse went with Cornett Bright to be a
Dragooner under Mayjer Staneyforth.
22 May 1690 Wee the inhabitants of Boulsover did ympound Mr Henry
Clayton of 23 shepe on Bolsover Moore marked with radle over the
back and he made satisfaction for the trespass Mr Loade 5 shepe John
Haye 7 Will Revell 5 John Storth 28 and 4 lambs John Jeffries 15 soe
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 61
whole in the pound was 106 sheep and 22 lambs, all loused and money
paid for the trespass by Henry Clayton John Storth and John Spraye
Edward Hynde Benj Granger Thos Hynde Thos Calton Tho Kitchen George
Hill ympounded the above goods and shepe and the said Henry Clayton
with the rest did promise one for another that if the shepe or any other
goods of theirs did trespass again on Boulsover Moore the would pay
double the damage they then payd.
A particular of some land Ls. di
Charles Spittlehouse coppie Land rent ................... 3) 15) 0
as AT PROVECIMCM ENS ME rd'< sh o's st dis-aiere « Io oO
VED eNMen pce emer co aies. 3 a atcha caw os I0 oO
from Mr Cornelius Farr
John Frith for his copy land house and yard rent ...... Syn yOu Oneo
for the Drake holm Wilson pingle and psonage land ....... 7 96
The five parts that Bolsover stand charged with touching the
Peat ax WAS is <0 +5 = Luk SLs oe Be seosiibccee 4129 7 32
be Townypark. - ery 56) £66 : 16: 11
Theyouten! LOwns) .) «<\cers «y= sis10 62:10: 4
The over plush money in Edward Hynde hands 13/4 and in Jo Wilson 4/- John
Frith of Woodhouse £1 8 5
A Copy of the Preamble taken of the processes for the siteing all vicars that
did belong to vicarages and to pay their tenths if it was worth £30 per
annum
19 Sep 1690 ‘This came to me being churchwarden and I did take the coppie
following ‘‘ Give notice to the persons whose namesare here subscribed to
meet Mr. Wamesley at Chesterfield upon Wednesday the 1st of Oct next
and there pay to him the arrears of the 1oth due to their majestys or make
affidavit that their livings are not worth £30 p annum or else the profits
of their respective benefices will be sequestered Bolsover in arrear since
(62) Spent with Mr. Nightingale for obtaining of these lines 1/- pd for
the prayer book 1/- Mr. Nightingales fees 8d and spent with Mr.
Jennings and the Parrits 6d.
April 6 1690 Was the first day that Mr Jennings preached Paid to Mr Warde
of Chesterfield 6/1 for searge for Mr Jennings Paid Mrs Elizabeth Barlow
for Mr and Mrs Jennings Table 5/6 and spent with Mr Jennings the first
night I went to work of him at Barlows and some other neighbours 1/-
30 April Lent to Mr. Jennings when we went a fishing 2/6 sold a bull for 20/-
paid to Mr Jennings 1/- for my letter
4June Paid Mr. Jennings 12/- a part of the Easter Reckoning
14 April Mr. Hugh Jennings came to table with me and he stayed £
until the 22nd June following 10 weeks at 4/- 2
and Mrs Jennings was with me I week 4 days at 3/-..........
s. d.
oo
4 6
62 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
22 June Paid Margt Roades for washing of Mr Jennings and Mrs puesy d.
Jennings Cloathes and eiminpss so oe ee ee r 6
Upon the Vicarage houses
Oct 23 and 24th 1690 Paid for 100 of thatch 7/6 for wattering the thatch and
carrying it to the place and back 1/- Thos Tidd for thacking 2 days 2/-
and for a man to serve him 1/- for 2 burdains of thack rods 8d Michael
Roade for 100 of latt neate 3d a bunch of Laths 9d Pd Mr. Jennings
9/4 part of the Easter reckonings received by me and 10/7 being the
Woolhouse Easter reckonings.
26 Jany 1690 John Kestem 1/2 for getting and setting 13 Ash plants in the
church yard of Bolsover the same year I sett a siccimore tree in ye church
gait and Thos Armstrong 6d for garding of the trees and for loading of
the wood from Dawwood 1/6
Apl 1691 Thomas Roades made the little yate into the church yard 8/-
Jeffery Stubbing made the Iron work Timothy Harrison did the stone
work 9/2
1690-1 Max Needham churchwardens assesmt .--.----+-+--+-+> £57. Oo
14 Sep. 1691 Mr Jennings went away from Bolsover and took all his goods
with him
1691 Richard Nickson and Rich Wainwright Churchwardens
Sep 1691 Joseph Caladine sworn constable in the room of John Hardwick of
Rowthorne
22 Oct 1691 At the visitation then held at Chesterfield whereunto I was
summoned for the paying of procarations and sinadols and to pay 20s
touching the sequestration and it was debated in Court that until we had
a vicar instituted into the church the said procarations and sinadolls are
not to be paid nor the sequestration taken off and for going to the
visitation I/-
12 April 1699 I was summoned to the Bishop’s probate Court at Chesterfield
and passed my accounts touching the profits that I had received by virtue
of the sequestration and I had disbursed £12 more than the profits that I
did receive belonging to the vicarage and the clarks that took my accounts
desired me to let them see the sequestration and after they had got it they
said they would take care of the church and would not give it me again
26 Novr 1691 was the day of thanksgiving for the happy retorne of King
William the third and for the bringing of Ireland to its dew obedience
and we had parson Davenport of Elmiton to supply the cure
13 Decr 1691 Mr Hollingshead preached all day but the churchwardens did
give him nothing
24 Jany 1691 to the 13 March Mr Fearne preached 5 times and so entered
to ye place by virtue of ye sequestration in the churchwardens hands
EEE —————
)
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 63
22 Feby 1691 Assessment was made by Edward Hyde and John Wilson for
the raising of money according to a late act of Parliament toward ye
carrying on the vigorous warr against France £155. 4. 8d. Clown’s
part £2517. 54 %
Oliver Goulds land assessed at £1
Thos Cosen Senr. Rich Haywood Wm Coope Joseph Rogers Collectors
13 June 1690 Robert Harrison collector of the 3s in the pound
9 Mar 1692 The double pole at 4s the head was assessed at Bolsover the
sum amounting without the Duke of Newcastle’s light horse 4 s. d.
for Darbyshire with 4) light "Horse? 2535.2 .\6J fe... dec ce 16: OWO
Edward Hynde and William Coope Assessors
Thomas Kitchen Robert Kendall Thos Butcher Sen William Rogerson Anthony
Revell in Miene Rd Nickson and Joseph Calladine Churchwards. 1692
Joseph Jackson Robert Barlow and Thomas Butler of Whaley Overseers
24 Oct 1692. Benj. Granger Constable for Bolsover
Joseph Caladine and
Robert Barlow
1685 John Akars and John Stanwall paid two sums to Mr. Ward man of
the Undersheriff whose name was Slack by process of the Exechequer
20 Mar 1692 Gilbert Baker of Woodhouse went with Cornet Bright to be
a Drowgoonner under Majer Stanyforth
Third burrows
12th Decr. Vicar Fearne was taken to Chesterfield by an execution so the
church was vacant 17th Decr and Christmas Day ‘
1689 to9g0 Payments to John Carter Thos Hynde Robt Harrison
June 1693 Thos Charlesworth and Wm. Renshaw overseers
Thos Madin Butcher constable Thos Hynde and Joseph Jackson Assessors
for the quarterly poole
John Carter and John Robinson Third boroughs
4 May Joseph Jackson
Robt Barlow and Humphrey Smale Collectors 1694 and their Dew plate
amounted to £149’: 6.0
Thos Calton and Wm Hardwick Churchwardens
Rd Haywood and Edward Barker Third borough
Jonathan Clark Thos Hynde Colls. 1695
Thos Calton and Wm Renshaw Churchwardens
John Butcher and Francis Robotham
Mathew Scorer constable Richard Haywood and Thos Charlesworth Third
burrows
Joseph Jackson Court Greave he was cited to appear at the Archdeacons
Ct at Wirksworth the 8 October but did not appear
Oct 29 1695 King William came to Welbec and went away again on Sunday
_.__ the third of November 1695
64 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
On Monday night being the 2nd day of Decr 1695 was Edward Hynde’s Barne
burnt and on Tuesday the 3rd they seased Mr Gowen Ferne Clark and
had him before Mr Sitwell and on Wednesday the 4th Mr Fearne was
carried to Darby by Matthew Scorer Constable Gilbert Baker of Wood-
house and Joseph Warwick Edward Hynde prosecuted Thos Hynde
Elizabeth Calton Henry Warwick and Joe Beardsley witnesses
Feby a.p. 1695 In the 7th year of his reign all broade money that was
starling was to have a hole punched through with a solid punch not
diminishing the silver
1695 Robt Harrison and Josua Poynton and Whalley Assessors for the
quarterly payment
John Beeley and John Wilson of Woodhouse Collectors
1696 Thos Colgreave and Francis Jenkinson Churchwdns John Berley Rich
Nickson overseers
15 May 1696 The Commissioners did meet at Chesterfield to put the act in
execution touching the ‘ax Jayd upon windows and lights in the 7th year
of the reign of King William
Sep 1696 Thos Colgreave constable John Stanceall and Rich White overseers
Mr Drew Court Greave for Clown and Thos Callton serves it for him
Thos Hynd and Thos Butler Assessors for the tax at 3s in the pound and ye
greate poole
26 Feby 1696-7 Palterton first fair began
John Hardwick of Rowthorn Court Greave and Thos Calton of Bolsover
does serve it for him in the year 1697
12 May 1697 At Chesterfield Robt Barlow Senr and Hump Small sworn
churchwardens
John Shipston and John Whitehead overseers
11 Novr 1697 being Martinmas day one Nicolas Frost who came from Alfreton
did take a house of Samuel Leevesly at ye Green well in Bolsover the
said Frost was a Chandler
Mr. Linley preached three times May 6—3o in Bolsover
g Jany 1697-8 Mr. Furnis did preach both parts of the day and I paid him
6s & od for his paynes
Mr Furnis did preach a second tyme and I did pay him 5s and expenses Is
3 Decr 1697 being Thursday was the great day of Thanksgiving for ye settled
peace made by the Sovereign Lord King William and the French King
and Mr Davenport preached at Bolsover Church in the afternoon
3 April 1698 Mr Richard Chadwick did preach his first sermon in Bolsover
Church and Mr Lowde did read prayers
17 Ap Mr Chadwick preached a second time Mr. Furnes read prayers and I
paid Mr. Furness for his paynes 5s.
22 May Mr Lowde did the whole day and did administer the Sacrament ;
\‘f
‘
a
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 65
26 June 1698 was the first Sunday that Mr Chadwick did come to Bolsover
after he had gotten orders
Thos Brailsford and Rd Fisher of Glapwell Churchwardens
20 July 1698 Pd to Thos Brailsford seven pence being the 2nd quarterly pay-
ment assessed upon my house but it is 2d too much the quarter
Samuel Leevesly Collector for the window money for 1698
8 Decr 1698 Francis Briant and George Cuttwife was to be whipped at a
Cartte arse in Bolsover for stealing of Thos Nollsons geese
5 Jany 1698 According to John Beeley order the accounts of Thomas
Colgreave touching his churchwardenshipp and the dewes that did belong
to the Vicar collected 1696 I Benja Granger received of Thos Col-
greave in the presence of John Beeley Robt Maclean and Thomas Hind
the sum of £1. 13. 6 in full &c.
7 Jany 1698 Mr Richard Chadwick had his hand cut off by one Mr Adams
at Mr Richard Browns house in Chesterfield and the same day I did pay
to Mr. Chadwick 30s being part of the above sum and 4/6 in part of the
Henn Groats
27 Jany 1698 Mrs Hallons paid 20s for the use of the Vicar of Bolsover
10s for breaking open the ground within the altar railes & in the chancel
& 10s for a mortuary paid to Mr Chadwick in Chesterfield the 28th inst
Same date a summons to pay the annual tenths to the Bishop for the use of
the King
27 Feby 1698 According to the summons appearance was made to Mr
Oudslye at the sign of the Angel in Chesterfield and several copies was
produced touching the tenths and upon examining of them Mr Owdeslye
said he could not see that the Bishop could charge the vicarage of Bolsover
with any tenths it being of so small value & vacant for a vicar.
At Darby in the year 1676 Benja Granger & William Kitchen of Bolsover a
Churchwarden did appear at a visitation holden at All hallows in Derby
Mr Wamesby being in that court & the churchwarden did bear the charges
28 Feby 1698 Benj Granger did appear before one Mr Ordesley ye Surrogate
to the Bishop about the tenths of the Vicarage of Bolsover and the sum-
mons is returned back to Mr Grenes the Bishops Secretary & for my
charges for going to the Court above & drawing up several writing 2/6
Thomas Brailsford & Rich Fisher churchwardens
4 April 1699 an elaborate Certificate from the Churchwardens & Overseers
recording that John Parker Tailor was desirous of settling in Chelmsford
& admitting that he was duly settled in Bolsover undertaking that if he
became chargable to the poor they would receive and take him
1700 Thos Charlsworth and Joseph Rogers Churchwardens
20 May 1700 John Beeley and Joshua Pointer Sessors for the 2s in the pound
which amounted to £75 .0. 5
5
66 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
Thos Savage and Robt Machan third boroughs
1701 Benj Garbett and Daniel Needham Churchwardens
Mathew Scorer and Wm Coope overseers
John Carter and Robt Kendall collectors for births burials wedding and window
money
19 Augt 1701 Thomas Hind and Rd Wilkinson elected Sessors of an aide
granted in the 13th year of King Williams reign at 3s in the pound but it
was but assessed at 2s 4d and the charge was £1II . 10. 8
30 Aug Thos Kewney did begin to poynt the Steeple
15 July 1701 Assessment for the repair of the church at 3d in the ponnd
Lye Se ad
Churchwardens Assessment in the Town came to .......... Sie eaoe
And the parish without Glapwell came to .......... .... 5) 456
andiGlapwelllassesment CamestO yori cis! bats oles = rick Ie 127,
Ir 18 6%
Oct 1701 Constables Robt Silcocks assessment came to ..... 12 1 8%
at 3d in the pound
Joseph Calladine and Richard Warde Surveyors of the Highways
Easter 1702
Francis Kitchen and Wm Hardwick of Glapwell Churchwardens
John Beeley Court Greave but doth serve for Robert Standley, house in
Bolsover
Thomas Braylesford and Joshua Poynton Assessors of the quarterly taxes for
the year 1702
At Easter Court Leet 1704 came into Court one George Topham of Ilmeton
Tayler and was sworn Court Greeve for land lying within Clowne
6 Mar 1704 Margaret Wardlow widow was interred in Bolsover church yard
and left behind her a boy and a girl left an estate worth £20 in money and
goods Mr Whitehouse being Churchwarden did seaze of all but how he
will dispose of it is not known
George Wilson Court Greave for George Wragg of Stainsby for his lands in
Clown
24 Decr 1706 The Dyalle Boarde upon the south side of Bolsover church
steeple was set up by one William Hall whitesmith Robert Syllcock and
John Mellors Churchwardens for that year
May Day 1707
The Union between England and Scotland was concluded that they are to be
one peuple and this day was a day of thanksgiving for the adoreing of
the same
Thomas Hardwick of Rowthorn Court Greave
Henry Cutt and John Scorer Churchwardens
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 67
Oct 24 1707 Wm Tetley Constable And in February it was reported that
the supposed Prince of Wales was gon with some ships and men to land
into Scotland and in March 1708 and April there did march and quartered
in Bolsover several troops of Horse and companys of Foot William
Tettley then Constable of Bolsover and Clown
6 April 1708 John Pearse Gentleman and Francis Rowbotham of Walley
Churchwardens
James Steevens John Ouldsfield Overseers
9 April 1708 was the day of Thanksgiving for the great deliverance that we
have received in the discovery of the great plot laide by the French and
Papish for the invading of Great Britain
In April 1708 Jonathan Clark of Waley did begin to bea carrier with a waggon
to London
June roth 1708 The Bishop of Lichfield visitted and Churchwardens was
sworne
EXTRACTS FROM HENRY ROADE’S ENTRIES.
1741-8
Work done for the Countis of Oxford and Cornelias Farr at Welbec for
Joseph Newbold Coffins were 6/6 each A days work 1/6 for John Stanley
at Welbec
1751 To form a trye astimate of the nation’s loss by the death of his Highness
one should be able to do justice to his character but that is more than wee
dare venture to undertake and therefore leave it to some masterly hand to
tell this world that ye joy of Briton is withered her hop is gone the Mar-
chant’s friend the Protector of Arts and Science and the Patron of merit
the general relivor of the distressed the accomplished Prince and the fine
gentleman in private life is noe more no more
In 1737-42 we get some local prices A quarter of oates cost $/6 a pigg 4s
one load of wood leading 4/6 three cupels of sheep and one hogg £1 Ios
one loade of wheat 7/6 two pecks of meall 1/1 two pounds of butter 10d
half a peck of blue peas 4d a peck of potatoes 5d a pint of linseed oyle 1/6
a pint of vinegar 2d Powder Blewe 1d a Box for the Bible in Church 1/-
Coffins were cheap generally 6/6 each but he made one for William Marsh’s
wife for 2/6 one for his son 1/- and one for her dother 1/6 with wood for
the same 1/- Richard Brine had a coffin for his mother ye price without
any abatement 7s od
1745 Samuel Pormer did bring in four horse load of coals for ye wachman’s
use No price given
1746 William Holingworth of Stavely Brook had one esey chare it was to be
14s a glass press £1 5s a glass case 3/4 a kake sprittle 1/6
Nails were of various prices as 4d 8d 10d 12d 20d spikes by the pound sprigs
2d ring nails 4d
68 THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER.
The following notices of births, &c., were probably made when the several
Vicars were engaged at the Sessions and Assizes :—
29 Oct 1685 Thomas Poynton of Whaley and William Baggeshaw of Boulsover
was buried on one day
21 Jany 1704 Mary Poynton the widow Thomas Poynton above named was
interred in Bolsover church yard
12 Augt 1691 Henry Duke of Newcastle buried
5 Oct 1695 Duchess of Newcastle buried
23 Novr 1670 Benjamin Granger and Martha Foulkes widow were married
4 April 1699 Martha Granger the wife of Benjamin Granger died at London
and is interred in St. Martaines church yard by her daughter -Elizabeth
Foulkes who died a meade at London
8 July 1708 Martha Williams eldest daughter of Martha Granger was buried
in St. Martin’s churchyard by her mother and Elizabeth Foulkes her
sister
31 Oct 1709. I Benj Granger was married to Ann French my second wife in
Bolsover Church by Richard Chadwick Clark Vicar of that place Mrs
Hutchinson and sevl or’s presente
In the year 1682 Benj Granger was elected constable for Bolsover but did
not serve the office but paid the fine that was layde by the Jury which
was 39s 114d to Edward Hynde then Court greave
Old Mrs Woolhouse buried 13 June 1692
Old Mrs Smithson bd. 25 Feby 1696
22 July 1697 Sarah Akars was interred in Bolsover church yard but had not
Christian burial
14 Oct 1698 Thos Woolhouse of Glapwell Esq was buried under the old
Tomb in the chancel belonging to Bolsover church but had not Christian
burial
22 March 1698 Mary wife of Jo Akars buried without Christian burial
17 Sep 1708 Mr Thos Farr setvant to the Duke of Newcastle died in
the night
19 Oct 1699 Young Robert Barlow was married by Mr. Richard Chadwick
parson in Bolsover church.
18 July 1701 Benj Garbett died at his house the Swan in Bolsover
24 July 1701 Mr Richard Chadwich was married at Ashover unto Miss Mary
Machan by Mr Burne then p’son there
28 Decr 1701 Mrs Chappel died at Bolsover Castle
2 May 1702 Mr. Samuel Crabtree was brought from Chesterfield and buried
Dec 1707 Robert Earl of Scarsdale died at London and was buried in West-
minster Abbey
30 May 1697 Ould Thos Butcher died aged about 92
20 Mar 1698 Thos Calton died
THE DIARY OF BENJAMIN GRANGER, OF BOLSOVER. 69
1698 This year John Armstrong came to Bolsover again and married widow
Trippett’s daughter
Henry the son of Henry Roades born July 16 1691
Paul the son of Henry Roades born Nov 17 1694
Wm the son of Henry Roades born Sept 1 1697
Francis Roades his wife died June 5 1700 and John Roades died 6 Dee 1702
Extract from the UHolley MSS.
HE following is a verbatim copy of a letter written by the
first Duke of Devonshire to John Bagshaw, the High
Sheriff of Derbyshire :—
“ Whitehall, May y* 30th, 1696.
*Sir,—I return you thanks for the account you sent me of the
extraordinary concourse of poor people mett together on Tiddes-
wall Common occasioned by the non currency of their money,
and will acquaint the Lords Justices and the Councell with your
care and diligence herein. The best method I can think of to
satisfye them for y® present will be bread and other necessaries
untill such time as new money can be sent down, which I will
cause to be done as it can be gott. In the meantime as y* most
effectual means to draw down money into the countrey, I desire
you to give notice to the gentlemen and others who have guineas
in their possession that they will send them up hither. I will
engage to procure them new money in exchange, If this be
done speedily I hope it will prove a remedy sufficient to prevent
the like assemblys for the future.
“T am, Sir,
“Y" humble servant,
‘© DEVONSHIRE.”
7O
Ou Berbyshive Plumbery, ov CHorkings
tw Head.
By J. Cuaries Cox, LL.D.
F4i|'T is more than probable that the dressing and smelting of
| lead ore were among the first arts known and practised in
Derbyshire. There can be no doubt that the lead mines
of Derbyshire were known and worked before the Roman invasion.
The Romans made great use of lead. Several pigs of Derbyshire
lead have been found at different times, bearing inscriptions
stamped upon them by their Roman founders.* They used the
material for the baths that they constructed in every villa they
erected, and for the larger ones at the hot springs, such as those
at Buxton. Coffins of this metal were also occasionally used by
the same people ; an ornamental Roman coffin of lead was found
at Sittingbourne in 1879.¢ Derbyshire lead was used for the
burial of St. Guthlac in the eighth century, and for the roofing of
Canterbury Cathedral in the ninth century. The Pipe Rolls of
Henry II. show how wide was the use of Derbyshire lead in the
Norman period ; within three years in that reign, we find it being
used for the castle at Windsor, and for the churches of Boston and
Waltham.{
But our present concern is not with the smelting of lead, or the
extensive use of the metal from this county in early and medieval
* Wood-cuts and descriptions of these pigs were given in the Derbyshire
Archeological Journal, Vol. vii., pp. 63-69.
+ Archeologia Cantiana, Vol. xvi.
t Derbyshire Archeolagical Journal, Vol, vili., p. 41.
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD, 71
days, but rather to put together a few notes and illustrations on
the ornamental working of lead, and the specimens that now
remain in Derbyshire. We should expect to find that plumbery,
or the art of casting, preparing, and working lead, and using it on
buildings, and for various purposes, would reach to much perfec-
tion in the county that was essentially the home of the raw mate-
rial. ‘Ihe comparatively small amount of research that we have
been able to give to the subject, amply confirms this expectation.
Lead is an exceedingly malleable metal, and as its hardness is
increased by hammering, it soon commended itself to designers as
an ornamental as well as a useful and almost essential part of a
builder’s materials. It is easily worked into any shape from its
great softness, and is sufficiently malleable to permit of two edges
folding over each other, so as to make it watertight without solder-
ing. Hence its very early use for roofs and cisterns.
Roofs were not only covered with lead, but the art-workman
put forth his cunning to treat it as a material capable of embellish-
ment. “The gutters,” says M. André, “were sometimes formed
of leaden troughs, stamped with a flower pattern, as at Lincoln
Cathedral; and the ridges of the roofs were crested with a running
fleur-de-lis design in lead, as at Exeter.” Sometimes, on old
roofs, patterns may be noted that are always out of sight, save to
the builder or adventurous antiquary. Thus we noted a neat
escalloped bordering to some of the old lead ridges of the Per-
pendicular roof of the nave of North Winfield church, when super-
intending its removal in 1872.
A good deal of careful ornament was bestowed upon lead coffins
in medieval days, as proved by various instances that have been
accidentally brought to light ; names, inscriptions, crests, coats of
arms, as well as set patterns, being worked in relief, There is a
certain amount of simple ornament on the wedge-shaped coffin of
the Countess of Shrewsbury, the celebrated Bess of Hardwick,
who died in 1607, as we noted when the Cavendish vault at All
Saints’, Derby, was opened on August 28th, 18709.
But the most important and interesting use of ornamental lead
work in connection with churches, is its occasional appropriation
72 ON- DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD.
for baptismal purposes. The lining of the stone font with lead
was an invariable necessity, for the font used always to be kept
filled with water, and this could not have been done without the
use of such a lining. But lead sometimes played a still more im-
portant part in this connection. The material of a font, according
to the Council of Lerida and Ivo the Canonist, was to be of hard
stone, without porousness or any fracture; the bowl was never to
be of wood which is absorbent, or of brass, which is subject to
tarnish with rust, but if of metal, tin was to be used. Bronze fonts,
however, became common in Germany and Belgium, and there
are some specimens of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; but
they were rare in England and France. ‘There was a celebrated
one of copper at St. Alban’s, brought there in 1644, from Holyrood
Chapel, wherein the royal children of Scotland used to be baptized.
England has a single and most interesting example of a brass font
at the church of Little Gidding, near Oundle. There used to be
a font of silver at Canterbury, which was carried to Westminster
Abbey for royal Christenings ; there is also a small silver font in
the church of St. Mary de Castro, Guernsey. Queen Elizabeth
gave two presents of golden fonts, one to Mary Queen of Scotland,
and the other to Charles IX. of France, each costing one thousand
pounds.
In England, however, at an early date, another metal was occa-
sionally used for fonts, namely, lead. The only other part of
Christendom, so far as we are aware, where lead fonts were ever
in use is the north of France, and these seem to have been im-
ported ina finished condition from England, and are found in
districts where we know that there was considerable intercommuni-
cation between the Religious Houses of the two countries. There
are some good examples of leaden fonts in the museums of Rouen
and Amiens.
English fonts of lead are chiefly of the Norman period ; recent
attention to the details of ecclesiology has considerably extended
the list. About the beginning of the present century, it was stated
in the Axntiguarian Itinerary that only five were known. In
Simpson’s Ancient Baptismal Fonts (1828), eight are mentioned.
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD. 73
In Paley’s Llustrations of Baptismal Fonts (1844), the list is in-
creased to eighteen, but it is somewhat faulty. The sixth volume
of the Archeological Journal (1850-1), gives the total number of
English leaden fonts as twenty-two; whilst oles and Queries
(1867-8) brought the list up to twenty-four. Mr. J. Lewis André,
who has recently written excellent articles on the lead fonts of
Sussex* and Surrey,t enumerates no less than twenty-nine; and
now that we are able to add to the number that of Oxenhall,
Gloucestershire, the total reaches thirty.
The following list seems likely to be a complete one, and is, at
all events, the fullest yet published :—
Berkshive.—Childrey ; late Norman.
Clewer ; Norman,
Long Wittenham ; late Norman.
Woolhampton ; Norman.
Woolstone ; Norman.
Derbyshive.—Ashover ; late Norman.
Dorsetshire.—Wareham ; Norman.
Gloucestershire. —Clunbridge ; c. 1640.
Frampton-on-Severn.
Llancourt ; Norman.
Oxenhall ; Norman.
Siston.
Tidenham , Norman.
Kent.—Brookland ; Norman.
Chilham ; Post-reformation.
Eythorne; 1628.
Lincolnshire.—Barnetby-le-Wolde ; Norman.
Norfolk.—Brundal ; Norman.
Great Plumstead ; Norman.
Hasingham ; Norman.
Oxfordshire.—Clifton.
Dorchester ; Norman.
Warborough ; Norman.
Somersetshire.—Pitcombe.
Surrey.—Walton-on-the-Hill ; Norman.
* Sussex Archeological Collections, Vol. xxxii., 1882.
+ Surrey Archeological Collections, Vol. ix., 1885.
74 ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD.
Sussex.—Edburton ; late Norman.
Parham ; Decorated.
Pilcombe ; late Norman.
Wiltshire.—Avebury ; Norman.
Chirton.
Derbyshire, though probably furnishing the material for most
of the leaden fonts of England, only possesses a single example,
namely, that of Ashover. But the Derbyshire specimen (Plate V.)
is one of which the county may be proud, for it is far superior to
many of the leaden fonts, and may fairly be described as a good
example of true art-workmanship, both in design and execution.
The one that it most resembles is that of Walton-on-the-Hill, the
bowl of which is encircled with an arcade of nine arches over as
many seated figures. The font at Dorchester has also arcaded
figures ; and the one at Childrey has twelve effigies of mitred
bishops in as many recesses. The most elaborate specimen is
that of Brookland, which has two rows of arcading, the upper
having the signs of the zodiac, and the lower the labours of the
month.
The Ashover font attracted some little attention from archzo-
logists at a time when other leaden fonts were altogether
unnoticed. Mention is made of it in the treatises relative to
fonts by Gough, Simpson, and others. It is engraved in the
second volume of the Zopographer for the year 1790, and another
equally poor and ill-proportioned wood-cut appeared many years
later in the second volume of Glover’s Derbyshire. The font
stands on a singularly plain and unsuitable stone base of octagonal
shape, probably of fifteenth century workmanship. ‘The circular
leaden bowl is divided into twenty arcades, in each of which
stands an upright male figure, somewhat gracefully draped.
Each figure holds a book in the left hand, and at first sight they
all seem similar. But ‘closer observation shows that there are
two sets of figures, which are repeated alternately. ‘Ten of them
have the open right hand raised with the palm outwards, but the
other ten have the right hand placed against the breast close to
))
Se
=
aS
LEAD FONT, ASHOVER.
PLATE V.
‘
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD. 75
the book. All that we can say of the figures is that they are
probably intended to give a general idea of apostles or Christian
missionaries. Above the arcade is a narrow cable moulding that
is wanting in several places. Below each figure are two well-
shaped kind of escallop shells with a central dot or pearl in each ;
these are separated by three curved lines of moulding below the
base of each shaft of the arcade. Below this again is a con-
tinuous band of moulding, the lines of which are cunningly
twined round into repeated fleur-de-lys. The whole treatment of
this lower work is most delicate, and must have produced a
graceful effect when fresh from the designer’s hands. The date
of this lead work is undoubtedly late Norman. The dimensions
of the font are as follows :—Diameter, 233 in.; depth, 14 in.
height of figures, 82 in.
The Ashover font used to stand at the west end of the north
aisle of Ashover church, and a part was lost to sight by its being
placed against the wall. But, among other improvements recently
effected by the present rector, is the moving of this font to a far
more worthy position, just under the western archway into the
tower, which is now opened out.
Although this is the only leaden font in Derbyshire, there is
another one in the South of England that has a striking link of
connection with Derbyshire stamped upon it. The church of
Parham, Sussex, possesses a singular leaden font, supposed to be
the only known example of fourteenth century date. It is
divided into compartments by perpendicular and horizontal panels
of oblong shape, each bearing the legend, “IHC NAZAR,” in
Lombardic capitals. In the spaces between these bands are
small shields, bearing gironny within a bordure charged with
roundels, the arms of Peverell of Sussex. Andrew Peverell was
Knight of the Shire in 1351, and in many subsequent years; he
was probably the restorer of the church, and undoubtedly the
donor of the font. When seeking a design for the font of his
gift, what more likely than that his mind should revert to a
county that had been the cradle of the ancestors of his family,
76 ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD.
and that he should decide upon the use of a material so peculiarly
associated with that midland shire ? *
The way in which these leaden fonts were constructed seems
to have been to cast them flat in the first instance, and then to
bend them into the required circular shape. ‘The join, where
the edges were soldered up, is usually obvious, as at Ashover,
and sometimes not a little interferes with the pattern. The figures
and ornaments are often mere repetitions, a single one being
most likely carved in wood and then impressed on the sand as
often as required to complete the design, which would be a great
saving in the expense. Thus, at Ashover only two figures were
carved, but each were re-used ten times.
Lead found not only its chief use but its chief capacity for
ornamental treatment in English domestic work, in connection
with the conveyance of rain from roofs and walls. It was not,
we believe, until the sixteenth century that the idea of continuous
downcast rain-pipes attached to the wails was conceived ; at all
events, it was not until that century that it came into anything
like general operation. The object previously was to discharge
the water into the air by projecting pipes, usually passing through
gurgoyles, at some little distance from the walls. The way in
which this was sometimes accomplished by a lead spout from a
lead gutter is shown in the accompanying drawing of one of the
gutters and spouts above the projecting or oriel windows of Mr.
Gadsby’s old house at the back of Tenant Street, Derby.
* There is a good drawing of this font in the Sussex Archaeological
Collections, vol. xxxii., p. 78.
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD. 77
There seems good reason to assign the date of this house, (and
the lead-work is clearly co-eval,) to the last quarter of the fifteenth
century.* The gutter is also well worthy of reproduction, as
showing a most effective though simple pattern, easily produced
by nicking the edge of the lead, and curling it down in alternate
depths. Surely this design might well commend itself to modern
builders and architects.
At Haddon Hall there is a remarkable display of elaborately-
treated down-cast leaden pipes, with richly-ornamented cistern-
heads, of varying dates and of much diversity. We are inclined
to think that there is no other house in England so rich in art-
work of this description. +
The earliest in date of these details at Haddon is the one
here engraved. The
highly effective fleur-
i aay,
de-lis band, as well as »
the circular ornament,
have been applied and
soldered on after the
ordinary moulding has
been completed. This
cistern - head might
easily escape the visi-
tor’s attention, but it is
to be seen from the
short wooden gallery
that leads across a very small open court, formed by some altera-
tions in the building, to certain of the private apartments at the
north-west angle of the upper court. The date seems to be of
the first half of the sixteenth century, possibly of the time of Sir
Henry Vernon, who died in 1515.
* See drawings and account of this house by Mr. George Bailey, in the 2nd
volume of the Derbyshire Arch. Journal, pp. 29, 30, plate ii.
t The Building News, of August 30th, 1878, gave a lithographed sheet of
sketches of the lead-work at Haddon Hall, but the drawings in the letterpress,
by Mr. George Bailey, are more accurate.
78 ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, @R WORKINGS IN LEAD.
The next illustration is from
the head of one in the upper
court, of a far simpler design.
The letters and date tell their
own tale. Sir John Manners,
renowned in romance for his
marriage with Dorothy, second
daughter and co-heiress of Sir
George Vernon, resided here
from the death of his father-
in-law, in 1577, to the time of his own decease, in 1611.
He was succeeded by his eldest son,
Sir George Manners, who was married
on the 2nd of April, 1594, to Grace,
eldest daughter of Sir Henry Pierpoint.
Possibly the G, between the M I (for
John Manners) and the M on the pipe
below, as shown on this other head,
which is also from the upper court,
refers to Sir George, and to his wife
Grace.
In the same court is another em-
battled pipe-head, evidently of about
the same date as the last, and which,
by a simple arrangement of plain
mouldings, produces a quaint carica-
ture of a human countenance, remind-
ing us somewhat of the well-known
Norman ‘mask’ so often used in
the stone corbel-tables of our Norman
churches.
On the death of Sir George Manners,
in 1623, he was succeeded by his eldest
son John, who afterwards succeeded to
the earldom of Rutland. Sir John was
married, in 1628, to Frances, daughter of Edward Lord
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD. 79
Montagu. The highly elaborate work of the down-pipe, with
its large cistern head and em-
bossed wall fasteners, to be
noted near the entrance in
the lower court, must have
been cast and placed here
after this marriage, for the shield
on the highest joint of the pipe
bears three lozenges in fesse for
Montagu. Otherwise we should
have been inclined to have as-
signed to this work a somewhat
earlier date. The _ respective
crests of the Vernon and Man-
ners families — @ boars head
erased, and a peacock displayed—
occur frequently upon this and
other pipes of the lower court-
yard. There is one very remark-
able feature about this cistern
head, which is shared by others
at Haddon, but which we have
not noted nor heard of else-
where, namely, that it has a
false front, which enables some
of the patterns to be cut
through and pierced, so that
the pattern shows sharp and
clear against the shade of the
inner and true cistern head. This arrangement adds much
to the effect. The three upper circular ornaments of this
, illustration, namely, those on each side of the upper boar’s head
and the one immediately below, are thus treated.
80 ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD.
There is considerable variety
and beauty of design in this
other head and pipe, which
are also to be found near the
entrance in the lower court.
The five upper ornaments are
pierced in the way already de-
scribed, but not those that
press against the wall.
We are also able to give
drawings of two good pierced
designs from another pipe in
the upper court, which is other-
wise plainly treated, the plain
part being new.
The last of our engravings of the Haddon lead work is another
effective cistern head
in the upper court,
apparently of some-
what later date than
the others. Whether
the stars or estoiles
have any heraldic
signification or not
we are unable to say,
but incline to the
latter opinion. We
believe it to be post-Restoration work of the second half of the
seventeenth century.
In Shaw’s Zvizabethan Architecture there are some drawings of
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD. 81
beautiful lead work in pipes and pipe-heads from the Prebendal
House at Winchester, and also some plainer examples from Sher-
borne, Dorset, and from Claverton, Somerset ; but we think it
may again be safely repeated that there is no other place in Eng-
land that can be compared in this respect with our famed Derby-
shire Haddon.
At Chaddesden Hall there are two downcast leaden pipes, with
the lion and unicorn on the cistern heads, and the letters 5. There
are also devices, such as a pelican and a cock, on the joints of
the pipes. The initials obviously refer to Robert Wilmot, father
of the first baronet, who married Joyce, daughter and co-heiress
of William Sacheverell, of Morley. He rebuilt Chaddesden Hall
early in the reign of Queen Anne.
The finest leaden pipes and cistern
heads of the time of Queen Anne
that are in the county of Derby, are
to be found against the little church
of Trusley. It was rebuilt by Mr.
William Coke, and opened on Aug.
6th, 1713. The zincotype gives so
good an idea of the massive, well-
moulded head and wall fasteners of
these pipes that detailed description
is unnecessary. The engraving repre-
sents one close to the south entrance.
The arms are those of Coke, of
Trusley (gules, 3 crescents and a
canton, ov) impaling Ballidon (argent,
2 bars, vert, each charged with 3
cross-crosslets, ov). William Coke,
of Trusley, the only son of Robert
Coke, was born in 1679. He mar-
ried his first cousin, Catherine,
daughter and heiress of Paul Ballidon, of Derby, in 1693. He
was at that time only 13 years of age, whilst his bride was more
than double his age, being 29. They had a son born to them in
6
82 ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD.
1694, but of their eight children, only two of the daughters, co-
heiresses, survived their parents ; Cassandra, who married Edward
Wilmot, of Spondon, and Frances, who married her kinsman,
D’Ewes Coke.
The crest of Coke of Trusley, a sun in splendour, will be noticed
on the wall-fastener of the engraving ; the crest of Ballidon, a
demi-lion, appears in other places. “It is generally supposed that
the crescents on the coat of arms, and the sun as crest, were
adopted by the family at the time of the Crusades to Palestine,
when Richard introduced the custom of wearing armorial coats,
and of having them engraved upon seals. His own broad seal,
when he embarked for the Holy Land, contained two crescents
(the Turkish ensign), and they seem not to have been uncommon
emblems, as we read of another Prince (according to Speed) who,
going against the Turks, adopted this motto, Plenior redibo (‘I will
return more full’). Richard I., after his return from captivity in
Germany, ordered a new broad seal to be engraved bearing a full
moon, which Speed thinks was done emblematically. The adop-
tion also of one of the heavenly bodies as a crest strengthens the
probability of this coat of arms originating with the family in the
manner described, and that they took arms from the badges of
Richard—the moon and stars—which were emblazoned on all his
standards, and cut upon his Great Seals.”*
Cisterns of lead were also at one time, chiefly during the last
century, objects of much decorative art. We have seen various
cisterns much ornamented, in large gardens in different parts of
the kingdom, of dates varying from 1740 to 1800. Mr. André
mentions an excellent example that remains in use at The Cedars,
Broad Green, Croydon; it has three panels in front and one at
each end. The centre division has the date (1768), the others
contain vases of flowers, a rich foliated cornice completing the
design. But the best art that we have noticed in connection with
cisterns is in Derbyshire, and occurs in an exceptionally handsome
lead cistern in the grounds of Willersiey Castle, Cromford. (Plate
VI.) Its size is 6 ft. by 2 ft. 8 in. and itis 3 feet deep. The
* Coke of Trusley, a Family History, privately printed, 1880, pp. 6, 7-
PLATE VI,
‘ATLSVD AAISUATIIM ‘NUALSID AVA
=e "9
iii uinninniiuiiitiiiii
ON DERBYSHIRE PLUMBERY, OR WORKINGS IN LEAD. 83
front and back of the tank are alike in their ornamentation, and
so, too, are the ends. Inthe centre of the larger sides, above a
conventional piece of foliage, is a well-designed group of two seated
amorint, the boy, at whose feet is a basket of flowers, holding a
wreath of roses over the girl. At each side is a bird on the tendril
of a grape-vine, pecking at the fruit ; the bird is perhaps intended
for a pea-hen. On each of the ends are two medallions, the one
representing a female feeding an eagle, and the other a female
feeding a stork. The larger sides also bear the initials R. A., and
the date, 1794. It is almost needless to remark that the initials
stand for the celebrated Sir Richard Arkwright.
The manner of making these cisterns or tanks was as follows :—
The size of the four sides was measured out, and the dimensions
of the side first to be cast having been taken, slips of wood on
which the outer mouldings had been previously cut, were pressed
upon the sand, thus leaving their impression; and in the same
way figures of birds, of foliage, or of whatever was required were
pressed upon the internal surface of the smoothed sand from
carved moulds, usually of wood, but sometimes of lead. The
casting-table was of wood bound with iron, and was covered with
fine smooth sand, on to which the lead was run.
In the Hall garden, at Chaddesden, Derby, is a leaden tank
4 ft. 6 in. by 2 ft. and 2 ft. deep ; on a leaden plate on the pump
above it is the Wilmot crest, with the initials, R. M. W., and the
date 1773. These are the initials of Sir Robert Mead Wilmot,
Bart., who died in 1793.
It is very possible many excellent specimens of lead work in the
county of Derby are here left unnoticed ; it will be a pleasure to
learn from correspondents of particulars of any others, which may
perhaps lead to a supplementary article. But however unfinished
or imperfect this article may be, it may certainly, we believe, lay
claim to this—that it is the first attempt made in any county or
district of putting together that which is beautiful or interesting in
the old art-treatment of a now too neglected material, which
might be put to so many effective uses by builders and architects.
84
A Calendar of the jFines for the County of
Derby, fron thetv commencement tw the reign
of Richard L.
By W. H. Hart, F.S.A.
[Continued from Vol. VIII., ~. 64.)
1252.
June 24—July 15. Warwick. In 3 weeks of the Nativity of S. John the
Baptist, 36 Henry III.
Between Walter de Bradeleg[h], by William de Lecto, his attorney,
Plaintiff, and Robert de Willeweby the elder, by Ralph de
Mileforde, his attorney, Deforctant.
Grant by Deforciant, on Plaintiff’s request, to Geoffrey de
Langele and Matilda his wife, and to their heirs begotten, of a
moiety of the manor of Esshovere, and the advowson of the church
of the same manor, and 4 librates of land in Pleseleg[h], and the
marriage of Robert, Deforciant’s son and heir, from the Feast of
S. Martin, 36 Henry III., for the term of 22 years, without per-
forming any service; and in case of the death of Robert the
younger in the lifetime of his father, before he shall come to his fee
or be married cr not, then they shall have the marriage of Amabel
Deforciant’s daughter, and likewise of all his other heirs in succes-
sion, in case of Amabel’s death in Deforciant’s lifetime ; and if any
of such heirs shall marry without licence, or refuse to marry when
required, then the aforesaid tenements shall remain to Geoffrey
and Matilda as aforesaid, until Deforciant or his heirs shall pay
them 500 marks for the same marriage. Moreover, Deforciant doth
agree that he will not give, sell, pledge, or in any other manner
alienate any of the lands or tenements which he held on the day of
the date of this Fine, as well of his inheritance as of the marriage
of Margery, formerly his wife, mother of the aforesaid Robert the
younger, by which the inheritance of Robert the younger would be
June 25.
June 25.
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 85
lessened ; saving to Deforciant 100 solidates of land which he may
give to his daughter Amabel, if he will.
Leicester. The morrow of the Nativity of S. John the Baptist,
36 Henry III.
Between Richard, Abbot of Lilleshulle, by Adam de Neuport, one
of his Canons, his attorney, Plazntzf7, and Richard de Gray,
Tenant.
Grant by Plaintiff to Tenant, in fee, of an oxgang of land and 2a.
of assart, in Stoke.
Leicester. Same date.
Between Robert de Grendone, Plaintiff, and William de Mun-
gumery, Deforciant.
