HARVARD UNIVERSITY Ernst Mayr Library of the Museum of Comparative Zoology i»«!N{3Ti.iN fitY Oh Sf.5 MCZ LfBR/^Ry 27 200§ ^^IVEFfQlJ-y MCZ UBRARY APR I 7 2007 Journal of the I .t^ARVARD UNIVERSITY Volume 93 Number 1 Spring 2007 WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Contents Editor’s Comments i Instructions To Authors ii Sethanne Howard, Science Has No Gender ..1 Yasmin H. Said, On the Eras in the History of Statistics and Data Analysis 17 R. Allen Gardner Review of Sign Language Studies of Cross Fostered Chimpanzees 37 Onoufrios Pavlogiannis, Constantine Lomi, Evangelos Albanidis, Spiros Konitslotis, and Stephanos Geroulanos, Sport and Medicine During Greek Antiquity and Roman Imperial Times News Of Members 76 Affiliated Institutions 78 ISSN 0043-0439 Issued Quarterly at Washington DC ^^asfljington ilcabcmp of ^ctcntejf Founded in 1898 Board of Managers Elected Officers President William Boyer President Elect Alain Towaide Treasurer Harvey Freeman Secretary James Cole Vice President, Administration Rex Klopfenstein Vice President, Membership Thomas Meylan Vice President, Junior Academy Paul L. Kazan Vice President, Affiliated Societies Mark Holland Members at Large Sethanne Howard Donna Dean Frank Haig, S J. Jodi Wesemann Vary Coates Peg Kay The Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences The Journal is the official organ of the Academy. It publishes articles on science policy, the history of science, critical reviews, original science research, proceedings of scholarly meetings of its Affiliated Societies, and other items of interest to its members. It is published quarterly. The last issue of the year contains a directory of the current membership of the Academy. Subscription Rates Members, fellows, and life members in good standing receive the Journal free of charge. Subscriptions are available on a calendar year basis, payable in advance. Payment must be made in U.S. currency at the following rates. US and Canada $25.00 Other Countries 30.00 Single Copies (when available) 10.00 Claims for Missing Issues Claims must be received within 65 days of mailing. Claims will not be allowed if non-delivery was the result of failure to notify the Academy of a change of address. Past President: F. Douglas Witherspoon Notification of Change of Address AFFILIATED SOCIETY DELEGATES: Address changes should be sent promptly to the Shown on back cover Academy Office. Notification should contain both old and new addresses and zip codes. Editor of the Journal Vary T. Coates Associate Editors; Alain Touwaide Sethanne Howard Elizabeth Corona Academy Office Washington Academy of Sciences Room 63 1 1200 New York Ave. NW Washington, DC 20005 Phone: 202/326-8975 email: was@washacadsci.org POSTMASTER: Send address changes to WAS, Rm.631, 1200 New York Ave. NW Washington, DC. 20005 Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences (ISSN 0043-0439) Published by the Washington Academy of Sciences 202/326-8975 website: www.washacadsci.org I THE EDITOR COMMENTS , M C2 APR 1 7 2007 ALL MUST ADMIT THAT THE ACADEMY Stays well ahead of the times! Last May our Annual Award for Excellence in the Physical Sciences went to Dr. John C. Mather; five months later the Nobel Awards Committee followed suit. In 2005 we held the first of several conferences discussing the challenges of establishing a permanent base on the Moon; in 2006 President Bush espoused that as a national goal. But in our last issue we outdid ourselves — the cover of the Journal bore the date Winter 2007, although the inside pages had the correct legend: Winter 2006. This perhaps bothered only Librarians, and subscribers who systematically shelve their periodicals; they would find only three quarterly issues for 2006, and eventually five for 2007. We would love to know how many of our readers noticed this bit of prematurity. THE STEADY EVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE rather than such leaps into the future, is however the common theme in this issue. Dr. Howard, drawing on her new book. The Hidden Giants, tells of some of the under-celebrated contributions of women scientists over 4000 years of history. Yasmin Said lays out the much shorter history of statistics, and how it has become an essential component of all modem sciences. In an electrifying account. Dr. Allen Gardner recapitulates long- running behavioral science experiments in which infant chimpanzees were raised surrounded by the use of American Sign Language. Finally, returning to Antiquity, Onoufrios Pavlogiannis and colleagues from several universities in Greece discusses the common origin and gradual divergence of medicine and gymnastics. WE ARE ALWAYS HAPPY TO RECEIVE contributions from scientists in Italy, Greece, and many other countries, but we remind our readers that a primary purpose of this Journal is to showcase the work of scientists, engineers, and teachers in our own region; so once again we encourage you to send us reports of your research and related activities. Spring 2007 11 INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS THE JOURNAL of the Washington Academy of Sciences is a peer- reviewed journal. Exceptions are made for papers requested by the editors or positively approved for presentation or publication by one of our affiliated scientific societies. We welcome disciplinary and interdisciplinary scientific research reports and papers on technology development and innovation, science policy, technology assessment, and history of science and technology. Book reviews are also welcome. Contributors of papers are requested to follow these guidelines carefully. • Papers should be submitted as e-mail attacliments to the cliief editor, vcoates r/iinac.com, along with full contact infonnation for the primary^ or corresponding author. • Papers should be presented in Word: do not send PDF files. • Papers should be 6000 words or fewer. If more than 6 graphics are included tlie number of words allowed will be reduced accordingly. • Grapliics must be in black and wliite only. They must be easily resized and relocated. It is best to put grapliics, including tables, at the end of the paper or in a separate document, with their preferred location in the text clearly indicated. • References should be in tlie fonn of endnotes, and may be in any style considered standard in the discipline(s) represented by tlie paper. Washington Academy of Sciences 1 SCIENCE HAS NO GENDER The History of Women in Science Sethanne Howard Retired, US Naval Observatory Abstract Science is a traditional role for women. For over 4,000 years of written liistorv women liave participated in tliis great human adventure. Science and teclmology are neitlier new nor difficult for women any more than they are for men. The stories of many of our scientists do not fonn part of our instruction in science from kindergarten tlirough college. Missing from our textbooks and data are tlie fundamental contributions of scientists, both male and female, but especially female. Female creativity and genius fill our teclmical past. The stories of tliese women not only provide role models for future scientists, but they also strengthen and broaden our ability^ to deal with tlie present. There is now an Internet site w w w . astr. ua. edij/4()0() ws devoted to tlie participation and success of women in the teclmical liistorv' of humanity'. Tliis site is now used by school systems world wide as a student resource. Introduction For as long as we have been human we have developed and used technology and science. For as long as we have been human we have looked forward to the next challenge, the next goal, the next creative thought. One of the defining marks of humanity is our ability to affect and predict our environment. Science — the definition of structure for our world, technology — the use of structure in our world, and mathematics — the common language of structure — have all been part of our human progress, through every step of our path to the present. Women and men together have researched and solved each emerging need. Women and men together have defined the advancing path of these three fundamental human activities. Women and men together have eased the burden for all of us. Science is adventure, a trip that uncovers beauty everywhere with every new thing understood. Eveiyorie deserves to share in this excitement and personal fulfillment. Spring 2007 2 The Women Are Important Women are important in the history of science. The name of a technical woman appears in some of world’s earliest literature — over 4,000 years ago.^ Science has been the business of women ever since then. Certainly women were questioners and thinkers long before that. Most myths and religions place the beginnings of agriculture, laws, civilization, mathematics, calendars, time keeping, and medicine into the hands of women. The mythology is so very rich. The stories form our common wealth. But whether it was the Goddess of Wisdom or War or Love, she is lost to the historical record, yet kept strong in the dreams and myths of all peoples. So who was this first woman in a long line of thinkers? She is En’Hedu’anna (c. 2354 BCE), daughter of Sargon the conqueror. And with her the written tradition of women in science and technology begins. “En” is the title of leadership in Sumerian. “Hedu’anna” means “ornament of heaven” — the name given to her when she was installed as en- priestess (the chief or leader). We do not know her birth name. She was the chief astronomer-priestess and, as such, managed the great temple complex of her city of Ur. Ur may have been the largest city of the ancient world during and after her tenure. Although we do not have precise technical works from her we know that she was a learned, diversely talented woman of power. The Sumerian temple complex under her guidance controlled the economic wealth and distribution of the city as well as its rich intellectual life. For example, the extensive astronomical observatories in Sumer managed by the en-priestess and her colleagues produced some of the earliest astronomical records, and it is from there that we gained use of the concept of base 60 — e.g., 60 degrees in a circle. And we have her poems. She is the world’s first named poet. Her poems are still available in English translation. In one of her poems she mentioned the lunar tracking done in the gi-par — the place where she lived. We also have an alabaster disk that shows her in a religious procession (see Figure 1). She is the first woman of power and scholarship whose name we know, and the last in a long line of unknown powerful women who followed the stars and the cycles of the Moon. Washington Academy of Sciences 3 FIGURE 1 - Restored alabaster disk showing En’Hedu’anna in procession. She is the third from the right. Courtesy, University Museum, Philadelphia Dr. Gerda Lerner said in her address as the incoming president of the Organization of American Historians:^ '\..AU women have hi common that their history comes to them refracted through the lens of men 's observations and refracted again through a male-centered value system.... From that time on [the beginning of written history] women were educationally deprived and did not significantly participate in the creation of the symbol system by which the world was explained and ordered. Women did not name themselves; they did not, after the Neolithic era, name gods or shape them in their image.... If the bringing of women — half the human race — into the center of historical inquhy poses a formidable challenge to historical scholarship, it also offers sustaining energy and a source ofsmength. ” “(O)ffers sustaining energy and a source of strength” is a wonderful phrase. We shall find remarkable energy and strength in the names we can dig out, albeit with difficulty, of the records. Our search began with En’Hedu’anna whose beacon still shines through the millennia. Where do we go next? Women hold up half the sky. This is a saying native to many of the world’s cultures. Yet the information about the traditional role of women Spring 2007 4 in science and technology is not easily available. A book on women in science written in 1913 (Woman in Science, H. J. Mozans)^ lists over 350 technical women of the past. This book is an amazing tour de force combining romantic views of women with hard references to original sources. Asimov’s book (Biogjaphical Encyclopedia of Science and Technology^), some 50 years later, lists sixteen women. Patrick Moore's book Men of the Stars^, a mere decade after Asimov’s book, has none. This is a disappointing trend. One would have hoped the women of the past would remain in the history books. The past decade has produced a large list of publications about technical women of the near past. The 20^*^ century is covered rather well; however, it is misleading to assume that women were not scholars before the 20^*^ century just because their names are missing from the history texts. Their absence is involuntary — a result of how history was compiled, as Dr. Lemer so eloquently said. These women contributed much. They had the entire universe to play with, to study, and to enjoy. They were not left out of this great human experience. To help bring them back into the mainstream, there is a web site dedicated to many of the technical women of the past: www.astr.ua.edu/40QQws. I maintain this web site as a resource for schools. Women contributed in all ways to the technical advancement of humanity. They held the same burdens of scholarship as the men held. There are many names of technical women from our past; women whose names and deeds are rarely heard, women of a philosophical bent, women who made a difference in the world. Before I give a small sample of these wonderful women who we now know are important, let me discuss briefly why science too is important. The Science Is Important Science and technology are important. Why? Not only because of their intrinsic merit but also because our nation is at risk. Despite the standards provided by the National Academy of Sciences and National Academy of Engineering, a large percentage of high-school science and mathematics teachers lack an undergraduate or graduate major in a technical discipline or science education. Not only are they poorly prepared in the technical aspects of science and engineering, they are also ignorant of the history and social nature of science, mathematics, and Washington Academy of Sciences 5 engineering. What does this lack of teacher training lead to? It leads to students ill prepared to carry forward our civilization. To most of us, high academic standards have become the last, best hope for saving America's schools. The reform landscape is crowded with projects, initiatives, centers, institutes, partnerships, and more. The most promising of these to emerge over the past decade or so share two common concerns: improving the quality of science and mathematics education and increasing the accessibility of science and mathematics education to students who had not participated previously. Although things are improving, the notion that excellence is ‘not for girls’ (or minorities) persists. It is vital that teachers know what women have done, how they have contributed. Science and technology are innately diverse. We need role models that highlight and celebrate this diversity. So science is important; women are important; we must make women of science as important as men of science. Search Out The Women Let us bring the women out of obscurity and put them into the center of history and science. Where