, 8bp9 | ‘JOURNAL OF THE j OF THE — a ROYAL ASIATIC: j one _ VOLUME tines: é 7 CONTENTS ee l ° VRROCRPOINGS!! 3S cM ly : Dodd | . as ba j We . GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS. “By ae Whatley "DESTINY, FATE. By Evan Morgan =... Yeineaialt oa _ CHINESE IDEAS OF ANTIQUES. By. Rey. J. Hutson 4 "CHINESE ‘POETRY AND ITS CONNOTATIONS. By Florence _ Ayscough Bia mF ae aa a ee y . “Noes: ON THE AGRICULTURE, BOTANY AND THE ZOOC- LOGY OF CHINA. By B. W. Skvortzow | oe aye A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED. By Isaac Mason ; ie i ‘REVIEWS. OF RECENT BOOKS... .. | aa £ NOTES AND QUERIES: os Cie OF MEMBERS hg THE RELATION or sige raberN gk AMD SIAMESE. . " W. Clifton - oe | CHINA'S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS. By Herbert Chatley,. D.Sc. An (London) Yeh Se <0's) son

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The Honorary Editor’s Report. The Editor of the Journal, Rev. Evan Morgan, speaking of the forthcoming Journal which is Vol. LI, took the- opportunity to refer interestingly to preceding volumes issued by the Society. He said: . In issuing the 51st volume of the Society’s proceedings it is fitting to pay some sort of tribute to the preceding 50 volumes, which have steadily and unfailingly appeared, showing a continuity of aim through continuous change of minds and hands. A wealth of material has been produced and recorded during these years, and it would be well for students and general readers to look through these past volumes not only as a stimulus to our present effort, but also: as a tribute to the memory of past workers of this Society. ' Further it would be a most interesting occupation to review the past volumes at length and refresh our minds with the wide range of the Society’s studies and the varied nature: of the articles. Time will only permit of a brief mention of the first and fiftieth volumes. No. 1 was first issued in June, 1858, just 62 years ago, so that really the 50th volume was not its semi-centennial one. This was reprinted in 1886 by Noronha and Sons. Its name was Journal of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society. But before No. 2 was issued, the Society had become con- nected by affiliation with the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. It is under that honourable name that the Journal has appeared ever since. The object of the Editorial Committee as expressed in their preface, was a worthy one. ‘‘By combined effort,”’ they say, ‘‘such an inroad may thus be made upon the field of research and observation which lies before us, as shall enable us to present a very acceptable contribution to: Western Sinology.’’ This object has been and is being worthily fulfilled as the pages of the Journal will testify. Dr. Edkins must have been the first Secretary and the work of his industrious pen is seen in the very first number, a. translation of a Buddhist Shastra. Mr. Wylie contributed an article on the Ta Tsing Coins. Sixty-one years later we have republican coins in Vol. 48. The blocks of the Ist copy Xll PROCEEDINGS are better and clearer than those in the 48th volume: showing that advancement in mechanical processes does not always mean better artistic work. Sir F. W. Nicolson, Captain of the “‘Pique’’ wrote on Cyclones and Captain Foote of the U.S. ‘*Portsmouth’’ wrote on a visit to Simoda and Hakodate. Dr. MacGowan wrote on Ethnology. You will at once see that the Editorial Committee took their business seriously. The fiftieth volume is of such a recent date that there is no need to recall either the names of the writers or the subjects. It is sufficient to say that whilst the quantity has increased the quality has not deteriorated. Speaking of this volume Dr. Arthur Smith said in a review, “‘This Semi- ‘Centennial issue of a hardy annual is a conspicuously interest- ing one.’’ So with that encouraging word from Dr. Smith we venture to go forward in the spirit of hopefulness to introduce Vol. LI to you. And it is interesting to find that the first paper in the new volume is by Mr. Clifton Dodd on “The Relation between the Siamese and Chinese,’’ thus in ‘a special manner linking up Vol. I with Vol. LI: for in the first volume the President in his ‘‘Inaugural Address’’ said, “‘Among all the inhabitants both on the continent and on the islands, none are more interesting than the tribes long known to us as Miautsze, seemingly identical with the -Karens, or ‘aborigines,’ of Burmah, who, on account of their ready reception of Christian truth, are at the present moment especially worthy of cur consideration.”’ The volume is almost ready and will soon be distributed and thus help you to spend some pleasant hours in the hot weather. The Honorary Secretary’s Report. The Hon. Secretary, Mr. Isaac Mason, then read his report as given below :— In the Reports of a Society like this there is bound to be something of repetition, and perhaps it is one of the proofs of continued healthy existence that we can tell of the usual activities without having to chronicle anything abnormal. There have been eight meetings of the Council held during the year. The death of Mr. George Lanning, who for several years had sat on the Council, has been much re- gretted; as an occasional lecture before the Society, and as a faithful attender at the meetings, Mr. Lanning has been valuable member, and his genial presence is much missed. Mr. H. A. Wilden had to resign his seat in the course of the year, when going on home leave. Nine public meetings have been held during the Session, at which the Papers ‘and Lectures given were as follows :— ‘Greek and Chinese Art Ideals,’’ by Dr. A. Stanley. (October 28rd). PROCEEDINGS Xill “Destiny and Fate in Chinese Literature,’’ by Rev. Evan Morgan. (November 20th). “Shanghai Names and Nicknames,’’ by Mr. George Lanning. (December 11th). ‘‘An Expedition into Little-known Yitnnan,’’ by Mr. R. C. Andrews. (January 15th). ‘‘China’s Petrified Sun-rays,’’ by Dr. H. Chatley, M.1.C.E.1. (February 26th). ‘Tibetan Buddhism,’’ by Mr. Theo. Sorensen. (March 4th). | ‘‘Chinese Poetry and its Background,’’ by Mrs. F. Ayscough. (March 25th). “Chinese Landscapists,’’ by Dr. J. C. Ferguson. (April Ist). j ‘“A Chinese Life of Mohammed,’’ by Mr. Isaac Mason. (April 29th). Fifty-seven new members have been elected during the year, four of whom have failed to respond; the names added are :—- | T. Ibukiyama, J. B. Sawyer, C. A. Butland, O. Nordquist, D. M. Melnikoff, C. N. Gray, T. Suga, H. Gyles, Mrs. Southeott, J. M. Yard, H. R. Caldwell, Mysore University, J. G. Andersson, K. Albertsen, T. G. Baillie, Mrs. W. G. Hiltner, R. Barff, D. J. Lewis, Mrs. Lewis, R. Mortensen, P. W. Goldring, Mrs. Goldring, 8. J. Williams, G. B. Carpenter, H. N. Steptoe, H. Barrie, G. 8S. Jones, Mrs. J. H. Brett, Mrs. L. Ward, E. W. Mills, EK. T. Nystrom, Mrs. J. W. Baldwin, FE. P. Boode, L. 8. Dick, Miss E. M. Adlam, Mrs. Danner, 8. Yates, R. M. Caudron, Mrs. H. G. Irwine, Mrs. H. A. Wilbur, S. M. Joseph, E. Dome, Miss M. Firth, P. Cardeillac, G. H. Himus, 8. H. Rowbotham, H. F. Mohair, W. M. Porterfield, Miss Hunter, W. J. Davey, G. de Ressi, G. Boezi, R. Ferrajoh. There have been eight resignations, and deaths have been notified as under:—T. Ibukiyama, H. R. Kinnear, T. R. Wheelock, W. Mesny, C. L. Ogilvie, W. Jessel, and Dr. 4G. E. Morrison. We are glad to correct an error which crept in last year when the decease of Mr. H. W. Brazier was reported; this gentleman announces that he is very much alive, which his friends will be very pleased to know. We have had an unusual number of names to prune from our list, leaving the present membership at 517. It is to be regretted that some who join the Society forget the rules of membership and require to be urged to pay the annual subseription, often failing to respond after repeated appli- ations. Especially unfortunate is it that of late some have ar Xiv PROCEEDINGS been proposed and elected to membership, and after having been notified and Rules, etc., have been sent to them, they have still given no response. As the officers of the Society give voluntary service, all slackness in paying dues by the: membership is regrettable, and we would urge members to assist by paying prompily, and by making sure that nominees. really care enough about membership to justify their being proposed for election. With regard to the Financial Statement, it may be mentioned that two heavy items for printing the Journal have been paid during the year instead of only one. In the- past the bill for the previous year has been received subse- quent to the Annual meeting, so that we closed with a credit balance which was absorbed soon after the meeting; we have now caught up, and all bills are paid within the current year. This results in a smaller credit balance being shown in the present Statement, but the financial state of the Society is satisfactory, as will appear more fully in future years. The Librarian’s modesty has not permitted her to say that the magnificent and valuable collection of views of Peking, was presented to the Society by herself; we are sure: members will greatly appreciate this gift, and cordially thank Mrs. Ayscough for this additional evidence of her enthusiastic: interest in the Society. Election of Officers. On the proposal of Dr. Howard Barrie, seconded by Miss Alice Ware, the following Officers and members of Council were elected to serve during the coming year :— President — A. Stanley, m.p.; Vice-Presidents — Rev. F. L. Hawks Pott, p.p., Samuel Couling, m.a.; Curator of Museum—A. Stanley, m.p.; Librarian—Mrs. F. Ayscough; Honorary Treasurer—Mr. A. C. Hynes; Editor of Journal— Rev. Evan Morgan; Councillors—un.r. V. Grosse, Rev. A. P. Parker, p.p., H. P. Wilkinson, s.c.u., Mr. C. Kliene, Mr. R. D. Abraham, Rev. Ernest Box; Honorary Secretary— Mr. Isaac Mason. The Honorary Curator’s Report. The Report of the Curator, Dr. A. Stanley, was next: given, as follows :— The collections have recently been thoroughly over- hauled. For the assistance of future curators I should like here to record what I have found after long experience to be’ the essential details for safeguarding the valuable collections. | PROCEEDINGS XV of birds and mammals against the special dangers which occur in China. The condition of the cases is now such that @ thorough biennial overhaul is best and under no circum- stances should the cases be opened during the period inter- vening between the biennial overhauls. This does not of course apply to the skin collections which are kept in special drawers and are available for study during the winter months only. The main points of the overhaul are the examination of the cases for cracks in the woodwork, especially on the top and between the glass and its frame, which cracks should be filled with chunam or paint; a liberal supply of fresh naphthalene sifted on all the shelves; careful attention to locks and fastenings, closer apposition being obtained with the help of small nails and screws; and finally any remaining crevices and open keyholes should be plugged firmly with cotton wool from the outside. This trouble is well worth taking, and is indeed necessary for maintaining an insect- proof and dust-proof condition. As regards the building, the roof is now in sound condition. The old Chinese tiled roof was replaced by water- proofed felt in 1909, but had to be covered with corrugated iron in 1915. MRepainting of the roof should be done this year. The ground floor suffers from the absence ofa proper damp-proof course. This defect has to some extent been remedied by laying solid rat-proof tarred stone floors with ereasoted boarding. On the whole the building, though 50 years old, is sound, is maintained in good condition and is quite suitable for the purposes of the Society. It moreover has the advantage of a central position. As regards the value of the collections, that of the birds, consisting as it does of some 3,000 Chinese specimens re- presenting upwards of 500 species, is estimated at $10,000. The duplicates available for disposal at an average sale price of $2 per skin should more than cover cost of collection, which during the last 16 years has amounted to $1,000. The collection of mammals is probably worth $1,500. The reptiles and amphibians consisting of some 1,500 Chinese specimens representing 100 species may be valued at $2,000. ‘The minerals and fossils form a very interesting collection valued at $2,000. The whole collection is worth approxi- mately $20,000 and would be extremely difficult to replace. It is well worth considerable trouble to maintain in good order. 3 The past policy has been to keep the Museum as a natural history Museum almost exclusively, with a definite educational purpose. The idea of a Museum as a mausoleum of curiosities is not worth considering. Children are born Xvi PROCEEDINGS scientists keenly enquiring into the nature of their environ- ment. Nature study cannot be commenced at too early an age. This has ever been kept in view in describing the specimens with a minimum of unessential detail while em- phasizing correlation and encouraging accurate observation and inference. The collecting habit should be early en- couraged as it teaches in a pleasant way order, neatness and classification, which later in life is of great value in increasing general and business efficiency. As regards acquisitions during the year the Museum Collector has made a useful addition to the natural history of China, including the preparation of articulated skeletons of a snake, a porpoise, a heron and an eagle. The list of presentations shows that the Museum has many friends who have confidence that their gifts will be properly cared for. As the Museum has many specimens of the Giant Salamander (Cryptobranchus Japonicus), some of which have been kept alive under observation for long periods, it may be here recorded that, although previously described as inhabiting mountain streams in China and Japan, the species seems to have found in Shanghai a comfortable home in the . silt below the Garden Bridge. It is also found in the fresh water creeks of other parts of the Yangtse Delta. It is interesting as being, like the Chinese Alligator, a species rapidly becoming extinct. MUSEUM ACQUISITIONS. From June 1, 1919, to May 31, 1920. PRESENTED BY Lepidoptera collected at sea. Capt. H. E. Laver Lycodon rufozonatus (juv.) Querquedula circia. M. O. Springfield, Esq. 3 Ancistrodon blomhoffii, 5 Lycodon rufozonatus, ( Calamaria septentrionalis, Coluber phyllophis. H. FitzGeorge, Esq. Maritime deposits from submarine cable, including crustacea, crinoidea, coelenterata and mollusca. J. P. Christiansen, Esq. Ursus tibetanus, Tree civet, Python reticulatus, Hydrus platurus and Eumeces sinensis. C. Talbot erie . sq. Coluber taeniurus from rigging of ship. Dr. Patrick Lycodon rufozonatus. A. Oliver, Esa. Callophis macclellandii. J.D. La bes sq. Clutch of eggs of Coluber taeniurus. Dr. Stanley Two fossil crabs. _ | H. E. Thompson, , Ksq. PROCEEDINGS Two Oligodon Sp.? Tropidonotus stolatus, Ablabes major. Glareola orientalis. Tibetan Pheasant. Ammonite with cast. Manis aurita. Nest of Redstart. Hippocampus brevirostris and crustaceans. Kight Damonia reevesii including var. unicolor. Miscellaneous insects, reptiles, amphibia, molluscs, echinoderms, crustacea, fish, Felis tigris, Felis lynx and 145 birds from Fokien Province. Articulated Skeletons of reptile, porpoise, monkey, heron and eagle. XVI Dr. Beatty J.J. Paterson, Esq. A. Clerici, Esq. H. J. S. Jones, Esq.. Rev. J. Thompson, W. A. Mace, Esq. Conyers Hewett. Ho Ting-sho. Collected. Prepared by Collector. ARTHUR STANLEY, Honorary Curator. ‘ nee ae @ aalie ; \% ete < MP: 4 a's) ai ; rf sie OM THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE W. CLIFTON DODD The Editor has asked me to write on some such topic as the above. These terms are popular rather than scientific, as the Editor doubtless intended them to be. For the names. Chinese and Siamese are more strictly national and political terms than racial. It is well known to Sinologists that the name Chinese is popularly applied to many millions of people who are racially alien to the Peh Sing or original Chinese immigrants and their descendants. On the other hand the people of Siam constitute but a part of an ethnological family. In modern times this family calls itself Tai, pro- nounced. like the English word ‘‘tie,’’ not like ‘‘die.’’ This. family scarcely ever gets its proper family name, outside a _eirele of ethnologists, chiefly because it is no longer a political unit. Those of the family hving in Siam are known to the rest of the world as Siamese; those in Burma are called Shans: while those in China and Indo-China go mostly by tribal names, such as Chuing-chia, Lang, Ning, To, Lao, and some less complimentary Chinese nicknames. For racial purposes the name Chinese is too big: and the name Siamese is too little. Perhaps I shall be carrying out the Editor’s intention if I treat this subject racially, confining myself in this paper to the historic relation of the Chinese and the Tai. And as the Tai are far less known than the Chinese, I shall let the rela- tionship appear chiefly through an attempt to trace up the Tai historically. Separate articles would be required to treat adequately the present-day distribution of each race and their linguistic and sociological differences and agreements. Suffice it to say in passing that the Siamese constitute only about one half of modern Tai speakers. South China alone gives home to more than five millions of them. The lang- uages and characteristics of both races shew close relation- ship. Both languages are monosyllabic, and hence ‘‘tonal:’’ while many of the chapters of Dr. Arthur H. Smith’s ‘Chinese Characteristics’’ could have been penned of the Tai with but slight modifications. . 1 2 THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE For both races are Mongolian, and for millenniums have been neighbors. The late Professor Lacouperie says, in his Introduction to Colquhoun’s ‘‘Amongst The Shans’’ :— “One, it not the most striking, discovery of modern re- searches is the comparative youth of the Chinese as a great homogeneous and powerful people. . . . The Bak tribes, or Peh Sing (name of the Chinese immigrants), were overpowered by the numerous populations which had preceded them to the Flowery Land. . . . So that, under cover of Chinese titles and geographical names, large regions occupied by populations entirely non-Chinese were included (in the historical Annals of China) as homogeneous parts of the nation. . . . The mixture of the Ugro-Altaic early Chinese immigrants with the native populations of China (of which the primitive Tai, or Shan, was not the least important) was not confined to the area of their political power. This deep mixture which has produced the Chinese physical type and peculiar speech . . . had begun | outside long before the extension of the Chinese political supre- - macy.” ’ Mr. Holt 8. Hallett, M.t.c.z., F.R.G.s., writing of the Shan or Tai Race says :— ‘“Not only do they stretch away far to the eastward, perhaps as far as the China Sea, but they actually form one of the chief ingredients that compose the so-called Chinese race. Mr. Colquhoun, in his journey through the south of China, came to the conclusion that most of the aborigines whom he met, although known to the Chinese by various nicknames, were Shans; and that their propinquity to the Chinese was slowly changing their habits, manners and dress, and gradually incorporating them with that people.” Repeated journeys which I have taken through various sections of southern China enable me to confirm Mr. Colquhoun’s deduction, so far as the plain-dwellers of south- western China are concerned. Most, not all, of these are Tai in all the low-lying plains. But, still another quotation as to the close relation of the Chinese and Tai racially. Major Davies, in his standard work on Yiinnan, says :— ‘The Yiainnan Chinaman in fact says that the Cantonese are Shans by race; and the facial resembiance between the Shan and the southern Chinaman is certainly remarkable. . . . It is probable they (the Tai) at one time inhabited a great part of China south of the Yangtze, but many of them have been absorbed by the Chinese. The physical resemblance between the Shan and the Cantonese Chinaman is remarkable, and it seems likely that the latter is chiefly Shan in blood, though now pretty thoroughly imbued with Chinese customs and ways of thought.” In tracing the detailed history of the Tai I am indebted chiefly to translations from the Annals by the late lamented Professor Lacouperie. But for the analysis into successive migrations southward and for incidental sidelights from per- sonal exploration and investigation, I shall have to take in- dividual responsibility. This is done with fear and trembling in the presence of an audience of learned Sinologists, but with a considerable degree of confidence in the various lines. THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE 3 of confirmation of all in the Annals that relates to the Tai Race. The first mention of the Tai Race in the Annals, as cited by Professor Lacouperie, occurs in the time of the Great Yu, who began to reign 2208 B.C., Mr. Hallett tells us. In a geographical survey which goes under the name of this ancient ruler we hear of the ‘‘Ta Mung,’’ which Lacouperie translates “‘Great Mung,’’ in what is now the northwestern part of Szechuan Province, i.e., in western central modern China. True, the name Mung does not sound much like Shan or Lao or Siam or Tai. But it does sound like Lung and Chung and Nung. As we shall see, the very next mention of the Tai in the Annals is under the name form of Lung, and it occurs in the same region as that inhabited by the Great Mung. And Professor Lacouperie tells us that the Mung formed the leading family in the agglomeration of tribes which united to form the well-known Ai-Lao Kingdom at Talifu, in the seventh century A.D. He also says that they did the same for several other agglomerations in later times. And Mr. Holt Hallett states that in a slightly modified form this is the name by which the race is still known to the Annamese. We are not ignorant of the objection of a certain school of critics that the Annals are untrustworthy at so early a date. And there is good ground for rejecting some state- ments of these early chronicles: some are manifestly my- thical. But with Ball, author of ‘‘Things Chinese,’’ we hold that where there is so much chaff there must be some wheat for the chaff to come from. The task of the discriminating student of history is to segregate these precious grains of truth, not to dump wheat and chaff alike into the waste heap. Now, one of the certainties in Chinese history is the presence of aborigines in what is now China when the Peh Sing or Chinese first came from the west into The Flowery Land. Ancther certainty is that members of the Tai Race, whether known to the Chinese of to-day as Chtng-chia, Ting-jen, Lung-jen, Ti-jen, T‘6-jen, Pai-i, or what not, are universally called ‘‘aborigines’’ by the Chinese. A third historic cer- tainty is a general migration in very early times from a wes- tern Asiatic center outward in all directions. Most modern writers do not hesitate to put that migration as early as 3000 B.C., that is early enough to allow of the development cf the Ta Mung in situ before the time of the Great Yii. For example, Mr. Hallett says, ‘‘In the earlier hymns of the Rig Veda (about 3000 B.C.) we find the Aryans on the north- west frontiers of India.’’ And Dr. Arthur H. Smith tells us that ‘‘the important fact is that, thirty-five, forty, or perhaps 4 THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE even forty-five centuries ago the institutions of the Chinese people, their language, arts, government and religion, had begun to develop on lines from which no departure has ever been made.’’ A fourth historic certainty is that the earlier migrations of that section of the Tai known in early times as_~ the Ai-Lao, which occurred well within what all critics recognize as historic times, were from this same region where the race is located in the first mention in the Annals, and under the same name as given in the first mention. Putting these four historic certainties together we may say that if the Annals did not mention the Tai under the name Mung about this time and in this locality, they would be inconsistent with the whole later history of the race. Incidentally it is worthy of note also that the very name given in the Annals is a further mark of credibility. The race “ is called a ‘‘Great’’ one. While it is perfectly natural to find these early chroniclers calling one of their own rulers the Great Yii, it would have been inconsistent with Chinese custom and their well-known assumption of superiority for the chroniclers of that early time to have called a small and unimportant tribe of “‘aborigines’’ Great; and it is doubtful if more modern chroniclers would have given that title to the Tai. It seems a legitimate inference that the Tai, then known as Mung, must have been already an important people, and that the Annals of that date were really compiled by very early compilers. Now, races do not attain greatness at a bound. Racial development is slower than is national development. The inference from this application of the title ‘“Great’’ to the Mung is that they must be much older as a race than the date of their first mention: that is much older than the time of the Great Yu, 2208 onward. We dco not swear by Bishop Ussher as a chronologer. But it is at least interesting to note that according to him, at about 2200 B.C. Babylonia and Assyria were less than twenty years old, and Menes or Mizraim had not yet founded - Keypt! This would make the Tai Race not only older than the Chinese, but older than the Babylonians, Assyrians or Egyptians! The saner conclusion would seem to be that while these three great nations were developing farther west, pos- sibly the same wave of migration from the common center as brought the Aryans to the northwest frontiers of India brought the Great Mung to the extreme west of China. There, simultaneously with the Babylonians, Assyrians and Egyptians, they were being differentiated into a separate race—the one which the Chinese found when a later wave of migration brought them also, with a higher degree. of civilization, from the same western center to China. As a DAY. Kencuune Bic MARKET A TypicaL SIAMESE Buppuist TEMPLE. 1” oF Tat WoMEN TYPE A A Types or Tat WoMEN. THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE 5 race the Tai were in at the beginnings of history, whenever that was. The second mention of tribes belonging to the Tai Race which Professor Lacouperie cites from the Chinese Annals occurs some two hundred years later than the first. The Chinese ruler Ki of Hia is therein reported to have sent his minister, Mang Tu, to the Pa people in western Szechuan. Near the Pa lived the Ling. This time the Annals give a definite date, corresponding to our 1971 B.C. According to the Ussher chronology this was fifty years before Abram entered the land of Canaan. The Lung and the Pa play an important part in the subsequent history of the race. Anticipating our narrative a little, I found the tribe calling themselves Ling in eastern Yiinnan in A.D. 1910, or 8881 years after their mention in ‘Chinese History. Modern Chinese call them Ling-jen. And it may well be that the Chinese derogatory name, Pai-i, given to many Tai tribes in Yiinnan, is a characteristic pun- ning corruption of ‘‘Pa’’-i. At any rate the speech of all the ‘‘Pai-i’’ as well as the Lung is such good Tai that a man fresh from Siam can get nearly all of it at first blush, as I have demonstrated more than once. Moreover, no matter what the Chinese call the Tai, they were not barbarians, from our viewpoint, 4000 years ago. For the Pa were living under a government of their own: a Chinese minister was sent them. It was not long, as historic ages go, after the second mention of the race under two tribal names before the third mention occurred. Kieh, the last ruler of the Hsia dynasty, was exiled among the Chao or Tchao, by the new Shang (Shan?) dynasty, in 1558 B.C.: thus the Annals a la Lacouperie. The name Chao or Tchao is one of many cognate forms of the word Lao (Laos the French romanize it), the term which gave name to the Ai-Lao kingdom, and the name by which a large section of the race is still called. These ‘Chao lived at a long distance from western Szechuan, in what is now Anhui province. Yet it was at the eastern terminus of an almost continuous mountain range, connecting the two foci of the race. The Lao Shan, i.e., the Lao Mountains, at the intersection of the modern provinces of Honan, Hupei and Anhui, are said by tradition to be named for the Lao people. And cognate forms of the name Lao, such as Leao, Chao, Shen-lao, Ngai-lao, ete., were common, we are told, all along the whole range from Szechuan to Anhui. Evidently by 1558 B.C. the race had spread itself over territory extend- ing nearly across the whole width of modern China, from ‘west to east, following the impulse and direction of their 6 THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE original migration from western Asia. This was before Moses was born, or Troy or Athens had been founded, not to speak of the founding of Rome, some eight hundred years later. It is worthy of note that this wide home of the race was in what has been so aptly termed ‘‘the belt of power.”’ In that rugged clime this hardy, virile race not only solved its own problems and wrought out its own destiny, but both then and later it furnished, as Mr. Holt Hallett says, “‘one of the chief ingredients that compose the so-called Chinese race.’’ No mention is made in any of the authorities I have consulted—Chinese, Burmese and Siamese—of the cause or the exact date of the first great southward migration of the Tai race, then known as the Ai-lao. Speaking in general terms, the cause was the constant feuds, often amounting - to real warfare, between the Ai-Lao and the growing power of the Chinese. Lacouperie says that under the Shang-yin and Chou dynasties, 1766-255 B.C., the Chinese ‘dominion, though not extending more than midway between the Huangho and Yangtze-kiang, was an area much too large for their own race; it was in fact interspersed with the aborigines who were kept in check by the higher culture which the new- comers endeavoured to impart to them’ . . ‘When the yoke happened to be heavier under the pressure of the extra- ordinary growth of the Suzerain people, who required a more positive territorial extension, the feudal states had to yield, and their population was mixed with and absorbed by the Chinese, or else they objected to the complete assimilation. In the latter case they either migrated, or, if strong enough, resisted bodily.” The first great migration from China southward was undoubtedly caused by an armed ‘‘objection’’ to assimilation —which proved ineffectual: hence the migration. Any one who has travelled extensively in southern China with open eyes and ears must have seen this double process of assimila- tion and migration going on still. Only this last year I found Tai people, calling themselves Tai, living on the southern bank of the Yangtze in northern Hunan, who wel! illustrate the process of assimilation. They told us that a few genera- tions ago all their women wore the characteristic Tai skirt. A few of the older women among them do so still, but the younger women had all adopted the Chinese trousers. All the older people were bilingual, although they spoke the Chinese possibly a little more purely than they did their own Tai. But in one village we visited, several of the young people could speak only Chinese. We were given the names of several villages and towns in that region whose inhabitants were Tai by race but who had left off all attempts at keeping up their Tai speech, and were passing as Chinese. Lest it be thought that all the Tai in China will soon be absorbed and THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE 7 assimilated, let me give an example per contra. In 1913 a Joint Commission cf missionary exploration, of which I was a member, found in western Kwangsi that just the reverse of the Yangtze condition was the rule. In the larger towns along the course of the West River and its tributaries many Chinamen from farther east—possibly themselves of mixed Tai and Chinese origin—had come in and settled as mer- chants, taking Tai wives. In such cases we were told that it was the rule that the children were Tai speakers. To return to the first great Tai migration: as to its date, we know from Siamese sources that a migration of large proportions was in progress at least as early as the sixth century B.C. For the Méng Mao state, destined to attain such power and proportions in later times, had been founded in what is now the most westerly section of Yiinnan (near the 24th degree of north latitude) some considerable time before the middle of the sixth century B.C. And in the early part of that century, if not earlier still, the Ai-Lao had built several large towns in what was then Yiin (Karen) country. Among these were Mong Lém and Chieng-ring (where I am writing this), both now included in Yiinnan; Chieng-ting (officially spelled Keng-tung), now under Burma; and Chieng-sén, the oldest town in what is now Siam. According to the local history which I have read, in the year 543 B.C. the Ai-Lao by strategy threw off the Karen yoke in all these towns and surrounding districts. But they got thereby the Karen name, according to Mr. Hallett. He says that ‘‘the Burmese. . . . call the country to the east of the Salween Yun, and the Shans who inhabit it Yuin Shans.’’ It was evidently people of the same migration who founded Méng-nai (Burmese name Mone), 519 B.C.; Hsenwi (Theinni) 441 B.C.; and Hsipaw (Theebaw) 423 B.C. These are Shan, that is Ai-Lao or Tai, towns in Burma, west of the Salween River. This general period is the time of Cyrus, Darius and Xerxes in the Medo-Persian empire; of Thales, Pythagoras and Heroditus in Greece; and of Daniel, Ezra and Malachi in Judah. The lapse of two millenniums and more than two centuries besides finds all these Yiin towns and those to the west of the Salween still extant as Tai towns. But such an enormous stretch of time, bringing with it for most of the whole period differing political relations and introducing differmg cults of Buddhism and differing alphabets, has pretty thoroughly differentiated these Yuin Tai and their Tai brethren to the west of the Salween. The second great migration of the Ai-Lao is matter of record, and its exact date is given. While the Ai-Lao im- 8 THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE migrants were growing great in the south and beginning to call themselves Tai, i.e., ‘‘The Free,’’ in contradistinction from the races which they subjugated, the neighbours of their brethren in the old home in the north were becoming increasingly aggressive. A state called the State of Tsin was encroaching upon the Ai-Lao in northern Szechuan. This state did not represent the Chinese power in general, but was one of the many petty states growing up within the general region governed in a loose way by China. In 338 B.C. this Tsin State conquered the tribe of Ai-Lao locally known as the Pa. This resulted in a gradual migration of the Pa-Lao which has during the intervening centuries scattered them throughout Yiinnan and the country far to the south of it. This second migration was later than the first by a longer pericd than the American Republic has yet existed: yet it was still a very early migration. True the Ai-Lao had of a certainty resided a long time already in their first home in China: they had certainly been living in northwestern Sze- chuan for 1900 years. And-it is almost as certain that they had been there some centuries longer. But it will help us to realize how early the date 338 B.C. falls in the world’s history if we recall that Alexander the Great had not yet entered upon his career of eastern conquests; the Romans were at that time engaged in the Samnite War; and there were as yet no intimations of the coming kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. It must be understood, of course, that emigration from the ancestral seats, east as well as west, was constantly going on in a larger or smaller degree. It will be recalled that our authorities tell us that there was constant friction between the growing power of the Chinese and the older regime of the Mon-K’mer and of the Ai-Lao (Tai), both in Szechuan and as far east as Anhui. This is the more credible because such friction exists to-day. The Chinese call the Tai ‘barbarians,’ with sundry uncomplimentary adjectives > attached. The Tai call themselves ‘‘The Free,’’ and the Chinese they call “‘Slaves.’’ The “‘relations’’ between the two races are not all pleasant, though Christianity where introduced is a growing solvent. For more than two millen- niums some of the best blood of the Tai has been absorbed by the Chinese. But much of the best blood has shaken off the dust of its feet for a testimony against the cruelly certain growth of the new-comer’s power, and a few at a time or in large waves of migration, has taken up its bed and walked south—far south. Yet we must remember that at the time of this second general migration, the Ai-Lao power was still supreme over nearly all its original belt across central China, THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE 9 and was rapidly spreading from the eastern focus as well as the western: ‘“‘from An-hui Province into Chiang-hsi Pro- vince, and from the western focus over the whole western part of Ssu-chuan and southwards,’’ says Lacouperie. There was an interval of over 400 years between the second general migration and the beginning of the third, A.D. 78. In this third great migration we are not only furnished with date and cause, but also with some interesting particulars. As related in the Annals, these particulars do not reflect credit upon the Ai-Lao: possibly the Annals do not intend that they shall! In the first place, the Ai-Lao “appear again in A.D. 47, making raids on the Chinese territory, descending the Han and Yangtze Rivers on bamboo rafts.’’ Next we are told that while Titus was besieging Jerusalem “‘in the year 69 Liu-Mao, their general-king, submitted to the empire, with 77 chiefs of communities, 51,890 families, comprising 553,711 persons. As they had extended over the whole western part of Szechuan and southwards, they were officially recognized by the Chinese (Government in the east of Yun-nan.’’ Just why this small section of the great Ai-Lao race thus submitted, the Annals do not say: we suspect pressure. But however that may be, “in A.D. 78, having rebelled against the Chinese officials appointed to represent the suzerainty of China, their king, Lei-lao, was defeated in a great battle, which caused many of their tribes to migrate into the present country of the northern Shan States’’—Lacouperie. Those were troublous times in the world’s history. Jeru- salem was destroyed and the Hebrew race scattered. Mount ‘Vesuvius overwhelmed Herculaneum and Pompei. Nero was persecuting Christians most inhumanly. Mars must have been in the ascendency. Still we are told that the Ai-Lao “‘soon recovered from this blow,’’ and went on to great power still in Yunnan for yet many centuries. More than 250 years elapse before we have record of another great migration, the fourth recorded one. While gaining temporary victories over the Ai-Lao and the Pa-Lao in the west, Chinese power was evidently waxing in the east. While not yet able to cope with the Lao in Anhui and ‘Chianghsi, we are informed that the Chinese subjected the Leac, farther west along the Kiu-lung range, “‘to a regular ‘slave-hunting when the Chinese were able to take the offen- sive and to quash their successive rebellions. The result was to drive them southwards; they spread all over the south after A.D. 345.”’ ) The Ai-Lao seem to have enjoyed comparative quiet in ‘China from this date onwards for some six centuries. During 10 THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE this long period, still strong in their eastern home, they grew increasingly powerful in southwestern China. By A.D. 629 they had “‘developed and formed the agglomeration which became the great state of Nan-chao, which afterwards ex- tended in all directions,’’ and lasted over six centuries. This is called in the Tai the Ai-Lao Kingdom, with its seat at Talifu. As previously noted, Lacouperie fathers the state- ment that the leading family of the Nan-chao agglomeration was the Mang, whose actual emergence into Chinese Annals had occurred some 2,800 years before that time. During the long period following the fourth migration Lamptn in North Siam and Vieng Chan in the French Laos State were founded by Tai immigrants from the north. North Siam histories give the date of the founding of Lamptn as A.D. 574. By this time the Ai-Lao, now the Tai if you - please, had spread over Tonking and the northern parts of French Laos State and Siam. ‘‘An author of the thirteenth century speaks of them’’ (i.e., the people of this migration) ‘“‘as having extended, in more than one hundred sub-divisions, to fifty days’ journey from the frontiers of the Ta-li kingdom.”’ _ The fifth great migration of the Ai-Lao occurred in the tenth century of the Christian era. The eighth and ninth centuries constitute an age of mighty conquests on the part of the Chinese. Dr. Arthur H. Smith says that the inhabi- tants of the south coast were incorporated into the main body of the people, and the empire was extended to the bank of the Caspian Sea. We could wish that Professor Lacouperie had been a little more specific as to the date of this fifth migration; but he locates it in this period of Chinese con- quest. Writing of the Lao in Anhui and Chianghsi Provinces. he says :— “They were not dislodged from their seats before the 10th century of our era, when they were driven into Hunan, W. of Kuanghsi, and Kueichou. Many of them migrated altogether _ from China at that time, but they are still largely represented by the Tujen, Tchungkia and other tribes of Kuanghsi and Kueichou of the present day, speaking dialects much resembling the Siamese, of whom they are undoubtedly the elder brothers.” This expulsion of the Ai-Lao from their ancestral seat at the eastern focus occurred when Europe was still young. But can we realize the length of time that the Ai-Lao had held sway there in Anhui? Rome existed but a trifle over 1200 years, Greece slightly more than 1300. The Medo-Persian empire was short-lived. And even the great Babylonian empire did not attain quite 1700 years. But from the time when the Lao. are first mentioned as residing in Anhui, already a well established race, until their final expulsion, THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE it was more than 2500 years. The discriminating student of history will say that while the great empires of the west passed away, the races which they represented did not. This. is equally true of the Lao of Anhui and Chianghsi and Szechuan. They shifted their habitation but continued their history. And it is worth-while history, too. The phenomenal progress of the Tai kingdom of Siam in recent decades abun- dantly proves that. The sixth great Tai migration began in A.D. 1053. The occasion was another war of conquest by the Chinese.. In ‘““Burma,’’ at page 110, Sir George Scott says of the period between the third century of our era and the downfall of the Tang dynasty—A.D. 907, according to Dr. Smith—that ‘The Chinese Empire was in an inchoate state then, and for long after it was engaged in a desperate struggle with the Tai.’’ The inhabitants of the south coast may have been incorporated nominally into the main body of the Chinese people, as Dr. Smith asserts, during the T‘ang dynasty. But the Ai-Lao Kingdom at Talifu was at its zenith; and citations could be given from various authors to prove that in reality the Tai were in control everywhere south of the Yangtze until A.D. 1053. During that year in a series of battles along most if not all of the navigable course of the West River the Tai lost out to the Chinese. Thus another great Tai migration began, thirteen years before William the Norman crossed over to England. This migration reinforced and extended the Tai invasion of Tonking and eastern Siam. Tai rule was not, however, broken in the southwest of China. The Ai-Lao Kingdom continued on for nearly two hundred years longer, with its influence extending far beyond the confines of China proper. The Méng Mao State, founded some six or possibly seven centuries before, had by this time become a great Tai Kingdom. According to Mr. Holt Hallett, by the time of A.D. 1229 its sway covered all of what is now Upper Burma, Assam, parts of Aracan in Lower Burma, and the upper Yun States of Chieng-rung and Chieng-tung (Kenghung and Kentung). By this time (A.D. 1229), the Tai had become so numerous and powerful in what is now southern Siam that they were menacing the rule of the Mon-K’mer in Cambodia, says the Siam Directory. The seventh and last great wave of migration of the Tai from China southward followed the overthrow of the Ai-Lao Kingdom at Talifu in A.D. 1234. This kingdom had existed for over 600 years. And it was overthrown not by the Chinese but by the Mongols under Kublai Khan. That cataclysm marks the end of autonomous Tai rule in territory governed at the time by the Chinese. And our detailed historical study 12 THE RELATION OF CHINESE AND SIAMESE ends here, when Europe was in the darkest of the Dark Ages. It remains for us to note only a few of the more epochal dates in Tai History in the 685 years since the fall of Talifu. By 1257, a secant quarter of a century after that fall, the Siamese had completely shaken off the Cambodian yoke and had founded their Suk’ot’ai Kingdom. By the end of the 13th century, when Edward I. was on the throne of England, the Méng Mao Kingdom embraced all of Burma and Assam and ‘‘the Malay Peninsula as far south as. Tavoy,’’ and the Mao Tai had even ‘‘made their power felt in Java, Malacca and Cambodia:’’ so says Hallett. The Tai were in autonomous rule over nearly all of the whole Indo-Chinese Peninsula. The Siamese capital was transferred to Ayuthia in A.D. 1850, while Wickliffe was busily engaged in translating - the Bible into the English language. By the fortunes of war the capital was again changed in 1768, this time to its present site at Bangkok. The present dynasty has been in power since the trans- fer of the capital to Ayuthia, about 570 years ago, with only a break of 14 years, from 1768 to 1782. Although this is said to be a ‘‘Yun’’ dynasty, it is also said that all the members of the royal household have Chinese blood in their royal veins. Armed feuds between the Chinese and the Tai ceased centuries ago. Chinese merchants and coolies are weleomed in Siam. Of the 800,000 population of Bangkok, 100,000 are returned as Chinese. These are round numbers, of course. The proportion outside the capital is small. But a sprinkling of ‘“‘the ubiquitous Chinaman’’ is found in remote corners of the Kingdom. The Siamo-Chinese element is the best in Siam’s population. As the Chinese and the Tai have thus been mingling their blood for many centuries past in these peaceful days and peaceful ways, they have also mingled their life-blood recently in France, ‘‘doing their bit’’ with the Allies in ushering in that better day for all nations and kindreds and tongues and peoples upon the face of the whole earth. GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS' ARTHUR STANLEY Honorary Curator of the Shanghai Museum. That the lives of Laotzi, Confucius and Mencius generally synchronised with those of Phidias, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Pericles, Aristophanes, Plato, Aristotle and Praxiteles, alone seems a sufficient reasun for comparing the art ideals of Greece and China. Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism, also lived about the same time. That the lives of the founders of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism should have generally synchronised with the golden period of Greek civilisation around the fifth century B.C., seems to show that at this early period of the world’s known human history was concentrated a dazzling manifestation of original thought, or at least such as was able to make. itself articulate in a form available for posterity. It would seem clear that no other period, except the recent period of nature knowledge, has been productive of such massive effect throughout the greater part of the civilised world. Tue Human FIGURE THE CYNOSURE OF GREEK ART The art of a country may be regarded as a good index to its civilisation. The art instinct evolved early in Greece. After the profession of arms had become predominant and the people had won safety from outside marauders, the Athenians devoted themselves to organised athletics. Much as in the present day crowds gathered to watch the prowess and beauty of their youth. The Olympic games of Greece are precisely reflected in our own times. But there was no false modesty in those early days. The competitors appeared as nature made them, unencumbered with clothing. Among the Spartans the maidens also pursued their rigid physical training practically nude. As a result, the beauty of the human figure was assessed at its true art value. That the Greeks strove for strength and beauty is shown in many * Read before the Society, October 25rd, 1919. 14 GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS ways, but particularly by the figures in the frieze and. groups of the Parthenon, considered to be the finest example of Greek decorative sculpture now existing; which is familiar to all art students either in the original in the British Museum or in reproduction. Eugenics as. practised in Sparta, and the theoretical requirements for improving the race developed by Plato and Aristotle which formed so interesting a feature of Athenian life, cannot but have led for a time to the production of man in such physical perfection as has, perhaps, never been attained either before or since. DECORATION OF Domestic Utensius Common TO GREECE AND CHINA With such models it is not surprising that the Greek sculptors created work which remains at the present day a type of what is best within the field of the human figure. China has nothing comparable with Greek sculpture. Considering the early stage of the evolution of art it is remarkable that the Greeks originated some twenty-four centuries ago, in the days of Phidias and Praxiteles, work of such permanent value as to serve as working models in our own art schools. Moreover, the modelling of the jars and domestic utensils, often decorated with figure drawings, show that there was a popular and real feeling for beauty, com- parable with present day China, and particularly Japan, where the common objects of daily use in the household are generally good to look upon. The glazing of pottery probably originated in Greece, according to Laufer. This insistence on form in the most lowly objects of domestic use may be taken as the supreme test of an artistically cultured people. How often does the Philistine declare himself by hanging expensive oil paintings framed in opulent gilt in a room which is rendered hideous by a crudely utilitarian table-cloth ? The door handle has, indeed, often greater possibilities ot producing artistic satisfaction than the picture on the wall. If one can imagine a Greek mind within the brain pan of one of our modern engineers, one would expect even iron bridges to be conceived in a style which would combine strength with beauty. The Greeks worshipped strength combined with beauty in the human form, considering the male more perfect than .the female figure, and carried the same combination into articles of common domestic use. A logical outcome of this sentiment extended to the present day, would be a study of the anatomical details of the human frame as a model for getting beauty and strength into iron bridges. H, for GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS 15 example, the upper articulating surface of the thigh bone is sawn in two, the cancellous tissue of the bone shows arches of the utmost precision stronger weight for weight and more beautiful than any as yet designed by man. This would be a modern scientific development of the Greek spirit. It is quite within the Greek spirit to accentuate the fact that in the human frame however far one goes into detail, even to the ultimate physical analysis afforded by the microscope, the combination of strength and beauty is ever present. Nature tends always towards form and precision. This is probably what the great Rodin means when he says: ‘All artists ought to see and to reproduce faithfully what they see, simply to follow nature, for she is always artistic, always beautiful.’ THE ENVIRONMENT OF MAN PREDOMINATES OVER THE FIGURE IN CHINESE ART. Perhaps the main difference between the art ideals of Greece and China is that the Greeks concentrated on the human form as the essential type, while the Chinese have little conception of the beauty of the human figure. Among the Chinese there seems to be an irresistible tendency to make a joke of it by distortion and exaggeration, or at best to let it merely serve as a frame for displaying voluminous garments which effectually conceal even the general shape of the figure. But as regards the rest of nature the Chinese excelled the Greeks in their appreciation of landscape, of the animal kingdom other than man, and especially of the natural beauty of mountains, rocks, trees and flowers. Wherever the subject is man, whether man actual or man imaginary as depicted in their varied mythology, the Greeks were incomparably in advance of the Chinese. And in so far as man may be regarded as the greatest work of nature, Greek art is greater than Chinese. But is man the greatest work of nature? Is man greater than his environment in regard to art ideals? Art may indeed be regarded as an artificial human product. Landscape art is considered not so much an imitation of nature as a representation of nature which has the imprint of the artist’s mind upon it. Tur ATHENIAN AND THE CONFUCIAN SCHOLAR ALIKE IN DESIRE FoR Harmony, BALANCE AND RETICENCE. The Athenians were a race of artists who took a poetical view of life. The typical Greek had something in common with the Confucian scholar, whose restrained bearing and 16 GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS linking of literature with painting may be regarded as Hellenistic. The ‘Nothing in excess’ motto of the ancient Delphic temple, and the harmony and balance of the Greeks, show the same general outlook as is developed in the third of the books of the Confucian classics—the Doctrine of the Mean. The Greeks regarded bravery, for example, as the mean between rashness and cowardice. Harmony was the essence of Greek civilization and based on rhythmic vitality. Greek art reached the sublime through symmetry and balance without elaboration of detail. The Greeks crystal- lised the ideal in the representations of their mythological figures. The absence of mystery connected with their anthropomorphic pantheon, each deity having his allotted function, attributes and shape, on the one hand was in marked contrast with the somewhat flabby sentimentality of - Buddhism, but on the other, never reached the intellectual standard of the essentially correct ethical teaching of Confucius. The Greek view is happily illustrated in the following passage from Plato (Republic, III, 401, Jowett’s translation) ‘Let our artists rather be those who are gifted to discern the true nature of the beautiful and graceful: thus will our youth dwell in a land of health and fair sights and sounds, and receive the good in everything; and beauty, the effluence of fair works, shall flow into the eye and ear, like a health giving breeze from a fairer region, and insensibly draw the soul from earliest years into likeness and sympathy with the beauty of reason.’ The Greek idea in art was lavished with sublime self approbation on man as the highest creation of nature, the remainder of the natural world being subsidiary. There is no record of an art of landscape among them. Landscape was evolved quite late in the history of European art, and may be regarded as its highest development. By contrast it is all the more remarkable to note how early the art of landscape appeared in China. The warrior or athlete, strong and beautiful, is the ideal of Greece. In China, the warrior has generally been despised and the athlete is seldom depicted. The Chinese ideal is the scholar contemplating the beauty of the mountains. Their mountain philosophy has a quite important bearing on the art of China. In Greek poetry, nature is described as incidental to human action. The choral odes in Greek drama supply the reference to natural environment merely as an accessory to the main theme, which concerns alone the heroic variations of man as the glory of creation. Sculpture is the finest manifestation of Greek art, the representation of the human figure, actual. GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS $7 and ideal. Greek art is statuesque and heroic, the perfection and apotheosis of the human. The architecture is funda- mentally a larger form of sculpture—the shell of man. In what manner the sculptured figures visualised the Gods of Greece, so the form of their temples symbolised the attri- butes of their powerful mythological conceptions. It puts rather a strain on the imagination to bring the temples of China into apposition with those of Greece except in their mental aspect. The spirit of intellectual repose and space in the Confucian mortuary temples, such as that of Wonglo at the Ming tombs near Peking, is comparable with the Greek idea; but the cruder symbolism of the Buddhist temples seems distinctly inferigr to the Greek conception; except as regards the Chan or Contemplative school of Buddhism, which has its precise parallel in some of the temples and sacred groves of Greece. As regards permanence the ancient art of Greece has the advantage over China in the greater use of stone in sculp- ture and architecture. But in bronze relics of the pasi, China compares well with ancient Greece and differentiates their art ideals. In Grecian bronze the human figure is again the chosen model: in Chinese bronze the human figure when chosen is usually debased, but the rest of nature is drawn from for decorative modelling. This is shown in the sacrificial vessels which were made at the very period of the golden age of greek art in the fifth century B.C. It was only in the degenerate period of Greek art that it became grotes- que: but the depiction of the grotesque has ever been a failing of the Chinese. Greek art may be said to be purer but less imaginative and varied than that of China. The figures depicted on the Greek vases tell the same story as their sculpture—a pursuit.of the human ideal in actual life or in legend, mostly showing variations of the stories of their heroes and their gods, as an inspiration to a more perfect life. Aristotle said (Poet, XXV, 1461, 6.12) ‘Even if it is impossible that men should be such as Xeuxis painted them, yet it is better that he should paint them so; for the example ought to excel that for which it is an example.’ 5 THe Evoturion oF CHINESE ART. _ Okakura in his “‘Ideals of the East’’ touches on the existence of a common early Asiatic art the influence of which may be traced in Hellas, the West of Ireland, Etruria, Pheenicia, Egypt, India and China. Hellas may be regarded 18 GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS as a province of that ancient Asia which was probably the place of origin of all purely intellectual effort. ~ One may regard the Chinese as originally nomadic Mongols who settled down to an agricultural life in the valley of the Yellow River and evolved a system of com- munism which ultimately became the environment into which Confucius was born. Confucius gathered tdogether the thoughts of previous teachers in China much in the same way as Homer collected the earlier ballads of Hellas. Both were transcendental editors who brought the scattered ideas of others into a final form of genius which is immortal. Some time before Plato created his Ideal Republic, Confucius had formulated the germ of ordeyed communism which was to so powerfully cement the Chinese nation together for some twenty-five centuries. He described a system of mutual responsibility which, from the most obscure unit to the Emperor, bound the nation into a homogeneous whole, founded on the sanctity of family life without degrading the intellect by speculation into the unknowable. The best collective attributes of man were inspiring enough to lead the people on towards a good and noble life without pandering to the ignorant by calling in ideals founded on untruth and not in accordance with natural law. The first book put into the hand of a Chinese boy for a thousand years was the “‘Three Character Classic’’ which begins ‘‘Man’s nature is originally good.’’ The millstone of original sin did not hang round the neck of the Chinese child. Later, Mencius said “‘ The tendency of man’s nature towards good works is like that of water to flow downwards.’’ The Chinese therefore began life with liberal ideas which later gave them a tolerant out- look in respect to exotic religions. The head of the family was the source of good and evil in the smallest unit of society, and responsible for those in his charge; while he himself was responsible to the next higher collective authority. The good deeds of the departed were perpetuated by special regard for ancestors helped by simple ceremonies. Such a social code seems to have been freer from superstition than any up to quite recent times. Confucius looked upon music and poetry as co-efficients of political harmony. The ideals of Confucius like those of Plato and Socrates tended towards the common good and against the reduction of society to a horde of competing individuals. 7 It is scarcely open to doubt that it is to the teachings of Confucius, particularly to his development of the ethics of GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS 19 government and family life, that the incomparable continuity of China’s national life is due. The sublime bronzes and carved jades of the Chou dynasty which still exist, bring an aura of dignified restraint from the time of Confucius and are worthy of being placed with the marble sculptures of Ancient Greece. During the Han dynasty the art of China developed along Confucian lines as shown by the rock sculptures and other stone carvings and the bronze. The paintings of that time are not now extant, but a survival is found in the frequent paintings during the Sung, Ming and modern period of the palaces of the Han dynasty, which show a considerable development of architecture and ornament. The Chinese system of examinations, which early in the Han dynasty made a knowledge of the Confucian classics necessary for those seeking government appointments, though restricted to a narrow literary scholarship, had a refining influence and, when combined with painting, as by tthe poet-painter officials, exercised a powerful influence on the art of the country, especially on that of landscape painting. The art ideals resulting from Confucian culture tended towards restraint and harmony, while the literary refinement and comparative absence of mysticism kept the art pure and to a large extent decorative. THE INFLUENCE OF T'AOISM The effect of Taoism towards natural phantasy and of Buddhism towards grandiose and unnatural imaginative work, may be regarded as retrograde. Laotzu, the Old Philosopher, the founder of Taoism, a contemporary of Plato, Socrates and Aristotle, was some fifty years older than Confucius and, although their teachings ‘differed so markedly, they greatly respected each other. The Tao Te Ching or Book of Virtue, which is attributed to Laotzu, appears to be a groping towards nature knowledge and individualism freed from conventions, as opposed to the communism of Confucius. This love of nature and liberty ‘to roam over hill and dale lent itself to landscape painting cand especially imaginative landscape, which is most characteristic of Chinese art. The Tao Te Ching has been compared with the Neo-Platonism of the third to fifth centuries A.D., wherein pseudo-scientific philosophy was strangely united with ‘mystic religion. No one seems to know exactly what the ‘Tao really was, although Impersonal Nature has been given -as the -equivalent; as also has the pursuit of the Elixir ot life. 20 GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS The conception of the Dragon as the power of water, thunder, rain and wind and of the Tiger as the power of the earth are probably Taoist m origin. But the Chinese cannot claim originality in respect to the Dragon saga; which is also commonly used in early and mediaeval European mythology. Taoism degenerated into demonology and magic, the quest for the Elixir of Life and immortality; leaving in permanent form many quaint and diverting motives for art workers in textiles, wood and porcelain. The Taoist Heaven, which is a curious blending of Taoist and Buddhist ideas, may be given as an instance of an imaginative conception which has inspired an infinitude of beautiful art work in China. The Taoist Heaven is placed within the confines of the Buddhist Western Heaven among the Kwen Lun mountains between the Jasper Lake - and the Waters of Immortality. On the slopes of Shou shan lies the Palace of Si Wang Mu, the Fairy Queen of the Western Heaven who, attended by the Phenix and her fairy handmaidens, awaits the wandering sages with the mystic peaches in her hand, the taste of which gives immortality. THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM The influence of Buddhism on the art of China may be described as profound but degrading, hieratic art invariably resulting in the mechanical reproduction of formal types. The grandeur of the imaginative conceptions of Buddhism are often seen in Buddhist paintings and its symbolic development in all the arts is extremely interesting. The true note of Buddhist art is dignified serenity. In the words of Sakyamuni “‘The wise having listened to the law become serene like the waters of a deep still lake’’ The Chan or Contemplative school of Buddhism seems to have had the purest influence on Chinese art by its association with the beauties of nature in the Meditation Groves where poetry and the arts were cultivated. Saint Francis of Assisi who preached to the birds and wrote the Canticle of the Sun seems to have been a kindred spirit. : The Buddhist Trinity, composed of the Buddha, Omito, supported by Tashichi Pusa, the Great One, and Kwanyin, the all Compassionate Pusa (son of Omito in the mystic sense), the Three Sages of the Western Heaven assiduously worshipped by the Northern or Mahayana Buddhist, forms the subject of innumerable pictures and carved figures of infinite variety of treatment. The same Kwanyin in an obscure way later changed sex and became the most popular: GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS 21 deity of the Buddhist pantheon, the Goddess of Mercy and Love, the giver of children, which has inspired some of the most beautiful conceptions in Chinese Buddhist art. Singularly enough this later Kwanyin in porcelain figures of the Kanghsi and following periods closely resembles in form the Christian virgin and child, probably as a result of the influence of images brought from Europe by the early catholic missionaries. GR&CO-BuDDHIST ART. The so-called Greco-Buddhist art, which is_ best exemplified in the rock sculptures of the first and second centuries A.D. at Gandhara in the valley of the Kabul river, North of India, may be regarded as a very interesting indirect impingement of the two civilisations, but its effeet on Chinese art is very small indeed. In the fourth century B.C., Alexander the Great, a pupil of Aristotle, having cut the Gordian Knot, set out on his amazing conquest of Asia, sweeping victoriously through Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Persia to India (Kabul) and Turkestan (Khotan), leaving a fragment of the Grecian Empire at Bactria (Bokhara), where a school of Greek sculpture is said to have been founded. Alexander accomplished all this by the age of 32, when he died of fever in Babylon. At Gandhara may be seen the transition of Apollo into the Indian Buddha. The long thin legs, salient hips and flexible figures of the Gandhara rock sculptures found their way to Java, Cambodia, China and Japan. This influence, carried by Indian Buddhist missionaries, may easily be traced among the rock sculptures at Lung-men near Honan-fu in China, dating from the sixth century A.D. The frequent use of the lion as a model and the exaggerated muscular development of the nude figures clearly show this exotic Indian so-called Greco-Buddhist influence. This Grecian touch seems to have come to India indirectly through Persia. That the Greek fret or key pattern is common to Greek and Chinese art does not seem to be a matter of significance. This simple border pattern is one, like the svastika, which any schoolboy would be likely to happen upon. It is, therefore, like the square and the circle, in practically universal use and cannot be considered peculiar to any country, although it comes more into prominence in China because it is par excellence the country of fretted designs. 2° GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS Tue Art oF BEAUTIFUL WRITING The art of beautiful writing was a direct development of literary scholarship in China and has had an important bearing on all sections of its art. To be able to write Chinese requires a rigid training in brush work drawing. And this has led to the educated Chinese being born draftsmen. The association of beautiful ideas expressed in beautiful writing has been quite a special feature of Chinese culture. The innumerable hand-written poems mounted in the same way as pictures, and having an equal artistic value in the Chinese eye, is peculiarly Chinese. This calligraphic art does not correspond to the illuminated manuscript missals and other European religious text. The Chinese characters, which may be regarded as the most beautiful script in the world, lend themslves to decorative variation; and this has furnished an infinite number of art motives in the applied arts. Much of the extraordinary fascination of decoration dependent on the use of the Chinese written character is due to that subtle element of symbolism which is ever present. This development of Chinese writing has perhaps more than anything else given Chinese art its very individual character. MountTAIN PHILOSOPHY The love of mountains may be regarded as universal. Among the ancient Greeks Olympus was the home of the gods and Parnassus sacred to Apollo and the muses. They associated every striking piece of hill scenery with legend and set up a shrine very much as the Chinese did and still do. Taishan is the Chinese Olympus and, though mainly associated with Confucius, embraces pre-confucian and post-confucian ideas in the Chinese mind. The sacred hills of Omeishan and the mountain islet of Putoshan are associated with Buddhism. Almost any Chinese philosopher might murmur with Plato ‘Believing, therefore, the soultobe ~ immortal, and able to endure all extremes of good and ill, let us ever hold fast the upward way.’ While Greek civilization resembled a comet in its sudden burst from obscurity into brilliant incandescence, during the century or two of its golden period, followed by an equally sudden damping out, the civilization of China since Confucius was lit with a lamp of pure practical reason for over 2000 years. There is perhaps no other national constructive political code which can compare with it in massive effect. Whether it can bear the impact of modern developments due to the vast and massive effect of the GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS 23 knowledge of natural processes during the last hundred years is doubtful; especially if that knowledge continues to be used to harness the forces of nature for mutual destruction. There can be no doubt that a system of government founded on the permanence of family life has in many respects advan- tages over that whose slogan is ‘‘Every man for himself.’’ The pendulum will probably swing back to Confucius with the new demand for team work and scientific grouping of human labour towards the goal of universal mutual help and respect which will be a realisation of the Chinese saying ‘“‘All under heaven one family.”’ In its effect on art, Confucian teaching carried the Chinese through the mists of religious symbolism and obscurantism to the interpretation of nature herself. Chinese poetry, which shows the influence of the Confucian scholar most is most true to nature. The poet painters of China were perhaps the first painters of natural truth in landscape. Nature and the sages were the inspiration of their work. They sought the mountain solitudes, where they got into touch with nature, freeing their minds from the cobwebs of superstition, their souls from the petty tyrannies and narrow conventions of too much human intercourse, and their bodies from the fetor of the cities by the pure air of the mountains, the fragrance of the flowers and the music of the birds. This craving for the mountains was an essential part of their philosophy, a desire for solitude and communion with the ereat heart of nature. An act of worship at a great natural altar, leading to tranquillity, giving the poise essential for acquiring a due sense of proportion and balance, and leading to that harmony which was also the essence of the Greek spirit. The poet painter having found solace and obtained a glimpse of heaven would return to his study and set down the ideas of his mind activated by his communion with nature and by means of his brush create a picture from the inmost recesses of his soul. : We have now reached what may be regarded as the highest development of Chinese art—that of landscape | painting. The assessment of the true position of Chinese painting in the history of comparative art is not yet deter- mined but the tendency is to place it very high. It has, indeed, been considered by competent critics as the greatest school of landscape the world has ever seen. This is probably an exaggeration, considering that Chinese painting has scarcely developed beyond that of Giotto in figure paint- ing. Pure landscape painting evolved late in Europe, say, in the seventeenth century. Previously it had been a mere accompaniment of figure painting. 24 GREEK AND CHINESE ART IDEALS The Post-impressionism originated by Cézanne is perhaps the only European school of landscape at all com- parable with the Chinese. This resembled Sung landscape in that it was synthetic rather than imitative, aiming at painting the spirit rather than the body. Chinese paintings often seem to be just guide posts to the imagination. At first sight they appear to be careless or trivial impressionistic sketches, but in reality prove to be full of subtle intellec- tuality. Burne-Jones is unconsciously in touch with Chinese painting when he says “‘I mean by a picture a beautiful romantic dream of something that never was—in a better light than ever shone.’’ Lawrence Binyon in his ‘‘ Painting in the Far East’’ says ‘““The great original art tradition of Europe has its home in Greece; and the great original art tradition of Asia has its home in China. Each race is pre-eminent in its feeling for harmony and rhythm, the foundation of all art.’’ Ruskin, while developing his moral philosophy of art in his “‘Laws of Fésole,’’ defines the art of man as ‘‘The expres- sion of his rational and disciplined delight in the forms and laws of creation of which he forms a part.’’ In other words art is science materialised and is bound up with nature study, especially with the discovery of the beauties of form and colour ever present but not often seen unless the mind is properly instructed to discern that which is best worth seeing. Nature has a strong bias toward the beautiful. A carcase or a garbage heap within a comparatively short space of time is entirely purified by natural processes and covered with flowers. There is no real death or lass of energy. The death of one organism gives life or sustenance to another. Decomposition and decay is merely a process in the creation of new life. Except in those parts of the world which are devoid of water all places unspoiled by man tend towards the beautiful. DESTINY, FATE! EVAN MORGAN Destiny, Fate, Lot, Doom, Predestination are ideas com- mon to every language, indicating a determinate force over life, and giving circumstances the quality of necessity. No more fateful idea than that which Napoleon called destiny and Priestly necessity has ever ruled the thoughts of men. It has figured largely in the lives of the great personalities of human history. Napoleon, Lord Clive, Confucius were con- scious of an unseen force which swept them forward in spite of themselves. These words are synonymous, but with certain differ- ences which should be noted and remembered. ‘‘Destiny is used of individuals and the final point of their personal history. It is used both of the end to which a person or thing is fore appointed. It involves elements of greatness and immutability. It refers not to the details so much as to the consummation. One may struggle against one’s lot, but destiny is final and irresistible. Spenser says :— But who can turn the streams of destiny Or break the chains of strong necessity Which fast is tied to Jove’s eternal seat. ‘Fate stands to destiny as an item to a sum, and is employed of the details of life. It is hardly ever used in a favourable sense. Fate is blind. Destiny has a certain amount of foresight. The theist speaks of destiny, the atheist of fate.’’ ‘“Doom is the final close of life, regarded as a matter foreordained, and is never used in a happy sense. As Pope says :— f Ere Hector meets his doom.—Pope’’ The words in use in Chinese as a rule are , &, 2, KR i, 2 i, ts fr. Men have ever been anxious to know what their destiny might be. What span of life is reserved for them; what lot may be in store: so in the selection of a * Read before the Society, November 20, 1919. 26 DESTINY, FATE wife extraneous ritual seems to be more important than character and a fortunate day for marriage than beauty. Likewise in business ventures, in the ordeal of examinations men have sought eagerly, in every possible way, for indica- tions of what destiny holds in store, and for the results locked up for them in the womb of fate. Elaborate ritual has been created for the comfort of the human mind: and monarchs contemplating the removal of capitals have consulted the auguries as to the purpose of fate in the matter. Visions in the clouds, strange voices in the night, unusual appearances of the heavenly bodies have conduced to the organization of ideas and the solution of difficulties. The Roman augur with his birds and entrails was a leading factor in the social life of ancient Rome: and the tortoise and the milfoil have become no less sacred in China. The chart thrown up by the rivers and Sibylline books have equally influenced the thought of continents. The sacred I Ching itself is of the essence of this same idea. The Chinese are convinced that the dark mysteries of life are enshrined within, and were it only understood, destiny would be clear. It is the cream of all books. It is almost pathetic how some of these courteous old scholars turn with wistful and longing eyes toitnow. They think, too, it contains what Europeans should know in spite of the old saying ‘‘that the I Ching does not cross the seas.’’ Astrology has been a great pseudo-science amongst every people and the crystal, the horoscope, and star-gazing have revealed the dark future. The fluid of the stars control a person’s destiny as well as that of a nation. In the time of Duke Ching of Sung the planet Mars was in the Heart Constellation which alarmed the duke. Tzt Wei, the astrologer, was summoned to explain the portent. He affirmed that it indicated an oncoming judgment of Heaven, since the Heart Constellation was in that celestial are that governed the territory of Sung. The King’s destiny must bear the judgment unless he was willing to have it shifted on to his ministers or people: which suggestion he refused, as a good king should. The notion of destiny and fate has given rise to the occult sciences. The great cult of Divination is one of the most profound rituals that have operated in human affairs. In Chinese literature alone there are a great number of books dealing with this subject. Most of these works claim to have, and with good reason, a hereditary descent from the I Ching. The art has been worked out in detail under the Hi 1F five elements. The list of these works given in Wylie indicates the extent of the subject in Chinese thought. But DESTINY, FATE 27 apart from these special works, the whole of literature is tinged with it. The missionary Nicolas Smogolenski also wrote an astrological treatise in Chinese on this subject. “This was apparently translated from some European book on the subject. The first part deals with the general principles of the art: the second is occupied with astrono- mical formule chiefly in spherical trigonometry: and the last part contains drafts of fifteen horoscopes. It is difficult to understand what could have been the motive in giving this to the Chinese, marked as it is by all the absurdities of the pseudo science of two hundred years ago.’’ (Wylie, pp. 106, 107). Destiny and fate, however, have not only to do with the lives of men and women but pertain to the very nature of things, to the origin of species. Why should one atom become a man, another a bird, another a worm and so on. This, too, has not passed the observations of the Chinese. Chuang Tzu indicates it in the symposium of the animals in their interchange of thought on their specific qualities. The walrus said to the centipede, ‘“‘I hop about on one leg, but not very successfully. How do you manage all these legs you have?”’ “‘T don’t manage them,”’ replied the centipede. ‘‘My mechanism works naturally, without my being conscious of the fact.”’ The centipede said to the snake, ‘‘With all my legs I do not move as fast as you with none. How is that?’’ ‘‘One’s mechanism,”’ replied the snake, ‘‘is not a thing to be changed. What need have I for legs?’” The snake said to the wind, “‘I can manage to wriggle along, but IT have a form : now you come blustering down from the north sea to Sweep down to the south sea, and yet you seem to be without form. How is that?”’ ‘‘It is true,’ the wind replied, ‘‘that I bluster as you say, but any one who can point at me or kick at me, excels me. On the other hand, I can break huge trees and destroy large buildings.’’ Thus we see destiny has appointed to each thing its form and quality. Yet no creature seems resigned to its own lot and endowments. The walrus envies the centipede, the centipede envies the snake and so on. Destiny and fate have not given entire satisfaction to anything. As Chuang Tzt says, ‘Small bags wont hold big things, short ropes wont reach down deep wells. Thus destiny is a prearrangement, just as form has its limitations. From neither to neither, can you either take away or add.” One day Chuang Tzt was surprised by the flight of a strange bird—a bird with large wings and eyes an inch in circumference. So he picked up his skirts and strode towards it with his cross-bow, anxious to get a shot. Just then he saw a cicada enjoying itself in the shade, forgetful of all else. And he saw a mantis spring and seize it, forgetting in the act its own body, which the strange bird immediately pounced upon and made its prey. ‘‘This episode’’ says 28 DESTINY, FATE Giles ‘‘has been widely popularised in Chinese every-day life. Its details have been pictorially expressed in a wood-cut, with the addition of a tiger about to spring on a man, and a well is nearby into which both will tumble. A legend at the side reads—' All is Destiny.’ ’’ This little incident aptly illustrates the Chinese idea of destiny. Again we read in Chuang Tzt, ‘‘He who comprehends the Greater Destiny becomes himself a part of it. He who comprehends the Lesser Destiny resigns himself to the inevitable.’’ The greater destiny possibly implies a belief in the foresight of an unseen Power, approaching the Christian idea of Providence. The Lesser Destiny is more of a belief in blind fate. Again Chuang Tzt says, ‘‘Life and death belong to Destiny. Their sequence like day and night is of God, beyond the interference of man, an inevitable law.’’ (Giles, p. 74). Again we read in Chuang Tza, that Tzi Sang was very ill, and his friend went to see him one day. On arriving at the door he heard the sick man singing and lamenting, saying, O father! O mother! O Heaven! O man! His friend asked him what he meant by this, and the sick man replied: “‘I was trying to think who could have brought me to this extreme, but I could not guess. My father and mother would hardly wish me to be poor. Heaven covers all equally, Earth supports all equally. I was seeking to know who it was who made me poor, but without success. Surely then I am brought to this extreme by Destiny. (Giles, p. JO). As Emerson says, ‘The word Fate or Destiny expresses the sense of mankind in all ages—that the laws of the world do not always befriend, but often hurt and crush us,’ (Giles, in loc.). Whatis this Destiny? Chuang Tzt tries to give a philosophical explanation of it in the words, ‘‘At the beginning of the, beginning even nothing did not exist. Then came the period of the Nameless. When One, 2.e. The Tao came into existence, there was one but it was form- less. When things got that by which they came into exist- ence, it was called their (Virtue or) endowment of energy. That which was formless, but fluid, yet without interstices or separation! between its own parts was called Destiny.? a * The breaks of Science? * The introductory part to Essay 2, Huai Nan-tzi—dealing with Origins and Reality endeavours to give a similar interpretation but in obscure and difficult language. DESTINY, FATE 29 The Taoist theory of Destiny as thus seen in Chuang Tzu is very incomplete. It is too complex to be written of in detail. It is seen more elaborately outlined in the essays of Huai Nan-tzt, the semi-Taoist. In general it may be identi- fied with the Unity of the Tao. Man has to abandon himself wholly to the Unity. He has to become one with it. That is the great thing. Hence arises the paradoxical terms of Wu-Wei, Non-action. This really does not mean inaction, as is made clear in one of Huai Nan’s essays. Nevertheless it is. a link to help us in understanding their belief in destiny which almost amounts to fatalism, though they would vigor- ously deny fatalism as popularly understood. Entire sub- mission to the Divine Spirit is the only rule of life: identi- fication with the Tao and personal suppression is the only way to get the fulness of existence. It is this identification that may suggest a verisimilitude to fatalism. It is only in this sense that they are under the determinism of destiny. And possibly it is only in this sense that the saying of Chuang Tzu is to be understood in his statement that when ‘‘Shen Tao embraced the Tao he discarded all knowledge and became a fatalist.’’ Tur Views or Conrucius anp His DIScIPLES ON THE NOTION. We are met on the threshold of our examination by the statement that. Confucius spoke but little and seldom on the question of destiny.. This is consistent with the Sage’s serious view of life. One of the subjects of which the Master seldom spoke was ‘“‘The Appointments of Heaven,’’ etc. (Analects, 1X, 1). This aloofness of his possibly sprang from a sense of reverence. He would not handle such a subject lightly. The divine dispensations and the mysteries of life were not to be thoughtlessly discussed or bandied about in debates. Some things were plain, others left in the mystery and profundities of existence. Neverthless we have not been left entirely without indications of his thought on the matter. For instance in speaking of Ai T‘ai To’s talents and virtue he says they were perfect. The disciples asked the Master the reason for this. ‘“‘Life and death,’’ replied Confucius, ‘‘existence and non-existence, success and non-success, poverty and wealth, virtue and vice, good and evil report, hunger and thirst, warmth and cold,—these all revolve upon the changing wheel of Destiny. Day and night follow one upon the other, and no man ean say where each or the other begins. 30 DESTINY, FATE It is a doctrine accepted by most Chinese philosophers that time and opportunity are essential to the successful operations of the Tao and the teachings of the Sages. _Never- theless most admit that there is a controlling force beyond and independent of these. Confucius was most conscious of it. He refers to it often. We may take one well-known episode in his life. When Confucius visited K‘uang, the men of Sung sur- rounded him closely. Yet he went on playing and singing to his guitar without ceasing. ‘‘How is it, Sir,’’ enquired Tzi Lu, ‘‘that you are so cheerful ?”’ ‘‘Come here,’’ replied Confucius, “‘and I will tell you. For a long time I have been struggling against failure, but in vain. Fate is against me. For a long time I have been seeking success, but in vain. The hour has not come.’’ “To travel by. water and not avoid sea-serpents and dragons,—this is the courage of the fisherman. To travel by Jand and not avoid the rhinoceros and the tiger,—this is the courage of hunters. When bright blades cross, to look on death as on life,—this is the courage of the hero. To know that failure is fate and that success is opportunity, and to remain fearless in great danger,—this is the courage of the Sage. Yu! rest in this. My destiny is cut out for me.’’ There are several passages in the Classics showing the con- tempt Confucius had for those who sought his life. This indifference arose from the consciousness that he was under the direction of a power greater than that of any man’s. In the Analects, Bk. VII, Chapter 22, we read, ‘‘The Master said, Heaven produced the virtue that isin me. Huan T‘ui —what can he do tome.’’ And again in reference toa similar attempt on his life we read in Analects, Bk. XIV, Chapter 38.2, “‘The Master said, If my principles are to advance, it is so ordered #7 t#. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered. What can Kung Pi, Liao, do where such order- ing is concerned.’’ In explanation of this confidence in face of these -dangers, Tzu Hsia explains in another place his view of life. . “‘Death and life have their determined appointments’’—they depend on Heaven. The destiny is there. And one other saying from Confucius. He went to see Pei Niu who was sick. He took hold of his hand through the window, and said, ‘It is killimg him. It is the appointment of Heaven, alas!’’ ‘(Analects, Bk. VI, Chapter 8). There are three things of which the superior man stands in awe. He stands in awe of the ‘“‘Ordinances of Heaven,’’ ete. (Analects, Bk. XVI, Chapter 8). DESTINY, FATE 31 Mencius, too, had equal confidence in this kind of destiny. In his works we read, ‘‘A man’s advancement is effected, it may be by others, and others may perchance stop him. But to advance a man or prevent his advance is really beyond the. power of any man. My not finding in the prince of Luh one who would confide in me and put my principles into operation is from Heaven.’’ (Bk. I, Pt. 2, Chapter 8, p. 3). Thus we see that the Sages of China believed in a con- trolling Destiny—or in the words of Mathew Arnold, ‘‘There is a Power not ourselves making for righteousness in the _ Universe,’’—whose will is law: whose decrees are certain. We also find in history sporadic references to this subject by Confucius. During one of his journeys we are told that he was looking at the cataract at Lu-liang one day. It fell from a great height. No scaly, finny creature could enter therein. Yet Confucius saw an old man go in, and thinking that he was suffermg from some trouble and desirous of ending his life, bade a disciple run along the side to try and save him. The old man emerged about a hundred paces off, and with flowing hair went carolling along the bank. Confucius followed him and said, ‘‘I had thought, Sir, you were a spirit, but now I see you area man. Kindly tell me, is there any way to deal thus with water?”’ ‘“No,”’ replied the old man, “‘I have no way. There was my original condition to begin with; then habit growing into nature, and lastly acquiescence in destiny. Plunging in with the whirl, I come out with the swirl. J accommodate myself to the water, not the water to me. And so Iam able to deal with it after this fashion.”’ - ““What do you mean,’ enquired Confucius, “‘by your original condition to begin with, habit growing into nature, and acquiescence in destiny ?’’ ‘“‘T was born,’’ replied the old man, “‘upon dry land, and accommodated myself to dry land. That was my original condition. Growing up on the water, I accommodated myself to the water. That was what I meant by nature. And doing as I did without being conscious of any effort so to do, that was what I meant by destiny.’’ (Chuang Tzu, Giles, pp. 239-240). Let us take the view of Chu Ko Liang, the darling hero of the Chinese people, always spoken of as K'ung Ming, his cognomen. He lived in the difficult and warlike ages of Liu Pei and Ts‘ao A.D. 150-250. Brilliant as a military leader, penetrating as far scuth as Burmah; renowned as a scholar, the author of Tactics on War: the inventor of the wooden ox and running horses and the bow for shooting cé 32 DESTINY, FATE several arrows at once—a great mechanical genius. Not- withstanding his many achievements and varied fortunes, yet he spoke at the close of his career in a desponding tone of the failure of his life attributing this to an adverse destiny. In support of their theory of the existence of Destiny the Confucianist gives another example that of General Hsiang Yii who met with a severe defeat and rout. The General himself was wounded and before his death spoke to one of his followers, maintaining that his death was due to fate and not to any bad handling of his troops., The correctness of his view is not challenged by critics. They further cite the case of Kao Tsu, the successful founder of the Han dynasty, who used fewer troops but was victorious, a success mani- festly due to Heaven’s decree. Destiny was the controlling factor in either case. THe Meran View. The Confucian school then in common with Taoists represented by Chuang Tzu affirm their belief in the doctrine. The Meian school, however, disavow their belief in it. This school denies an extraneous force in the shape of fate or destiny. They vigorously deny it. As a substitute they advocate the theory that a person’s fortune, success, failure, happiness, and adversity are wholly dependent on the quality of a person’s nature and disposition as well as on fortuitous circumstances. This opposition to Confucianism and the exposition of the Meian theory is for one made by Wang Ch‘ung in an essay on Destiny. He wrote many essays on the subject; there is only time to notice this one. This essay is full of interest and information. We can, however, only quote the drift of the argument. It opens with the general proposition to be maintained in the thesis that the school of Mei Tzt deny the existence of any independent destiny. Their philosophers attempt to strike at the root of the Confucian doctrine and at the support to their fundamental proposition. They give a wholly different interpretation to the classic Confucian theory of destiny ex- pressed in the words of Tzti Hsia. ‘“‘Death and life are pre- destined, riches and honour are with Heaven.’’ They do so first by askin g the reader to note closely the arrangement and order of words in the proposition. It should be noted, the critic maintains, that he does not say ‘‘Death and life are with Heaven, riches and honour have their appointment.’’ But he uses the reverse order. Why, asks Wang Ch‘ung, does he do so? He must have an intention in that order of stating the proposition. DESTINY, FATE 33 The explanation is simple. Death and life have no countervailing phenomena in Heaven, since these, 1.e. death and life are not governed by any extraneous destiny, but by the individual’s nature. That is to say a person’s longevity is determined by his natural vitality and not by any fate. When men are endowed with an overflowing richness of nature this vitality is rich and abundant, and consequently their bodies are strong and hale. Thus endowed the appoint- ment or destiny is long—and rationally explained. Thus their fate is not to die young. On the other hand when the endowment is poor in quality, debility of body will ensue resulting in an early death. This is the rationalist view of a destiny. Hence the appointment of Heaven means in this case no more than a natural concomitance of nature. Riches and honour again correspond with the vitality enduement of the Hsing, nature, which is derived from the starry host. The host of stars is in Heaven. The root of the omens of riches and honour thus lies with Heaven. If the omens are favourable, riches come: if unfavourable, poverty comes. This then is the rational explanation of “Tsai T‘ien’’—‘‘depends on Heaven.’’ - In further explanation of ‘“‘with Heaven,’’ it is stated that the Principalities or ruling forces: abide in the womb of Heaven. The stars again are nothing but the expression of the breath or fluid of Heaven. The stars are endowed with different vitalities arising from the proportion and quality of the original fluid and as the vitality of the nature of man is a communication of the stars, his vitality as well as a nation’s vitality will depend, as to quality, on the star under which the individual is born. Hence the meaning of a lucky star and its contrary. In this critical way then it is attempted to overthrow the doctrine of destiny as advocated by one party, by offering a substitutory explanation that the destiny of a man’s life is determined by inward and natural conditions. The Mei school endeavours to support its view by historic examples of the impossibility, nay, the absurdity of the theory. They quote two classic illustrations. One of them is the catas- trophe that overtook the city of Li Yang. This populous city was overwhelmed by a flood in one night and turned into a lake. The other example is the barbarous act of General Pei Ch‘i who buried 40,000 prisoners in a pit dug for the purpose. They adduce further general evidences such as the ravages of famine, pestilence and disease. Their point is very obvious and their argument strong and full of common sense. It is unthinkable, they maintain, that the whole population of Li Yang could have had the same destiny, that 3 ; 34 DESTINY, FATE is to say, that they were appointed to terminate their lives just at the same time. It would be absurd to think the young and old, rich and poor, fortunate and unfortunate were doomed to this. Similarly in the case of the entombed prisoners, and the millions who have died from plague and pestilence. We ourselves, perhaps, have had such a suggestion thrown out to us by the tragedy of the great war, or such catastro- phies as overtook St. Martinique and Messina when these unhappy districts were wrecked by earthquakes. To this argument the Confucianist replied that it isn’t at all unreasonable in face of the immensity of the world to think that vast concourses of people die under one destiny. In view of the vastness of the world a concourse of 40,000 or a whole population of a city is really nothing at all. So - far from there being absurdity in the supposition it was actually because of a common destiny that these people were congregated in one place and either drowned or buried. It was predetermined that officials and people should be there. The Confucian critic, however, does see a difficulty in dealing with the theory of destiny. He realizes that it is somewhat unreasonable to maintain that there were not many people in, say, Li Yang who were not destined to longevity. In the flux of the world and life it stands to reason that the course of nature could not run the same length in the case of everyone. What then may be the explanation. There is a very important modification. The somewhat unique theory is advanced, a theory that has been favourably received by many. ‘‘Thus,’’ Wang Ch‘ung says, ‘‘we reach a principle that the destiny of a nation is stronger than the destiny of the individual: the destiny of longevity is stronger than that of a man’s fortune, i.c. a man may lose honour and fortune and yet survive. So in modification of the predestination theory it must be remembered that an individual’s destiny may depend on the destiny of a community. Thus destruc- tive times, revolutions, disease, pestilence, prevent the fulfil- ment of an individual’s destiny. The kingdom of Sung, Wei, Cheng, Ching, once upon a time, were visited by a destruc- tive pestilence contemporaneously. Many there must have been who were destined to a long life, but they shared and suffered in the communal danger, which nullified the in- dividual’s destiny. ' Destiny and Fate therefore, it may be reasonably argued, govern the rise and fall of nations. And this destiny is linked to the stars. The propitious or unpropitious location of the © stars determine the fate of nations. The stars again result DESTINY, FATE 35 from the aura of Heaven. The breath of Heaven emanates and gives vitality to the stars. Man inhales the emanations from the stars. The quality of this fluid determines their condition. The stars themselves are richly or poorly endowed with this vital fluid. The quality of the starry endowment determines the destiny of nations and men. If aman comes to an untoward end, the Chinese therefore say that in death the ‘‘unfortunate rides on the Ch‘i Wei star to return to Heaven.’’ The Confucian, therefore, has an expansion of their doctrine of destiny. To whom this expansion is due is not certain. But in order to find a more philosophic ground for their faith destiny was divided into three kinds. The Cheng Ming, Constant destiny; The Sui Ming, The Consequent or Conditional destiny; The Tsao Ming or the fortuitous destiny. Wang Ch‘ung examines the validity of these divisions and tests their truth from the facts of history. He takes the explanation of each as given by their upholders. Constant destiny is explained as that which is constantly fortunate in inherent endowment. Consequent destiny depends on con- duct. Good effort results in achievement. But a man who wastes his life in debauchery meets with a bad end. For- tuitous destiny implies that a man doesn’t get his proper deserts owing to the intervention of an external hazard. A good man, therefore, may meet with ill-success and so on. Mencius says that a good student for instance doesn’t get the reward he should. ‘‘The search,’’ he says, ‘‘may be according to fact and truth, but the getting depends on destiny. And likewise a bad man gets very often more than he deserves.’’ ‘‘Very well’’ says Wang Ch‘ung “‘let the soundness of these be tested from historical examples,’’ so he takes the second and examines it. The consequent destiny the Con- fucianist maintains depends on conduct. Wang Ch‘ung applies the doctrine to the case of Tao Chih, a famous brigand, who slew no end of people and caused untold miseries to. the world. Yet this scoundrel lived to a green old age in ease, luxury, and comfort. Your theory fails says Wang Ch‘ung in the case of this bad man. Take again the life of Yen Yuan, the immortal scholar and renowned student. He died early through too close an application of his talents to study. The theory again breaks down. Again good and loyal ministers have been expelled the kingdom or boiled in oil. Confucius failed to find office. The doctrine again fails to withstand the force of this criticism. Wang Ch‘ung therefore maintains that the ex- planation is incorrect. The consequent doctrine fails to 36 DESTINY, FATE explain these mysteries of life. He therefore substitutes his. own view. The end of these men is not to be explained by the theory of destiny, but by the starry fluid that constituted their physical life. This star emanation, he explains, composes an indivi- dual’s vitality. Hence a person’s fate and destiny is written in his countenance. It is seen in the structure, size, shape of the bones of the frame. Hence a fortune teller is found with a chart and map of the human body. A comparison of the enquirer’s bones and contour of person with the standard will help to diagnose his destiny and fate. Mr. Wang says, therefore, it is the constitution of the physical nature that determines a person’s fate. A distinc- tion, he says, may be made in the nature and disposition of a person. So we have the Constant, Consequent and Fortui- ‘ tous nature. The constant nature ensures an endowment of the Five Worths:—Jen, I, Li, Chih, Hsin. The consequent nature is conditional on the parental quality, the adverse dependent on untoward phenomena. Hence the pregnant mother gives birth to a hare-lip if she eat a hare during pregnancy. So in the Book of Seasons in the Li Chi minute ‘Instructions are given to women. As fate and nature become: inherent through human instrumentality, women with child are stringently warned what to do. For instance she must not sit down before a table not quite straight, she must not look on any incorrect colour, nor must she listen to any sounds unceremonially unclean. A shock from thunder is. specially dangerous. Thus as a man is endowed so will his fate be. In another essay that on Destiny and Fortune discussing the same proposition, he reaches the same conclusion, that the heaven born nature is like fate. King I of Yueh, he says, escaped into the mountains, earnestly desiring not to be: made a king. But the people of Yueh smoked him out, he could not escape the throne. By Heaven’s fate it had to be- so. That is to say, by his own nature. To sum up, Wang Ch‘ung says, “‘Men’s lives in this. world have propitious and unpropitious natures, and this Fate determines happiness and adversity, prosperity and ruin. In addition it is the lot of man to meet with chance: and accident which dog him from birth to death. That he- should finish his good intentions and attain his heart’s desire is very difficult.”’ Thus, then, broadly speaking we have the Taoist and the two Confucian views outlined in the preceding pages co- existing in Chinese thought. On the one hand there is the: school of Mei Tzu which denies Destiny. On the other hand_ DESTINY, FATE Bie we have the general school of Confucius which upholds its existence. Destiny again is differentiated into the Constant, Consequent, and Adverse. Wang Ch‘ung, however, rejects this classification preferring the classification accord- ing to nature rather than destiny, but he, too, admits the prevalence of a contingent chance and incidental fate which may or may not agree with the primary fate. The length of human life is registered by the creative fluids of Heaven and the Stars. The fate of the state is always stronger than the personal and individual. DESTINY AND FATALISM. Tt is clearly indicated in the writing of many philoso- phers that virtue and vice do not affect the condition of the individual nor the rise and fall of states. Though it should be mentioned that the Confucian classics strongly maintain a contrary view to fatalism, maintaining that Heaven does watch the way of kings, rewarding and punishing according to per- sonal deeds. There are many instances in Chinese literature similar in tenour to those found in the Hebrew scriptures, ‘He did evil in the sight of the Lord’’ and so on. But underlying and overshadowing these clear pronouncements there is nevertheless the sense of an overshadowing sense of Destiny which nullifies the effect of human actions and modifies human effort. And probably certain symptoms of impotence and inertia that have been noticeable in Chinese political life to-day arise from the benumbing effect of this view of life. The literati of China with their fine ideals might have been supreme in the present crisis, but it must be regretfully confessed that their influence has been markedly wanting. Se still, they seem to say, Destiny will work out itself all nght. A friend said to me recently, ‘‘When the disease has come to a head, the boil will burst, and all will come right in the end.’’ So important is this doctrine, however, that it is well to consider it a little further. Whilst the finer school of Confucianist believe in destiny, yet it is without abrogation of morality. Whilst some philosophers wholly deny the value of morality in its effect on the rise and fall of nations, they admit, however, that the weight of opinion is against them. Most people hold the view, as they admit, that when in ancient times the monarch was wise, truth and virtue were practised, and that when they were practised success was achieved and the government well ordered. When the ruler of men was degenerate, truth and virtue declined, and, in consequence of this decline, all success was lost and government thrown into confusion. Most thinkers 38 DESTINY, FATE of ancient and modern times hold this view, for they notice that the wisdom of Yao and Shun brought about universal peace, whereas the lawlessness of Chieh and Chou resulted in rebellion and in their destruction. But, they say, if we thoroughly go into the question we find that fate has its proper time, which comes spontaneously, and that virtue has no influence upon it. These fatalists maintain their theory by such arguments as these. ‘“‘All officials, those with the income of more than a hundred piculs as well as those living on less than a pint, while in office, govern the people. They exercise their authority, instruct. and admonish, but whether these in- structions have any effect, and whether the people are well governed or in revolution, depends on fate.”’ ‘“Some persons may have great talents and lead a pure | life, but when called to office, they are soon cashiered; whereas others with very little knowledge or of a reprobate conduct govern the people and remain in office. In remote antiquity promotion and degradation of able and incompetent men were based on mere success. Rewards were bestowed on the successful, and penalties inflicted on the unsuccesstul. Much consideration was shown for fate, and a great partiality to fortune, but neither were talents investigated nor capa- cities much appreciated.’’ Fate ruled. ‘‘Therefore, when revolutions and other calamities un- expectedly break out, these critics bring them home to the sovereign, charging him with misrule. The prince acquiesces, and takes the guilt upon himself. Sorrow and pain shake his body, but the difficulties are not removed thereby. With- out reason they harass the mind of the ruler, and overwhelm an enlightened monarch with undeserved reproaches. These ideas are being transmitted and universally accepted.”’ ‘‘A wise ruler may govern a people who are to live in peace. but he cannot reform an age destined to revolt. A physician, clever in using his needles and medicines, is successful with his methods, if he happens to find a patient whose end has not yet arrived, and comes across a disease which is not mortal. If the man’s life is ended and his sickness fatal, he can do nothing even though he be a second Pien Ch‘io. A worn-out life and a fatal disease are incurable as a people in rebellion cannot be pacified. The action of drugs cures a disease as admonitions serve to pacify the people. Both cases are subject to destiny and time, and cannot be forced in any way.’’ ‘““The Kung-po Liao, having slandered Tse Lu to Chi Sun, Tse Fu Ching Po informed Confucius of it Confucius said, ‘If my principles are to advance, it is so DESTINY, FATE 39 ordered. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered.’ ‘“Consequently, the advance of the doctrine no less than the peace of the people depend on fate and time, and not on human action. Revolutions, the opposition of the citizens, and the dangers of the State are commonly caused by calami- ties which come down from Heaven above. The virtue of a wise ruler is unfit to cope with, and disperse them.’’ “There has never been anybody more benevolent and kind hearted than Yao and T‘ang. But Yao met with the Great Flood, and T‘ang fell in with a great drought. Inun- dations and droughts are the worst of calamities. Since the two Sages were visited with them, were they brought about by their administration? No, the fixed periods of Heaven and Earth made it so. Destiny determined.”’ ‘From the inundation and the drought of Yao and T‘ang we draw the conclusion that the calamities of other kings are not caused by their virtue. That being the case, their happiness and felicity cannot be the result of their virtue either.’ ‘‘As prosperity and progress are not brought about by virtue, decline and decay cannot be due to virtue either. Prosperity and progress, decay and decline are all dependent on Heaven and time,’’ i.e. on Fate. ‘““Affluence is the outcome of a generous fate and not to be obtained through wisdom and benevolence. Everybody knows that affluence, peace, and contentment are con- sequences of a happy destiny, but people ignore the fact that the tranquillity of a State and the success of its institutions are but lucky circumstances.’’ ‘“‘Consequently good government is not the work of worthies and sages and decay and disorder not the result of viciousness. When a State is doomed to perish, worthies and sages cannot arrest its ruin, and when an age is to be well governed, no wicked people can throw it into disorder. Order and disorder depend on time, and not on government; the tranquillity and the troubles of a State are determined | by its destiny, and not by its culture. Neither a wise nor an unwise ruler, neither an enlightened nor an unenlightened government can help or mar.”’ ‘What are the causes of disorder? Are they not the predominence of such things as robbery, fighting, and blood- shed, the disregard of the moral obligations by the people, and their rebellion against their ruler? All these difficulties arise from a want of grain and food. When hunger and cold combine, most people violate the laws; when they enjoy ‘ both warmth and food, there are few who behave im- properly.’’ 40 DESTINY, FATE ‘Tt has been said that, when the granaries and store- houses are full, people know the rules of propriety, and when clothes and food suffice, people are sensible of honour and disgrace. Altruism erows from opulence, and strife springs from. indigence.’’ ‘‘Good and bad actions are not the upshot of human character, but of the state of the year, its dearth and affluence, and these are determined by fate.”’ ‘‘From this point of view, moral conduct is conditional by the grain supply, and the grain harvest depends on the year. When a year is conspicuous by floods or droughts, the Five Grains do not grow. The government is not res- ponsible for this, but time and circumstances. If inunda- tions and dryness be held to be the result of government, there were never worse rulers than Chieh and Chou. In. their time there ought to have been constant floods and droughts, but their reigns were not visited with famine and dearth. Calamities such as these have their periods which sometimés, contrariwise, just fall in the reigns of wise sovereigns.’ ‘“Human diseases and death are not a retribution for evil doing, and so the disorder and the ruin of a State have nothing to do with the goodness or the badness of its govern- ment. Bad characters are often strong and reach old age; iniquitous governments enjoy peace and remain unharmed. Consequently, it is plain that misfortunes and disasters are not sufficient indications of depravity, and happiness and lucky auguries are inadequate proofs of virtue.’’ Such a doctrine must affect in a deleterious way, the conduct of man. It is inevitable. Some might say that under the determining control of destiny inertia is inevitable, much the same as a similar result ensues on the Christian theory of predestination. There is, however, a distinction to be observed. Complex as is the doctrine of predestination it is accompanied by the demand to make “‘your election and calling sure’ by supreme effort. Even in the realm of Catholic theology, where the Church becomes the guardian destiny, and the loyal adherent is called on to resign everything, body, soul, and spirit to the Church, which undertakes to guarantee a successful end, the forces of piety are set in motion. This phase aga is similar to the Confucius’ school of Confucianism. If Dreyfesdale in the Abbot be taken as a true represen- tation of the gloomy outcome of the doctrine of predestina- tion, it were hard indeed to see a way out. DESTINY, FATE 41 A COMPARISON. Dryfesdale says: ‘‘Now were the walls of the turret of egg-shells, and the lake sheeted with ice, I am well taught, and strong in belief, that man does nought of himself, he is but the foam on the billow, which rises, bubbles, and bursts, not by its own effort, but by the mightier impulse of fate which urges him. Yet, Lady, if I may advise, amid this zeal for the life of the Jezebel of Scotland, forget not what is due to thine own honour, and keep the matter secret as you may.’”’ “The Lady of Lochleven was not aware how far minds of a certain gloomy and determined cast by nature, may be warped by a keen sense of injustice, amalgamated with the crude, wild, and indigested fanatical opinions which this man had gathered among the crazy sectaries of Germany; or how far the doctrines of fatalism, which he had embraced so decidedly, sear the human conscience, by representing our actions as the result of inevitable necessity. And to her remonstance Dryfesdale answered, ‘‘He that looks on death, Lady, as that which he may not shun, and which has its own fixed and certain hour, is ever prepared for it. He that is hanged in May will eat no flaunes in mid-summer—What is death ?—it is but ceasing to live—And what is living?—a oe weary return of light and darkness, sleeping and waking, being hungered and eating. Your dead man needs neither candle nor can, neither fire nor feather-bed; and the joiner’s chest serves him for an eternal friezejerkin.’’ ANOTHER COMPARISON. _ This Chinese theory of destiny might be compared, too, with the profound belief Napoleon had in it. He speaks of it often, he was thoroughly persuaded of its control. At one time you will remember he had the gorgeous dream of being a great eastern potentate, whose splendours would surpass anything ever seen before. But England stood in the way and his great efforts resulted in nothing but the fabrics of a dream. He bore his disappointments well saying it was destiny. ‘“‘Nature seems to have calculated that I should endure great reverses. She has given me a mind of marble. Thunder cannot ruffle it. The shaft merely glides along.’’ Even his most intimate friends could discern no indications of discontent. He seemed to feel that it was not his destiny to found an empire in the Hast, and, acquiescing without @ murmur, he turned his attention to other enter- prises. | 42 DESTINY, FATE Again he says in another place, “‘I have, however, often thought since on this point of morals, and I believe, if thoroughly considered, it is always better to suffer a man to terminate his destiny, be it what it may. I judged so afterwards in the case of my friend Duroc, who when his bowels were falling out before my eyes, repeatedly cried to me to have him put out of his misery. I said to him, ‘I pity you, my friend, but there is no remedy; it is necessary to suffer to the last.’ ”’ Again we read, ‘‘the most energetic measures were im- . mediately adopted to prevent any rallying-point for the disaffected. Bills were everywhere posted, exhorting the citizens to be quiet, and assuring them that powerful efforts were in the making to save the Republic. These minute precautions were characteristic of Napoleon. He believed in - destiny; yet he left nothing for destiny to accomplish. He ever sought to make provision for all conceivable contin- gencies.’ “The death of Fox was one of the fatalities of my career,’’ he says in another place. ‘‘Had his life been pro- longed, affairs would have taken a totally different turn. The cause of the people would have triumphed, and we should have established a new order of things in Europe.”’ Again we read, ‘‘This,’’ said Napoleon, “‘is one of the thousand absurdities which have been published respecting - me. But the story you have just mentioned is the more ridiculous, since every individual about me well-knows how careless I am with regard to self-preservation. Accustomed from the age of eighteen to be exposed to the cannon-ball, and knowing the inutility of precautions, I abandoned myself to my fate. When I came to the head of affairs, I might still have fancied myself surrounded by the dangers of the field of battle, and I might have regarded the conspiracies which were formed against me as so many bomb-shells. But I followed my old course, I trusted to my lucky star, and left all precautions to the police. I was, perhaps, the only sovereign in Europe who dispensed with a body-guard. Every one could freely approach me without having, as it were, to pass through military barracks.’’ Again, Napoleon believed it was his destiny that impelled him to divorce Josephine. His affections and will were all against such an act. It was the intervention of destiny. ‘“My destiny,’’ he says, ‘‘is stronger than my will.’’ Further, one day at the battle of Niemen he saw a soldier trying to dodge a cannon ball. ‘‘My friend,”’ he said, ‘‘you have nothing to fear. If your name is not written on that ball it cannot hit you, if it is written you could not DESTINY, FATE 43- possibly escape being hit by it, even were you ten feet under-- ground. ’’ | If we were curious to trace the growth of such a uni- versal belief in fate and destiny in primitive times we have the materials at our very doors to-day. For this great war: has stirred afresh the curiosity of the human mind in this. eternal problem. On the whole it has probably increased men’s belief in fate. In letters from the front such phrases as these constantly occur. ‘“‘My number is up.”’ “‘If the: , Shell has my name on it.’’ ‘‘I have been in so many tight corners and yet survived that it looks like as though my fate would pull me through.’’ During a debate in a Scottish hospital lately, the convalescent soldiers were asked to- suggest topics. They fixed on predestination and fore- knowledge. Professor Macintosh agrees with others in declaring that the ordinary attitude of the soldier to religion is fatalism— ‘“‘the well-known fatalism of the trenches.’’ ‘Realizing how . little any one at ‘the real front’ can do, through prayer or in any other way, to guarantee his immunity from death, he finds comfort in the thought that the time and manner of his death are settled beforehand. And so, with the thought, “What’s the use of worrying?’ he learns to do his daily duty with a fine scorn of the constant menace of death.’’ In our own city, too, we may see the same process. Fate has decreed that an amah, a house boy and a cook should win a great stake. Chance failed most, but these few small wage earners have become fabulously rich. I fancy there has been much looking at bones, and the length of the lobe of the ear and the method of its attachment to the face at the lower end. This cursory review of the prevalence of the idea of Fate in Chinese literature shows many phases that are sombre, but there is nothing in it to equal the profound pessimism of life to be found in the poem of Omar, Ah, my Beloved, fill the Cup that clears To-day of past Regrets and Future Fears : To-morrow !—Why, To-morrow I may be Myself with Yesterday’s Sev’n thousand Years. Ah, make the most of what we yet may spend, Before we too into the Dust descend ; Dust into Dust, and under Dust to lie Sans Wine, sans Song, sans Singer, and—sans End. Alike for those who for To-day prepare, And those that after some To-morrow stare, A Muezzin from the Tower of Darkness cries, ‘Fools! your Reward is neither Here nor There.”’ 44 DESTINY, FATE What, without asking, hither hurried Whence? And, without asking, Whither hurried hence ! Oh, many a Cup of this forbidden Wine Must drown the memory of that insolence ! Up from Earth’s Centre through the Seventh Gate I rose, and on the Throne of Saturn sate; And many a Knot unravel’d by the Road ; But not the Master-knot of Human Fate. There was the Door to which I found no Key ; There was the Veil through which I might not see : Some little talk awhile of ME and THEE There was—and then no more of THEE and ME. Heav’n but the Vision of fulfill’d Desire, And Hell the Shadow from a Soul on fire, Cast on the Darkness into which Ourselves, So late emerged from, shall so soon expire. We are no other than a moving row Of Magic Shadow-shapes that come and go Round with the Sun-illumined Lantern held In Midnight by the Master of the Show. But helpless Pieces of the Game He plays Upon this Chequer-board of Nights and Days; Hither and thither moves, and checks, and slays, And one by one back in the Closet lays. The Ball no question makes of Ayes and Noes, But Here or There as strikes the Player goes; And He that toss’d you down into the Field, He knows about it all—HE knows—HE knows! The Moving Finger writes; and, having writ, Moves on: nor all your Piety nor Wit Shall lure it back to cancel half a Line, Nor all your Tears wash out a Word of it. And that inverted Bowl they call the Sky, Whereunder crawling coop’d we live and die, Lift not your hands to It for help—for It As impotently moves as you or I. YESTERDAY This Day’s Madness did prepare ; TO-MORROW’S Silence, Triumph, or Despair : Drink ! for you know not whence you came, nor why : Drink ! for you know not why you go, nor where. What ! from his helpless Creature be repaid Pure Gold for what he lent him dross-alloy’d— Sue for a Debt he never did contract, And cannot answer—Oh the sorry trade ! Wherever we turn then we find that men have bound themselves to the chains of destiny. It is a necessity of the human mind. Life were unbearable without its relief. The. mystery of existence would be an intolerable burden without some form of determinism to sustain the mind and share its load. So far it has been a means of comfort. It is nota subject to be looked on unsympathetically. CHINA’S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS' HERBERT CHATLEY, D.Sc. (London) The majority of people do not realize that the basis of what is termed modern civilization is not so much Christianity or the Reformation or Greco-Roman political ability or a mysteriously omnipotent character in the European, but simply and almost wholly the exploitation of coal or petro- leum. England maintains effective union with a great Empire because she has applied coal to navigation. (Nowa- days one ton of coal will carry one ton of cargo 20,000 miles in large ships). America, France, Japan (and until recently Germany) owe their enormously rapid growth and world-wide influence to the possession and use of large supplies of coal. Japan, unless she can obtain Manchurian and Chinese coal, will not rise greatly above her present degree of development, and England herself is doomed to loss of preeminence as soon as her coal supplies fail as they probably will do in the course of very few centuries. This last pessimistic remark perhaps needs a little explanation. The coal in England is already difficult to get owing to depth and water, and the largest estimates do not indicate that it will be worth while to mine the mineral after some three or four hundred years. The efficient electrical transmission of energy may enable Eng- land’s water-power to maintain her industries at the present status but other countries such as the U.S.A. will by that - time have grown enormously. - In order to explain very simply how this extraordinary state of affairs comes about, perhaps you will allow the speaker to state a few simple facts about coal. One pound of coal used in a moderately efficient steam engine will pro- duce about one-third of a horse-power for an hour, or since a man working hard produces about one-tenth of a horse-power, three pounds of coal are equivalent to the work of an un- skilled labourer for a day. Taking Chinese conditions, it follows that the real value of coal in terms of labour at even as low a wage as $0.20 per man per day is at least one hundred * Read before the Society, February 26th, 1920. -46 CHINA’S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS and fifty dollars per ton. Similarly in England where heavy manual labour now gets some 10s. per day the real value of a ton of coal properly used is at least £35 per ton. (In some ways the value is even greater, because power plants enable concentrations of energy to be obtained which are quite impossible with men alone). Let us put it another way. An unskilled labourer spends say 50 years of life (from 15 to 65) on repetition work, 10 hours a day for 300 days a year. His whole life’s work can be done by 20 tons of coal, which consumes nothing! The coal output of the United Kingdom is about 250 million tons or over six tons per head per annum. Even if only one of these six tons per head is put into power, it makes the mechanical energy of an Englishman over three times that of the national of a non coal-owning country. Without coal or oil, all the great carrying trade of the world would vanish and leave transport conditions but little better than they are in the interior of China. Oil and -elevated water can compare in some way with coal, but for many years they themselves will depend on coal-made machinery to use them. Oil is also probably so deficient in quantity that its price will always be much greater than that of coal, and at the best it can but be used as a convenient substitute for coal. Oil will also probably be derived from or used in combination with coal in the near future. The utility of dust coal is also rapidly increasing. Water power is localized and can only be transmitted with loss or stored for transport in electro-chemical ‘‘accumulators’’ which are really an expensive and very heavy kind of artificial fuel. Water would have to be raised five hundred miles above the earth to begin to compare weight for weight with coal in potency. : China possesses great stores cof coal. Even now her output is almost equal to that of Japan, some thirty million tons per annum. Most of this is, however, locally consumed for heating. In North China where there is practically no timber, coal is particularly in demand for this purpose. How much coal is required to heat human beings up to a moderate standard of comfort is a little uncertain, but almost certainly one ton a year per head is not far from the figure. If you _consider that in a moderate sized foreign house in China perhaps fifteen tons per annum is burnt providing heat for say three individuals and four servants, it is quite obvious that in smaller houses with many persons, one ton per head per annum can provide enough heat. Obviously at present nothing like so much is used in China. In Shanghai only about two piculs of firewood or charcoal per head of the Chinese population per annum are used in addition to a very small . CHINA’S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS 47 quantity of coal. Even in the North, clothes are principally relied on for conserving warmth, but much efficiency and comfort is doubtless lost by undue loss of bodily heat. Con- sidering the great plain and its border ranges and including the lower Yangtze Valley, we may say that China cannot go ahead on Western lines until she produces and uses some ten times as much coal as at present. Then things will begin to happen. In the meantime, however, the Chinese author- ities, gentry and merchants not unnaturally fear that the admission of a preponderant share of foreign capital into coal mining will also mean loss of political control. Already in this way they have mortgaged the larger parts of their interests in the principal developed collieries to foreigners and, although the effective surplus value which can be obtained by Chinese purchasers of the outport still remains appreciable, there is an unavoidable tendency for much of the real benefit of the enterprises to be reaped by the foreigner. In addition to this opposition to foreign investment, however, the Chinese are following a general policy which is, for the time being, arresting development. First of all, there are the taxes, $0.30 per mow of concession per annum plus ten per cent. of the local value of the output (in actual fact 5% is supposed to be levied in Honan, and $0.05 per ton in Chihli, and 15% in Kirin). Secondly, there are the likin charges amounting, according to Mr. Liang Chi-chao, to from 6—10%, but reputed to be much more in many cases, as well as causing much extra expense by delaying the transportation. Thirdly, there are irregular charges made by officials at the mines and along the transport routes. Fourthly, the methods of transport are inefficient and ex- pensive. Lastly and by no means least the merchants themselves, on the principle of maximum immediate profit, hold the prices up to as near the standard set by foreign ecal as possible. As a result the purely Chinese mines remain in an undeveloped condition and cannot afford to get advice and instal pumping plant and hoisting machinery which would enable them to get the cumulative benefits which accrue from large output. Another factor in the situation is the fact that most of the mines are situated away from the main traffic routes and are therefore much affected by bad transport and also by social disturbances, particularly when the coal is in transit. To illustrate the actual state of affairs, it may be remarked that while during the fourth year of the Great War, Shanghai was paying over $20.00 per ton for coal, there were many mines within 300 miles of Shanghai where the cost of the coal at the pit’s mouth was certainly well under $5.00 48 CHINA’S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS per ton and may even have been as low as $1.00 per ton. Near to a line drawn from Huchow, a city 90 miles from Shanghai just S.W. of the Tai Hu, almost due west to Tat‘ ung on the Yangtze (250 miles from Shanghai by air line or about 320 miles by the river), there is a whole series of mines, of which the following are actually known:— Li Shan Wu Tung Shan {es Ch‘ang Hsing Nan Kao and Wu Shan Hsiao Niu Tou Shan near Kuangte Chow Shui Chang } Ta Wang Tsun j Chiu Li | Yao Tou Ling 7near Ching Hsien Kao Tsun | near Shui Tung Pei Ma Shan near Lu Kiang The western part of this country is rather mountainous, but none of the mines are very many miles from a river navigable by cargo boats. $5.00 will certainly transport one ton twenty miles over land or one hundred miles by water. Still more important is the cost of landing and unlanding and this especially should be tackled. At the present time owing to the smallness of the pro- duction, the cutput of these mines is entirely used locally for heating, lime burning, etc. In addition to these mines, there is coal in the Nanking hills between Nanking and Chinkiang, particularly at Lung Tan and Chi-Hsia Shan (Lone Tree Hill). The quality and quantity are doubtless small, but it is very improbable that these places are quite worthless. The writer is partially indebted to Mr. V. K. Ting, the Government’s geologist, and also to Mr. Behrents for information as to some of these mines. Mr. Ting, the Director of the Government Geological Survey, has recently made a report for the Conservancy Board which shows the geology of many of these mines. _ The work of Pumpelly, David, Richthofen, Willis and Blackwelder, Andersson and Ting have made the general geology of China fairly clear. Speaking very roughly, it may be said that the whole of China proper and Southern Man- churia shows a tendency to parallel folding in a S.W.—N.E. direction intersected (especially in the West) by a W.N.W.