Grant by Deforciant that Plaintiff and his heirs might thenceforth
take and have their reasonable estovers of husbote and haybote,
and for burning and inclosing, within Deforciant’s wood of Sudbury,
by the view of Deforciant’s foresters, except 2 pieces of the same
wood called Raveleyhirst and Heymor ; and in case of Deforciant’s
forester refusing to deliver the same, the Plaintiff and his heirs may
enter the same wood and take their reasonable estovers without the
view of Deforciant’s forester. Plaintiff also to have common of
pasture for all his cattle throughout all the same woods ; and like-
wise to have all his hogs of his own growing, at Aston, quit of
pannage in the same woods. And grant, in consideration tiereof,
by Plaintiff, that Deforciant and his heirs may assart, and cause to
be cultivated, in the same woods and wastes, and inclose the same,
at his pleasure, saving to Plaintiff and his heirs his reasonable
estovers, and common of herbage in the same wastes and woods,
and also common of pasture in the same closes and assarts after
the corn and hay is carried.
Sept. 29—Oct. 20. Westminster. In 3 weeks of S. Michael, 36 Henry III.
Between Walter, Abbot of Dersl[ey], by Andrew, Prior of Dersl[ey],
his attorney, Plazntzff, and Ralph FitzRalph, of Wystantone,
by Geoffrey de Westone his attorney, Deforczant,
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciant to Plaintiff
and to his successors, and to his church, in perpetuity, in frank-
almoign, of I messuage, 2 oxgangs of land, 4 a. of meadow, gd.
and [defaced] in Wystantone, performing to the chief iords of
the fee all services pertaining thereto. Release also by De-
forciant to the same of all right in all the lands and tenements held
by him in Wystantone on the day of the date of this fine. In con-
sideration whereof Plaintiff and his successors are to find, every
86 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
1253.
Feb. 2.
April 8.
April 20.
year, for Deforciant and Matilda his wife, every day, 2 loaves and 2
conventual gallons of beer, and 2 dishes from the kitchen, as for 2
canons; and 2 loaves and one galion of beer, and one dish from the
kitchen, as for one servant of the same church; and also 61s. a
year for their lives; and in case of the death of Deforciant
leaving his wife surviving, then Plaintiff shall be quit of a moiety of
the aforesaid bread and beer and dishes, and of 29s. 6d. a year for
ever ; and in case of the death of Matilda, leaving her husband
surviving, then Plaintiff shall be quit of a moiety of the aforesaid
bread and beer and dishes, and of 31s. 6d. for ever.
Leicester and Westminster. Within 8 days of the Purification of
B. V. M., 37 Henry III.
Between Roger de Eyncurt, Plaintzff, and Robert de Sydenhale,
Deforciant, and afterwards recorded at Westminster, Between
the same, Plaintiff, and Roger de Sydenhale, brother and heir
of the said Robert de Sydenhale, Deforczant.
Grant by Deforciant, in consideration of a sparrow-hawk, to
Plaintiff, in fee, of the homage and service of John son of Nicholas
de Gyldeford in Stretton ; at the yearly rent of one pair of white
gloves, or one halfpenny at Christmas, for all service, custom,
and exaction.
Cambridge. The morrow of the close of Easter, 37 Henry III.
Between Roger de Eyncurt and Alice his wife, Plazntifs, by Robert
de Pileslege his attorney, and Robert de Gretwith, and Lettice
his wife, Deforciants.
Grant, ona plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in con-
sideration of 36 silver marks, to Plaintiffs, in fee, of a messuage,
and 30 acres of land in Haneleye ; also the homage and service of
Walter de Ryboff and Felicia de Sydenhale.
Westminster. Within 5 weeks of Easter, 37 Henry III.
Between Oliver de Odingeseles, Plazntzf7,and Ralph de Bensey,
Deforciant.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciant to Plaintiff
of the manor of Trusseleye ; and grant, in consideration thereof, by
Plaintiff to Deforciant, for his life, of the capital messuage of the
same manor, I13 roods of land, and 6 acres of meadow in the same
manor; to wit, that Jand and meadow lying towards the south,
together with a moiety of the services of free men, villeins,
escheators, and relief pertaining to the same manor, saving to
Plaintiff the homage of free men; and the residue of the same
manor to remain to Plaintiff and Alienor and to the heirs of
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 87
1254.
June 7.
Plaintiff, at the yearly rent of one pair of white gloves at Easter ;
and performing a proportionate part of the scutage of the same
manor ; with reversion to Plaintiff and Alienor and Plaintiff’s heirs,
at the yearly rent of £8 gs. 6d. ; and performing the scutage per-
taining to the said manor. Deforciant not to beat liberty to grant,
sell, pledge, or let to farm, or alienate in any way, nor to commit
waste ; but saving to him, for his life, reasonable estovers for house-
bote and haybote out of the wood belonging to the aforesaid manor.
Westminster. Within 15 days of the Holy Trinity, 38 Henry III.
Between Ralph de Bensey and Alienor, widow of Oliver de
Odingesheles, on a plea that she refused to perform the services for
the manor of Trusseleye referred to in the preceding Fine, and did
not permit Bensey to have the moiety of the services of the free
men of the same manor. Whereupon a plea of “‘ fine made” was
summoned, viz., that Bensey granted, for himself and his heirs, that
all the tenements which Alienor by. the previous fine held in
the aforesaid manor, on the day of the date of this fine, together
with the homage and all the services of the free men of the
same manor, where previously she had only a moiety of the
same services, should remain to her, and to the heirs of Oliver, at
the yearly rent of a pair of white gloves at Easter; and performing
a proportionate part cf scutage. And likewise all the tenements
which Bensey held on the same day, in the same manor, should,
after his decease, remain to Alienor, and to the heirs of Oliver,
together with the residue of the same manor, in fee ; at the yearly
rent of £4, instead of £8 gs. 6d.; and performing, for scutage,
whatever pertains to the same manor, for all service. And in con-
sideration of this Fine, Alienor gave to Bensey 194 silver marks.
June 24.—July 9. Westminster. Within 15 days of S. John the Baptist, 38
Henry III.
Between Nicholas son of Hugh of Broydeston and Joan his wife,
Plaintiffs, and Baldwin of Breydeston and Katherine his wife,
Deforciants.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants to
Plaintiffs, and to the heirs of Plaintiff Nicholas, in fee, of 3
ploughlands, 50 acres of wood, and a mill in Snelleston, perform-
ing to the chief lords of the fee all the services pertaining to the
same tenements. Grant, in consideration thereof, by Plaintiff
Nicholas to Deforciants, and to the heirs of Deforciant Baldwin
begotten of his wife Katherine, of a ploughland in Chelardeston ;
performing to the chief lords of the fee all services ; with reversion,
88 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
in case of the death of Deforciants without such heirs, to Plaintiff
in fee.
September 29.—October 13. Westminster. Within 15 days of S. Michael,
38 Henry III.
Between William son of Henry of Adewyk, Plaintiff, and Stephen
son of John of Breydeston, Zenant.
Grant, on a recognizance of great assize, by Plaintiff, in con-
sideration of fifteen silver marks, to Tenant, in fee, of 8 oxgangs
of land in Breydeston, at the yearly rent of 6d., and performing
the foreign service pertaining to the same.
September 29.—October 27. Westminster. Within one month of S. .
1255
Michael, 38 Henry III.
Between Robert de Clanmcegan (?), by Ralph de Edwalton his
attorney, Plaintiff, and Felicia Fitz Roger, by Brian Fitz
Richard, her attorney, Deforczant.
Grant by Plaintiff to Deforciant, for her life, of 3 oxgangs, 44
acres of land in La Forde, Henlegh, and Heggestowe, at the
yearly rent of half a silver mark ; and performing to the chief lords
of the fee all other services pertaining to the same land.
Westminster. Within 3 weeks of Easter, 39 Henry III.
March 28.—April 9. Between Richard son of Richard Ingeram, Plaintiff,
and Eustace de Folevile, Deforciant.
Grant by Deforciant that he and his heirs would thenceforth
acquit plaintiff and his heirs of the service which the bailiffs of the
Honour of Peveril and John de Eyncurt exacted from him for his
free tenement which he held of Deforciant in Oxecroft, whereof
Deforciant, who is the mesne between them ought to acquit him ;
and whereof Plaintiff complained that in Deforciant’s default, the
aforesaid bailiffs distrained him to perform suit at the court of the
aforesaid Honour from 3 weeks to 3 weeks ; and the aforesaid John
de Eyncurt distrained him to perform homage.
March 28.—May 3. Westminster. Within 5 weeks of Easter, 39 Henry III.
June 25.
Between William son of Henry de Adewyk, Plazntif, and Nicholas
de Wermundeswrh’, Zenant.
Grant by Plaintiff, in consideration of 11 silver marks, to
Tenant, in fee, of 5 oxgangs of land in Breydeston, at the yearly
rent of 2s., and performing the foreign services pertaining to the
same.
Westminster. The morrow of the Nativity of S. John the Baptist,
39 Henry III.
Between Robert le Vavassur, Plaznizff, and Nicholas de Wer-
mundeswrh’, Deforciant.
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 89
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciant, in con-
sideration of 60 silver marks, to Plaintiff, in fee, of one messuage,
and one ploughland in Maperleg’, at the yearly rent of a pair of
white gloves and one halfpenny at Easter, and performing to the
chief lords of the fee all services.
September 29—October 13. Westminster. Within 15 days of S. Michael,
39 Henry III.
Between Ralph de Bensey and Alienor, widow of Oliver de
Doddingesheles, concerning the plaint of Ralph that whereas by a
fine levied between him, Plaintiff, and Alienor, Deforciant, the
manor of Trussle remained to Alienor, and the heirs of Oliver,
formerly her husband, to hold of the same Ralph for her life, at the
yearly rent of one pair of white gloves, and performing the scutage
pertaining to the same manor ; and after his decease, of the heirs of
the same Ralph, at the yearly rent of £4, but the said Alienor re-
fused to perform these services. Release therefore, on a plea of
fine levied, by the said Ralph, in consideration of 15 silver marks,
to Alienor, and to the heirs of Oliver, of the same manor, and also
of all claim of the £4 yearly, or any other services for the same
manor, for ever. Saving to Ralph, and the heirs of his body, one
oxgang and 3 acres of land, and one acre of meadow, all of which
were held by him in the same manor, on the day of the date of this
fine, at the yearly rent of 1d. at Easter forall service, with remainder
to the said Alienor in fee. And all instruments previously made
between them concerning this manor were to be amended by this
fine.
1256 Derby. Within the octaves of S, Hilary, 4o Henry III.
January 13-20. Between Walter, Abbot of Derleg’, Plazntiff, and Robert de
Wynnefeld, Deforciant.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciant to Plaintiff
and his church of S. Mary, Derleg’, in frankalmoign, of 6 oxgangs
of land in Wystantone, free from all secular service. Plaintiff took
Deforciant and his heirs into all the benefits and prayers which
should thenceforth take place in their church.
April 16-30. Westminster. Within 15 days of Easter, 4o Henry III.
Between Geoffrey de Langeleg[h], Placntzf, and Robert de Wyleby
in Ketstevene, Deforciant.
Grant by Deforciant, in consideration of £40 sterling, to Plaintiff
and his heirs begotten of his wife Matilda, or in default, to other
his nearest heirs, in fee, of 18 librates of land in Ashover, together
with the advowson of the church of the same vill., at the yearly
go CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
1257
June 3-17.
September
November
rent of one pair of gilt spurs, or 6d., at Michaelmas, and performing
the foreign service due. Release, in consideration thereof, by
Plaintiff to Deforciant of all right and claim which he had in all the
lands and tenements previously held by Plaintiff of Deforciant in
Pleseleg[h] from Deforciant’s demise and grant, and likewise in the
marriage of Robert, son and heir of Deforciant, or of the other heirs
of Deforciant, for ever. And be it known that the fine previously
made between the same parties concerning the same lands and tene-
ments in Pleseleg[h] and Ashover, is by this fine annulled.
Westminster. Within 15 days of the Holy Trinity, 41 Henry III.
Between Aldeluya, widow of Robert le Sauvage, Plazntiff, and
John le Sauvage whom Jocelin de Steynesby vouched to
warranty, and who did warrant him.
Release by Plaintiff to John le Sauvage and his heirs, of the third
part of 6 oxgangs of land in Herdwike, of 2 oxgangs of land in
Hertistoft, of one messuage and one oxgang of land in Eshveyt, of
2 oxgangs of land in Thorneweyt, of 3 oxgangs in Nerthorp, of 40
acres of land in Westwode, of one messuage and one oxgang of
land in Steynesby, of 2 oxgangs of land in Heth, of one messuage
and 2 oxgangs of land in Holecote, of 100 acres of assart in
Nortwode, of 50 acres of land in Brodewode and Tharllecrof, of 30
acres of land in Le Hallesclyf, of 30 acres of land in Soudherde-
wik, of 30 acres of land in Frythewode, of 12 acres of wood in
Gryves, all of which she claimed as dower. And also release by
the same to Joceline and his heirs of all right and claim which she
had to dower in all other lands and tenements which Joceline and
William son of Petronilla of Heth held in fee in the soke of
Steynesby. Grant, in consideration thereof, by John le Sauvage
to the aforesaid Aldeluya, for her life, of 40 shillings annually.
Grant also by Joceline to the same, for her life, of 34 silver marks.
29—October 13. Westminster. Within 15 days of S. Michael,
41 Henry III.
Between Anker de Frescherville, Plaintzf7, and Walter, Abbot of
Derleye, by Robert de Makeneye, his attorney, Deforczant.
Release, on an assize of last presentation, by Plaintiff, in con-
sideration of 15 silver marks to Deforciant, in frankalmoign, of the
advowson of the church of Alwoldestone as a chapel pertaining to
the mother church of S. Michael, Derleye.
11-25. Nottingham. Within 15 days of S. Martin, 42 Henry III.
Between Robert de Clamorgan, Plaintiff, and Robert Fitz Walkelin
and Emma his wife, Deforczants.
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. gt
1258
Jan. 13-20.
Jan. 13-20.
Jan. 13-20,
Jan. 13-20
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in con-
sideration of a sparrow hawk, to Plaintiff, in fee, of a messuage,
and an oxgang of land in La Forde, at the yearly rent of 6d. for
all service, suit of court, custom, and exaction.
Derby. Within the Octaves of S. Hilary, 42 Henry III.
Between William son of William Tysun, /7/aintiff, and William
Tysun, Deforciant.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Plaintiff to Deforciant,
for his life, of 3 messuages, and 2 virgates and 9 acres of land in
Pulteneye, at the yearly rent of a clove gillyflower at Christmas,
and performing to the chief lords of the fee all other services pertain-
ing to the aforesaid tenements.
Derby. Same date.
Between William son of Henry of Athelwyk, Plaintiff, and
William son of Henry of Breydestone, Zezant.
Grant, on a recognizance of great assize, by Plaintiff, in considera-
tion of 4 silver marks, at the request of Tenant, to master John de
Derby, in fee, of 3 oxgangs, and 10 acres of land in Breydestone,
at the yearly rent of 2s. This fine was made in the presence, and
with the consent, of Alice, Tenant’s wife, who was enfeoffed of the
aforesaid land together with her husband.
Derby. Same date.
Between William son of Henry of Athelwyk, Plaintiff, and
Elias Fitz Odo, Henry Attegrene, Roger de Angulo, Alan
son of Geoffrey of Breydestone, and Nicholas Fitz Elias,
Tenants.
Grant, on a recognizance of great assize, by Plaintiff, in con-
sideration of 10 marks sterling, to Tenant Elias Fitz Odo, in fee,
of 2 oxgangs of land, except 4 acre, in Breydestone 3 to Tenant
Henry Attegrene, in fee, of 2 oxgangs of land, except 4 acre, ‘in the
same vill; to Tenant Roger de Angulo, in fee, of 2 oxgangs of
land, except 4 acre, in the same vill ; to Tenant Alan son of
Geoffrey of Breydestone, in fee, of one oxgang of land, except 1
rood, in the same vill; and to Tenant Nicholas Fitz Elias, in fee,
of 3 oxgangs of land, except I acre, in the same vill, at the yearly
rent of 6d. for each oxgang, and performing the foreign and all
other services.
Nicholas de Wermundesworth doth put in his claim.
Derby. Same date.
Between William son of Henry of Athewyk, Plaintiff, and
92 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
Jan. 13-20.
Jan, 13-20.
Jan. 13-20.
Jan. 13-20.
Roger Duredent, whom Nicholas de Wermundesworth vouched
to warranty, and who did warrant him.
Grant, on a recognizance of great assize, by Plaintiff, at the
request of Roger Duredent, to Nicholas de Wermundesworth, in
fee, of 4 oxgangs of land in Breydestone, at the yearly rent of 2s.
and performing all other services. And release by same Roger to
Plaintiff and his heirs of all claim in the same land, and also in the
homage and services of said Nicholas and his heirs for ever. And
moreover the same Roger gave to Plaintiff gos. sterling.
Derby. Same date.
Between Hugh de Stredleg[h], Plazvtzff, and Adam de Camera
and Albred his wife, Deforczants,
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in con-
sideration of a sparrow-hawk, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 44 acres of
land, and the moiety of a toft in Wardelawe, at the yearly rent of
}d. at Pentecost, and performing to the chief lords of the fee all
other services.
Derby. Same date.
Between Alexander Le Mercer of Esseburne, Plaintiff, and
Simon de Combrugge and Sarah his wife, Deforciants.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in con-
sideration of 13 silver marks, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 25 oxgangs of
land in Helintone ; at the yearly rent of one pound of cummin at
Michaelmas, and performing to the chief lords of the fee all other
services.
Derby. Same date.
Between William Fitz Gamel and Margery his wife, Plaintiffs,
and Richard le Keu, Zezant.
Grant, on a plea of mort d’ancestor, by Plaintiffs, in considera-
tion of 24s. sterling, to Tenant, in fee, of a toft in Esseburne.
The Dean and Chapter of Lincoln and the vicar of Esseburne
do put in their claim.
Derby. Same date.
Between Hugh de Akovere, Plaintiff, and Nicholas de
Wermundesworthe and Joan his wife, Deforczants.
Grant by Deforciants, in consideration of 55 silver marks, to
Plaintiff, in fee, of 3 carucates of land, 50 acres of wood, anda
mill in Snellestone. And Deforciants did deliver up in court to
Plaintiff all the muniments which they had relating to the afore-
said tenements.
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 93
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Within 15 days of S. Hilary, 42 Henry III.
Between Roger Duredent, Plazntiff, and Nigel de Langeford,
Deforciant.
Release by Plaintiff to Deforciant, in fee, of the reasonable
estovers exacted by Plaintiff in Deforciant’s woods in Langeford, to
wit, in his park, and in all other his woods in the same vill, for
housebote, haybote, and for burning and inclosing ; with liberty to
inclose the same park with a ditch and haw, and to make his profit
thereof, at his pleasure, without any estovers, or any common
which Plaintiff or his heirs could claim in the same park, so that if
Plaintiff's cattle, through any defect in the ditch or inclosure,
entered the same park, they should not be imparked, but should be
driven back, without any detriment, or without making any amends
for the damage they might do. Grant also by Plaintiff that Defor-
ciant and his heirs might at his pleasure rebuild all buildings, and
likewise re-inclose by a haw all assarts, by him previously made
and inclosed in Langeford and Wudehuse, and which, at Plaintiff's
suit, were, by the judgment of the King’s Court, afterwards thrown
down, saving to Plaintiff and his heirs common of pasture in the
same assarts, for all kinds of cattle, with free ingress and egress
with the same, after the hay and corn are carried.
Grant, in consideration thereof, by Deforciant that Plaintiff and
his heirs might have and take his reasonable estovers in all other
woods and moors of Deforciant in Langeforde and Bubeldene,
without the view of his foresters, for building, burning, and in-
closing, in perpetuity, except a certain place called Le Parrok, in
which Deforciant’s fowleries are situate, where it shall not be law-
ful for Plaintiff or his heirs to cut down or take any estovers. And
moreover Deforciant gave to Plaintiff, in fee, one mark of yearly
rent out of a certain water mill in Langeforde called Bubeldene-
mylne, with power to distrain on the iron of the same mill, in case
of non-payment ; and in case the mill should fail at any time, then
to distrain on chattels of Deforciant found in the aforesaid assarts.
94
A Literal Transcript of the Oldest Register of
UAest Hallam, Derbyshire,
Made for this work by Rev. CHARLES Kerry, Curate in Charge
of Stonebroom.
By the kind permission of Rev. Nigel Madan, Rector.
"gm | HE original is a coverless document, consisting of thirty-
#/ nine leaves of parchment, and measuring eight inches
by five and a quarter. The second and third leaves,
containing entries between 1545 and 1557, have been torn out
apparently many years ago. The entries on the first page, from
wear and exposure, are nearly obliterated.
‘‘LIBER WEST HALLAMIE”
‘““WILLs. SMADLEY ”
“ PEDAGOGE IBIDEM”
“«TRANSCRIPT,”
“ANNO DOMINI”
1620.
1538
November 24 Johannes ......... wson baptiz......
28 Guillelms Stalye fillius Richard ............
1539
June 3 Jone ........ ..-
24 Johannes Wallia...... .....+-+
30 Mathew Baldock filius......... baptizatus
August I Margareta .........t.00++
November 7 Brigget Hutchynson ...........-
14 Margareta Sylcock filia (Frances ?)
THE OLDEST REGISTER OF WEST HALLAM, DERBYSHIRE. 95
January 12 Nicholas (/ood/et...?) fillis Guillelms bap
March 20 Richardus Turner fillis............
1540
Aprill 19 Johannes . ......field ............
May 12 Ffrancisca (Hayton ?) filia Roberti bap
August 6 Brigitta .......... “SOM, ccaceuet erst
(End of first page.)
LORETO Smyth filia Ricardi baptizata fuit
Bese seccace Rowlandus Stayley filius Nicholi baptizatus fuit
eee 4 Nicholias Lowson fillius Nicholi baptizatus fuit
.++++--.18 Ffrancisca Gregory fillia Johannis baptizata fuit
1545
March 18 Edwardus Doughtie fillius Guillelmi baptizatus fuit
1546
_ April 13 Thomas Wawen fillius Jacobi baptizatus fuit
20 Elsabeth Gregory fillia Johanni baptizata fuit
Septemb, 21 Anna Widdewis fillia Johannis baptizata fuit
March 15 Anna Newton fillia Johanni )
23 Isabella Salfourd fillia Johanni | g
1547 By
Aprill 1 George Gregory fillius Johanni t a
10 Robertus Doughtie fillius Guillielmi | S
July 1 Radulphus Hutchynson fillius Guillelmi } €
22 Henricus fillius Riccardi Staley
1545
paexeaese 1 Walter Powtherell fillius Thome baptizatus fuit
sseee:ee-29 Maria Powtherell fillia Mr. Thome baptiza fuit
.+sesee. 3 Margareta Eton fillia Johanni visitatio in Darbie _) baptizati
sige RRerersnt feecsaves : - 56
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
EDITED BY THE Rev. J. CHARLES Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. - 71
ON THE EARLY DESCENT OF THE FERRERS.
By JoHN BooTtH - - - - - - - - - 148
A CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY FROM
THEIR COMMENCEMENT IN THE REIGN OF RICHARD I.
BYaWe ti ART, FSA = - - - - - - 151
_ Recent Discovery OF ROMAN REMAINS AT LITTLE CHESTER.
By W. THOMPSON WATKIN - - - - - - - 159
iv
LIST OF PLATES.
DOLICHO-CEPHALIC SKULL FROM HADDON FIELDS
QuUERN FRAGMENT FROM HADDON FIELDS
OUTLINE PEDIGREE OF VERNON) - - - -
HaZELBADGE MANOR HOUSE - - - : -
SupBuRY HALL—DaATED STONES - - - -
FAc-SIMILE OF FERRERS’ DEED - - = -
TO FACE PAGE
RoMAN POTTERY, FOUND AT LITTLE CHESTER, DERBY
52
53
74
76
77
148
159
¥v
mIST OF OFFICERS.
THE
Vice
DUKE OF NorFoLk, E.M.
DUKE OF PORTLAND.
MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON.
LorD SCARSDALE.
Lorp VERNON.
LorpD WATERPARK.
Lorp BELPER.
Lorp HowarpD OF GLOssoP.
LorpD HINDLIP.
Lorp BurTON.
RicHT Rev. Lorp BISHOP OF
LICHFIELD.
RIGHT REv. LorD BISHOP OF
SouTHWELL.
Hon. E. K. W. CoKe.
JouN BAILEy.
GEORGE BAILEY.
WILLIAM BEMROSE.
JouNn BorouGuH,
F.S.A.
F.S.A.
Rev. M. K. S. FRITH.
WILLIAM JOLLEY.
REv. F. JouRDAIN,
RICHARD KEENE.
F, J. RoBinson,
Hon. Creasurer :
C. E. NEwrTon.
.
~
J. B, Coutson,
Rev. J. CHARLES Cox, LL.D.,
C. G. SAVILE Forjamse, M.P.,
Aresivdent :
DiS OLE DEW ON Sree
K.G,.
- Presidents :
Hon. W. M. JERVIs.
Hon. FREDERICK STRUTT.
RIGHT Rey. BisHop ABRAHAM.
Sir H. S. Witmort, - Barr.,
WelCse MGnlsp
Sir J. G. N. ALLEYNE, BART.
Sir ANDREW BARCLAY WALKER,
BART.
Sir WILLIAM T. Evans, Bart.
Very Rev. DEAN OF LICHFIELD.
VEN. ARCHDEACON BALSTON.
J. G. Crompton, Esq.
N. C, Curzon, Esa.
G. F. MEYNELL, Esa.
H. H. Bemrosg, Esa.
Council :
| C. JAMES CADE.
E. Coo.ine.
| J. GALLop.
| T. W. CHARLTON.
/ E, GREENHOUGH.
| SIR JAMES ALLPORT.
|
W. H. HopcGEs.
W. MALLALIEU,.
Wn. Wess, M.D.
W. R. HOLLAND.
| Rev. CHARLES KERRY.
| ALBERT HARTSHORNE, F.S.A.
| A. E, COKAYNE.
Hon. Secretary:
| ARTHUR Cox.
Auditors :
| Wm. BEMROSE,
RULES:
I.—NAME.
The Society shall be called the “‘ DERBYSHIRE ARCHAOLOGICAL
AND NATURAL HIsTorRY SOcIETY.”
II.—Opsject.
The Society is instituted to examine, preserve, and illustrate
_ the Archeology and Natural History of the County of Derby.
III].—OPERATION.
The means which the Society shall employ for effecting its
objects are :—
1.—Meetings for the purpose of Reading Papers, the
Exhibition of Antiquities, etc., and the discussion of
subjects connected therewith.
2.—General Meetings each year at given places rendered
Interesting by their Antiquities, or by their Natural
development.
3.—The publication of original papers and ancient
documents, etc.
IV.— OFFICERS.
The Officers of the Society shall consist of a President and Vice-
Presidents, whose election shall be for life; and an Honorary
_ Treasurer and Honorary Secretary, who shall be elected annually.
V.—CounNcIL.
The General management of the affairs and property of the
Society shall be vested in a Council, consisting of the President,
vill RULES.
Vice-Presidents, Honorary Treasurer, Honorary Secretary and
twenty-four Members, elected from the general body of the
Subscribers ; eight of such twenty-four Members to retire annually
in rotation, but to be eligible for re-election. All vacancies
occurring during the year to be provisionally filled up by the
Council.
VI.—ADMISSION OF MEMBERS.
The election of Members, who must be proposed and seconded
in writing by two Members of the Society, shall take place at any
meeting of the Council, or at any General Mectings of the Society.
VII.—SuBSsCRIPTION.
Each Member on election after March 31st, 1878, shall pay an
Entrance Fee of Five Shillings, and an Annual Subscription of
Ten Shillings and Sixpence. All Subscriptions to become due, in
advance, on the 1st January each year, and to be paid to
the Treasurer. A composition of Five Guineas to constitute Life
Membership. The composition of Life Members and the
Admission Fee of Ordinary Members to be funded, and the
interest arising from them to be applied to the general objects of
the Society. Ladies to be eligible as Members on the same
terms. No one shall be entitled to his privileges as a Member of
the Society whose subscription is six months in arrear.
VIII.—Honorary MEMBERS.
The Council shall have the power of electing distinguished
Antiquaries as Honorary Members. Honorary Members shall
not be resident in the County, and shall not exceed twelve in
number. Their privilege shall be the same as those of Ordinary
Members.
IX.— MEETINGS OF COUNCIL.
The Council shall meet not less than six times in each year,
at such place’or places as may be determined upon. Special
meetings may also be held at the request of the President, or Five
Members of the Society. Five Members of Council to form a
quorum.
RULES. 1X
X.—Sus-CoOMMITTEEs.
The Council shall have the power of appointing from time to
time such sectional or Sub-Committees as may seem desirable for
the carrying out of special objects. Such sectional or Sub-
Committees to report their proceedings to the Council for
confirmation.
XI.—GrENERAL MEETINGS.
The Annual Meeting of the Society shall be held in January
each year, when the Accounts, properly audited, and a Report
shall be presented, the Officers elected, and vacancies in the
Council filled for the ensuing year. The Council may at any
time call a General Meeting, specifying the object for which that
Meeting is to be held. A clear seven days’ notice of all General
Meetings to be sent to each Member.
XII.—ALTERATION OF RULES.
No alteration in the Rules of the Society shall be made except
by a majority of two-thirds of the Members present at an Annual
or other General Meeting of the Society. Full notice of any
intended alteration to be sent to each Member at least seven
days before the date of such Meeting.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
Re
The Members whose names are preceded by an asterisk (*) are Life Members.
Bloxham, M. H, F.S.A., Rugby.
Cox, Rey. J. Charles, LL.D. F.S.A., Barton-le-Street
Rectory, Malton.
Hart, W. Il., F.S.A., Public Record Office, Fetter
Lane, London.
Fitch, R., F.S.A., Norwich. , Honorary Members.
Greenwell, The Rev. Canon, F.S.A., Durham.
Irvine, J. T., 167, Cromwell Road, Peterborough.
Watkin, W. Thompson, 242, West Derby Road, Liverpool.
Wrottesley, General The Hon. George, 55, Warwick
Road, South Kensington, London.
Abney, Captain W. de W., F_R.S., Willesley House, Wetherby Road, South
Kensington, London.
*Abraham, The Right Rev. Bishop, Lichfield.
Addy, S. O., George Street, Sheffield.
Alexander, Rev. C. L., Stanton-by-Bridge, Derby.
Alleyne, Sir John G, N., Bart., Chevin House, Belper.
Allport, Sir James, Duffield, Derby.
Alsop, Anthony, Wirksworth.
Allsopp, The Hon. A. Percy, Streethay Lodge, Lichfield.
*Arkwright, Rev. W. Harry, Vicarage, Cromford.
Arkwright, James C., Cromford.
*Arkwright, F. C., Willersley, Cromford.
\
Bagshawe, F. Westby, The Oaks, Sheffield.
Bailey, John, The Temple, Derby.
Bailey, George, 32, Crompton Street, Derby.
LIST OF MEMBERS. xi
Balguy, F. Noel, 9, Pelham Street, South Kensington, London.
Balston, The Ven. Archdeacon, D.D., The Vicarage, Bakewell.
Barnes, Capt., Beaconsfield, Bucks.
Bate, James O., Gerard Street, Derby,
Bateman, F. O. F., Breadsall Mount, Derby.
Battersby, T., Kedleston Road, Derby.
Beamish, Major, R.E., 28, Grosvenor Road, London, S.W.
Beard, Neville, The Mount, Ashburne.
Belper, The Right Honourable Lord, Kingston Hall.
Bemrose, H. H., Uttoxeter New Road, Derby.
Bemrose, William, Elmhurst, Lonsdale Hill, Derby.
Bennett, George, Irongate. Derby.
*Bickersteth, The Very Rev. E., D.D., The Deanery, Lichfield.
Bishop, E. J., Osmaston Road, Derby.
Blackwell, J. B. E., Biggin, Wirksworth.
Bland, Wm., Duffield, Derby.
Blandford, Rev. H. E., Ockbrook.
Boden, Richard, Grove Terrace, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Boden, Walter, Gower Street, Derby.
Boden, Rev. C. J., Morley Rectory, Derby.
Bogonschevsky, The Baron Nicholas Cassimir de, Pskov, Russia.
Borough, John, The Cedars, Belper.
Bowring, Chas., Duffield Road, Derby.
Bradbury, Edward, 16, Arboretum Street, Derby.
Bridge, Rev. T., Poyton, Stockport.
Bridgeman, O. Granville, Bilton Hall, Rugby.
Brigden, Geo., Irongate, Derby.
Brindley, Benjn., South Parade, Derby.
Brooke, Rev. Wm., 70, Bloomfield Street, Derby.
Bromwich, Rev.{C. T., S. Werburgh’s, Derby.
Brushfield, T. N., M.D., The Cliff, Budleigh-Salterton, Devon.
Bryan, Benjn., 1, Victoria Street, London, S.W.
Buchanan, Alexander, Wilson Street, Derby.
Burton, The Right Hon. The Lord, Rangemoor, Burton-on-Trent.
Busby, C. S. B., Duffield Road, Derby.
Butler, W., Smith’s Bank, Derby.
Cade, Chas. James, Spondon.
*Cammell, G. H., Brookfield Manor, Hathersage.
Campion, Frederick, Ockbrook, Derby.
Campion, Frank, Duffield Road, Derby.
Cantrill, Mrs. W., Charnwood Street, Derby.
Xl LIST OF MEMBERS.
Carter, F., Irongate, Derby.
Chancellor, Rev. J., S. John’s, Derby.
Charlton, Tiiomas W., Chilwell Hall, Notts.
Christian, Rev. F. W., The Vicarage, South Wingfield.
Clark, G. D’Arcy, Highfield House, Derby.
Clark, Rev. Walter, B.D., St. Helen’s, Derby.
Clayton, Mrs., Queen Street, Derby.
Clay, T. Spender, Ford Manor, Lingfield, Surrey.
Clowes, Wm., Norbury, Ashburne.
Clulow, Edward, Junr., Victoria Street, Derby.
Cokayne, Andreas E., Bakewell.
*Cokayne, G. E., F.S.A., College of Arms, London.
*Coke, Colonel, Debdale Hall, Mansfield.
Coke, The Hon. Edward Keppel Wentworth, Longford Hall.
*Coke, Major Talbot, Hardwick House, Richmond Hill, Surrey.
Cooling, Edwin, Irongate, Derby.
Cooke, Charles, Spondon.
Copestake, T. G., Kirk Langley.
Cottingham, Rev. Henry, The Vicarage, Heath.
Coulson, J. B., Friar Gate, Derby
Coulson, G. M., Friar Gate, Derby.
Cox, William, Brailsford.
Cox, Arthur, Mill Hill, Derby.-
Cox, F. W., Priory Flatte, Breadsall, Derby.
Cox, Miss, The Hall, Spondon.
Crompton, J. G., Lilies, Derby.
*Cross, Robert, Bakewell.
Croston, James, F.S.A., Upton Hall, Prestbury, Cheshire.
Crowther, William, Free Library, Derby.
Curgenven, W. G., M.D., Friar Gate, Derby.
Currey, B. S., Little Eaton Hill, Derby.
Currey, Percy H., Little Eaton Hill, Derby.
‘Curzon, Nathaniel C., Lockington Hall, Derby.
Dalton, C. B., Grove Terrace, Derby.
Davey, John, Gerard Street, Derby.
Davis, Frederick, F.S.A., Palace Chambers, S. Stephen’s, Westminster.
Devonshire, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Chatsworth.
Disbrowe, Miss, Walton Hall, Burton-on-Trent.
Downing, Wm., Olton, Birmingham.
Dunn, C. B. Noble, The Tors, Crich, Derby.
LIST OF MEMBERS Xili
Eckett, S. B., ddvertiser Office, Derby.
Eddowes, C. K.
Eddowes, Mrs. C. K. Is Mary’s Gate, Derby.
Eddowes, Miss
Edmunds, Wilfred, Derbyshire Times, Chesterfield.
Egerton, Admiral the Hon. F., Devonshire House, London.
*Evans, Sir T. W., Bart., Allestree, Derby.
Evans, Walter, Darley Abbey.
*Evans, John, Highfields, Derby.
Evans, Henry, West Bank, Derby.
Evans, Robert, Eldon Chambers, Nottingham.
*Eyre, Lewis, 78, Radcliffe Gardens, Kensington, London, S.W.
*Fane, William Dashwood, Melbourne Hall.
Feilden, Rev. Randle, Mugginton, Derby.
Ffytche, Lewis, F.S.A., The Terrace, Freshwater, I. W.
Fisher, Edwd., Abbotsbury, Newton Abbot, Devon.
*FitzHerbert, J. K., 'wynham, Bournemouth.
*FitzHerbert, Rev. Regd. H. C., Somersal Herbert, Derby.
*Foljambe, Cecil G. Savile, M.P.,.F.S.A., Cockglode, Ollerton, Newark.
Forman, Rev. T. R., S. Alkmund’s, Derby.
Forman, Hy., Chellaston, Derby.
Fox, Rev. W., The Rectory, Stanton-by-Dale.
*Freer, Rev. T. H., Sudbury, Derby.
Frith, Rev. M. K. S., The Vicarage, Allestree.
Furneaux, Rev. W. M., Repton Hall, Burton-on-Trent.
Gallop, Joseph, Normanton Road, Derby.
Garbutt, Horace, 31, Friar Gate, Derby.
*Gisborne, Miss, Allestree Hall, Derby.
Gisborne, T. M., 64, Canning Street, Liverpool.
Goldie, Rev. A. R., The Grange, Thulston, Derby.
Goodall, Thomas Sorby, 5, S. Peter’s Street, Derby.
Goode, Mrs.
Gregory, Henry, Duffield Road, Derby.
Greenhough, Edward, Parkfield, Willersley Road, Matlock.
Greensmith, L. J., Longcliffe House, Charnwood Street, Derby.
Greenwell, Geo. C., F.G.S., Elm Tree Lodge, Duffield.
Gresley, Rev. L. S., Ashover.
Groves, Rev. C. W., Grammar School, Risley.
Hall, W. S., 39, Hartington Street, Derby.
Hall, J. Payne, Uttoxeter.
XIV LIST OF MEMBERS.
Hall, Rev. Tansley, Boyleston, Derby.
Hambly, C. H. Burbidge, Holmside, Hazelwood, Derby.
Hamilton, Rev. C. J., The Vicarage, Doveridge.
Hartington, The Most Noble the Marquess of, M.P., Devonshire House,
Piccadilly, London.
Hartshorne, Albert, Bradbourne, Wirksworth.
Harwood, James, Corn Market, Derby.
Harpur-Crewe, Lady, Spring Hill, East Cowes, I. W.
*Harpur-Crewe, Hugo, Chantrey House, Melbourne.
Haslam, A. Seale, Duffield Road, Derby.
Haslam, W. Coates, Ripley, Derby.
Heather, Rev. W. M., Cauldon, Ashburne.
Hefford, T. N., 46, Queen Street, Derby.
Henley, Mrs. A., 145, Uttoxeter New Road.
Hindlip, The Right Hon, the Lord, Hindlip Hall, Worcester.
Hipkins, Rev. F.C., Priory, Repton.
Hodges, W. H., Osmaston Road, Derby.
Holland, W. R., Ashburne.
Hollis, H. W., F.R.A.S., Butterley.
Holly, Wm., Ockbrook.
Holmes, Major, Makeney Lodge, Derby.
Holmes, H. M., London Road, Derby.
Holmes, H. M., Jun., London Road, Derby.
Holmes, G. E., London Road, Derby.
Holoran, G. B., Osmaston Road, Derby.
Hope, Rev. William, S. Peter’s, Derby.
Hope, W. H. St. John, Burlington House, Piccadilly, London.
Hope, R. C., F.S.A., Albion Crescent, Scarborough.
Hope, Miss Rose E., 13, Ashburne Road, Derby.
*Hovenden, R. Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon.
Howard, The Right Hon. Lord, of Glossop, Glossop Hall.
Howard, W. F., Cavendish Street, Chesterfield.
Howe, W. E., Fernie Bank, Matlock Bath,
Huish, Darwin, Wardwick, Derby.
Hunt, J. A., The Poplars, Ockbrook, Derby.
Hunter, John, Field Head House, Belper.
*Hurt, Albert F., Alderwasley, Derbyshire. -
Hurt, Miss, 46, Clifton Gardens, Maida Hill, London, W.
Jackson, John P., Stubbing Edge, Chesterfield.
*Jervis, The Hon. W. M., Quarndon, Derby.
Jervis, Hon. E. S. Parker, Aston Hall, Sutton Coldfield.
LIST OF MEMBERS. xv
Jeudwine, W. W., Hollywell House, Chesterfield.
Jobson, J., The Cottage, Spondon, Derby.
Jobson, Godfrey, Derwent Foundry, Derby.
Johnson, E. S., Littleover Hill, Derby.
Johnson, Rev. Wm., Repton.
Jolley, William, Eldon Chambers, Nottingham.
Jones, Joseph, Babington Lane, Derby.
Jones, Rev. T. J., Tickenhall, Derby.
Jones, T., Jun., 10, Edge Hill Road, Nether Edge, Sheffield.
Joseph, Ferguson, Friar Gate, Derby.
Jourdain, Rev, Francis, The Vicarage, Ashburne.
Keene, Richard, Iron Gate, Derby.
Kerry, Rev. Chas., Stonebroom, Alfreton.
Keys, John, London Road, Derby.
Kingdon, Clement B., Ednaston Lodge.
Kirkland, Capt. Walter, 3, West Terrace, Eastbourne.
Lamb, John, Corn Market, Derby.
Langdon, W., The Lawn, Belper.
Leacroft, Rev. C. H., The Brackenfield, Alfreton.
Leader, J. D., F.S.A., Moor End, Sheffield.
Lichfield, The Dean and Chapter of—Chas. Gresley, The Close, Lichfield.
Lichfield, The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Lichfield.
Lindsay, J. Murray, M.D., Mickleover, Derby. i
Litherland, Hy., Ravenshoe, Burton Road, Derby.
Livesay, Wm., M.D., Sudbury, Derby.
Lomas, J., Marble Works, King Street, Derby,
Longdon, Frederick, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Lott, Edward, Corn Market, Derby.
Lott, F. B., Huddersfield.
Lowe, Major A. E. Lawson, F.S.A., Shirenewton Hall, Chepstow.
Lowe, William Drury, Locko Park, Derby,
Mackie, John, Cliffe House, Crigglestone, near Wakefield, and Watford Villa,
New Mills, Stockport.
Maclean, Hugh, Ashburne.
Madan, Rev. Nigel, West Hallam.
Mallalieu, W., Swallows’ Rest, Ockbrook.
Manton, J. O., Wharfdale Villa, Swinburne Street, Derby.
Marriott, J. C., Darley Abbey, Derby.
Maunsell, J. Poole, Mercury Office, Derby.
XV1 LIST OF MEMBERS.
McInnes, E., 100, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Meakin, Miss
Meakin, Miss Harriette
Mellor, Rev. T. Vernon, Idridgehay Vicarage, Derby.
Spondon.
Mellor, H. Vernon, Idridgehay Vicarage, Derby.
Meynell, Godfrey F., Meynell Langley, Derby.
Milligan, Colonel, Cauldwell Hall, Burton-on-Trent.
Mills, Henry, Laurels, Etwall.
Milnes, Rev. Herbert, the Vicarage, Winster.
Milnes, E. S., Culland Mount, Derby.
Mole, R. I. Homer, Full Street, Derby.
Molineux, Rev. C. H., Staveley Rectory, Chesterfield.
Morley, Henry, London Road, Derby.
*Mundy, Meynell, 30, Green Park, Bath.
Mundy, Edward Miller, Shipley Hall.
Mundy, Rev. T. B., Wilne, Derby.
Murray, Frank, London Street, Derby.
Naylor, J. R., Charnwood Street, Derby.
Neal, Thos., Chestnut House, Highfield Road, Derby.
Needham, E. M., Duffield, Derby.
Newdigate, Colonel F. W., West Hallam, Derby.
‘Newmane, Madame Cavania, George Street, Derby.
Newton, C. E., The Manor House, Mickleover.
Nodder, Miss Jemima C., Marsh Green, Ashover, Chesterfield.
Norfolk, His Grace the Duke of, E.M., Arundel Castle.
Oakes, T. H., Riddings House.
Oakes, C. H., Holly Hurst, Riddings.
Oakes, James, Holly Hurst, Riddings.
Olivier, Rev. Alfred, Normanton, Derby.
*Paget, Joseph, Stuffynwood, Mansfield.
Portland, His Grace the Duke of, Welbeck, Notts.
Pountain, Lieut.-Colonel, Barrow-on-Trent.
Ratcliffe, Robert, Newton Park, Burton-on-Trent.