do we look? We must look just about everywhere. One finds these women in many of the same places as one finds the men who were scholars. Scholarship is the key word, not science. The word ‘scientist’ is rather new, coined around 1840^. This word “scientisf’ has a very broad definition and includes the expected definition — someone with a Ph.D. who works in a technical field. A person with a Ph.D. studies a narrowly defined field of research and often is well trained in only that field. We must also include engineers, inventors, physicians, nurses, natural philosophers (scholars), and people with technical degrees. So as we look, we cannot limit ourselves to Ph.D.’s, especially since women were excluded from many universities and most graduate science programs. Before schools trained scientists, learned people were either self- taught or privately taught. They were the natural philosophers whose endeavors typically covered the classic seven liberal arts — grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. To find these scholars we look for those holders of scholarly degrees, and for poets and authors, architects, and gardeners; we look in industry, in school lists, in textbooks, letters, and stories. The names of scholars may be deduced out Spring 2007 6 of their poems, music, and writings. A literate person perforce meant a numerate person. Science, on the other hand, has been around for as long as we have been human. Today, science has split into many pieces: e.g., astronomy, mathematics, physics, biology, chemistry, meteorology, geology, and the social sciences, all in various combinations. Two of these pieces, however, stayed intact as far back as one wishes to go — astronomy and mathematics. Before humanity invented writing we find astronomical based calendar stones and engravings. There are stones, lists, clay, carvings, pictographs, and bones for clues. Astronomy and mathematics represent the mainstream of science, and they provide an especially rich source of names. Since they are the earliest scholarly arts, names from the history of astronomy and mathematics are easier to find than names from other areas. Astronomy and mathematics march together through the centuries^, not really breaking apart until the end of the 19^*' century. Historical records tend to record the work of the mathematician/astronomer because it had great practical importance in social planning and agriculture. The other sciences joined the mainstream little by little. Physics, for example, was more a practical skill than a scholar’s tool until the 19^*' century. It then grew into the great mix of physics that we have today: e.g, solid state, nuclear, quantum, crystallography, etc. Therefore, to track people who engaged in what is now called physics, one needs to look at inventors, engineers, and toolmakers as well as university scholars. Today’s chemists were once called alchemists, and they counted as scientists. The records are scattered for these fields and less likely to be translated. The same situation exists for the other fields of science. The names of these women appear in a wonderfully diverse set of places. A Sample of Women Health care is the one field in which women have always participated. Women have always been physicians. The earliest written name of a woman who was a physician is Merit Ptah^ (c. 2700 BCE), a name from 4700 years ago! Her name and image are on a tomb in the Valley of Kings in Egypt. Her patient may have died, but she is preserved in stone for eons. In Washington Academy of Sciences 7 addition to their participation in medicine and surgery, midwifery was almost exclusively managed by women until the 18^'^ century. Lost in myth is Agande (12^*^ century BCE) who Homer tells us was knowledgeable in the medicinal value of plants. The Greek Agnodice (4^*' century BCE) was a physician who was brought to trial for acting as a physician. The result of her trial was that the medical profession was legalized for all the free-born women of Athens. Ancient Rome had her own physicians — women like Victoria and Leoparda. There are several physicians and midwives from the century BCE Greece: Sotira was a Greek physician; Salpe was a well-known Greek midwife as were Olympias of Thebes and Metrodora. A manuscript by Metrodora exists in Florence. Lais is yet another physician in Greece. Fabiola (d. 399 CE) practiced medicine. She was a Christian follower of St. Jerome. And then later the names multiply. Jumping ahead a bit — six hundred years later, in 1096, the first Crusade brought a need for expanded medical facilities in Constantinople. The emperor built a 10,000 bed hospital/orphanage managed by his daughter Anna Comena. She had been well trained by tutors in astronomy, medicine, history, military affairs, history, geography, and math. Slightly later, one of the best equipped hospitals of the time was founded in Byzantium by Emperor John II (1 1 18 -1143 CE). Men and women were housed in separate buildings, each containing ten wards of fifty beds, with one ward reserved for surgical cases and another for long-term patients. The staff was a team of twelve male doctors and one fully qualified female doctor as well as a female surgeon. Their names are lost to us. Trotula lived in the 1 1^*' century and held a chair in the school of medicine at the University of Salerno. The Regimen sanitatis salermtatum contained many contributions from her work and was widely used into the 16^^' century. She promoted cleanliness, a balanced diet, exercise, and avoidance of stress — a very modern combination. Salerno was home to other women of medicine including Abella, Rebeca de Guama, Margaritan, and Mercuriade (all 14^*^ century CE). Among those who held diplomas for surgery were Maria Incamata of Naples and Thomasia de Mattio of Castro Isiae. Alessandra Giliana (c. 1318 CE) was an anatomist at Bologna. Dorotea Bucca (1360 - 1436 CE) held a chair of medicine at the University of Bologna. Hildegard of Bingen-am-Rhein (1098 - 1179 CE) is one of our true geniuses. She is honored by nurses as the founder of holistic medicine. Spring 2007 8 She was a Benedictine nun and well-known mystic who wrote volumes of text that were best sellers in her lifetime. A web search on her name will turn up almost a million hits. She was sent to a convent as a young child where she remained the rest of her life. While there she wrote in her journal speaking of her nurse: This wonderful woman who had guided me in observing the range of positions of the rising and setting Sun, who had had me mark with a crayon on a wall the time and place where the warming sunlight first appeared in the morning and finally disappeared each and every day of my eleventh year.^ This is the mark of the true scientist. How many of us have done this at eleven years of age? Moving forward in time we find other women of medicine — Marie Colinet (c. 1580 CE) treated patients throughout Germany and was the first to use a magnet to remove a sliver of metal from a patient’s eye. Isabelle Warwicke was an English surgeon (c. 1572 CE). Dorothea Christiana Leporin Erxleben (1715 - 1762 CE) was the first woman to receive a full M.D. from a German university (University of Halle). This was an exceptional case, however, and required the intervention of Frederick the Great to make it happen. The doors to official medicine in Europe remained closed to women from the Middle Ages until the 19^*^ century. Elizabeth Blackwell (1821 - 1910 CE) decided to enter college to study medicine and surgery. She finally succeeded at a small college in Geneva, New York (Geneva Medical College) and was awarded the first M.D. given to a woman in the United States (1849). Although a lot of textbooks list Dr. Blackwell as the first American doctor who was a woman, she was not the first woman to practice as a doctor. That honor goes to Harriet Hunt (1805 - 1875 CE) who set up shop in 1835. Harriet was finally awarded an honorary degree from the New England Female Medical College in 1853. Another first was Sarah Read Adamson Dolley (1829 - 1909 CE) who was the first woman to intern in a hospital (1851). She graduated from Central Medical College, New York. The number of women in medicine in the United States multiplied with the opening the New England Female Medical College in 1848 in Boston. Washington Academy of Sciences 9 Twenty-six years later the school merged with the Boston University School of Medicine thus becoming one of the earliest coed medical colleges. One of the first teachers there was Dr. Marie Zakrzewska, a German-born pioneer of women in medicine. In 1857 Dr. Esther Hawks (1833 - 1906 CE) graduated from this college and shortly afterward became a physician during the Civil War years. You can read the story of her life in her diary^®. The second woman to receive an M.D. in the United States was Lydia Folger Fowler (1822 - 1879 CE) who received the degree in 1850 from Central Medical College in Syracuse, New York, the first medical institution to admit women on a regular basis. With this brief look I pulled out all those names in medicine. Once the doors of medicine opened the women poured through them and began to contribute equally with the men. In the 20^^ century they were even receiving Nobel Prizes — Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin (1910 - 1994 CE), for example, received the 1964 Prize in chemistry for her work with penicillin and vitamin And in the other areas of science — did the women contribute? Certainly they did. Women stayed the course in astronomy and mathematics as well as all the other sciences. Even Hildegard wrote about the movement of the stars through the skies. I concentrated on women in medicine as just one example of a science where women contributed from the beginning. There are even more names for the other sciences. I provide over 400 such names in the book The Hidden Giants, published by A\^vvv. lulu. com. I shall share just four names from the long list — excluding Hypatia and Marie Curie because everyone knows about them. Marie Meurdrac (c. 1666) wrote what is probably the first book- on chemistry by a woman for women — La Chimie Charitable et facile, en favenr des dames. In it she says that minds have no sex. Think of it. Long before the current women’s movement, women were writing that equality of opportunity would mean equality of scholarship. Elena Cornaro Piscopia (1646 - 1684 CE) of Venice was a prodigy of learning. She received a doctorate in philosophy at Padua in the presence of a myriad of learned scholars. The University had a medal coined in her honor and still has a marble statue of her. Vassar College in New York has a stained glass window depicting her achievements. She studied Latin, Greek, music, theology, and mathematics and eventually learned Hebrew, Arabic, Chaldaic, French, English, and Spanish. She Spring 2007 10 studied philosophy and astronomy. Musically talented, by the time she was 17 years old she could sing, compose, and play instruments such as the violin, harp, and harpsichord. And then there was Marie Cunitz (1610 - 1664 CE), an astronomer, a woman who watched the skies. Her father educated her at home where she studied languages, classics, science, and the arts. Then she married a physician and amateur astronomer. Before long she was the primary astronomer in the family. At thirty she published a set of astronomical tables. In them she simplified Kepler’s method for calculating the positions of planets. Marie translated his rather esoteric Latin writings and simplified the calculations into ones that did not use Kepler’s complicated logarithms. Figure 2 shows the cover page of that book. It was an important book, and it went through many editions. In later editions her husband had to write a preface saying it was all her own work. It was so useful that readers assumed he'd written it for her. U K A N 1 A PROPITIA Tabuk Aflronomsca'. miry iaciles. vim hypothcfium phyficaruin a Kcpplcro pro* dinrum complexxt facillinio calcuiandiconipcnJiOj line ulla Logarithmorum mcntioflc,pb£no- menis fatisfactentcs. Quarum ufum pro tempore priclentei exado.&futuro, (acccdenteinrupcr facillimi Superb* rum SATURNiat JOVISad eiiatorcni.& Crtio f«i» confonam rw* • ’*i communicit MARIA CUNITIA. Iff: ntm unt) burcS ixm wmttttliins, auff emcfon&cfs KbmN atlb/olltrlMamKit !Bni-(ffliiil/iiai^,.ti«Ml19t/ Sub Gnauhrsbus Trivsi-gus pcrpctuis, fumpiiStis Aaofii. KicoJtbit ] o a A H N. S in f f 1 4 T OS, AKNO M. DC 1. FIGURE 2 cover of book by Marie Cunitz Cunitz's troubles didn't end with her death. The 18^^' century was not very hospitable to women. Astronomers of the so-called Washington Academy of Sciences 11 Enlightenment period couldn't digest her. Forty years after her death, one complained that ‘'she was so deeply engaged in astronomical speculation that she neglected her household.” The woman once called the second Hypatia was demoted to second class status. She is just one of the many women in the history of astronomy and mathematics. One of the 20^*^ century geniuses was Grace Brewster Murray Hopper (1906 - 1992 CE) who was the first in many things. She received a Ph.D. from Yale University in 1934 in mathematics. She joined the US Navy where she remained for the rest of her career. She was the first woman to; • Develop operating programs for the first automatically sequenced digital computer (1945) • Develop the concept of automatic programming (1951) that lead to COBOL • Receive the computer science Man of the Year awards from the Data Processing Management Association (1969) • Receive the U.S. Medal of Technology (1991). She was the oldest person on active duty in the US Navy when she finally retired at the age of eighty attaining the rank of Commodore. She kept retiring and the U.S. Navy kept bringing her back to active duty. She gave the most inspiring speeches and often testified before Congress. She helped to drive the computer revolution. She said she invented the term ‘computer bug,’ and the logbook bears her out. It happened with one of the first electronic computers — which used diode tubes. The computer had died overnight and the next morning she found a moth in the frizzled relay. The term ‘bug’ — meaning defect in a machine, plan, or the like — was used long before this however. Thomas Edison is said to have discovered a ‘bug’ in his phonograph, implying an imaginary insect. So although ‘computer bug’ begins with Grace Hopper, the concept of ‘bug’ does not (See Figure 3). This is just the merest whisper of the many names of women in science. There are so many, and each provides a light for others to follow through the centuries. Every part of science is covered from anatomy to zoology. Spring 2007 12 Photo # NH 96566-KN First Computer "Bug”. 