— E.S.E. series of folds. As a result of this folding and sub- sequent erosion, the strata recur periodically and the carboni- ferous strata occur in a series of synclines or troughs exposed by erosion almost all over the country. There is probably a larger proportion of outcrop of the carboniferous series of CHINA’S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS 49 rocks in China than in any other country of its size. This does not, of course, mean that actual coal is to be found in absolute profusion since the carboniferous series is very thick and the actually exposed surface may be below the coal or at a prohibitive height above it. Furthermore, while coal seems to have been found where the strata are accessible in some- what similar thicknesses (perhaps aggregating to 20 ft. or even more), in any one locality it may be in very thin beds, have been destroyed by exposure or heat, or contain so much inert matter as to render it of little value. Nevertheless, it is quite certain that the actually work- able deposits in China are such as to warrant the opinion that the industrial importance of China or any adjacent country which can command China’s coal supply can become of the very first order. In spite of all common assertions and belief to the con- trary, man is not really interested in events which may occur at a distance in time not personally affecting grand children. In the speaker’s opinion this question of China’s coal supply is one which will actually develope within a short time. The oldest men, whom middle aged men now clearly remem- ber, saw the rise of the coal era in Europe and America. The young men now living may actually see China, one of, if not the first of, the leading industrial countries of the world. As you are probably aware there is a strong movement afoot for making Shanghai an ocean terminal for first class shipping. This will be very difficult, unless there are ample supplies of cheap coal for bunkering. At present Shanghai imports about a million and a quarter tons of coal per annum, about half Japanese and half Chinese (mainly Kaiping coal) of which one quarter of a million is used for bunkering. With fully developed shipping, at least a million tons per annum will be required for bunkering alone. Over two hundred thousand tons of coal per annum are transformed in the Shanghai power stations and this will easily increase to half a million as industrial development continue. Further population and the increased use of coal by the Chinese will make further demands so that there is nothing unreasonable in supposing that within a very few years Shanghai alone will need some three million tons of coal per annum. Japanese sources are limited, the price of Japanese coal is high and will rise if exchange falls, and there is five hundred miles of transport. Kaiping ccal which now totals upwards of four million tons per annum may, perhaps, meet the demand, but it must be remembered that the distance is great and there will be an increasing call for that coal elsewhere as well. 4 5O CHINA’S PETRIFIED SUN-RAYS On the whole there seems a definite case for a stimulus to be applied to the development of the local mines. Whether this is to be done by loans on favourable conditions, gratuitous technical advice, machinery at specially cut rates, or government bounties, is open to question. Probably the problem would partly solve itself, were the Nanking-Hunan Railway to be constructed, but in the meantime, local interests should become aware of the situation. The romance of coal is one which well pays consider- ation. All life owes its being to the sun and the Japanese are not so far off the mark in regarding Amaterasu-Omi-Kami as the supreme being. In those early days when the atmos- phere was heavy with carbon dioxide, the sun produced a profusion of vegetable life and separated the elements of that gas, providing on the one hand, coal, and on the other the indispensable oxygen. The two elements yearn to be recom- bined and by harnessing part of the energy of their combina- tion man has attained to powers which a very few centuries since would have been termed magical. Coal is far more valuable than gold since the latter’s value is purely a social convention whereas that of coal is a physical fact which makes a certain quantity of it equal mechanically to man himself. Petroleum is even more precious for similar reasons but is less likely to serve permanently the demand, especially in China. There are, moreover, other objections to petroleum. Special vessels are required to carry it; it is very inflamm- able; leakage and evaporation losses are serious; it is much more localized than coal; expensive distillation is necessary to purify it; delicate machinery is required to use it for power. There is no immediate prospect of infra-atomic energy becoming available and the direct use of sun-rays is not financially practicable at present. Seeing that coal consists of fixed sun-ray energy, which has taken many centuries to accumulate, it is ebyenely more efficacious than direct sun- light can be. CHINESE IDEAS OF ANTIQUES. I COPPER WARE REV. J. HUTSON ee ee The veneration of things ancient is the same the whole world over. Among the Chinese, even the poor and illiterate are pleased when they are told that a certain article is of ancient origin. Chinese ideals and tastes seem to have had there origin in the ‘‘ Spring and Autumn Classic’’ period; and are therefore of decided antiquity. The articles most highly prized by the Chinese connoisseur are those which date from. the Hsia, Shang, Cheo period; (& i ¥3); com- monly known as the San Tai (= f&). The articles which rank next in value are those dating from the Ts’in Han (38 ®) periods. Meanwhile Abd ul Muttalib had gone to the Kaaba to pray that all might go well with the mother and child, and while there he saw a priest who, in great alarm, foretold that. all the world would come under the control of this infant, and the religion of the priests would be destroyed. On his. way back to the house, Abd ul Muttalib saw two of the hills near Mecca lifted up several feet from the earth, and he: heard a voice in space speaking to him saying that the rich and noble of all the earth would come to him. On entering: the room, the grandfather was about to embrace the child, but a mysterious voice told him to desist until after the spirits had paid their court. Then the spirits of the nine heavens and the seven earths gathered together and paid homage to the Prophet. The mother and grandfather took the child to the Kaaba. and returned thanks to God for the Prophet’s birth; the: whole city congratulated and a great feast was made. Sur- prise was expressed at the name Mohammed, as such had. not previously been known among them. The Jews and Christians were alarmed as they knew that this was the name: reserved for the final prophet; they also knew that all the signs agreed in showing this to be the expected One, but they would not confess. In Syria some ministers of the king saw a strange star and divined that the final prophet was about to appear; the same occurred in Abyssinia, whose king sent an envoy to congratulate and offer precious gifts. The fire-worshippers of Persia were amazed on the day of Mohammed’s birth, as. their fires would not burn; they did not know that the Light. of the Prephet obscured and quenched their lights. The year in which Mohammed was born was known as the Year of the Elephants, because in an attack made upcn Mecca that year, the enemy had used elephants. The attackers were defeated on the very day of Mohammed's. birth, he appearing that day purposely to cause their defeat. Our author identifies the Year of the Elephants with the Pin Ying year of Chung Ta T‘ung ¥#X of the Liang dynasty, which would be A.D. 564. The correct year was probably A.D. 570. Chronology is not our author’s strong point, but some allowance must be made for the difficulty of harmonizing the several methods of time calculation with which he had to deal, and to which we may refer later on. Mohammed, having safely entered this world, was tem- porarily nursed by a slave girl who had previously nursed his. young uncle Hamza. But he was soon given over to the care of a country woman named Halima of the Bani Saad: tribe, who took him away from the city, as it was the custom 166 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED to do with the children of the richer people of Mecca. We are told marvellous stories of the experiences of the child and his foster-mother. Prosperity came to Halima’s family and to the whole tribe, and even to the animals, because of the presence of the wonderful child. It may be mentioned in passing that it is stated seriously that all children born in the same year as Mohammed were males, and that the old became young again, and white hair became black; it is added that such wonders had never been known before ! There was always a white light protecting Mohammed, and a strip of white cloud always floated over his head, so whenever he was missed he could be easily traced. As an infant, Mohammed did not cry nor show impatience; he did not take things with his left hand; whenever he ate or drank, he always repeated ‘“‘Tasmiyah’’ = ‘‘In the name of God the Compassionate.’’ He would sometimes repeat this in his sleep. He would not play with the other children, but he went with them to tend the sheep, and when Halima re- monstrated with him for this, he replied that he wanted to learn how to shepherd, having already the idea of shepherd- ing people. | At two years of age he was taken back to his mother, who ‘was so pleased with his appearance and manners that she asked Halima to take him a little longer, which was done. One day, when Mohammed was about three years of age, he had an alarming experience which he described by saying that two men clad in white raiment had descended from heaven, bringing with them a golden dish full of snow water, and after putting him on the ground they cut open his body and cleansed his viscera, and extracted therefrom some par- ticles of black blood, after which the men re-ascended to heaven. Halima feared that he had a demon and might develop some malady, so she took him first to a doctor, and afterwards to a diviner who discerned that this was the child who would become the great opposer of idolatry, so he called out that the child should be put to death, and so much © trouble be spared to Arabia. Halima seized Mohammed and carried him off out of harm’s way as soon as possible. Halima and her husband being in fear, decided to return the child to his mother; so Halima set out with this inten- tion, but on nearing Mecca, at one of the resting places. Mohammed suddenly disappeared, to the great distress of his nurse whose grief moved the people; someone suggested that she had better go and ask the High Priest of a temple near by, to help her. Our author refers to this individual as “‘Huo Fu,”’ % f# Living Buddha, which is a misnomer for the priests of the religion found at Mecca prior to the adop- A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED 167 tion of Islam. This was some form of idolatry, but not Budd- hismor Lamaism. Liu Chih knew the title ‘‘Huo Fu’’ as used in Thibet, so he adopted the ready-made term, regardless of its being misleading to the Chinese reader. When this priest was approached he was very much excited, saying that the child they spoke of would ultimately destroy the priests’ religion. He sent a message, however, that the child was safe and would be found. When Mohammed’s grandfather was told that his grandson was lost he set people to join him in the search, promising great reward when the child was found; Mohammed was found under a grape vine, and Abd ul Muttalib gave 1000 camels and 1000 ounces of pure gold to be distributed among the poor as a thank-offering, and also richly rewarded Halima and sent her back in peace to her home. For some time previous to this there had: been famine and distress around Mecca; when Mohammed returned, the five kinds of grain were plentiful and all the animals were prolific; the people did not know the cause of this. There were some who feared Mohammed, and plotted to destroy him, but the grandfather hid him from them. When Mohammed was six years of age, his mother Amina took him on a visit of several months to relatives at Medina. On the way back she was taken ill and died at Abwa. The faithful nurse Umm Ayman brought the child back safely to Mecca, where he was now more that ever under the care of his grand- father who was very fond of him. On the day when Mohammed was seven years old, he and his grandfather, having been entreated by the people because of drought, led the people in prayer for rain, and the rain came when the prayers were ended. In this year, king Saifu ascended the throne of Abyssinia, and the neighbouring princes and rulers went to offer congratulations; Abd ul Muttalib also went, and the king claimed relationship with him and entertained him lavishly; the king privately asked about his family affairs and about Mohammed, inquiring if anything unusual had been observed in connection with his birth; on hearing of the wonders, he perceived that Moham- med was really the one who was to be the final prophet who would cast out idols and images and destroy the fire-worship- pers. The lavishness of the presents reported to have been given by this king to Abd ul Muttalib and those who were with him is worth mentioning; to each man of the company was given twenty youths and twenty maidens, 40 ounces of pure gold, 80 ounces of silver, a box of incense, and 100 camels; Abd ul Muttalib received ten times as much as all the others. 168 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED Soon after his return to Mecca, Abd ul Muttalib was. taken ill, and knowing that his end was approaching, he call- ed his sons together to give them his commands and to admonish them to take good care of Mohammed. Abu Talib was appointed guardian, this according also with the boy’s own wish. Abd ul Muttalib died at eighty years of age, when Mohammed was eight, and the boy took full share in the mourning rites as well as if he had been grown up. Abu Talib was a man of benevolence, wisdom and. valour; he was very fond of Mohammed and could not bear to have him out of his sight. Special attention was given by the family to Mohammed, and the other children liked to be near him so as to benefit by the privileges of the favoured one. One day when Talib and Mohammed were out walking, they were very thirsty and had no water; Mohammed stamped with his foot upon the ground, and suddenly a clear spring bubbled forth from which they drank. It is said that Mohammed refused to go with the others to worship the local idols, but ran away and hid; when he saw the many people who joined in the idol festivals; including his uncles and other relatives, he exclaimed: ‘‘So flourishes the religion of false devils! I vow that I will put an end to it.’”’ At ten years of age his heart and viscera were again cleansed, in preparation for his great work. Abu Talib used to go on trading trips to Bosra, and as. he did not like to leave Mohammed, he took him along at least once, while still a boy. When Mohammed was 21, his uncle was going on another trip, and thought to leave his nephew behind as he was now able to take care of himself, but Mohammed begged to be allowed to go again, and was permitted to do so; on this occasion, Abu Bekr, who was. then 18 years of age, went with them. As they approached Bosra, Mohammed rested in the shade of a tree while Abu Bekr went to buy some cakes, and on the way met Bahira, a monk of the Christian religion, who entered into conversa- tion with him respecting the young man sitting under the — tree; the monk said that this tree had been planted by Jesus. who used to sit under it to expound his Gospel, and he had declared that no one else would sit under it until the final prophet came; for 600 years no one had sat under the tree, and now the man sitting there must be the expected prophet. Bahira urged that great care should be taken of him, and he also gave some precious things as presents. When Abu Bekr heard these things he hastened back to repeat them, on which account the Prophet said that Bekr was really the first believer. A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED 169 About this time Mohammed was not very popular with some of his own kith and kin who delighted to humiliate and insult him. His uncle Zubair approached several elders, and a meeting was held and things talked over, after which a vow was taken for future harmony and mutual deference. A digression at this point lays the blame for the strained rela- tions upon the priests who are said to have destroyed the human relationships, and ruined filial piety and other right things. People were so under the spell of the priests, and: so anxious to please them that they would attack their own relatives and behave disorderly. When Mohammed was 23 years of age he frequently dreamed that a spirit spake to him; he reported this to his uncle Abu Talib who took him to see a'famous wizard, a man of the ‘‘religion of the Cross.’’ It was some time before the wizard could make his diagnosis, but at last he saw a flesh mark on the Prophet’s back, upon which he declared that this was no ordinary man as he had the seal of heaven on him and there could be no doubt he had been sent by God. The wizard advised that the matter be kept quiet, lest the Jews should hear about it and seek to kill the Prophet. ~ When Mohammed was about 25 years of age, his uncle’s capital had diminished and he was in somewhat straitened circumstances, so he suggested to Mohammed that he should try to do business for himself, a proposal to which Mohammed agreed. A wealthy lady named Khadija of very generous tendencies, used to lend capital in a public spirited way, without seeking undue advantage, and many people benefited by her favours. This lady had decided not to marry, says our author, for three reasons; her rank, her talent and beauty, and her wealth, were all such as found no peer, so she refused all offers, and now she was forty years. of age. We must here note that our author differs from some others who state that Khadija was a widow who had been twice married and had borne two sons and a daughter, She had heard the fame of the Prophet, so was glad of the opportunity to befriend him and at the same time get to know more about him; so she lent him ten times as much as he asked for and also sent with him her relative Hudsaimieh and her servant Meisara; these two were secret- ly commissioned to observe the actions of Mohammed and report to Khadija. On arrival in Syria, another incident of meeting a Chris- tian monk is reported to have taken place; on this occasion a withered tree wonderfully revives as Mohammed sits under it, upon which the monk says that the tree was planted by Jesus who left command that no matter how dry the tree 170 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED should afterwards become, it must not be cut down, as it would revive when visited by the final prophet. The monk therefore knew that the expected one had arrived, and it is added that in the eighth year of the Hegira this monk entered the Moslem Faith. On entering the city to which the travellers were going, a fortune-teller who saw the hand of Mohammed, declared him to be the final prophet, and added that he should take precautions and hide, as Jews and ‘Christians would seek to injure him. Having disposed of their wares to great advantage, the party returned, and according to their custom when three night’s journey from Mecca, they planned to send one ahead with a letter announcing their approach; the lot fell upon Mchammed, but some said he ought not to go as he could not endure the hard ride on a fleet camel, and besides he would not know the way. In the early morning, while some were beginning to prepare the breakfast, Mohammed mount- -ed his camel, and was carried along miraculously, arriving at Mecca almost immediately. Khadija was glad to have the letter so soon, and by the hand of her favourite. She gave him a. letter in return to take to the party, and he arrived while they were still at breakfast! they, supposing that he had lost his way and had come back to ask, were much -annnoyed. When Mohammed gave them the reply letter they were astounded and thought there was some sorcery in the matter, as the whole six stages had been covered while they were busy about their breakfast. The report of the observers being favourable, Khadija set about planning to marry Mohammed, who at first declined the honour, but finally yielded. A great wedding ceremony was arranged; drums and trumpets were used to meet the bride, but since that occasion, Moslems have not used these instruments at weddings, Several children were born of this marriage, but only daughters survived, the most famous of these being Fatima, who.became the wife of Ali, the nephew -of Mohammed. For some years Mohammed seems to have lived a quiet life, on good terms with those around him and esteemed by many for his probity, as may be judged by an incident which occurred during the rebuilding of the Kaaba, which had become necessary because of damage done by floods. At that time the Koreish clan consisted of ten great families, and these all agreed to share in the work, lots being cast to see what share each should have. Mohammed also lent a hand in the work. When the building had progressed to a certain point, it was necessary to place the sacred Black Stone in -position, and the families vied among themselves for the A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED 171 honour of adjusting the stone; none would yield, and it looked likely that serious trouble would arise, when someone suggested that they should let the question be decided by whoever first entered a certain gate; this was agreed to, and the first comer happened to be Mohammed, at which all were pleased, as they said he was a man they could trust. Moham- med took off his cloak and spread it on the ground and. put the stone on it, then directed a representative of each family to take hold of a part of the garment and lift the stone, then Mohammed with his own hands guided it into position. The others all bowed to his wisdom and marvelled at his strength, as the Black Stone is of considerable size and weighs over 1,000 catties, and that one man should move it 4s easily as if it was a reed, and that a thin garment should hold it in the lifting withcut being torn, these were things of wonder. It is, however, necessary to say here that the size of the . Black Stone is greatly exaggerated in this account; the weight given above is more than half a ton! Burkhart says: “The stone is an irregular oval about seven inches in dia- meter.’’ Burton says: “‘I found the aperture in which the stone is, one span and three fingers broad.’’ Mohammed told the people that from this time forth the Kaaba would never need to be rebuilt again. At 38-years of age, the Prophet sometimes heard voices in space above him, as though they were asking and answer- ing questions; when in bed he heard sounds of praise; these sounds sometimes moved around, as if they were following a leader. He also saw a bright light appear in space, and from his own body there emanated a light so that when he got up in the dark, without any lamp or candle, things would be seen as if in daylight. Sometimes when a thing was lost in the dark, if Mohammed came they could see, and the thing was soon found. At this point our author discusses the relations of Mohammed to older religions; he says that some say he followed the religicn of Moses, others say of Jesus, and yet others say that he followed only his own religion; none of these sayings are quite correct, as both before and after receiving his divine commission, he followed the religion of Abraham. When an infant he repeated the Takbir = ‘‘God is very great;’’ and on all occasions he used to repeat the Tasmiyah, = ‘‘In the name of God the Compassionate.”’ At eight years of age he hid from the priests and idols; young as he was he knew to worship the God who is without form or likeness. At his marriage, and at funerals, he used. the ceremonies cf Abraham. : ive A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED In proof of the divine commission being given about this time, we are told many stories of Jews, Christians, and priests of other religions who bore witness to the fact. I will only quote one, about a high-priest at a temple near Mecca, who was moved to call out in a loud voice that the great- grandson of Hashim was the most eminent in heaven and earth, the foremost of men and angels, and the leader of all the prophets; he would destroy the false and establish the true, and bring eternal peace. Most of the people who heard did not know what he had been speaking about, but there was a man named Abu Hulailieh sitting there who thought the matter over carefully, and when three days later he heard that the Prophet had received his commission and the sayings of the priest were true, he straightway followed the Prophet. Some people asked him why he had changed his religion and- he replied: ‘‘At first I belonged to the Jewish religion in which they perform the ceremonials but do not know the principles; next I belonged to the Roman Catholic religion where they talk about the principles, but again I failed to reach the principles themselves: for example, they say that the Lord of Heaven is without form or likeness, yet they also say that he descended to the earth; when he descended to the earth he had form. They teach people not to worship idols, yet they themselves worship images. I then followed the religion of the idols—which I found to be a religion of devils, and so discarded it. Hearing the fame of this priest I came desiring to learn from him, and when I heard these words of his. I rejected all the rest and followed the Prophet. It is only the religion of the Prophet which is genuine in the utmost degree, and about which there can be no doubt. I rejoice that I have escaped the pitfalls, and have entered the boundary of Heaven.”’ Mohammed used to reverently meditate upon the Way, and daily went to Mount Hira and would there wander thinking over deep things until gradually he began to under- stand the beginnings of the transforming power of the Way. Early in his forty-first year he was asleep one night when suddenly he became conscious that a spirit spoke to him saying: ‘‘Mohammed! thy Way is pure! thy virtue is chaste f the purity, loyalty and love of the past generations reach their full brilliance in thee; the Only True God now com- mands thee to enter upon the Prophet’s office in the interests. of all under heaven. There is no deity but the True God and thou art His appointed Messenger. Cause everyone to know that they should worship the Only True God; destroy all heresies and false sayings; receive the command and be not remiss in attending to it.’’ A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED 173 Mohammed told his wife of this experience and she -rejoiced at it as an evidence of what she had been expecting. These manifestations continued, and on one special occasion when Mohammed was on Mount Hira he heard a noise in the air and looking up he saw a venerable man of graceful countenance, with a beautiful beard, sitting upon a brilliant throne coming down from heaven; alighting upon the top of the mount, he came down from the throne and assisted Mohammed to ascend it, and put upon him an immortal robe and crown. After recovering somewhat from his fear, Mohammed asked the venerable man who he was, and was told that he was Gabriel, the head of the hosts of heaven who had been sent specially to confer the commission upon the Prophet, and to begin delivering the True Classic — the Koran — of which the first Sura was now given. The Prophet at first found it difficult to repeat the words after the angel, but Gabriel covered his head with a cloth and shook him by the shoulder a few times, after which there was no difficulty in remembering and repeating. Our author here adds that the Koran has 6,600 chapters or Sura, the Fatiha being the first one. In reality it is verses or lines he means, as the Sura are only 114, and to count the whole Fatiha of seven verses as only one of 6,600 portions is another exaggeration. The Prophet suffered physical and mental distress when the manifestations came, and these are described in some detail. Khadija was soon convinced that the revelations were genuine and that her husband was the Appointed Prophet, so she believed on him and was his first adherent. Moham- med’s friend Abu Bekr was one of the earliest and most devoted followers; others were Ali the youngest son of Abu Talib, and Othman; these three all eventually succeeding to the Caliphate. When first the Prophet began propagating the Faith he did nct dare to do so openly, but confined himself to his near relatives and friends; after the third year of the Prophetship he gradually entered upon more open efforts. Many of the people of Mecca followed him, which disturbed the Jews and Christians, who went to com- plain to Abu Talib about his nephew, but the uncle, while not himself following the faith, yet defended the Prophet. Our author now, in a digression, tells us how the Faith spread abroad, and the Moslem empire came into existence; he says that of all the dependent countries of ‘‘T‘ien Fang’’ K 3—by which he means Mecca as the centre of the sub- sequent Moslem empire—the central one was Arabia, and around were Persia and Hindustan, Egypt and Abyssinia, Syria and Irak and the Roman territory. The people of all 174 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED these countries, when they heard that the Prophet had received his commission, sent messengers with congratula- . tions and presents. It is said that there were in all 94 countries in subjection to ‘‘T‘ien Fang,’’ being four empires and ninety kingdoms, not less than 10,000 cities and towns. We may here note that ‘‘T‘ien Fang’’ = “‘Heavenly square’’ or “‘cube,’’ is one of the names used for the Kaaba; it is commonly used by Moslems for Arabia, more especially the part known as the Hejaz. Liu Chih says: ‘‘T‘ien Fang is the kingdom of Mecea;’’ elsewhere he says: ‘‘Asia is a general term for T‘ien Fang,’’ which, taken with the preceeding paragraph, would seem to imply that the term is also used of the Moslem empire. The story of the first entry of Moslems jt China is told as follows. In the Far Eastern empire was the country. named Ch‘ih Ni # Jé, which is one of the names for the ~Middle Kingdom (China). In the sixth year of K‘ai Hwang Bi of the Sui §§ dynasty, (A.D. 586) which was also the first year of the prophetship of Mchammed, there was seen in the sky a strange star; the Chinese emperor Wen Ti & ‘ff, (the dynastic title, while K‘ai Hwang was the title of the reign), commanded the Chief Astronomer to divine its mean- ing and he said that an extraordinary person was appearing in the West. The emperor sent an envoy to investigate if this was really so, and after about a year he arrived at Mecca: he desired the Prophet to proceed to the east, but he declined. The envoy secretly had a portrait of the Prophet made to take back with him. The Prophet sent his maternal uncle Saad Wakkas, and three others, to go with the envoy and enter Ch‘ih Ni. The emperor Wen Ti hung up the portrait of the Prophet and worshipped it, and when he arose, the scroll was there but the picture had vanished, at which he was alarmed and told Wakkas, who said to him that the. Prophet had forbidden the worship of images and of knocking the head on the ground to other men. The disappearing of the picture was due to the influence of the Prophet. The — emperor then said: ‘‘This must surely be the Pure Emperor and the True Prince.’’ Whereupon he built the ‘‘Prophet: Remembrance’’ mosque at Canton. Saad Wakkas returned. to the West. © Broomhall in his Islam in China quotes, that Moham- med ‘‘sent his portrait to the Emperor, but so painted that the colours faded.’’ This differs from Liu Chih’s version. Broomhall says further, after carefully sifting the evidence - for this tradition of early entry into China, that he concludes. that ‘‘the story cannot be accepted as trustworthy;”’ a conclusion in which I feel bound to concur. Liu Chih having A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED 175 dated the Prophet’s birth 24 years before it occurred, con- tinues in error by making the supposed entry into China to be in A.D. 587, when Mohammed was a youth of 17. Later, when referring to the Hegira which took place in A.D. 622, our author confuses the dates hopelessly, for which he may be excused in view of the difficulty of harmonizing so many calculations. However much the Moslems of China might like to think of the rapid success of the new Faith and its spread to. distant countries at once, our ‘‘Annals’’ have to tell of slow progress at Mecca, with some hardships and persecutions. Time will not permit me to give more than a hasty mention of the events leading up to the Hegira or migration to Mediaa. There were always some opposers at Mecca, not only Jews and Christians, but also among the Koreish and Mohammed’s own family. Things became so uncomfortable that some of the first believers removed to Abyssinia where a Christian king received and befriended them. They returned upon hearing that there had been a further revelation of the Book, and that the opposers had conformed to the Faith. The story of the lapse of Mohammed into recognition of the local gods. is not given, but another story of the people urging the Prophet to become king, and he steadfastly declining the honour, is told. This is given as the cause of the tension which followed, including the personal attacks on Moham- med, on whom the Jews and Christians are said tc have once: fastened a saddle from which his daughter had to release him; they also derided the Faith as being “‘the religion of the camel-driver.’’ A second migration to Abyssinia took place, and negotiaticns were opened with some residents of Medina about a possible removal to that city. In the twelfth year of the Prophetship, Mchammed is said to have made another ascent into heaven, riding on an immortal steed, and escorted by Gabriel as far as the seventh heaven where the guide had to stay while the Prophet pro- ceeded to the ninth heaven. This journey was accomplished. in one night, and it is stated that as a proof of it there still remains a suspended stone from which the Prophet mounted his horse for the journey. Preparations were at last completed for a peaceful migra- tion to Medina, which henceforth became the city of residence of the Prophet, and from which his conquests began. There are a few thrills of excitement in the Prophet’s. escape from pursuers, and some marvellous occurrences connected therewith. The limits of this paper will not permit of my dwelling upon these, or of any detailed following of the Prophet’s career after he resided at Medina. The Chinese: 176 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED ‘‘Annals’’ agree in the main with the history which can be read in Sir William Muir’s ‘‘ Life of Mohammed.’’ The famous battles are described at considerable length, also the sub- mission or coercion of the surrounding tribes. The assassina- tions and massacres receive no condemnation, but rather approval. The final triumph over Mecca is naturally exulted in. The last ten years of Mohammed’s life, while showing the success of a conqueror and the quick spread of a religion backed by force, do not call forth our admiration of the Prophet, so I am relieved that space limits prevent my putting them before you. But I must refer to the domestic affairs of the Prophet, as these are known casually to most people, and it is interesting to see the Moslem comment on them. There can be no doubt that Mohammed’s first wife, Khadija, was an excellent woman and was of very great help to the Prophet. Her wealth enabled him to devote himself to religious meditation and to good deeds, and her wisdom ~ and sympathy and encouragement were of incalculable help in the earlier years. She is said to have been the first believer. One would like to know more about her. For 25 years as husband and wife they seem to have lived happily together, and Mohammed was contented and showed none of the uncontrolled passion which marked his later years. The Moslem Faith owes very much to Khadija, without whom Mohammed might have been a very different person. Soon after Khadija’s death, Mohammed married Sauda, and was betrothed to Ayesha. Our author says that the believers pressed the Prophet to take a wife, lest he should leave them and go away. They offered wealthy and honour- able ladies, but Mohammed declined them saying that as he had had a rich wife before, it would now conduce to his virtue to have someone who was very poor, so he chose Sauda. Ayesha was the daughter of the Prophet’s life-long friend and stalwart disciple Abu Bekr; she was only six years old at the time of her betrothal. It is said that both Abu Bekr and the child urged the match, but it is also probable that Mchammed adopted this means of binding to him the father, though it must be acknowledged that he was devotedly attached to Ayesha. The marriage took place when the girl was nine years old, and she was the only virgin bride among the eleven wives of Mohammed, the others all having been married before. In the Chinese history most of the brides are spoken of as virgins of special beauty and virtue, who had refused all offers of marriage, being reserved for the Prophet. Although the names of eleven wives are given, yet it is repeatedly stated that the Prophet had nine wives, according A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED tee to divine command; as Khadija died before the polygamy commenced, and one other died after being married but a short time, the Prophet did not actually have more than nine wives at one time. Our history credits him with seven con- cubines also. The subject is discussed in a note as follows. ‘‘If anyone asks if it was really the case that the Prophet had nine wives and seven concubines, we answer, certainly; and if it be questioned why did he need so many, we reply, on purpose to prove the completeness of his standing as the highest Prophet and to demonstrate that the pure brightness of the Prophet could stand searching examination, and nothing could obscure it. Our Prophet, having been up to the ninth heaven, did not regard even the heavens as wonderful, and so to have nine wives and seven concubines and not have his virtue interfered with by ordinary passion, was not re- garded as extraordinary, seeing that he was the Prophet. It may be said that as the Prophet was daily occupied with exhorting men and at nights with exhorting spirits, he would have no time to give to his wives or to domestic affairs, so was it not useless to have so many wives? It may be answered that the Prophet was a holy man, and the wives and concubines were excellent women, and they all con- sidered it their chief duty to assist virtue in bringing about transformation; how then could they give much attention to marital or domestic affairs? Moreover there is an important principle contained in this matter which must not be over- looked ; the nine wives were asymbol of the nine heavens, and the seven concubines were a symbol of the seven earths. Ordinary’ men live between heaven and earth, and who is there that is not allured by heaven and earth? The Prophet was superior and could not be enticed by his nine wives and seven concubines, which was a symbol that he could not be allured by the nine heavens and the seven earths.’’ Ina passage subsequent to the foregoing, we are told that Mohammed declined the offer of another lady, on the plea that he had been commanded that nine was the full comple- ment allowed him! The pathetic story of Mohammed’s last days, the tender care shown towards him in his last illness by his wives and friends, his parting injunctions and his last prayers, these would be of interest to tell of; but they must be passed over at present. Suffice it to say that he died at Medina, in A.D. 632, in the 63rd year of his age, and was buried under the spot where he died. As my object is largely to show the Mohammed believed in by the Moslems of China, I must before closing, refer to the miracles and wonders connected with Mohammed, as 12 178 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED these have much to do with the exalted picture drawn of the Prophet and with the assurance of the Moslems that theirs is the Pure and True religion. Mohammed himself never claimed the power to work miracles, but the traditions have fully made up for this, and for hundreds of years these traditions have passed current in China. Our learned author says that the wonders connected with the Prophet were very many, some of which have been given in the “‘Annals’’ with the years and months, by which their genuineness can be examined; many others of which the actual time is not to be discovered, may yet be given in an appendix, among which are the following :— On one occasion a battle had gone on so long that the time for evening prayer passed without notice, but when Mohammed prayed, the sun rose again three rods and gave time to attend to the devotions before it went down. Some scoffers challenged the Prophet to divide the moon, which, by prayer, he did. The seoffers said it was done by sorcery, but later when those who had been travelling came and told of their observance of the wonder, the scoffers believed. One of Mohammed’s followers was hunting a deer which ran to the Prophet and told him that it had a fawn dependent upon it for nourishment and pleaded to be let off and it would come later and give itself up; it took an oath to this effect, and the Prophet had compassion on it and let it go; in due time the deer came back, upon which the Prophet ccm- mended its faithfulness, and again released it. A revengeful woman made a present of a lamb which had been steeped in poison. This was prepared for eating, but when Mohammed partook the lamb spake t| A @ and warned him. One of the disciples who ate the flesh died of poisoning. A bird flying in the air let fall a golden slip on which was written that Mohammed was the Apostle of God; trees also repeated the Kalima as a witness. On one occasion when someone asked for a proof, Mohammed told him to tell a certain tree that the Apostle ofGod wanted it, and the tree arose with all its roots and walked towards the Prophet, and afterwards returned to its place. It is said that stones on the hills, and the grasses and trees, bore witness to the Prophet, and did obeisance to him: Camels and sheep also bowed their heads to the ground before him, but he would not permit any man to do so. Many cases of healing of diseases are given; a man who was born blind receives sight at the intercession of the Prophet; others are healed by his blowing upon them, or making spittle with which to anoint them. One man of 80, A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED 179 the pupils of whose eyes had become white, was cured so that he could see to thread a needle. Once when the Prophet was using spittle to cure a man, some bystanders ridiculed; the sick man was cured, and before long the scoffers died of the same disease. Wounds received in battle from swords and poisoned arrows, were healed by Mohammed in miraculous ways. Headaches were cured, and lunatics and lepers were healed by having applied to them water in which Mohammed had bathed. Several cases of the dead being raised are given; a woman who was drowned was called back to life by. the Prophet; a young man had died, and his elder brother who was blind came to tell the Prophet that the deceased was just about to embrace Islam when he was cut off, and now the blind brother had nobody to depend upon; Mohammed prayed and the dead revived, and both brothers followed the Faith. Two brothers were playing and one accidentally killed the other, and then in grief threw himself down from a high place and was killed; Mohammed had pity on the parents, and told the mother to call her children, and they both came to life again. A man was killed in battle, whose mother was old and had no one to depend upon; when the Prophet heard of it he told them to seek for the body of the slain, and then he placed his hand upon it and prayed, and the man revived ‘as if from a sleep. During one of the battles it was desired to feed the troops, and a pint of wheat and one sheep. were made suffi- cient for 1,000 men, and there was as much left in the kettle at the end as at the beginning. On another occasion there was a shortage of water, and the Prophet gave order to gather together all the water vessels of the camp, and then as he pointed his finger over them, they overflowed with water. A single jug of water was all that could be found on one occasion when it was time for the ceremonial bath ; Mohammed used it first; then handed the jug to. another, and-so it passed on to 1,500 people, all having sufficient. Sometimes the water of wells was found to be bitter or unpotable, and the Prophet obligingly purified or made sweet the water by the simple process of spitting into it. In the case of the Zem-Zem well, it is said that after this operation the water was not only sweet and fragrant but was also efficacious in healing all manner of diseases ! After the Prophet’s death people took the utensils which had been used to cook his food, and filled them with water, which, when drunk, healed all kinds of diseases. The daughter of Abu Bekr retained a garment of the Prophet, and sick people who could not be cured by medicines, if they put 180 A CHINESE LIFE OF MOHAMMED on this garment, or even used the water in which the garment had been dipped, were made whole again. Lastly we may mention the man who had the good fortune to discover three hairs which had fallen from the Prophet, and these he con- cealed in his head-gear and he became a terror to the opposers. and to the false demons, being ten times more valiant than he was before the hairs came into his possession ! We now take leave of the Prophet of Arabia, hoping that we have done him no injustice as we have spoken of him; and. we. give a tribufe of thanks and appreciation to our good friend Liu Chih for any interest afforded by this brief review of his work of long ago. He rests from his labours, and it is certain he never dreamed that his “‘Annals of the Prophet’’ would one day be discussed before such a Society as this, or achieve such publicity before foreigners as we may yet be able to give it. REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS. British Jurisdiction in China. (Orders in Council, 1904 to 1915; Rules of Court, 1905 to 1916; edited by Mr. W. B. Kennett.) It is probable that every reader of the Journal knows that, by “Treaty, grant, usage, sufferance and other lawful means,’’ His Britannic Majesty has jurisdiction in China over British subjects and their property, and that this jurisdiction is exercised through Orders in Council. It may not be equally well-known that the principal Order in Council now in force was made in 1904, and that since that date numerous amending and supplementary Orders have been made. Article 119 of the principal Order confers upon the Judge of the supreme Court power to make rules of Court, for reguiating certain matters of practice and detail, subject to the approval of the Secretary of State, and under this article a collection of 320 rules were made in 1905, which have since been frequently amended. The principal Order of 1904 and the rules of 1905 are bound together in a volume which is Sold officially. The volume includes a separate index to the Order and a separate index to the rules. The amending and supplementary Orders are all separately printed, and are not indexed : The rules are bound with annual volumes of King’s Regulations, which are not indexed; all of which, Orders and annual volumes, are sold officially. The subjects dealt with in the Orders and in the rules are much the same subjects, and it is often not easy to say whether any particular provision can be found in an Order or in a rule. Unless one has a good historical knowledge of the subject, extending over the last 15 years, it is not easy to say on what date any particular provision was made. What was sadly wanted was an index, covering all the Orders and rules; a bound volume containing them all would also be a con- venience, particularly to those who have frequent occasion to refer to them. Mr. Kennett has supplied, not precisely what was wanted, but a substantial advance towards it. The Orders are all bound together, up to the year 1915, and are covered by a single index. A separate volume contains all the rules, up to 1916, with a single index covering them. An improvement has been made on the official indexes, in that the sub-headings are arranged alphabetically, instead of the official plan of arranging them according to the number of the article or rule. 182 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS It is, perhaps, to be regretted, that a selection from the numerous King’s Regulations was not included in the volume of rules. These Regulations are made under the authority of the principal Order, and deal ‘generally with minor criminal offences. Harbour and _ pilotage regulations are not of much general interest, but the regulations in- clude provision, for example, against selling liquors and firearms without a licence from the Consular authorities, provision against travelling without passports, and provision for the registration of land, provisions, one would think, of considerable interest, both to lawyers and the general public. The two volumes under review can be heartily recommended to lawyers, consuls, and readers with technical knowledge. For anyone who has to make frequent reference to the Orders and rules, the possession of these volumes would save time of much greater valué than their cost. The books are not calculated, and not intended, to appeal to the general public. Outlines of Chinese Art. John C. Ferguson. Being the Scammon Lectures for 1918. Published for the Art Institute of Chicago by the University of Chicago Press, 1919. These six impressive lectures begin with a general introduction to the study of Chinese Art and deal with bronzes and jades, stones and ceramics, calligraphy and painting. As recent study of Chinese Art has been directed.largely toward painting, which has opened up a wonderland hitherto unknown to the occidental; so Dr. Ferguson devotes greater space to painting and its interesting derivation from literary art. The book is beautifully printed and profusely illustrated not only by reproductions in black and white but also by “‘rubbings’’ from actual specimens. The chief characteristic of the work is that the subject is approached mainly from the Chinese point of view through detailed knowledge of the Chinese records which are extraordinarily extensive. This aspect has been hitherto largely hidden and Dr. Ferguson has rendered a service to foreign students of Chinese Art, especially to those who have not lived among the Chinese. The author holds that Chinese art should be studied from the point of view of its own standards which differ markedly from those of the occident. Yet Art must be founded on truth and not on conventions discordant with the truth. Imaginative painting must not be so fantastic and grotesque that it cannot. reasonably be founded on truth. Artists do not see nature in precisely the same way; there is a wide personal equation REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 183 depending on differences in intellectuality. Nature herself is more beautiful than anything within the imagination of man. The grotesque both in figure work and in landscape is a fault which is more apparent to the foreigner than to the Chinese. Enthusiasts are apt to excuse the gaucheries of Chinese art and it becomes necessary to impress the fact that the main canons of art apply the world over, differences being explained by evolution of style and interpretation. The oft quoted six canons of Hsieh Ho (A.D. 475), in four characters each, are probably too brief and too variously interpreted to be accepted as a real guide to the aims of Chinese art. Dr. Ferguson holds that Chinese art is largely indigenous, an opinion which is confirmed by extensive observation and comparison of Chinese with the art of other countries. The author traces in a very interesting way how ‘‘ceremonies and portents represent the essential spirit of the culture of the Chinese people out of which their Art first developed.’? Though handicapped by divination, omens, astrology and other superstition, a truly great national art did indeed evolve far beyond the totem poles and other barbarities of the Pacific litoral. The Author states that “there are no authentic stoné tablets earlier than the Han dynasty.’’ The curious division of art is made by the Chinese into Chin Shih, which includes work in metals, stone and ceramics, or archeological art, and Shu hua, which comprises calligraphy and painting, or fine art; a division which was apparently made by the literati. In speaking of the connoisseurship of the educated Chinese, especially as regards the points of jade, Dr. Ferguson makes the statement that ‘‘there has not been enough subtlety or elusiveness in pottery and porcelain to attract the Chinese artistic fancy.’? An unusually pleasing account is given of the appeal to the sense of touch of which the Chinese make so much in regard to jade. An interesting development is recorded of the origin of the Lung-men rock sculptures indirectly from Gandhara through the Yun- kang grottoes near Tatungfu, the superiority of the Lung-men work being attributed to the Indo-buddhistic work of Yun-kiang modified by following Chinese classical types. Notwithstanding Dr. Ferguson’s unique knowledge of the records of Chinese art he admits that no Chinese has written as ‘‘comprehen- sive and informative’’ a book as Hobson’s on Chinese pottery and porcelain. The lecture on the relationship between calligraphy and painting is perhaps the most original section of the work. The wide influence of calligraphy and its great importance in the development of Chinese painting is very thoroughly worked out and made interesting by 184. REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS numerous illustrations. The beautiful idea, whether expressed by the brush as literature, or by the same brush in painting, or combined on the same sheet, is the cynosure of Chinese art, and places Chinese painting in a class by itself, which almost excuses the comparative absence of direct nature study. The synthetic nature of Chinese paint- ing and its dependence on imaginative thought is interestingly deve- loped. A dissertation is given of the papers and silks used in writing and painting in the different dynasties; and one can only express a wish that in a subsequent ecition photomicrographs may be given which would undoubtedly prove valuable for identification purposes. Altogether a most interesting and valuable contribution to the study of Chinese art by one who has the Chinese records at his fingers’ ends ; treated in an original manner ; and should call forth the gratitude’ of all students of that fascinating and elusive subject Chinese art. ARTHUR STANLEY. Modern China. A Political Study. By Sih-Gung Cheng, m.a. Oxford : At The Clarendon Press. This is an admirable book both in style and substance. It gives a comprehensive survey of the political economy of China. Mr. Cheng discusses current Chinese political and economic problems. It is judicial in its judgments and just in its estimate of conditions, as they relate both to Chinese parties and foreigners. In his introductory chapter the author treats of the historical ideals of government in China, that is to say the ideal founded on Confucian tradition. The conception is lofty depending on men rather than method in its operations; as the Chinese say a bad ruler will make a mess even of good principles, but the right man will make a good government with poor materials. This of course has its dangers since it offers great opportunities to tyranny and opens the way for the Autocrat. Mr. Cheng presents the historical march of events that resulted in a republic without many republicans. He dispassionately discusses the present impassé and the seizure of power by the militarists. So that he is doubtful whether the revolution has finished its work. Constitution g, as every one knows, is a difficult job: on pages 126-128 Mr. Cheng offers a solution to the problem of China. He still clings to the old idea that men are more important than forms. Few will be ready to quarrel with him. And the pity is that there are so few men in this most populous of countries. He has much to say, and his judgements are very sane, on Exterritoriality : the discussion on the fiscal depen- making REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 185 dency of China must have been a cause of much poignancy to the Author. He offers much wise criticism of the relation between the Provinces and the Central Government but whether his scheme of federal] authority would terminate in peace and prosperity of the nation as a whole is doubtful. China has few men of the quality of a sage. For the most part the men that seek authority are corrupt, un- principled, arrogant and ambitious, and inefficient. To foreigners in particular this work should be very welcome. For here we have a Chinese writer dealing with the thorny history of foreign and Chinese intercourse in a perspicuous and moderate manner. There is no trace of bias even in the discussions that deal with episodes that show injustice towards his own country. Everything is stated historically, reasonably and philosophically. Nevertheless the reader’s mind carries away a strong impression that the rights of this country must be maintained and, in future, international justice must be applied to it. The legitimate interests of foreigners are great, and the nation that acts justly and helps this country in the path of moral and material expansion will reap the rich rewards of legitimate profits. By doing what is politically right more rewards will come than by hunting for concessions and pursuing the ways of force and such like. Post-war problems are discussed. Mr. Cheng feels the danger of Japanese control. Should such eventuate the door would be closed to the West. Japanese dominance would be morally indefensible. The Author looks to Great Britain and America to prevent such an outcome. All students of Chinese things must get this book: they can’t do without it. It would be well if every business house recommended ' their staffs to study it. It would be profitable to the mind and for trade. M. ‘Old Tartar Trails. By A. S. Kent., Shanghai: North China Daily News and Herald. ‘There is nothing startling in this narrative but the interest of the ‘reader is well sustained throughout. There are no thrilling experien- cies of travel, no encounters with bandits or wild beasts: there isn’t “even much beauty of road or country in the description. Nevertheless Mr. Kent manages to keep the reader’s attention. In easy style, clear English, and, seizing the salient facts of the journey the narrative never wearies the reader: it proceeds smoothly, with enough reality for others to share the travels of Mr. Kent. A book like this will be welcome. Mongolia is a vast territory, -poor and desolate in many parts, sparsely populated and withdrawn 186 REViEWS OF RECENT BOOKS from the currents of modern life. There was considerable risk, there were hardships and inconveniences : there were a few surprises, which Mr. Kent shares with the reader. In so doing he will spend a very pleasant hour or two : and will experience in imagination the wide and arid deserts—houses reeking with foul smells, and other varieties in- cident on travel. Tartary has always had a fascination for men. It was once very great. Its past splendours still cast a glamour over men. Readers of Coleridge will remember how his imagination was touched. Actually there is nothing left of this ancient grandeur not even a vestige—except it be some skulls and bricks and desolation. The student of history ought to be able to draw some very interesting lessons from all this. Mr, Kent gives us a short historical introduction and then proceeds to tell us of his plans and difficulties and how hé went on his way. He gives us a racy description of the journey and tells us a good deal of the social life of the Mongols :—the people, their habits and manners: the dress they wear: their aversion to water : prevalence of rheumatism. Education is very backward. Few can read and write. There are no facilities. With the remarks on the language and the script (page 38) the reader should consult H. H. Howorth’s ‘‘History of the Mongols.” The climate of course is cold and rigorous; but it isn’t quite so obvious why ‘‘the Mongols have neither trained nor aggressive minds.”’ Slackness marks the whole race. Morality is loose and indifferent. The people’s mode of life encourage a bad condition of things. Their weddings are ordinary, the treatment of the dead atrocious. The prisons are in an awful state. Where is the reformer? There is an urgent call for a drastic betterment of the prisoner. The very fact that. the country is so sparsely populated and that they have so much room to move in is one of the causes of their present backward state. We cordially commend this excellent book. The illustrations are good. The price is $6.00. Recherches sur les Superstitions en Chine. III. Partie, Tome XIV. Le Confucéisme. Le P. Henri Dore, 8.J. Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, Shanghai, 1919. $5.00. 605 pages, 70 plates. This volume is fully worthy of its predecessors, although it comes: rather as a shock to find ‘‘The Doctrine of Confucianism’’ ranked as a. sub-heading for a work on Superstition. Surely a superstition is a. belief which has survived only in uncritical minds, or by mere inertia? Can this really be said of Confucianism save from a partizan stand- REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 1ST point? Doubtless there are many superstitious elements in Confucian- ism, but there is something of arrogance in labelling the whole: subject so. The system of the work is excellent. A sketch of the five classics. is followed by a fairly detailed history of the development of the various schools with particular emphasis on the personalities concerned. A summary of the orthodox exegesis of Chu Hsi follows. The second half deals with Confucianism in practical life, detailing: the twenty-four examples of filial piety and the recognized illustrations. of the Confucian virtues, the popularised aspects of the moral code, and the presentation of the rules of life in proclamation, romances and. the press. In dealing with the fundamentals of Chinese morality, one cannot help feeling how extraordinarily powerful the moralizing tendencies of the Chinese mind are. No nation has ever expended its mentality so much on the great problem of human government and while it is per- missible to criticise the practical failure of the Chinese of the present. epoch to work out their own political salvation, it is also but fair to remember how much the disintegration is due to the reaction of violent occidental influence, mental and physical, on conservative: minds, rather than to any necessary great error of principle in Chinese: morals, The Author, not unnaturally, cannot refrain from laying down a moral standard by which he measures the Chinese mind, omitting to remember that morality is the outcome of that incessant mutual suggestion which all the members of a society have upon each other. Similarly in dealing with the Sung philosophy, he appears unduly severe in his condemnation of what is the nearest approach to a monistic view of phenomena in Chinese literature. Certainly if the literati had been more successful in obliterating the superstitious ideas which Chu Hsi reprobated, the welfare of the country would have now been more advanced than it is. The Author dubs the doctrine of Chu > Hsi ‘‘atheism,’’ but a ‘‘reign of law,’’ without spasmodic irruptions of super-cosmic mentality, seems rather to have been the root idea. The volume is very exhaustive, well illustrated with coloured plates: from Chinese drawings and can be strongly recommended to any serious student of Confucianism. H.C. Chinese Junks. A Book of Drawings in Black and White. By Ivor A. Donnelly. $2.50. Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, Ltd. This contains 25 drawings in line representing types of native craft 188 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS met with on the coast of China. The drawings are printed on Japanese handmade vellum and bound in quaint and artistic paper boards. It was a happy thought of Mr. Donnelly to share his interest in Junks with the public. He has offered a view of these under various aspects and in different conditions. It is doubtful whether a steamer with its tall and massive strength adds beauty to the scenery : but there is no more beautiful sight than to see a long string of Chinese boats sailing before the wind. They add much to the beauty of the scenery. All the junks drawn for us belong to the trading or fisheries class, some of the latter being deep sea, some longshore fishers. They also represent somewhat different types of construction. It would be interesting to find out the reasons for the varieties of style, whether they come from climatic and other conditions or whether they owe their idiosyncracies to regional taste. ’ Here we may study junks to our heart’s content. We have them in full dress or mere barebones: sails furled and unfurled. Some of these sails are represented as entire, others as ragged—as the picture should be. In the sails of the Santuao Trader the rents have very systematic and symmetrical lines. Mr. Donnelly must have sketched some from the deck of a steamer: others in port. He has been very successful not only with the junks but also with his seas. The Isle of Palms. Sketches of Hainan. M. M. M. Editor. A reader of this book will know something of Hainan. It is nota large book, and it only wears paper covers, but it is a book full of information. The ethnologist, anthropologist, historian, and the more general student will here find a fund of information. It is most interestingly written and everything pertaining to the small island is given without waste of words. Written primarily to give an account of the work of the A. P. Mission it has developed into a succinct account of the island and the people. The small island has mountains rising 6,000 feet high. The climate is peculiar. ‘‘It does not rain, for it cannot; the air is so saturated with moisture that no rain could come through it.’’ ‘‘You find the clothes divested in the evening very In March and April the monsoons begin to blow and give great dryness.’’ The island is a place ‘‘of magnificent 99 clammy in’ the morning. trees, dainty ferns, fragrant flowers, and delicious fruits.’ ‘‘Foxes are common visitors to the basket coops, so the natives hang them under the eaves of the houses and the hens sedately climb up portable ladders to their refuge at night.’’ ‘‘A small animal like the armadillo is con- sidered to be a very wicked creature because it burrows holes into REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 189 graves.”’ ‘‘The praying mantis performs his devotions on our writing desks.’’ And so we might go on quoting from this fascinating little book. M. Examples of the Various Turki dialects with Turki text and English translation. Mohammedan narratives of the Prophets. Turki text with English translation. By G. W. Hunter. These books should be classed amongst the curiosities of literature. The Author, the Rev. G. W. Hunter, is a missionary of the China Inland Mission who came to China in 1897 and has spent his life itinerating from his headquarters at Tih-hwa-fu in Sin-kiang through the vast stretches of the ‘‘new territory’ to the borders of Thibet, Mongolia and India. The text from which these translations are made is Qazaq Turki. The Qazaks, we learn from the preface, are a branch of the Turcoman family and the Author studied their language that he might be able to preach the gospel to them in their own tongue. He says ‘“The translator having used ‘A narrative of the Prophets’ as one of his text books in studying Turki, he translated a large part of it into English thinking it might be of interest to students of Turki and to those engaged in work among Mohammedans.’’ The Author being in a place where there are no printers he had perforce to be his own publisher. He wrote his translations and mimeographed them on native paper. Then bound them in a strong brown paper cover so that they look like the account books a Chinese storekeeper uses in his trade. Purchasers should address their letters and orders to the Author, Rev. G. W. Hunter, China Inland Mission, Tih-hwa fu, Sinkiang Melanges sur la Chronologie Chinoise. Shanghai: Imprimérie de la Mission Catholique 4 l’Orphelinat de T‘ou-Sé-Weé. This is the 52nd number of Variétés Sinologiques. Two works have been brought together under this one cover. They are: I. Notes Con- cernant la Chronologie Chinoise; and, II. Prolégoménes a la Con- cordance Neoménique. The one by P. P. Havret et Chambeau, S.J. ; the other by P. Hoang. This is a work of patient research and a compilation likely to be of great service. It will of course take some time to get used to it, but once there is freedom in this respect there will be boundless help found. It is a very complete work and Students of Chinese will be very grateful for this valuable work. 190 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS ‘Reply Letters. By S. P. Smith to R. F. Johnston’s ‘Letters to a Missionary.” “These letters are a reply to Mr. Johnston’s attack on Christianity in general, and his attack on Christian Missions in particular.’ ‘‘The personal questions raised are answered in a separate letter.’’ In this reply Mr. Smith also takes into account Mr. Johnston’s articles in various periodicals. The Reply, for financial reasons, is in pamphlet form, and dis- itributed gratis. We think Mr. Smith was not well advised. There is -a reading public that would buy such a book as this, if it had been presented in an attractive form. The public will now pass it by, and in that way it will miss the other side of the case presented by Dr. Johnston, which is unfortunate. For Mr. Smith has an effective reply, :and he can write with spirit. : Mr. Smith joins issue at once with Dr. Johnston and has no «difficulty in disposing of his satirical representation of the nature of the gospel. ‘‘Hell fire’? is not the glad news. He also defines his own view of the Bible and the seat of authority in religion. This is at neither extreme, but a very sane and therefore sound position. The Scriptures contain a progressive revelation. They were not written by sautomata—and they require discernment in their interpretation. Whilst they are not an infallible authority, they reveal the work of the Spirit. He quotes weighty authorities in support of his position. What Mr. Smith says about heathen religions is correct as far as it goes—but the carguments of neither controversialist take us far. Dr. Johnston glorifies Buddhism and detracts from Christianity—Mr. Smith has no difficulty in showing that his opponent has been tco free with the whitewash and also blackwash. But we should like something more constructive than even what Mr. Smith gives us. It is true he hasn’t the same prejudices and animus as Dr. Johnston: nevertheless there is needed a more comprehensive doctrine of reconciliation in these “things. The standpoint of the two writers are far apart and very different. The one is the supercilious critic the other the earnest evangelist. Can they ever meet? ‘More Gems of Chinese Poetry. By W. J. B. Fletcher. Shanghai. The Commercial Press. Much of the criticism offered in the review of the first volume that ‘appeared in Vol. XLIX, p. 195 of the Journal will equally apply to this -and we would refer readers to that review. Students will derive much profit and advantage from these works both in a negative and positive -way. The perusal of these poems with the help of text and translation REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 191 will give an insight into Chinese thought. They will find that the work of translation is difficult, if not often impossible. It is therefore the easiest thing in the world to show the translator’s shortcomings and failures : and if one or two things are mentioned that seem hostile, it is not so in fact but rather offered in the spirit of sympathy with the translator’s difficulties. For instance take 2 44 in the second line of the first poem, which Mr. Fletcher translates ‘‘sit apart.’ Whilst in a way that is quite true yet really the meaning, the force is lost. Does not Shen tso rather suggest Browning’s description of David groping in the dark to find Saul in the tent? That is to say, the lady sits deep- within : ‘Sits apart’? suggests the presence of others. But the very idea is that she is solitary. Again ‘‘Wet traces of tears, can be seen as they eurl,”? The original is much stronger ‘‘The cheeks wet with the traces of scalding tears,’’—and Chu lien doesn’t necessarily mean a ‘‘curtain of pearl’: but is the common name of a screen. Now this much is got from ‘‘Grief’’ a four line poem on page 1. We do not propose to say any more in the way of criticism. Mr. Fletcher is an industrious student of Chinese. His notes are often useful, and the presentation of both the Chinese and English texts will offer the student a good opportunity of comparing the ideas of the one and the other. Those’ who are not particularly interested in the Chinese will find in these translations much of the beauty of the Chinese. | Modern Japan—Social, Industrial, Political. By Amos S. and S. W. Hershey. (The Bobbs-Merrill Co., Indianapolis.) This book is packed with useful information, set forth in a clear and attractive manner, and it is decidedly a book for the times. Much of its contents will be already familiar to residents of the Far East, but there is also a great deal which will be new, and very much which is of vital importance to those who desire to form a correct estimate of modern Japan, and to understand the mutual relations of the countries touching the Pacific ocean. The Japanese themselves will be quick to appreciate and profit by a work written with such evident friendliness, and yet with a fairness which does not hesitate to point out some weaknesses. When the range of subjects dealt with is so extensive, there would be little satisfaction in quoting scrappy extracts; the book should be read in its entirety. The chapter on ‘‘Japanese aims and policy in China’’ is one of special interest to residents in China, and we heartily commend it to all who wish to understand the points at issue between the two nations. Refer- ring to Japan’s early promises, and her subsequent action re Kiao Chou, the authors say that it is to them ‘‘a very painful duty to have to 192 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS record their impression that the Japanese Government must experience a considerable change of heart and method before implicit confidence can be placed in its pledges and assurances.”’ It is pointed out clearly that ‘‘In their conduct of operations against Tsing-tau, Japan, on the plea of military necessity, committed a violation of Chinese neutrality and international law for which, from a purely military point of view, there was even less justification than for Germany’s outrageous violation of Belgian neutrality.”’ The shameful story of the ‘‘twenty-one demands’”’ is faithfully told and it is to be hoped that the calm repeating of it by an impartial authority after the lapse of even these few years, will have a good effect upon the more thoughtful and solid section of the Japanese people, and lead to better relations between the two nations. It is good to see that quite recently Prof. Yoshino of Tokyo Imperial University said in a speech that “‘If the question was put to the students, ‘Shall we withdraw from Shantung and give it back to China?’ ninety in one hundred would say ‘Yes.’ ”’ So much of real progress and creditable action of Japan is told in this book that it is all the more unfortunate that the record of dealings with China should be so deplorable. Nor has the whole been told, for our authors make no mention of the illicit traffic in opium and morphia with which certain Japanese are only too well known to be associated. Modern Japan is a book to be kept at hand for ready reference by those so near to the conditions it describes as are most of our members. " I. M. The History, Customs and Religion of the Ch‘iang. By Rev. Thos. Torrance. (‘“The Shanghai Mercury,’’ Shanghai.) Mr. Torrance says ‘‘It is well known that in West China there is a wonderful variety of tribesmen and remnants of aboriginal races. In the province of Szechuan. there are the Ch‘iang (3€), Nosu or Lolo (8% ¥#), Rong (#§), Polotsze (38 32 -) and Sifan (py 3). Of all these the Ch‘iang are undoubtedly the most interesting though among the least known.’ They are known also as the Ch‘ing I Ch‘iang (#% #5E). This booklet of 36 pages will be found interest- ing and informing, especially to ethnologists and students of primitive religions. The Ch‘iang maintained some form of independence for 2000 years, and though now nominally under Chinese rule, they have kept their individuality in speech and mode of life, in customs and religion. Their dwellings are of stone, well-built and several stories high; their square stone towers, over 100 feet high, have been mentioned by many REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 193 travellers. The'social customs described indicate a charming simplicity and -freedom. In -religion the Chfiang ‘are’ monotheists: and | their emblem of the Deity is a white stone. The account of their worship, their sacrificial rites and religious ritual, is interesting reading. A few printer’s errors have been noticed, which should be corrected in a future edition. I. M. Vues du Honan fi 3 #8 th MY ML Kk. Chemain de fer Lung-hai. This is a volume or portfolio of 52 photographs with letterpress dealing with views in Honan. These are beautifully executed and. handsomely mounted. They are interesting historically, geographically as well as from a scenic standpoint. The letterpress is full of information. This enterprise is sure to attract travellers. Educational Directory and Year Book of China, 1920. Shanghai: Edward Evans and Sons. When we get to the substance of this book, it is good,—but it takes some time to get there, through pages of advertisements. It consists of three parts : I. General Information. II. A Directory of University Professors, Lecturers, etc. III. List of Universities, Colleges, Schools. hese have been brought up to date, and in doing this ‘‘the Editor has been impressed by the cheerful help afforded him’’ by all concerned. It is dedicated to those members of the fraternity, ‘‘Not‘only teachers, but-many who have been educated in China, who have given their lives in the great war.’’ In the review of the Year important comparisons are made: for one in the pupils in Schools. In 1910 the Government Schools contained only 1,625,534 pupils with an appropriation of $53,000,000. To-day there are 45 million students, but the appro- priation was only $40,000,000. School accommodation is totally in- adequate and institutions are poorly furnished. We cordially commend this useful work. Sino-Iranica. By Berthold Laufer, Chicago, 1919. Dr. Laufer’s object in this volume is a worthy one: it “‘is to represent Chinese contributions to the history of civilization in Iran, which aptly fill a lacuna in our knowledge of Iranian tradition’’— “From this our notions of cultural developments in Asia would probably be widely different from what they are.’”’ He pays a tribute 13 194 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS to the memory of R. Gauthiot, the great Iranian scholar, though we fail to see how or why he should deserve the title of ‘Chun tz’ on this account. Part of Dr. Laufer’s purpose is, ‘‘ The accurate restoration of the Chinese form in accordance with rigid phonetic principles is the essential point . ... Thus Mu-lu, 7x gy, name of a city on the eastern frontier of An-si, has been identified with Mouru, (Muru), of the Avesta . . . but from a phonetic view point this is not acceptable, for Mu-lu corresponds to ancient Muk-luk, Bug-luk, 2 99 Bug-rug, to be restored to ‘‘Bux-rux. That is the proposition—with an example. It doesn’t look promising, we confess. We leave it at that, and Dr. Laufer proposes to do so too. ‘‘The linguistic pheno- mena,”’ he says, ‘‘important as they may be, form merely a side issue -of this investigation. My main task is to trace the history of all objects of material culture, pre-eminently cultivated plants, drugs, products, minerals, metals, precious stones, and textiles in that migra- ‘tion from Persia to China (Sino-Iranic), and others transmitted from > China to Persia (Irano-Sinica).’’ This of course means some work, and perhaps here it would not be out of place to express our astonishment at the facility with which Dr. Laufer issues numerous pamphlets and ponderous books. This volume for example begins with p. 185 and ends with 630, about pp. 430. The type is small, the page fairly large containing about 200,000 words. The mechanical work alone of writing so much in addition to the work of consultation, apart from original investigation, must be stupendous. Students will feel under great obligation to the learned author for collecting so much material from various fields and bringing them into one compact volume, thus making accessible much valuable information, scattered and dispersed over so many books and in diverse languages. Ability to do so is only ziven to a few. Dr. Laufer’s method may be gathered from the following example : ; “It is well known that attempts have been made to derive the Chinese word from Greek otpus (‘‘a bunch of grapes’). Tomaschek was the first to offer this suggestion; T. Kingsmill followed | in 1879, and Hirth endorsed Kingsmill. No one gave a real demonstration of the case. Tomaschek argued that the dissemination of the vine in Central Asia is connected with Macedonian-Greek rule and Hellenic influence. This is decidedly wrong, for the vine grows spontaneously in all northern Iranian regions; and its cultivation in Iran is traceable to a great antiquity, and is certainly older there than in Greece. The Greeks received the vine and wine from Western Asia. Greek Bortpus in all likelihood, is a Semitic loan-word. It is highly improbable that the people of Fergana would have employed a Greek REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 195 word for the designation of a plant which had been cultivated in their dominion for ages, nor is there any evidence for the silent admission that Greek was ever known or spoken in Fergana at the time of Can K‘ien’s travels. The influence of Greek in the Iranian domain is extremely slight : nothing Greek has as yet been found in any ancient manuscripts from Turkistan. In my opinion, there is no connection between p‘u-t‘ao and Gotpys, nor between the latter and Iranian budawa’”’ (pp. 225-206). In a note he says, ‘‘Only a sinologue could assert that the grape was ‘originally introduced from Greece, via. Bactria about 130 B.C.’ ”’ quoting from Giles’s Dictionary. The subject in this volume as stated consists of cultivated plants : so we have.alfalfa, the walnut, the cucumber, the coriander, the Henna, pepper, the nutmeg and many other such. Dr. Laufer’s linguistic attainments must be high,—it is pentecostal. ‘The ordinary man is appalled. He must be surrounded by encyclo- pedias, and grammars, and even then his industry must be immez.se. Quotations flow in uninterrupted streams. We thank -him for this collection. Dr. Laufer has seen it good to invent another system of phonetics. How could he think of doing such a thing! Of course it can’t be denied that the old style is only conventional, and it is possible that some improvements could be made here and there. But it is at once evident that Dr. Laufer is not the person to undertake this, for in the’ examples he has made none. In fact his system almost borders on the absurd. He says ‘‘forsooth the backwardness of Chinese research is illustrated by the fact that we slavishly adhere to a clumsy and antiquated system of romanization in which two and even three letters vare wasted for the expression of a single sound.’”’ A more amazing ‘statement has never been made by a scholar. ‘‘My system of trans- literation,’’ he says, ‘‘will be easily grasped from the following com- parative table.”—Let us take the first item on it. Old style ng is turned into n in ‘“‘my system.’? How he can claim that 2 is phonetic ‘at all is strange. A dot is only a dot after all—and has no phonetic significance. Now zg is a phonetic sound and is in the Alphabe} of some languages. It is a very distinct sound in Chinese. One really wonders whether Dr. Laufer is capable of dealing with the sounds of Chinese, evidently being ignorant of them. So to eliminate an old alphabetical letter that admirably fills a function in Chinese and replace it by a mongrel is the height of presumption. The same may be said of ch turned into ¢- sh to s.. The old had a significance phonetically, the new has none. And then to do this on the ground of ‘‘wasted letters’ is still worse. For Dr. Laufer mdnifestly condemns himself. 196 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS Take the first line on p. 254 where we have ‘‘fan yi ming yi tsi.” Now if Giles’s dictionary had been consulted the letter y could have been eliminated twice. Yet the critic who accused the old. system of being wasteful in letters in a glaring way, sticks to this system of waste of two or three letters. It is so throughout. So we strongly advise Dr. Laufer to destroy ‘‘my system’’ and have nothing more to do with it. ) M.O. Peking. By Juliet Bredon. Shanghai : Kelly and Walsh, Ltd. We wonder that we have not heard before of Miss Juliet Bredon. Possibly this is her work of budding talents—her ‘hsiu ts‘ai’ work. It is to be hoped that we shall hear of her again and again in the coming years. She has a command of words, fertility of expression, a rich imagination, and vivid sympathy,—qualities sufficient to give: distinction to a book. This work is worthy of Peking, and, Peking is worthy of it. The authoress enters into the spirit of her subject. She- moves through the past with imagination and tries to understand and. expound the present. She becomes an excellent guide, conducting the traveller over much unfamiliar ground: directing his thoughts to. unobserved objects of art and historic interest, and, as the process. proceeds a canvas of a vast and beautiful panorama is unfolded before the reader, leaving an impression of splendid creations. At the same time, unfortunately, there is created the feeling of the evanescence of all beauty and the decay of all creations, and even in those things, where: time does not destroy but adds its lustre and depth of mellowness to works of art and beauty, man the destroyer, must come in with his. ruthlessness. Readers have almost reconciled themselves to the fact that those barbarians Timur and Tamerlane, were conquering vandals, but they do receive a shock in reading the account of the shocking sack of the Summer Palaces deliberately planned by wise and enlightened. men. When it is remembered what thought, what wealth had been bestowed to perfect these mansions and pleasure gardens; how the. wealth of Empire, the genius of man had gone into their production; | how the Emperor Chien Lung, thrilled by the pictures and descriptions. of Versailles brought by the Jesuit priests, went and planned gardens. and buildings on a superb scale that were veritably an ‘‘earthly , paradise,’’ it is amazing that Lord Elgin and the British Commander-. in-Chief, in their eager desire to make a fitting example and some great reprisal for the violation of a flag of truce, should determine to destroy these. And ‘‘they took the soul out of the palace.’’ They found a monu- ment of human genius, they left it a monument of human folly. It. would have been no loss to have taken instead one of the arrogant. REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 197 princes and preserved those priceless works of human genius and memorials of a nation’s culture. This is no ordinary guide to Peking, it is that and much more. It is an elaborate and highly descriptive account. Miss Bredon has gathered up the information of others to some point and worked them into a fine story of the great city of Peking. She starts with a historical record and in this way links up the successive eras and epochs of the city,—gradually unfolding the expansions that have taken place. She does this by fixing on some particular buildings and in describing them brings out the accumulated history connected with them, both of persons and events. We enter through the wonderful walls that shut Peking in,—having passed within, we dwell by the Sea palaces and lakes and hear the echoes of the footsteps of those historic personages that have passed by, and who have wrought good or evil in the land from those secluded retreats. Throughout these pages therefore we hear the tramp of the soldier and the din of war as well as the more peaceful avocations of peace and industry, resulting in great constructive works typifing the nation’s ideals. The descrip- tions are vivid and graphic making it a truly illuminating book. The visit to the temples is an education in itself and the account of the Museum with its wealth of precious things helps as ‘‘to feel’’ porcelain and to give us a training in history, mythology and art. There are a few misprints : p. 45 bughed should be bulged: p. 49 whereever should be wherever, and all through Ssu should have a modifying accent. The work is well executed: the printing, paper, binding are a great credit to Messrs. Kelly and Walsh, Ltd., the publishers. There are 7 maps and 87 illustrations. The reader should know something about Peking when he lays down this fascinating volume. M. English-Chinese Dictionary of the Standard Chinese Spoken Language, and Handbook for Translators, including scientific, technical, modern and documentary terms. By K. Hemeling, Ph.D., Commissioner of Chinese Maritime Customs. Based on. the Dictionary. of the late G. C. Stent, published 1905 by the Maritime Customs. Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs, 1916. An adequate review of such a work as this can be obtained in either of two ways. A masterly scholarship in the Chinese language would enable one in two hours to search out the faults and the virtues in 198 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS fairly satisfactory fashion. Failing that, a long daily use of the work in the business of translation would test it suitably and fit one to pronounce as to its place in the world of Chinese dictionaries. It is the second qualification only which the present reviewer possesses; for several months he has made almost daily use of the work considered, as an assistant in translation; and his general judgment is decidedly favorable. In the first place, the format of the work is very suitable for this purpose. What one wants is a book that will contain all the material desired and will have it in such a fashion that the book can rest at one’s ieft and be readily turned over and thumbed by the left hand. A long experience with the dictionaries of several languages has taught the reviewer to beware of those with large pages. He does not re- member to have met a volume that gave him more comfort than this, and has been not a little astonished to read criticisms of its format from other reviewers, who have called for a larger page or for different type. The smooth paper slips on itself readily, and it is probable that any attempt to better things in one direction would make so much trouble in another that it would be a step backward. Some day a kind Edison will turn his attention to that class of slaves whose occupation obliges them to make constant use of dictionaries and will produce a method of lexicographizing that will be cheap in its ex- emplars and will be so arranged that little more than a wish will turn up the desired word. Till that millenium (for in this regard we may be classed as premillenarians) we must do the best we can with the old method, and we have not often met a dictionary better adapted to use according to that method than is the one considered. In the second place, the desired word or phrase is to be found in most cases. Sometimes it has been necessary to consult a larger work, but for a single volume work, there is no better than this. A very > 66 > _ few words are missing entirely,—‘‘pre-eminence,”’ ‘‘prognathous”’ and ‘totem’? are examples. Other words are incompletely defined ; ‘‘romance’’ is given of books only and not the thing, ‘‘fertilize’’ in the © biological sense is missing, ‘‘aristocracy’’ if defined for the body, not the form of government, and in ‘‘scholasticism’’ the fault of another dictionary has been copied. ‘‘Arbitrary’’ and ‘‘munificent’’ might be added to this list. These are faults of detail that are almost certain to come into such a work, and when one considers the vast and pains- taking labors that are recorded in the volume, it seems almost un- gracious to mention them. The work professes to deal with the spoken language only and that it should be found so useful for purely literary labors gives some indication of the greatness of its scope and REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 199 the success with which the problem of presenting the language in tabular form has been solved. We join in the praises of the author’s. zeal, patience and scholarship. H.K.W. a The China Review. Edited by 8. Couling, m.a. This Journal runs its race successfully. It is full of good things. The writers, it is evident, have put time and thought into their articles, and undoubtedly derived much pleasure and satisfaction from their work. There is quite a variety of articles suiting many tastes and emanating from many minds. We wish it further prosperity, as it goes on its way opening up avenues of study and clearing paths full of difficulties and obscurity. ; The Foreign Trade of China. By Chong Su See, pu.p. New York: Columbia University. This substantial volume is No. 199 in the series of studies in History, Economics and Public Law edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University. It is duly provided with useful appendices, a detailed bibliography and an index, and the first question that arises in the reader’s mind will probably be, ‘‘When the rest of the apparatus is so complete, why are not bilingual facilities pro- vided?’’ This volume like many others on China published in America suffers seriously from the failure to write the Chinese names, and give the Chinese versions of some of the documents in the Chinese character. The day when a work on China appears from an American publisher with the Chinese characters in their places will be hailed with joy by students of things Chinese. We are becoming familiar with the sort of work which the Chinese student publishes abroad. It is distinctly ad hominem, and seems to be intended for propaganda purposes chiefly. The work we are con- sidering is not free from this fault, but we are glad to say that it appears to mark a distinct advance. That a young student should be patriotic is to his credit, and if he has a clear eye for faults where they exist even in his beloved fatherland, we can pardon his zeal in defending its virtues. The largest part of Dr. See’s work is historical. Beginning with the dawn of commercial intercourse, he traces in his first chapter the course of foreign trade down to about 15C0 A.D. Then come chapters on ‘‘Karly Trade Relations with Europeans (1500-1833),’’ ‘‘The ‘Closed- Door’ Policy,’’ ‘“‘The Turning Point of the Foreign Trade of China 200 REVIEWS‘OF RECENT BOOKS (1834-1860),’’ and ‘‘The Period of Foreign Domination.’’ Then one chapter is given to an analysis of the development of the foreign trade, and a final chapter gives the author’s summary and conclusion. Much of the historical sections will be unpleasant reading, especially to Britishers, for they are not spared, and the motives which they have had for their eagerness in advancing trade are imputed with much freedom. Japan naturally comes in for her share in the closing sections. The book is not free from sneers at the missionary, not as a missionary, but as the agent, conscious or otherwise, of cynical govern- ments pursuing their evil courses. Yet it must be said that these faults are not as blatant as in many other works from the pen of Young China, and there is some care taken to state the facts on the other side of the shield. There is for example a careful statement of the state of likin, showing that inter-provincial trade is in a bad way from the exactions of the present laws. The whole is written in excellent English, a smoothly flowing narrative which bespeaks the natural linguist, or else unusually intelligent assistance from a foreign friend, in much contrast again to many efforts of the young Chinese writers, who irritate or amuse by their palpable effort to deal with a medium which they have not really mastered. The whole narrative is attractive in style, and makes very interesting reading, redeemed from the dry-as-dust limbo by that feeling for the personal and human element in history that many a learned man seems to have lost. The whole work is a notable and worthy contribution to the literature which seeks to make the East articulate to the West. H.K.W. Etudes sur la Phonologie Chinoise. Par Bernhard Karlgren. Upsala: K. W. Appelberg. The first part of this work was issued in 1915, the second in 1916, and the third, completing the work, last year. Sweden has paid great attention to phonology for the last twenty years and that one of her people should have written this work on Chinese phonology is becoming. The Author has produced a very imposing work. He has consulted the authorities that have been engaged as the subject in the past, and made investigations into affiliated branches of the subject, in such a way, as to give his work considerable value. Students of Chinese phonologies must in future consult this comprehensive work. It contains all the essentials that have been written on the subject and the original contributions are not a few. The Author says that three problems confront Chinese phonology which may be stated thus (a) Parentage and origin of the REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 201 language; (b) The unravelling of the history of the language and (c) The elucidation of modern Chinese in every respect and from every point of view. In examining authorities he attributes certain merits to Dr. Edkins, but for the most part he criticizes him as being too arbitrary and ‘‘his methods are not permissible.’’ Dr. E. H. Parker’s dilettantism in his treatment of the subject in the Introduction to Giles’s Dictionary wholly fails. M. G. Schlegel is ‘‘without the critical faculty and without method.’’ M. Volpecelli, however, is better, but even he shows lack of true principles. M. M. Kuhnert et Schaank have contributed solidly—but they are still full of faults. Others are mentioned and their work critically examined. After the very severe criticism of Dr. Parker’s essay some people may be led in consequence to read it. The ordinary student of Chinese will never look into these parts. They are only for the phonologist. These will find much to occupy their attention. For our own part we frankly question the utility of all this phoneticism. There are very few phonetic languages really. The Welsh possibly comes nearest. Chinese is far from being so. It is only necessary to glance at the artificiality that has been found necessary to create a system of symbols to represent sounds to justify this statement. The system lacks, however, the happy mean for which philosophies have pleaded. It is really of little practical value. It would be too much to impose this system, made up of mongrel letters with a lot of tattooing and plaisters, on the ordinary student. Those who have been brought up on Wade or some such system are aware of deficiencies which they recognize. These systems are only con- ventional and are looked on as such. With the help of these, results could be attained and ruling sounds found. For this is a business which does not admit of strict mathematical laws, and _ scientific steps. Climate, food idiosyncracies have played too much part in human sounds for these strict rules. And without these, leading kinships, predominant affiliations can be discovered and recorded. ‘China of the Chinese. By E. T. C. Werner, H.B.M. Consul, Foochow, (Retired) Barrister-at-law, Middle Temple. Mr. Werner made his fame by publishing his Descriptive Sociology— Chinese, a book of immense research, although we will admit the form of it is sufficiently appalling to the reader. Sir Isaac Pitman has a series of popular books on the various peoples of Europe and Asia, and this book is one of the series—as to whether it is popular or not, that 202 REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS remains to be seen. There are many books on China, but we fear that Mr. Werner’s learning has drawn him aside from the popular aim, and his book will not compare with Doolittle, or even Douglas. The author says ‘‘I have endeavoured, first, to describe the national Chinese life in its earlier phase—its birth,. childhood, adole- scence and coming of age—and then to indicate the changes which that life underwent during the second phase—its full-grown and fully expanded manhood which continued until the nation decided to reform its life as hitherto lived.”’ Mr. Werner criticizes previous histories with discretion, but it is well-known that a prcper history of China is practically now impossible. The acreage to be covered is so immense, that the ordinary reader would weary of any proportionate history, even though it should be written by John Richard Green. Our author well points out that most Chinese Histories have invariably been treated from the point of view of foreign relations, and the consequence is that the previous millenniums receive scanty attention. But, what more would you have? The contents of the work are as follows :— 1.—Environment and character. 2.—Political History. 3.—Domestic Institutions, marital—filial. 4.—Ceremonial Institutions. 5.—Political Institutions. 6.—Kcclesiastical Institutions. 7.—Sentiments, aesthetic and moral. 8.—Ideas of religion. 9.—Language. 10.—Products. The Author claims that he has treated his subject in a more scientific manner than any hitherto attempted, which indeed may be at once granted, although we are not quite sure that the result is a readable book. The Author also frequently introduces peculiar parti- cular views of his own on various points, and then argues in favour of these views, a course of treatment which is hardly in keeping with a popular series of books. Thus he deals with infanticide at great length—also with foot binding. The chapter on the aesthetical side of Chinese nature, will be a surprise to some, and is well wrought out. As to religious ideas, the author contends that the original religion of China, was purely ancestral worship. He gives one more guess as to the origin of Chinese tones, a subject. which we fear is wrapt in the mists of antiquity, never more to be revealed to human ken. He claims that Chinese was originally poly- syllabic, in this, going contrary to other great authorities, such as REVIEWS OF RECENT BOOKS 203 Dr. Legge. Then, as to the origin of tones, our Author says, ‘The natural difficulty arising out of the comparatively limited play of the organs of speech cf the Chinese race, is one cause of these.’ After seeing how well the Chinese master foreign languages of all kinds, it seems difficult to believe that the paucity of sounds and more especially the tones, are due to lack of ability to pronounce other sounds. There are some chapters of course, which the ordinary reader will undoubtedly skip, but on the whole, he will find that this book is up-to-date, and based on a thorough study of all the facts’ that are available, though one would wish there were more of these than there are in some departments of research. Our Author says that his work includes the present day changes in China, although on this head, the materials at his disposal are not so copious. However, our Author warns us in a note at the end of his preface, that he does not profess to take account of the very latest developments, which it is felt, are still in such a state of uncertainty, as that it would be premature to pronounce any definite judgement on them at the present stage. All of which is indeed quite true, though not very satisfying. However, we are thankful to the Author for what he has given us, and we should not complain if we have not received something different. He has given us his best, for which we all thank him. D. MacG. Kiangsi Native Trade and Its Taxation. By Stanley Wright. Shanghai, 1920. Correct statistics and a full knowledge of revenue are the essential elements of an honest public service. China has been lacking in these and hence the prevalence of general corruption in the finances of the empire. Mr. Wright has supplied an exhaustive account of the taxation of the province of Kiangsi, and if every province had a similar record to the one under review it would be the greatest boon to China. | ) We venture to say that this is one of the most remarkable books ever issued in China on provincial finances, local trade, and products. The Author has given us a work full of information, every fact has been collected; all details of administration of the revenue, as well as every kind of likin together with the amount of duty due on every article are explicitly given. There is no branch left untouched. Not only is there a description of the sumptuary enactments of the past, but present administrative practices are recorded. The book is crammed full of information. It is well illustrated; above all it is well written. Mr. Gladstone had the art of giving a fascination to the enumeration of dry figures, and Mr. Wright has come very near it. Further there is a Bibliography to every chapter. Mr. Wright deserves the highest thanks for this splendid and remarkable work. M. NOTES AND QUERIES. Dr. Moore sends the following addendum to his paper in last year’s Journal on the Attractions of Entomology. Further experience shows that the softening effect of heat makes “‘napthaplas’’ difficult to work with during the summer months when insect life is most abundant. To overcome this defect the excellent preservative, thymol, should be substituted for the napthalene, being added to the plasticene in the proportion of 14} drams (90 grains) thymol to 1 lb. plasticene. The resulting substance, which may be retains the firm consistence of ordinary plasticene 3 called ‘‘thymoplas,’ even when the temperature rises above 90° F. in the shade. Mr. Ernest E. Gomersall, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, (Wales), is collecting data on racial characteristics ; and in a letter to a member of the Society says :— ‘‘My aim is to collect as much information as possible regarding the racial characteristics and differences in the various districts or provinces of China (particularly China Proper, at first), e.g. differences in physique, height, build, features, shape of head, eye, nose, com- plexion, colour of hair and eyes, manners, customs, dress, intelligence and mode of life; from which I wish to work out, if possible, where distinct groups possessing special racial characteristics are located, and to state in what ways one group is different from another. I should like much more definite information than I have already gathered about the tribes of the west and south-west, e.g. : 1. The distinction between the Lisus proper and the Black © Lisus, if any. 2. The differences between the Black-boned or Liang Shan Lolos and the Lolos to the south of the Yangtze, of whom one writer says “‘they are considered to be serious rivals of the Chinese in the struggle for the lands of Western China.”’ 3. Whether the independent Lolos of the left bank of. the upper Yangtze are the same people as the Liang Shan Lolos? 4. Whether the Yunnan Lolos are descended from the same branch as the Liang Shan Lolos, and where is their original nidus, in N.E. Yunnan or S.E. Tibet, or both? NOTES AND QUERIES 205 5. The distinction between the Miaos proper and the Black Miao of Hunan. 6. The differences between the Shan tribes, e.g. the Nung or Lung Jen, the Sha Jen and Tu Lao. 7. Information regarding groups of Kachins, the Was, the Lahu or Lohei, the Palaungs and the Akkas (not Hakkas). 8. Whether the Ku-tsung are related to the Kiu-tzu or Khunnongs of N.E. Burma? 9. Is there any distinction between Sifans and Tibetans so far as race is concerned ? 10. Information regarding the Mosso tribes, the Hunza Nagars, the people of the Chia Rung States, the Horba States: (including the Chantui and Chagla), the Darge, Chamdo, Draya, Litang and Mili, the Lutzu and the Yu-Yang. 11. Whether the Yaos proper differ from the Lau Tien Yaos, if at all? 12. Whether groups of the Mon Khmer (the probable people of Yunnan before the Shans, Miaos, and Yolos) still exist and their description. 