Redfern, James, Etwall.
Robinson, F. J., Darley Slade, Duffield Road, Derby.
*Rutland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Belvoir Castle.
LIST OF MEMBERS. xvii
Sale, Richard, Barrow Hill, Derby.
Sale, W. H., The Uplands, Burton Road, Derby.
Sankay, W. H., Sandiacre, Derby.
Scarsdale, The Right Hon. Lord, Kedleston,
*Schwind, Charles, Broomfield, Derby.
Seely, Charles, Sherwood Lodge, Nottingham.
Shaw, John, Normanton House, Derby.
Sheldon, T. G., Congleton, Cheshire.
Shuttleworth, John Spencer Ashton, Hathersage Hall, Sheffield.
Sitwell, Sir Geo., Bart., Renishaw, Chesterfield.
Slack, J. B., Ripley, Derby.
Sleigh, John, Eversley, Matlock.
Smith, F. N., Wingfield Park, Alfreton.
Sneyd, Dryden, Ashcombe, Leek.
Sorby, Clement, Darley Dale.
*Southwell, Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, Thurgarton Priory, Notts.
Spilsbury, Rev. B. W., Findern, Derby.
Statham, Geo. E., Matlock Bridge.
Stephenson, M., 3, Rowden Buildings, Temple, London, E.C.
Storer, Charles John, Market Place, Derby.
Strick, Richard, Silverdale, Staffordshire.
*Strutt, the Hon. Frederick, Milford House, Derby.
Strutt, Herbert G., Makeney, Derby.
Sutherland, George, Arboretum Square, Derby.
Sutton, Edward, Shardlow Hall.
Swann, Rev. Kirke, Forest Hill Lodge, Warsop, Mansfield.
Swanwick, F., Whittington, Chesterfield.
Swingler, Henry, Ireton Wood House, Derby.
Taylor, Frederick Ernest, Friar Gate, Derby.
Taylor, Tom G., Hartington Street, Derby.
Taylor, H. Brooke, Bakewell.
Taylor, Wm. Grimwood, 83, Friar Gate, Derby.
Taylor, A. G., S. Mary’s Gate, Derby.
Taylor, Mrs. A. G., S. Mary’s Gate, Derby.
Tetley, Rev. W. H., Charnwood Street, Derby.
Tinkler, S., Derwent Street, Derby.
Thornewill, Robert, The Abbey, Burton-on-Trent.
Towle, R. N., Borrowash, Derby.
Trubshaw, Chas., St. Aubyn Villa, Osmaston Road, Derby.
Trueman, H., The Lea, Esher, Surrey,
Turbutt, W. Gladwyn, Ogston Hall, Alfreton.
XViil LIST OF MEMBERS.
Usher, Rev. Richard, Grove House, Ventnor, LW.
*Vernon, Right Hon. The Lord, Sudbury.
Wadham, Rev. J., Weston-on-Trent.
Waite, R., Duffield, Derby.
Walker, Sir A. B., Bart., Osmaston Manor, Derby.
Walker, J., Old Uttoxeter Road, Derby.
Walker, Benjamin, Spondon, Derby.
Walker, William, Lea Wood, Cromford.
*Walthall, H. W., Alton Manor, Wirksworth.
Ward, John, S. Peter’s Bridge, Derby.
Wardell, Stewart, Doe Hill House, Alfreton.
Waterpark, The Right Hon. Lord, Doveridge.
Watson, F. W., William Street, Derby.
Webb, Wm., M.D., Wirksworth.
Whiston, W. Harvey, The Gardens, Osmaston Road, Derby.
*Whitehead, S. Taylor, Burton Closes, Bakewell.
Williams, J., Midland Railway, Derby.
Wilmot, Miss, 28, Westbourne Place, Eaton Square, London.
*Wilmot, Sir Henry, Bart., V.C., C.B., Chaddesden Hall.
Wilmot, Rev. F. E. W., Chaddesden.
Wilmot, Mrs. Edmund, Edge Hill, Derby.
Wilson, Arthur, Melbourne.
Wood, H. J., Breadsall Priory, Derby.
Wood, Rey. Sumner C., Cromford, Derby.
Woodforde, W. B., Breadsall Lodge, Derby.
Woods, Sir Albert, Garter King-at-Arms, College of Arms, London.
Woodyatt, Rev. George, Repton Vicarage.
Worthington, W. H., Derwent Bank, Derby.
Wright, F. W., Full Street, Derby.
Wright, Fitz-Herbert, The Hayes, Alfreton.
Wright, Charles, Wirksworth.
Yeatman, Pym, Cedar Villa, High Barnet.
N.B.—Members are requested to notify any error or omission in the above
list to the Hon. Sec.
xix
fer ORT OF THE HON. SECRETARY,
1887.
School of Art (kindly lent by the Committee for the
occasion) on the 3rd of February, 1887. The chair
was occupied by Lord Waterpark, who, in opening the
proceedings, said—‘‘ What I most admire in this Society is the
breadth and extent of its undertaking. Nothing comes amiss,
architecture, heraldry, natural history, public and private records,
in fact everything useful-and instructive. How many incidents in
history would be dark and illegible but for the light flashed upon
them by societies such as this. When monumental remains are
discovered this Society is exceedingly useful, coming forward to
see that the old lines are preserved intact, not altered according to
modern ideas, but that they should remain as real monuments of
the past. This Society has done considerable work in the matter
of church restoration, and now that it is recognised as a competent -
authority on that important subject, it is to be hoped we shall
hear no more of that species of church restoration which means
only destruction.”
The Report of the Society’s proceedings for the past year was
read and adopted. The officers for the year commencing were
elected. The one vacancy on the Council, caused by the resig-
nation of Mr. St. John Hope, was filled by the election of Dr.
Webb. All the members of Council retiring under Rule V., viz.,
Messrs. Campion, Cade, Cooling, Gallop, Charlton, Greenhough,
ir J. Allport, and W. H. Hodges, were re-elected, as were the
on. Treasurer and the Hon. Sec. Mr. Mallalieu was elected
fon. Sec. of Finance in the place of Mr. Cade resigned ; and
XX REPORT.
Messrs. W. Bemrose and J. B. Coulson were elected auditors, in
the place of Messrs. Lingard, deceased, and Pountain, resigned.
Eleven new members of the Society were elected.
The Rev. Charles Kerry read a paper, illustrated by drawings,
upon the ‘‘ Babington Tomb in Ashover Church.”
Mr. R. C. Hope, F.S.A., read a paper upon ‘“‘ Holy Wells.” A
paper was announced to be read by the Rev. Dr. Cox, but he was
prevented at the last moment by domestic affliction from being
present. Diagrams of Duffield Castle and specimens of the
various “ finds ” were exhibited in the room.
During the past year there have been five meetings of the
Council, with a regular but not too numerous attendance of elected
members. The Council has had the pleasure of again welcoming at
one of its meetings a vice-president who has always been ready to
help in all work of the Society, the Hon. Fred. Strutt.
The first expedition of the Society during the past year was
held on Wednesday, May 18th, to Ashby-de-la-Zouch. The party
left Derby in special saloon carriages attached to the 2.15 p.m.
train for Ashby. From the station the party at once proceeded to
the Church of S. Helen, where the Vicar, the Rev. John Denton,
received the visitors, and conducted them over the building,
pointing out and describing the various interesting details, calling
special attention to the fine series of monuments chiefly to mem-
bers of the Hastings family. From the church the party adjourned
to the Grammar School, where the Rev. Charles Kerry read the
following paper upon the history of Ashby-de-la-Zouch :—*
THE MANOR.
THE earliest account of Ashby is in Domesday, in which record we find that
in the reign of Edward the Confessor, this lordship, consisting of 14 yardlands,
was valued at Ios., and that at the Survey it was worth 40s., and was
held by Ivo under Hugh Grantesmainell (ancestor of the Meynells of Langley,
Derbyshire).
Shortly afterwards the manor of Ashby was held by Robert Beaumeis, a
Norman, of whose family was Richard Beaumeis, founder of the Abbey of
* The historical portions of this paper are mainly derived from Nichols’
Leicestershire, but the writer is responsible for the survey of the fabric.
REPORT. Xxi
Lilleshull, which was further endowed by his brother, Philip de Belmeis.
This Philip had issue Philip, whose only daughter and heiress, Adeliza Beau-
meis, brought this manor into the ‘‘ possession of the Zouches by marriage
with Alan le Zouch, son of Geoffry le Zouch, Viscount of Rouen, by Con-,
stantia, his wife, daughter of Conan the Gross, Earl of Bretagne, and his wife,
Maud, natural daughter of Henry I. Geoffry le Zouch, the father, bore gues,
10 mascles pierced, ov, and Alan bore gz/es, 10 bezants, ov.
The name Zouch signifies a ‘‘ stock,” because in the reign of Hen. II.,
Geoffry, coming over into England, became the founder of another stock
here propagated from him. The Zouches of Somersetshire had for their crest,
“«On a staff (or stock) couped and raguly, ov, sprouting, at the dexter point a
raven with wings expanded, avg.” This crest was probably adopted in allusion
to the family name. .
There are two seals depicted in Nichols’ Lezcestershzre, each inscribed with
_ the name “ Alan le Zouch,” bat bearing different arms. One has, ‘‘ Gules,
Io bezants, ov,” and the other, ‘‘ Gules, a fesse, ov, between 3 pears, ppr.”
The Zouches of Haringworth (descended from Eudo, younger brother of
Roger, great grandson of the first Alan of Ashby) bore, ‘‘ Gz/es, 12 bezants,
a canton, ermine.”
This quarter evzive was adopted because of descent from the daughter and
heir of Conan the Gross, Duke of Bretagne, who bore a shield evmzve only.
This, too, was the cognizance of the Zouches of Codnor Castle, Derbyshire,
descended from Sir John Zouch (second son of William le Zouch, of Haring-
worth), which Sir John married Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Richard’
Lord Grey, of Codnor. Six generations of the Zouches were lords of Codnor.
Five generations of Zouches of the senior branch were lords of Ashby. Alan,
the last of this line, had no male issue, and he, instead of bequeathing the
estates to his cousin, William le Zouch, of Haringworth, son of his uncle Eudo,
his nearest of kin, traced his next heir through his remote ancestor Geoffry le
Zouch, Viscount of Rouen, to William le Zouch, of Mortimer and Richard’s
Castle, passing through no less than nine descents. Of this line, four genera-
tions were lords of Ashby, the last of whom (Hugh) died in 1399 without
issue.
The next heiress was Joice Botetourt, also descended from William le Zouch,
of Mortimer and Richard’s Castle. She was the wife of Sir Hugh Burnell,
who took possession of all the estates, and died in 1420, seized of Ashby.
This Sir Hugh had two sons, the younger of whom left three daughters,
Joice, the wife of John Erdington, Margaret, the wife of Edward Hungerford,
and Katharine.
After the death of Sir Hugh Burnell in 1420, the history of the transmission
of the estates is not very clear.
James Butler, fifth Earl of Ormond, a Lancastrian, taken prisoner at
Towton in 1460, died seized of Ashby, but how he got it is unknown.
After his death, Ashby was granted to Sir William, afterwards Lord Hastings,
in 1461.
It is an interesting fact that Catharine Nevil, the wife of this William, Lord
Xxli REPORT.
Hastings, was a lineal descendant of Alan le Zouch, the seventh of the Zouches
lords of Ashby. The descent runs thus :—Catharine Nevill was the daughter
of Richard, Earl of Salisbury (beheaded at Pomfret, 1460, and the father of the
celebrated “King Maker”), by his wife Eleanor, daughter and heiress of
Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury.
This lady was the daughter of Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, by
Eleanor, daughter of Sir Thomas Holland and Lady Joan (grand-daughter of
Edward I.), which said Sir Thomas was the son of Sir Robert Holland and
Maud le Zouch, daughter of Alan aforesaid, who died in 1346.
William, Lord Hastings, was in high favour with Edward IV., who
appointed him his chamberlain, Master of the Mint in the Tower, Steward of
the Ilonours of Leicester and Donington, and Constable of those castles,
including Higham Ferrars. He was created Lord Hastings in 1461. In
1474 he obtained licence to impark 3,000 acres of land and wood in
Ashby, 2,000 acres in Bagworth, and 2,000 more at Kirkby, with liberty
of free warren in all. He was beheaded by command of Richard, Duke
of Gloucester, afterwards Richard III., on Tower Hill, in June, 1483, and
was buried in St. Stephen’s Chapel on the north side of the choir of
St. George’s, Windsor, where a magnificent screen, with the arms of
Hastings (avg., a maunch, sad.) on the cornice, still remains. His wife
Katharine, Lady Hastings, desired to be buried in the Parish Church of
Ashby, in the Lady Chapel there, between the image of Our Lady and the
place assigned for the vicar’s grave.
' This William, Lord Hastings, founded a chauntry in St. George’s, part of the
endowment coming out of the manor of Alveston, Yorks. This fact, no
doubt, accounts for his interment at Windsor, and it is perhaps by no
casual coincidence that his body reposes so near to that of his great bene- .
factor.
Dr. Fuller relates that in 1475, William, Lord Hastings, had 2 lords, 9
knights, 58 esquires, and 20 gentlemen of note retained by indenture during
their lives to take his part against all persons whatever, the king only
excepted.
The last of the name of Hastings of Ashby was Elizabeth, who succeeded
to the estates on the death of her brother, Francis, tenth Earl, in 1789. Her
hand was sought and won by John, Lord Rawdon, of Ireland, who was
created Earl of Moira in 1761. His lordship died in 1793, leaving issue.
Thus the descendants of the Beaumais, the Zouches, the Hastings, and the
sister of the great Earl of Warwick, “the King Maker,” are still lords of
Ashby and the owners of their once stately home.
Nichols relates some very curious particulars about Henry Hastings (second
son of George Hastings, the fourth Earl of Huntingdon), lord of the manor of
Piddletown, in Dorset, living 1636. He was by no means distinguished for
piety, but exceedingly hospitable, and was greatly addicted to rural sports.
The pulpit in the chapel attached to his mansion was his private cup-
board, and never wanted a cold chine of beef, venison pasty, gammon of
pasty, or a great apple pie, with thick crust extremely baked.
REPORT. Xxiil
He rode to the death of the stag at the age of 80 as well as the youngest
of his band, and died at the age of 100 with his sight unimpaired.
Col. Henry Hastings, second son of Earl Henry, took a very active part on
the side of his Royal master in the civil wars. At the head of his troop was
displayed a remarkable banner—‘‘ Gu/es, from the fesse, and in pale, nearly
extending to the top of the chief, an arch masoned Ar., representing a burn-
ing oven fiery furnace. In fesse, or a little under it on a scroll, its ends raised
and then bending inwards, points downwards and turned, avy., and shaded
vert., lined ov, in Roman letters, sad/e, ‘‘ Quasi ignis conflatoris,” fringed
arg. and purple.”
This Henry diedin 1666, and was buried near his ancestor, Lord William,
in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor.
THE FABRIC AND HISTORY OF THE CASTLE.
Having traced the descent of the Manor, with your permission I will say a
few words on the Castle.
The erection of the present building is usually attributed to William, Lord
Hastings, because he obtained leave to crenelate his house in or about the
year 1474. It is quite true that the greatest part of the fabric was constructed
by this nobleman, but there are much older portions remaining.
There are features within the Kitchen Tower of the Decorated period of
architecture, viz.: the inner arches and lining of the two east windows—the
rising of the vaulting from the corbels, etc. The butteries and the great hall
are of a still more remote age; indeed, the inner masonry of ‘‘ broad and
narrow work” must have been constructed by the Belmais family about the
end of the 12th century. The treatment of the masonry is very like the work
in the lower part of the tower of Mansfield Church, erected about 1150. The
grand dining hall is especially interesting. Here, the ‘‘ broad and narrow
work ” is visible on every side, shewing its venerable antiquity ; and its ample
dimensions silently bear testimony to the grandeur and the hospitality of its
earliest possessors.
At each end of the hall are two engaged shafts or columns of the
Decorated style, inserted in the older masonry about the year 1300—
showing that at that time the roof was supported by two series of arches,
giving it the appearance of the nave and aisles of one of our old churches.
At the western end was the minstrel’s gallery, the approach to which was
from the rooms above the butteries. Beneath this gallery was a passage
connecting both courtyards, as at Haddon. A porch was constructed at each
end of this passage in later times.
A buttress of the Decorated period, ¢. 1300, supports the north wall of
the great Dining Hall. Indications of windows of the same period appear
on the outside of the south wall close to the outer margins of the present
windows, which were probably inserted about the year 1550, by Francis,
Lord Hastings, second Earl of Huntingdon, who married Katharine, daughter
of Henry Pole, Locd Montacute, whose magnificent tomb, with their effigies,
XXIV REPORT.
still adorns the church close by. I attribute these Renazssance windows to
him, because, when Simmonds visited Ashby in 1645, they were chiefly
adorned with shields of painted glass commemorating this alliance.
The Chapel also exhibits features earlier than the time of William, Lord
Hastings, ¢.g., the piscina is of the 14th century, c. 1370. The doorway too,
in the north wall of the chapel, is of the same period ; it was blocked by the
recasing of the outer face of the wall at the time of the enlargement and
adornment of the castle in 1474.
This recasing of the old work is a very marked feature in Ashby Castle, and
is very misleading to the casual observer. There is an old niche for a
crossbowman in the south wall of the castle enclosure near the Earl’s Tower ;
it is of 14th century work, whilst its surroundings would indicate a later
period of construction. It appears to have defended an angle of the
earlier wall.
Leland relates that for the building or repairing of this castle at Ashby,
Lord Hastings took the lead off Belvoir Castle, which had been committed
to his keeping. He also plundered another seat belonging to the same
Lord Roos called Stoke D’Albanye, and carried part of the materials
to Ashby.
From what remains, it is quite clear that the structure was quadrangular,
and that it was enclosed within high and massive walls, with battlements,
parapets, and embrasures for artillery.
In the centre of each outer wall was a high tower, crowned with battlements
and machiolations, standing half in and half out of the enclosure, so as to
cover (in a military sense) the outer face of the wall.
At each angle, and gathered out of the wall at a considerable elevation,
was erected an octangular projecting tower subordinate to the greater towers,
but serving also to defend the outer walls.
Between the angle turrets and the towers were sheltering recesses in the
outer walls, with embrasures for crossbowmen.
The old entrance to the castle is to me clearly indicated by the direction of
the town streets. It would not be on the eastern or western sides, because a
gateway tower would be superfluous in these walls. I am firmly of opinion
that the approach to the fortress led through ‘‘Church Street,” across the
western portion of the churchyard (enclosed and consecrated of late years),
and so to the gateway tower standing in the north wall, probably at its
western corner.
The present long range of buildings from the Kitchen Tower to the chapel
divided the enclosure into two courts, a north and a south. The outer or
entrance court (three sides of which have entirely disappeared) contained (as
was usual in such buildings) the necessary offices for servants, stowage, fuel,
and other requisites. The inner court included lodgings for more distinguished
visitors, and the last retreat (the High Tower) in case of imminent danger.
A subterranean passage extends from the cellar of the kitchen tower to a
triangular structure in a field on the eastern side of the castle, about 300
yards distant. This passage is now closed.
REPORT. XXV
There can be no doubt but that both towers were connected by the same
underground channel, which would thus form a ‘“‘bolt hole” for each
in time of emergency. The high tower commonly called the ‘‘ Earl’s Tower,”
but which I may term the ees, was guarded by a portcullis, the grooves
for which may still be seen.
One account of the castle states that this tower was inhabited by the
garrison, and was fortified for the general defence of the whole. building, and
that the West, or Kitchen Tower, was inhabited by the lord’s family. On
what grounds these statements are made I cannot tell. The Kitchen Tower
had but one story above the kitchen vaulting, whereas the High Tower has
four stories, the three uppermost of which were of a most ornate character.
The lowest consisted of a gloomy cellar. The second was a lofty vaulted
chamber or hall, with windows adorned with beautiful tracery. The third
story may have contained the best sleeping rooms, whilst in the uppermost
were rooms of no ordinary character, as may be seen by the ornate decorations
of a mantlepiece in the north wall.
The small tower adjoining the newell on the east side of the keep consists
of six stories, besides the basement chamber, and was probably occupied by
servants or subordinate officers of the household when necessary.
The windows of the Great Hall were adorned with shields of arms in
the time of Charles I. Mr. Simmonds, a great herald and antiquary,
accompanied the King to Ashby, and has left an interesting memorandum of
it in his collections. He observed in these windows several coats of the arms
of Hastings ‘‘ newly set up,” and also Hastings impaling Quarterly—1st and
4th quarterly avg., 3 mascles in fesse, ¢z/es, for Montacute ; 2nd and 3rd per
pale, or and sad/e, a saltire engrailed counterchanged, for Pole; 2nd gz/es,
a saltire, avg., with a label of 3 points gabonné, avg. and azure, for Nevile,
Earl of Salisbury and Warwick ; 3rd as the 2nd, and 4th as the Ist.
In the recess of a fireplace in the Queen of Scots’ apartment are the arms of
Hastings quartering Plantagenet (Margaret, sister to Edward IV.) Pole, and
Hungerford, carved in stone, and placed there for safety.
There are three more shields of arms in stone near the top of the staircase
of the Earl’s Tower. The two outer shields have simply the ‘‘ maunch,”
the arms of Hastings; but the inner shield has a fesse between six birds,
apparently ‘‘ rising,” impaling the arms of Montacute, Earl of Salisbury.
For a short time Ashby Castle was one of the lodging houses or prisons of
Mary, Queen of Scots; she came here the last week of November, 1569,
when on her way from Tutbury to Coventry, and, as appears by a letter dated
December 20, from Sir Walter Mildmay, then Chancellor of the Exchequer,
she was then in the joint custody of the Earls of Huntingdon and Shrewsbury.
The Queen was detained at Ashby more than two months. The Earl of
Huntingdon’s trust continued until August, 1572. She was afterwards
removed to Buxton, then to Sheffield, 1576; to Chatsworth, 1577 ; to Buxton,
1580; to Worksop, 1583; to Wingfield Manor, 1583-5; to Tutbury; to
Chartley, 1585; and finally to Fotheringay, 1586.
XXV1 REPORT.
James I. was entertained at Ashby, by the then Earl of Huntingdon, with
his whole court for many days, during which time dinner was served by thirty
poor knights, wearing velvet gowns and gold chains. The cost of this visit
was defrayed by the sale of twenty-four manors and thirty-two lordships.
The Earl was also favoured by a visit from Anne, the Queen of James L.,
and his son Prince Henry.
In the time of the Civil Wars, Ashby Castle was fortified for the king by
Col. Henry Hastings (second son of Henry, Earl of Huntingdon) before men-
mentioned, afterwards created Lord Loughborough, who maintained frequent
skirmishes with Lord Grey of Groby.
During these troublesome times, the Castle served as a place of refuge for
several learned divines of the Church of England who had been hunted out
of their benefices.
On the 25th of May, 1645, the kirg marched to Ashby on his way to
Leicester to invest the garrison taere commanded by Lord Grey.
After the surrender of the town, on the Ist June, the king appointed Lord
Loughborough governor of the garrison at Leicester.
Very soon afterwards, after the king’s disastrous defeat at Naseby, on the
14th of the same month, the chronicler writes—‘‘ Towards night on that
dismal Saturday we marched (for we had left running) to Ashby about ten in
the morning, and went to Lichfield that night, and thence to Wales.”
On the 18th, after the surrender of Leicester, Lord Loughborough returned
to Ashby, and on the 20th Sir Thomas Fairfax’s army sat down before Ashby,
which for several months after was closely beseiged. In September the gar-
rison was reduced to60 men. At the end of October 600 more of the king’s
forces joined them. In January, 1645-6, the garrison made several suc-
cessful sallies, but on the 7th of February, at night, a strong party of horse
came from Leicester undiscovered, surprised the sentinels, fell in at the turn-
pike, broke the chain, and entered fhe town, where they took 100 horse
with much pillage, and returned to Leicester without opposition.
On Saturday, 28th February, the articles for the surrender of the Castle
were agreed to by Parliament. By these articles it was appointed that on
Tuesday, March 3rd, 1645, Col.-General Hastirgs should begin to sleight the
works and fortifications of the town and garrison of Ashby, and that at the
end of three months Col. Hastings should deliver the Castle into the hands
of his brother the Earl of Huntingdon.
“* At the end of November, 1648, the Parliament then sitting at Leicester,
having sent some of their members to view Ashby Castle, employed divers
persons to demolish these goodly towers by undermining. William Bain-
brigg, of Lockington, commanding a party of horse for that occasion, and
having the oversight thereof.”*
After this event the family of Hastings fixed their abode at Donington
Park.
et Ee eee
* Nicholls’ Lezcestershire.
REPORT. XXVil
At the conclusion of the paper Mr. Kerry conducted the party
over the ancient Castle of Ashby, explaining the different archi-
tectural features. After a careful examination of the Castle ruins,
the visitors were hospitably entertained at tea at the Manor House,
by Mr. Hemsley.
The return journey was made via Burton-on-Trent, Derby being
reached at 7.48 p.m.
Mr. Albert Hartshorne, F.S.A,, who was prevented from being
present at this expedition, contributed the following paper upon
the pilgrim effigy in the Church :—
Most of the antiquaries who have taken up the study of monumental effigies
soon discover that it is occasionally desirable, and by no means unprofitable,
to turn from the contemplation of figures of warriors, ecclesiastics, or states-
men, in which the same general armour, vestments, or costumes may be
observed with only that variety which changes in fashion or individual caprice
brought about, to consider the effigies of a smaller class, each of which
represents a distinct type of dress. One of these figures has been fortunately
spared to us in the Church of Ashby-de-la-Zouche.
To this special class belong such effigies as that of a knight at Connington,
in Huntingdonshire, who is shown wearing the cowl of a Franciscan friar
over his hauberk of mail; that of a forester, at Glinton, Northamptonshire,
in the full habit of a Verderer ; that of Sir Peter Leigh (1527) at Winwick,
Lancashire, habited in a chasuble over his armour; that of Sir Thomas
Tresham (1559) wearing the mantle of a Hospitaller over his harness ; and
that of Sir John Crosby (1475) wearing an alderman’s gown over his armour.
Perhaps the most interesting of figures such as these is that now before us,
and it is the more attractive to students of costume, because it is quite
unique of its kind.
In the case of Sir Peter Leigh, we know the knight in the latter part of his
life joined the priesthood. In that of the knight at Connington, we gather
from the peculiar costume that he was one of those who, as the great
seventeenth century poet has it—
. « "To be sure of Paradise,
Dying put on the weeds of Dominic,
Or in Franciscan thought to pass disguised.”
As a notable instance of this custom, the remains of the historic friar’s
weed, the passport of the worst, though the ablest of the Angevins through
Purgatory, were found on the head of King John when his coffin was opened
at Worcester, in 1797. Another remarkable example is the monument of
Robert the Wise, died 1343, in the church of Santa Chiara, at Naples. A
few days before his death the King assumed the habit of a Franciscan, and
XXViil REPORT.
he is represented on his monument in two characters. In the upper part of
the structure he is seated in his royal robes, and below he lies in effigy upon a
tomb, clothed in the garb of a Franciscan, and holding his crown.
Clement V., Pope 1305-1314, remitted to those buried in the habit of a
friar the fourth part of all their sins. In a letter from Latimer, he says—‘‘I
have thought in time past that if I had been a friar, and in a cowl, I could
not have been damned, nor afraid of death.” Gilpin, in ‘‘ The Beehive of
the Roman Church” (translated by him from the Dutch), says in his
pretended reproof of the heretics, ‘‘ They do not greatly glorie to bee buried
in a monke’s greasie hood.” Many other quotations might be given illustrative
of the practice.
But to return to the effigy at Ashby. Here we have a full-sized alabaster
effigy of a man in the full garb of a pilgrim. Now, what isa pilgrim?
A pilgrim is a person who travels for the purpose of visiting the shrines or
tombs of holy men. He was in no way bound by his religion to go; indeed,
St. Gregory says that pilgrimages are not enjoined by the Scriptures ; and
St. Augustine says that our Lord did not command us to go to the East
to seek justification, or to sail to the furthest West to obtain forgiveness.
The earliest pilgrimages were made in the time of Constantine, to the
Holy Land. The Empress Helena proceeded to Palestine, according to
Eusebius, and built the church of the Holy Sepulchre. In the course of
time the practice increased and expanded to other places,—to the shrine
of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome, to that of St. James of Compostella, to
that of St. Gregory at Tours, to that of Our Lady of Loreto, to the tomb of
Thomas a Becket at Canterbury, and to several other places.
Those men who journeyed to Palestine came to bear a palm leaf in their
hats, hence called ‘‘ Palmers,” and such as went that ancient and renowned
pilgrimage to Compostella wore the scallop shell.
Why did a man go on a pilgrimage ?
In the early days the main reason was to obtain forgiveness ; in later times,
in order for a pleasant trip in sunny lands in fine weather with some definite
and harmless object at the end of it. Thus Chaucer :—
“ Whanne that April with his shoures sote
The droughte of March hath perced to the rote.
And small foules maken melodie,
That slepen alle night with open eye,
So priketh hem nature in his courages,
Than longen folk to gon on pilgrimages.”
What sign or proof did he bring back with him to show his friends that he
had actually made the journey to the great shrine at Compostella ?
He there obtained, if he was wealthy and of rank, a jet Szgvzacelum of the
saint, duly blessed, or, if of humble condition, a leaden or pewter sign. The
former are objects of high rarity, the latter have been commonly found in
REPORT. XXX
different parts of the country, and, in divers forms, such as crosses, ampuls,
shells, &c., have been attributed to different shrines and places.
With more particular reference to the Ashby Pilgrim, the effigy represents,
in all probability, Ralph, second son of that Leonard Hastings who flourished
in the time of Henry VI. Beyond the fact that he seems to have been attached
to the person of Edward IV. (1461-1483) and made the journey to Compostella,
nothing is known of him. He wears a sc/avine with wide open sleeves over
the ¢znzic, his hair flows freely to the shoulders, and on the left side is slung
the scrzf, fastened with two straps, and decorated with scallop shells. He carries
a bourdon, or staft, under the left arm, his legs are clad in osen, and his feet
shod with dvots laced in front. Under the right shoulder appears a broad-
brimmed hat, ornamented with a scallop shell. A mutilated string of beads
or rosary—probably obtained from Compostella—hangs transversely from
the left shoulder, and round the neck is a collar of SS, the mark of the
wearer’s attachment to the person of the king. The gourd, or bottle, does
not appear. The whole dress has been originally painted black, with the
exception of the /osez, which have been red ; the hair has been a dark brown,
The Vision of Piers Plowman, written about the time when this individual
was living, gives the following description of a pilgrim and his travels :—
~ ** Apparelled as a paynin
In pilgrimes’ wise,
A bowl and a bag
He bar by his side;
And hundreds of ampuls
On his hat setten—
Signs of Sinai,
And shells of Galice,
And many a crouch on his cloak.
For men should know
And see by his signs
Whom he sought had.
The folks frayned him first
Fro whennes he come.
‘From Sinai,’ he said,
‘And from our Lord’s sepulchre,
In Bethlem and in Babiloyn,
I have been in both;
In Armory and Alisandre,
In many other places ;
You may see by my signs
That sitten on mine hat,
That I have walked full wide
In weet and in dry,
And sought good Saints
For my soul’s health.’”
Leonard Hastings seems to have been an extensive traveller.
XXX REPORT.
The following lines, said to be by Sir Walter Raleigh, apply very well
to the effigy at Ashby :—
“Give me my scallop shell of quiet,
My staff of faith to rest upon,
My scrip of joy, immortal diet,
My bottle of salvation,
My gown of glory (hope’s true gage)
And thus I’ll make my pilgrimage.”
And we can imagine him saying, when his life’s pilgrimage was coming to
a close—
‘‘Here down my wearied limbs I'll lay,
My buttoned staff, my weed of grey,
My palmer’s hat, my scallop shell,
My cross, my cord, and all farewell.”
And here we may safely leave him.
The next expedition of the Society was held on Saturday,
August 13th, to Castleton. The party left Derby at 9.27 a.m. in
special saloons attached to the train for Hassop. From Hassop
Station breaks (provided by Mr. Greaves, of Bakewell) conveyed
the party via Hope to Castleton. Luncheon was taken at the
Bull’s Head Hotel, after which the party proceeded to the Peak
Castle, where Mr. St. John Hope read a carefully prepared and
most valuable paper upon the history and architecture of the
Castle.*
After examining the ruins the party dispersed, some visiting
the Peak Cavern, others the Church with its library attached.
Mr. Keene meanwhile took several platinotype views of the
Castle from different points. At 5 15, the breaks left Castleton
for Buxton, whence the return journey to Derby was made at 7.45.
A third expedition was made by the Society on Wednesday,
October rgth, to Horsley. The party left Derby in special saloon
carriages attached to the 1.30 p.m. train for Coxbench. From
Coxbench Station the party walked to the site of Horsley Castle,
where the Rev. Charles Kerry read a valuable paper upon the
history of the Castle. This paper will be found as a separate con-
“ This paper, at Mr. Hope’s special request, is held over untilsome further
research can be made in the records, and by possible excavations on the site of
the Castle. An abstract of part of the paper has been printed in the Re/iguary.
REPORT, XXXi
tribution in another part of this volume. From Horsley Castle the
party walked to Horsley Church, where the Vicar, the Rev. G.
Thompson, received the visitors and conducted them over the
building. After viewing the Church, the party walked to Kilburn,
where tea was provided at the Hunter’s Arms Hotel. The return
journey was made from Kilburn Station at 4.34 p-m.
During the past year the attention of your Council has not
been called to any specially important point of archeological
interest. Advice has been asked and given upon several questions,
all tending to prove, we may hope, an ever-growing confidence in
the value of this Society’s work. The Council would again urge
upon all members, and particularly upon newly joining members
the importance of keeping a constant look out for any proceeding
of interest bearing upon the work of the Society, and of reporting
the same at once.
We have to record with deep regret the removal by death, in
the past year, of two of our elected members of Council. The
first of these, Thomas Evans, F.G.S., H.M. Inspector of Mines,
was perhaps the most regular attendant at our Council and all
our other meetings ; always most keen in his interest in our work,
and wise in his sterling good advice, we valued his presence
amongst us on all occasions, and we sincerely feel his loss. The
second member of Council who has been taken from us is
Dr. Dolman, one of our more recently elected members, but a
regular attendant at our meetings, and one who took a real interest
in the work of the Society.
The Editor desires to express his regret that the further instal-
ment of the Calendar of Fines for the County is so very short in
this volume of the Journal. It is hoped that fresh arrangements
will be made for its continuation in a more rapid manner for the
future. The failure of this promised continuation, and the
non-arrival, until too late, of two other promised papers, has
made this volume of less bulk than was intended.
In placing two of the papers that were read to the Society in
the smaller type of the Report, rather than among the separate
papers of the Journal proper, it is merely intended to note the
* -
XXXli REPORT.
distinction between papers relative to the County, and those that
it may be occasionally right to print with regard to outside subjects
of interest. It seems right to maintain the position, which it
would be well if more of our County Archeological Societies
followed, that the chief aim and object of the association should
be to elucidate and illustrate matters within the shire whose name
the Society bears.
The illustrations of this year’s Journal are not so costly as
usual, as the expense of three of them has been shared with
another publication, and Lord Vernon has most kindly contributed
the two plates that illustrate the Vernon chronicle.
The Editor wishes to state to the general members, as he has
already done to the Council, that, though he shall always take the
greatest interest in this Society, and in the county of his birth, he
is quite willing at any time to yield the editorship to a Derbyshire
resident, for he feels the disadvantage that at times arises through
his distance from the county. Meanwhile, so long as he is Editor,
he hopes the members will continue to be forward in suggesting
and supplying articles of interest. There are many questions of
importance, both in archeology and natural history, that have not
yet been taken up, or only imperfectly handled ; whilst as to the
stores of Derbyshire history at the Public Record Office, British
Museum, Bodleian, etc., they are practically inexhaustible.
Our total number of members has again increased, and if all
arrears of subscription were cleared off up to the end of 1887, the
balance sheet would present a far more satisfactory appearance
than it does at present. Your Council has no further cause for
feeling other than satisfied with the tenth year of our proceedings.
ARTHUR COX,
Mill Hill, Derby, Hon. See.
January rgth, 1888.
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DERBYSHIRE ARCHAOLOGICAL
AND
INATURAL History BOCIETY,
Fo oe
Giweswell Dale Auarvy.
By GEORGE FLETCHER.
Ea BIBOUT a mile from the railway station at Miller’s Dale,
near the lower road towards Tideswell, is a limestone
quarry. Toacasual observer it appears to be very
uninteresting, but a geological eye discerns much that
will afford valuable aid in elucidating the past physical
geography of the district.
I have said that it is a limestone quarry, but it contains a large
quantity of hard, dark-coloured rock, found in many other parts
of Derbyshire, interstratified with the limestone. This rock,
which occupies a considerable portion of the quarry, presents
features of great interest. It occurs at Miller’s Dale, Matlock
Bath, Ashover, Elton, and many other places in the county. ‘The
different exposures present various points of difference, but all
resemble each other in certain distinguishing characteristics. For
example, the rock is crystalline in structure, and examination of a
thin section under the microscope proves it to be a volcanic lava.
This conclusion rests, not merely upon the nature of the crystalline
constituents of the rock, but upon what may be termed its macro-
scopic peculiarities and its mode of occurrence. Its mineralogical
VoL, x I
2 TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
constitution differs slightly in different districts. The following
are the minerals which enter the composition of that found in
Tideswell Dale :—Olivine Augite, and Plagioclase Felspar.
Magnetite is also present. In many places, as at Matlock, the
rock contains hollow vesicles, produced when the rock was in a
molten condition. Water, doubtless disseminated throughout the
molten mass prior to its eruption, passed on the withdrawal of
pressure consequent upon ejection, into the condition of steam,
expanding, and thus producing the cavities. They are common
in modern lavas.
There is very goo! reason for thinking that the volcano which
gave rise to the rock described was submarine, and in some
districts the vesicles are filled with calcite and other minerals,
doubtless subsequently deposited from an aqueous solution. In
some places the white patches of calcite give to a freshly fractured
surface of the rock a peculiar appearance, which has been con-
sidered so like the marks on the body of a toad that the rock is
known as Toadstone. The name has also come to be applied to
the Derbyshire basalt generally. The toadstone (dolerite) in this
quarry is particularly interesting, because it well illustrates—on
a small scale, it is true—several peculiar phenomena observed to
accompany the cooling of volcanic lavas. It is a well-known fact
that in the case of almost all known bodies, decrease of tempera-
ture is accompanied by contraction. It will be seen that in a
stream of molten lava the cooling will not proceed uniformly in
all parts of the mass. The upper surface will cool more rapidly
than the lower surface, and the surface generally will cool before
the interior. There are thus set up in the mass stresses which
ultimately overcome the cohesion between the particles, and the
stream becomes broken up by a number of divisional planes
termed “joints.” Under certain circumstances, if the mass be
homogeneous, it will, in cooling, split up into a number of pris-
matic columns, sometimes of remarkable regularity, and having
their axes perpendicular to the main cooling surfaces. The
number of sides possessed by the columns are various, but they
are usually hexagonal. It is not my purpose in this short paper
TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES. 3
to go into the question of the production of the prismatic structure,
but to give several typical examples. That of the Giant’s Cause-
way is sufficiently well known. Here, as is frequently the case,
the columns are divided at regular intervals by transverse joints,
the segments exhibiting a cup and ball structure, doubtless the
result of further contraction. In Wales the columns are commonly
used for gate-posts. A magnificent example occurs in the Horn-
graben Valley, in the Eifel district of Germany. Ina quarry cut
into a lava stream which flowed from one of the craters of the
neighbouring Mosenberg, are to be seen numerous columns, some
of which are over three feet in width, and considerably more than
one hundred feet in length (Fig. 1).
It is worthy of note that this prismatic columnar structure can
be produced artificially, and not only as a result of contraction in
cooling, but as a result of shrinkage, due to loss of moisture.
Fig. 2 is a sketch kindly furnished by
my friend, Mr. Ward (for the use of
whose notes I am much indebted), of a
piece of starch, in which the columnar
structure has been developed by drying.
ANNAN T\\\R \\
NN
Win
He informs me that it was not pro
duced at ordinary atmospheric tem-
peratures, but that if a mass of
starch, which had been allowed to Fig. 2.
slowly dry, and in which the structure had not been developed,
4 TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
were held before a brisk fire, it would be produced. In
a section by the roadside in Tideswell Dale, above the quarry,
is a bed of what appears to be hardened clay, but which is
most probably a volcanic mud, in which the columnar structure
is exceedingly well shown on a small scale. The columns seldom
exceed an inch in diameter, and run to a considerable length, being
transversely divided by cracks which traverse several contiguous
columns. The bed is about nine feet in thickness. This was
seen on a somewhat larger scale in the quarry itself some time
ago, when the columns averaged two or three inches in diameter,
having a length of ten feet or more. This bed is not to be seen
now. ‘The relation of the bed on the roadside to the toadstone
is not well seen, but in the quarry it immediately underlay
it. There can be no doubt that the structure was produced in
the mud by contact with the hot bed of lava.
Another peculiarity of structure, well seen in the quarry, is that
known as “ Spheroidal.”” Before describing it, however, it would
be well to again mention the relation of the various beds in
the quarry. We have, forming the floor of the quarry, a grey lime-
stone, containing the hard parts of innumerable coral animals.
This is overlaid by the bed of columnar volcanic material pre-
viously referred to, and this is followed by a rock, having a dirty
black appearance—the “toadstone.” The face of the quarry
consists of this rock, and presents a peculiar appearance. It
appears as though, when in a plastic condition, it had sustained a
siege, and the cannon balls had imbedded themselves in its mass.
These are the “spheroids” mentioned above (Fig. 5, section). If
oneof them be struck smartly with a hammer, one or more concentric
shells or coats will fall away from the globular mass, and another
knock may bring away several more. Indeed some of them possess
as many as fourteen or sixteen coats, enclosing a hard nucleus or
kernel-—they cannot be likened to anything better than an onion.
In size they range from two to nine or more inches in diameter.
This structure has been observed elsewhere. The segments of
columns of volcanic lavas often contain these spheroids. The
drawing (Fig. 3) is a sketch of the famous Cheese Cellar or
TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES, 5
Grotto near Bad-Bertrich, in the Eifel district. It is a passage
cut through a lava stream which flowed from one of the neigh-
bouring tertiary volcanos. Lava columns form the sides of the
passage, the roof exhibiting transverse sections. They are divided
by transverse joints at regular intervals, and the angles and edges
of the sections having fallen away, the columns resemble piles of
Gruyére cheeses. This falling away of the edges and angles results
partly from the action of the weather, and partly from a pre-dis-
position in the segments to break away at these points. For my
own part I cannot see how weathering can wholly account for the
spheroidal structure. I append an interesting letter on the subject
from Mr. Ward.
Close by the Cheese Grotto, the bed of the Uesbach is com-
pletely tesselated with the transverse sections of columns, which
are remarkably regular.
The limestone strata underlying the toadstone contribute
several important items of evidence as to the geographical and
climatic conditions of the period. These strata, as has been said,
are coralline, and there can be little doubt that they formed a
coral reef in the limestone sea of the Carboniferous period.
:
6 TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
In the quarry have been found slabs of a finely laminated
limestone, the upper sur-
faces of which are traversed
by a network of surface
cracks. Their appearance
is represented in Figure
4, which is a_ sketch of
a portion of a_ slab,
measuring about sixteen
inches in length, in my Surcracked Surface of Coral Mud
possession. Fig: 4.
The question of the origin of these cracks is extremely
interesting. They resemble the cracks produced in the mud
bottom of a pond dried by the sun’s heat. How can we
explain their production? It has been suggested that they might
be produced by heated volcanic matter having been poured over
the mud. This is, I think, a very unlikely explanation. The
action of a stream of volcanic matter would be quite different.
Instead of being quietly deposited upon it and cracking its surface,
it would lead to considerable disturbance, and we might expect
that the junction between the two would be anything but sharp.
This seems the more certain when we reflect that, as the volcano
was submarine, the material over which the volcanic matter flowed
would be soft. Indeed, where we have been able to find the
junction between the toadstone and the limestone, as in Ember
Lane, near Bonsall, we find it to be characterised by a
heterogeneous rock, consisting of volcanic matter, enclosing
altered fragments of limestone. But the theory is completely and
for ever disposed of, by the discovery in the quarry, of slabs of
limestone, precisely similar in character to those containing the
cracks, but bearing upon their surface the casts of the cracks. It
could not therefore have been hot volcanic matter which produced
the cracks. What then? The evidence is most striking and
conclusive. They are undoubtedly the cracks produced by
drying, and consequent shrinkage under the action of the
sun’s heat.
a
TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES. 7
1 have compared the cracks with those produced in the muddy
bottom of a pond. ‘There is, however, an important point of
difference. Whereas the cracks produced in the bottom of a pond
(resulting as they do from the continued action of the sun’s
heat during a dry season) are comparatively deep, those in our
coral mud are merely surface cracks, the deepest of them being,
in those specimens which I have seen, never more than th of an
inch in depth. From this, and several other considerations, I
conclude that these cracks have been produced between the periods
of high water. But then, why should they not have been
obliterated by the returning tide? For the same reason that the
ripple-marks, rain-pittings, and footprints, so well known in certain
sandstones, were not obliterated. To make this clearer, let me
briefly summarise the story of these stony hieroglyphics as I
interpret it.