1945 (X»^Cc»«sA I FIGURE 3 page from computer log book with moth pasted onto the page The Results of Science Have No Gender Did every scientist change the world? No. We easily remember the few people, both male and female, who produced something with a value that lives through centuries. These are the paradigm shifters. History is quick to record their names. Then there are those people, far, far greater in number than the paradigm shifters, who produce something of value for their time and place, and possibly for many times and places. These people are much more difficult to find, and yet they are important. They provide the basis upon which the rare genius can build a new paradigm. These women and men are important; they are special. There is something that encompasses not only the 20^*’ century but also all the centuries before it. Successful science works — repeatedly. The results from science can be tested, repeated, and used by others. Successful science works — when the model doesn’t work, scientists begin anew to find one that does. Over and over they repeat their attempts Washington Academy of Sciences 13 until something, even if only the smallest of somethings, works. Small something by small something, the rewards from science accumulate and grow into ever more useful solutions for human problems. Scientists have certain attributes in common with each other. They share the attributes of luck, education, ability and sweat. The scientist is in the right place at the right time; i.e., is lucky. The scientist absorbs as much education as possible. It is the education that provides the grist for the mind to use any luck it encounters. The scientist has a nimble and adaptable mind. And finally, the scientist works hard — very, very hard. Most of the effort is repetitive and boring. The excitement is rare, and when it comes, it is the deepest joy and greatest wonder — all the labor is worth those few ecstatic moments. Both women and men share these attributes. There is no gender lurking in this definition. None. There is no gender in the attributes; is there gender in the access? Yes, access to scholars and information has always depended upon gender, location, birth, and luck. If one was bom to a secure family then one might learn to read, write, and cipher. Men have the advantage here. Therefore, if a woman was literate and numerate, she was likely to have links to a tutor, a benevolent father, husband or brother who was willing to share knowledge. Perhaps, though, she lived during a time when women had the great convent schools of England, France, and Germany open to them^^. Regardless, the overwhelmingly vast majority of people, both male and female, had no access at all. They labored for their very food and shelter. The freedom to specialize in scholarship rarely put food onto the table. This freedom springs from the human need to dream a future. Those who are freed to dream are freed by the labor of the rest. One of the greatest strengths of our species is its recognition that scholarship is worthy, important, valuable, and necessary. The results of science have no gender. That is worth repeating. The results of science have no gender. We cannot back out of some invention, some theory, some solution whether the originator was female or male. The attributes of the scientist and the science are intelligence (the ability to combine information quickly, organize thoughts, and coordinate actions to achieve results), skepticism (the ability to question), luck (the ability to take quick advantage of an opportunity), sweat (the ability to work hard), and courage (the ability to maintain a clarity of thought despite opposition). Women have courage aplenty. Women share the common Spring 2007 14 intelligence of humanity. They are superlative skeptics. The sweat of their bodies waters all the monuments of the world. Many have shared luck with their male brethren. We need to celebrate these women along with the men and raise them all to be heroes. Understanding of science and technology will only strengthen our life, our work, and our world. We want solutions to our problems. They come from research, thought, and technology. In addition, there is the wonderful news that at the beginning of the 21^^ century we have women by the thousands achieving advanced degrees in all the technical fields. It took 188 years for American women to get the right to vote; in the last 15 years American women earned over 15,000 Ph.D.’s in technical fields. Graduate schools in medicine and dentistry are routinely 50% female. In South America the Argentinean Astronomical Society is now 33% female. This group of Mexicans, Chileans, Brazilians, and Argentineans, most of them young mothers starting post-doctoral positions, calls itself ALMA. It began at the 1981 International Astronomical Union meeting held in Merida, Venezuela. Their networking is informal but strong. It is time to put our women of the past into our stories of the present and our hope for the future. The pursuit of science is greater than any fantasy, than any game. Out of our joy in study and our endeavors on mountaintops, oceans and labs come solutions to problems — the problems of the world. And we give it away freely — the best of gifts — the light of knowledge to our daughters and sons. I can’t leave Hypatia out completely. I end with a quote from her: ''Reserve your right to think, for even to think wrongly is better than not to think at alV Washington Academy of Sciences 15 References ( 1 ) The first name in written liistor\' is Imliotep, tlie arcliiteet of the first pyramid. The ancient Eg> ptians thought so liiglily of liiin that they made liim a god in their pantheon. It is tlie first and last time that I know of tliat a scientist was made a god. (2) Gerda Lemer, Journal of American History, 69, 1, 1982, pages 7-20 (3) D. Appleton and Company (4) 1982, Doubleday {5) Men of the Stars, P. Moore, 1986, Galleiy^ Books, NY, NY (6) The word science is from the Latin scientia or knowledge. (7) Astronomy did not grow out of astrolog> . The science of astronomy predates tlie art of astrology by several thousand years. (8) The Timetables of Women's History, Karen Greenspan, 1994, Simon & Schuster (9) The Journal of Hildegard of Bingen, B. Laclunaa Bell Tower, 1993 (10) ,4 Woman Doctor's Civil War, Esther Hill Hawks’ Diar\\ ed. G. Schwartz, University of South Carolina Press, 1986. (11) Joliannus Kepler was also an astronomer. He codified the laws of planetary^ motion - Kepler’s Laws as we know them today - a metliod for predicting the positions of planets as they orbit the Sun. Tliey are a fundamental and crucial part of modem astronomy. (12) The Timetables of Women's History, Karen Greenspan, 1994, Simon & Schuster Spring 2007 This page intentionally left blank Washington Academy of Sciences ON THE ERAS IN THE HISTORY OF STATISTICS AND DATA ANALYSIS 17 Yasmin H. Said Center for Computational Statistics George Mason University Abstract In tliis paper, we present a view of tlie evolution of statistical tliinking tluough eras we designate as Pre-modem, Classical, Recent Past, and Future. We argue that modes of tliinking about data and statistical inference are noticeably different from one era to the next. We discuss some of tlie leading figures in each of these eras. Introduction The word ‘‘statistics” refers at once to an academic discipline, to a powerful tool for inference on data, and to results of the collection and application of statistical tools to data. Statisticians generally think of the word statistics as either the discipline or the body of methods comprising the tool while the general public more often thinks of statistics in the third sense, that is, a collection of numerical data as in ‘sports statistics.’ The word statistics is derived from the Latin statisticum collegium meaning the council of state. Similarly, the Italian word statista means statesman or politician. Thus, generically statistics means data about the state. The more modern term seems to have been the German word Statistik, popularized and perhaps coined by the German political scientist Gottfried Achenwall (1719-1772) in his Vorhereitung zur Staatswissenschqft (1748). The word statistics seems to have been introduced as an English language word by Sir John Sinclair (1754-1835). Sinclair was the supervisor of the Statistical Account of Scotland (1791- 1799), which was published in 21 volumes and was the first systematic attempt to compile social and economic statistics for every parish in the country. In the Statistical Account of Scotland^ Sinclair describes where he had come across the word statistics and why he translated and used it as an English word. Spring 2007 18 Generally for statisticians, the set of methodologies that comprise statistics include mathematical, computational, and graphical methods and may be applied to a wide variety of types of data including traditional numerical data, categorical data, image data, and even text data. In this discussion, we focus on the statisticians’ perspective and discuss the development of methodologies and applications within an intellectual framework. The history of statistics can be conceived in a sequence of overlapping eras that are designated as follows; Pre-modem Period Classical Period Recent Past Period Future Period prior to 1900 1900 to 1985 1962 to 2005 after 1981. The Pre-modern Period In the Pre-modem Period, one of the most interesting early examples of the recognition of variability is the so-called Trial of the Pyx. The Trial of the Pyx is a procedure for maintaining the integrity of newly minted coins in the United Kingdom (England). From shortly after the Norman Conquest (1066) in a procedure that has been essentially unchanged since 1282, the London (later Royal) Mint selects a sample of each day’s coins that are reserved in a box called the Pyx. The earliest agreements between the mint and the monarchy stated that a certain tolerance would be allowed in the weight of a single coin and by linear extrapolation in the aggregate weight of the contents of the Pyx. Thus, earlier than 1 100, there was a formalized methodology for allowance of uncertainty and a method by which the integrity of the entire coinage could be judged based on a sample in the presence of uncertainty in the production process.* The roots of modem statistical methodology can be traced to the mid-seventeenth century. The earliest inferences are to a large extent based on graphical methods that are later echoed in what is labeled above as the Future Period. John Graunt’s (1620-1674) Natural and Political Observations upon Bills of Mortality published in 1662 gathered and used spatial data and map layouts to make inferences about sex ratios and disease types based on the bills of mortality. In effect, John Graunt can be considered the founder of statistical epidemiology. Correspondence between Pierre Fermat (1601-1665) and Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) during the 1650s and a short tract by Christiaan Huygens (1629-1695) published in 1657 begin to lay the foundation of mathematical probability. However, Washington Academy of Sciences 19 all the early work along these lines focus on games of chance and do not come to grips with the use of probability for statistical inference. Other notable figures in the Pre-modern Period include Reverend Thomas Bayes (1702-1761), a Presbyterian minister, noted for the development of Bayes Theorem, published posthumously; William Playfair (1759-1823), noted for bar charts, pie charts, and time series plots; Charles Minard (1781-1870), whose graphical display of Napoleon’s March on Moscow is often cited as a classic representation of five-dimensional data; Simeon Denis Poisson (1781-1840) and Carl Frederick Gauss (1777-1855), who began the development of statistical distribution theory; and John Snow (1813-1858), whose use of the 1855 Cholera Map of London is recognized as one of the classic graphical displays in epidemiology. Towards the end of the Pre-modern period. Sir Francis Galton (1822-1911), cousin to Charles Darwin, developed the concept of regression toward the mean, described as early as the 1870s, and in 1888 he established the concept of correlation. In 1889, he published Natural Inheritance, in which he formally described the notions of regression and correlation. The Classical Period The Classical Period (1900-1985) is characterized by a shift from descriptive methods to an increasingly mathematical formulation of methodologies. It must be remembered that computation was a tedious procedure and data collection a relatively costly process. For this reason, in the classical period there was considerable emphasis on optimality so that data were used efficiently, and on mathematical simplicity so that computation could be done rapidly. Hallmarks of theory developed in this era include small data sets, manual computation, and strong and often unverifiable assumptions. By the turn of the twentieth century, several practitioners are recognized as the first modern statisticians, Karl Pearson (1857-1936) generally being recognized as the first. Pearson was deeply interested in religion and studied mathematics, physics, metaphysics, physiology with emphasis on Darwinism, Roman law, medieval and 16^*' century German literature, and finally English law. In 1885, he was appointed to the Chair of Applied Mathematics at University College, London. The next ten years in this Chair saw an extremely productive era for Pearson. He gave Spring 2007 20 lectures on statistics, dynamics and mechanics, completed the unfinished first volume of Clifford’s The Common Sense of the Exact Sciences (published in 1885), completed and edited the half-written first volume of Todhunter’s Histoiy of the Theory of Elasticity, began working on the second volume, published many papers on applied mathematics, lectured on The Ethic of Free Thoitght, and undertook research on a number of historical topics, including the evolution of Western Christianity. The publication of Gabon’s book in 1889 sparked Pearson’s interest in statistical methods. Along with Gabon and Walter Weldon, Pearson was co-founder of the first statistical journal, Biometrika, and served as its editor for 35 years until his death. The first issue of Biometrika appeared in October 1901. Pearson set up a statistical laboratory circa 1905 that was combined upon Gabon’s death in 1911 with Gabon’s laboratory to become the Department of Applied Statistics at University College, London. Pearson was offered and accepted the Chair. Pearson’s statistical work included the development of the Pearson curves, a very inclusive family of statistical distributions, large sample correlation analysis, and the earliest attempts at hypothesis testing. William S. Gosset (1876-1937) was trained as a mathematician and a chemist. In 1899, he secured a job as a chemist with Arthur Guinness Son and Company. Inspired by variability in the manufacturing process while working in the Guinness brewery in Dublin, he began to develop several important statistical methods. In 1905 he contacted Pearson and studied at University College, London in 1906-1907. Because Guinness had a policy that prohibited employees from publishing research papers regardless of their content, Gosset adopted the pseudonym Student. His work included results on limiting and sample distributions with his most famous achievement being the so-called Student t-test, still widely used even in the present era. Sir Ronald Fisher (1890-1962) is widely recognized as the third and probably most important of the first modem statisticians. He studied mathematics and astronomy at Cambridge, but was also interested in biology. He graduated with distinction in the mathematical tripos of 1912. He continued his studies at Cambridge on the theory of errors. Fisher’s interest in the theory of errors eventually led him to investigate statistical problems. After leaving Cambridge, Fisher worked for several months on a farm in Canada, but soon returned to London and took up a position as a statistician in the Mercantile and General Investment Company. When war Washington Academy of Sciences 21 broke out in 1914 he tried to enlist in the army, having already trained in the Officers’ Training Corps while at Cambridge. He was rejected for military service because of his eyesight. He