13. Information regarding the T‘u Yen and the Dzorgue Confederation of Nomad tribes. 14. Which of the tribes quoted could be considered of the same stock and grouped together? 15. The characteristics and descent of the Hakkas. 16. Whether there is any reason, except religious, why some groups are spoken of as Mohammedans in the S.W. and N.W., and whether Mainthas is merely another term for the same class in the south-west? Coming to the mass of the Chinese (so-called) in the east, S.E. Centre, N.E.N. and N.W., and considering that the area of the country approaches half the size of Europe, one cannot help thinking that there must be many different and distinctive groups. Northern and Southern Chinese certainly present many points of contrast and those towards the south appear to be the typical Chinese. Could we not try to get at the basis of some of these group distinctions? In the north there are points of contrast between the Mongol and Manchu - elements, each with its Chinese veneer in varying degrees. There are also other Tartar peoples worthy of differentiation, e.g. the Sunites, the Chakars, with their 8 banners, the Khalkas and the Celets, also the Solons and the Si Po, though these are found on or beyond the borders, in Mongolia and Manchuria. One might also ask whether the Hakkas are the only group dis- tinctive from the Chinese proper in the Highlands of the south-east 206 NOTES AND QUERIES and whether there is not also a distinct group in the Highlands of the Shantung Peninsula, and what are their characteristics? It would be interesting too, to know the extent to which the Japanese, the Malay and the Hindu elements have entered into the Eastern and Southern parts of China and the Turki into the north-west. As regards the several provinces, since the conditions of life vary, and the people of one province consider those of another province as strangers, how far may it be due to some difference of race or descent ?”’ If any of our readers can assist Mr. Gomersall in any way, perhaps they will kindly write to him. ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 059—Ch 9 059—Ch 15 133.4—D 65 150—C 34 ~ 278.1—G 75.1 275.1—J 34 275.1—Sm 4 290.1—B 11 556.51—H 86 380.51—R, 53.1 494.4—H 92 495.1—K 12 495.1—W 67.1 495.11—H 34 495.12—Ki 9 526—Un 1 529.3—H 29 552.52—C 34 580—B 63 581.951—G 27.1 581.951—G 79 581.954—O1 4 598.2—G 75 599—L 57 JULY 1919—JUNE 1920. (P)—Indicates Books presented. The New China Review. The West China Missionary News. Recherches sur les Superstitions en Chine, Tome XIV. Studies in Chinese Psychology. St. John’s 1879—1919. Letters to a Missionary. Reply Letters to R. F. Johnston’s Letters to a Missionary. The Celestial and his Religions or the Religious Aspect in China. Public Debts in China. China’s Intercourse with Korea from the 15th Century to 1895. Examples of the Various Turki Dialects, Turki Text with’ English Translation. Etudes sur la Phonologie Chinoise. An Anglo-Chinese Glossary for Customs and Commercial Use. English-Chinese Dictionary of the Standard Chinese Spoken Language. A Chinese Dictionary in the Cantonese Dialect. Annual Report of the Superintendent, United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, to the Secretary of Commerce for the Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1919. Mélanges sur la Chronologie Chinoise. I. Notes Concernant la Chronologie Chinoise par les PP. Havret et Chambeau, S.J. II. Prolégoménes a la Concordance Néoménigue par le P. Hoang. Some Problems on Silt. Notes Ptéridologiques. Fascicule, V, VII, VIII. A Beginning of the Study of the Flora and Fauna of Soochow and Vicinity. Jiawn Grasses for South China. First Book of Indian Botany. A Fasciculus of the Birds of China. Notes on Farm Animals and Animal In- dustries in China. Authors, etc. Doré, H. ( Chatley, H. ( Graves, F. R. and Others ( Johnston, R. F. ( ( Smith, 8S. P. Ball, J. D. Huang, F. H. ( ( Hunter,G. W. (P) Karlgron, B. (P) S Williams, C. A. ( Hemeling, K. (P) tel, HL. J. ( (P) Chatley, H. (P) Bonaparte, Prince Gee, N. G. (P) Graybill,H. B. (P) Oliver, D. Gray, G. R. (P) (Pi Levine, C. O. 208 622—J 11 622—J 11.1 709.51—F 32 720.951—D 71 722.4—C 83 895.11—F 59.11 895.11—W12.1 912.51—D 61 913.54—B 11 913.54—B 47 913.54—K 11.1 913.54—R 11 915.1—C 77 915.1—G 28 BIS 11—"An 1 915.11-—B 74 915.11—Og 1 915.11—Og 1.1 915.12-—-M 73 915.13—C 63 915.13—T 55.1 915.17—K 34 915.2—B 77 915.2—St 4 915.21—P 4 931—L 34 934—B 46 951—D 75.1 951.9—C 41 951.9—H 87 951.9—Sc 5 951.9—Se 3 952—H 43 ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY Jaarboek van set Mijnwezen in Ned. Oost- Indié : Jaargang 1917, Verhandelingen, and Atlas 1916-17. Jaargang 1916, 1917, Algemeen Gedeelte. Outlines of Chinese Art. Chinese Junks, a .Book of. Drawings in Black and White. Bijapar and its Architectural Remains. More Gems of Chinese Poetry. More translations from the Chinese. The New Map of China. The Archaeological Remains: and Excava- tions at Nagari. Varieties of the Vishnu Image. A Guide to the Old Observatories at Delhi; Jaipur; Uijain; Benares. A Topographical List of the Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency. Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce in Pigtail and Petticoats or an Overland Journey from China Towards India. Kighteen Capitals of China. Vues du Honan. Peking. The Imperial City of Peking. The Decorations of the Palace Buildings in Peking. The Isle of Palms. Across Chrysé. The History, Customs and Religion of the Ch‘iang. Old Tartar Trails. A History cf the Japanese People. Japan by the Japanese. The Truth about Korea. Sino-Iranica. Lectures on the Ancient History of India on the period from 650 to 325 B.C. _ Society in China. Modern China. The Awakening of Asia. Narrative of a Recent Imprisonment in China after the Wreck of the Kite. The Foreign Trade of China. Modern Japan. Electric Franchises in New York City. Autografos de Morelos. Sumangalavilasini or The Commentary of the Dighanikaya, Part I. Ferguson, J.C. ( (P (P Donnelly, I. A. (P Cousens, H. (EB Pletcher, J.B. A Waley, A. Dingle, HE. J., Editor Bhandarkar, Prof. 2a Bidyabindo, B. B. (P) (P) Rangacharya,V. (P) Kaye, G. R.- Cooper, T. T. Geil, W. E. (P) (P) Bredon, J. (P) Ogawa, K. (P) Ogawa, K. (P) Moninger, M. M., Editor (P) ) ) ) ( Torrance, 7’. ( Kent, A.S. ( Brinkley, F. and Kikuchi, D. Stead, A., Editor. Peffer, N. Laufer, B. (P) Bhandarkar, D. R. “(P) Douglas, R. K. Cheng, S. G. (P) Hyndman, H. M. | (P) Scott, J. Ei. See sO. (P) Hershey, A. S. and Hershey, S.W. (P) Arent, L. (P) (P) (P) 14 ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY Paramattha Dipdni or The Commentary of the Theri-Gatha. 2 Vols. The Wilson Bulletin, Vol. XXXI (Nos. 1-4). The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. LXX XVI (1919) and Vol. LXXXVII (1920). Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, (Vol. T, Part TED), The Construction (in Chinese) Vol. I. British Jurisdiction in China : Rules of Court. Orders in Council. NORTH-CHINA BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY LIST OF MEMBERS, 1920 Members changing address are earnestly requested to inform the Secretary at once. Name Address HONORARY MEMBERS. Cordier, Prof. Henri Gouling, S.; MAS eee De Groote, Dr. Je IM: Ferguson, Dr. John C. a Giles. Prof. Herbert Allen ay Hirth, Prot: JF, ie a Hosie, Sir Alexander, K.c.M.G. Lanman, Prof. Charles B. ... Lockhart, Sir J. H. Stewart, K.C.M.G. Morse, H. B., wu.p. Parker, Prof, Ei. 1. Putnam, Herbert ... Sampatrao, H. H. the Prince Satow, Rt. Hon. Sir E., G.c.m.c. Warren, Sir Pelham, K.c.m.G. Kcole speciale des Languages orien- tales vivantes, Paris 75 Chaoufoong Road, Shanghai Leyden, Holland Peking’ 2.) yb: : Selwyn Gardens, “Cambridge. ee Columbia University, New York City Ferdion Office, London 3) Tie Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts Weihaiwei ... Arden, Camberly, England ... 14 Gambier Terrace, Liverpool .. Library of Congress, Washington Gaekwar of Baroda, India Beaumont, Ottery St. Mary, Devon Woodhead & Co., 44 Charing Cross, London Year of Election LIST OF MEMBERS re Name | Address | hate CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. Fryer, Prof. John ... ... .... ...{ University of California, Berkely, 1886 California Garamer ©. 2. C.a.G. 000... 4 Foreign Office, London ... ... ... 1900 Jamieson, George, c.M.c. ... ...; 110 Cannon Street, London ... ... 1868 Little, Mrs. Archibald ... ... ...| 150 St. James’ Court, London _... 1906 ree 2 a es ee ee talian Consulate, Hongkong _... 1886. Wiliame: HT... ... «| Washington 1889 Williams, Prof. F. W. bad ase | hoo WW hiiney Avenue, ‘New Haven, 1895 Connecticut MEMBERS. (The asterisk denotes Life Membership) ~aranam. Ae! Dy, (aiaacas es). |) Se. Pekine Road, Shanghar ©...) .. | 1914 one wmesom), Gry Li) | 5-1 Wal Lal ae Bree General of Customs, 1908 eking Adamson, Mrs. A. Q. ... ......| 8 Jessfield “Road, Shanghai ... 1919 Adlam, Miss Edith M. ... ...| 31 Wong Ka Shaw Gardens, S’hai 1920 Adolph, Wiebe PHD. See sce ak Shantung Christian University, 1917 Tsinan Fu Albertsen, K.... ... ... ... ...{ Telegraph Administration, Peking 1920 Alway, Mrs. C..... ... ... «...] ¢/o Butterfield & Swire, Tsingtao 1917 Ancell, Rev. B. L. 3) ates Amey Church, Nission,’ Yangchow ..: 1911 mnaersson, Dr. J Gees -..0) ,..2| / Ta Tsao Chang, Peking .. ei 1919 Archer, Allan... ... ....... «.'| British Consulate, Tsingtao, Shan- 1915 tung | eee bOn Ls. Cs sob ee wh aes Chinese Post Office, Hangchow ... 1917 Arnold, Julean H. on, WA eR emenican. Legation, Peking |...) 2! .[» 2904 Ayscough, Mrs. F. ..._ .... ...|. 20 Gordon Road, Shanghai ... ... 1906 Batson, Joi805 6 .2) s2w( see ea! 1G. Ns Telegraph Co., Shanghai ... 1909 ED ee ate tae ane’ cue [OM N. Szechuan Road, Shanghai 1909 Bahr, A. W. ... ... ... ... «.{ Montross Gallery, 550 Fifth | 1909 Avenue, New York | Baillie, Thos. G. B.sc. .... .... ...| Elgin Road Public School, Shanghai 1920 Baldwin, Mrs. J. W. ... ......| 4 Ezra Road, Shanghai ... ... 1920 Barff, Richard aie ante. ase ehh ly ME CL , Shanghai Oe ale 8 Pe Me 1920 Pateie, Dr. Howard) vi.) .6. 5 a. fd Nanking Road, Shanghai ... ... 1920 Peron, S.e.MoG. 2) .. ...)sne)| British) Legation, Peking <.. ... 1906 Pateman, tev. T. W. ...0. 2s. -cn| CoM. M. Chungking, Sze.-... ... 1916 nee ee) Bae aa awl) ae Ga XU Yuen Road, Shanghai .... .., 1919 AZ LIST OF MEMBERS Nene | Address patton *Bayne, Parker M.... ... .......| West China Union University, 1911 Chengtu *Beaunvais, J. ... ... .. i... | Consul de Vrance: ‘Canton 1990 Beebe, Dr. R. C. cee ae! ME 6 ea Gardens, Shanghai 1889 Belcher, H, B.S eee ee = 1917 Beltehenko, A. "T..:... 6. (s:.). | lesan Consulate, Hankow ... 1918 Bendixsen, N. P. ... ... ... 4. | Ma. dV. Telegraph Co., Peking <.. 1913 Bennett, E. S. 4 Devonshire Villas, North Parade, 1918 Belfast Benjamin, Mrs. M. 52 Avenue du Roi Albert 1919 *Bessell, F. L. Customs, Tientsin 2 | _: 1905 Beytach, La. Ilbert & Co., Shanghai ... 1910 Billinghurst, Dr. W. B. 83 Peking Road, Shanghai 1908 Black, S. A. Telegraph Ce., Peking 1910 Blackburn, ie Ep: H.B.M.’s Consulate- Gen., Shai ... 1917 Blake, a i. £8 5 Route Ghisi, Shanghai. 1914 Boezi, Dr. Guido... ... C. M. Customs, Shanghai ; 1929 Bondield ‘Rev. Dr. G. H. | B. and F. Bible Sasibty, Shanghai 1900 Boode, E. P. ... ..| 17 Museum Road, Shanghai .. 1920 Bosworth, Miss S. M. 18 Peking Road, ‘Shanghai : 1919 Bowra, C. A. V. ... Chinese Maritime Customs, Peking 1897 Bowser, Miss 7. ©. 5 Cleveland Gardens, Ealing, 1914 London W. *Box, Rev. Ernest ‘a. Medhurst College, Shanghai ... 1897 Bradley, H. W. Chinese Maritime Customs, Hankow 1912 Brandt, Car] T. c/o Sweetmeat Castle, Shanghai set 1896 Brazier, H. W. Hongkong and Shanghai Bark, 1905 London Bremner, Mrs. A. S. Shanghai _... Le 1900 Brett, Mrs. J. H. ... Int. Banking Cor "Shanghai son) UE 1920 Bristow, H. B. H. H. Bristow, British Consulate- 1897 Gen., Hangchow Bristow, H. H..).2.)...: 1... | British Consulate, Hanechow 1) 5 1909 Bristow, J. A. as. Vahhv ee Vets!’ Stamdard (Oil\Co., Shanghen jie. 1914 Brooke, OC... wo) wa) cs (hee) Nestle’s. Milk Go. 18. Nankang 7%, “ene Road, Shanghai Brooke, J. T. W..3. 0:4. «3.20 Danes & Brooke, Shanehar 7 12 1915 Browett, Harold y2ie 22 Yuenmingyuen Road, Shanghai 1891 *Brown, Sir J. McLeavy, c.m.c. | Chinese Legation, 59 Portland 1855 _ Place, London, W. *Bruce, Edward B. io coe” ee) SO Wall St, Mew Work, US Asie 1918 gee Bev.S.0 Pe 2c.) (9 eet Shantung Christian University, 1916 Tsinan Brane, H. Prideaux.'... ....4.:| British Legation, Pelane ..... 22 1914 Bryant, Pol... 2. | eo hee | GO Alene Dubail, Shanghai... 1917 *Buckens, Dr. F. --. «. a: | 2 Minami Yamato, Nagasaki? 1915 Burdick, Miss S. AD, (need Baptist Mission, West Gate, S’hai 1909 Burkill, Li eae as 2 Kiukiang Road, Shanghai... ... 1912 Beaddll, Mis. Al Wolo.) 2. 2 Kiukiang Road, Shanghai... .. 1912 Burns, TM, Go Geiss, c/o Am. Trading Co., 319 Avenue 1916 Joffre, Shanghai Butland, C. A. ... ... ... ...| Asiatic Petroleum Co., Ningpo ... 1920 LIST OF MEMBERS 213 Name Caldwell, Rev. H. R. Cambiagi, Miss Y. G. . Cardeillac, P. ... Carl, Francis A. *Carpenter, G. B. Carter, J. C. Cassat, Rev. Paul C. Canaron, RiiM...... Chatley, Herbert :.. Chatley, Herbert, D.Sc. Ch‘én Kuo- ch‘uan sha Christiansen, J. P. | Claiborne, Miss Elizabeth . Clark, J. D. *Clementi, C. Coales, O.'R. ... Cockell, Capt. M3 Cole, Rev. W. B. ... Commys, A. J. Couling, Mrs. S. ... *Cousland, Dr. P. B. Craig, 1 aes Crow, C. Cunningham, Rey. B. Cupeli, M. Danner, Mrs. ... Danton, G. H. Davey, W. J. ... *Davidson, R. Davis, Dr. Noel Dent, V. ya *Deas, Stuart De ae Denham, Mrs. J. E. Men LS. ... Dingle, Edwin J. Dingle, Lilian M. ... Dodson, Miss S. L. Dome, Earl ae Donald, William H, Dorsey, W. Roderick ... Dovey, J. W. ... ioomeumco, G. LD. ... *Drake, Noah F. *Drew, E. | 2 ae Du Monceau, Comte oe Duyvendak, Te, Bs Address Year of Election Yenping Fu, Fukien o c/o Mrs. Levy, 16 Route des Soeurs, Shanghai Russo-Asiatic Bank, Shanghai C. M. Customs, Canton ... Shewan Tomes & Co., Yunnan Fu Mactavish & Co., Shanghai ; Shantung Christian University, Tsinan C. P. O., Nanchang, Kiangsi 459e Avenue Joffre, Shanghai 450c Avenue Joffre, Shanghai c/o Wan Chu Garden, Nanking ... G. N. Telegraph Co., Nagasaki, Japan 4 Thibet Road, Shanghai Shanghai Mercury, Shanghai c/o Mrs. C. J. Eyres, Denmark House, Rochester, England British Consulate-Gen., Chengtu ... 20 Kiukiang Road, Shanghai M. E. M. Hinghwa SOA Sates aa Custom House, Shanghai 73 Chaoufoon Road, Shanghai 16 Bluff, Yokohama, Japan ... The University, Manila... ... 20 Whangpoo Road, Shanghai C.I.M. Takutang, Kiangsi Maritime Customs, Shanghai Kalee Hotel, Shanghai ... New York University, New York Shanghai Mercury, Shanghai c/o Mrs. Frew, 66 Leamington Terrace, Edinburgh Municipal Offices, Shanghai ... 203 Avenue de Roi Albert, 8’ hai Butterfield & Swire, Hankow 50 Connaught Road, Shanghai : Collins & Co., Canton Road, S’hai Far Eastern Geographical Estab- lishment, Shanghai Box 323, B. P. O., Shanghai St. Mary’s Hall, Jessfield YMCA. | Chengtu . Far Eastern Review, “Shanghai U.S.A. Consular Service, Shanghai Mission Book Co., Shanghai 550 Park Avenue, New York Fayetteville, Arkansas Cambridge, Massachusetts sie Russo-Asiatic Bank, Yokohama ... Leiden University, Holland ... 214 LIST OF MEMBERS Edgar, Rev. J. H. Edmondston, David ‘oh Edmunds, Dr. C. K. Eliot, Sir Charles, K.c.M.G. Ely, John A. ... Ely, Mrs. J. A. Engel, Max. M. *Eriksen, A. H. Essex Institute, Librarian ... Evans, Edward Evans, Joseph J. Exter, Bertus van ... Fardel, H. L. Fearn, Mrs. # B. Ferguson, J. W. H. Ferguson, IT. T, Fi. Ferguson, W. N., F.R.G.S. Ferrajoh, Capt. R. Firth, Miss M. _... Fischer, Emil, 8S. ... Misk. GOW. 3: Fitch, Robert F., p.p. ... Flemons, Sidney Fletcher, W. J. B. Fox, Harry H., c.m.c. Fraser, Sir Everard, K.C.M. C. Fryer, George B. Gage, Rev. Brownell Gale, Esson M. Gardner, H. G. Garner, Dr. Emily *Garritt, Rev. J. C: Ghisi, E. Gibson, H. E. Gilchrist, Edward» Gilliam, a. Gillis, Captain J. H. Gimbel, C., M.Sc. Gish, Rev. E. P. Address c/o China Inland Mission, Chengtu Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Harbin Canton Christian College, Canton British Embassy, Tokyo sit Se St. John’s University, Shanghai ... St. John’s University, Shanghai ... 105 Avenue Road, Shanghai he Mite Telegraph Dept., Ministry of Com- munications, Peking Salem, Massachusetts 2 Quinsan Road, Shanghai ‘ 6 Kvans & Sons, 30 North Szechuen Road, Shanghai Netherlands Harbour Cheico Works, Municipal School for Boys, S’hai 50 Route Pichon, Shanghai . Inspectorate General of Customs, Statistical ee C. M. Customs, Peking .. Yunnan Fu ... ie Italian Consulate, Shanghai re Boone Road Public School, S’hai Cientsiis | 2 British Emigration ‘Bureau, ‘Wei- _ hsien Hamechow oi...” he ue 4 Monkham’s Terrace, Shanghai es Nam Wu College, Canton British Consulate-General, S’hai British Consul-General, Shanghai 4 Edinburgh Road, Shanghai Changsha . Chinese Salt Rev. Administration, Hankow Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Hankow Margaret Williamson JHospital, West Gate, Shanghai Nanking Via Kuintino, Salla No. 4, Milano, Italy 12 Weihaiwei Road, Shanghai C. M. Customs, Ningpo .. : c/o British Cigarette Co., “Hankow American Legation, Peking... ... Hailar, (Mixed Court Assessor) ie Nanking fae ee een ee ee Year of Election 1910 1917 1916 1913 1917 1907 1911 1915 1906 Lay 1916 1916 1918 eit 1910 1990 1916 1920, 1920 1894 1919 1918 1917 1916 1907 1907 1901 1915 1911 1906 19h 1907 1893 1915 1918 1915 1911 1914 1919 LIST OF MEMBERS Name Gladki, P. M. Godfrey, C. H. Goldring, P. W. Goldring, Mrs. P. ae Grant, J. B. Graves, Bp. F. B., ay Gray, C. Norman ... Grierson, US eee *Grodtmann, Johans peween, I. R.-.... Grosse, V. iy Grove, F. . Gull, E. Manico *Gunsberg, Baron G. de Gwynne, T. H. Gyles, H *Hackmann, H. plallods-C. Hamilton, A. de C. Hammond, Hancock, H. fie Handley- ‘Derry, H. F. . Harding, H. I. Hardstaff, Dr. R. 3 Hardy, Dr. W. M. arpur; C....... Healey, Leonard @.. Heeren, Rev. J. J., PH.D. . Heidenstam, H. von Henke, Frederick ee. PH.D. Hers, Joseph . * Hildebrandt, Adolf. Hiltner, Mrs. W. G. Himus, Godfrey W. Hinckley, F. E., PH.D. | *Hippisley, A. E. Hobson, H. E. Hodges, Mrs. F. E. *Hodous, Rev. L. Hoettler, A. Miss Louisa . ave ese | ... *Kranz, Rev. Paul ... *Krebs, E 4 Krisel, A. Kulp 0) | LS ae Ser hain Shimbei _ Lacy, Rev. Dr. W. H. Laforest, L. - ... Lake, Capt., P. M. B. Landesen, Arthur C. von ... Lanning, V. H. *Latourette, K. S.... ... *Laufer, Berthold, Dr. ... *Laver, Capt. H. E. fan, W. G. .... Leach, W. A. B. Leavens, Dy: *Leavenworth, Chas. ee, Leete, W. Rockwell, Leslie, sl a Lester, Miss E. S. ams, DJ, ... As Lewis, Mrs. D. J. Liddell, Cc: Oswald *Lindsay, Dr. A. W. *Little, Edward S. Lobenstine, Rev. E. G Loehr, A. G. : f Lockwood, Ww. Ws. Lord, Rev. R. D. Lucas, oe ee Luthy, Charles *Luthy, Emil ... ... *Lyall, ‘Leonard A. ... Lyon, Dr. D. W. LIST OF MEMBERS Address . . . . . . . . . . . . e . e * . . . . . e . . . . . e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ° e . . . e e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ° . . . e . e . ° . . . . . . . . ° . . . . pe C.M.M. Chengtu, Szechuen ... Municipal Offices, Shanghai... ... 4 Monkham’s Terrace Wayside, Shanghai 25 Old Queen St., Westminster, London, S.W. Lanchow, Kansu_.. C. M. Customs, Shanghai C. M. Customs, Wahu, ... C. M. Customs, Swatow 6 Kiukiang Road, Shanghai... . Grinenwald Str., 6 Steglitz, Berlin 17 Yuenmingyuen Road, Shanghai Shanghai College... 270 Hyakunin- cho, Ohkubo, Tokyo 10 Woosung Road, Shanghai C. F. Tramways, Shanghai... ... c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Shanghai H.1.R.M.’s Vice-Consul, Kobe c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., S’hai Denison University, Gronville, Ohio Field Museum of National History, Chicago c/o Messrs. W. Stupledon & Sons, Portsaid, Egypt Lappa, Macao... . 8 Municipal Offices, Shanghai be Yale College, Changsha tA ae 313 Norton St., Newhaven, Conn.., ; U.S.A. Fenchu, Shansi... ... aie 445c Honan Road, Shanghai Na arty McTyeire School, Hankow Road, Shanghai 14 Studley Avenue, Shanghai 14 Studley Avenue, Shanghai Shirenewton Hall, near Chepstow, Mommouthshire Chengtu, Szechuen ... mes 30 Gordon Road, Shanghai ay 5 Quinsan Gardens, Shanghai Shanghai... 2 Barshet Road, ‘Shanghai Tsinan Fu, Shantung Chartered Bank, Peking 7 Jinkee Road, Shanghai oe 17 Yuen Ming Yuen Road, S’hai C. M. Customs, Shanghai 3547 Madison Avenue, New York . 217 Year of Election: LIST OF MEMBERS Mabee, Fred C. Macbeth, Miss A. MacDonnell: James . Bal MacGillivray, Rev. Dr. Macleod, Dr. N. “ MacNair, 5 Reh A McN ulty, Rey. Matzokin, N. P. RUA. “sss Hemy 4 A Macoun, J. H. Meas id. Do iw. MaGrath, C. D. Main, Dr. Duncan 7 Mersh, Wr (Bod. ... Marshall, R. Calder nat Marsoulies, A. du Pac de ... Martin, C. H. el Sic Martin, Mrs. W. Ae “*Mason, Isaac ... Mather, B. Mathieson, N. Maxwell, Dr. J. Preston Maybon, Charles B. ™*Mayers, Frederick J., F.R. G. 8. May ers, Sidney F MckKuen, K. J. iy McFarlane, Rev. A. a McInnes, Miss G. McNeill, Mrs. Duncan Mead, E. W. ... Mell, Rudolf ... *Melnikoff, D. M. Mencarini, J. Mengel, E. Mennte “Di: 2. t.. Menzies, Rev. J. M. ... Merriman, Mrs. W. L. Merrins, Dr. E. M. Mesny, H. P.+.:. Milhorat, A. T. Mills, Edwin W. Miskin, Stanley C. iM Moninger, Miss M. M. Moore. Dr. A. : *Morgan, Rev. Evan Morris, Dr. H. H. Morriss, H. E. *Morse, C. J. Donald’ Address Baptist College, Shanghai... 9 Wong Ka Shaw Gardens, S’ hai 6 Kiukiang Road, Shanghai A hee 143 N. Szechuen "Road, Shanghai 453 Great Western Road, Shanghai St. John’s University, Shanghai ... A. C. Mission, Soochow :.. ... ... Russian Orientalists’ Society, Harbin C. M. Customs, Nanking - Changte fu, Honan ... c/o John A. Lane, Esq., 46 Maiden Lane, New York City, UI8..48 Hangchow ... bee 88 Peking Road, Shanghai ck S2A Nanking Road, Shanghai 67 Route Vallon, Shanghai Russia-Asiatic Bank, Dairen Bridge House, Nanking ... 143 N. Szechuen Road, Shanghai Yung Ching, Peking. Butterfield & Swire, Shanghai E.P.M., Yungchun ie le 247 Avenue Jc offre, Shanghai C. M. Customs, Chinkiang The British and Chinese “Corpora tion, Ltd., Peking Municipal Offices, Shanghai ... London Mission, Hanyang Municipal Offices, Shanghai ... | ee a he Chestnut, Tangbourne, Bngland | British Legation, Peking Canton ... Litvinoff & Co., Hankow ip Kiukiang Road, Shanghai Supt. Chinese Telegraphs, ee A. Watson & Co. Bente ison ‘ 15 Ferry Road, Shanghai. OF St. John’s University, Shanghai c/o H. & W. Greer, Ltd., 20 Kiu- kiang Road 598, 2nd St. Carlstadt, New Jersey, ssa; Legation Quarter, Peking ... ... Asiatic Petroleum Co., Hankow ... A.P.M., Kiung Chow, Hainan Municipal Offices, Shanghai Leuk aoe 143 N. Szechuen "Road, Shanghai St. Luke’s Hospital, Shanghai 118 Route Pére Robert, Shanghai 1825 Asbury Avenue, Evanston, tllinois Yun- Year of Election ee a * —_——— LIST OF MEMBERS 219 Mortensen, Rev. Ralph Moule, Rev. A. C. te Meunier, LS. ... ... Mysore University Neild, Dr. F. M. : Newcomb, Capt. Frank Nicholson, William *Nielsen, Albert Nordquist, O. Norman, H. C. Nystrom, E. T. Oakes, W. L. ... *O’Brien-Butler, P. BE. PO@himer, Hh. .:. Ollerton, Jd, E. Ottewill, H. A. # Ouskouli, M. H. A. Paddock, Rev. B. H. ... Pagh, E. K. *Palmer, W. M._ Papini, E. Be ap Mcgee AS Parker, Rev. Dr. A. P. farsons, EH. KE. ... sPatrick, Dr. H. C. Pearson, C. Dearne Peet, Alice L. Peet, Gilbert E. Peffer, Nathaniel . *Peiyang University ‘Librarian ... Penfold, F. G. Perkins, M. F. Perry, i. W.... ferevsen,.V. ... *Pettus, W. B. Phallips,.H. .... Phillips, Rev. L. Gordon *Plancy, V. Collin de Platt, Robert . Polevoy, BS. A. 2 Polk, Dr. Marget. ‘#. Porterfield, W. M. : Pott, Rev. Dr. V0 Oe Hawks Pott, ey pene oA Ae oa. : Pousty, Po BK. Powell, a ae . Milland’s Address Kuei Teh, Honan iB’ Littlebredy, Dorchester... ... G. N. Telegraph Co. » Heane Mysore, India - 3a Peking Road, Shanghai c/o Butterfield & Swire, S’hai_... Butterfield & Swire, Hongkong ... 60 Tifeng Road, Shanghai re! CG. P. 0., Nanking ... The China Press, Shanghai Ad Shantung University, Paiyuenfu W. M.S: Changsha... .... «.. British Consulate, Moukden ... 694 Tifeng Road, Shanghai H.B.M. Consulate, Chinkiang 126 Szechuen Road, Shanghai Yen Ping Fu, Foochow ... rr G. N. Telegraph Co. _ Shanghai ae Changchun, Manchuria... ... ... 52 Boone Road, Shanghai... Anglo-Chinese College, 19 Quinsan ” Road, Shanghai 12 Hankow Road, Shanghai ... 22 Whangpoo Road, Shanghai 68 Kiangse Road, Shanghai ... 6 Jinkee Road, Shanghai 6 Jinkee Road, Shanghai China Press, Peking Tientsin .. 324 Nanking ‘Road, Shanghai American Consulate, Shanghai POM, Hangchow, ... .-. 2 Hsi Tang Tse Hu Tung, Peking Y.M.C.A. , Peking x British Consulate- Gen., London Mission, Amoy us 10 Square du Croisic, Paris XVe .. Chicago University, Chicago, Lit 58 Davenport Road, Tientsin 110 Range Road, Shanghai 7 St. John’s University, Shanghai... St. John’s University, Shanghai ... St. John’s University, Shanghai ... Ningpo ‘Shanghai Review, 113 Avenue Edward VII Year of Election 1920 1902 1910 1920 1916 1917 1919 1894 1920 1912 1920 1919 1886 1885 1916 1913 OUT 1916 1908 1914 1916 1901 1916 1912 1908 1918 1918 1918 TOLL 1916 1914 1919 1905 1915 1912 1917 1877 1917 1917 1915 1920 1913 1914 1915 1918 220 Pratt, J. T. Prentice, John Price, Mrs. Maurice *Pye, Rev. Watts O. Rivonia, HOS ahd Boye! y yi ra, Mins. be asd os. aa Raaschou, T. ... Raeburn, P. D. Rankin, C. W. Rees, Care Hopkyn ie Rees, Rev. Dr. W. ‘Hopkyn Reinsch, Dr. Paul. Richert, i. Me Ritchie, W. W. Roberts, D. Rogers, 7 M. ee ee Roots, Rt. Rev. ae eed Pe Ee | Ros, G. Seer Rose, Archibald, C. L. E. Rossi, Chev. G. de a Rowbotham, A. A, Rowe, E. S. B. *Sahara, T. : Sammons, Elon, A ecsid Vs agers tet Sanders, ‘Arthur H. ... ... Masi Sargent, GT. eaten Bee “Sather, er rot: 5.. Kegise wee. Poe Sawdon, EK. W. . Sawyer, J. B. ... Schab, Dr. von Schroder, H. *Segalen, Dr. Victor *Shaw, Norman Sheartone, T. W. ... *Shelton, Dr. A. L. Sheacle, J.C... x: Shipley, J. A. G. ... Silsby, Rev. J. A. ... Smmanson, B. Tienok!-: yes) ess ieee Rae VAN. Eee Deer rapiee }. eat toca) Skvortzow, B. W. ema Ea: Smallbones, J. A. ... Smith, J. Langford .| Italian Consulate-Gen.., LIST OF MEMBERS Address Year of Election British Consulate, Tsinanfu ... 47 Yangtszepoo Road, Shanghai We 50 Szechuen Road, Shanghai Fenchow, Shansi : ‘ Netherlands Harbor Works, Peking 77 Avenue de Roi Albert, S’hai Danish Consul-General, Shanghai C. M. Customs, Shanghai 18 Quinsan Road, Shanghai ... Asiatic Petroleum Co., Tsingtao ... 143 North Szechuen Road, S’hai Whangpoo Conservancy Board, Shanghai Postal Commissioner, Shanghai ... St. John’s University, Shanghai ... 179 North Szechuen Rd., Shanghai American Church Mission, Hankow Hankow ... British Legation, Peking Italian Consulate, Shanghai ... Tsing Hua College, Peking ... Municipal Offices, Shanghai ... Shanghai Mercury, Shanghai American Consul-Gen., Shanghai . U. HE. Mission, Chaling, Hunan ... c/o Ningpo Hotel, Ningpo i Friends’ Sze. U.S. Consulate, Shanghai : 20 Whangpoo Road, Shanghai Chee Hsin Cement Works, Tang- shan 5 Cite d’Antin, Brest, France C. M. Customs, Shanghai 8 Museum Road, Shanghai Batang, via Tachienlu, Sze. ... 25 Ferry Road, Shanghai Bedford City, Va. U.S.A. ... Presbyterian Mission, South Gate, Shanghai Peking | 4. 2» Meade ieee U.S. Steel Product Co. , Shanghai 67 Poshtovaya St., Harbin... ... 66 Szechuen Road, Shanghai British Consulate, Ichang High School, Chungking, 1909 1885 1919 |. Loy 1913 1916 - 1912 1916 -1915 1917 1914 1916 1920 1907 1916 1918 1916 1908 1901 1920: 1920: 1907 1908 1915. 1917 19%7 1915. 1916. 1920: 1901 1916. Lone 1912 1918. 1918. 1905. 1911 191% 1916 1916 1918 1913. 1908. LIST OF MEMBERS Name Sophoxloff, G. A. ... Southcott, Mrs. Spiker, Clarence J. *Stanley, BUT Os ote St. Croix, F. A. de Stapleton-Cotton, W. V. Stedeford, E. T. A. Steptoe, Be en Sunni Stevenson, Spencer. B. Stewart, Rev. J. L.. Stewart, ie. DD. Supeston, G. CC, ... Strehlneek, E. A. Streib, U. nee Stursberg, W. A. *South Manchuria Railway art. Library *Suga, Capt. T. Sykes, H. A. ... Tachibana, M. Talbot, R. M. Ranger, Paul von... <.. *Taylor, C. H. Brewitt ... Teesdale, J. H.... Tenney, Dr. C. D. Thellefsen, E. S. ... thomas, J. A. T. ... Throop, M. H. Ting I-hsien . Toller, W. Stark *Tochtermann, Karl Touche, J. D. la Toussaint, GC; *Trollope, Rt. Rev. ‘Bishop 3 M. LN. Tucker, G. E. } Tucker, Mrs. G. E. ; Turner, Skinner, Judge Twentyman, J. R. ‘Eyter,.W. Fo... iwan, B.S. ... Upham, F. 5S. ... Van Corback, OA» Van der Woude, R. Address Chinese Eastern Railway, Chiao- she-chu, Harbin Wei-hai-wei ; ae ee et U.S. Consulate-Gen.. , Shanghai a Municipal Offices, Shanghai ig age The Gables, East Blatchington, Seaford, Sussex, England Directorate General of Posts, Peking Blyth Hospital, Wenchow British Legation, Peking. cloJ. H. & C. K. EHagle, Shanghai Union University, Chengtu ... Maitland & Co., Shanghai Shanghai... 45 Haskell Road, “Shanghai Rohde & Co., Shanghai ait 17 Hart Road, Shanghai Dairen ... Ne KK: , Shanghai ... Reiss & Co. . Shanghai Kiaochow Customs House, Tsing- tau C. M. Customs, Kiukiang Commissioner of Customs, Mukden oa Peking Road, Shanghai American Legation, Peking ae G. N. Telegraph Co., Shanghai ... Shanghai St. John’s University, Shanghai .. C. M. Customs, Shanghai British Consulate, Chungkiang C. M. Customs, Shanghai C. M. Customs, "Méng Tze, Yunnan French Legation, Peking Seoul, Korea 5 Peking Road, Shanghai 5 Peking Road, Shanghai i British Supreme Court for China, Shanghai 24 Yuenmingyuen Road, Peete C. M. Customs, Shanghai The Angela, Victoria B. C. Canada S.M.C., P.W.D., Shanghai c/o A. E. Algar, Shanghai 8 Nanyang Road, Shanghai ... 221 Year of Election 1915 1919 1918 1905 1912 1916 1919 1920 1917 1916 1912 1914 1909 1919 1910 1919 1909 1881 1915 1885 1885 1916 1913 1913 1890 1912 1902 1907 1909 1911 1917 1911 1915 1915 1916 1894 1915 1914 1919 1913 1915 Pie LIST OF MEMBERS . . | Year of Name Address | Hilowhes Verbert, L... 20 The Bund, Shanghai ... 1913 Veryard, Robert K.... ¥.M.C.A,, Changsha 1917 Vizenzinovitch, Mrs. V. A Kiangwan Road, Shanghai .. 1914 Wade, R. H. R. C. M. Customs, Shanghai ... ... a 1918 W aller, A. J. ; Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., Shanghai ... 1916 Wang Chung- hui, Dr. Peking a) a | 1914 W ard, K, Kingdon 116th Mahrattas, Z Kk. FF, DD ie c/o Postmaster, Bombay Ward, Mrs. Lipsom 3a Peking Road, Shanghai os! hats 1920 Ware, Miss Alice ... 20 Kwen “Ming Road, Shanghai ... 1918 Warren, Rev. G.-G. Wesleyan Mission, Changsha 1909 Washbrook, H. G. 6 Shih Ta Jen Hu t‘ung, age: fh. 1908 Watkins, Miss J. Soochow. ae 1914 Weather all, M. E. 52 Ta Fang- chia Hu t* ung, Peking 1919 Webb, Mrs. Oye bi 21 Studley “Avenue, Shanghai 1919 Webster, Rev. James ... 17 Brompton Lane, “Strood, 1911 Rochester, England Werner, E. T. C. 5 Kuai Pang Hu Tung, North City, 1915 Peking Westbrook, EK. J. ... Asiatic Petroleum Co., eee 1916 Wheeler, Rev. W. R. A.P.M., Hangchow ... 2" Say 1920 White, Rev. H. W.._... Yencheng, Kiangsu ... ne 1915 White, Miss Laura M. 30 Kinnear Road, Shanghai a 1916 White, Rt. Rev. Wm. C. Anglican Bishop of Honan, Kai- 1913 ~fengfu Wilde, Mrs. H. R. 15 Ferry Road, Shanghai ... 1915 Wilden, H. A. French Consulate, Rue du Con- 1917 sulate, Shanghai Wilhelm, Rey. Dr. Richard Tsingtau.... | 1910 Wilkmsom, B.S. 0) s40-2e P.O. Box, No. 41, Yokohama 1911 Wilkinson, F. E. British Consulate, Foochow ... 1909 Wilkinson, H,; P..:. 3 Balfour Buildings, Shanghai 1909 Williams, C. A. S. Inspectorate General of Customs, | 1919 Peking Williams, Capt. C. C. ... c/o Butterfield & Swire, Shanghai 1918 Williams, 8S. J. ... S.M.C. Finance Dept., ‘Shanghai 1920 Wilbur, Mrs. H. A. 124 Dixwell Road, Shanghai she 1920 Wilson, Bi 2S 6 Jinkee Road, Shanghai se, 1918 Witt, Miss E. N. 15 Queensborough Terr., Hyde 1912 Park, London, W. Woets, J. ... Credit foncier d’Extreme Orient, 1919 Shanghai Wai Bie Gee of sek Gibb, Livingston & Co., Shanghai 1879 Wright, Rev. H. K. 143 North Szechuan Rd., Shanghai 1919 "Wie iS. Bo. +4. c/o C. M. Customs, Shanghai 1916 *Wu Lien-teh, Dr. ... ..| Customs Buildings, Harbin ... 1913 Wu Ting-fang, Dr. * | 3 Gordon Road, Shanghai ~ 1913 Yates, Smith: ... 5... 8 Nanking Road, Shanghai 1920 Yard, Rev: JM. ... M.E.M., Chengtu- = 1920 LIST OF MEMBERS Name Address Yetts, Dr. W. Perceval Yokoyama, R. Young, R. C. ... Zwemer, Rev. Samuel M., p.p, 223 Year of Election Junior United Service Club, London Tokyo Mercantle Agency, S’hai Municipal Offices, Shanghai... .. 5 Imad id din, Cairo F.R.G.S. TOTALS! CLASSIFIELD AS :— Fionorary Members :.. 9... 2... 15 Corresponding Members seth ah Miter Miemtberse (0.366 ey |... 268 Ordinary Members ... ... 430 Total 517 Residing at Shanghai ... 200 Residing elsewhere in China... 181 Residing in other countries ... 81 Total BL7. —— fio | phe TD | " ih nt a ] HO MNP ve i eve ‘ oarea > ” "9 THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY 74, Grosvenor Street, London, W. 1. -1. The Royal Asiatic Society, has its headquarters at 22, Albemarle Street, London, W., where it has a large library of books and MSS. relating to Oriental subjects, and holds monthly Meetings from November to June (inclusive) at which papers on such subjects are read and discussed. 2. By Rule 105 of this Society all the Members of Branch Societies are entitled while on furlough or otherwise temporarily resident within the limits of Great Britain and Ireland, to the use -of the Library as Non-Resident Members, and to attend the ~ ordinary monthly meetings of this Society. This Society accordingly invites Members of Branch Societies temporarily resident in this country to avail themselves of these facilities'and to make their home addresses known to the Secretary so that notice of the meetings may be sent to them. 8. Under Rule 84, the Council of the Society is able to accept contributions to its Journal from Members of Branch Societies, and other persons interested in Oriental research of original articles, short notes, etc., on matters connected with the languages, archaeology, rman eek beliefs and customs of any part of Asia. | 4. By virtue of the afore-mentioned Rule 105, all Members of Branch Societies are entitled to apply for election to, the Society without the formality of nomination. They should apply in writing to the Secretary, stating their names and addresses, and metitioning the Branch Society to which they belong. Election is by the Society upon the recommendation of the Council. - 5. The subscription for Non-Resident Members of the Society is 80/- per annum. They receive the quarterly Journal post free. Vol. I Part 1, (1858) _ PUBLICATIONS OF THE: SOCIETY | THE JOURNAL, Old Series. .. 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A aR a A discount of 10 per cent. is allowed to the public on a single purchase totalling $50 or upwards; and 20 per cent. if a complete = set of the Journal, as far as can be supplied, is purchased. Membere ss Laat of the Society are entitled to purchase back numbers of the Journal = for personal use, at a reduction of 30 per cent. on the above BOER ith eee: IF ORDERED THROUGH THE SECRETARY. The Stewart-Lockhart Collection of Chinese Coins,’ To Members, $5 Net. Published by Kenry & Warsz, Re wanes : Price $8 Net. Piney. aes f a