There existed in the region of our quarry, in the old limestone
sea, a coral reef, on which, in the tropical climate of the period,
myriads of coral polypes lived, reproduced their kind, and died.
Existing coral reefs do not, however, consist entirely of the
remains of the coral polypes. Large masses of the true coral
rock are broken off by the action of the breakers on the outside
of the reef, some of which are flung up and accumulate above
high water mark. Others are ground down by the action of the
waves into a fine calcareous mud. Observations on coral reefs
show that a considerable portion of the shores of the lagoons are
covered with this mud. Our laminated and cracked specimens
are undoubtedly of this nature. The laminations indicate fresh
additions of mud brought by the waves, and during one of the
intervals between high water the cracks were produced. On the
return of the tide a fresh layer of mud was deposited, which filled
up the cracks, and protected them from the further action of the
waves. The hammer of the quarryman or the geologist, has
split the mass of hardened limestone along this plane of slight
cohesion, and the cracks and their casts are revealed to the
human eye.
It was during the time that this little page in the world’s history
8 TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
was being written that the volcano which produced our Derbyshire
toadstone sprung into activity.
These are some of the facts which a study of this quarry
discloses. It is greatly to be regretted that in a county so
geologically interesting as ours is, there are not more who
would take up the study. It is a reproach to the county that it
has not a representative geological association. There is ample
work for such a body. It is, however, consoling to remember that
the work is not wholly neglected—there are several gentlemen
working among us devoting themselves to the study—and it is not
too much to hope that before long we shall witness the fruit of
their labours.
SS
es eae A >
Further Notes on TiTeswell Dale Quarry,
By JoHn’ Warp,*
| T is several years since I was in Tideswell Dale Quarry ;
«6 but I remember it well, for it was then that I first
made my acquaintance with ‘“Spheroids.” They
particularly attracted my attention, for I almost at
once began to doubt the usual theory of their origin—as due to
the cooling and contraction of the rock in the process of
solidification. Since then the occasional examination of the
phenomena elsewhere, in the same rock (Toadstone) of the
district, has only tended to strengthen my conviction.
I do not dispute the possibility of structures known under this
name in igneous rocks, to arise from such causes as the theory
implies. I have a photograph of greenstone at Cader Idris, which
at the first glance is remarkably like the rock containing spheroids,
at Tideswell. But upon closer inspection wide differences will be
noticed between them. ‘The spheroids of Tideswell consist of
rounded cores (A, Fig. 5), each enveloped in a series of zones
or shells (BB) (giving the appearance of a stony onion to the
structure) ; sometimes there are as many as 14 or 16 of these
zones, and the diameters of these spheroids range from two or
. three to nine inches. At Cader the ‘‘ nodules” are much more
irregular in shape, and there are no traces of such shells, in
*Mr. Fletcher also supplies us with the following further notes on Tideswell
Dale Quarry and igneous rocks, by Mr. John Ward, which were written to
him in the form of a letter commenting on his own notes.—ED.
1o FURTHER NOTES ON TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
fact, the tendency is to a vadzate structure by means of more
or less distinct cracks
arranged in that manner,
and more pronounced to-
wards the centres of the
nodules. Another wide dif-
ference is in the jointing
of the two rocks, and the
relation of the spheroids
to them. At Tideswell,
the jointing is precisely as
in those parts of the same
rock where spheroids are
absent — an irregular ar-
rangement of cracks
Fig. 5. (CCCC), without any ap-
parent order, breaking up the rock into irregular polyhedral
masses, each being the seat of a spheroid (when present), the
subordinate (or spheroidal) system of jointing of which, gives
rise to the nucleus and its succession of concentric shells.
But at Cader only one system obtains—the rock-joints ;
and it is their peculiar curvy arrangement that break the
rock up into these nodular masses—just as it is the peculiar
geometrical arrangement of the rock-joints which give rise
to prismatic structure in basalt. Hence, while it is right
to speak of these latter as /Vodular (I prefer this name to
“‘Spheroidal,” in this case) and Prismatic structures, I deem it
more correct, in the former case, to speak of the vock as
Spheroidiferous.
We will not enter into the difficult subject of rock-joints-—
sufficient it is for us that the jointing of the two varieties of Toad-
stone, above mentioned, is identical. How came the Spheroids ?
1. The TZoadstone above mentioned: as yet I have found
only one variety of this rock to be spheroidiferous; and,
in’ this, as already intimated, the presence of spheroids
is by no means the rule. This variety is a dense,
‘wpirs
FURTHER NOTES ON TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES. 11
homogeneous, and hard Diabase, of a black-grey colour, tinged
with green; fracture conchoidal and dull; and sound when
struck metallic.
2. In each case where I have observed spheroids, the rock
containing them has not only occurred near the surface (as in our
quarry, where the spheroidiferous variety is found at a higher
level, and near the land surface, and the other variety lower
down), but under circumstances that lead to the conviction that
this proximity to the surface has obtained for an immense period of
time—a period comparable with that during which a considerable
depth of the valleys of the district has been excavated. This
proximity with the surface means that, for this length of time, the
rock has been in close relationship with the gases and moistures
that operate from the surface; and which, where the underlying
_ rocks are susceptible to their mechanical and chemical energies,
do so mighty a work of rock-disintegration and metamorphosis.
Diabase being a complex rock of igneous origin, and containing a
large percentage of potassium and sodium salts, is highly
susceptible to decomposition or alteration in presence of aerial
or humid re-agents. And in every case of Spheroidiferous
variety of the above that I have seen, some such _ process
has taken place,—the cores being always of wzaltered rock;
but the enveloping shells of a Jooser texture—so friable,
sometimes, as to crumble into a coarse powder between
ay the fingers, and the colour
Boe ee ee _ais decidedly brownish. This
' . cans change, which is undoubtedly
i. Chemical, may often be
con iN discerned in the superficial
on parts of stray exposed blocks
of this stone, as for instance,
in walls. I found some good
examples in the dedrzs of this
\ quarry — blocks of the un-
ONS spheroidal variety, which showed
Fig. 6. signs of having been exposed
I2 FURTHER NOTES ON TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
for some considerable time. They could be instantly de-
detected, by their brownish hue, or by a gentle blow of the
a blow quite insufficient to break the unaltered stone—
when a part of the altered material would “shell” off, leaving
the sub-angular nucleus of unaltered stone exposed, which, if
entirely stripped of its ‘‘ shell,” would be found to approximate
in shape to the original block (Fig. 6).
What this chemical change consists in I cannot say; but,
probably, the change of colour is due to the raising of ferrous into
ferric salts. The fact that such chemical change has taken place
is beyond dispute, and that is sufficient for us. ow the change
came about is more readily answered. It was, undoubtedly, the
result of the chemical absorption of some constituent or con-
stituents of the atmosphere or the vegetable soil, or of both,
which is more probable. Whatever this re-agent, or set of re-agents,
may be, it must penetrate the rock by means of the joznfs, for the
hammer
material is impervious to liquids or gases ; and hence it must operate
upon each block at its surface. I have seen a good example to
thé point in the peculiar ashy Toadstone of Ashover, where the
discoloration due to chemical change follows the fissures and
leading joints, sometimes for many feet below the natural surface.
When a film of altered material is formed upon such a block, all
further chemical change will depend upon the perviousness of
this film to the re-agent : but as the altered material in our present
subject is of so loose a texture, we need not hesitate to conclude
that the re-agentwould slowly pass through it to the surface of the
unaltered part. But it would greatly retard the work of chemical
change. ,
From what has been said, it will be difficult to escape the
conclusion that the formation of these spheroids is in some way
due to this subsequent work of chemical change in the rock: and
this conclusion will be strengthened as we proceed.
3. Is this work of chemical change, invading each block from
its superficies, competent, at any stage of its progress, to leave a
rounded nucleus of unaltered material? It is. Imagine a cube
of our rock immersed in some re-agent capable of producing a
FITS eg
—— ae eee ee
.
— | err re
FURTHER NOTES ON TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES. 13
similar change in its material, as we have above noted. Now, it
is obvious that when once a film is formed, this re-agent can only
reach the surface of the unaltered part by passing through it ; and
it is equally obvious that in so doing the re-agent will tend to
reach this surface by the shortest “cuts.” For instance, the part
or area of the surface of the unaltered part, @, in Fig. 7 (which
represents a section of a part of our
" cube) will draw its supply of re-agent
from the outer surface at 3,
immediately superjacent to it; and
these two corresponding areas, @
and 4, of the two surfaces, when
situated in the central region ot
any of the sides of the cube, will
be equal in size, or approximately
so—that is, a square inch at a will draw its supply of re-agent
from the square inch of outer surface at 4, immediately above it.
But the case is otherwise, in this latter respect, in the regions of
the angles of the cube, as 4 in the section ; for it is manifest that
instead of ¢ drawing from an outer area equal to itself, it will
draw from a strip in breadth equal to its own diameter, and
extending from c to A, and from 4 to d~a surface immensely
greater. But the contrast becomes still greater if we suppose
@ to be immediately under one of the “corners” of the cube ;
in that case, instead of supplies of a breadth equal to its own
diameter converging upon it with an angle of nearly go°, they will
pour on to it from all directions within that angle. What will be
the result ? The greater the supply of re-agent, the greater the
amount of chemical change, and the more rapid the recession of
the surface of the nucleus acted upon. Hencea rounded nucleus
must at length be the result. But when this is accomplished, the
broader surface which the nucleus presents to the outer angles,
combined with the thicker “ shell,” will tend to neutralise these
differences, the surface of the former receiving a more equitable
supply of re-agent throughout.
Fig. 7.
I4 FURTHER NOTES ON TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES.
I have seen a good example of the above at Mount Sorrel.
There in the sub-soil may be observed
rounded blocks of granite of various
sizes, packed in masses of disin-
tegrated granite. Similar examples in
other materials frequently occur, one
particularly (Fig. 8) was excellent—a
cubical lump of sodium had been
left in a loosely corked bottle, with
this result :—its section presented a
mass of the oxide, containing a small ball of the metal in the
centre.
4. We now consider the concentric zones of our spheroids. Is
this theory of subsequent chemical change competent to account
forthem? It is, I think. They may, if this change be complex
—the work of many re-agents— be caused by variations in the
proportions of these re-agents, due to varying seasons ; hence
giving rise to zones in the altered materials of slightly differing
textures or proportions of constituents, which, although not
obvious at first, may ultimately rupture along the lines of weaker
material.
But a more satisfactory explanation is to be found in the com-
bination of the following two circumstances :—The expansion of
the altered material, and the resistance offered to this expansion
on account of the closely packed condition of the rock, each
block having its own expansion resisted by that of its neighbours.
That expansion does take place I had ample proof in the
vicinity of the quarry, where many of the stray blocks already
noticed had a line of more or less distinct cracks round each
side, about one inch or more from its edge (Fig. 6, a, a); the rest
of the surface being free fromthem. I can only account for them
as the result of unequal expansion between the thicker part of the
crust in the vicinity of the angles and the thinner upon the
sides.
When a film of altered material (as a a, Fig. 9) is forming upon
a body, it is free to expand in a direction away from the latter,
FURTHER NOTES ON TIDESWELL DALE QUARRIES. 15
unless, indeed, this expansion be resisted by another body pressing
upon it; but s#dezways it is otherwise, for as soon as the film begins to
form, its expanded particles, excepting those
near the edges, are squeezed together laterally.
Nevertheless, the cohesion which the film
has with the unaltered material is able at
first to overcome this state of lateral stress ;
Ln
b but as the film increases in thickness, so is
the number of its altered particles multiplied ;
and hence also this lateral stress, which is
Figs. 9 and to. exerted by the particles—the cohesion re-
maining a constant quantity. Hence a time must come when this
cohesion of the film with the unaltered material is no longer able
to hold in check this stress in all such places where the film has an
opportunity of responding to the expansion of the particles, a
rupture being the result (as 4 4, Fig. 10).
We must now apply this, under certain modifications, to our
spheroids. ‘Turn to Fig. 5 again, and observe that the “shells ”
are not continuous all round the nucleus, but over/ap, somewhat
like the petals of a garden rose. ‘This almost explains itself :—
A film forms, and at length attains
to such a thickness that the resultant
state of lateral stress must be relieved
res
= In one of two ways—the envelope
Yyy Y of film as a whole may be thrown
ar off from the nucleus, or it may Je
sheared obliquely where it is weakest
or thinnest-——/he one part sliding over the other laterally (Fig. 11, aa).
The former cannot take place on account, partly of the closely
packed condition of the rock offering resistance to all expansion
away from the nuclei, and partly of the unequal thickness of the
film itself. When a film has thus separated, a new one is formed
beneath it, to separate in due course from its parent stone in like
manner, and the process may go on, till at length no unaltered
material is left.
Fig. 11.
Ennals of horeston and thorsley.
By Rev. CHAS. KERRY.
THE BURONS AND HORSLEY CASTLE.
@lORSLEY is included in Domesday in the “Land of
Ralph de Buron.” ‘The account is as follows :—
“In Horsalei. Turgar had 3 carucates of land
- hidable. Land for 4 ploughs. ‘There are now in demesne
2 ploughs and rg villains and 4 borderers having 6 ploughs.
There are 60 acres of meadow. Wood pasturable, one mile in
length and one mile in breadth. In the time of King Edward,
it was worth roo shill, now-60 shill. A knight of Ralph holds it.”
The church is not mentioned in this record, neither are the
churches in the o/her lordships forming the Barony of Buron,
viz.—Weston, Denby, Hallam, and Herdebi; but I think it hardly
follows that there was no church in any of these places, for it
appears from Dr. Cox’s account of Denby church, that the arcade
between the nave and north aisle (ruthlessly destroyed in 1838)
was obviously of Saxon origin—and as Denby was only a chapelry
in the parish of Horsley, and was dependent on the mother
church for its spiritual ministrations, there can be no doubt but
a church existed at Horsley in Anglo-Saxon times. In Godfrey’s
History of Lenton and its Priory, it is stated that the church of
Horsley was erected by the Burons, but on what authority this
statement is made I cannot find—indeed I do not think it pro-
bable ; for there is not one single vestige of Norman work to be found
in the present edifice. The earliest portion (erected about 1210) is
ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY. 17
the west end of the north aisle, with its three buttresses (one in
the angle by the tower), all with acutely pitched weatherings,
including the lower part of the western portion of the north wall.
It may be that the round columns of the south arcade are of this
period too.
The tower and nave follow suit about 1310—and the next in
sequence are the chancel, the south aisle, the clerestory, and the
upper portion of the walls of the north aisle, all constructed
about 1450.
A church erected by the Burons would not have required re-
construction so early as the 13th century—because of the very
substantial character of Norman work—nor do I think that a
desire to bring the church into conformity with the then prevail-
ing style of architecture would have led the inhabitants of a poor
and thinly populated district to make such sweeping and costly
changes in their parish church.
It is clear, therefore, that the present building occupies the site
of an edifice which veguived reconstruction at the commencement
of the 13th and 14th centuries, and that this structure was the old
Saxon church presented by the Burons to the Priory of Lenton.
Lenton Priory was founded in 1102, and the foundation charter
was attested, amongst others, by Hugh de Buron, son of Ralph
of the Norman survey. In the year 1144, this Hugh de Buron
and Hugh (called Meschines), his son and heir, gave to God and
the monastery of Lenton the churches of Ossington, Notts., and
florsley, Derbyshire, and half the church of Cotgrave, Notts.,
which was then held by one Nicholas. This was done with great
solemnity in the chapter-house of the convent, and among the
witnesses was Roger, his younger son, who much approved of
the gift.
To a subsequent gift to the convent of what he had in the town
of Cotgrave, the following of “his own men” were witnesses :—
‘ Robert, son of Andrew, of Costock (Cotingstock).
Robert de Rosello.
Robert, son of Serlo.
Albert the knight, of Kilbourne, his steward.
Hugo de Busli, his chamberlain, and others.
2
18 ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY.
“Hugo de Buron, son of Ralph, considering out of the reason-
ing given him of God, that the life of this transitory age was short
and troublesome, and that he that giveth to the poor of Christ
lendeth unto God, on the day when the lady Albreda, his wife,
was buried, for her soul and the souls of his sons and daughters,
and all his ancestors, by the consent of his sons Hugh and Roger,
gave to the church of the Holy Trinity at Lenton, his land at
Almeton, which gift he and his beloved sons laid on the greater
altar, in the presence of Humphrey the Prior and the whole
convent of brethren.”
This Hugh de Buron had two sons, Hugh the elder, and Roger.
It appears that the elder son became a monk during his father’s
lifetime, and that the estates were inherited by Roger the younger,
who succeeded his father in 1156, when he paid 4o marks into the
exchequer for his fine or “relief,”
“« Hugo de Buron, the elder brother of Roger, gave his body to
God and the church of Holy Trinity at Lenton, and there took
the habit and religion of the Cluniac monks, that God might
avert the scourge of his wrath, due for the very great multitude
of his sins, and for the soul of his lord, Richard I., and others,
gave and granted to God and the said church of Lenton, and
to the monks, the whole town of Ossington with all its
appendages.”
It appears that he had previously given Ossington to the
Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, which subsequently
was the cause of litigation between the monks of Lenton and the
Knights Hospitallers.
We now come to Roger, the younger son, who succeeded his
father Hugh in 1156. In the Red Book of the Exchequer we
find his certificate or carta of his estates as follows :—‘‘To Henry
the King of England, Duke of Normandy, &c., Roger de Buron—
health—concerning my knights who held land in the time of
Henry I. know that they are
(a) William de Heriz, who holds 2 fees.
(4) Roger de Cotingstock holds in Cotingstock and Rempston
2 fees.
ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY. 19
(¢) Patricius de Rosell holds one knight’s fee.
(2) Albertus (whom my father enfeoffed after the death of
King Henry) holds one knight’s fee; and
(e) I myself do service for 4 knights fees of my demesne.
Altogether 10 knight's fees.
Of these
Patrick Rossell held Denby, and
Albert the Knight steward to Hugh de Buron, hold one
knight’s fee in Kilbourn.
In 1167, Roger de Buron paid to marks for to knights’ fees
into the exchequer as an aid for the marriage of Maud, eldest
dau. of Henry I., espoused to Henry V., surnamed the Lion
(Duke of Saxony and Sardinia). The same year she was sent
into Germany with a rich dower and a splendid train, where her
marriage was accomplished.*
In 1176, this Roger paid another sum of to marks for his
forest dues, probably to assist in defraying the expenses of the
war with Ireland.
In 1177, Roger de Buron was fined 1 mark for being concerned
in the duel of the Ear] of Ferrars.
In 1187, He was laid under a fine of #0 for not accompany-
ing the king’s army into Galway.
It would seem that Roger de Buron died in 1199, in which
year Peter de Sandiacre paid £100 into the exchequer for having
seizin of Horsley, which he said was his inheritance, for the ser-
vice of 5 knights. The same year a scutage was assessed for the
coronation of King John at 2 marks per fee; at which time Peter
de Sandiacre paid zo marks for the fees of Roger de Buron.
In this year, 1199, certain works were executed at the Castle
of Harestan, under the supervision of William de Grendon, clerk,
Samson de Stradley, Ralph de Wellbeuf, and Peter Fitz William.
This William de Grendon, “clerk,” called also “advocate,” of
Dale, was the second son of Serlo de Grendon, who married
Margery, sister to William de Hanselyn, founder of Dale Abbey.
* Sandford’s Gen. Hist.
20 ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY.
This William granted Depedale to that convent, and founded a
chantry in the Hermitage chapel, now the south aisle of Dale
church.
So little of the ruins of Horsley Castle remain, that it is
impossible to say with any certainty what portions of the fabric
were constructed at this time. One thing is certain, that a very
large quantity of moulded ashlars and other fragments of this
period now compose a part of the wall of the old park, running
from what I call Roger’s pond, below the pound, up the valley at
the back of Horsley Park farmhouse. A stone from this wall
formerly decorated the gable end of a pig-cote at Horsley Park
farm at the time the old buildings were taken down. It consisted
of the cap of a column, the lower portion beneath the abacus
forming a wolf’s head with distended jaws, the top of the column
being thrust into its mouth. I have often enquired about this
relic, but never could learn its fate ; happily, I made a careful
sketch of it at the time, which is here reproduced, together
with another moulded stone.
In the year 1852, z.e., 35 years ago, by permission of Edward
Degge Sitwell, Esq., I made excavations on the site of the old
ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY. 21
castle, when the basement story of a small tower was emptied.
Amongst the debris thrown out I found a small sheep bell, which
I gave to the late Mr. Fox, of Morley, a boar’s tusk, fragments of
rotten beams, and the lower portion of a pair of antlers with a
small fragment of the skull.
Some years after this, I obtained leave of Mr. Hervey Sitwell
to prosecute the work, and removed the sloping bank from the
face of the masonry looking towards Horsley. The wall had
been covered to a considerable height with loose stones, and the
work solidified by pouring liquid mortar on the pile. We had
very great difficulty in clearing this mass away from the face of the
tower basement. It must have been thrown up in a time of
apprehended danger, and subsequent to the introduction of
cannon, but when it is impossible to say, for I cannot find that
there was a garrison at Horsley during the civil wars.
I think there can be no doubt but that the present ruin formed
a portion of the keep, which appears to have been mult-angular,
and apparently constructed on an outcrop of the rock at a con-
siderable elevation above the rest of the castle buildings.
Of the extent and size of this fortress it is impossible now to speak
with any certainty, but a large block of grouted rubble may be
seen about 50 yards below the present ruin. It lies on a curved
bank, which seems to me to indicate the course of the outer walls
of a court-yard ; but I may be mistaken, for the whole surface of
the hill, and specially the castle site, has been so thoroughly
disturbed by quarrying that its original features have entirely
disappeared.
I have heard many times of the castle well, and a few years ago
there were some living who pretended to know its position, but it
has long been filled with rubbish from the quarry.
A little while ago the castle hill was famous for its daffodils, and
there was one kind which was identified as the daffodil of Syria,
proving their eastern origin, but this variety has disappeared long
ago. Of the remainder, some were planted last year in Smalley
churchyard.
In 1850 I noticed a few gooseberry bushes growing in the
22 ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY.
moat, probably the degenerated successors of those once cultivated
in the castle garden.
To proceed :—In the year 1201 Walter Malet paid 20 marks for
assize of mort ancestor of 10 knights fees in Oscinton, Horsley,
and Cotgrave (Nolts.), against the Knights Hospitallers of
Jerusalem, Peter de Sandiacre, and Robert de Buron.
This Robert de Buron was the son and heir of the last named
Roger, and his wife Nichola, who was afterwards married by the
Earl of Chester to Anketina de Brikesard without the consent of
the King, and was, therefore, disseized of most of her lands, for
some of which she compounded about the 2nd of King John.
Robert de Buron increased the possessions and consequence of
his family by his marriage with Cecilia, daughter and sole heiress of
Sir Richard Clayton, of Clayton, in Lancashire, where the Byrons
fixed their seat until the reign of Henry VIII., when they planted
their residence among the ruins of the dissolved Priory of
Newstead.
In 1204 Peter de Sandiacre paid 20 marks scutage for 7 knights
fees. In this year Walter Malet conceded the vill of Oscinton in
free and pure alms to the brothers of the Hospital of Jerusalem,
for the benefit of the souls of King John, his queen, and her
heirs, and for the soul of Roger de Buron, and for the souls of
his own parents; which said premises of Oscinton the said
Walter Malet held by concession of Roger de Buron. And
the said Walter Malet, for himself and his heirs, warranted that
the said vill should remain devoted to the said house and hospital
for its prayers.
In 1205 Robert de Muschamp paid 15 marks to be relieved of
the custody of the Castle of Harestan.*
In 1210 certain works were executed at Harestan Castle, under
the supervision of William le Vavasour, Robert de Bevecourt,
John, son of Adam, and Ralph Camara.*
In 1213 Peter de Sandiacre received too shill. rent in
Litchurch in exchange for Horsley.
In 1214 King John granted the royal Castle of Harestan* to
* Pipe Rolls.
ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY. 23
William Ferrars, Earl of Derby, reciting that it was granted to
him for the purpose of placing his wife there for security whilst
he went into the Holy Land. A rising of the barons, however,
prevented his departure, and having wrested the Castles of Peak
and Bolsover by assault from the rebels, he was thereupon made
governor of both those fortresses, so that he then held every
Derbyshire stronghold of any importance. From this we may
gather that Harestan Castle was a very secure stronghold—
more so, perhaps, than Duffield.*
In the Calendar of Fines for 1225, there is a most interesting
entry relating to Horsley. In that year Richard Sandiacre, in
consideration of the sum of 8 silver marks, surrendered his
tenure of 207 acres of land there to Walter Malet. This land
was occupied by twenty tenants, whose names happily are given.
We have William le Macun (or the Mason) with his 20 acres; no
doubt a very useful man in the fortress with his mallet and chisel.
Gilbert de Castro, z.e., of the Castle—perhaps some official at
Harestan—2o acres.
Thomas de Wudehus, obviously from the neighbouring village
—12 acres. —
Roger le Parker, ze, the park keeper or ranger, having the
custody of the game within the royalty—xz 5 acres.
Lewin de Cotesgrave, without doubt an old dependent of the
Burons, and from N ottinghamshire—rs acres.
Gilbert, son of Henry, or Fitz Henry, as the record terms him
— 20 acres.
Henry Fitz Gilbert, probably son of the last named—12 acres.
Robert le Clerc, probably the chaplain of the Castle—r2 acres.
Hugh Fitz Ailrul—g acres.
Arnold the ——— (his occupation defaced)—7 acres.
Ralph of Ripley—8 acres.
Godfrey Fitz Payn—8 acres.
Gilbert, son of Emma—6 acres.
Geoffry de Horsley—6 acres,
* See Cox’s Duffield Castle, Society’s Journal, vol. ix.
24 ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY.
Henry le Minur (an old Derbyshire name)—8 acres.
Nicholas Fitz Herbert—6 acres.
Robert Fitz Gamell—7 acres.
Ralph, son of Beatrice—6 acres.
Andrew le Carboner, z.e., charcoal burner—6 acres. Coal was
little used at this period.
Gilbert, son of Robert—4 acres.
From a careful perusal of these names we have here clearly a
list of the principal retainers of the Castle in 1225. It would be
interesting to ascertain the situation of these land plots. They
would hardly be within the boundary of the park, or, in other
words, in the immediate vicinity of the Castle. Most likely the
fields stretching from Coxbench to Horsley are the identical
enclosures held by these persons. Probably some of them were
married, and when not on duty resided as cottars in the neigh-
bourhood, with their cattle, pigs, common rights, and other feudal
privileges.
In 1226, Henry III. issued his mandate to the market officials
of Derby that no toll was to be taken of the men of Harestan of
those things that they bought for their own use, nor of those things
that they personally sold there.*
In 1239, the Castle of Harestan was repaired, under the
supervision of William Brien and Henry Talliatoris.t+
In 1251, Peter de Montfort was appointed Governor.t
In 1256, Hugo le Despencer paid £15 into the Exchequer for
the farm of the Castle and Manor of Harestan, for that and the
four following years.t
In 1266, the chaplain at Harestan Castle received 50 shillings
for his stipend. It appears from this that there was then a chapel
within the fortress. t
In the year 1276 Thomas Normanville, of Harestan Castle,
occurs in the Pipe Rolls among those who made some payment to
the king. Again in 1278 he answered for the rents of Harestan.
In 1283, the advowson of the church of Horsley was granted to
* Rot. Lit. Claus. + Pipe Rolls.
al
iat tlie
ANNALS OF HORESTON AND HORSLEY, 25
the Prior of Lenton in exchange for the advowson of the church
of Felmersham (Ely) to himself and his successors.*
In 1285, John Pipard had a grant of Harestan Castle for life.
In 1287, the Abbot of Derby was seized of the mill of Horsley
“ Super Derwent.’t
In 1291, Richard Foliott obtained a patent for a market and a
fair at his manor of Horsley, in Derbyshire. t
The old market cross, undoubtedly erected at this time, stood
in the wide place near the entrance to the church yard on the
east. The entire basement was remaining until about the year
1830, when the stones were removed and employed in the con-
struction of the new parish school.
In 1299, Jordanus Foliot died, possessed of Harestan Castle,
with the soke of Horsley.§
In the year 1300, Geoffry de Sandiacre paid £10 into the
exchequer for half the farm of the castle and manor of Harestan. ||
In 1307, John de Chaundos was appointed governor of the
castle 4
In 1312, Robert Tybetot paid £22 into the treasury for hold-
ing, amongst other estates, the soke of Horsley and Horeston.**
In 1315, Sir Ralph Shirley was appointed governor of the
castle.tt
In 1318, Robert Tybetot, of the castle of Nottingham, with the
King’s Mill there, paid #22 for the soke of Horsley and Hores-
ton for the last 5 years.
In 1322, Ronald de Pembroke was appointed governor of the
castle. tt
In 1323, Gerard de Fanacourt seems to have had a grant of
Horeston.§§
In 1324, John de Denum was appointed governor of Horeston
Castle by the crown.|||
In 1328, the King licensed the Prior of Breadsall to lease for
* Charier Rolls. +Inq Post Mort. Cal. Rot. Pat. § Cal. Inquis. Mort.
|| Pipe Rolls. { Abbr. Rot. Orig. ** Pipe Rolls.
+t Davies’ History of Derbyshire. » Wm.
» John 2 J.
64
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE.
Eaton, Helena
,, Francisca Repton 35-41 E. 2 J. of Hathersage
» Richard
Ebbeth Nic Eyam 35 E.
Elde Anthony uxor Hathersage 35 E.
Eliva Nic & Francisa 35 E. Eleanor N. Wingfield 35 E.
Ellis, Robt. & Elzth.
Elmis Nic 38 E.
Elstoft Thos. Dronfield, Claria
Elson Elennora ux Edward Sutton 35 E.
Elston Margt 2 J. Sutton
Eliza
Milicent
Elvidge Nich. Norb. 41 E.
Everard John Sudbury & Alicia his wife 2 J.
Eyre John
» Auaurence 35), E..
» Robt. Chesterfield 35-40 E.
» Edward 35-41 E.
Edmund Norton 35 E.
Nicho. 35 E.
, Godfrey 35 E.
», Marie, Jane 35 E.
Fearne Elzth Longford 35 E.
Fearnley ux Ed. 35 E.
Fidler Beatrice 35-41 E & Cathe.
Fishbourne John 37 E.
Fitzherbert Dorothy Somsall 2 J.
i Edward Sudbury 2 J.
Foljambe Anna ux Godfrey Longfield 35-41 E. Constance
Ford John Wberly 35 E.
Fox Eleanor Marsten 35-41 E. ux Anthony
athe:
, Anthony
» Joha. N. Wingfield 35 E.
Freemantle Rich. Bakewell 41 E.
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE.
Frost Thos. Longford 2 J.
Fulbrooke Walter W. Hallam 41 E.
Fulwood Walter Be th 20h:
Ganes Thos. Hathersage 35 E.
Garrett Martha Bentley 41 E.
Gerrard Elzth. Dna 35-41 Etwall
A isin ae
Giffard Roger
Gilbert Anna 41 E. Norbury
Gill Rich. Norb. & Anne ux ej 2 J. 3 pe
Glossop Maria W. Hallam 2 J.
Goodwyn John Etwall 35 E.
Greatorex Augustine 41 E.
Eliza ux Robt. Tidesweli 2 J.
Greaves Eleanor Wberly 35 E.
Gree John Morley & Agusta ux ej 35 E.
Green Lucia W. Hallam
»» John, Hallam, Longford
»» Mary, Longford
Greensmith Maria ux Thos. Norb. 2 J.
Gregory Elzth. Norbury 41 E.
» Emma 35 E.
Hall uxor Thos. Hathersage 35 E.
Hall Wm. Chesterfield 2 J.
Hallam Anna ux Wm. Scarcliff 2 J. Joha. Longford
Hanson Win. W. Hallam 41 E.
Harrison Richard Norbury 35 E. :!
»» Margt. ux Rich. Duffield 35-41 E.
Hawfield Alice 41 E.
Hawksworth Jo. Hathersage 2 J. uxor Hugo 35 E.
Heald Anthony Hathersage 2 J.
» Margt 35-41 E. Eyam
» Fras. 41 E 2 J. Eyam
Hene Alicia ux Edward Longford 41 E.
Hewston Ed. Rependon 41 E. & Elzth. ux ej.
Hezall George & Maria ux 41 E.
5
66
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE.
Hide Maria 41 E.
» Rog. Glossop 2 J.
Hickling Elz. Norb. 41 E.
Hill Alice ux Thos, Tideswell 2 J.
Hodgkinson Robt. & Edith ux ej. 41 E. ux Thos. 35 E.
Hollingsworth Wm. Longford 2 J.
Hood Fred. Norb. 41 E.
Hauxrell Edward W. Hallam 2 J.
_ William
Hunter Henry, Norton & Elzth. 35 E
Jelett Eliz. Hathersage. See Jewett 35 E.
Jenyson Maria
», Michael Etwall 2 J.
nA Mathew
Jewett Peter Hathersage 35-41 E. 2 J. & Joha ux ej.
» Jane Hathersage 35 E.
Johnson Adam Hathersage 35-39 E. Hathersage
», Cuthbert Bretby 41 E.
Jorans Peter Hathersage 35 E.
Kempe Rich. Hathersage 2 J.
Kirkland Elzth. Wberley 35 E.
Kitching Joa. N. Wingfield 35 E.
Kitte Thos Longford 41 E.
Larone Robt. Wyberley 35 E.
Laurence John. Foremark 41 E.
Laurence ali Giles Jo. 41 E.
Lacke Dionisius Longford 2 J.
Lea Anna ux Oliver Chesterfield 2 J.
Leake Fras. 38 E. Barley 2 J.
e 37 sutton
Lenton Richard Bretby & Dorothy uxor
Levesey Henry 41 E.
Lester Elz. Derb. 41 E.
ee Leh
Locke Jas. Longford 35 E. Francis of Barley
Aaa
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE. 67
Longdon Robt. 41 E.
i Margt. ux Geo. of Tideswell
Longford Nic. 35 E.
Lucas uxor Robt. 35 E.
Madeley Rich. Sutton 3 J.
Madsfeld Elz. Hathersage, 35 E. 2 J.
Marescal Cathe. Norton 35 E.
Mellor Thos. 41 E., Norb. 2 J.
Merrye Margaret Barton Blount 35 E.
», Margt. Sutton 41 E 2 J.
a Onn id.
», uxor Henry 35 E. Cathe. Elizth.
Milward Agneta Sutton 41 E
Nic 5
Milnhouse Frasinea ux Geo. Norb. 35, 41 E. 2 J.
Morris Thos. Norb.
,, als. Turner Elz. 4 E.
» Wm. Rich & F : Norb.
», Thos & Joha.
», Isabella Norbury & Wm. 35 E.
Mork Geo.
Morton Eliz. Hathersage 35, 41 E. Elzth & Anna
Nephew Fras. Bretby 41 E.
Newton Elezeus & Dorothy ux ej 35 E.
Norkell Wm. W. Hallam qr E.
North Wm.
i hos:
,, Agnes Edlaston 41 E.
» Anna Longford 41 E. & Agneta 35 E.
Norton Hy. Hathersage 35, 41 E. & Maria ux ej.
Norwell Wm. W. Hallam 2 J.
Norwood Wm. 41 E.
Oberling Constance Longford 41 E.
Oldacre Robt. Chesterfield 41 E. 2 J.
3, Alice Norbury 35 E.
Orrel Maria
» Elz. Bretby 41 E.
68
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE.
Padley Anna ux Edmund 35 E.
a, Anna & Francisca 41 E. ux Adam Eyam
» Humphry Eyam 35 E.
Palfreyman Nic. 41 E.
Palmer Jo. Kegworth 37 E.
Parker Helen ux Jo. Derb. 3 J.
Parsons Wm.
Paselow Joha. & Elzth 41 E.
Pawson Milborn 2 & Elz. 3 ux ej
Peach Wm. Wberley & Elzth. ux ej 35 E.
Pen Edward Longford 2 J.
Plompton Anna & Francesca
-; Peter
3 Francis
Poole Maria Norb. 2 J.
» Elzth. & Ellen in Eckington & Spinkhill 35 E.
Powtrell Cassandra ux Walter
Proudlow Agneta ux Geo. N. Wingfield 2 J.
Pudsey Elz. Longford 35 E.
Rawlin John 35-41 E. Norbury
janes
»» Joha. ux Nic. Norbury 39-41 E.
» Wm.
Revell Edward
Reynes Nich. Stanford 37 E.
Ridge Elz. 38 E. Heyfield
» Dorothy Glossop
,, Thomasine ux Wm. Heyfield 35 E.
Roades Jo. S. Wingfield 2 J. Joha. ux Geo. 35 E.
Roche Rowland Whittington 2 J.
Roide Maria Gresley 3 J.
Rolston Christr. & Matilde Rossington 35-40 E.
3 Arthur
Rose W. Barlbro 3 J.
Rosea Rich. Etwall 35 E.
Rowland Ed. Dronfield 41 E.
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE.
Rushton Anna Norbury
Sandford Maria 41 E.
Sawther Jo. Etwall 3 J.
Scott Dorothy Etwall 41 E.
Sedons Charles & Nic. Pentrich 35 E see Sidons
Sewell Jo. 38 E.
» Wm. 4t E. Elzth ux Duffield
», Anna ux Charles 35 E.
», Maria ux Wm. Duffield 35 E.
Shaw Geo. 41 E.
Sherwin Constantine Longford 35 E. 2 J.
Shewell Wm. Duffield 2 J. Agneta ux ej
Sheeting Constance Hathersage 41 E
Sidons Nic. Ripley
a Char. ux Richard 41 E. Pentric
Skynner ux Rich. Norbury 35 E.
Smyth Cathe. ux Thos. 39 E. Heyfield
» Anna Barley
Smylter Wm. Hathersage 2 J
Sorby Roger Barley 35 E. Crich 35 E.
Spyng Peter W. Hallam 41 E.
Spilman Clement Broughton 35 E.
Spencer Elzth Wirksworth 41 E
Statham Geo. senr Tansley 41 E.
Staley Elzth. W. Hallam 41 E.
Stanhoppe Anna ux Edward Etwell 35 E.
Stubley Maria ¥ ae:
Steet Wm. Hathersage Margaret 35 E.
Swetman Wm.
2 Rich.
= Anna Longford
"A Thos. Norbury and Anna ux ej
% Dorothy
3 Alicie
Sydall Dorothy W. Hathersage 2 J.
» » Un Robert zc) FE.
69
THE RECUSANTS OF DERBYSHIRE.
Taylor Oliver Sutton 41 E.
Thomason Marg. 35 E. Kirklangley and Hathersage
Thompson ux Edward Hathersage 35 E.
Thornley Ann ux Thos. Hathersage 35 E.
Torre Helena ux Robt. Tideswell 2 J.
Tunstead Fras. Dronfield.
Turner Alice ux Jo. Norb. 2 J.
Walker Wm Hathersage 35 E.
Waterhouse Jo. Heyfield 38 E.
. Wm. Lullington 35 E.
Wheylee Thos. Longford 35-41 E.
Whaldene Joha. Hathersage 35 E.
Whitall Helena Glossop 2 J.
Whiteley Nic Hathersage 2 J. & Maria.
5 ux Wm. do 35 E
Wilcockson Cathe. Hathersage 35-41 E.
Wilde ux Edward 41 E. Crich
Wildbrockson, see Wilcockson
Wilkin Milo Hathersage 41 E. 2 J.
3 Elzth. 35 E.
Womersley John Chapel 2 J.
Wood Wm. Longford 2 J. Chesterfield 2 J.
Wright Isabella W. Hallam 35-41 E.
» Thomas
Yollope Frances Hawsworth 41 E.
The Rhymed Chronicle of Pohn Havestatie.
SUDBURY AND THE VERNONS.
EDITED BY THE. Rev. J. CHarLes Cox, LL.D., F.S.A.
library of Sudbury Hall.is a volume of rhymed annals
of the family of Vernon, written by one who for
fifty years was their faithful agent and confidential clerk. The
book, which is of paper with a parchment cover, is endorsed,
“ John Harstaff's Poetry whilst he lived at Sudbury, 1635, of the
?
Vernon family and concerns ;” it isin good condition, and seems
to have been always valued. For its better preservation, the late
Lord Vernon placed it in a morocco case. In 1876 I had the
opportunity kindly afforded me of making considerable extracts
from the original manuscript, and of carefully examining it
throughout. The present Lord Vernon (the seventh Baron) has
now (1887) given generous permission for the whole of Hare-
staffe’s poetry to be copied for the benefit and instruction of the
members of the Derbyshire Archzeological Society. These annals
give a singularly vivid picture of country life in the time of Eliza-
beth and James, and a wonderfully close insight into the tortuous
and not very limpid streams of litigation ; they also afford a few
most interesting glimpses into national history, giving some realistic
touches pertaining to the great men of the time, such as Sir
Robert Cecil and the unhappy Earl of Essex.
John Harestaffe wrote by far the greater part of his chronicle in
1615, but the latter part could not have been penned till some
years later, as mention is made of the new manor house. The
72 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
whole, from the endorsement, seems to have been revised and
transcribed in 1635.
It would have been pleasant to find out and to record anything
of the life of this chatty and devoted chronicler, but although there
are large and valuable collections of family papers and records at
Sudbury, bound together in many volumes under the title
‘«* Vernoniana,” there is nothing further known of John Harestaffe
beyond what can be gleaned from his own writings, and from his
monument in the church. The Sudbury registers only begin with
the year 1673, so there is no help to be found in that quarter.
He must, we think, have been a bachelor, and the rector tells us,
to some extent confirmatory of this surmise, that there are none
of his name in the parish nor immediate neighbourhood, nor does
the name occur in the registers.
It was apparently in 1591 that John Harestaffe first entered the
Vernon service, for he had “ to doe in those affaires” for twenty-
four years before he began to write of them. Originally the
servant of John Vernon, he remained most constant to his widow
Mary throughout her exceptional and cumulative troubles, and
afterwards to the heir, Sir Edward Vernon. When his master
died in 1600, the will bequeathed him a farm at Rodsley. Some
difficulties arose about the conveyance of this freehold to him,
possibly because he had so large a share in drawing up the will,
but eventually it was assured to him,
“*To recompence his travayles longe endured.”
John Harestaffe died on December ist, 1645. A mural monu-
ment in the Parish Church gives the following minute particulars
of his characteristic will* :—
“ Here lyeth the Body of John Harstaffe Gent who being very charitable in
his lifetime by his last Will and Testament in writing under his hand and seall
dated the 29" of April 1641 did will and declare that W™ Sherwin and Steeven
Parker his Feoffees and their heires from and immedyately after his decease
should stand and be seized of all that his Messvage Farme or Tenement in
* For this transcript and other information I am indebted to the kindness of
the Rev. T. H. Freer, the Rector of Sudbury.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 73
Roddesly with the appurtenances and all houses buildings lands tenements and
hereditaments thereunto belonging then in the tenure of Thomas Sherwin and
John Sherwin or one of them or their assignes to the use and behoof of Sir
Edward Vernon during his naturall life and after his decease to the use of
Henry Vernon sonne and heir apparent of the said Sir Edward Vernon and the
heyres male of his body lawfully begotten and for want of such issue to the use
of the heires male of the said Sir Edward and for want of such issue to the
right heires of him the said John Harstaffe for ever upon condicdn that there
be yearly paid out of the rents thereof by the said Sir Edward and by every
such other person and persons as thereafter shall be owners thereof the sume of
418 yearly for ever to the parson of this parish for the time being and his
successors att the feast of the nativitie of our Lord the annuntiation of the
Blessed Virgin Mary the nativitie of St John Baptiste and the feast of
St Michaell by equal portions to bee paid ever immedyately by the said parson
unto the churchwardens and by them to bee bestowed in manner following that
is to say x1 in bread and { and ' weekly in 18 3penny loaves to be given
every sabbath day after morning prayer to 18 poor In habitants within the
parish to be nominated by the said Sir Edward during his life and after at the
discretion of the parson and Churchwardens with the advise of the Lord of the
Mannor and some of the Chiefe men of the parish from time to time Bae
thereof to be distributed by the said Churchwardens yearely to the said 18 poor
Inhabitants in manner following that is to say to every one of them x1 upon
the Sabbath day next before Easter x11 the Sabbath day next before Whitsun-
tide 11 the Sabbath day next before All Saints Day and xt the Sabbath day
next before Christmas and xxx thereof equally to be divided betwixt the
parson and the Churchwardens in respect of their paines and the 18 remaining
to be employed yearely towards the keeping and mainetaineing the Bells and
Clocke in good order and fencing the churchyard if need require and ina
Codicell annexed to his will dated the 12‘ day of July 1644 he further declared
his will to be that in case it should fall out in after times that there bee such
abatemente in the valew of lands that the said summe will not be conveniently
yearely raysed out of the rents & profits of the said Farme that then such rents
and profits as according to the times may be yearely raysed being rated into 4
parts three of those parts shall be yearely imployed according to the tenor
purport and intension of his said will—Hee departed this life the first day of
December 1645 and his will was proved by Sir Edward Vernon Knite and
Mastar Thomas Vernon his Executors in the Dioces of Coventry and Lichfield
the 6 day of December 1646
The muse of John Harestaffe may not be very brilliant, though,
compared with the literature of the age it need by no means be
despised, but, at all events, the virtue of modesty is everywhere
apparent, and truth and accuracy seem never sacrificed for the
sake of effect or antithesis.