became a teacher of mathematics and physics, teaching at Rugby and other similar schools between 1915 and 1919. Fisher gave up being a mathematics teacher in 1919 when he was offered two posts simultaneously. Karl Pearson offered him the post of chief statistician at the Galton laboratories, but he was also offered the post of statistician at the Rothamsted Agricultural Experiment Station, which was the oldest agricultural research institute in the United Kingdom. It was established in 1837 to study the effects of nutrition and soil types on plant fertility, and this appealed to Fisher’s interest in farming. He accepted the post at Rothamsted. Here he made many contributions to statistics, in particular the design and analysis of experiments, and also to genetics. He studied the design of experiments by introducing the concept of randomization and the analysis of variance, procedures now used throughout the world. In 1921 he introduced the concept of likelihood. The likelihood of a parameter is proportional to the probability of the data, and it gives a function that usually has a single maximum value, which he called the maximum likelihood. Fisher published a number of important texts; in particular. Statistical Methods for Research Workers (1925) ran to many editions that he extended throughout his life. Pearson and Fisher had a long, bitter, and very public dispute. At first they exchanged friendly letters after Pearson received a manuscript from Fisher in September 1914 of a paper he was submitting for publication to Biometrika. Pearson’s initial response was to offer his hearty congratulations and, if correct, offered to publish the paper. Later, having read the paper fully he indicated that it marked a distinct advance. By May 1916 they were still corresponding in a friendly manner. However, Pearson misunderstood the assumptions of Fisher’s maximum likelihood method, and criticized it in his May 1917 Cooperative Study, a paper that he co-authored with his staff concerning tabulating the frequency curves. Fisher, believing that Pearson’s criticism was unwarranted, responded with a paper that criticized examples in the Cooperative Study to the extent of ridiculing them. Fisher had looked again at his earlier correspondence with Pearson, noticed that many of his papers had been rejected, and concluded that Pearson had been responsible. Thus began one of the most famous feuds in the history of statistics. Spring 2007 22 There are a number of important second-generation statisticians in the Classical Period. Egon Pearson (1895-1980) was the son of Karl Pearson. In 1921 he joined his father’s Department of Applied Statistics at University College London as a lecturer. However, his father kept him away from lecturing. Egon attended his father’s lectures and began to produce a stream of high quality research publications on statistics. In 1924, Egon became an assistant editor of Biometrika, but perhaps one of the most important events for his future research happened in the following year. Jerzy Neyman (1894-1981) was stimulated by a letter from Egon Pearson, who sought a general principle from which Gosset’s tests could be derived. Neyman went on to produce fundamental results on hypothesis testing and, when Egon Pearson visited Paris in the spring of 1927, they collaborated in writing their first paper. Between 1928 and 1933, they wrote a number of fundamental papers on hypothesis testing, the best-known result being the Neyman-Pearson Lemma. Neyman moved to the University of California, Berkeley in 1938 and remained there until his death in 1981. He was reputed to have been working on a research paper in the hospital where he died. Andrei Nikolaevich Kolmogorov (1903-1987) laid the axiomatic foundations for probability theory in 1933 and also in 1938 laid out the foundations for Markov random processes. Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis (1893-1972) undertook work on experimental designs in agriculture. In 1924, he made some important discoveries about the probable error of results of agricultural experiments, which put him in touch with Fisher. Later in 1926, he met Fisher at the Rothamsted Experimental Station and a close personal relationship was immediately established that lasted until Fisher’s death. In 1927, Mahalanobis spent a few months in Karl Pearson’s laboratory in London. During this period he performed extensive statistical analyses of anthropometric data and closely examined Pearson’s Coefficient of Racial Likeness (CRL) for measurement of biological affinities. He noted several shortcomings of the CRL and in 1930 published his seminal paper on the D-square statistic, which is now recognized as the Mahalanobis Distance. Harold Hotelling (1895-1973) earned a Ph.D. in mathematics from Princeton University, and began teaching at Stanford University that same year, 1924. Hotelling realized that the field of statistics would be more useful if it employed methods of higher mathematics, so in 1929, he went Washington Academy of Sciences 23 to England to study with R. A. Fisher. When Hotelling returned to the United States, he began developing some of his techniques at Stanford University. His early applications involved the diverse fields of journalism, political science, population, and food supply. Hotelling was a pioneer in the field of mathematical statistics and economics in the 20th century, with contributions to the theory of demand and utility, welfare economics, competition, game theory, depreciation, resource exhaustion, and taxation. His work in mathematical statistics included his famous 1931 paper on the Student’s /-distribution for hypothesis testing, in which he laid out what has since been called confidence intervals. Carl Harald Cramer (1893-1985) entered the University of Stockholm in 1912 and worked as a research assistant on a biochemistry project before becoming firmly settled on research in mathematics. He earned a Ph.D. in 1917 for his thesis. On a class of Dirichlet series. In 1919 Cramer was appointed assistant professor at the University of Stockholm. He began to produce a series of papers on analytic number theory. It was through his work on number theory that Cramer was led towards probability theory. He also had a second job, namely as an actuary with the Svenska Life Assurance Company. This led him to study probability and statistics that then became the main area of his research. Cramer became interested in the rigorous mathematical formulation of probability in work of the French and Russian mathematicians, in particular the axiomatic approach of Kolmogorov. By the mid 1930s Cramer’s attention had turned to the approach of the English statisticians such as Fisher and Egon Pearson as well as contemporary American statisticians. During World War II, Cramer was cut off from the rest of the academic world. By the end of World War II he had written his msLStevplQce Mathematical Methods of Statistics. In addition to his seminal book, Cramer is known for his work on stationary stochastic processes and for the Cramer-Rao inequality. Calyampudi Radhakrishnan Rao" was born on September 10, 1920 in a small village, called Huvvinna Hadagalli, then in the integrated Madras Province of British India, but now in the state of Karnataka. He was the eighth child among ten children born to his parents, C. Doraiswami Naidu, his father, an inspector of police, and A. Lakshmikanthamma, his mother. Professor Rao is one of the most well known living statisticians. He is currently professor emeritus at Penn State University. He received an M.S. in mathematics from Andhra University Spring 2007 24 and an M.S. in statistics from Calcutta University in 1943. Professor Rao worked at the Indian Statistical Institute and the Anthropological Museum in Cambridge before acquiring a Ph.D. at King’s College under R. A. Fisher in 1948. Among his best known discoveries are the previously mentioned Cramer-Rao inequality and the Rao-Blackwell theorem, both related to the quality of estimators. Other areas he worked in include multivariate analysis, theory of parameter estimation, and differential geometry, especially as it applies to estimation. Samuel Wilks (1906-1964) began to study mathematics at the University of Texas in 1926 where he was taught set theory and other courses in advanced mathematics. Wilks received an M.A. in mathematics in 1928. Wilks was awarded a fellowship to the University of Iowa where he studied for his doctorate under H. L. Rietz. Rietz introduced him to Gosset’s theory of small samples and R. A. Fisher’s statistical methods. After receiving his doctorate in 1931 on small sample theory of ‘matched’ groups in educational psychology, he continued research at Columbia University in the 1931-1932 session. In 1932, Wilks spent a period in Karl Pearson’s department in University College, London. In 1933 he went to Cambridge where he worked with John Wishart, who had been a research assistant to both Pearson and Fisher. He was appointed instructor of mathematics at Princeton in 1933. He was to remain there for the rest of his career, being promoted to professor of mathematical statistics in 1944. Wilks’s work was all on mathematical statistics. His early papers on multivariate analysis were his most important, one of the most influential being. Certain generalizations in the analysis of variance. He constructed multivariate generalizations of the correlation ratio and the coefficient of multiple correlation and studied random samples from a normal multivariate population. He advanced the work of Neyman on the theory of confidence-interval estimation. In 1941, Wilks developed his theory of ‘tolerance limits. ’ Wilks was a founder member of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics (1935). There are obviously many other important contributors to the development of statistical theory in this Classical Period, but the ones mentioned here will suffice to give a flavor of the group. Much theory and methodology in the sense of the Classical Period still continues to be developed. Washington Academy of Sciences 25 The Recent Past Period The Recent Past Period (1962-2005) was marked by a major transition in thinking. Prior to 1962 in the Classical Period the focus was on the development of what is now called confirmatory analysis. Hypothesis testing, estimation, regression analysis, and variants of them were the major methodologies. As mentioned earlier, these methods usually required strong and often unverifiable assumptions. John Tukey (1915-2000) represents a bridge between the Classical Period and the Recent Past Period. In the landmark 1962 paper of Tukey entitled, ‘The future of data analysis,” and later in the 1977 book. Exploratory Data Analysis''' Tukey sets forth a new paradigm for statistical analysis. In contrast to confirmatory analysis in which a statistical model is assumed and inference is made on the parameters of that model, exploratory data analysis (EDA) is predicated on the fact that one does not necessarily know that model assumptions actually hold for data under investigation. Because the data may not conform to the assumptions of the confirmatory analysis, inferences made with invalid model assumptions are subject to (potentially gross) errors. The idea then is to explore the data to verify that the model assumptions actually hold for the data in hand. This concept sparked a major revolution in the thought processes of statisticians and stimulated an outpouring of new methods. A brief review of statistical research publications that explicitly use the phrase Exploratory Data Analysis between 1960 and 2004 produces the following table. Years EDA Publication Count 1960-1964 1 1965-1969 1 1970-1974 2 1975-1979 17 1980-1984 54 1985-1989 96 1990-1994 65 1995-1999 87 2000-2004 54 Of course, many more research papers were published motivated by this concept but which did not explicitly use the phrase exploratory data analysis in the key word list.*'^ John Tukey was home schooled through the high school level. He earned a bachelor’s degree in chemistry from Brown University in 1936 Spring 2007 26 and a master’s degree also in chemistry in 1937. In 1937, he went to Princeton University intending to earn a Ph.D. in chemistry, but gradually made a transition to mathematics. In 1939 he earned a Ph.D. under Solomon Lefschetz on a dissertation focused on topology. After graduation he was appointed as Instructor in the Mathematics Department at Princeton. During the World War II era, Tukey worked on artillery fire control problems through which he came to the attention of Wilks, who was very active with the Ballistic Research Laboratory in Aberdeen, Maryland. At the conclusion of the war in 1945, Wilks offered Tukey a statistics position within the Mathematics Department at Princeton. Simultaneously, Tukey joined AT&T Bell Laboratories. His colleagues included Claude Shannon (1916-2001) of information theory fame and Richard Hamming (1915-1998) whose major contributions include error correcting codes. Tukey was also very active as a government consultant. Tukey ’s earlier contributions include major advances in spectral estimation of time series and notably in 1965 the development of the fast Fourier transform. Tukey had a major impact on the AT&T Bell Laboratories, and essentially sparked an explosion in their data analysis efforts. Prominent among the statisticians who worked at Bell Labs and who made major contributions to exploratory data analysis are Ram Gnanadesikan, Colin Mallows, David Brillinger, Frank Anscombe (whose wife was a sister of Tukey ’s wife), Jon Kettenring, John Chambers, Rick Becker and Alan Wilks, and Daryl Pregibon. Early work in exploratory data analysis was especially to be found in the Ivy League universities including, in addition to Princeton, Yale University where Anscombe worked. Tukey ’s 1975 work with Jerome Friedman at Stanford University on projection pursuit featured very early work on dynamic graphics used as an exploratory data analysis tool and is among the earliest of the uses of computer-based visualization for EDA. The Future Period The introduction of personal computers and workstations circa 1981 sparked the beginnings of the Future Period (1981 onwards). In some ways it seems strange to date the Future from 1981, but the access to computational resources became so dramatically different, that literally an Washington Academy of Sciences 27 explosion of new methods resulted. The reader brought up with current machines has little appreciation for the tedium associated with debugging and running programs. Typically the process involved the development of the code (usually a FORTRAN program) and punching that code and the data into 80 column tabulator cards. The program would typically have been submitted in person to a technician and in two to three hours the results returned, usually printed out with no electronic version available. If there were any errors in the code, which there frequently were, the program would have to be corrected and resubmitted. This process could take three, four or more iterations and easily take a week just to get one program running in production. The placement of computer power in the hands of the end user made an enormous change in productivity. It should be noted that in the EDA table above the 1980-1984 and 1985-1989 period saw an explosion in papers in these two periods directly attributable to the introduction of personal computing. The mid-1970s saw the emergence of integrated circuits and their use in primitive