74 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
“* Tl bringe them together as I may
Lesse reckoninge method, soe y* truth I say”
is a couplet very characteristic of the whole chronicle.
Two and a half centuries after it was penned, we are very grate-
ful for the leisure that came to John Harestaffe when there was
peace from the warfare of the courts of law, for thus it was that
he found time to be the quaint family historian : -~
“* Yet since I now have store of idle tyme,
Although but harsh and forced be my ryme,
I'll borrow leave to treat thereof a whyle
To please myself, and idle houres beguyle.”
But still, towards the end of his rhymes, in his riper age, John
Harestaffe had some perception that this faithful mirror of the part
he had played for half a century in sustaining the honour of a
noble family might be of some interest to coming generations,
though we suspect that his vainest dreams never pictured that his
records would be printed :—
‘¢ And nowe because I thinke there wilbe some,
(Though yet unborne) yt in the tyme to come
Wilbe content to read what here I wryte,
Although but rudely I the same indyte,
Yet being done in ayde of memorie,
And for to gratifye Posteritie,
A litle more I will my ryme inlarge,” etc.
There is not a single line of this vivid tale of byegone days that
the intelligent reader would wish left unwritten, and no one can
grudge Master Harestaffe the leisure that he put to so pleasant
a use.
As to the subject of his poetic efforts, Derbyshire men can
readily find, and many of them well know, the particulars of the
early history of the ancient family of Vernon, that derives its
name from its primitive domicile in Normandy. Richard de
Vernon, who came over at the Conquest, was soon after created
Baron of Shipbroke, in Cheshire. In the thirteenth century a
younger son of one of the Barons of Shipbroke married a
co-heiress of Avenell, of Haddon, and hence obtained a footing
a
Outline Pedigree of part of the Descent of Wernon, of Sudbury,
(To ILLusTRATE HAkrsTAFFE’s RHYMED CHRONICLE.)
Sir Henry Vernon, = Anne, d. of John
of Haddon, ob. 1515, | Talbot, 2nd Earl of
vet. 70. Shrewsbury.
ard Ve 1) = Margaret, d. of Robert Dymock.
a OO ( g omStokesat
sb, 1517.
(a) Margaret d. and co-h. of Sir Gilbert
Talboys.
(4) Maud, d. of Sir Ralph Longford.
Sir George Vernon, =
“King of the Peak,”
ob, 1567.
Margaret Vernon = Sir Tho. Stanley,
Dorothy Vernon = Sir John Manners,
| 2nd son of Edward,
2nd sonof Tho., 1st
3rd Earl of Derby. Earl of Rutland.
Sir Edward Stanley, Vv
| THence Dukes of Rutland.
Vv
4
Thomas Vernon (2), = Anne, eldest d.
and co-h. of Sir
John Ludlow,
Thomas Vernon.
Henry Vernon.
|
Margaret = Nich, Agard,
Vernon. of Foston,
|
Sir John Vernon (4), = Ellen, d. and co-heir of Sir John
ob, 1542. | Montgomery. Brings Sudbury
| to her husband.
Humphrey Vernon (3) = Alice, 2nd d. and co-h.
| of Sir John Ludlow.
William Agard,
George Vernon. of Foston,
Thomas Vernon. Henry Vernon, = Margaret, d. and coheir of Sir
ob. 1569. | Humphrey Swynnerton. Brings
Hilton to her husband. .
John Vernon.
Sir Robert Vernon,
Walter Vernon, = Mary, d. of Sir = John Vernon (1),
i} (4th son.)
of Houndshill, Edward Little- of Sudbury, ob.
ob. 1592. ton. 1600.
|
Henry Vernon (2), = Dorothy, d. of = Sir Henry Townshend, whe
of Hilton, ob. 1592. | Sir Anthony Justice of the Marches.
Heveningham.
Margaret = Francis
Buck.
Francis Buck.
| | | |
Grace. Elizabeth. Walter V. (3). Thomas V. (2). Sir Edward Vernon (1), = Margaret, d. and h.,
born 1584, married 1613, | ob. 3rd Jan., 1656.
died 1657.
Sir Henry Vernon = Muriel, d, and h, of
| Sir George Vernon, of
Haslington, Cheshire,
| of the elder branch.
Vv
Hence Barons Vernon of Kinderton
(Sudbury).
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 75
in the county of Derby. The elder line of the Haddon branch
of the Vernons became extinct in 1561, on the death of Sir
George Vernon. Sir John Vernon, a younger son of Sir Henry
Vernon, of Haddon, settled at Sudbury in the reign of Henry
VIII., through a marriage with a co-heiress of Montgomery. His
son, Henry Vernon, married a co-heiress of Swynnerton, and so
obtained Hilton, in Staffordshire. His eldest son John Vernon,
had no issue, but married Mary, widow of Walter Vernon, of
Houndshill, descended from another son of Sir Henry Vernon,
of Haddon. John Vernon, of Sudbury, made his step-son, Sir
Edward Vernon, his heir, who married his cousin Margaret, and
thus retained Hilton. Sir Henry Vernon, son and heir of Sir
Edward, married Muriel, daughter and heiress of Sir George
Vernon, of Haslington, Cheshire, by which match his posterity
became the representatives of the original elder male line of the
Vernons, Barons of Shipbroke.
More need not here be said of the intricate connections of the
Vernons, as it comes out in the chronicle itself, is further eluci-
dated by the notes, and is made, we trust, quite clear by the
accompanying outline pedigree that has been specially drawn up.
There is much that is conflicting in various printed Vernon
pedigrees, as well as in some MS. ones; it is hoped that this
one is entirely accurate; the great majority of its names and
their connections must be correct, for they are taken from
unpublished abstracts of Rutland evidences, and from documents
in the Sudbury “ Vernoniana.”’
The patient, forgiving, but determined heroine of Harestaffe’s
song is Mary, daughter of Edward Littleton, the wife of (1) Walter
Vernon, of Houndshill, and then of (2) John Vernon, of Sudbury.
The villain of the plot, though to some extent Justice Townshend,
is also chiefly played by a woman, Dorothy, the daughter of Sir
Anthony Heveningham, and wife of (1) Henry Vernon, of Hilton,
and of (2) Sir Henry Townshend. It is remarkable that the
name of Dorothy does not once occur in Harestaffe’s rhymes, nor
_ does he give any clue to her family ; only those who are used to
genealogical research can enter into the trouble and time that
76 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
were necessary before this and other blanks and links could be
filled up in the pedigree sheet.
The opening pages of this chronicle give an interesting and
hitherto altogether unrecorded account of Hazelbach, or Hazel-
badge Hall, and its connection with the Vernons. The manor of
Hazelbadge first came to the Vernons in the reign of Henry V.,
through the Strelleys. Whilst Sir George Vernon, the celebrated
“King of the Peak,” was in his minority, his uncle, Sir John
Vernon, acted, by appointment of the crown, as his guardian ;
and after he came of age, as is testified by Harestaffe, was of
considerable service to his nephew.* Sir George granted to his
uncle a lease of Hazelbadge for eighty years, at a nominal rental
of rd., though worth “#140 per annum. Sir John’s son, Henry
Vernon, who married a co-heiress of Swynnerton, and obtained
Hilton, for the most part resided at Hazelbadge. The hall, or
manor house, has now for some time been turned into a farm-house,
and the greater part has been either pulled down or altogether
modernised. But a picturesque Elizabethan gable (Plate III.)
still fronts the road on the left hand side soon after leaving the
* The following call upon Sir John Vernon to furnish a Derbyshire force of
100 armed soldiers from his nephew’s Derbyshire tenantry, to proceed to
Dover, in the summer of 1522, will be read with interest. It is taken from
the Sudbury ‘‘ Vernoniana ”’ :—
“Henry the viijt® by the grace of God King of England & France
defensor of the Faithe & Lord of Irland To our trusty & welbeloved John
Vernon Squier and stuarde of the landes belonging to the inheritance of yong
Vernon our warde, and to all & singuler the Bailifes Officers Fermors &
tennantes of the same landes and to every of theym thies our letters hering or
seing greting, Wheras we have appointed our trusty and welbeloved servant
William Coffyn to do unto us service of warre at this tyme with the number
ef oon hundred persones to be taken of the Fermors and tennantes of the
said landes, We by thies presentes auctorise the said William Coffyn and you
the said John Vernon geving you expresse charge & comaundment to levye
& provyde of the said Fermors & tennantes for this purpose suche & as many
with harness convenient for theym as the said William Coffyn shall think
good to proceed in our said warres at his leding. So as he may be with the
said noumber at our Towne of Dover by the viijt day of August nowe
ensuyng Charging by tenor hereof all & singuler the said Officers and tennantes
that unto our said servant & to youe they be obeying & attendant in execution
of this comaundment as they will answer to us at thcir perilles. And thies
our letters shall be aswel to the said William Coffyn as to you the said John
Vernon & to all and every the said Officers Fermors and tennantes sufficient
waraunt & discharge any acte or statute heretofore made to the contrary
notwithstanding. Geven under our Signet at our Castell of Wyndesor the
xxvij day of July the xiiij® yere of our reigne.”
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THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. vies
little town of Bradwell for Tideswell. The front of the house is
of stone covered with rough plaster, and is whitewashed, except
the mullions and corners. The old stone coping has been
removed when the roof was slated. In the apex of the gable are
the arms, crest, and lettering shown on the plate. The Vernon
crest, a boar’s head erased, ducally gorged, is fairly distinct. The
quartered arms are much weathered, but they show the Vernon
frett and the Swynnerton cross fleury. The date 1549 is very
legible, and so are the initials H.V and the three strokes or I’s
that come after. What the III stands for is a puzzle. ‘The most
likely solution that occurs to us is this—namely, that Henry
Vernon, the son of Sir John, who rebuilt this part of the
manor house, did so just at the time of or immediately after the
birth of his second son Henry, and signalised the birth by terming
Henry Vernon the third, taking his grandfather, Sir Henry Vernon
of Haddon, as the first.
Another epoch in the building history of the Vernons is eluci-
_ dated by Harestaffe, and in this instance of far more importance
to the main family, for it refers to Sudbury Hall. Up to the
death of John Vernon, the rectory house had often been utilised
by the lord of Sudbury, as for some time there had been no
- manor house. Soon after peace had been made between the
litigants by the marriage of Sir Edward Vernon with his cousin
Margaret in 1613, Mistress Mary Vernon began to plan out a new
manor house, which is the present hall. It was evidently com-
pleted, according to the monument, before her death in 1622.
The ornamental garden walls were erected by her son not long
after. The charming doorway, surmounted by a cross, leading
_ from the grounds to the churchyard (Plate IV.*), is flanked on
_ the one side by a stone inscribed Omne bonum, Dei donum, and
__ on the other by the initials of Edward and Margaret Vernon, with
. ‘the arms of Vernon, and two crosses fleury (intended perhaps for
, _ Swynnerton) above the date 1626. The same initials, arms, and
cs *For the drawings on this plate we are indebted to the able pencil of Dr.
: - Livesay, of Sudbury.
78 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
date are repeated over a door that leads from the American
garden into the kitchen garden. On a stone built into the lintel
of the old stable door are the arms of Vernon impaling Onley,
flanked by the initials 4, and the date 1664. The well-known
Vernon motto, Vernon semper viret, is below the shield, but almost
illegible. George Vernon, grandson of Sir Edward, married for
his first wife Margaret Onley. He inherited the property in 1658,
and died in 1702.
It now only remains to give a verbatim copy of John Hare-
staffe’s rhymes.
Joun Harstarr’s POETRY WHILST HE LIVED AT SUDBURY
1635, OF THE VERNON FAMILY AND CONCERNS.
JouHN HaresTAFFE whyls’t he dwelt at Sudburie
Did write as here ensewes for memorie
1615.
I here intend to make a true Relation,
According to my plaine and simple fashion,
Of manie troubles and incumbrances,
With sundrie suites and other greevances
Which hapt to Maister Vernon in his lyffe,
And after his decease unto his wyffe:
Which I (their servant) better can declare,
Because therein I had noe litle share :
’Tis nowe noe lesse than foure and twentie yeares
Since first I had to doe in those affaires :
About the whiche (I trulie may affirme)
For twelve or thirtene yeares I mist noe Terme.
Herein I purpose also to relate,
In what great danger stood his whole estate :
And lykewyse make particuler narration,
Howe he disposed his lands by Declaration:
And howe his friends and servants he regarded,
Not leaving anie of theim unrewarded.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 79
First then to shewe his name and Pedegree,*
This worthie Esquire was Lord of Sudburie,
John Vernon called, whose father Henry wight,
The sonne and heire of S* John Vernon, Knight,
Of Haddon house a younger sonne was he,
And married Ellen second of the three
Coheires unto S* John Moungomerie.
By her came Sudbury with other landes
And manie faire possessions to his handes :
Whereof to treate I do not here intend,
But onely shew they lineallye discend
From her to Henry, and from him to John,
Who beinge yonge did enter thereupon.
He was by suites of lawe encumbred long,
And by his mothers meane’s endured much wrong,
Who practized by all the wayes she might
To injure him, and take away his right :
Not only in such things his father left him,
But also of his Birth-right she bereft him,
And gave her Landes unto his yonger brother :
Who can speak well of so unkynd a mother ?
She was Coheire unto an auncient Squier
Hight Thomas Swinnerton of Staffordshire :+
Whose Landes she with a sister did devyde:
* See the skeleton pedigree prepared to illustrate, as far as possible, all the
Vernons and their kinsfolk named in the chronicle.
+ Thomas Swynnerton, of the ancient and distinguished family of Swynner-
ton, of Swynnerton, was Sheriff of Staffordshire, 1536-7; he married Alice,
daughter of Sir Humphrey Stanley, of Fife, and died 1542-3. He died seized
of both Swynnerton and Hilton. Hilton originally came to the family in
1311, through John de Swynnerton, second son of Roger de Swinnerton.
Humphrey de Swynnerton, of Swynnerton, about 1450, brought Hilton to the
senior branch of the family by marriage with Anna, daughter and co-heir of
Thomas Swynnerton, of Hilton; this Humphrey was grandfather of Thomas
Swynnerton, the Sheriff. His only son, Humphrey Swynnerton, of Swynner-
ton and Hilton, married Cassandra, daughter of Sir John Giffard, of Chilling-
ton; he died in 1562, leaving, as his heirs, two daughters. Margaret, the
eldest, married Henry Vernon, of Sudbury, and brought to him Hilton ;
Elizabeth, the younger daughter, married William Fitzherbert, and brought to
him Swynnerton. See an excellent and full account of the Swynnertons, of
Swynnerton, in the 7th vol. of the Salt Archeological Society Transactions,
by Hon, and Rev. Canon Bridgeman.
80 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Both Hilton, Swinnerton and much besyde*
In Sharshill, Saredon, and in Essington,
In Hampton, Penkridge, and in Huntington
Asp'ey and Sugnell, and in others moe,
Which I have heard of, but did never knowe.
Hilton an auncient house fell to her share
A Park and faire Demaines belonginge are
Unto the same of which and all the rest
She John depryved, yonge Henry to invest,
Who after her decease the same possest.
But Henry did not long enjoy the same:
For being wedded to a gallant dame,
He leaving her with chyld did end his lyffe,
Comitting goods and lands all to his wyffe.
Who shortly after had a daughter faire,
Unto her father’s landes the onelie heire.
Yong Henryes match did verie much displease
His elder brother John, who for to raise
‘Their house and name did formerlie intend,
‘That all his lands should after him discend
On Henry. But that marriage chang’d his mynd
Soe much that afterwards he was unkynd
Both to his brother’s Infant, and his wyffe,
Soe that amongst theim soone befell great stryffe
And suites in lawe: All w® I could declare
For by theim I sustain’d much toyle and care
And therfore nowe y‘ labour meane to spare.
By these he was exasperated more,
And (w did also discontent him sore)
* Of the ‘‘much besyde” of the great Swynnerton inheritances in Stafford-
shire here named, lands at Hampton had pertained to the family since the time
of John, and at Aspley and Sugnall since the time of Henry III.; whilst the
manor of Essington, and Jands at Shareshull, Sardon, Penkridge, and Hun-
tington came to John de Swynnerton (mentioned in the last note as the first
owner of Hilton) in the year 1306, through marriage with Anne, daughter and
heiress of Philip de Montgomery, Seneschal of the Forest of Cannock.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 81
One Justice Townsend* from y* Marches came,
And did espouse the yong and loftie Dame.
They sell and cutt downe woods, great waste they make,
But then, whether it was redresse to take,
Or for his owne avayle, or else of grudge,
To theim, It fitts not me therof to judge,
He went about, and by all meanes prepar’d
To fynd his brothers heire the Prince’s Wardet
And to that end he quicklie sett to worke,
One Wakeringe then, who for such praies did lurke,
And was as faythfull as a Jewe or Turke.
Betweene theim two I think it was agreed,
That if in this affaire they hapt to speede,
The Wardship should to Vernon granted be,
And Wakeringe should in money have his fee.
All their proceedings here for to repeate,
Would be but little worth (though labour great)
Short tale to make (w™ was of all y® ground)
She was prov’d Ward, a Tenure there was found.
How truly, here I list not to decyde ‘
Theirs be y‘ charge by whom y‘ poynt was tryed.
The Wardship Maister Vernon looked to have,
But Wakeringe (since made knight) proved then a H
Alledginge that it lay not in his handes,
Unto their first accord as then to stand :
And good cause why, for Justice Townshend’s purse
Did open wyder, and more crownes disburse :
* Sir Henry Townshend, of an old Norfolk family, was the third son of
Robert, third son of Sir Roger Townshend, Justice of the Common Pleas,
temp. Henry VII. His father, Sir Robert Townshend, was Justice of Chester
in the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Mary. Sir Henry was con-
stituted Justice of Chester 21 Elizabeth, and was confirmed in that appoint-
ment on the accession of James. In 1618 he was nominated by the Council to
Lord Compton, Lord President of the Principality and Marches of Wales; he
died in 1622.
+ The heir of a king’s tenant, that held by knight’s service or 7” capzte, was
a royal or ‘* Prince’s Ward ” during nonage,
~ Knave. [Note in the MS.]
6
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
He therefore got y* wardship of the Chylde,
And Vernon by Sir Gilbert* was beguyled: ~
Who made himself the Fermo’ of her landes,
And during nonage kept them in his handes,
And here might Maister Vernon well repent
His labours ill-imploy’d and money spent.
But oftentymes we see it come to passe
When men, of malice, seeke their neighbo’s losse,
Or worke their owne revenge, It pleaseth God,
To beate themselves, they make a smartinge-rod :
As in this case it atterwards befell,
Both to himself, and those he lov’d right well.
For nowe forthw' newe suites they doe comence
I’th Court of Wardes against him w™ pretence
To right the Ward, whose tytle in such sort
Was favour’d be y® friendship of that Court,
That they recover’d there out of his handes,
A manie parcells of his mothers landes :
Which for some yeares before he had enjoy’d
As Copi-holde
Nor sought they to avoyd
Him from y* same.
Nor doe I thinke they could
Had not y* Court of Wardes therein controul’d.
Besydes they sued him in the Chauncerie
For certaine summes of money formerlie
Receav’d by him for lands w™ by his mother
Had beene convay’d unto his yonger brother
In sale wher of they joyn’d the one w" th’ other.
Which sumes amountinge to nyne hundred pounde
As debte yet due to Henryes will were founde.
* We suppose this must be Sir Gilbert Talboys, whose daughter Margaret
was the first wife of Sir George Vernon; see pedigree table.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 83
‘They charg’d him further w Sixe hundred more,
Which they alledg’d he had receav’d before
His brother’s death, who mortgag’d for y* same,
A farm he held call’d Haselbach* by name.
Concerninge w™ sith thus it comes i’ th’ way
I thinke it not amisse somethinge to say :
This Farme of Haselbach, whereof I speake,
Is seituate nere Castleton ith’ Peake:
And worth (as by y* Rentall did appeare)
But litle lesse than Seav’n score pounde a yeare:
Part of the Vernons lands long had it beene,
As in their auncient Deedes is to be seene.
Sir George who of y® Vernons was y* last
That held those goodlie lands, from whom they past
By two Coheires out of the Vernon’s name
(For w™ great Talbottt was y® more to blame)
S' George I say of whom yet manie speake
(For great houskeepinge termed King oth’ Peak)
Was much directed in his yonger yeares,
In all his causes and his greate affaires,
By ’s uncle S* John Vernon’s good advyse,
Who was a learned man, discreete and wyse :
Wherfore S* George to shew y*‘ he was kynd,
And to his uncle bare a thankfull mynd,
Of Haselbach he granted then a Lease,
To him and his assignes w™ should not cease,
Until y° terme of fourscore yeares were spent,
Reservinge thereupon a pennie rent.
S‘ John until his death posses’t y® same:
* See Introduction.
+ Is not this an error for ‘‘ Talboys”? Sir Gilbert Talboys was the father
of the first wife of the ‘‘ King of the Peak.” But the line is puzzling. The
skeleton pedigree, giving the descent of Sir George Vernon, and showing that
he was nephew to Sir John Vernon, of Sudbury, is one of the first times that
Sir George’s parentage has been rightly given. There is a strange confusion
in the usual statements of the Vernon descent ; almost every printed source of
information makes Sir George to be the son, instead of the grandson, of Sir
Henry Vernon. This part of our pedigree is compiled from Rutland evidences
that were kept at Haddon as late as 1833.
84 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
And afterwards this Farme to Henry came
His onelie sonne who held it duringe liffe
But after his decease there fell great stryffe
About it, through y° practise of his wyffe.
This Henry Vernon was of great esteeme
A man both wyse and learned (as may seeme)
Who in his Cuntrie also bare great sway,
And kept a worthie house, as old men say,
Who often talke of him ev’n to this day.
It chanced (manie yeares before his death)
He went and served in the Warres at Leath*
In Scotland, where he was a Captaine then,
Ore some three hundred of his cuntrimen
But he had thought it meete before he went,
For to ordaine his Will and Testament :
Wherin to John his sonne he did bequeath
The Farme of Haselbach after his death,
When eyghteen yeares of age he did attaine
Meane tyme ith mothers handes it should remayne
And after yt as seemeth true and plaine,
He never alter’d it, but left it soe :
But what’s so foule y' mallice will not doe?
He sicke or dead his wyffe found out y°® Will,
(And to her elder sonne intendinge ill)
She secreatlye y° name of John did race,
And put y® name of Henry in y* place:
That this is true I know not who will sweare,
Yet stronge presumptions make y* case too cleare.
For it was knowne not long before he dyed,
His Will did in y® former state abyde, ;
Which was by oath of Witnesse testifyed : =f
Besydes it was too manyfestlye knowne,
She used meanes to gett herself alone
o) oei Lanse Les Died “eet Salea g bee, ge fa 2 one
* This refers to the war of the Scottish Reformation in 1559, when Leith
was for some time besieged.
ait
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE, 85
Into his Studie, when she did desyre,
And for that purpose had a crooked wyer,
Wherwith she easlie could unlock y* door,
And leave it in such order as before :
And when in private she resorted thither
Both pen and inke sometymes she did take with her,
And sett a maid to watch whyle she staid there
Where both his Will and other wrytings were,
Some servants too who were acquaynted best
With both their handes, did on their oath protest,
They thought it not his hand, but hers much rather,
As by the forme oth’ letters they did gather.
These things and manie other being brought
In evidence on John’s behalf, who sought
To right himself herein against his mother
Who helde y°® Farme and also gainst his brother
(Whom she defended) gave such satisfaction
Unto a Jury (charg’d to trye the Action)
Ith’ Court of Comon Pleas) that they had greed
On John’s behalf their Verdict should proceede.
“But too much cunninge all the cause did marre :
For as the Jurie came unto to the Barre,
A Juror (by a compact underhand)
In private lett a servant understand
Gainst Vernon would their present Verdict passe :
But Goodman Blockhead, lyke a drunken Asse
Forgetting that his Maisters right was tryed
Ith’ name of Buck against Vernon forthw™ hyed
And tould his Maister y* the truth was soe
A present Verdict would against him goe :
Who caused Buck be non-suite* thereupon :
And lost the cause which els w™ him had gone.
« “Non Suite is a renouncing of the suit by the plaintiff or demandant,
most commonly upon the discovery of some error or defect, when the matter is
so far proceeded in, as the jury is ready at the bar to deliver their verdict.” —
Cowel’s /nterpreter.
86
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
This Suite as by y* Copies doth appeare,
Did happen in the two and twentyth yeare
Of our late Sov'aigne Queene Elizabeth :
About tenn yeares after y® father’s death :
In all w™ tyme and two or three yeares after
Continewed suites twixt mother, sonne, & daughter
For she did practize lykewyse to defeate
Her elder daughter called Margarett,
Of some fyve hundred marks left by her father
Which she by changinge of y® names, had rather
Should come unto her yonger daughter Mary
About w poynt oth’ Will they long did varie.
I dare not say, that it was verie sooth,
Though manie did beleeve it for a truth :
For she was cunninge, could both read & wryte,
And to her elder children had much spyte
But on y° yonger sett her cheefe delight.
This Farme of Haselbach did still remayne
Ith’ mother’s handes Till Henry did attayne
To eightene yeares & thenceforth he possest it
For soe (they say) his fathers will exprest it.
But after it once came to Henrye’s handes,
In that he had noe other state or landes,
Nor other Lyvelihood did as then enjoy,
His elder brother would not him annoy :
But shortlie to attonement w™ him grewe,
And then good friendship twixt them did ensewe :
Soe that yong Henry helde it without stryfe,
From thenceforth duringe all his term of lyffe ;
And by his Will he left it to his wyffe
And Chylde unborne: Whereon this Suite they ground,
Gainst Maister Vernon for six hundred pounde :
From which I have digressed somewhat longe
Onely to shewe in part his mother’s wronge.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
But now I will retorne unto the same,
And here declare what end thereof became.
The severall sumes demanded did amount
To fiftene hundred poundes, by their account :
To wit, for sale of Aspley and Sugnell, nine,
And sixe for Haselbach, w™ made fifteene.
Gainst w™ then Maister Vernon went about
For to declare and sett his tytles out,
Both to y* Landes were sould, and to y* Lease
Of Haselbach: and how he did in peace
Permitt his brother to injoy theim still,
During his lyffe of friendship and goodwill,
Intendinge to have beene to him more kynde,
If he had match’t accordinge to his mynd,
Even soe farre forth as to have made him heire
To all his lands. Besydes it myght appeare
That Henryes state was not soe absolute,
But verie manye had y* same in doubt,
Soe much that he to whom those lands were sould,
To deal with them would not have been so bolde,
Had John not joyned with his yonger brother
And given securitie as well as th’ other.
For Haselbach himself did mortgage it,
With whom his brother joyned (as was fitt)
And both had equall power it to redeeme
But he best right (if conscience they esteeme.)
Thus eyther partie labour’d for to prove
Their causes good, as it did theim behoove :
Yet by the labour of some frendes at last
Some motion of agreement mongst them past
To put this matter to arbitrement,
Whereto ith’ end both parties gave consent.
The arbitrato’s at th’ appoynted day
87
88 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Awarded Maister Vernon for to pay
To Justice Townshend these demaunds to cleare,
Upon’s owne bonds, one hundred markes a yeare,
Untill one thousand marks were fullye paid :
W* was not hard (me thought) all things well waid :
Yet Maister Vernon thought it was too much,
But notw“standinge since th’ award was such,
He gave y°® Bondes and so did end y* stryfe
And made one payment only in his lyffe
For ere y® second Payment did ensewe,
It pleased God, he yealded Nature’s due.
But while y® Suites were prosecuted hard
Against him in pretence to right the Ward,
Soe greate offence thereby he did conceave,
That oft he did protest he would not leave
That might descend on her one foote of’s lande
Although she was next heire. Nowe understande,
He had noe chyld himself, nor married were
Till he had past his one and fiftith yeare :
Then tooke to Wyffe a Wydowe of his name,
Who was a worthie, wyse, and vertuous Dame:
Good Walter Vernon’s wyffe once had she beene
Of Houndhill: and had borne him children nine :
Four were deceas’d there rested then alyve
Three Sonnes and Daughters two, in number fyve :
From Haddon house these Vernons (as y* other)
Descended also of a yonger brother,
But from the Littletons they came by mother.
A worthie Knight her father men did call
Sir Edward Littleton of Pillaton Hall.*
* Mary, the wife of (1) Walter Vernon and (2) John Vernon, was the
daughter of Sir Edward Littleton, of Pillaton Hall, by his wife Margaret,
daughter and co-heir of Sir William Devereux. The ‘‘three sonnes and
daughters two,” mentioned in the Chronicle as the children living by her first
husband, will be found on the pedigree table.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 89
Soe wyselie did this Dame herself behave,
And unto him such faire advice she gave,
That she procur’d him to reduce his landes,
The state wherof had longe beene in y* handes
Of such a frend as he did then elect,
When rather death than lyffe he did expect :
One William Atkinson a Lawyer hee
But such a one for faithe and honestie
As of his ranke too fewe I feare there bee
This man releas’t him from Imprisonment,
Wherin two tedious yeares wel nere he spent
At London in the Poultrie Compter* where
With manie executions charg’d he were,
And Actions great, above ten thousand pound,
On Bondes & Statutes wherein he stood bound
For Frendes and kindsmen: But ere this was done
He stated all his Landes on Atkinson,
By good assurance as he could devyse,
Without condition then in anie wyse :
For why? his care was not on Landes but lyffe,
Because y‘ tyme the Plaguet were verie ryffe
In London, and suspected to beginne
Within y‘ Prison which he lived in :
He stood not then on points of revocation
But sought inlargement after anie fashion :
* Compter, or counter, was a term applied to certain prisons, originally
intended for debtors, ‘‘whereinto (according to Cowel’s interpretation of the
term) he that once slippeth is like to account ere he can get out.” The two
city (London) prisons in the Poultry and in Wood Street, from the time of
Elizabeth down to their demolition, were always known by this name. But
other gaols, as for instance, one in Southwark, were also called Counters.
The Poultry Counter had a singularly evil reputation, even in those days of
bad gaols, for filth and cruel treatment; in the days of Elizabeth it was
generally kept well supplied with Recusant priests and laymen, not a few of
whom died from sickness within its walls. To be moved from the Poultry to
any other London prison seemed always to be an acceptable change. But one
imprisoned, as John Vernon was, for a civil cause, would doubtless be able to
purchase his own comforts.
+ In 1603-4, no less than 30,578 persons perished in London of the plague ;
there were also several severe attacks, in which many thousands died, during
the last decade of Elizabeth’s reign.
go
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
Intreatinge Atkinson most earnestlie,
To take his Landes, and worke his libertie :
Protestinge y‘ it was his meaninge playne,
The same should unto him and his remayne
For soe as he might beare a seemlie porte,
And live himself in gentlemanlyke sorte
And at his end some Quillets might dispose,
Of noe great valewe, for y° good of those
His frendes and servants whom he best affected
He car’d not for his kinne, nor heires respected.
Thus soon he Atkinson to take his land,
And his redemption so to take in hand:
Which he with earnest labour went about,
And us’d all speedie meanes to gete him out,
Discharginge manie debts w™ present pay,
Compoundinge others for a longer day:
For parte wherof he & his frendes gave bandes,
But for the greatest he did mortgage landes :
Soe by his true endeavour with good speede
Was Maister Vernon from his thrauldom freed.
Faire fall a faithfull frend in time of need.
Ere long they both came into Derby-shire,
For there to be they had noe small desyre
Vernon to see his cuntrie and his frendes,
But Atkinson for other speciall endes
To Sudbury this jorney then did make,
His purpose was a True Survay to take,
And actuall possession of those Landes,
Which late he purchased at Vernon’s handes :
And courts to keepe in his owne right & name :
But some of Vernon’s frendes y* heard y° same,
Advysed him in nowyse to consent,
That Atkinson performe his said intent :
Who this advis’d, intreated Atkinson,
To be content w"™ that alreadie done :
ary Se
—e
ae
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
Alledginge he should be disgrac’d for ever,
If in that purpose he did still persever.
This strange Request distastefull was indeed,
To Atkinson, and manie doubts did breed,
To see y' crost w™ was before agreed :
He suffred yet, and yealdinge to the same,
Left unaffected that for which he came:
Yet thought y* some was therefore much too blame.
But whyle in Derbyshire he did remayne,
Vernon most kindlie did him entertaine :
And he againe (how ere win in doubt,)
Discreetlye made faire weather from wout.
It would be longe for me to treate of all
The passages y* after did befall
Betweene theim two about these great affaires,
Wherin were spent noe lesse than seaven yeares :
What landes they solde & what they did demyse,
What sumes of money did thereof aryse,
What mortgages they made, what debts they pay,
What meetings and what motions day by day,
For finall endinge and for full conclusion,
To treate at large would make a great confusion.
Wherefore omittinge much, Vle onelie tell
_ What in y® later end twixt them befell,
When Vernon had betaen him to a wyffe,
Some yeare and half before he left this lyffe.
And here tis fittinge y' you understand
He still was in possession of the land:
And took y* profitts and receiv’d y* rent,
By Atkinson's permission and consent,
‘Though at y° first t’was not to his content.
And nowe being married he did seeme much more
Desyrous of an end than ere before :
His wyffe beinge carefull provident and wyse,
gl
g2 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
To that effect did often him advyse:
Alledginge unto him if Atkinson
Should dye as things then stood, they were undone :
She pray’d him to consider their estate,
And make an end before it were too late.
To London then they goe for this intent,
Much tyme they lost, much money there they spent:
Though he and Atkinson meete day by day,
Nothinge is done, they use their olde delay :
For both of theim were verie apt y‘ way.
Which she perceavinge brought it soe to passe,
A day of meetinge twixt them poynted was,
What tyme by her devyse two frendes* come in,
Men of great worth & of her husband’s kin,
Who findinge theim about this Businesse,
Doe willinglie therto theimselves addresse :
And beinge such as could not be refus’d,
Such faire perwasions and good meanes they used,
That Atkinson a finall end to make,
Consented thirtene hundred poundes to take:
And of the landes to make a good estate
To him, or such as he should nominate :
And Vernon therunto did then agree,
(Which Sum he termed a Gratuitie.)
Sir Robert Vernon soone their Audit made,
Whom practise had made expert in y* trade:
For longe at Court, in office had he beene,
To greate Elizabeth then England’s Queene :
Perusinge their Accompts he quicklie founde
* Sir Edward Stanley. Sr. Robert Vernon. [Note in the MS.]
The way in which Sir Edward Stanley and Sir Robert Vernon were “‘ of
her husband’s kin,” will readily be seen on referring to the skeleton pedigree.
Sir Robert Vernon, with his cousin Henry, were coheirs, through the Ludlow
heiresses, to the estate of Edward, the last Baron Powys. Henry Vernon,
his grandmother being the elder sister, petitioned the Crown for the Barony
through female descent. His pleadings are of much interest, and are of no
small genealogical value, owing to the large number of pedigrees cited showing
titles held through a female line (Harl. MSS., 305).
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 93
In Atkinson’s Receipts five hundred pounde
And twentie sixe, more then he had defraied :
Soe that of thirtene hundred to be paid,
Seaven hundred Seaventie foure did then remaine
And thus he made their Reckonings straight & plaine.
Then Articles to this effect he frames,
To which both parties doe subscrybe their names :
But yet for good respects it was thought best,
That in his handes those Articles should rest :
And either partie should a Transcript have
Therof, w™ unto them next day he gave.
But Maister Vernon soone himself repented,
And was at this Accord much discontented.
The cause (if I mistake it not) was this,
He thought in conscience he had done amisse,
In seekinge thus for to reduce the landes
(By this Agreement made) out of the handes
Of Atkinson, contrarie to his word
And Protestation at their first Accord.
This (I beleeve) his long delays did breed,
And was y° cause he did not soe proceed,
As by those Articles it was agreed,
For in y* same a day was limmitted,
Before y* w™ thinges should be finished
But of the same he had soe small respect,
Both tyme and busines he did quyte neglect :
Perhaps that Atkinson might soe be free
From th’ Articles to w™ he did agree.
At Upton then in Essex he did lye
Where he fell sicke, and beinge lyke to dye,
His wyffe in hast for Atkinson did send,
(Who ever shew’d himself an honest frende,)
And promis’d allwaies that he would provyde,
She should be used well, what ere betyde.
He came although himself was then not well :
And into private conference there they fell,
94 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE
How all things should be order’d and dispos’d
(For he would not his mynd should be disclos’d
Till his decease :) And sonne agreed they are,
That under’s hand and seale he should declare
His mynd and purpose, what he would have done
After his death by trustie Atkinson.
But well perceavinge that it would fall out,
They could not doe y* thinges they were about
Without assistance of some Clarke therein,
For Atkinson himself did then begin
To be more sicklie: Him therefore they take,
Whose pen thus rudelye this Record did make,
Him they make privie to their enterpryse,
Appoyntinge him to write what they devyse:
Who faythfullye their doings did conceale,
And wrought therein to manie men’s avayle.
Here seemes it not unfittinge to relate,
How some yeares past an absolute estate
Of Aston Mannor* and some speciall groundes
Of yearlie rent above three hundred pounds
By Atkinson (w® Vernon so procur’d)
Unto Sebastian Harvey were assured :
Who with condition then passed ore the same
To Bankes & Broughton (Vernon did theim name,
As frendes in trust for him) To wit, yf they
Should thirtene hundred pounds to Harvey pay.
Vernon had paid two hundred of yt Sume
And for y® rest the day was yet to come.
Besydes one Robert Jackson then did stand
By mortgage seized of some other lande
In Mackley, Marston, Waldley, Somershall,+
* A moiety of the manor of Aston, near Stone, was in the Swynnerton
family as early as Edward I., and hence came to John Vernon.
+ The lands of the four townships mentioned in this line, as well as Rodsley
mentioned immediately below, were part of the inheritance of the coheiress of
Montgomery, who brought Sudbury to Sir John Vernon.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 95
For divers debts which did amount in all
Above nine hundred poundes, but most not due
Until y° first yeares end that should ensewe
From Vernon’s death. And further at y’ day
An other Towne called Rodsley mortgaged lay
To one Ralph Allen of whose debte was founde
As then arrere above three hundred pounde.
First therfore he desyr’d his honest frende
That w" these parties he would make an end:
And satisfye them all yt should appeare
Upon their true accompts to be arrere
And for y* purpose then did him requyre
To sell some landes y* lay in Staffordshire.
Then he appoynted and requyr'd that they
By good estate these lands should reconvay
To Atkinson his trustie faythfull frende,
Whom he had chosen to y® onelye end
He might sole seiz’d of all from thenceforth stande
To th’ uses and intents that under’s hand
And seale in wrytinge Vernon should declare
Wherof to treate in parte I nowe prepare :
For worthie memorie (me thinkes) they are.
How M* Vernon appointed his Landes to be assured and dis-
posed of after his decease, and howe he rewarded his servants, and
gratifyed his frendes, enseweth, in parte.
His Wyrre.
His greatest care was for his lovinge wyffe,
To whom at first he gave for terme of lyffe,
All those faire landes in Broughton & in Bankes
Which (had he done noe more) deserved thankes,
Beinge worth (as by his Rentalls did appeare)
Above three hundred thirtie pounds by yeare.
96
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
But this de bene esse first was done,
Because it hapne’d soe that Atkinson
Still growing sicklie could no longer stay,
But home to London gott him thence away :
Where w™ Jonge sickness he was helde soe sore
That he to Upton could repaire noe more.
Yet Vernon with his Servant thought it fitt
When tyme did serve and better howers permitt
For to proceede his Landes for to dispose,
And to Declare what should be done for those
Poore frends and servants w™ on him depend,
For whom well to provyde he did intend :
Wherefore at sundrie tymes as hee thought best
His whole intent & meaninge he exprest
To what was past still addinge more and more
And sometymes alteringe what was done before :
God of his goodness and especiall grace
To finish all did grant him tyme and space.
In further shewe of love unto his Wyffe
He also gave to her for terme of lyffe
Both Sudbury and Mackley w Okes greene
And Rodsley too, and all the lands y* beene
Thereto belonginge, Savinge onely those
Hereafter mentioned, w™ he bestowes
On other frendes. He also for her sake
And partly for y° name, such love did take
Unto her children, as th’ had been his owne,
Which lovinge kindnes he did well make knowne.
His Wyves CHILDREN.
Her eldest Sonne whom he did most respect,
Called Edward Vernon then he did elect
As heire to all those Landes and Manno's faire
Which unto her for lyfe appoynted were.
To him and’s issue male he then intayled
Appoyntinge further if such issue fayl’d
ein
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
(For that to keep ith’ name he did intend)
That then to Thomas Vernon they descend,
Her second Sonne and to his issue male,
Whereof if he’ lykewyse should hap to fayle,
Then unto Walter yongest of the three,
And his male issue: bnt in case that hee
Should therof fayle, Then will’d he y‘ they might
Discend unto Sir Robert Vernon Knight,
And his heires male & in default of those,
To th’ heires of Edward doth these lands dispose.
Unto her yonger sonnes he gave lykewise
His goodes and chattles all, w™ did aryse
To twentye eight above five hundred pounde,
As by true Inventorie they were founde.
Next after these it fitteth y‘ I place,
Her daughters twaine, Elizabeth and Grace,
In token of his love to theim he gave
Fyve hundred pounds & will’d y‘ they should have
It payed to them at Sixtene yeares of age,
Or els upon their day of marriage.
Mr. Francis Buck.
He also will’d that both the Somershalls
To’s Nephew Francis Buck & his heires males
Should be assured after her decease :
Which Buck ere longe unwyselye did release.
For whyle in Court of Wards this cause defended
(Not brookinge to forbeare till it was ended)
He made a composition for the same,
To his great damage and deserved blame:
And of that faire estate his Uncle left him,
Himself most unadvysedlye bereft him.
Sir EDWARD STANLEY.
Unto Sir Edward Stanley his kynd frende,
And his heires male (if God such issue sende)
7
97
98 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
He then appoynted all his lands that be
In Waldley, Marchington, Mountgomerie,
And Marston Woodhouses, But if such fayle,
To Edward Vernon then w™ lyke intayle, °
And soe unto Sir Thomas Gerrard knight,*
But last to Edward Vernons heires aright.
Yet in y® Court of Wards such doubts were founde,
S* Edward for his tytle did compound,
And was content to take three hundred pound
Upon y® sale therof: Soe y‘ as then
Some favo's might be done two of his ment
Wherto as when all parties had agreed,
Then by the Court of Wardes it was decreed,
That all y* foresaid lands be sould w™ speede.
And all y° money y* were rais’d therby,
Should be imploy’d y* debts to satisfye.
Mrs. MARGARET BUCK.
He further did declare and signifie
The profitts of those grounds in Sudburye
Called Nether Eyes, Oxeclose and Holy Well
His sister Mrs. Buck als Meverell
Should yearlye have so long as she should live,
And further unto her did also gyve
For better mayntenance a Pension fayre
Which (for her lyffe) was Twentie pound a yeare.
But she unrulie and her husband worse
Were lyke to turne this Blessing to a Curse :
Such outrages they doe, such Ryotts make,
And such unlawfull courses they doe take
* Sir Thomas Gerard was a connection. Elizabeth, daughter and coheir of
Sir John Montgomery (sister of Ellen, wife of Sir John Vernon), was married
to Sir John Port. The eldest daughter and coheir of this marriage, Elizabeth,
became the wife of Sir Thomas Gerard.
+ Walter Peerson who had William Fernihough who having a Lease
XL. marks paid him of his Tenemt for two lyves had here-
therupon. upon the fee simple. [Note in the MS. ]
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 99
Had they beene delt w all as they deserved,
In miserie and want they might have sterv’d
I list not treate particularlye here,
What there lewde words and misdemeano's were :
It seem’d the spyte and envie w™ they had
Against their brother’s wydowe made theim mad.