microcomputers. Indeed the first widely distributed microprocessor-based computer, Altair 8800, was announced in December of 1974. By July of 1976, the Apple I computer is introduced. Clearly a revolution was afoot, but it was not until the IBM personal computer, the SUN and Apollo Workstations in 1981 and the Apple Macintosh in 1984, that serious computer power was in the hands of individual users. Edward J. Wegman (born 1943) had moved from a faculty position at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill to take a position as Program Director for Statistics and Probability program at the Office of Naval Research (ONR) in May 1978. The Office of Naval Research was always known for the development of innovative programs, and Wegman was asked to plan a new program. He recognized the impending impact of universal computing on statistics, and in September 1978 he delivered an address at the National Academy of Science outlining a plan for the development of computational statistics. By his definition, computational statistics meant statistical and graphical methods for analysis of data that could not be accomplished without modern (emerging) computer resources. He had identified at least three areas that would qualify for being called computational statistics including computationally intensive statistical methods, methods associated with data visualization (what was Spring 2007 28 then called statistical graphics), and finally the use of expert systems (artificial intelligence) for statistical analysis. Earlier, the phrase statistical computing had been used to characterize the translation of existing algorithms into computer code, and programs such as BMDP, SPSS and SAS had already begun to emerge on mainframe computers such as the IBM System 360 and System 370 by early to mid-1970s. However, they were merely encoding already existing traditional methods into a more conveniently formulated tool. Europeans had been using the phrase computational statistics prior to 1978, but in exactly the same sense as Americans had been using the phrase statistical computing. By 1981, Wegman had developed a robust extramural research program at ONR in computational statistics in its more modern sense. Work funded by ONR began to emerge on several fronts including computationally intensive methods such as bootstrapping, density estimation, cross validation, data mining, and classification and regression trees, and graphical methods such as brushing, grand tour, and parallel coordinate plots. Much of the work on graphical methods is summarized in Wegman and DePriest (1986). Wegman early on recognized the implication of modem computing resources for massive datasets and, in Wegman (1988), he had characterized computational statistics as dealing with large to very large non-homogeneous datasets, typically of high dimension. In contrast with the formulation of methods generated in the Classical Period, methods could be computational intensive, potentially with iterative algorithms. Methods needed to be numerically tractable, but no longer in closed form. The emphasis was displaced from statistical optimality to statistical robustness. Wegman’ s earliest training, like that of John Tukey, was in chemistry, but he soon changed to mathematics, earning a bachelor’s degree in 1965 from St. Louis University. He entered the University of Iowa planning on studying algebraic topology, but soon changed over to a combination major in mathematical statistics and computer science. He earned the M.S. degree in 1967 and the Ph.D. in 1968 under Tim Robertson. As mentioned earlier, he joined the Department of Statistics at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, the same Department that Harold Hotelling had begun. The Department was a magnet for distinguished faculty and visitors and Wegman became acquainted with Washington Academy of Sciences 29 many of the second-generation statisticians including Egon Pearson, Harald Cramer, Jerzy Neyman, and C. R. Rao. His early work focused on asymptotic theory especially related to isotonic inference and density estimation. At ONR, the period from 1978 to 1986 was arguably a golden era for the development of computational statistics with such prominent contributors as Brad Efron, Jerome Friedman, David W. Scott, Peter Huber, David Donoho, Emanuel Parzen, Grace Wahba, Peter Bickel, and the late Leo Breiman, all receiving support for their work from ONR. In 1986, Wegman went on to George Mason University where he has continued as an important contributor to computational statistics, data mining and data visualization as well as being a mentor to an emerging generation of contributors. Bradley Efron (born 1938) was bom in St. Paul, Minnesota, but obtained all of his degrees in California, undergraduate in mathematics at California Institute of Technology and graduate degrees in statistics at Stanford University. Professor Efron is an exceptionally distinguished scholar and has won many awards including being elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the National Academy of Science, being awarded the MacArthur Prize, and honorary doctorates from the University of Chicago and the Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Spain. His earliest work focused on traditional mathematical statistics and related methodology. He is known for the wide variety of innovations, but is perhaps best known for the development of computationally intensive methods and especially for his innovation, the bootstrap. Professor Efron likes to work on applied and theoretical aspects of a problem at the same time and his focus has been on Biostatistics and astrophysical applications. Jerome Friedman (born 1939) grew up in Yreka, California and earned his Ph.D. from the University of California, Berkeley in physics with a focus on high-energy particle physics. His earliest professional appointments were in physics including Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, CERN'^, and the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center (SLAC). For 30 years. Professor Friedman led the computation research group at SLAC. He gradually migrated to statistical issues taking an appointment as visiting professor of statistics at the University of California, Berkeley in 1981 and an appointment as Professor of Statistics at Stanford in 1982 while retaining his affiliation with SLAC. Professor Friedman is without doubt one of the world leaders in computational statistics and data mining. Spring 2007 30 His contributions to computational statistics reflect practical experience with data and his long history as leader of the computation research group. His methodological contributions are legendary and include classification and regression trees (CART), projection pursuit regression (PP- regression), alternating conditional expectation (ACE), multivariate adaptive regression splines (MARS), and multiple adaptive regression trees (MART) to name just a few. David W. Scott (bom 1950) earned his Ph.D. at Rice University. His early work with researchers at Rice, Baylor College of Medicine, and elsewhere focused on practical applications in fields of heart disease, remote sensing, signal processing, clustering, discrimination, and time series. Professor Scott has worked with the former Texas Air Control Board on ozone forecasting and is known for his work on massive data understanding and visualization. He is best known for his work on nonparametric density estimation, where he has provided fundamental understanding of many estimators including the histogram, frequency polygon, averaged shifted histogram, discrete penalized-likelihood estimator, adaptive estimators, oversmoothed estimators, and modal and robust regression estimators. He has provided basic algorithms including biased cross-validation and multivariate cross-validation. The Future Period is clearly changing the research emphases. The post-Sputnik era (1957-1979) saw relatively lavish funding of basic research in statistics with only some lip service being paid to applications. This substantial funding of undirected basic research saw also increasing emphasis on the development of methodology. However, the post- 1981 era saw a significant increase in emphasis on applications. The availability of computing also resulted in new and novel data structures, many of which did not follow traditional statistical models. Wegman (2000) called for the statistical profession to become more data centric rather than methodology centric, i.e. to take on challenges of the new data structure even though they did not fit conveniently within the framework of existing statistical models. Some emerging data structures and future directions for the profession include streaming data, image data, text data, and data available in the form of random graphs. No longer is basic research money easily available for research in statistical methodology alone. Increased emphasis on real problems cannot help but be a good feature for academic research because virtually every significant advance has been motivated by addressing some real problem. Washington Academy of Sciences 31 Statistical Thinking in Government, Science, and Law Statistics as an academic discipline is intertwined with and motivated to a large extent by official government statistics. An interesting timeline showing these interconnections can be developed. John Graunt (1620-1674), Gottfried Aschenwall (1719-1772), Sir John Sinclair (1754-1835) and John Snow (1813-1858) have already been mentioned in connection with official statistics. Anticipating by 50 years Sir John Sinclair’s work. Pastor Johann Peter Sussmilch’s (1707-1767) two-volume treatise. Die gdttliche Ordnimg hi den Verdndenmgen des nienshlichen Geschlechts aus der Gebnrt, dem Tode iind der Fortpflanzwig desselben em’eisen, appeared originally in 1741 and combined facts from church registers and mortality statistics. The Swedish contemporary of Siissmilch was Per Wargentin (1717-1783) is credited with the achievements of Swedish statistics in the eighteenth century and was used by Siissmilch in later editions of Sussmilch’s work. The first U.S. Census was taken under the authority of Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson in 1790. U. S. Marshals on horseback took the Census and they counted 3.9 million people. By 1810, the U. S. Census was expanded to obtain information on manufacturing including the amount and value of products. By 1839, the American Statistical Society was formed to be renamed shortly the American Statistical Association because of an unfortunate acronym. In England, William Farr (1807-1883), an early medical statistician, was the compiler of abstracts in the office of the Registrar General. Using data that he compiled along with methods earlier attributed to John Snow, he identified the source of the 1866 cholera epidemic as water from a particular well of the London Water Company. Meanwhile his contemporary, Ernst Engel (1821-1896) served from 1860 as Director of the Royal Prussian Statistical Bureau. Back in the United States, Abraham Lincoln establishes the United States Department of Agriculture (USD A) in 1862. Lincoln refers to USDA as “the people’s department.” In 1863, the first crop report appears and the USDA Division of Statistics is established. U. S. Census Bureau employee Herman Hollerith invented tabulating card machines, which were first used in the 1890 census, which counted nearly 63 million people. In 1913, the U. S. Department of Labor is established along with the Bureau of Labor Statistics. A major development took place in Europe in 1953 with the development of the European Statistical System Spring 2007 32 (EUROSTAT), which, for the first time, integrated statistics across all of Western Europe. In short, the roots of statistics as a state science continues to stimulate and motivate statisticians with continuing advances in survey research and sampling theory associated with survey research. Statistics as a methodology has become a ubiquitous subtext in the modern scientific and social enterprise. Within medicine, clinical trials for new medicines and medical devices are universally required for Food and Drug Administration approvals. Such requirements have elevated Biostatistics to an essential part of the medical curriculum. Virtually no medical paper is published without an appropriate statistical analysis. Indeed, sizable efforts are made to model and track potential impending epidemics and the field of epidemiology has emerged as a quasi- independent discipline. Within the field of law, statistical methods and the meaning of the weight of evidence is becoming increasing subject to statistical interpretation. Indeed, a judicial trial is essentially an analog of statistical hypothesis testing. The null or status quo hypothesis is that the defendant is innocent until proven guilty. The evidence presented is intended to convincing reject the null hypothesis in favor of the alternate hypothesis of guilt. The jury of peers is intended as a replicated sample of independent observers (although, with human observers, this is not always the case). Testimony of statistical experts has often been employed in the last three decades in racial or sex discrimination cases. An interesting new direction has been emerging with respect to forensics in the courtroom. Statistical methods have been used to discredit to a large extent the use of polygraph for lie detection and such testimony is no longer allowed (National Research Council, 2003). Similarly, the National Research Council of the National Academies (2004) has considered bullet lead analysis used by the Federal Bureau of Investigation using statistical methods and has increased legal challenges to this type of evidence. Oxhtr forensic science evidence likely to come under statistical and other technical scrutiny in the future include what is now called friction ridge'* evidence and blood alcohol concentration evidence'"*. While DNA evidence has been vetted from a statistical perspective, the statistical certainty of these other forms of forensic evidence is far less clear and is likely to lead to additional significant Washington Academy of Sciences 33 adjustment in legal procedures and less aggressive pursuit of convictions based on these methods. Conclusions The current era, i.e., what is here called the Future Period, is a golden era for statistics as a discipline. Never in the history of statistical research has there been more innovation, motivated by the fortuitous combination of important problems, computational resources, and an incredibly able cast of scholars. Those few contemporary scholars mentioned in this article are by no means the only scholars of note. It is far easier to list important contributors from the past as their contributions have stood the test of time. To simply list the contemporary scholars in the statistics discipline would be an arduous task. To give some sense of scale, since 1962, the beginning of the Recent Past Period, there have been 1643 people named as Fellows of the American Statistical Association (ASA). Since 1981, there have been 1033 people elected as Fellow of ASA. In contrast to these numbers, from 1914, when the Fellow rank was established, until 1960, there were only 464 Fellows of ASA elected. Just the list of ASA Fellows from 1961 onwards occupies 34 pages of text. That a person is not explicitly listed in this article should in no way be interpreted as a lack of contribution or importance to the scholarly enterprise by that person. There are simply too many distinguished contributors to list individually. Acknowledgement The author gratefully acknowledges the long discussions with Professor Edward J. Wegman, whose contact and experience with both the early contributors and the evolution of statistics as a discipline over the last 40 years provided valuable insight that made this discussion possible. ' Tlie use of linear extrapolation is a flawed procedure by modem stcmdards. If a tolerance of 2 units per coin is allowed, tlien for 100 coins, the Trial of the Pyx would allow 200 units tolerance, whereas modem theory’ would dictate a tolerance of 2Vl00 = 20 units tolerance. "Professor Rao’s parents named liiin Radhakrislma after Radlia and Krislma. Krislma is believed to be incarnation of Vislmu by tlie Hindus. Today, C. Radhakrislma is synonymous witli statistical science; however, his parents did not know their child's destiny. At the time tliey just wanted to attach Divinity to his name. Among Hindu's, Spring 2007 34 Radhakrislina is a chanting name for perfonning Japa yoga, wliich is one of many ancient Indian yoga systems. Krislma was tlie eighth cliild bom in a jail where his parents. De^ aki and Vasude\ were kept by Devaki’s brother. Kamsa. Soon after he was bom. Krislma appeared as a four-handed Vislmu. tlie primarv Hindu God. and ad\ased Vasudew liis father, to take liim to Gokul. All the Jail doors opened, and in torrential rain Vasude^ crossed the inundated Yamuna River. All obstacles were removed, and thus. Krislma ’s divinit> began manifesting. Radlia migrated to Gokul from another village. She was a contemporan of Krishna, perhaps, some\Ahat older. Her husband never returned from his fighting in a war, and Radha ne\ er remarried. She soon recognized tlie Dh init> of Krislma and adopted the Bhakti yoga, surrendering to Krislma as a Bhakta \\ould do. She was totally lost in Samadlii. deep meditation, and would forget tlie whole world. Among Hindus. Radha’s name that is placed before Krishna, because she exemplified the supreme and di\ ine love and surrender necessan for the ultimate salvation. Exploratory' Data Analysis was actually issued a fe\^ years earlier tlian 1977 in a massh e preprint fonn tliat was widely distributed among the research oriented statistics departments. It should be noted tliat Tukey’s Exploratory Data Analysis book alone has more tlian 1580 citations. “CERN is the European Organization for Nuclear Researcli. tlie world's largest particle physics center. It sits astride the Franco-Swiss border near Geneva.” ""’Friction ridge evidence is what lias been called finger print analysis. The coimiion \^ isdom tliat fingerprints are unique to an individual dates from tlie turn of the 20^ centurN , but tliis has never been proven scientifically. Tlie implication of U.S. lawyer, Brandon Mayfield, a Muslim convert, in tlie March 11, 2004 Madrid Train bombings based on erroneous finger print analysis, liiglilights tliis ambiguit\'. ""’’Blood alcohol concentration (BAG) is usually inferred from breath alcohol concentration, wliich is traditionalh presumed to be linearly related to blood alcohol concentration w itli no accounting for statistical fluctuations in this relationsliip. Breath alcohol concentration is measured by the absorption of infrared wavelengtlis in two spectral bands by tlie alcohol molecule, which can also be mimicked by other volatile organic molecules. The presumption of intoxication at a BAG of .08 lias been successfully cliallenged in Virginia based on tlie fact tliat it unconstitutionally sliifts the burden of proof to the defendant to prove tliat he/she is not intoxicated. References Achenw all, Gottfried (1748) Vorhereitung zur Staatswnssenschaft Glifford. William Kingdon. Rowe, Richard Gharles. and Pearson. Pearson (1885) The Common Sense of the Exact Sciences, New^ York, D. Appleton and Gompany Gramer. G. H.(1917) On a Class of Dirichlet Series, Ph.D. DissertatioreUniversity of Stockholm Washington Academy of Sciences 35 Crainer. C. H. (1945) Mathematical Methods of Statistics. Uppsala, Almqvist and Wiksells Fisher, R. A. (1925) Statistical Methods for Research Workers. Edinburgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1st Edition (now in 14th Edition) Galton, Francis (1889) Natural Inheritance, London and New' York, Mcinillan and Company Graunt, Jolin (1662) Natural and Political Obsen’ations upon the Bills of Mortality National Research Council of the National Academies (2004) Forensic Analysis Weighing Bullet Lead Evidence. Wasliington, D.C., National Academies Press National Research Council of the National Academies (2003) The Polygraph and Lie Detection. Wasliingtoa D.C., National Academies Press Sinclair, Jolm (1791-1799) Statistical Account of Scotland {2\ volumes) Soper, H. E., Young, A. W., Cave, B.M., Lee, A. and Pearson, K. (1917) “On tlie distribution of tlie correlation coefficient in small samples; Appendix 11 to the papers of ‘Student’ and RA Fisher. A Cooperative Study,” Biometrika. 1 1, 328 Stissmilch, Johami Peter and Baumann, Cluistian Jacob (1798) Die gottUche Ordniing in den Veranderungen des menshlichen Geschlechts aus der Gehurt, dem Tode iind der Fortpflanzung desselben erweisen. Berlin : Im Veiiag der Buchli. der Realschule (3’^'^ Edition) Todhunter, 1. And Pearson, K. (1886) History of the Theory of Elasticity. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Tukey, J. W. (1962) “Tlie future of data ^itvaXysis'EAnnals of Mathematical Statistics. 33, i-67 Tukey, J. W. (1977) Exploratory Data Analysis. Reading Massachusetts, Addison- Wesley Publisliing Company Wegman, E. J. and DePriest, D. J. (1986) Statistical Image Processing and Graphics. New York, Marcel Dekker Wegman, E. J. (1988) “Computational statistics: a new^ agenda for statistical tlieoiy and practice,” Jowr/7^7/ of the Washington Academy of Sciences. 78, 310-322 Wegman. E. J. (2000) “On the eve of tlie 21st century: Statistical science at a crossroads,” Computational Statistics and Data Analysis. 32, 239-243 Wilks, S. S. (1932) “Certain generalizations in the analysis of variance,” Biometrika. 24, 471-494 Spring 2007 This page intentionally left blank Washington Academy of Sciences REVIEW OF SIGN LANGUAGE STUDIES OF CROSS-FOSTERED CHIMPANZEES 37 R. Allen Gardner University of Nevada Abstract In cross-fostering, parents of one genetic stock rear young of a second genetic stock to study tlie effect of rearing on genetic predisposition. Cliimpanzees Washoe, Moja, Pili, Tatu, and Dar were cross-fostered in households modeled as closely as possible after human infant enviromnents. Washoe arrived when she was 9 or 10 months old. Moja, Pili, Tatu, and Dar arrived within a few days of birth. When the cross-fosterlings were present, American Sign Language (ASL) was the only language used by human foster families. Cross-fosterlings learned ASL from human adults and each other conversationally, witliout drills or special treats. Semantic range was like human semantic range - DOG for any dog, FLOWER for any flower, including dogs and flowers on first sight. The clumps mostly initiated conversations on tlieir own after about two years, casually as human cliildren do, as if bom with a motive to communicate. ASL is a naturally occurring human language permitting comparison with human development. Development of vocabulary and pluuses was comparable to development of human children. Development of functional categories of answers to Wh-questions was comparable, even advanced, as was meaningfully contingent replies to probing questions. Cross-fosterlings also used e.xpansion, reiteration and incorporation to maintain conversation. Pragmatics of gaze direction and turn taking as well as gaze direction and pointing developed in human patterns. They also developed human pragmatic devices to indicate agent, object, and instmment. Development was slower than human development, but without signs of asymptote. Longer years of cross-fostering should induce furtlier progress. Human beings grow up to be human adults partly because they are born human, and partly because they are reared by human parents in human societies. In cross-fostering, parents of one genetic stock rear young of a different genetic stock to study the effect of rearing conditions on genetic predispositions. Cross-fostering assumes that infants, particularly human infants, develop by interacting and experiencing rather Spring 2007 38 than by incubating and unfolding like a flower in a pot. Evolutionary biologist, Lewontin (1991) put it this way: ... we are not determined by our genes, although surely we are influenced by them. Development depends not only on the materials that have been inherited from parents - that is, the genes and other materials in the sperm and egg - but also on the particular temperature, humidity, nutrition, smells, sights, and sounds (including what we call education) that impinge on the developing organism (1991, p. 26). Genomic psychologists and biologists seem to teach that all animals develop according to an inexorable species-specific plan. Provided with sufficient food, water, and shelter, each child should develop into a typical child, each chimpanzee into a typical chimpanzee, and so on. Current trends in genomics often seem to support this tradition. Lewontin answers as follows: The trouble with the general scheme of explanation contained in the metaphor of [genetic programs] is that it is bad biology. If we had the complete DNA sequence of an organism and unlimited computational power, we could not compute the organism, because the organism does not compute itself from its genes. Any computer that did as poor a job of computation as an organism does from its genetic ‘‘program” would be immediately thrown into the trash and its manufacturer would be sued by the purchaser (1991, p. 17). Sign language studies of cross-fostered chimpanzees assume that if any form of behavior, human or animal, exists it exists as a natural, biological phenomenon. The proper analysis of behavior is not in terms of simpler behavior and more complex behavior, or in terms of lower organisms and higher organisms, but rather in terms of general principles that can be found in all forms of behavior. They further assume that there is no discontinuity between verbal behavior and the rest of human behavior, or between human behavior and the rest of animal behavior - no barrier to be broken, no chasm to be bridged. Chimpanzees learned to use a form of human language, American Sign Language (ASL) under nearly the same conditions in which human children learn their first language. Washington Academy of Sciences 39 Sibling Species That chimpanzees look and act like human beings, is plain to see. Modern research reveals closer and deeper biological similarities of all kinds (Goodall, 1986). By molecular analysis, for example, chimpanzees are closer to humans than any other species, and also closer to humans than chimpanzees are to gorillas or to orangutans (Sarich & Cronin, 1976; Stanyon, Chiarelli, Gottlieb, & Patton, 1986). Most critical for human cross-fostering, chimpanzees have a long childhood. Newborn chimpanzees are quite helpless. In our laboratory, they failed to roll over by themselves before four to seven weeks old, sit up before ten to fifteen weeks, or creep before twelve to fifteen weeks. The change from milk teeth to adult dentition began at about five years. Under natural conditions in Africa, infant chimpanzees are almost completely dependent on their mothers until they are two or three years old and weaning only begins when they are between four and five years old. Menarche occurs when wild females are ten or eleven, and their first infant is born when they are between twelve and fifteen years old (Goodall, 1986 pp. 84-85, 443). Captive chimpanzees have remained vigorously alive, taking tests and solving experimental problems when they were more than 50 verified years old (Maple & Cone, 1981). Cheeta, star of Tarzan movies, was 71 years old in 2003 (Roach, 2003) and alive and well in 2005 (Westfall, personal communication). A Cross-fostering Laboratory Cross-fostering is very different from rearing a chimpanzee in a conventional laboratory staffed by human caretakers. Cross-fostering is also very different from keeping a chimpanzee in a home as a pet. Many people keep pets in their homes. They may treat their pets very well, and they may love them dearly, but they hardly treat them like children. Providing a nearly human infant environment all day every day for years on end is a daunting laboratory challenge. In his historic review, Kellogg (1968) found only three cases that qualified as human-chimpanzee cross- fostering: Kellogg & Kellogg (1933), Hayes & Hayes (Hayes 1951), and Gardner & Gardner, only just beginning as Kellogg was writing in 1967. All aspects of intellectual growth are intimately related. For young chimpanzees no less than for human children familiarity with simple tools such as keys, devices such as lights, articles of clothing such as shoes, are intimately involved in learning signs or words for keys, lights, shoes, opening, entering, lighting, and lacing. The Gardner laboratory in Reno Spring 2007 40 was well-stocked with such objects and activities, and cross-fosterlings had free access to them, or at least as much access as young human children usually have. While no more free than human children to go outdoors without permission they were free of mechanical restraints both indoors and out. They not only learned to eat human style food, they learned to use cups and spoons and to clear the table and help wash the dishes after a meal. They not only learned to use human toilets (in their own quarters and elsewhere) but they learned to wipe themselves and flush the toilet, and even to ask to go to the potty to postpone lessons and bedtimes. R. Gardner and Gardner (1989) is a detailed description of their daily indoor and outdoor life in human-style surroundings. The Gardner laboratory advanced beyond earlier studies because it included five chimpanzee subjects, rather than only one, because it continued longer, and mostly because the daily language of this infant world was American Sign Language (ASL), the naturally occurring language of deaf communities in North America. English, the language of earlier studies, demands vocal apparatus and vocal habits that seem to be beyond chimpanzees. Without conversational give-and-take in a common language, cross-fostering conditions could hardly be said to simulate the environment of a human infant. In the Gardner laboratory, for the first time, cross-fostered chimpanzees and their human foster families had a common language. Sign Language Only Attempting to speak good English while simultaneously signing good ASL is about as difficult as attempting to speak good English while simultaneously writing good Russian. Often, teachers and other helping professionals attempt to speak and sign simultaneously. Those who have only recently learned to sign, soon find that they are speaking English sentences while adding the signs for a few of the key words in each sentence (Bonvillian, Nelson, & Charrow, 1976). When a native speaker of English practices ASL in this way, the effect is roughly the same as practicing Russian by speaking English sentences and saying some of the key words both in English and in Russian. A human foster family that spoke and signed at the same time could hardly provide an adequate model of ASL. Signing to infant chimpanzees and speaking English among adults would also have been