But she was mylde, for had she not beene soe,
She easely might have wrought their overthrowe:
Yet she forgave them: and to end the stryfe,
A yearly rent of fourtie pounds for lyffe,
Was granted Mistris Buck: and therw™ all,
The Ferme wherein she dwelt in Somershall.
Assur’d to her for lyffe, worth little lesse
Then Twentie poundes a yeare, (as manie ghesse.)
Sir RoBERT VERNON.
Unto S* Robert Vernon his good frende,
Who had taen paynes in making such an end
As is foresaid, twixt him and Atkinson,
In signe of thankfulnes for kyndnes done,
(Not that he thought him anie neede to have)
Tenne pounds a yeare duringe his lyffe he gave.
Mr. Epwarp POo.e.
To Maister Edward Pole* his kindsman deare,
Who was his kynd companion manie a yeare,
And liv’d in House with him at Sudburye,
He did appoint that there should leased be
A Ferme in Mackley w™ one Twist possest,
(Of all y* Lordship conted for y* best)
Duringe y* terme of fourtie yeares and one,
At twelve pence rent reserved therupon.
Mr. EVERARD, HIS Wyrre, & SONNE.
Unto John Everard and Jane his wyffe,
And John their sonne successivelye for lyffe,
* We have not been able to ascertain in what way either Edward Pole, or
the next named, John Everard, were kinsmen of John Vernon.
100 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
He gave two Tenements in Somershall
And that New Copie in the Wood w™ all
W late had beene inclos’d by Harrison
Reserving but fyve shillings rent theron.
This Everard had serv’d him hertofore,
A Gentleman by birth, and (w™ was more)
His godsonne, and his kindsman then growen poore.
Mr. CROSBYE. Mr. VENABLES.
Crosbye * and Venables, two gentlemen,
The first his kindsman, both old servants tren,
To eyther of theim he appoynted there,
The sume of twentie Nobles by y® yeare
Duringe their lyves, and after did decree,
To Crosbye’s sonne, his Syre’s annuitie.
PETER POLLETT.
One Peter Pollett who was borne in France
And came to him a lackey-boy by chance,
He in his lyffe tyme fairlie did advance.
And by his Declaration nowe requyres,
Two Fermes in Rodsley (w® he held for yeares)
Should be convey’d to him and to his heires
For ever : and to better his estate
He will’d that certayne grounds there seituate
Call’d Baylie Closes should assured be
To him for one and fowrtie yeares rent free
JouHN OLIVER ALS PATTRICK.
John Oliver whom Pattrick he did name,
For Countries sake, when he from Ireland came
Was first his Footboy whom he afterward
Affected well and had in good regard :
To him and John his sonne successivelie
He gave for lyffe y' Ferme in Sudburye.
* Dorothy Swynnerton, sister of Thomas Swynnerton, and great-aunt of
Margaret, the mother of John Vernon, married Mr. Crosby, of Stafford.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE, IOI
Wherein he dwelt: And added to y* same
These sev‘all groundes y‘ followed here by name :*
Bean Croft & Calver-croft & two they call
Stubbridinge and High-field, in Mackley all.
Then y° Hall Orchard & the Cunningree,
Both w™ were situate in Sudburye.
He added over & besydes these grounds
‘That he should have a Pension of ten poundes
To him paid yearlye for y* terme of lyffe,
And after his decease unto his wyffe,
And John his sonne y‘ Pension should remayne,
And to y° longer lyver of them twaine.
WILLIAM FERNIHOUGH.
To William Fernihough then did he give
To have and holde as long as he should live
Of meadowe ground one acre, and to pay
A rose for rent, on S‘ John Baptist’s day.
WALTER PEERSON.
He also will’d for Walter Peerson’s good,
That Tenem‘ which standeth in the Wood
Wherein he dwelt—-High Ashes call'd by name
Should be to him assur’d and with y® same
An Acre which w™ in Brode meadowe lyes,
For one and twentie yeares, or otherwyse
Until y® full terme of three lyves were spent,
Yealdinge a red rose yearlie for his rent.
Henry HyDe. AGNES Hype.
On Henry Hyde & Agnes Hyde his wyffe,
To have and holde to theim for terme of lyffe,
These groundes ensewinge then he did bestowe:
The Fernie Patch, y° Hooke, & Ledderslowe,
* Of the Sudbury field-names, mentioned here and in the following bequests,
a few survive to the present time, viz., Bean Piece, Long Close, and the
Hooks.
102 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
The Lane so term’d, y* Ridd, & y‘ they call
Longe Close at Derby Lane to theim befall :
And for all these he did appoint y* they
One shillinge yearly for their rent should pay.
JoHN PARKES.
John Parkes y* Bayliffe of his husbandrie
Who serv’d him longe and lived thriftlie.
Two Tenements in Waldley did possesse,
But for what terme I cannot well expresse :
Which he inlarged then to foure-score yeares,
Reservinge but th’ old rent unto the heires.
THOMAS STOKE.
Olde Thomas Stoke of Hylton as befell,
This tyme of sicknes did attend him well,
And well it hapt for him he there attended,
Whereby ere long his state was well amended.
For by y® declaration it appeares
That for three lyves or one and twentie yeares
His Tenem* in Hylton he should have,
And for lyke terme to him he also gave
A Close in Essington, Bursnaps by name
Yealdinge y°® auncient rents due for y* same.
MICHAELL HEAPE. JOHN SAULT. VERNON TURTON.
Four poundes a yeare to Michaell Heape he gave:
And will’d John Sault fyve marks should yearly have.
To Vernon Turton who his name did beare,
He fourtie shillings did appoint by yeare :
And will’d these pensions be to theim made sure,
That for their sev‘all lyves they might endure.
Divers SERVANTS.
He will’d there should be paid within a yeare,
To div's servants as enseweth here:
+ fe eee ee
PO 6 OEE ET VR ROPE Ow Sots |
wiles
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THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 103
Fyve Poundes unto Joyce Marshall & lyke sume
‘To Margaret Plimer by his guift should come.
Emme Fenton fourtie shillinges should receive,
To Ellen Abell he lyke sume did leave,
Joane Palmer had as much & Susan Downe,
Who had in lewe thereof, a Mourninge Gowne.
Anthony Hyde had fourtie shillings payd,
As much to Humphry Gellyve was defraid.
POORE OF SUDBURYE.
He further shew’d it was his full intent,
There should be granted out a yearlie rent
For ever : w should issue equallye
From Marston Lordship & from Sudburye
And y‘ the same should be distributed
To such poore people as inhabited
The later of these Lordships now rehers’t
But y* Decree was afterwards reversed :
Yet there was granted out to this intent
For ever to endure, a yearlie rent
Of Twentie nobles paid them quarterly
W“ issues onelie out of Sudburie.*
* Against the west wall of the addition to the north aisle of Sudbury Church
is a tablet bearing the following interesting inscription as to John Vernon’s
bequests to the poor :—
““ Amongst the many memorablie good acts performed and executed by the
will and appoyntment of that worthy Gentlemen John Vernon Esq whose
body is here interred there was given and granted to bee issuing yearley out of
the Mannér of Sudbury a rent charge of sixe pounds thirteene shillings foure-
ence unto sixe parishioners that is to say unto Edward Banks Thomas Banks
William Allin Richard Scatergood John Turton and Thomas Witherings and
to their Heires and assignes for ever to the use maintenance and reliefe of
the poore inhabitants of this Parish payable yearley to them or some of them
at Sudbury Hall, at the feasts of Easter, Pentecost, All Saints and Christmas
by even portions, the first payment whereof was to be gin and soe did accord-
ingly at Easter one thousand sixe hundred and nine with a clause of distresse
upon any part of the Mannor aforesaid, if the same be unpaid by the space of
ten dayes after any of thesaid feasts beinge Lawfully demanded at the place
aforesaid to be distributed accordinge to the direction and appoyntment of
Mistris Mary. Vernon widow during her life, and after her desease to the
direction of Edward Vernon Esq her sonn and of his Heires for Ever this
Grant made by Indenture tripartite is dated the first day of June 1608 and
104 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
JoHN HARESTAFFE.
John Harestaffe had taen paines in his affaires,
Sollicitinge his causes manie yeares :
He did assist in this last businesse
And writt all downe his Maister did expresse
Amongst y* rest a Ferme to him befell
In Rodsley where one Sherwin then did dwell
Whose Lease above eight yeares was unexpyr’d :
This Tenement his Maister then requyr’d
To Harestaffe and his heires should be convey’d
For ever. W although it was gain-said
At first, yet after was it soe assur’d
To recompence his travayles longe endured.
Mr. ATKINSON.
Lastlye to Atkinson his faithfull frend
(Besydes y° Sume agreed on for their end)
He gave sixe hundred pounds, If soe y* he
Did execute these things accordinglye.
Which he accepted of with good content
And to performe y® same gave full consent.
After that he had all things thus disposed :
One doubt possest him (w he then disclos’d)
Touchinge his brother's daughter then in ward,
‘lo doe for whom he never tooke regard.
He did suspect when he was dead & gone,
Her tytles would breed troubles, wherupon :
Unto y® Court of Wards he did direct
A faire Certificat to this effect :
was sealed and delivered and seisin given in the presence of Master Thomas
Vernon Master Walter Vernon, Robert Warner and John Harestaffe who
of his own Coste and Charges procured the same to be inrolled in the
Chancery the 21 day of May in the 7 yeare of the raigne of the late
King Charles as appeares in the last will and Testament of the sayd John
Harestaffe proved in the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield the 26 day of
December 1646.”
es |
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE, 105
They would be pleas’d from him to understand,
He never did intend her foot of ’s lande
Nor grotesworth of his goods : because that he
By meanes of her endur’d much injurie
In suites and troubles under faire pretence,
To do her right, w® did bim much offence :
He humblie pray’d that after his decease,
They would permit his frendes to live in peace,
Whom he had laste bestow’d his lands upon,
And not to worke their molestation.
‘To this he sett his seale and writ his name
With Witnesses to testifye the same.
When he had done his worldie businesse,
Himself to heaven he whollie did addresse :
Ere longe his houre of Death approchinge nie
His latest words were prayers to God on hie,
Into whose handes his soule he did comende
And makinge soe a good and «odlie end,
As one in quiet sleepe some howcss he past,
And calmlye yielded up his breath at last.
Th’ eyght of Julye ith’ sixteenth hundred yeare
From Christ his blessed birth (our Savio" deare. )
Most frendes advys’d his bodie to interre,
At some nere place, as Paules or Westminster :
His mournfull wyffe in noe wyse would consent
Thereto: because it was her full intent,
He should in such a place interred be,
Where after death herself might also lye.
She therefore caus’d his bodie be prepar’d
And drest w™ odo’s sweete noe cost she spar’d
His Bowells to Westham* were first convey’d
And in the Parish Church there buried :
* We have inquired if there is any record at West Ham of this partial
interment, but the vicar, Rev. Canon Scott, informs us that the registers only
commence in 1653
106 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
And then his Corpes with full solemnitie
To her greate charge were brought to Sudbury
And lye interr’d w in a Chappell there
As by y© Monument may well appeare
Which she erected to his memorie
As soone as she had opportunitie.*
* Against the north wall of the Vernon chapel of the Parish Church of Sud-
bury is a handsome marble monument to the memory of John Vernon and
Mary his wife. The effigy of the husband, in late plate armour, with a small
ruff round the neck and wearipg a pointed beard, lies under an arch, and be-
neath it, on a projecting table-tomb, is the effigy of the wife. On the upper
part of the monument is the sixteen quartered coat of Vernon impaling the
four quartered coat of Littleton :—(1) Vernon, (2) Avenell, (3) Duversal, (4)
Camville, (5) Stackpole, (6) Pembrugge, (7) Vernon, with a canton, (8) Pype,
(9) Treamton, (10) Hodnet, (11) Spernor, (12) Montgomery, (13) old Mont-
gomery, (14) Swynnerton, (15) Swynnerton, within a bordure engrailed, (16)
Bond,—impaling (1) Westcote, (2) Littleton, (3) Quartermayne, (4) Bretton.
(The right to these quarterings is fully explained in Churches of Derbyshire,
vol. ii., p. 22; vol. iii, 321-2).. At the east end of the tomb are the four
Littleton coats on a lozenge, and at the west end Vernon impaling Littleton.
On the face of the monument are the two following inscriptions :—
‘* Here lyeth the bodye of John Vernon Esquier the sonne of Henry Verno
sonne of Sr Joh Verno knight and of Hellen one of the daughters & co-heires
of Sir John Montgomery by the which Hellen the mannor of Sudburie and
dyvers other lordshippes & landes lineallie descended unto the said John
Vernon who deceased at Upton in the Countie of Essex the 8 day of July
ano dni 1600 ffrom whence his bodie was convayed & here interred and this
monument erected by Mary his wyffe daughter to Sir Edward Littleton of
Pillaton hall in the Countie of Staff knighte.”
‘* Here is interred ye odie of Mary daughter of Sr Edw Littleto wife first
to Walter Vernon of Houndhill Esq to whom she bare 5 sonns and 4
daughters. After 7 years wydowhood she married John Vernon of Sudbury
Esq. whose lands (formrly past away for his redemption being enthrauled for
his friends by suertiship) were by her prudent endeavours redeemed and
brought to his disposinge who (havinge noe issue himself) appoynted the
Lordships of Sudbury and Aston with their members to her for life remainder
to her 3 sonns (then livinge) and their heirs male successively. And when
many assurances leases rent-charges annuities and guifts were by him
appointed to frends tenants servants and the poore which great adversaries
did oppose she (as a vertuous patronesse to them) with great care & travel
and at her own proper charges maintained their cause against their adver-
saries and brought the same to good effect to the great benefits of them
all. Such was her charitie and vertuous mind she built a mannor house at
Sudbury ; she contributed largely to the maintaininge of this church; she
gave by will x li to ye poor of the parish and xx nobles to y® poore of
Marchington and rewards to every servant. And having lived vertuous
matrone 22 years in her later widowhood maintaininge good hospitalite to
the daily releefe of ye poore she willingly and in godly manner exchanged
this life for a better the 17 day of Dec. 1622 in ye 62 year of her age.
To whose memorie her eldest sonne Edward Vernon Esq. caused this
monument to be erected.”
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 107
But at y‘ time her cheefest care of all
Was to provyde a comlie Funerall.*
Therefore w' speede great store of Blacks were brought
For mourninge weedes. Then Heraulds out were sought
And waged well this Businesse for to speede
Which was performed worthilie indeede,
Hen, Lont, Wm. Segar,
By Windsor Herauld, and by Norrey Kinge,
The Twelft of August then next followinge :
Upon w™ day was held at Sudburye
For him a great and solemn obsequie.
Of the Troubles of Mrs. MARY VERNON
Wydowe after her husband’s decease, enseweth
in parte.
Scarce finish’t was his Funerall and past,
But troubles newe began w long did last,
For Justice Townshend quickly went about
(Accordinge as this dead man late did doubt)
To crosse his purposes and wronge his frends
(Though rightinge of the Ward he still pretends.)
By Information first he did declare
In Court of Wardes how cleare her tytles are :
That she is brother’s daughter and next heire
To all her Uncles landes the case is cleare :
And by y* helpe of Wakeringe gott anone,
(Though out of Ferme) a strict Injunction,
Comaundinge all the Tenants not to pay
Their rents upon y* next St Michaell’s day,
Nor thenceforth, till y® Court should order take,
Unto whose hands they should such paym‘ make.
By Privie Seale they call y* Wydowe then,
With Atkinson, and him that did this pen:
* The funeral certificates of the College of Arms have been searched, but
the account of the officially conducted funeral of John Vernon is unfortunately
missing,
ee a ee ee ee a ere oe 2 y
108
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Broughton & Banks lykewyse and other moe,
Which in this cause had aine thinge to doe:
And by Injunction straitly theim comaund
To alter noe estate of aine lande
W“ at that tyme remained in their hand.
Then they suggest against the foremost three,
They had combyn’d together cunninglie,
Contryvynge to themselves in secresie
Dyvers estates, against all equitie
Intendinge to defraud the Ward of all
Which by her Uncle’s death to her did fall :
And manie ather things they doe suggest,
To little purpose here to be exprest,
All w by these Defendants readilie
Upon their oaths were answer’d faithfullye
As they concerned theim respectivelye.
Then certaine cunninge questions they devyse,
T’ intrappe theim if they could in aniewyse,
Intergatories clarks such questions call,
Which lykewyse on their oaths they answer’d all.
Some three & twentie were y® wydowes taske,
And Harstaffe fyve and fiftie they did aske,
But Atkinson examin’d was to more
Which were but onlie three short of four score,
Whose Answers and their Depositions all
Agreeinge in one truth, gave comfort small
Unto their Opposites. Yet they goe on,
Workinge all meanes of molestation.
Therby to make a fearfull woman yealde,
And be unable such a cause to wield:
Knowinge her debtes alreadie were not small,
For charges of her husband’s funerall.
And for to further this their bad intent,
They had alreadie barr’d her of the rent
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Enforcinge her to borrowe upon band,
For to maintaine this cause newe tain in hand.
Besydes daies of great paym‘ then drew nere
To Harvey and to Jackson, landes to cleare
And wheras for y' purpose dyvers landes
In Staffordshire (wT then were in the handes
Of Atkinson) were poynted to be sould,
That by Injunction latelye was controul'd.
These were sore crosses to begin w"all,
Yet manie more did shortlie her befall :
To treate of all would be a taske too greate,
It shall suffyce some part here to repeate :
Because to wryte at full her greate distresse,
(And her faire carriage therin to expresse)
Requyres a worthier pen I doe confesse.
Such and soe greate her troubles some were growne,
That most men thought her state quyte overthrown
The Tenants all or most did her forsake
And with her adversaries part did take:
Manie of those whose right she did defend
Against her whollye did their forces bende :
And others on whose fredship she did grounde
Did now in tyme of tryall prove unsounde
Yea some whom blood & nature should have bounde.
But Atkinson prov’d constant to the end,
On whom her chiefest hopes did then depend
He shew’d himself a faythfull trustie frende,
And he was faythfull too that this hath pen’d,
The one with fayre advyse did her assiste,
The others care and paynes could not be mist,
They comfort her and still her hopes confirme,
And in the end of Michaellmas longe terme
(In w® the Playntiffs first this suite did move
And had proceeded as is said above)
109g
110 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
She did attempt by way of motion
For to dissolve the first Injunction :
That she might gett y* rents & therw'all
Discharge such debtes as for y® Funerall
Of her late husband she stood bounde to pay :
To w the Court made answer wout stay
That since Sir Robert Cecill* was away,
(Who then beinge Maister did not sitt y‘ day,)
They might not it dissolve for feare of blame
Because himself had granted out y° same
Who thenceforth sate no more whyle terme did last
Soe y* untill y* next all hope seem’d past.
And thereupon she was a little mov’d
That this attempt had then nor better prov’d:
But Harestaffe will’d her not to be dismay’d
When one way fay’d, other must be assayed
And quicklie did a short Petition frame,
Advysinge her she should prefer y° same
Unto the Maister of y® Court with speede,
Which she performinge, thereof did succeede
Such good event, as comforted her well :
And though it be an idle thinge to tell
Ech circumstance thereof as it befell
Yet since I now have store of idle tyme,
Although but harsh and forced be my ryme,
Ile borrowe leave to treate therof a whyle,
To please myself, and idle houres beguyle.
* This mention of Sir Robert Cecil, the scheming favourite of the latter
days of Elizabeth, and of the early days of James, is of much interest. The
subsequent realistic touches of Mistress Vernon winning the favour of a cham-
ber groom to place her in an inner room of the Master's Lodgings, instead of
in the lobby; of two other grooms lighting a fire earlier than usual in the
season, and receiving four shillings for their attention; and of Harestaffe
directing the dame ‘“‘to knowe this greate man by his stature small,” are very
charming, when we consider the figure round whom they centre, and who had
so much to do with the making of English history. Sir Robert Cecil was the
youngest son of William Cecil, Lord Burleigh. He was Secretary of State
1596-1609 ; in 1599 he was appointed Master of the Court of Wards, ‘‘ the
most lucrative office held by any subject throughout Christendom ;” created
Earl of Salisbury in 1605; and died in 1612. From Sir Robert Cecil, the
present Marquis of Salisbury is directly descended.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. III
The Court lay at Whitehall and thither shee
Went w" her sister* in her companie,
And Atkinson her ever constant frende,
Harestaffe and other servants theim attend :
But by y® way hapt such an accident,
As Atkinson’s assistance did prevent :
Yet went she on, in hope some good to win,
Although her cheefe assistant fayl’d herein
She was desyrous for to putt in tryall
This newe attempt, since worst was but denyall.
And cominge to y* Court for this intent
Unto the Maister’s Lodgings straight she went :
He was not there whom she came to intreate
Yet in the Lobbie manie Sutors waite,
And wish for his retorne. Where theim amonge
These Gentlewomen had not stayed longe
Ere that by favo" of a chamber groome
They were admitted to an inner roome :
(Where as it seem’d the Maister us’d to heare
The Sutors y‘ did unto him repaire.)
Two Groomes because y* weather then was colde
Did sooner make their fyres than els they would
To pleasure theim, for w™ their kind regard,
They did receave foure shillings for reward.
It chanced y‘ whyle here she did attende,
One Maister Ferrerst (who was both her frend
And kindsman nere) cam him? and did salute her,
And then inquir’d if she was there as Sutor
* Lady Repington. [Note in MS.]
Sir John Repington, of Amington, married Margaret, daughter of Sir
Edward Littleton, of Pillaton Hall.
+ Richard Littleton, the first of Pillaton Hall, was the second son of Judge
Littleton (ob. 1481); his sister Ellen was married to Edward Ferrers, of
Tamworth. Richard Littleton was great-greatgrandfather of Mistress Vernon,
but we knowof no more recent alliance that could make her akin to any Ferrers.
£ Sic, query, “came in.”
Li2
‘THE RHYMFD CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
What was her cause and who for her made way
She breeflie tould her cause wout delay:
But as for makinge way, she there had none
But God and a good cause to trust upon.
He shooke his head as though he would expresse
She had not taen right course for good successe
And seeminge sorrie for her great distresse
Gave her cold comfort in her businesse.
That day y® Maister had in counsell beene,
And rysinge thence, was gone up to the Queene.
He was cheefe Secretaire at that day,
And in affaires of State bare all the sway :
The tyme runne on and candles nowe were light
And day had given place unto the night :
His cominge in ech minute was expected,
Then she by Harestaffe quicklie was directed,
To knowe this greate man by his stature small,
And by his entringe in y‘ first of all:
For why, as yet she never had him seeme
Nor till that tyme had she a sutor beene :
He will’d her therefore nere y® dore to stand,
With her Petition readie in her hande,
And y‘ so soone as in y* roome he came,
She should not fayle to offer him y* same :
Attended w" great troupes he came anon,
And gentlie took her supplication,
Which then imediatelye without more stay,
He did peruse in order as it lay:
And turninge unto her attendinge nie,
Why Mistris Vernon would you have (quoth he)
Me to dissolve nowe an Injunction,
Out of the terme upon Petition ?
That nere was heard of. She (God wot) was mute.
But Harestaffe (who sollicited this sute)
With humble reverence then for her reply’d,
If’t please your Hono" she y® Courte hath try’d,
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN. HARESTAFFE.
By motion in y* terme to get releefe,
But therunto she answer’d was in breefe,
That this Injunction was from thence awarded
Upon yo’ speciall warrant, w™ regarded,
They might not it dissolve for feare of blame :
And true it is you granted out y* same
Before the terme, ith’ longe vacation,
Upon their private information.
Tle prove if this be true he answer’d then,
And callinge presentlie for inke and pen,
He writt unto th’ Attorney of y* Court,
To certifye him by his true Report:
This he indors’d upon her Petition
And gave the same to Harestaffe, therupon
Coniaundinge him y‘ he should beare y* same
Unto th’ Attorney, Hesketh (then by name)
And that when he had certifyed therto,
He bringe it back to him y* he may knowe,
What in this cause most fittinge is to doe.
And then to her most courteously he spake
Requyringe y‘ from thenceforth she should take
No further paynes herself in this affaire,
But let her servant unto him repaire :
Who should have free accesse for y‘ intent,
So humblie gyvinge thanks away she went,
Beinge well encourag’d by his curtesie,
And restinge in some hope of equitie.
As was comaunded Harestaffe did resort
Unto th’ Attorney for his true report,
And gave to him the said Petition
But founde not here lyke expedition.
For Justice Townshend was his ancient frende,
Wherfore his adversaries must attende,
And wayte his leasure, come another day
And then lykewyse be answer’d with delay :
8
113
114
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Yet at y® last (though but w™ evill will)
He certifyed (his duties to fulfill)
Upon y* said Petition under’s hande,
That it was true y‘ soe the case did stand :
The Maister seeinge him y° same confirme,
Did then appoynt first Tewsdaie of next terme
‘To heare this cause, touchinge receipt of rent
Which gave the said Defendants some content.
Much toyle and troubles greate she did sustaine
In travellinge to termes & home agayne:
Longe winter jorneys were for her unfitt,
Had not necessitie enforced it,
But to all Fortunes she herself did frame,
Past expectation bearinge out the same.
Whyle she at home ith’ Cuntrie did abyde,
He said Sollicitor did there provyde
A newe Petition, w™ should be preferr’d
Unto the Maister when y* cause was heard,
This Supplication, generall he frames,
Subscrybed w™ some foure and twentie names
Of such old servants and such other frendes,
Whose onelie welfare on this cause dependes.
The Terme approc’ht, for London she prepares,
When she had order taen for home affaires.
S' Edward Littleton her brother went
To London w™ her onelye of intente
For to assist her: But it fell out soe,
In stead of helpe, he wrought her further woe,
Which ere I doe declare I meane to tell,
Of other cumbers that to her befell
W should by order first have been declar’d
Had I not meant that labour to have spar’d
As deeminge them to be of lesse regard.
Yet since the lesser seeme to have relation,
To greater y' ensew'd in worser fashion
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE, Im5
I’le bungle them together as I may
Lesse reckoninge method, soe y‘ truth I say.
Some yeare & more before her husband dyed
For three yeares terme he fullye had agreed
W" Clement Austyn* (most unworthile)
Then Rector of y® Church of Sudburye,
Both for y® Parsonage house y* Tythes and all
The profitts w" within the terme should fall.
This Parsonage had continued in his handes,
Since first he entred on his fathers landes :
Who held y* same before for manie a yeare,
Contentinge those y' were Incumbents there
Ti’ Advowson beinge theirs they did present
Such Clarkes as yearlie Stipends did content
Both sonne and Father kept good house thereon,
(For other dwellinge place there had they none.)
There did this Vernon keep his Sherifaltie,
And did mayntayne good hospitalitie
Duringe his lyffe: for though himself elsewhere
Did somtymes live, his household still kept there.
This sorie Clement whom he had preferr’d
As soone as he was dead himself bestir’d
He would no longer to his bargaine stand,
But he would have possession out of hande.
She who misdoubted his inconstancie
Had sent downe Francis Buck to Sudburye
Sir Edward Littleton was there lykewyse,
Suspectinge y* some troubles would aryse.
Ere longe into y° house y* Parson came,
Demaundinge then possession of the same :
* In 1563, Henry Vernon presented William Washington to the rectory
of Sudbury ; W. Washington was succeeded in the rectory by Clement Austyn,
on the presentation of John Vernon, but the year of Austyn’s institution
cannot be discovered, as there are neither episcopal nor parochial registers for
the latter part of Elizabeth’s reign.
116
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
They spake him faire and wisht him rest content,
Till she came downe: wherto he gave consent.
Harestaffe had writt to him to that effect,
But shortlie their advyse he did neglect :
And through ill counsell thither came againe,
And will they nill they thither would remayne.
But Buck could not abyde to suffer that
But out of doores perforce he threwe him flatt.
When she came downe unto him she did send
Desyringe him that he would not contend,
Protestinge y‘ she meant not him to wronge,
Nor would requyre to hold the Parsonage longe :
Nor yet would on her husbands bargaine stande ;
But for there was noe house upon y® lande
Soe fitt as that, wherin she might remayne,
Against her foes, possession to maintayne,
She must of force continewe there a season
And for y® same would gyve him what was reason.
Tut, he would have noe reason, nor agree
She should on anie termes his fermer be,
Or there abyde: for he was link’d w™ those,
Who shortlie after did theimselves disclose
Though neere allyed, to be her spytefull foes.
When she p’ceaved this she tould him plaine,
That her possession there she would mayntaine
And for what wronge she did him, would abyde
The Judges censure y‘ should it decyde.
Soone after this Corn-harvest tyme was come,
And sorie Clement (to be troublesome)
To gather some tyth corne would needs assay,
When Francis Buck and’s man came by that way :
What wordes amongst them, past I cannot tell,
Buck’s man and he by theares togeather fell,
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE, 117
And prov’d themselves such Maisters of defence,
That both with bloodie pates departed thence.
This accident offended her soe sore,
She will'd her servants loose y* corne, before
Such braules were made about it anie more.
The Parson thought great vantage to have won
When as the blood about his eares did run,
Exclayminge what great outrage had beene done.
And for he would the matter aggravate,
He went alonge w" this his bloodie pate
Well nere a myle, and there upon the way
As faint w™ losse of blood, he made a stay
Of purpose (doubtlesse) and an evill mynd,
That so a stranger then not far behind
In such tru-seeminge daunger might him fynd
Who p’adventure thinkinge all was truth,
Brought him to towne and tooke of him greate ruth,
Soe hansomlye y° priest did counterfet
Hopinge therby some vantage he should gett :
This furnish’t him of matter to complayne,
W* lowd he threats he’ll now pursue amuine
To London then he hyes for this intent,
And to y® grave Archbyshop Whitguift* went,
Complaininge unto him what mightie wronge
And foule abuse was done him theim amonge :
* Why Rector Austyn should carry his case to the Archbishop rather than
to his own diocesan, Bishop Overton of Coventry and Lichfield, is at first sight
puzzling? But in those days it was always considered of supreme importance
to have personal knowledge of, or a good introduction to one in power. Now
Archbishop Whitgift, when Bishop of Worcester, was made Vice-President of
Wales, and in the absence of the Lord President (Sir Henry Sydney), took
practical direction of affairs. He would then be, of necessity, brought much
into contact with Townshend, as Justice of Chester ; and if, as seems certain,
Justice Townshend was at the bottom of Kector Austyn’s litigiousness, the
reason why personal appeal should be made to the Archbishop becomes obvious.
It is interesting to recollect that one grand result of Archbishop Whitgift’s
connection with Wales and the Marches was the issuing of Morgan's translation
of the Scriptures into Welsh.
118
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
To make faire tale he somtyme spar’d y* sooth,
His labour had beene lost, had he tould truth.
The grave and learned Metropolitan,
(It seem’d) gave noe great credit to the man :
Yet lovinge Justice, and still favouringe right,
He writt his letters to th’accused Knight
And sent the Priest’s Petition to y° same,
Requyringe him if there were cause of blame,
Such reformacon might be had therfore,
That lyke complaynts should need be made no more.
Sir Edward then himself for to discharge,
By letters did informe his Grace at large
The truth of these affaires. And of this case
Did Atkinson lykewise informe his Grace :
Who was his Patrone, & to whom ere longe
The Parson came complayninge of his wronge :
Who checkt him foule for keepinge such a coyle,
In that wherein himself would have the foyle :
Advysinge him to frame himselfe to peace
Wherby both frendes and wealth he might increase.
The fickle headed fellowe then gave eare,
Unto his wordes and admonitions faire :
And promis’d resolutely he would stand
Unto such ende as by his Patrones hande
Should be sett downe betwene theim for all things
And cominge home his Patrones letters bringes,
To her directed in his comendation
Requyringe he be us’d in frendlie fashion,
And of this Reference makinge faire relation.
She promis’d also to abyde the same :
Which shortlie after with his letters came,
To this effect : That she should have the thinge,
And pay all charges thereout issuinge :
Allowinge him his chamber and his fyer,
His horse-grasse too when he should it desyre,
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE, 119
And for his maintenance (a Pension faire)
The Sume of two and thirtie poundes a yeare :
She was content: although it was much more,
Then he or anie other had before.*
But then S‘ Domine had chang’d his mynde,
For he was even as constant as the wynde.
He had of late been drinkinge at a Poolet
Whose secreat workinge caused him play the foole :
His Patrones order he would not abyde
Nor yeald to it whatere should him betyde
Wherfore awhyle ’le lay the foole asyde :
And since my leasure serves, I will not spare,
An other yonge mans follies to declare.
The man I mean was Maister Francis Buck
Who might have done full well but had ill luck :
What good his uncle meant him is declared,
How much his aunt esteemed him afterward,
i And how she lov’d him she did well make knowne,
By usinge him alyke unto her owne :
Provydinge soe that nothinge he did lack,
Crownes in his purse, faire clothinge on his back,
Who but her Cozen Buck? cheefe at her table,
Two Geldings she allowed him in her stable :
His man and boy, all at her charge mayntayn’d
And by her favo" then he also gain’d
Present possession of a Tenement
In Somershall w™ was of yearlie rent
Worth twentie marks. Thus kyndly she him us’d:
But all her kyndnes shortlie he refused :
Belyke in doubt her business would miscarie ;
Or by inticement of some adversarie :
A verie sleight occasion he did take
His aunt in great displeasure to forsake :
*The annual value of Sudbury Rectory is given in the Va.or Eccleséasticus
: (27 Henry VIII), as £14 13s. 1d.
+ Edw. Poole the Elder. [Note in the MS.]
120 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN. HARESTAFFE.
Because forsooth only for one nights space,
His horses did not keepe their wonted place,
By reason of some straungers cominge there,
Though in an other roome well plac’d they were.
And therupon he joyn’d himself with those
Who were her opposites, and spytefull foes :
With whom awhyle he practiz’d her to wronge,
But found great change of pasture, theim amonge,
And mist his Aunts allowance ere ’twas longe.
Not brookinge such a change, nor to live soe,
To serve beyond Sea he resolv'd to goe
Wherefore unto his Aunt he came againe,
To London, whereat she did then remayne,
Requestinge her good favor to obtayne,
And further that she would not him denye,
To wryte in his behalf to (her Allye)
S’ William Browne Lieutenant Governo'
Of Flushinge*, that she would the rather for
Her sake preferre him unto some good place.
All w*" she granted him : And in lyke case
Did furnish him with money for his neede,
And wish’t him in his journey well to speede.
This kyndnes eftsoones unto him she shew’d
For’s uncle’s sake : Though his ingratitude
But lately she had prov’d. Nowe who would weene
Soe great unthankfulnes should ere be seene
In anie man, as shortlie he did shewe ?
I am abash’t to wryte it (though most true)
For scarse of Flushinge had he taken vewe,
But back to England he retorn’d againe,
Whether of ’s owne accord, or by the meane
And lewde procurement of her Adversaries,
I wott not well: But little whyle he tarries
_* Flushing, an important haven of the isle of Walcheren, was yielded to
Elizabeth by the States of the United Provinces.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Ere that he came againe to Sudburie,
Where havinge gather’d much lewde companie,
Gainst whom she nere comitted anie fault
With open force they did her House assault.
THE GREATE Ryorr.
Some frends and servants did y® house defend,
Against theim certaine howers, but in the end
The Ryotters (increasinge more and more
Well nere unto the number of three score,)
Did break the house, and thrust theim out of doore.
He would not suffer anie one to stay,
Nor carrie anye of her goods away :
Nay scarce theire owne apparell y' was there,
He was fierce, and did soe domineere,
Anon his mother came to him w"™ speede,
Who was acheefe procurer of this deede:
The Revelles then began: They make good cheare,
They founde y* house well stor’d w'* bread & beare,
Beef, mutton, bacon, all things els besyde,
W“" good housekeepers use for to provyde ;
They frolick w™ their frendes, & make noe spare,
But lash out that for w™ they nere tooke care.
Nor did these good housekeepers here make stay,
But secreatly some goodes convey’d away
From thence by night, such was their pollicie
Wherein they did comitt flatt felonie.
Great havock here they make a whole weeks space,
Untill such tyme there came unto the place
Two Justices their forces to remove,
As by due course of lawe did then behove :
But Mistris Buck was gott away from thence,
Leavinge her Sonne therin to make defence,
Who w'" some dozen more y‘ there remain’d
Against y® Justices the force maintained
I21t
122 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Pretendinge he had tytle to the House
By Maister’s Parson’s lease (not worth a louse)
The Justices did frendlie him advyse,
But their authoritie he did despyse,
And stoutlie them w" stood : who therupon
For more assistance sent abrode anon :
And when night came besett the house w™ watch
Then to the Sheriffe* their letters they dispatch,
Requyring his assistance in this case,
Who came next day in person to the place,
With Posse Comitatus in their ayde,
Where after Proclamation he assay’d
With gentle wordes this will-full man to win,
Declaringe then what daunger he stood in.
But he stood off longe tyme: yet in y* end
He yealded (by persuasion of a frende)
Unto y* Sheriffe, and open’d theim y* dore
Who entringe, founde within y* house noe more
But him and’s man, (the rest were fledde before :)
Both whom into his charge the Sheriffe did take,
And (as y® case requyr’d) did Prisoners make :
And soe Ile leave them till the next Assyzes,
To answer then for these lewde enterpryzes.
Who all the losse and damage did sustaine,
And nowe I will returne to her againe,
Whyle she herself in London did remaine :
Tis not within my knowledge what she lost,
But well I wott it was nve litle coste
W°" she was all whyle all this sturre was here,
For she all charge, for man and horse did beare :
Wherof there were such numbers here that day,
That some have term’d it Noddie Feildt they say.
* Sir Francis Leake, of Kirk Hallam.
+“ Noddie Feild” seems to be a proverbial or cant expression ; we can
only conjecture that it may mean the field or assembly of many empty heads.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 123
It was soone after Hillarie Terme begun
When newes were brought to her what Buck had done,
Howe he had broke her house, and seiz’d of all,
And turned her servants out both great and small.
These newes she did receave on fryday night,
Imagine then she was in carefull plight :
The Tewsdaie followinge should her cause be heard,
Whether she should have rents, or be debarr’d ;
These to a woman were noe burthens small,
Yet chanc’t betwixt these two y® great’st of all.
S' Edward Littleton as is foresaid,
Was come up of purpose onlie her to ayde,
He on y® Sonday unadvysedlie,
As manie others went for companie
In th’ Earle of Essex disobeydience,*
Who entred London then upon pretence,
Against his private foes to gett defence.
Whose adversaries tooke this Acte for treason,
And caus’d it so to be proclaim’d that season :
For w™ himself soone after lost his head,
And manie frendes of his were ill bestead,
Nere to Fleete Bridge she hapned then to lye
And from her windowe sawe the Earle goe by,
With him a troupe disorder’d crowdinge on,
And mongst y® rest her brother Littleton,
Which put her all that day in great affright,
(As it did manie others) yet at night
Her brother's saffe retorne some comfort brought
Though manie feares remain’d ia her thought.
* This happened on the forenoon of Sunday, February 7th, 1600-1, when
the unhappy Earl of Essex passed up Ludgate Hill, with a large retinue, to
St. Paul’s Cross, intending to appeal to the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and city
companies, at the conclusion of the morning sermon, to accompany him to the
palace. He lost his head on February 25th. Harestaffe’s rough estimate of
the position seems fairly accurate; Essex’s watchword up the streets was,
** For the queen, my mistress,” which was scarcely the cry of a traitor. The
fall of Essex was really brought about by his constant opposition to the insi-
dious policy of the Cecils.
124
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
The Earle in London could noe helpe obtaine
Wherfore to Essex House he came againe
Where he was soone besett for fleeinge thence,
And stood awhyle upon his owne defence :
Yet did he yeald himself ere midnight hower
And shortlie was sent Prisoner to the Tower.
Next day betimes were manie such sought out,
As followed him, but wist not wherabout :
Of these, S' Edward Littleton was one,
To whom (beinge at her lodginge) came anon
A Pensioner S* Herbert Croft by name,
Who by y* Counsells warrant thither came
On whose behalf he quicklie did him greete
Comittinge him close prisoner in the Fleete.
This touch’t her nere indeede & greev’d her sore,
She never was in such distresse before :
Stronge apprehension of her brothers danger,
Made her respect her owne but as a stranger,
For she avouch’t she cared not what befell
Touchinge her own affaires: So he did well;
For why her losse were but of goodes & lands,
But he of lyffe and all in danger stands,
Yet for all this she lett not downe her hart,
But what God sent tooke ever in goode part,
Knowinge y‘ he alone dispos’d of all,
Without whose providence could nothinge fall.
Wherfore she did provyde him then w™ speede
All necessaries for his present neede :
And everie day some good thinge to him sent,
To comfort him in his imprisonment,
Duringe y® tyme of his more close restraint.
But nowe I will goe on w™ her affaires,
Next morning came & she herself prepares
>) Geta, ©
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
To Court of Wardes w" Atkinson her frend,
The hearinge of her cause there to attend,
Touchinge y* Rents w™ might her fate amend.
’Tis said before howe Harestaffe had p’par’d
A Supplication gainst y* cause were heard :
Which havinge readie, to Whytehall he went,
And to y® Maisters hand did it present,
Even as from out his lodginge dore he came,
Who takinge it, made offer of the same
Unto his Secretarie standinge by,
But Harestaffe then to him did signifie
That it concern’d a cause of some import
Which presentlie were to be heard in Court,
When there his Hono’ should have taen his seate,
Wherfore he verie humblie did entreate
He eyther would himself y* same detayne,
Or else deliver yt to him againe,
That in due tyme y* same might be presented :
And therupon the Maister was contented
Himself to keepe it till in court he came,
And there before him open spread the same :
W" often he perus’d w* good regard,
Whyle Counsell on both sydes their cause declar’d,
And when at large both parties he had heard,
As if he tooke from that Petition,
Cheefe motyve of his resolution,
His order he pronounced to this effect :
Although (quoth he) yt be our cheefe respect
In sittinge here the Princes wardes to right,
Beinge such as of theimselves want powers & might :
Yet in soe doinge, we must not oppresse
Distressed wydows, nor the fatherles,
And poore old servants yt be succourlesse :
Wherfore I see noe cause but to consent
That Mistris Vernon shall receave y° rent,
125
126
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Both to discharge her husband’s funerall,
And to maintain herself and those w'"all ;
This said, forthw™ out of y® court he went.
As though of only purpose and intent
To doe her favour he had come that day :
For manye thought & some did playnlye say
That for y° same she did full soundlie pay.
Oft are they wrong’d y* such a state live under,
Wherin true justice shall be held a wonder:
As in this case befell for ’tis most sure
That other meanes she never did procure,
But onely by Petition as aforesaid
And by good Counsell w™ her cause did pleade.
Touchinge y° Ryott w™ of late was done
She did informe Sir Edmond Anderson,
Then Lord Cheefe Justice of y’ Comon Pleas,
And Judge at Derby Syzes in those daies,
Intreatinge his assistance in the same
Who therupon his letters straight did frame
Unto the Justices of Derby Shire:
Wherin he did theim earnestlie require
They should with diligence their warrants send,
The Malefactors for to apprehend,
That they might be forthcominge at th’ Assises,
There to make answere to their enterpryzes.
Her adversaries did but ill digest,
That of the Rents she should be soe possest :
It seem’d they did begin to doubt th’ event,
For underhand a Friend of theirs was sent,
To make a tryall of her disposition,
Yf she would listen to a composition :
Who offerr’d her soe she would not w™ stand
She should receave three thousand pounds in hand
And duringe lyffe she should enjoy the lande.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFR.
Here was an open way, a readie meane,
Wherby she might w' ease great wealth obtaine
Had she respected onelie private gaine.
But she was ever of a vertuous mynd,
Constant to truth, to frends and children kynd,
And well perceav’d y* if she should consent
To take this offer, and rest soe content :
They purpos’d whollie to defraude the rest,
Wherfore, their offer she did much detest :
As tendinge right and truth to have supprest.
Preferringe poore men’s right to private gaine,
A vertue rare, to which but fewe attaine.
And truth to say, she was provoked much
With lewde demeano™ of a manie such
Whose right she with her owne even then defended
When they against her all their mallice bended.
All whom and manie moe, had she compounded,
Their worldlie states had whollie been confounded.
When she their foresaid offer had despys’d
To vexe her still newe cumbers they devys’d
Yet after she that order had obtain’d,
To move for anie thinge they still refrained,
If that the Maister of y° Court was there :
It seem’d they of his Justice stood in feare :
But w" th’ Attorney they could worke much more,
Who was their frend, as I have said before.
They soone obtain’d an Order at his handes
That all such wrytings as concerne y° landes
Be brought into y* Court there to abyde,
Untill such tyme this cause may there be tryed.
That she with Atkin-on and Harestaffe both
Should be examin’d there upon their oath
Touchinge those wrytings so to be brought in :
Wherby ’mongst other things they hoped to win
127
128 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Possession of those Declarations fyve,
In w™ her husband whylst he was alyve
Had signified to whom his lands should goe,
And did such benefitts and gifts bestowe,
As in particular hath beene declar’d :
But Harestaffe had of these as great regard,
He kept theim saffe as th’ apple of his eye
Knowinge their cheefest strength therein did lye.