inappropriate. That would have lowered the status of signs to nursery talk. In addition, cross-fosterlings would have lost the opportunity to observe Washington Academy of Sciences 41 adult models of conversation, and the human newcomers to sign language would have lost significant opportunities to practice and to learn from each other. To a casual observer looking over the laboratory fence, the greatest departure from the world of most human children would probably have been the silence. Modern man is a noisy member of the animal kingdom. Old or young, male or female, wherever you find two or more human beings they are usually vocalizing. By contrast, chimpanzees are usually silent. They seldom vocalize unless they are excited (Yerkes, 1929, pp. 301-309; Goodall, 1986, p. 125). Cross-fostered chimpanzees, Washoe, Moja, Pili, Tatu, and Dar were also very silent and so were their human companions. The only language that we used in their presence was ASL. There were occasional lapses, as when outside workmen or their pediatrician entered the laboratory, but the lapses were brief and rare. When a cross-fosterling was present, all business, all casual conversation was in ASL. Everyone in their human foster family had to be fluent enough to make themselves understood under the sometimes hectic conditions of life with these lively youngsters. Visits from nonsigners were strictly limited. Visitors from the deaf community who were fluent in ASL were always welcome. The rule of sign-language-only required some of the isolation of a field expedition. We lived and worked as if at a lonely outpost in a hostile country. We were always avoiding people who might speak to our chimpanzees. On outings in the woods, we were as stealthy and cautious as Indian scouts. On drives in town, we wove through traffic like undercover agents. We could stop at a Dairy Queen or a MacDonald's fast- food restaurant, but only if they had a secluded parking lot in the back. Then one human companion could buy the treats while another waited with the cross-fosterling in the car. If anyone noticed a chimpanzee passenger, the car drove off to return later for stranded passenger and treats, when the coast was clear. The Second Project Project Washoe presented the first challenge to traditional doctrines about nonhuman beings and language. But, it came to a premature end in 1970, when of the six humans in her foster family, Susan Nichols decided to have her own baby, and Roger Pouts determined to get an independent post far from the University of Nevada. Failing to replace Susan and Roger in time, we had to stop and regroup. Luckily, in the nick Spring 2007 42 of time William Lemon kindly offered both Washoe and Roger a place at his chimpanzee institute at the University of Oklahoma. After two years of regrouping and planning we began a second venture in cross-fostering. The objectives were essentially the same, but there were several improvements in method. For example, Washoe was nearly one year old when she arrived in Reno. A newborn subject would have been more appropriate, but newborn chimpanzees are very scarce and none were offered to us at the time. After Project Washoe, it was easier for us to obtain newborn chimpanzees from laboratories. Chimpanzee Moja, a female, was bom at the Laboratory for Experimental Medicine and Surgery in Primates, New York, on November, 18, 1972, and arrived in our laboratory in Reno on the following day. Chimpanzee Pili, a male, was born at the Yerkes Regional Primate Research Center, Georgia, on October 30, 1973, and arrived in our laboratory on November, 1, 1973. (Pili died of leukemia on October 20, 1975, so that his records cover less than two years.) Chimpanzee Tatu, a female, was born at the Institute for Primate Studies, Oklahoma, on December 30, 1975, and arrived in our laboratory on January 2, 1976. Finally, chimpanzee Dar, a male, was born at Albany Medical College, Holloman AFB, New Mexico, on August 2, 1976, and arrived in our laboratory on August 6, 1976. Chimpanzees of the second project could interact with each other, which added a new dimension to cross-fostering. In a human household, children help in the care of their younger siblings who, in their turn, learn from older siblings. Sibling relationships are also a common feature of the family life of wild chimpanzees (Goodall, 1986, pp. 74, 176-177, 337). At Gombe in Africa, older offspring stay with their mothers while their younger siblings are growing up and they share in the care of their little brothers and sisters. Close bonds form between older and younger siblings who remain allies for life. Younger siblings follow and imitate their big sisters and big brothers. Seven year old Flint followed and imitated his young adult brother, Faben, in a way that would certainly be described as hero worship if they had been human brothers. Faben was partially paralyzed as an after effect of polio and had a peculiar and striking way of supporting his lame arm with one foot while he scratched the lame arm with the good arm. During a 1971 visit to Gombe, Beatrix Gardner and I observed how Flint copied even this peculiar scratching posture of his brother Faben. Capitalizing on relationships between older and younger foster siblings, we started Moja, Pili, Tatu, and Dar newborn, but at intervals, so that there would be age differences. \Afeshington Academy of Sciences 43 The second project became a fairly extensive enterprise by the time that there were three chimpanzee subjects. At that point, we moved from the original suburban home to a secluded site that used to be a guest ranch. The chimpanzees lived in the cabins that formerly housed ranch hands. Many of the human family members lived in the guest apartments and the rancher’s quarters. Human bedrooms were wired to intercoms in the chimpanzee cabins so that each of the cross-fosterlings could be monitored by at least one human adult throughout each night. There were great old trees and pastures, corrals and barns, to play in. There were also special rooms for observation and testing as well as office and shop facilities. The place was designed to keep chimpanzees under cross- fostering conditions until they were nearly grown up, perhaps long enough for them to begin to care for their own offspring. At all times in the second project, several human members of the family were deaf themselves or children of deaf parents, and still others had learned ASL and used it extensively with members of the deaf community. With deaf participants it was “sign language only” all of the time, whether or not there were chimpanzees present. Native signers were the best models of ASL, for human participants who were learning ASL as a second language as well as for chimpanzees who were learning it as a first language. The native signers were also better observers because it was easier for them to recognize babyish forms of ASL. Along with their own fluency they had a background of experience with human infants who were learning their first signs of ASL. News of the success of Project Washoe had been warmly received in the deaf community. There were enthusiastic articles in the Deaf American, the most widely circulated publication in the deaf community at that time {e.g., Swain, 1968, 1970). When we lectured at Gallaudet College (the national college of the deaf in Washington, D C.) in 1970, we were told that our audience was the largest that had ever turned out for a lecture in the history of the college up to that time. Project Washoe had opened channels of communication for consultation, advice, and recruitment. Teaching We signed to each other and to cross-fosterlings throughout the day the way human parents model speech and sign for human children. We used a very simple and repetitious register of ASL. We made frequent comments on common objects and events in short, simple redundant Spring 2007 44 sentences. We amplified and expanded on their fragmentary utterances (e.g. Tatu: BLACK/ Naomi; THAT BLACK COW/). We asked known- answer questions {e.g WHAT THAT‘S WHAT YOUR NAME? WHAT I DO?). We attempted to comply with requests and praised correct, well- formed utterances. All of these devices are common in human households (de Villiers & de Villiers, 1978; Moerk, 1983; Snow, 1972). Parents throughout the world seem to speak to their children as if they had very similar notions of the best way to teach languages such as English or Japanese to a young primate (Snow & Ferguson, 1977).We did not have to tempt them with treats or ply them with questions to get them to sign to us. Mostly, they initiated conversations with human companions and, of course, with each other. They commonly named objects and pictures of objects in situations in which we were unlikely to reward them. Washoe often signed to herself in play, particularly in places that afforded her privacy, i.e., when she was high in the tree or alone in her bedroom before going to sleep. ... Washoe also signed to herself when leafing through magazines and picture books, and she resented our attempts to join in this activity. If we did try to join her or if we watched her too closely, she often abandoned the magazine or picked it up and moved away. Our records show that Washoe not only named pictures to herself in this situation, but that she also corrected herself. On one occasion, she indicated a certain advertisement, signed THAT FOOD, then looked at her hand closely and changed the phrase to THAT DRINK, which was correct. Washoe also signed to herself about her own ongoing or impending actions. We have often seen Washoe moving stealthily to a forbidden part of the yard signing QUIET to herself, or running pell-mell for the potty chair while signing HURRY. (B. Gardner & Gardner, 1974, p.20) Modeling and Molding Fortunately, both children and chimpanzees can learn by procedures that tell them directly, “This is an X” or “You are (or I am) Xing.” Modeling words and signs in this way is a natural part of nursery life. For example, our cross-fosterlings had to brush their teeth after every meal. At first, Washoe resisted this routine. Gradually, she came to submit with less and less fussing, and within the first year, she started to help and even to brush her teeth for herself Usually, after having finished her meal. Washington Academy of Sciences 45 she would try to leave her high-chair. We would restrain her, signing, FIRST TOOTHBRUSH, THEN YOU CAN GO. One day, in the tenth month of the project, Washoe was visiting the Gardner home and found her way into the bathroom. She climbed up on the counter, looked at our mug full of toothbrushes, and signed TOOTHBRUSH. At the time, we believed that Washoe understood the sign TOOTHBRUSH, but we had never seen her use it. She had no reason to ask for the toothbrushes in the Gardner bathroom, because they were well within her reach; and it is very unlikely that she was asking to have her teeth brushed. She was just naming a found object, to her companion or, perhaps, to herself Adult to adult interest was also critical. In the 1960’s many members of Washoe’s foster family were smokers. She must have watched them asking each other for cigarettes and matches over and over again, although she, herself, was not allowed to smoke cigarettes or play with matches. One day, during the 30th month of Project Washoe, Naomi (a nonsmoker) needed to light the stove for cooking, but could not find any matches. Washoe watched the search intently. By way of explanation, Naomi held up an empty box of matches. And Washoe replied, SMOKE. After this first observation, we discovered that Washoe signed SMOKE to name both cigarettes and matches or their familiar containers. One way to tell a chimpanzee or a child that “This is the sign for X” is to take their hands and mold them into the sign while putting them through the movement. We call this procedure molding (cf. Fouts, 1972). Parents and teachers of deaf human children use it often to teach signs (Bonvillian & Nelson, 1973, pp. 191, 199; Maestas y Moores, 1980, pp. 5- 6), and variants of molding are used in teaching all sorts of motor skills to human children and to human adults, also. The sixth sign that Washoe acquired, and the first that she acquired by molding, was TICKLE. DOG was an early sign for all of our chimpanzees, but live dogs were too distracting to use as exemplars. The youngsters chased them, patted them, and pulled their tails; but they were usually just too excited to sign about them. We had to use drawings and pictures to teach this sign. Once they had mastered it they could use it to name live dogs, also, and even to comment on the barking of an unseen dog. When she was 24 months old, Moja and her family invented a game in which she signed DOG on a friend's thigh (an inflected form, Rimpau, Gardner, Sc Gardner, 1989). Then the friend would bark like a dog. The dog imitation of her Spring 2007 46 human companion might be quite dramatic, even including getting down on all fours and jumping over furniture. It was one of Moja’s favorite games. When he was 16 months old, Pili had already started to sign DOG to name pictures of dogs, but progress was slow until he learned the dog game from Moja. After one incident of watching Moja play it with a mutual friend it became a favorite game of his, also. With the dog game added to the list of appropriate contexts, his DOG sign quickly passed the criterion of reliability (see Gardner, Gardner, & Nichols, 1989). Food and sweets can be powerful distracters. We soon learned that one of the worst times to teach anything was at the beginning of mealtime. The hungrier the chimpanzee and the more attractive the food, the more the teaching session would dissolve into a frenzy of begging (see R. Gardner & Gardner, 1988). Communication and Motive Normal human children learn to speak as if they were bom with a powerful motive to communicate; no other incentive seems to be necessary. Many other species behave as if they were born with a powerful motive to communicate; communication is by no means a uniquely human motive (Tinbergen, 1953). Chimpanzees are among the many species that behave as if they were born with a powerful motive to communicate (Goodall, 1986). Captive chimpanzees are similar to wild chimpanzees in this respect (Kellogg, 1968) unless their conditions of captivity are so severe that normal behavior is suppressed. A Robust Phenomenon Washoe, Moja, Pili, Tatu, and Dar signed to friends and to strangers. They signed to each other and to themselves, to dogs and to cats, toys, tools, even to trees. Along with their skill with cups and spoons, pencils and crayons, their signing developed stage for stage much like the speaking and signing of human children (Van Cantfort & Rimpau, 1982; Van Cantfort, Gardner, & Gardner, 1989). They also used the elementary sorts of sign language inflections that deaf children use to modulate the meaning of signs (R. Gardner & Gardner, 1978, pp. 56-58; Rimpau, Gardner, & Gardner, 1989). Cross-fostered chimpanzees converse among themselves, even when there is no human being present and the conversations must be recorded with remotely controlled cameras. The infant, Loulis, adopted by Washoe when he was about a year old learned Washington Academy of Sciences 47 more than 50 signs of ASL that he could only have learned from other chimpanzees (Fouts, Hirsch & Fouts, 1982). In 2006, thirty-five years after she left Reno, Washoe was still signing, not only to humans but to other chimpanzees whether or not there were any human beings in sight (Fouts & Fouts, 1989). This