Wherfore when other wrytings in were brought
In humble termes he then the Court besought
They- would not presse him further touchinge these,
For though he was unwillinge to displease,
Or make contempt even in the least respect,
Yet since those wrytings were of such effect,
That all their strength in maner on theim stands,
He would not part with them out of his handes :
But rather would (if soe the Court thought meete)
Make choice to take his lodginge in the Fleete.
The Court did not much disallowe his reason,
Yet did they make an Order at that season,
That he should shortlie with y° same resort
To Maister Hare who then was Clarke oth’ Court,
And on his oath should theim to him betake :
That for the Ward he might true copies take
Which done, he should receave them back againe,
And in his custodie they should remaine.
Nowe though their order in this maner past,
Yet Harestaffe held his resolution fast :
He fear’d that if they once were dispossest
Of these wherein their hope and strength did rest
Their honest Adversaries would not stick
To shewe them such a feate and jugglinge trick,
By Wakeringes meane (who never wanted store)
That from thenceforth they nere should see theim more.
—_
Wu gec Fen r * 9%
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THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Wherfore y® Order he did not obey
But unto Justice Townshend went straightway,
And tould him, if y' copies might content him,
They should be trulie made & shortlie sent him ;
Whereby he also might such charges save,
As Clarkes in Court would for those Copies have,
But if th’ originalls he sought to gaine,
He did but spend his labour all in vaine :
And when the Justice sawe him deale so plaine
Unto his motion he did then agree,
Soe as those Copies should subscribed bee
W" th’ handes of Harestaffe & of Atkinson :
W" was accordinglie soone after done.
The Terme was wel nere spent y* day at hand
For to redeeme from Harvey much faire lande
Eleven hundred pounds to him were due,
Ere fyve weekes ended—w" did next ensewe.
For payment of this debt (as is foretould)
Were certayne lands appoynted to be sould :
W“ had ere this been done accordinglie,
Had not the Court enjoyn’d the contrarie :
Which by the Adversaries was procur’d
In pollicie, as beinge well assur’d,
That if y° sale of landes they could but stay,
She needes must faile of money gainst y® day.
Which subtill plott of theirs nowe tooke effect,
And they began to fayne what great respect
They had to save this lande beinge nowe in danger
To fall within y° compase of a stranger :
They move y® Court herof to have regard,
Alledginge what great prejudyce y° Ward
Might take thereby, yf that against y* day
Provision was not made this debt to pay :
Requyringe y* y° Court would it foresee,
And to this end some good securitie
9
129
130 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Of her and Atkinson forthw™ would take,
That at y° day due payment they should make.
W* if they would not in good sort assure,
The Plaintiff Justice Townshend would p’cure
That sume of money to redeeme the lande,
If with y® Courts good lykinge it might stand
That by their order (harmless him to save)
Of all those Landes he might possession have,
‘Till he was paid his money in due fashion,
And ten ith’ hundred for consideration.
His onely drift was thus to gett possession,
‘Though to secure y* land he made profession.
Here was another straite, a sore distresse,
Which she could fynd no meanes howe to redresse,
For yet y° Londoners were in such feare
By reason of the troubles latelie there, *
They would not lend their coine on anie termes :
As Atkinson by proofe to her affirmes.
The Court to her doth nowe this poynt propose,
Who howe to answere y‘ in noe wyse knowes :
To theim that knew her state, this case appeares,
Lyke unto his that held y® Wolfe by th’ eares :
She nether durst that payment undertake,
Nor yet consent possession to forsake :
But restinge in her patient sylence still,
Did leave it to y* Court to doe their will.
Who therupon did order out of hande,
That Justice Townshend to his offer stand,
And that he have possession of that lande,
Till of that Sume he should be satisfyed,
And ten ith’ hundred over and besyde.
* This, of course, refers to the disquiet caused by the execution of Essex and
several of his friends, which brought the queen and her councillors into much
unpopularity, and left London seething for several months.
—_—
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
This made her at y® first somwhat dismay’d
But Atkinson who well this poynt had way’d
Bid her take courage, and be not affraid
For sure (quoth he) had Justice Townshend ought
A right good turne, and seven yeares had sought
To doe y‘ for you ’tis perform’d this day,
By undertakinge that great sume to pay
W“ we ourselves by noe meanes could defray.
And though he gett possession of some ground,
Yet are our tytles nere y° more unsound,
In tyme there may some helpe for this be found.
Thus Atkinson her frend did cheare her well :
When presentlie an other crosse befell
W*" though it was not of so great import,
But well might be deryded in disport,
Yet did she take y* same in worser sort.
Because she thought her credit touch’t therein,
W she esteemed more than lands to win:
To th’ Court Prerogative then by Citacion
They call her t’ answere ’bout th’ administration,
W of her husbands goods she late did take,
Wherto ith’ Wards behalf they tytle make.
A sence-les thinge for theim to put in stryfe
Unles they thought she had not beene his wyffe.
And peradventure some such fonde conceite
Might cause this suite wherof I nowe intreate :
For lyke enough they had such intimation
By y° lewde speeches and false information
Of Mistris Buck, who did affirme noe lesse,
In th’ hearinge of an hundred witnesses :
Utteringe foule wordes of slander & defame,
Against her Sisters credit and good name :
What time y* Ryott late before exprest
Was by y* Sheriffe and Justices redrest :
131
132 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
For w™ lewde termes and venome of her tonge,
She gave a sharpe account ere it was longe :
Beinge sued ith’ Audience Court* for defamation,
And sclander gainst her Sisters reputation.
Wherof she justlie was convicted there
And afterwards was cyted to appeare,
Here sentence there pronounc’t y* she might heare.
But shewinge contumacie in that case,
Was excomunicate from Holy Place.
(And soe I thinke continewes to this day.)
Beinge tax’t some twentie marks for cost to pay.
Upon w suite did Mistris Vernon proove
Her marriage fullye (as did her behoove)
By sundrie Witnesses of honest fame,
And by y°® Priest yt solemnised y* same.
And surely God for her did well provyde,
That thus her private marriage should be tryed
Whylst those fewe Witnesses were livinge yet,
To testify for her the truth of it :
For why. Her Adversaries fullye bent
All their endeavo's her estate to rent,
But God did still their purposes prevent.
Nowe to retorne. When Hillarie terme was ended,
And y* her brother’s state was well amended :
Beinge then from close imprisonment enlarg’d :
And in good hope ere longe to be discharg’d :
To take her jorney home-wards she doth frame
And w" much toyle & travell thither came.
Where she then found her house in ill array,
Both walles and windowes broke & great decay,
Much good provision wasted which she lefte,
And manie things conyeid away by theft :
For they had rans-ackt Chests and Cofers all,
Trunks, Cupboards, Deskes, with boxes great & small :
* Slander was an offence dealt with exclusively by the Church ; the Audience =
Court was a quasi private court pertaining to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
4
i
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
It could not choose but gyve her much offence
Yet for all this she still us’d patience.
The Lent Assizes came, Then she prepar’d
This Cause before y* Judges might be heard,
Which by Petition she to theim declar’d :
When the Lord Anderson did understand
The truth thereof: he wile’d her out of hand,
She should endyte theim al! of felonie,
Protestinge therw' all most earnestlie
He would not fayle to hange some two or three :
As necessarie for ensample sake,
That others might by. theim good warninge take.
But she was farre from anie such intent
And in nowyse would therunto consent,
But said she would much rather be content
To put up all her losse and injurie,
And seeke therin noe further remedie
Then so to put their lyves in jeopardie,
She cheeflie did desyre by his good meane,
Such good securitie for to obtayne,
That she and hers might thenceforth live in peace
And th’ other from their misdemeano's cease.
The Judge was earnest she should prosecute
In point of felonie this present suite
But she intreated still to be excus’d
In that to satisfye him she refus’d :
Who seeinge her to take revenge soe coole,
As half offended said she play’d the foole.
And then he gave directions to endyte
Upon the Ryott, such as they recyte
To have beene Acto's in this lewde attempt,
Some thirtie two, for manie were exempt
That had beene also of their companie,
By follie rather then for enmitie :
133
134 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
Whom she of curtesie did nowe forbeare,
And would not have their names in question here ;
For w™ to her they much beholden were.
Th’ Indictment beinge drawne, y° Judge did call
To see y® same, which he perused all :
His reason why, himself did then expounde,
Lest anie error might therein be founde.
Then he comaunds y° Sheriffe to bringe in there
Buck and his man (who still his prisoners were)
For of y® rest not anie durst appeare.
These two were placed at y® Prisoners Barre :
And then was the Grand Jurie called for,
Th’ Indictment read, & gyven to theim, w™ charge
T’ inquire y® truth: Her Counsell then at large
Did open everie point of their offence,
And proov’d the same by open evidence,
A present verdict most men did expect,
But what soe vyle y' some will not protect ?
Example here, a kinsman * of:her owne,
An Auncient Squier, who nere before was knowne
To serve on anie Jurie in this place,
Had made appearance onelye for this case :
And nowe was Forman of y* Great Enquest,
Belyke of purpose t’ over-rule the rest,
Both by his credet, longe experience,
Most subtill witt, and formall eloquence.
This man endeavour’d nowe w" all his might
T’ extenuate the fault, and make it light!
And through much passion went therein so farre,
He tooke upon him publiquelie at Barre
To pleade for theim : yt seemes forgettinge howe
He was noe Advocate, but Jurour nowe.
* Mr. William Agard of Foston. [Note in the MS.]
William Agard, of Foston (in the parish of Scropton), was the son of
Nicholas Agard by his first wife Margaret, daughter of Sir Henry Vernon, of
Haddon. (See pedigree.)
adi als
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
The Judge (respectinge him) put him in mynd,
His dutie in this case was soe to fynde
Accordinge as was given in Evidence ;
But afterward the Judge took such offence,
When in his erro" still he did persist,
That from comittinge him but little mist
And tould him openlye he was asham’d
In his behalf, y* ere he should be nam’d
To use such misdemean™ in that place,
And manie other wordes of much disgrace
Were gyven him there by y° Lord Anderson,
And more and worse by Serjeant Yelverton.
When he was thus disgrac’t & sharplie check’t
He humblie pray’d theim pardon his defect,
And that he might their former favo" gaine
Protestinge (if he might the same obtayne.)
As he had never served there before,
So from thenceforth he never would doe more,
Then was th’ Indictment found, and therupon
Yonge Buck was called, and there arraign’d anon,
And at y® Prisoners Barre (where he did stand)
He was enforced to holde up his hande ;
And fyned at a Thousand Marks straight way :
His man fyve hundred was adjudg’d to pay ;
Beinge both of theim comitted back againe
Unto y* Sheriffe in prison to remaine,
Whom till y* Somer Syze he did retayne.
What tyme S' Humphrey Ferrers her kynd frend
And Maister Mannors ’twixt theim made an end.
Whereby to her some goods restored were,
And th’ other from imprisonment sett cleare.
Touchinge those thirtie more w™ were indyted,
Although by her they could not be acquyted,
Yet theim she did forbeare to prosecute
Besydes she did lett fall another suite
135
136
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
W" she ith’ Star-Chamber at first commenc’d
From whence she brought downe Proces theim against,
W nere were serv’d : such was her clemencie,
She pardon’d all their wronge and injurie,
When she might have undone theim utterlie.
I had almost forgott here to recyte,
Howe Justice Townshend did his letters wryte
To the Lord Anderson theim to befrend
And’s owne Sollicitor to him did send
In their behalf his favour to obtayne,
‘
But these his faire endeavo's were in vaine :
He dealt not wa Judge lyke some of those
Who in y® Marches doe of things dispose
But w" an upright Judge, who did despyse
His letters and his dealinge in that wyse :
My self by chance was witnes of the same,
Who then into y® Judges chamber came,
When he those worthie letters had perus’d
And overheard some angrie wordes he us’d
Concerninge theim in scorne and much disdaine :
And heard him tell y* Priest in speeches plaine,
He must he hang’d, if ech one had his due;
For of his lewde behaviour well he knewe :
As well by reason of this late offence,
Of w his tytle gave the first pretence :
And of another more notorious cryme,
Wherof he was accus’‘d in former tyme :
Noe lesse them felonie and Burglarie,
Concerninge Vicar Tricketts* robberie :
*« Henry Tryckytt was Vicar of Marston-on-Dove. He is mentioned in the
Churchwardens’ Accounts under the year 1605. The following extracts evi-
dently refer to the case mentioned in the chronicle :—
“© Pd to Will Mansfilde & Tristram Dantrey for a Caviat for
Wicar Sry ekytt se jitasateretere ste co ls.) noua eine ee ae « 0 07. 10
Layd forthe for a Latitat to Mt Browne of Marston Mon-
gonibye for they Wacany as peer ey citaresiaiemay te eases cies O15 10
To the undersheriffe for makinge a warrante of the Latitat
& for fees to tow sergeantes att Derbie to arest the Vicar o. 1. 8.”
See Churches of Derbyshire, vol. iii., pp. 203, 207.
Ss er
i tel Cal
}
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 137
For w™ he had beene prisoner in y* gaole,
With others moe till they were loos’d by Baile:
At next Assyzes when they did appeare,
Indictments were preferr’d against theim there :
The Bills were found, yet Tryall was suspended,
Through Maister Vernon’s purse they were befrended
For with the Vicar he made composition,
And yet because he had him in suspition,
Least he should prosecute as he stoode bounde,
He gave unto a Courtier* Twentie pounde,
And used Atkinson’s assistance too,
(Who in this cause had both inough a doe)
To gett the Counsells letters in this case
To stay their Tryall for a certayne space.
And many a pound it cost his purse besyde,
In their behalf to keepe this cause untry’d
From Syze to Syze untill y° tyme he dyed.
W" cause ith’ Court defendinge at that day,
Procur'd the Judge those angrie words to say :
And me to treate thereof thus much by the way.
Our Ladies day was come, tyme did require
To sett such grounds as past from yeare to yeare:
W* Justice Townshend did not then neglect,
(For private profitt he did much respect)
Two of his men he sent to Sudburie,
Of purpose, (as his Order did decree)
Possession to receave of all those landes
W* late had beene redeem’d from Harvey’s handes :
With his authoritie for to dispose
And sett the same for yearlye rent to those
That would gyve most. It seem’d he made noe doubt,
That gainst his Order any durst stand out.
Nor did there of y® Tenantes anie one
W"stand : but all agreed to theim anon:
* Mr. Ferdinando. [Note in the MS.]
138
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
Who kyndlie ask’t their bondes to pay y* rent,
And they full wyselie did therto consent.
Yet for all this his purpose much he mist,
Because that Mistris Vernon did resist,
And would not leave possession of such landes
As at that tyme she helde in her owne handes :
For when his men assai’d some grounde to dryve,
For fashion sake (not with intent to stryve)
That some contempt from thence they might derive :
She sent of hers lyke number for to stay
Her cattle in the grounde, and stop the way,
Avouchinge she therin would disobey.
W* when they heard and playnlie did perceave,
They made noe more adoe, but tooke their leave
Of her, and homewards to their Maister went,
To whom by theim her letters then she sent
For he before had written unto her
Faire admonitions there should be noe stirre :
But y‘ all might be done in quiet sorte,
Accordinge as the Order did import :
She by her letters writt to this effect :
That of the Order she tooke good respect,
And helde not from him anie of y° landes
W“ had been usuallye in tenantes handes :
But what were in her owne possession,
W she and all her household liv’d upon :
And those as heretofore she meant to holde,
And would make answere for it as she could.
When Justice Townshend sawe she was so stoute
That gainst the Order thus she durst stand out,
In my conceite it gave him cause to doubt
That she relyed upon some powerfull frend,
W“ in her rightfull cause would her defend :
And not unlyke he had in memorie
The Maister’s words in pointe of equitie,
a ol
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,
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.
’
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFR.
When late he did to her the rent award -
W"all howe sleightylie she did regard
Those proffers large were made her mynd to trye,
And peremptorilye did theim denye :
Besydes he found that honest Atkinson
Would not by anie meanes from her be won,
But constantlie in open Court had say’d
(Layinge his hand on Edward Vernon’s head,
Her eldest sonne, who by him there did stand)
This he to whom I will assure the lande.
These things perhaps the Justice pondered well,
And therupon to resolution fell,
That in this cause he would noe more contend,
If she would harken to a frendlie end.
Wherefore he shorlie after writt againe,
W" shewe of marveile that she did demeane
Herself contemptuouslie against the Court :
Yet nerethelesse to doe her anie hurt
He was unwillinge : And did further wryte
That for his part, he tooke but small delight
In suites of Lawe his money for to spend
But rather wish’d some faire & frendlie end
For all their well-fare might be thought upon,
And to that purpose made a motion,
That they should meete next terme for y‘ intent :
She had noe reason but to give consent
Of meetinge : for although he had not moov’d
She meant to be at Terme, as her behoov’d.
Meetinge at London, They determine then,
To choose on either part some gentlemen
Discreete and wyse to treate of this affaire,
For nowe to peace they all inclyned were :
And first of all as ground worke to y° rest,
These gentlemen on both sydes thought it best,
£39
140
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
To move, that for y® endinge of all stryffe,
Her eldest sonne should take y* ward to wyffe
Soe neithers tytle further neede by tryed :
And yet both Lawe and conscience satisfyed :
For both of theim might soe their claim enjoy,
And neither of them others right destroy.
This was a pleasinge notion in the care
Of everie one that of this suite did heare.
Yet she at first to give consent made pause,
Not that she did dislyke y* but because
It suted not with her dead husband’s will,
W'" she by all good meanes sought to fullfill.
And this she signifyed unto her frendes,
On whose advyse and counsell she depends.
But to that point their counsell and advyse
Was, that she should not bee therein too nyce
Yea Atkinson himself did her advyse
That in the same she should not be precyze
And some there were stood doubtfull of the end
In case she should stand off and still contend
Because the Court would still y° Ward befrend.
Then as ore-ruled, She therunto agreed.
And soe to other points they did proceede,
Wherof in manie they accorded well:
But yet in others sundrie doubts befell,
And variances amongst them did aryse,
W" they could not accord in anye wyse :
Especiallye concerninge those poore frends,
And manie servants whose estate dependes
Whollye on her successe, whom she would have
To be assur’d of all her husband gave :
But Justice Townshend & those on his syde,
To yeald to y‘ in noe wyse would abyde:
But sought to cutt theim short: and She againe
By all meanes sought they might their right obtaine,
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
These points amongst theim longe were stood upon:
But in the ende there grewe a motion,
That sith these matters were of some import,
They be referr'd to th’ censure of the Court :
This Reference was full sore against her mind,
Beinge in great doubt hard measure there to fynde
Both for herself and theim: yet frends advyse
Alledginge y‘ great mischiefs might aryse
Yf in this case she should be obstinate,
And bid her well to weigh her owne estate
Lest afterwards she doe repent too late.
Ore-haled thus, she yealded to y‘ motion,
To w™ (God wott) she had but small devotion.
Then to S' Thomas Hesketh they resort,
Who was Attorney them and Judge oth Court.
He first applaudinge much this match intended
Did soone sett downe howe all things should be ended
And therin Justice Townshend well befrended.
Nowe though of everie one he tooke regard,
Yet speciallye inclyninge to the Ward
He did abridge a manie things of those
W Maister Vernon latelie did dispose :
So that what she suspected came to passe,
Both to her owne and to some others losse.
And yet though some of them came short of that
Which their late Maister pointed for their lott,
There was not anie of them unregarded,
But all provyded for and well rewarded.
Through her endeavo's who was her protection.
And brought their matters all to good perfection.
Much are they bounde to such a Patronesse,
To shewe all dutie love and thankfulnes.
Yet for herself she did not soe provyde,
But by this end great losses did abyde ;
141
142
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
For where her husband willed y‘* she should
Have all y® landes for lyffe ; y‘ was controul’d :
And nowe upon this match it was agreed
(In case y® marriage hould and doe proceede)
She should injoy but onelie half y° landes :
The other half should come unto y* handes
Of th’ heire adopted and y* Ward his wyffe,
To him and his heires male, to her for lyffe,
The Mother’s moytie when her lyffe did fayle
Should also come to him and his heires male :
For want of such all should accordinglie
Discend, as Maister Vernon did decree,
And thus to lose one half she did agree.
Now in respect both heires were under age,
And could not give consent of mariage,
It was agreed y‘ till seav’n yeares were spent,
She take all rents and profitts of intent
To pay y* debts, and helpe to cleare y° lande:
Wherin a toylsome taske she tooke in hande:
W" she perform’d w™ noe small care & paynes,
Without y* least respect of private gaines :
For therunto she never was affected,
But to advance her Sonne was still addicted.
Which nowe and all tymes she declared well
For where it was agreed, that she might sell
To th’ valewe of three hundred pounds in wood,
(Though of much more than y‘ in neede she stood)
She lov’d her sonne soe well y‘ for his good
She spar’d y® same, least y‘ she should deface
His woods therby, w™ she would in noe case.
Nay more, wheras y° other syde agreed
To further sale of lande, (as there was neede)
She notw"standinge did y° same neglect,
Unto her sonne She had so kynd respect.
And where noe Mannor house was on y* ground,
ae
ss Se
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE. 143
She built one newe w™ cost her many a pounde,*
Where may a Mother lyke to her be founde?
Well may he say She was a lovinge Mother,
And I dare sweare I nere knewe such an other.
CONCERNINGE SUDBURY PARKE.
When sixtene hundred and the fourtenth yeare
Of Christ our Lord almost accomplish’t were,
And Twelve since James y* first (great Britaines King)
Unto a Monarchie this Isle did bringe :
The olde Blakmore (enlarg’d with some more ground)
Was with a strong high pale encompast rounde.
The purpose was (as shortly did appeare)
To make a Parke for redd and fallowe deere.
This worke began y* other yeare forpast,
And till December of this yeare did last,
The reason why the same no sooner ended,
It was because on one man’s hand depended
The cheefest worke, for one man pal’d it all,
Except some fourscore roods (a portion small
Compared to y° whole) for by accounte
The compasse of y* same did then amount
One rood above six hundred if noe fault
Was in the measuringe by Francis Aulte,
Which by his skill and practise in that trade
The Sixtenth of December there he made.
Allowinge then eight yards to every roode,
(Accordinge as y° workmen’s reckoninge stood)
The sume of yards (yf myne account be straight)
Above foure thousand is eight hundred eight
Then if a myle one thousand paces make,
And that to every pace fyve foote you take,
A measur’d myle of yards doth so contayne
Full sixtene hundred sixtie sixe (tis playne)
* The Manor House, or present Hall, was built before 1622 ; see introduction
to the Chronicle,
144 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
And two foote more: wherby it falleth out,
The Park is almost three such myles about,
It onely wants of Roodes some twentie foure,
Which makes in yards but twelve above nyne score.
And nowe because I thinke there wilbe some,
(Though yet unborne) y*‘ in the tyme to come
Wilbe content to read what here I wryte
Although but rudely I the same indyte
Yet beinge done in ayde of memorie,
And for to gratifye Posteritie,
A litle more I will my ryme inlarge,
And shewe by whose devyse and at whose charge
This worke was both begun and finished,
And afterward with deere replenished
Knowe then that Edward Vernon was his name,
That first contryv’d and did effect y° same.
His dignitie to learne if you desyre,
He was as then entytled an Escuyer,
Yet his estate so faire y' when he pleas’d
To greater tytle he might soone be rays’d:
Three Vernon’s lands of right expected hee,
Of Houndhill, Hilton, and of Sudburie ;
Houndhill by birth-right, Hilton by his wife,
(Both which, two mothers held for terme of lyfe)
But unto Sudbury y® last and best,
(Wherof one moytie he as then possest)
He was elected and adopted heire,
By the late owner of that Lordship fayre :
John Vernon was he called and of that name,
He was the Third y‘ did enjoy the same.
For here tis meete I lett you understand,
That Sudbury and all his other land
And faire Revennewes (beinge a great estate)
Into the Vernon’s name came but of late.
They were the greate Montgomeries heretofore
Who with y® same held manie Lordships more
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE.
And goodly Mannors, all which (as appeares)
Went by partition to the three Coheires,
The daughters of S' John Mountgomerie :
Of whom was Hellen (second of those three)
To S‘ John Vernon joyn’d in mariage.
And so by her a goodly Heritage
To Henry Vernon did descend and came,
Their onely sonne, and heire unto y* same,
And after Henryes death these Lordships fayre
Discended to this John his sonne and heire,
Who spent most of his daies in single lyfe,
And in his later yeares he tooke to wyfe,
Mary y® Widowe of his kinsman deare,
Call’d Walter Vernon who of Houndhill were.
To her such love he bore and true affection,
That where he had no chyld, he made election
Of Edward Vernon (whom I nam’d before)
Her eldest sonne whom she to Walter bore :
Adoptinge him his heire to Sudburye
And Aston mannors with all landes yt bee
To theim belonginge, from y® death of’s mother
To whom for lyfe he gave both one and th’ other.
But after John’s decease, great suites did growe
About these landes : for it had faln out soe
His yonger brother Henry beinge dead,
To whom their mother had her lands convey’d,
Both Hilton, Aspley, Sugnell, Essington,
And all her other landes, she beinge one,
Oth’ daughters and coheirs of Swinnerton,
Had left one onely daughter who beinge yonge
Was made y°* Princes Warde (y* more her wronge)
Whose Guardians then on her behalf pretended,
That all her Uncles lands of right descended
By course of comon lawe unto this daughter,
Whereby great suites and troubles followed after
10
145
146 THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
To treate whereof my labour shall be spar’d,
Because elswhere I have the same declar’d.
At last for finall end of all their stryfe,
Edward y* heire adopted tooke to wyfe
This heire at comon lawe (who Margaret hight)
Wherby both parties might obtaine their right.
And if without offence one may compare
Small thinges with great, methinks this couple are
A little modell both oth match and warre
Twixt those great Houses York and Lancaster.
Upon this match his mother did consent
With half these landes to hold herself content,
And where her husband gave her all for lyfe,
She yeelds the moytie to her son and’s wyfe :
So kynd was she and lovinge to her sonne,
Fewe mothers have done so as she hath done :
A right good mother to her sonne men thought her,
I wish the lyke had hapned to that daughter :
Whose mother unto her was not so kynd,
Yet that she was a Lady I doe fynd:
For Justice Townshend then her second match
(Who was a Judge ith’ Marches) hapt to catch
A Knighthood mongst the rest, when Knyghts were ryfe*
A joyfull tyme it was to many a wyfe,
As well as his, whom gladly I would praise,
If truth would give me leave, therby to please
Her daughter, who unwillynge is to see
Her mothers wronges, to her great injurie :
Which I will not recyte, though well I could,
Who knowe theim to be great and manifolde :
Yet one of theim I needs must here repeate,
(For it concernes y* poynt wherof I treate)
This mother for her lyfe holdes in her handes,
The whole Revennewes of her daughters lands :
*Tn the course of the first three months of the reign of James I, no less than
seven hundred individuals were knighted.
THE RHYMED CHRONICLE OF JOHN HARESTAFFE,
She may alledge, That this was so agreed
What tyme y* match was twixt y° heires decreed ;
And true it is, her tytle growes from thence,
And she may holde them so without offence
To th’ Comon Lawe: But Court of Conscience
And Natures lawe requyres great recompence,
For that, and more great things her father left her,
All which her Lady mother hath bereft her.
God grante y* she in conscience ere she dye
May for y‘ same her daughter satisfye
In some good measure, y' departinge hence
It be noe burthen to her conscience.
FINIS.
147
148
On the Zavly Descent of the servers.
By Joun Bootu, Shotley Bridge, co. Durham,
V.-P. Surtees Society.
of the early generations of the great Ferrers family,
= 4} with some account of the first seven Earls, was given
to Mlustrate the account of Duffield Castle. There are various
points in the early Ferrers’ pedigree that have not yet been cleared
up. As a contribution to further definite knowledge in this
direction, I give extended copies of two early Ferrers charters
that have not hitherto been published, and which are in my
possession.
The first of these, which is undated, is of so much interest that
a fac-simile representation is given on Plate V. The witnesses
supply some links, hitherto unknown or uncertain, in the pedigree.
Mention is made amongst the witnesses of Robert de Ferrers,
brother of the Earl, and also of the two uncles of the Earl, Robert
and Henry. William, Earl Ferrers, of the body of the charter, I
believe to be the second of that name; he succeeded his father,
who died at Acre in 1190, and died, it is said, of gout in 1246.
Lucian and Ralph de Seila, of the charter, may be the family of
Shirley, who were subfeudatories of the Ferrers, and afterwards
became Ferrers of Chartley and Tamworth.
The following is an extended transcript :—
“ Willelmus Comes de Ferrarius Omnibus hominibus suis et
amicis clericis et laicis. Francis et Anglis presentibus et futuris
Salutem. Sciant omnes me concessisse et hac presenti carta mea
* Derbyshire Archeological Society's Journal, Vol. iv., pp. 118-135.
(H100g'¢ saNnag)
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ON THE EARLY DESCENT OF THE FERRERS. 149
confirmasse Luciano de Seila et heredibus suis tenere de me et
heredibus meis totum tenementum suum quod tenuit de Radulfo
de Seila scilicet per idem servicium quod fecit Radulfo de
Seila scilicet per servicium dimidii militis et in super partem
nemoris quam Radulfo filio Radulfi dedit in escambium propter
communam quam habuit per totum boscum suum et unum Cervum
infra cressam ad meam fugam cum ipse mittet ad me et conredium
ad hominem suum quem mittet ad me donec habeat cervum
domini sui et hunc cervum dono ei in aumentum (svc) propter
homagium et servicium suum hujus autem confirmacionis et
donacionis sunt testes Robertus de Ferrarius frater comitis,
Robertus et Henricus de Ferrarius avunculi comitis Henricus
filius Walkelini Nicholaus filius Pagani tunc dapifer Robertus
de Curetun Willelmus de Mungumberi Johannes de Boscheville
Willelmus filius Hereberti Junior cum multis aliis.”
The other charter is a release of right of common of pasture in
the manor of Wodeham Ferrers, in the county of Essex, to William
de Ferrers. It is dated 29th October, 1254, the same year in
which the third earl of that name met with his death through a
fall into the Ouse. But if the date of his death be correctly given
as April 5, 1254, the grantee in the charter must have been his
son. To this charter a parchment label is attached with an oval
seal, bearing a fleur-de-lis, but the marginal legend is illegible.
“Omnibus has literas visuris vel audituris Willelmus Sperun
salutem Noveritis me remisisse concessisse et quietum clamasse
pro me et heredibus meis Willelmo de Ferrers et heredibus suis
et omnibus hominibus suis et eorum heredibus et assignatis et
Priori et Conventui de Bykenaker et eorum successoribus et
omnibus aliis tenentibus de feodo predicti Willelmi totum jus et
clamium quod habui vel habere potui vel potero in communa
pasturze in omnibus terris et tenementis proedictorum Willelmi de
Ferrers et omnium tenentium suorum in manerio de Wodeham
Ferreres viz de terris et tenementis ad hunc diem ...... sine
aliqua contradictione et calumpnia mei et heredum meorum in
perpetuum. Pro hac vero remissione et quieta clamatione dedit
mihi peerdictus Willelmus duas marcas argenti. In cujus rei
.
150 ON THE EARLY DESCENT OF THE FERRERS.
testimonium preesentes literas sigilli mei munimine roboravi Hiis
testibus Johanne de Bedenestede Petro Mareschallo Radulfo
de Herun Willelmo de Sencler, Sewale de Haningfeld Eadmundo
filio Thomze de Purleg. Willelmo de Marisco et aliis-Datum apud
Chelmerford die Jovis in Crastino apostolorum Simonis et Jude
Anno regni Henrici filii regis Johannis tricessimo nono.” .
At the hamlet of Bycknacre in the Parish of Woodham Ferris,
its modern name, stood the Priory of Bykenaker, founded by
Maurice Fitz Jeffrey prior to 1189, some remains of which still
exist.
As throwing further light on the early Ferrers family, I may
supplement these notes by the following extracts from a MS., also
in my possession, which bears the following heading, ‘‘A Register
of all the noble men of England sithence the conquest created,”
and which has been apparently compiled towards the end of the
reign of Queen Elizabeth.
“William Lord Ferrys the sonne and heyre of Robart Earle
Ferrys and Darbye that forfyted his lands to King Henry III was
Lord of Grobye in the right of Margaret his Grandmother second
daughter and one of the heyres of Robert Quincy Earle of
Winchester and Lord of Groby. This William Lord of Groby
after the Atteynder of his father left the beareing of the Armes of
Ferrys and bare the armes of Quincy. The heyres generall (sic)
that did descend of this William Lord Ferrys of Groby was
maryed to Edward Gray second sonne to Renold Lord Gray of
Ruthers who had issue Sir Ihon (sic) Gray Knight father to
Thomas Marquis Dorsett and Edward Gray Vyscount Lysley.
The heyre male that discended of the same William Lord Ferrys
of Groby is John Ferrys of Tamworth.”
“William Lord Ferrys of Chartley second sonne to Wiiliam
Earle Ferrys and Darby brother to the aforesaid Robert Earle
Ferrys and Darbye had issue of whom there did discend as heyre
generall Anne Lady Ferrys of Chartley that was maryed to Sir
Walter De Vereny Knight who in her right was Lord Ferrys of
Chartley.”
4
i
:
151
A Calendar of the +#fines for the County of
Derby, front theiv conmmencenrent fr the reign
of Richard L.*
By W. H. Harr F.SiA;
[Continued from Vol. IX., p. 93:]
1258.
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Within 15 days of S. Hilary, 42 Henry III.
Between Roger de Becktone, Plaintiff, and Adam, son of Matthew
of Langesdone and Albred his wife, Deforciants,
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in
consideration of a sparrow-hawk, to Plaintiff, in fee, of a messuage
with the appurtenances in Langesdone, at the yearly rent of 2d.
for all service, custom, and exaction,
Jan. 13-29. Same date.
Between Hugh, Prior of the Church of the Holy Trinity, Lenton,
Plaintiff, and Matthew de Haveresheg’, by Stephen de Jorz,
his attorney, Deforcéant.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciant to
Plaintiff, and to his successors, and to his church, in perpetuity, in
frankalmoign, of the manors of Hulme and Dunstone ; at the
yearly rent, during Deforciant’s life, of £10 sterling for all custom
and exaction; such rent to cease at his death. Plaintiff took
Deforciant and his heirs into all the benefits and prayers which
should thenceforth take place in their church.
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Same date.
Between William de Breydeshale, Plaintiff, and Matthew de
Haversege, and Anora his wife, by Stephen de Jorz, their
attorney, Deforciants,
*The Editor much regrets that he is again only able to offer such a very
brief instalment of the Calendar of Fines, as it is invaluable for the purposes of
Derbyshire history. He is bound to say that the fault does not rest with him,
Entirely fresh arrangements will, however, be made for their continuance.
152 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in
consideration of a sparrow-hawk, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 50 acres
of land, with the appurtenances in Lokhaye, at the yearly rent of
25s. for all service, custom, and exaction.
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Same date.
Between Henry de Mapyltone, Plaznziff, and William, son of
Robert Toly, Deforciant.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciant, in con-
sideration of 20s. sterling to Plaintiff, in fee, of one messuage, and
60 acres of land, with the appurtenances in Knyvetone, at the
yearly rent of 1d. for all service, custom, and exaction,
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Same date.
Between Henry le Lorimer, Plaintiff; and Peter le Flek and
Matilda his wife, Defor ctants.
Grant by Deforciants, in consideration of 2 silver marks, to
Plaintiff, in fee, of 2 acres of land, with the appurtenances in
Littelchyrche.
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Same date.
Between the same, P/azntiff, and John, son of Jacob and Margery
his wife, Deforczants.
Release by Deforciants, in consideration of 2 silver marks, to
Plaintiff, in fee, of one acre of land in Derby.
Jan. 13-29. Derby. Same date.
Between Margery, Abbess of S. Edith, Pollesworth, Plaznd7ff, and
William le Morttyn, Deforciant.
Release by Plaintiff, in consideration of 22 silver marks, to
Deforciant, of 60s. arrears of an annual rent of 20s., and also all “4
other arrears.
January 14. Derby. The morrow of S. Hilary, 42 Henry ITI. ;
Between Geoffrey de Langeleg’, Plaintiff, and Reginald de
Dyneleswude and Alice his wife, Deforcéants.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in
consideration of a sparrow-hawk, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 5 acres of
land, and 3 acres of wood in Essovere ; performing, therefore, to
the chief lords of the fee for Deforciants and the heirs of Alice all
services pertaining to the aforesaid tenements. :
January 14. Derby. Same date.
Between Henry le Clerk, of Crumford, Plaintiff, and Henry le
Eyr, of Crumford, Zenxant.
Release by Plaintiff, in consideration of qos. sterling, to Tenant
in fee, of one messuage, and one oxgang of land in Crumford.
}
7
————
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 153
Jan. 14. Derby. Same date.
Between Hugh, son of Robert Iweyn, Plaintiff, and John, son of
Brun and Matilda his wife, Deforciants,
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in
consideration of 2% silver marks, to Plaintiff, in fee, of a moiety of
a messuage in Cesterfeud.
January 14. Derby. Same date,
Between Robert de Martham and Sarah his wife, Plaintiffs, and
Robert, son of Hewey, Deforciant.
Of qos. arrears of a yearly rent of 8s.
And between Gerard de Suttone, Plaintiff; and the same, Deforciant.
Of 40s. arrears of a yearly rent of 8s,
Acknowledgment by Deforciant that he owes the aforesaid rents
as of the assignment of William de Ferrers, formerly Earl of
Derby, who assigned them to Jordan de Suttone, father of Plaintiff
Sarah, of whom she is one of the heirs ; and to the father of Alice,
formerly wife of Plaintiff Gerard, of whom she was another of the
heirs ; and release by Plaintiffs to Deforciant of all such arrears,
and likewise all damages occasioned thereby.
Jan. 13—Feb. 3. Derby. Within 3 weeks of S. Hilary, 42 Henry III.
Between Thomas de Chaddesdene, Placntif, and William de
Burgylum and Emma his wife, Zerazts.
Grant, on a recognizance of great assize, by Plaintiff to Tenants,
in fee, of one toft, three oxgangs, and 2 acres of land in
Chaddesdene, except 3 acres thereout—viz., one acre lying towards
the north in each field where the said oxgangs do lie, which are
to remain to Plaintiff, in fee, at the yearly rent of 4s. 6d. for all
service, custom, and exaction,
Jan. 13—Feb. 3. Derby. Same date.
Between Alan Noel, by Robert Noel his son, his attorney,
Plaintiff, and Henry de Herlawestone and Marjery his wife,
Tenants.
Grant by Plaintiff, in consideration of 34 silver marks, to
Tenants in fee, of one toft, one oxgang, and 4o acres of land in
Duffield,
March 24—April 23. Westminster. Within one month of Easter, 42
Henry III.
Between Nicholas de Henovere and Agnes his wife, Plaintiffs,
and Geoffrey de Dethek and Hawys his wife, Deforciants.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants to
Plaintiffs, and to the heirs of Agnes, in fee, of a moiety of the
154 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
manors of Henovere, Langelege, and Milnehaye; to be holden of
the chief lords of the fee by the services pertaining to the same.
Grant, in consideration thereof, by Plaintiffs to Deforciants, and
to the heirs of Hawys, in fee, of the manor of Lutchurche, 16s.
rents in Chelardiston, and one mark rent in Thorneton, to be
holden of the chief lords of the fee; performing therefor for the
manor of Lutchurche, for Plaintiffs and the heirs of Agnes one
penny at the feast of S. Martin; and for the tenements in
Chelardistone 2s. at the feast of S. James the Apostle; and for
the aforesaid tenement in Thornetone 1d. at Eas‘er ; and likewise
performing the foreign services pertaining thereto for all service,
custom, and exaction.
May 3. Westminster. The morrow of the Ascension, 42 Henry III.
Between Hugh de Gurnay, Plazntz7ff, and Hugh, son of Reginald
of Kelum and Beatrice his wife, Deforczants.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in
consideration of 35 silver marks, to Plaintiff, in fee, of one carucate
of land in Cruche; at the yearly rent of 4d. at Faster for all
service, suit of court, custom, and exaction to Deforciants and the
heirs of Deforciant Beatrice pertaining ; and performing therefor
to the chief lords of the fee for Deforciants and the heirs of
Deforciant Beatrice all other services pertaining to the aforesaid
land.
June 25. Westminster. The morrow of S. John the Baptist, 42 Henry III.
Between Alexander de Rammeseye and Hawys his wife, Plaintiffs,
and Matthew de Knyvetone, by Stephen de Irtone, his
attorney, Zenant.
Grant by Plaintiffs, to Tenant in fee, of a third part of the manor
of Wolethorp, with the appurts., except 14 acres of land in the
same manor, and of 2 messuages, 5 tofts, a third part of a mill,
4 ox gangs, and 15 acres of land, 24s. 8d. rents in Turstone,
Bradeleghe, and Knyvetone, which Plaintiffs did claim as the dower
of Plaintiff Hawys in the freehold which belonged to Walter de
Strattone, her former husband in the aforesaid vills. Grant, in
consideration thereof, by Tenant to Plaintiffs of 17 acres of land
in Bradeleghe, and 15 acres of land in Knyvetone upon Wynedone,
which land they lately recovered against the said Tenant on an
assize of novel disseisin, together with that toft and croft which
Robert, son of Sybil, did some time hold in Bradelegh ; and with
all that meadow and woods, plains, pastures, moors, waters, and
ponds of which Plaintiffs were in seisin on the day of the date of
a? +. it a” 6 ee
—
ee eee
a
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 155
this fine; to hold to the same Plaintiffs, of the chief lords of the
fee, for the life of Plaintiff Hawys in the name of dower. Grant
also by Tenant that Plaintiffs may have estovers of husbote and
heibote, and for firewood, that is to say, in the haw and in the
little wood of Bradeleghe by the view of Tenant’s presters during
the life of Plaintiff Hawys. Grant also by Plaintiffs, that as often
as the pond of the said mill required repair, they would provide
the cost as much as doth pertain to a third part of a moiety of the
same pond. And moreover Tenant gave to Plaintiff 233 silver
marks.
June 24—July 9. Westminster. Within 15 days of S. John the Baptist,
42 Henry III.
Between Robert, son of John Ingerham, Plazntzf; and William,
son of Robert Ingerham, Deforczant.
Grant, on a plea of covenant, by Deforciant, in consideration of
58 silver marks, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 2Is., rents in Maperlege,
together with all that Deforciant held in fee of Plaintiff of the fee
of the Earl of Ferrers in the same vill, and in Halun, Hanlege,
and Smalege, on the day of the date of this fine; to be holden of
the chief lords of the fee, performing therefor all services pertain-
ing thereto. Grant also by Deforciant to Plaintiff, for life, of all
that he held in fee in Eytone on the day of the date, at the
yearly rent of 2 silver marks, 10 quarters of wheat, 10 quarters
of rye, 10 quarters of barley, and 26 quarters of oats, and 6 cart-
loads of hay at 5 terms, viz., at Michaelmas 3 quarters of wheat,
3 quarters of rye, 4 quarters of barley, and 5 quarters of oats ; at
Christmas, 20s., 3 quarters of wheat, 3 quarters of rye, 4 quarters
of barley, and 6 quarters of oats; at Lady Day, 6s. 8d., 3 quarters
of wheat, 3 quarters of rye, and 5 quarters of oats, and at the
Nativity of S. John the Baptist one quarter of wheat, and one
quarter of rye, two quarters of barley, and 10 quarters of oats;
and at the feast of S, James 6 cartloads of hay for all service, cus-
tom, and exaction ; and performing therefor to the chief lords of
the fee all other services pertaining thereto.
November 3. Westminster. The morrow of Souls, 43 Henry III.
Between Robert le Huceys, Plain¢if, and Henry de Esseburne,
Tenant. c
And between the same, Plaznizff, and the same, Zexzant, whom
Richard de Herthil and Ellen his wife did vouch to warranty,
and who did warrant them.
Grant by Plaintiff, in consideration of 30 silver marks, to Tenant,
156 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
in fee, of two parts of a moiety of one knight’s fee in Bradeburne,
and of a third part of a moiety of one knight’s fee in the same vill.
Nov. 11—18. Westminster. Within the octaves of S. Martin, 43 Henry III.
Between William de Buketone, by Adam Quintin, his attorney,
Plaintiff, and Philip Lovel, Zenxant.
Grant by Tenant, in consideration of 30 silver marks, to
Plaintiff, in fee, of one messuage, and 10 oxgangs of land in
Bredestone.
Nov, 11—25. Westminster. Within 15 days of S. Martin, 43 Henry III.
1259.
Feb. 2-9.
Between Robert de Dukenfeld, by Hugh de Dnukenfeld, his
attorney, Plazntzff, and Henry, Albot of S. Mary de Prée, Lei-
cester, Deforciant.
Grant by Plaintiff, in consideration of 8 silver marks, to Defor-
ciant and to his successors, and his church, in perpetuity, in
frankalmoign, of the fourth part of the advowson of the church of
Solgrene, free from all secular service and exaction, but rendering
to Hugh, Plaintiffs son, for his life, 6s. 8d. yearly on the Quinzaine
of S. Michael at the Abbey of Leicester.
Within the octaves of the Purification, 43 Henry III.
Between William le Vavassure, Plazz/zff, and Matilda de Stratlege,
by Thomas de Quappelode, his attorney, Deforctant.
Release, on a plea of covenant, by Deforciant to Plaintiff, in
fee, of 40 acres of land in Maperlege, and also that messuage and
land held by her of Plaintiff in the same bill as dower. Grant
also by Plaintiff, at the instance of Deforciant, to Quappelode, in
fee, of all the aforesaid land and messuage, at the yearly rent of
4s., and performing therefor the foreign service pertaining thereto
for all service, suit of court, custom, and exaction to Plaintiff
pertaining, and performing therefor to the chief lords of that fee,
for Plt, and his heirs, all other services pertaining thereto.
Robert, son of John Ingeram, of Nottingham, puts in his claim.
And Thomas le Sauner likewise puts in his claim.
Aprii 13—May 11. Westminster. Within one month of Easter, 43
Henry III.
Between Alexander de Ramesey and Hawys his wife, Plaintiffs,
and Roger de Strattone, Deforczant.
Grant, on a plea of warranty of charter by Deforciant, in
consideration of 32 silver marks, to Plaintiffs, and to the heirs of
Plaintiff Alexander, in fee, of one messuage, one toft, 40 acres of
land, 8 acres of meadow, and a third part of 300 acres of wood in
CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY. 157
May 23.
Bradelege, Holaund, and Thurstone, to wit, a third part of the
haw of Bradelege, and a moiety of the wood called Hallekere,
together with a third part of a moiety of the fishery and mill ponds
of Bradelege, and also the homage and service of Henry de
Esseburne, Hugh de Snelestone, and John the baker of Esseburne,
for all their holdings in Bradelege, Campedene, and Thurstone,
together with 16 acres of land in Knivetone lying upon Wynedone,
at the yearly rent of 6d. for all service, suit of court, custom, and
exaction.
Westminster. The morrow of the Ascension, 43 Henry III.
Between Ralph Bugge, Plaintiff, and Richard, son of Ralph and
Sarah his wife, Deforciants.
Grant, on a plea of covenant, by Deforciants, in consideration
of £10 sterling, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 15 acres of land in Leghes,
at the yearly rent of 1d. at Christmas, for all service, suit of court,
custom, and exaction.
June 24—July 1. Westminster. Within the octave of the Nativity of S.
November
John the Baptist, 43 Henry IIL.
Between Hugh, son of Ralph and Ralph his son, by Roger de
Auvers, Hugh’s attorney, Plaintifi;, and Geoffrey, Prior of
Bridelingtone, by Geoffrey de Bridelingtone, Deforcéant.
Grant, on an assize of last presentation, by Deforciant, to
Plaintiff Ralph, and that Plaintiff Hugh should this turn present
his clerk to the Church of Elkesdone, and grant, in consideration
thereof, by Plaintiffs, that after the death or cession of such clerk,
Deforciants and their successors should present their clerk; and
after the death or cession of such clerk, Plaintiffs, and the heirs of
Plaintiff Ralph, should present their clerk 3 and so alternately and
successively for ever.
3- Westminster. The morrow of Souls, 44 Henry III.
Between Roger de Strattone, Plaintiff, and Matthew de Knyveton,
Tenant.
Grant by Plaintiff to Tenant, in fee, of I messuage, 1 carucate,
and 4 oxgangs of land, 2 tofts, 7s. 6d. rents in Wodethorpe, 55.
rents in Bradeleya, and 15s. 11d. rents in Schurstone and Fentone,
and two parts of a mill, and two parts of a moiety of a garden in
Schurstone, and 20d. rents in Cornelege, and 12d. rents in
Urlewike, 14s. rents in Cornelege, and one messuage and
one oxgang of land in Schurstone. Grant also by Plaintiff,
whom Thomas de Mapeltone vouched to warranty, and who
did warrant him, of 15s. IId. rents in Schurstone. Grant
158 CALENDAR OF THE FINES FOR THE COUNTY OF DERBY.
also by Plaintiff, whom Robert de Strattone vouched to warranty,
and who did warrant him, of one messuage, one oxgang and six
acres of land in Bradelege. Grant also by Plaintiff, whom John
le Ro vouched to warranty, and who did warrant him, of one
messuage and 5 acres of land in the same vill. At the yearly rent
therefor and for all other which Tenant did hold of Plaintiff in the
aforesaid vills on the day of the date of this fine, $d. at Easter for
all service, suit of cout, custom, and exaction.
Nov. 3. Westminster. Same date.
Between Ralph Bugge, Plazuztiff, and Elias de Jorr and Isolda his
wife, Deforciants.
Giant, on a plea of warranty of charter, by Deforciants, in
consideration of a sparrow-hawk, to Plaintiff, in fee, of 34 oxgangs
of land in Uvethorpe, performing therefor the royal service
pertaining to the same for all service, suit of court, aid, custom,
and exaction.
John, son of Isolda, doth put in his claim.
ALO eee, Po a
:
159
Roman Wematns at Little Chester.
By W. TuHompson WarTKIN.
AN digging the foundation for some cottages,* in the
summer of 1886, at Little Chester (Derventio), Mr.
A. Seale Haslam found several specimens of Roman
pottery, at depths varying from three to four feet from the present
surface. These are represented on Plate VI.
No. I. is a vessel 44 inches in height, and 43 inches in width
at the widest part. It is of pale light red ware, and from this
fact, combined with the shape, it is probably of local manufacture.
No. II. is 6} inches in height, and 5% inches at the widest part.
It is of a dull brown colour. It is rudely ornamented with
diagonal lines, scratched upon it with some sharp instrument,
forming a sort of lozenge pattern. Ass in other examples, these
lines commence a little below the neck of the vessel. This vessel,
though not of the orthodox “ Upchurch ” colour (a bluish black),
seems decidedly of Upchurch ware. It strongly resembles the
largest in Mr. Knight’s group of Upchurch vessels in Ce//, Roman,
and Saxon (first edition plate opposite p. 210), and its colour is
similar to three other vessels from the same site, engraved in
colour in Jntellectual Observer, October, 1865, pp. 161 and 163.
When found, this vessel was about half full of calcined wheat.
No. III., which is about 4 inches high, is a bowl 63 inches in
diameter in its widest part, and of a grayish colour. It is also
*The site of these finds can be identified, as Mr. Haslam has given to the
cottages the name of “ Roman Camp.”
160 ROMAN REMAINS AT LITTLE CHESTER.
probably Upchurch ware. A good example of this class of vessel
was found at Manchester, and its shape is a common one.
No. IV. isa fragment of a vessel of rather rude work, which
seems to be of Upchurch ware likewise. It is 4 inches by 4 in
its greatest dimensions, and darker in colour than No. III. It
has a rude ornament of bands and triangular punctures.
Nos. V. and VI. are portions of ‘‘Samian” bowls. Both have
the “festoon and tassel” pattern as a band in their upper portion.
No. V. has the nude figures of a male and female, with a portion
of a third male figure. It has been described as a “bathing
scene,” which seems probable. The size of this fragment is 44
inches by 4, whilst that of No. VI. is 34 inches by 34. The latter
has a representation of a hunting scene.
No. VII. is the neck of a large one-handled water jar of cream
colour externally, and probably of local manufacture. It is 34
inches high.
At the same time and place some coins* were found, twelve of
which were sent to me by the Rev. Dr. Cox for examination. I
found them to be as follows :—
DOMITIAN. 2nd brass.—fev. obliterated.
ANTONINVS PIVS. 2nd_ brass. — Rev. BRITANNIA.
Figure of Britannia seated to /, with spear, &c. S.C.
in exergue.
VICTORINVS. 3rd brass.—Two examples. ev. of both
obliterated as to legend. Both bear a standing figure to /.
3rd brass.—A coin which, by its style, is
about the same age, z.e., that of ‘““The Thirty Tyrants,”
circa A.D. 265-270. Obverse totally obliterated. ev.
ANNONA. AVG. Annona standing to /.
CARVS. 3rd brass.—Rev. PAX. EXERCITI. Peace standing
to 7. . In exergue: P. xxi.
ALLECTVS. 3rd brass. — Rev. PROVIDENTIA. AVG.
Providence standing.
* The station of Derventio, or Little Chester, has been very prolific of
coins of widely different dates, proving that the station was occupied during
nearly the whole of the period of the Roman sway in Britain. See Derbyshire
Archeological Society’s Journal, Vol. vii pp. 75-8.
> a ling
ROMAN REMAINS AT LITTLE CHESTER. 161
CONSTANS. 3rd brass (or rather in size a minim).— Lev.
VICTORIA. DD. AVGG. NN. ‘Two Victories, facing
each other, holding wreaths. In exergue TRS.
There were also three ‘‘ second brasses,” which, by the style, are
of early emperors, apparently between Domitian and Commodus,
but the legends, etc., are totally obliterated. A fourth excessively
worn may be Roman, but it is difficult. to judge. A Scotch
halfpenny of Charles II. was found on the same site. The Roman
coins range over 250 years. Except that of Carus, they are in bad
condition. Coins of this emperor are rare in Britain.
*In addition to the coins forwarded to Mr. Watkin, there were
seven other brass coins, apparently Roman, that are absolutely
illegible and corroded away; a Scotch halfpenny of Charles II. ;
and a thin piece of brass metal bearing on one side a crown sur-
mounting an heraldic rose (the arms of the county of Derby), and
the initials D.V.C. The last proves to be a button, with the
shank on the other side worn away. It was thought that this
might have been from the uniform of some Sheriff’s officer of the
past, the High Sheriff being termed Vice-Comes in official Latin,
and sometimes appending to his name in the two last centuries the
initials V.C. But Mr. Watkin’s surmise seems far more probable,
namely, that it was a uniform button of the old volunteer move-
ment of the beginning of this century, and that the initials stand
for ‘* Derbyshire Volunteer Corp.”
Besides the coins, there were two fragments of metal found,
one a small, much corroded piece, that may have formed part of a
brass bracelet or the rim of a coin; the other a flat piece of
broken brass, about dinch thick, and 13 long by 1 inch broad,
the use of which it would be idle to conjecture.
There was also unearthed a small crescent-shaped brass fibula
or brooch, the pin of which is broken. It is onlv 7 of an inch
in length. The surface of the crescent is slightly raised at the
edges, and it bears traces of having carried a red enamel. It has
been a charming little ornament when new.
* For this and for the next two paragraphs the Editor is responsible.
Il
162 ROMAN REMAINS AT LITTLE CHESTER.
*Two portions of querns or hand-mills were found at the same
time and place. They are both of millstone grit, the larger being
of much coarser material than the smaller.
The largest (fig. 1) measures 20 inches in diameter, 24 inches
thick at the edges, and 3 inches at the centre. The circular hole
in the centre is 24 inches in diameter.
FIGURE tr.
The smaller one (fig. 2) measures 16 inches in diameter, is
13 inch thick at the edges, and 4 inches in the centre. The
circular hole in the centre is 1} inch in diameter.
FIGURE 2.
In vertical section the grinding surface of the larger one
presents a gentle swell towards the centre, the curve forming a
shallow double ogee. That of the smaller one is more precipitous,
and the centre conversely circumscribed to form a boss of some
3 or 4 inches in diameter. The under surfaces are roughly flaked
(no tool marks being visible) into shape ; that of the larger one is
concave and truly wrought, while that of the smaller one is
roughly flat. The sides also present a difference—that of the
larger stone is extremely well and truly executed by “pecking” (as
has been observed in this issue of the Journal with regard to the
Haddon Field’s quern), and instead of being vertical it is on the
taper, like that of a bung, the top surface representing the
grinding surface of the stone. The smaller stone has undergone
such long use, that the original shape of its side is obliterated.
The central, hole of the larger stone is of equal diameter
throughout, and it is of good workmanship ; that of the other
stone is peculiar, it seems to have been roughly ground out from
* The description of the querns has been*kindly supplied by Mr. John Ward.
ROMAN REMAINS AT LITTLE CHESTER. 163
both surfaces with some conical instrument until the two holes
met, the result being that while it is about 14 in. diameter at the
surfaces, it is reduced to } in. in the middle.
There can be little doubt that these are the lower stones of two
querns, and that the pins that carried the upper stones were
inserted in the above mentioned holes, the only difficulty being
the awkward shape of that of the smaller stone. The boss of
the smaller one, described above, suggests a corresponding hole
or depression in the missing upper stone; the long use that this
lower stone shows signs of having undergone having worn down
the rest of its surface to its present condition.
The question naturally suggests itself, why are the upper stones
of these two querns, and of so many others that have been
discovered, missing? Was it’ not a frequent custom to use some
hard non-gritty stone for the upper stones? If so, one upper
stone might wear out many lower ones, which would then be
discarded, and found in greater abundance.
The quern fragment from Haddon Fields (Plate II. of this
- volume) is of a ruder and more lumpy character than those of the
Roman station at Little Chester.*
* In Sainter’s Rambles Round Macclesfield is a lithograph and brief de-
scription of a quern found at Danes Moss. It resembles the Little Chester
examples in lightness of appearance.”
°
‘
a
Se EEL eee
165
INDEX OF NAMES OF
A.
Abel, John, 60; Row-
land, 60
Abell, Alice, 60; Ellen,
103 ; John, 60
Agard, Nicholas,* 134 ;
William, 134
Alestra, Thos., 60
Alexander, Cathe., 60;
William, 60
Allen, Stephen, 60;
Ralph, 95
Allestrey, Roger, 44
Allin, William, 103
Allmytt, Thos., 60
Alsop, Isabella, 61 ;
Joha, 61; Rich., 61;
William, 61
‘Alte, Margaretta, 64
Alton, Helen, 61 ;
Robert, 61
Anderson, Lord, 135,
136; Sir Edmond, 126
Arthington, Cirill, 61 ;
Rosamonde, 61
Ashmore, Francis, 61
Ashton, Joha, 61; Lau-
rence, 61; Richard 61
Atkinson, William, 89-
96, 99, 104, 108-111,
118, 125-131, 137-140
Aulte, Francis, 143
Austyn, Clement, 1I15-
117
Auvers, Roger de, 157
Avenell, 74, 106
Aynesworth, Anna, 61
B.
Bagshaw family, 61
Bagshawe, Oliver, 59
Bailey, Anna, 61; Jo.,
61, Matilda 61;
Thomas, 61
PERSONS:
Bakewell, Richard 61 ;
Robert, 61
Bamford, Marg., 61
Bankes, 94; Edward
103 ; Thomas 103
Barber, Captain, 36;
Christopher, 61
Barker, Eliz., 61 ; John
61 ; Richard 60, 61
Barking, Alice, 61 ;
Dorothy, 61; Emma
61
Barlow, Christopher, 61;
John, 34; Thos., 59
Bamey Henry, 60
Barton, Frances, 27
Baslow, Agnes, 62 ;
Christopher, 62 ;
Thos., 62
Bateman, 49, 51
Bayley, Jo., 61
Beard, Eliz., 62;
Richard, 62
Becktone, Roger de,
151
Bedenestede, Johanne
de, 150
Beesiey, John, 62
Bentlie, Roger, 62
Berde, Eliz, 62;
Richard, 62 ; Wm.,62
Beredet, Frances, 62
Bevecourt, Robert de, 22
Bighton, Thos., 62
Billing, 43
Bilston, Anna, 62
Blackwell, Dorothy, 62 ;
Humphrey, 62
Blake, Mr., 30-32 ; Tho.,
44
Blakiston, Wm., 62
Booth, John, 148
Boscheville, Johannes
de, I
Boswell, Edward, 62;
Wm., 62
Bowen, Edward, 62
Bowman, Edward, 62
Bowshaw, Edward, 62
Bradborn, John, 62
Bradbury, Anna, 62;
Wm., 62
Braddock, William, 62
Bradley, Margt., 62
Bradshaw, Mr., 38
Breydeshale, William
de, 151
Brice, 43
Bridelingtone, Geoffrey
de, 157
Bridgman, Hon. and
Rev. Canon, 79
Brien, William, 24
Bright, Isabella, 62
Brikesard, Anketinade,
22
Brinley, John, 62 ;
Edward, 62; Law-
rence, 62
Brittlebank, Alice, 62;
Christopher, 62 ;
Kathe, 60; John, 62
Britton, Jo., 62
Bromley, Edwd., 62
Brough, Eleanor, 62
Broughton, 94
Brown, Mary, 62; Sir
William, 120
Browne, Mr., 136
Brownell, Richard, 62
Browning, Maria, 62
Buck, Francis, 85, 97,
II5, 116, 119, 123;
Margaret, 62, 98, 99
Bucks, Mrs., 59
Bucketone, Humphrey,
59
Bugge, Ralph, 157, 158
Bukstone, William de,
156
Bullock, Mr., 30, 31
166
Burgylum, Emma, 153;
William de, 153
Burleigh, Lord, 110
Burons, The, 16-22
Busli, Hugo de, 17
Butler, wNach., i612
William, 62
Buxton, Humph., 62
Byrons, The, 22
GC.
Cairns, Lord, 56
Cam, Robert, 60
Camara, Ralph, 22
Carne, Richard, 63
Carnel, Helen, 63
Carboner, Andrew le, 24
Carden, Anna, 63
Carus, 161
Castro, William de, 23
Caune, Christopher, 63
Cauville, 106
Cawood, Thos., 63
Gea sir Robert. 71,
110; William, 110
Chaddesden, Nicholas
de, 26 ; Thomas de, 26
Chambers, George, 59,
60
Champion, Miles, 63
Champney, Nic., 63
Charles I.,\ 295 Il.,.161
Chaundos, Edward, 26 ;
John, 25; Robert, 26
Chittain, Grace, 63
Clarky » -Alsnes)s i630;
Cathe., 60; William,
60
Clarke, James, 43
Clayton, Cecilia, 22;
Mr., 29-36, 42; Sir
Richard, 22
Clay, John, 63
Clerc, Robert le, 23
Clerk, Henry le, 152
Cobstake, Anthony, 63
Coffyn, William, 76
Colleston, Robert, 63
Collier, 43 ; Rich., 63
Come, Roger, 63
Commodus, 161
Compton, Lord, 81
Conze, Thos., 63
Cooper, Thomas, 43
Copley, Lionel, 29-33,
37; 44, 45
Coton, Henry de, 26
Cotesgrave, Lewin de, 23
Cotingstock, Roger de,
18
Cotton, Thos., 63
Cowel, 85, 89
Cowley, Leonard, 42
Cox, Rew Dry) 16; 017,
160:>,= Anna, 963) 3
Beatrice, 63
Crew, Sir Sachevile, 42
Croft, Sir Herbert, 124
Crosbye, Mr., 100
Crowshaw, Wm., 63
D.
Dakin, Margaret, 63;
Robert, 63 ; Wm., 63
Dance, John, 63
Danton, Jo., 63
Dantry, Tristram, 136
Daore, Margaret, 63
Dawkins, Professor
Boyd, 48, 55
Dawkwell, Michael, 63
Denum, John de, 25
Despencer, Hugo le, 24
Dethek, Geoffrey de, 153
a a Sir William,
Devonshire, Earl of, 29
Diacroft, Cathe., 63;
Edward, 63
Domitian, 161
Dorchester, Marquess
of,
Dounlow, Elzth., 63;
Robt., 63
Dowman, Edward, 63
Downe, Susan, 103
Drabble, Geo., 63; Jana,
63; Thos., 63
Duke, Richard, 63
Dunhow, Elzth., 63
Dukenfeld, Hugh de,
156; Robert de, 156
Duversal, 106
Dyheleswude, Alice, 152;
Reginald de, 152
E.
Eaton, Eleanor, 63;
Francisca,64 ; Helena,
645 {Jio:,, 63/57 John,
63; Richard, 64;
Wm., 63
Ebbeth, Nic., 64
INDEX OF NAMES OF PERSONS.
Edward I., 94; VI., 81
Elde, Anthony, 64
Eliva, Francisca, 643
Nic., 64
Elizabeth, Queen, 56-59,
71, 81, 86, 89, 92
Ellis, Elzth., 64 ; Robt.,
6
4
Elmis, Nic., 64
Else, Mr. Sam, 27
Elstoft, Thos., 64
Elson, Edward, 64;
Elennora, 64
Elston, Eliza, 643
Margt., 64 ; Milicent,
64.
Eltofte, Thomas, 60
Elverston, Mch., 60
Elvidge, Nich., 64
Esseburne, Henry de,
155, 157
Essex, Earl of, 123
Evans, Mr. Jno., 54
Evelyn, 35, 36
Everard, Alicia,
Jane, 99; John 64, 99
Eyr, Henry le, 152
Eyre family, 64
FY
Fairfax, Lord, 26
Fanacourt, Gerard de, 25
Fearne, Elzth., 64
Fearnley, E. A., 64
Fentham, Isaac, 33
Fenton, Emma, 103
Fernando, Mr., 137
Fernihough, William,
98, IOI
Ferrars, Earl of,
William, 23, 153
Ferrars family, 148-150;
Edward, 111; Sir
Humphrey, 135
Fidler, Beatrice, 64
Finch, John, 40, 43, 44
Fishbourne, John, 64
Fitz Ailrul, Hugh, 23
Fitz Gamell, Robert, 24
Fitz Gilbert, Henry, 23
Fitz Geoffrey, Maurice,
19;
150
Fitz Herbert, Dorothy,
64; Edward, 64;
Nicholas, 24; Wm.,
79
Fitz Payn, Godfrey, 23
645.
INDEX OF NAMES OF PERSONS. 167
Fitz William, Peter, 19
Flek, Matilda de, 152;
Peter de, 152
Fletcher, George, 19;
Paul, 29, 36
Foliott, Jordanus, 25 ;
Richard, 25
Foljambe, Anna, 64;
Godfrey, 64 |
Ford, John, 64
Fox, Anthony, 64;
Cathe., 60, 64 ;
Eleanor, 64; Joha.,
64; John, 59
Franceys, 30; Ralph,
45
Franks, Mr. Augustus,
5
Freebville, Mr., 31
Freemantle, Rich., 64
Freer, Rev. T..H., 72
Freshville, John, 33
Frogatt, Jo., 60
Frost, Thos., 59, 65
Fulbrooke, Walter, 65
Fulwood, Walter, 65
G.
Ganes, Thos., 65
_ Garrett, Martha, 65
Gellvye, Humphrey, 103
. Gerard, Sir Thomas, 95
Gerrard, Elzth., 65 ;
John, 65
Giffard, Roger, 65 ;
Cassandra, 79; Sir
John, 79
Gilbert, Anna, 65
Gill, Anne, 65; Richard,
65
Glossop, Maria, 65
Goldyngton, Richard, 26
Godfrey, 16
Goodman, 85
Goodwyn, John, 65
Gray, Edward, 150
Greatorex, Augustine,
65 ; Eliza, 65 ; Robert,
6
Greaves, Eleanor, 65
* Gree, John, 65
Green, John, 65 ; Lucia,
65; Mary, 65
Greenhough, Dr., 48, 51
Greenwell, 52
Greensmith, Maria, 65 ;
Thos., 65
Gregory, Elzth., 65 ;
Emma, 65
Grendon, Serlo de, 19 ;
William de, 19
Groby, Lord of, 150
Gurnay, Hugo de, 154
rE
Halfhid, Mr. Jeremie,
44, 45
Hall, Thos., 65; Wm.,
60, 6
Hallam, Anna, 65;
Edmund, 26; Wm.
65
Haningeld, Sewale de,
150
Hanselyn, Margery de,
19; William de, 19
Hanson, Wm., 65
Hare, Mr., 128
Harestaffe, John, 71-147
Harrison, Margt., 65 ;
Rich., 65
Hart, W. H., F.S.A,
151
Harvey, Charles, 43;
Sebastian, 94, 109,
129, 137
Haslam, Mr. A. Seale,
159
Hauxrell, Edward, 66 ;
William, 66
Haver, 43
Haveresheg, Anova de,
151; Matthew de, 151
Hawfield, Alice, 65
Hawksworth, John, 59,
6
Hayford, Dennis, 30
Heald, Anthony, 60, 65 ;
Fras., 65 ; Margt., 65
Heape, Michaell, 102
Hemingway, 44
Hene, Alicia, 65 ;
Edward, 65
Henry I., 18, 19; III.,
24, 80 ; Vix 19, 76;
Vis 42675" SVL. Sth:
VIIL., 22, 26, 56, 75,
76, 81
Henovere, Agnes, 153;
Nicholas, 153
Heriz, William de, 18
Herlawestone, Henry
de, 153; Margery de,
153
Herthil, Ellen, 155 ;
Rich., 155
Herum, Radulfo de, 150
Hesketh, Sir Thomas,
113, 141
Heveningham, Anthony,
75; Dorothy, 75
Hewston, KEd., 65 ;
Elzth., 65
Hezall, George, 65 ;
Maria, 65
Hickling, Eliz., 66
Hide, Maria, 66 ; Roger,
66
Hill, Alice, 65; Thos.,
66
Hedne, 106
Hodgkinson, Edith, 66 ;
Robt., 66
Hollingsworth, Wm., 66
Holland, John de, 26
Hood, Fred, 66
Horsley, Geoffrey de, 23
Howard, H., 36
Huceys, Robert le, 155
Hunter, 3c, 35; Henry,
66
Hyde, Agnes, 101 ;
Anthony, 103 ; Henry,
IOI ;
1g
Ingerham, Iohn, 155,
156; Robert, 155,
156; William, 155
Ingram, 43
Irtone, Stephen de, 154
Iweyn, Hugh, 153;
Robert, 153
J:
Jackson, Fras., 60;
Robert, 94, 109
James I., 58, 59, 71, 81
Jardien, Mr., 38
Jelett, Eliz., 66
Jenings, Mr., 30
Jenkinsons, the, 29
Jenyson, - Maria, 66;
Matthew, 66; Michael,
66
Jewett, Jane, 66 ; Peter,
66
Jorans, Peter, 66
John, King, 19, 22, 80
Johnson, Adam, 66;
Cuthbert, 66
168
Joor, Elias de,
Tsolda, 158
Jorz, Stephen de, 151
158 ;
Ke
Kempe, Rich., 66
Kent, Earl of, 26
Kerry, Rev. Chas., 16
Kinder, Philip, 27
Kirkland, Elzth., 66
Kitching, Joa, 66
Kitte, Thos., 66
Knight, Mr., 159
Knyvetone, Matthew
de, 54, 157
Ly
Lacke, Dionisius, 66
Lambe, Matthew, 42
Lancaster, Earl of 26,
Langford, Mary, 60
Langley, Geoffrey de,
152
Larone, Robt., 66
Laurence, Giles, 66;
John, 66
Lea, Anna, 66; Oliver,
66
Leake, Fras., 66, 122
Lenton, Richard, 66
Lester, Eliz , 66; Lly.,
66
Levesey, Henry, 66
Lister, Henry, 59
Littleton, Edward, 75,
88, 111-115, 118, 123,
124; Margaret, 88,
111; Mary, 75; Ric-
hard, 111
Livesay, Dr., 77
Locke, Jas., 66
Longdon, Geo., 67;
Margaret, 67 ; Robt.,
6
7
Longford, Nic., 67
Lorine, Henry le, 152
Lowe, George, 59
Lovell, Philip, 156
Lucas, Robt,, 67
Luther, 58
M.
Macun, William le, 23 -
Madeley, Rich., 67
Madsfeld, Eliz., 67
Madeley, Rich., 59
Magson, John, 30, 36
Malet, Walter, 22, 23
Mansfield, Eliz., 60;
Lord, 36; Will, 136
Mapeltone, Thomas de,
157
Mapyltone, Henry de,
152
Marescal, Cathe., 67
Mareschalls, Petro, 150
Marisco, Willemo de,
150
Markham, George, 36
Marriott, Mr., 38
Marshall, Joyce, 103
Marthan, Robt. de, 153;
Sarah, 153
Mary, Queen, 56
Mason, Hugh, 43
Mazin, Captain, 30
Mellor, Thos., 67
Merrye, John, 67;
Henry, 67 ; Margaret,
67
Meverell, Mrs., 98
Milward, Agneta, 67;
Colonel, 30; Nic., 67
Milnhouse, Francisca,
67
Minur, Henry le, 24
Montford, Peter de, 24
Montgomery, 94, 106;
Anne, 80; Eliz., 98;
Helen, 145; Philip
de, 80
Morgan, 117
Mork, George, 67
Morris, Isabella, 67 ;
John, 67; Rich., 67 ;
Thos., 60, 67;
William, 67
Morton, Eliz., 67
Morttyn, William le, 152
Moseley, John, 33
Moungomerie, Sir John,
79
Mungumberi, Johannes
de, 149
Murphy, Edmund, 36
Muschamp, Robert de,
22
N.
Nephew, Fras., 67
Newcastle, Marquess of,
29, 35, 36
INDEX OF NAMES OF PERSONS.
Newton, Elezeus, 67;
Dorothy, 67; Mr.,
30, 31) 41
Noel, Alan, 153; Ro-
bert, 153
Norfolk, Duke of, 26
Norkell, Wm., 67
Normanville, Thomas,
24
North, Agnes, 67; Anna,
67; Thos., 67; Wm.,
67
Norton, Hy., 67
Norwell, William, 67
Norwood, William, 67
Nunn, 43
O.
Oberling, Constance, 67
Oldacre, Alice, 67 ; Ro-
bert, 67
Oliver, John, 100
Onley, Margaret, 78
Orrel, Eliz., 67 ; Maria,
6
Osborne, Sir Thomas,
29
Overton, Bishop, 117
P.
Padley, Anna, 68; Ed-
mund, 68; Francisca,
68 ; Humphrey 68
Palfreyman, Nic., 68,
Palmer, Jo., 168 ; Joane,
103
Parker, Helen, 68;
Roger le, 23 ; Steeven,
72
Parson, Wm., 60
Parkes, John, 102
Parsons, Wm., 68
Paselow, Joha,
Elzth., 68
Pattrick, John, 100
Pawson, 68
Peach, William, 68
Peerson, Walter, 98, 101
Pellett, Mr., 30, 40, 43
Pemberton, Thomas, 43 -
Pembroke, Earl of, 26;
Ronald de, 25
Pemburgge, 106
Pen, Edward, 68
Phillips, Mr. Jerome, 42
Pickering, John, 60
68 ;
iJ
.
INDEX OF NAMES OF PERSONS.
Pipard, John, 25
Plimer, Marg., 103
Plompton, Anna, 68 ;
Francesca, 68 ;
Francis, 68 ; Peter 68
Poole, 38; Edward,
119; Ellen, 68;
Elzth., 68 ; Maria, 68
Pole, Mr. Edward, 99
Pollet, Peter, 100
Port, Sir John, 98
Porter, Mr., 45
Powtrell, Cassandra, 68 ;
Dorothy, 59; Elenor,
59; Mrs., 59; Walter,
68
Powys, Baron, 92
Proudlow, Agneta, 68 ;
George, 68
Pud&ey, Eliz,, 68
Purleg, Edmunds de,
110; Thomas de, 110
Pype, 106
Q.
Quappelode, Thomas de,
156
Quartermayne, 106
Quincy, Robert, 150
Quinton, Adam de, 156
R.
Rammesey, Alexander
de, 154, 156; Hawys
de, 154-156
Rawlin, Jana, 68 ; John
68; Nic., 68; Wm.,
68
Repington, Lady, 111 ;
Sir John, 111
Revill, Edward, 68
Reynes, Nic., 68
Richard I., 18
Richmond, Earl of, 26
Ridge, Eliz., 68;
Dorothy, 68 ; Thomas-
ine, 68; Wm., 68
Roades, Jo., 68
Roche, Rowland, 68
Roide, Maria, 68
Rolston, Arthur, 68 ;
Sala 68 ; Matilde,
Roper, John, 43
Rose, W., 68
Rosea, Rich., 68
Rosell, Patricius, 19
Rosello, Robert de, 17
Rossell, Patrick, 19
Row, Geo., 32,
Sam., 32, 34
Rowland, Ed., 68
Rushton, Anna, 69
S.
34 3
Sacheverells, the, 28
Sainter, 163
Salisbury, Marquis of,
110
Sandford, Maria, 69
Sandiacre, Geoffrey de,
25; Peter de, 19, 22;
Richard, 23
Sault, John, 102
Sauner, Thomas le, 156
Sawther, Jo., 69
Scarsdale, Lord, 37, 45
Scattergood, Richard,
103
Scott, Dorothy, 69 ;
Rev. Canon, 105
Searle, Mr. John, 41
Sedons, Chas., 69 ; Nic.,
69
Seila, Lucian de, 148,
149; Ralph de, 148,
149
Seneler, Willelm de, 150
Sewell, family, 69
Shaw, Geo., 69
Sheldon, Joseph, 44
Sheeting, Constance, 69
Sherwin, Constance, 69;
John, 73; Thos., 73;
Wm., 72
Shewell, Wm., 69
Shirley, Sir Ralph, 25;
family of, 148
Sidons, Chas.,69 ; Nic.,
69; Richard, 69
Simpson, William, 30-
Sitwell, Edward Degge,
Esq., 20; George,
28-36, 43, 443; Fran-
cis, 32; Mr. Hervey,
21
Skynner, Rich., 69
Sled, Mr., 43
Smelter, Will., 60
Smith, Mr. Ralph, 37
Smyth, Anna, 69;
Cathe., 69 ; Thos., 69
Smylter, Wm., 69
'
169
Snelestone, Hugh de,
157
Sorby, Roger, 69
Spencer, Eizth., 69
Spernor, 106
Spilman, Clement, 69
Spying, Peter, 69
Stackpole, 106
Stally, Elzth., 69
Stanhope, Anna, 69;
Edward, 69; Thomas,
26
Staniforth, Samuel, 36
Stanley, Alice, 79; Sir
Edward, 92, 97; Sir
Humphrey, 79
Starkey, Tho., 44
Statham, Geo., 69
Steel, Mr., 40
Steet, William, 69
Stoke, Thomas, 102
Stradley, Samson de, 19
Stratlege, Matilda de,
156
Strattone, Robert de,
158; Roger de, 156,
157
Strelleys, the, 76
Strickland, 43
Stubley, Maria,
Edward, 69
Suttone, Gerard de, 153;
Jordan de, 153 :
Swetman family, 69
Swetman, Thos., 60
Swynnerton family, 75-
79; Thos., 100';
Dorothy, 100
Sydall, Dorothy, 69 ;
Robert, 69
Syddall, Croth, 60;
Marg., 60; Robert,
69 ;
69
Sydney, Sir Henry, 117
“Ll
Talbot, 83
Talboys, Margaret, 82;
Sir Gilbert, 82, 83
Talliatoris, Henry, 24-
Taylor, Oliver, 70
Thomason, Mary, 70
Thompson, Edward, 70
Thornley, Ann, 70;
Thos., 70 ;
Toly, Robt., 152; Wm.,
152
170
Tomson, Mr., 42, 43
Torre, Helena, 70;
Robert, 70
Townshend, Justice, 75,
113, I17, 130, 131,
136-141, 1463; Sir
Henry, 75, 813 Sir
Robert, 81; Sir Roger,
Sr
Treamtan, 106
Trubshaw, Andrew, 43;
James, 43 3 Mr., 37
Tryckytt, Henry, 136
Tunstead, Fras., 70
Turner, Alice, 70 ; Jo.,
70
Turton, John,
Vernon, 102
Twyford, Henry de, 26
Tybetot, Robert, 25
Tyler, 43
103 5
NE
Vavasour, William de,
22
Vavassure, William le,
156
Venables, Mr., 100
Vereny, Sir Walter de,
150-
Vernon family, 71-147
W.
Walker, Wm., 70
Ward, John, 3, 5, 9, 47,
162
Warne, Robert, 104
Washington, William,
115
Waterhouse, Jo., 70;
Wn., 70
Wakin, W. Thompson, |
159, 161
Westcote, 106
Western, Mr., 30, 40,
43
Whaldene, Joha., 70
Wheylee, Thos., 70
Whitall, Helena, 70
INDEX OF NAMES OF PERSONS.
Whiteley, Nic., 70;
Wm., 70
Whitgift, Archbishop,
117
Wilcockson, Cathe., 70
Wigfall, Henry, 28, 29
Wilde, Edward, 70
Wildbrockson, 70
Wilkin, Elzth, 703
Miles, 60, 70
Willbeuf, Ralph de, 19
Witherings, | Thomas,
103
Womersley, John, 70
Wood, Wm., 70
Wright, Isabella, 70;
Mr., 38; Thomas, 70
Wudehus, Thomas de,
23
Ne
Yeatman, Mr. Pym,
27, 56 ;
Yelverton, Serjeant, 135
Yollope, Frances, 70
171
INDEX, OF NAMES OF PLACES:
A.
Almeton, 18
Amington, III
Ashover, I
Aspley, 80, 87, 145
Aston, 94, 106
B.
Bad-Bertrich, 5
Bakewell, 47, 62, 64
Barbadoes, 29, 41, 42
Barlboro’, 68
~ Barley, 66, 69
Barlow Lees, 36
Barton, 61
Barton Blount, 61, 67
Bawtry, 42, 43
Belsham, 61
Bentley, 65
Birmingham, 37, 43
Blackburn, 58
Bolsover, 23, 62
Bonsall, 6
Boston, 44
Bradeburn, 156
Bradeleghe, 154-158
Bradwell, 77
Breadsall, 25, 26, 44
Bredestone, 156
Bretby, 63. 66, 67
Broome Ridding, 34
Broughton, 69, 95, 108
Bruncliff, 51
Bushy Park, 32-34
Bycknacre, 150
c
Cader Idris, 9, 10
Campedene, 157
Cannock, 80
Carberton Forge, 33, 35
Carter Hall, 20
Castleton, 83
Cestrefeud, 153
Chaddesden, 26, 153
Chapel-en-le-Frith, 61
Chapeltown Furnace, 30
Chartley, 150
Chelardistone, 154
Cheshire, 30, 74, 75
Chester, 81, 117
Chesterfield, 44, 63-70
Clayton, 22
Clipstone, 29, 33, 36
Cole Harber, 43
Conksbury Bridge, 47
Cornelege, 157
Costock, 17
Cotgrave, 17, 22
Cotingstock, 17, 18
Coventry, 73, 104, 117
Coxbench, 24
Crich, 69, 70
Cruche, 154
Crumford, 152
Cuckney Forge, 33, 35
1B
Dale, 19, 20
Dane's Moss, 163
Denby, 16, '9
Depedale, 20
Derventio, 159, 160
Derby, 24-28, 44, 126,
136, 151-153
Derbyshire, 1, 2, 17,
23-27, 42, 47, 56-64,
66, 68, 71, 74, 76, 90,
QI, 126, 136, 151, 158
Dover, 76
Dronfield, 64, 68, 70
Dudley, 40
Duffield, 62, 65, 69, 148,
153
Dunstone, 151
Durham, 148
E,
Eckington, 29, 32, 36,
42, 68
Edinburgh, 51
Edlaston, 67
Eifel, 3, 5
Elkestone, 157
Elton, 1
Ely, 25
Ember Lane, 6
England, 28, 76, 92, 120
Essex, 71, 93, 106, 123,
149
Essington, 80, 102, 145
Essovere, 152
Etwail, 60, 61, 63, 65,
68, 69
Eyam, 60, 63, 65, 68
Eyton, 155
F.
Felmersham, 25
Flodden Field, 26
Flushing, 120
Foremark, 66
Foxbrooke
32-34, 37; 39
France, 76, 100
Furnace,
(Gr
Gainsborough, 42
Galway, 19
Germany, 3, 19
Giants’ Causeway, 3
Glossop, 66, 68, 70
Gresley, 60, 62, 68
Groby, 150
Gruyere, 5
172
H.
Haddon, 47-49, 55, 74-
79 83, 88, 134, 162,
I
Hallam, 16
Halun, 155
Hampton, 80
Hanlege, 155
Haslington, 75
Hathersage, 61-70
Hawsworth, 70
Hazelbach, 76, 83-87
Henovere, 154
Herdebi, 16
Heyfield, 62, 68-70
Hilton, 75, 79, 80, 102,
144, 145
Holaund, 157
Holland, 42
Horeston or Harestan,
16-27
Horngraben Valley, 3
Horsley, 16-27
Houndshill, 75, 88, 106,
144
Hull, 37, 42, 43
Hulme, 151
Huntington, 80
Te
Ireland, 19, 76, 100
fe
Jerusalem, 18, 22
K.
Kegworth, 68
Kilbourn, 17, 19
Kirk Hallam, 122
Kirk Langley, 61, 63,
70
Knyvetone,
157
152, 154,
Ib
Lancashire, 22
Lancaster, 146
Largesdone, 151
Langeleye, 154
Lathkill Valley, 47
Leicester, 156
Leith, 84
Lenton, 16-18, 25, 151
Lichfield, 73, 104, 117,
132
Lincolnshire, 38, 40, 44
Little Chester, 159, 160,
163
Littlechyrche, 152
Litchurch, 22, 26
London, 30-32, 37-44,
89, 92, 96, 114, 117,
120, 124, 130, 139
Longford, 60-70
Ludlow, 92
Lullington, 70
Lutchurche, 154
M.
Mackley, 94, 96, 99, 101
Manchester, 160
Maperley, 155, 156
Mapleton, 61
Marchington, 98, 106
Marston, 94, 103
Marston-on-Dove, 136
Woodhouse, 98
Matlock, 2
Bath, 1
Miller’s Dale, 1
Millington, 30
Milnehaye, 154
Morley, 21
Mosenberg, 3
N.
Newstead Priory, 22
Norbury, 61-70
Norfolk, 81
Norton, 61-64, 66, 67
Nottingham, 25, 28, 33,
37 ;
Bridge, 40, 44
Notts., 17, 22, 23
OF
Okemanton, 61
Okesgreen, 96
Ossington, 17, 18, 22
ies
Peak Castle, 23
Penkridge, 80
Pentrich, 69
Pillaton, 88, 106, 111
INDEX OF NAMES OF PLACES.
Pleasley, 32-35
Porter’s Quay, 43
Rs
Rempston, 18
Renishaw, 28-34,
4t, 46
Rependon, 65
Repton, 63
Ripley, 23, 69
Rivelin, the, 36
Rodsley, 72, 73, 95, 96,
100, 104
Rome, 57, 58
Rossington, 68
Rotherham Mill, 30
Rutland, 75, 83
39;
Sardinia, 19
Saredon, 80
Saxony, 19
Scarborough, 28
Scotland, 84
Scropton, 134
Sheffield, 30, 36, 44, 49,
51
Sherburn Wold, 52
Sherwood Forest, 35, 36
Shipbroke, 74, 75
Shirley, 62, 63
Shotley Bridge, 148
Smalley, 21, 155
Snelston, 62
Solgrene, 156
Somershall, 94, 97, 100,
119
Somsall, 64
Southwark, 43, 89
Sparkhill, 80
Spinkhill, 68
Stafford, 100
Staffordshire, 59, 75, 79,
80
Stamford, 68
Stanley Forge, 33
Staveley, 31, 33, 34
Staunford, 63
Stockwith, 43
Stone, 33, 94
Sudbury, 62, 64, 71-79,
83, 90-107, 115, 119,
121, 137, 143-145
Sugnell, 80, 87, 145
Sutton, 62-67, 70
Swynnerton, 79, 80
Syria, 21
INDEX
iy
Tamworth, 111, 150
Tansley, 69
Thorneton, 154
Thurstone, 157
Tideswell, 1, 9, 10, 61,
62,.65, 67, 70, 77
Tideswell Dale Quarry,
I-15
Turstone, 154
U.
Uesbach (river), 5
Upchurch, 159, 160
Upper Haddon, 47
| Upton, 96, 106
| Uvethorpe, 158
W.
Wadsley Forge, 30
Walcheren, 120
Waldley, 94, 98, 102
Walls, 3, 81
Walton, 29
West Hallam, 62, 65,
67, 69, 70 )
West Ham, 105
Westminster, 105, 153- |
158
Weston, 16
Whittington, 68
OF NAMES OF PLACES. 173
| Winchester, 150
Windsor, 107
Wingfield North, 33, 64
Wingfield South, 63, 68
Wirksworth, 61, 69
Wodeham Ferrers, 149
Wolethorpe, 154
Woodham Ferris, 150
| Worcestershire, 40
| Wotton, 29
Wyberley, 66, 68
Vee
York, 28, 146
Yorkshire, 29
Youlgreave, 48
BEMROSE AND SONS, PRINTERS, DERBY AND LONDON.
27MAY 1935
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