is more remarkable when we consider the procedure of Project Loulis. When Loulis was 10 months old he was adopted by 14 year old Washoe, shortly after she lost her own newborn infant. To show that Washoe could teach signs to an infant without human intervention, Roger Fouts introduced a drastic procedure. All human signing was forbidden when Loulis was present. Loulis and Washoe were almost inseparable for the first few years, so Washoe lost almost all her input from human signers. It was a deprivation procedure for Washoe. Later, Moja joined the group in Oklahoma, and still later Tatu and Dar joined the group in Ellensburg, Washington. The signing chimpanzees were allowed to sign to each other, indeed there was no way to stop them. They became part of Loulis’s input. As Loulis grew older and moved freely by himself from room to room in the laboratory, there were more opportunities for the human beings to sign to the other chimpanzees when Loulis was not in sight. As expected, however, the rule against signing to Loulis had a generally negative effect on all human signing. Human signing was almost completely withdrawn for 5 years. It was a deprivation experiment for the cross-fostered chimpanzees. Washoe, Moja, Tatu, and Dar continued to sign to each other and also attempted to engage human beings in conversation throughout the period of deprivation. Washoe modeled signs for Loulis in ways that could only be described as explicit teaching; and she also molded his hands the way we had molded hers (Fouts, Hirsch, & Fouts, 1982; Fouts, Fouts, & Van Cantfort, 1989). Loulis learned more than 50 signs from the cross- fostered chimpanzees during the five years in which they were his only models and tutors. Meanwhile, Washoe learned some new signs from Moja, Tatu, and Dar, and the cross-fosterlings signed to each other without any human beings in sight and their conversations had to be recorded by remote cameras (Fouts & Fouts, 1989). Once introduced, sign language is robust and self-supporting. The regimen that the Foutses enforced to demonstrate that the infant Loulis could learn signs from Washoe, Moja, Tatu, and Dar, was a drastic Spring 2007 48 procedure for the cross-fosterlings. It slowed the growth of their sign language, but it certainly demonstrated that sign language became a permanent and robust aspect of their lives. Semantic Range The first objective of vocabulary tests (B. Gardner & Gardner, 1989; R. Gardner & Gardner, 1984) was to demonstrate that chimpanzees could communicate information under conditions in which the only source of information available to a human observer was the signing of the chimpanzees. Washoe, Moja, Tatu, and Dar accomplished this by naming pictures that were out of sight of their human interlocutors. An equally important objective of these tests was to demonstrate that the signs of the cross-fosterlings referred to natural language categories - that DOG referred to any dog, FLOWER to any flower, and so forth. The chimpanzees accomplished this by naming a varied set of exemplars selected from a large library of photographs. In the tests, each slide appeared once and once only so that each trial was a first trial (B. Gardner & Gardner, 1989; R. Gardner & Gardner, 1984). That is to say, on each trial the chimpanzees named a picture of an object that they had never seen before. Cross-fosterlings did well on these tests, but they also made errors. In forced-choice tests of understanding, as for example, when subjects must choose between a few plastic tokens (Premack, 1971) or a few pictures on a testing board (Savage-Rumbaugh, McDonald, Sevcik, Hopkins, & Rubert, 1986). In productive tests, errors contain information because subjects are free to choose their own errors. Signing chimpanzees can produce with their own hands any sign or combination of signs in their vocabularies at any time. Most errors on vocabulary tests depended on semantic relationships among the objects in the pictures, or form relationships among the signs. Thus, DOG was a common error for a picture of a cat, SODAPOP was a common error for a picture of ice cream, and so on. Meanwhile, signs formed on the nose such as BUG and FLOWER were common errors for each other, as were signs made by touching one hand with the other such as SHOE and SODAPOP (R. Gardner & Gardner, 1984, pp. 393-398). Semantics and form also governed dithering between signs when a cross-fosterling was uncertain about an answer. When two signs such as WHITE DOG appeared in a reply, only one of the signs named an object so scoring was unambiguous. Although we discouraged Washoe, Moja, Washington Academy of Sciences 49 Pili, Tatu, and Dar from answering with strings of guesses in ordinary conversation (B. Gardner, Gardner, & Nichols, 1989, pp. 82-83), they sometimes dithered between alternatives and 14% of the replies on the vocabulary tests contained more than one object name. The observers only reported one of these object names as the scorable reply, usually the first. Later analysis showed that the chimpanzees were more likely to be incorrect on these trials indicating that the dithering was a sign of uncertainty. Most of these indecisive replies contained conceptually related items such as CAT and DOG or similar forms such as BUG and FLOWER. Sometimes, the dithering consisted of a string of related signs such as when Washoe signed CAT, BIRD, DOG, MAN for a picture of a cat, FLOWER, TREE, LEAF, FLOWER for a picture of daisies, or when she signed OIL, BERRY, MEAT - all signs made by grasping different places on the passive hand - for a picture of frankfurters (R. Gardner & Gardner, 1984, p. 398). Broader Categories Daisies are flowers, flowers belong to a broader category of botanicals such as trees and leaves, and botanicals are objects as distinguished from actions or traits. Appropriate answers to Wh-questions depend on membership in these broader semantic categories. In published film (R. Gardner & Gardner, 1973; 1974), Greg asks Washoe a series of questions about her red boot. Her reply to WHAT THAT? is SHOE, to WHAT COLOR THAT? is RED, and to WHOSE THAT? is MINE. If, for example, she had replied GREEN when asked WHAT COLOR THAT of her red boot, she would have been incorrect, but her reply would still be appropriate to the question in a way that replies such as GREG or HAT or MINE would be inappropriate. Brown (1968), Ervin-Tripp (1977), and Veneziano (1985) used the replies of human children to Wh-questions to show that children use different functional categories of words as sentence constituents. B. Gardner and Gardner (1975) and Van Cantfort et al. (1989) embedded a systematic series of Wh-questions in the daily conversational interactions between adults and cross-fostered chimpanzees. The experimental questions restricted appropriate replies to one of a predefined set of semantic categories. At the same time, all possible replies were assigned unambiguously to exactly one semantic category. Van Cantfort et al. (1989) analyzed a longitudinal series of Wh- questions that started when Moja, Tatu, and Dar were between 18 and 20 Spring 2007 50 months old and continued through their first five years. As children grow older, the percent of replies to questions increases together with the percent of appropriate replies. Moja, Tatu, and Dar progressed in the same way (Van Cantfort el al, 1989, pp. 229-234, Figures 5.1 and 5.2). The cross-fosterlings also mastered particular kinds of Wh-questions in a sequence like the sequence reported for children. Both children and chimpanzees, initially provide nominals for What questions and locatives for Where questions. Later they provide verbs for What-do/predicate questions and proper nouns and pronouns for Who questions, and still later appropriate replies to Whose questions (for children see Ervin-Tripp, 1970, p. 105; for chimpanzees see Van Cantfort el al, 1989, pp. 234-236, Tables 5.16 and 5.17). Finer distinctions between the major interrogatives yield still finer parallels. For example, both children and chimpanzees provide appropriate replies to Who subject questions earlier than Who object questions (for children see Ervin-Tripp, 1970, p. 89; for chimpanzees see Van Cantfort et ai, 1989, Tables 5.7 and 5.9). Functional categories also determined errors. As in vocabulary tests, Wh-question tests were productive tests and Washoe, Moja, Tatu, and Dar could respond with any item in their vocabulary. They could create their own errors and errors could be factually incorrect, yet functionally appropriate to the Wh-question. For example, the reply STRING to the question WHAT NAME THAT of a white leather belt, was factually incorrect with respect to the object, but functionally appropriate with respect to the question. Meanwhile, the reply WOOD to the question WHAT NAME THAT of a metal bell was both factually incorrect with respect to the object and functionally inappropriate with respect to the question. Gardner, Van Cantfort, and Gardner (1992) showed that 92% of Washoe's factually incorrect replies, 72% of Moja's, 82% of Tatu's, and 69% of Dar's were, nevertheless, functionally appropriate to the Wh-question. Developmental Patterns Gradually and piecemeal, but in an orderly sequence, the language of human toddlers develops into the language of their parents. Cross- fostered chimpanzees developed their sign language gradually along with the rest of their socialization - tool use, toilet training - in a nearly human household under nearly human conditions. The topics of their conversations resemble the topics of human conversations because they had the same things to talk about under nearly the same conditions. Washington Academy of Sciences 51 Patterns of development resembled human patterns. Growth in skill, though slower than human, remained parallel as long as they remained under cross-fostering conditions. Well -documented records of human development provide a scale for measuring the progress of cross- fostered chimpanzees. Nelson (1973) measured overlap from child to child in the first 50 words of the spoken vocabularies of human children. B. Gardner and Gardner (1980) showed that the first 50 signs in the early vocabularies of Moja, Pili, Tatu and Dar overlapped with the vocabularies of human children as much as Nelson's (1973) child vocabularies overlapped with each other from child to child. The first two-word phrases of human children represent basic semantic relations. Studies of human children generally agree that the major semantic relations appear in a characteristic developmental sequence (Bloom 1991, Bloom et al 1975, Braine 1976, Leonard 1976, and Wells 1974, De Villiers and De Villiers 1986, 50-51, Reich 1986, 83). Nominative phrases and action phrases appear first. Next come attributive phrases expressing the properties of objects (attribution, possession, location). Experience/notice phrases are relatively late in child development. With respect to negatives and requests studies of children have so far either failed to report developmental order or reported inconsistent orders. B. Gardner & Gardner (1998) showed that semantic relations appeared in the same sequence in the development of Moja, Tatu, and Dar. Nominative and action phrases appeared first, attributives second, and experience/notice appeared latest in the developmental samples of each chimpanzee - the same sequence that appears in studies of child development. Rimpau, Gardner, & Gardner (1989) and Chalcraft & Gardner (2005) showed that Dar and Tatu, in conversation, used ASL inflections to indicate person, place, and object. Chacroft & Gardner (2005) also showed that Dar used ASL inflections to indicate intensity. Bloom (1991, 1993), Brinton and Fujiki (1984), Ciocci and Baran (1998), Garvey (1977), Halliday and Hasan (1976), and Wilcox and Webster (1980) described the ways human adults and children use expansion, reiteration and incorporation to maintain interactions. Bodamer and Gardner (2002) and Jensvold and Gardner (2000) studied replies of cross-fosterlings to conversational probes of a human interlocutor. When appropriate, Washoe, Moja, Tatu and Dar incorporated signs from the Spring 2007 52 probes of their interlocutors into their own rejoinders. In response to probing questions they clarified and amplified their own previous responses by expanding on the signs in the probes. Cross-fostered chimpanzees used expansion, reiteration, and incorporation the way human adults and human children use these devices. Their contingent rejoinders maintained the interaction and the topic of the interaction. Shaw & Gardner (in press) showed that Washoe, Moja, Tatu, and Dar coordinated their gaze direction with conversational turn taking. Patterns of gaze direction and turn taking resembled adult human patterns. As infants their immature patterns resembled those of human infants. Their patterns of development from infant to adult also resembled human patterns. All results support the conclusion that Washoe, Moja, Tatu, and Dar engaged in human-style conversations with human-like growth and development. Trends and Predictions Cohen (1982, p. 41-46) relates the historical rise of numeracy to growing interest in processes, trends and predictions. Before the seventeenth century in Europe, the order of the cosmos was dictated by classical and, specifically, Aristotelian systems of classification. All aspects of life and nature were comprehensible through the arrangements of categories meant to exhibit significant distinctions and to exhaust the possibilities of reality. The world was composed of four substances, the body had four humours, the life of man was framed by the seven stages of the aging process, and so on. The penchant for classification remained alive in the seventeenth century and found full expression in the Great Chain of Being, an idea that expressed the relations among all creatures on earth and in heaven by making explicit an assumed hierarchy of the natural and supernatural worlds. . . .Classification by categories is a reasonable method for ordering static things . . . (p. 44) Cohen goes on to show how scientists and social leaders discovered that comparable measures over time reveal patterns of flux and change. Numerate scientists and citizens can study the motion of bodies and trends in births, deaths, trade, weather and a virtually unlimited world of variables. By studying variation over time they could detect underlying functions and make reasonable predictions of future events. Eventually, this became commonplace in most natural sciences. Washington Academy of Sciences 53 By measuring patterns of growth and development rather than static modules we can make predictions about more extended sign language studies of cross-fostered chimpanzees. More advanced developments appeared with each succeeding year of cross-fostering. Proof that Moja, Tatu, and Dar had not yet reached any limit at three years is their growth during the fourth year. Proof that they had not yet reached a limit at four years is the growth during the fifth year. Nevertheless, after three years of cross-fostering, they had clearly fallen behind human three- year-olds, and they fell farther behind after four years, and still farther behind after five years. From this we can predict that the chimpanzees should be even farther behind human children after six years of cross- fostering, but by the same token, we can predict that at six they should achieve more than they achieved at five. At three, retarded human children are significantly behind normal three-year-olds. Retarded children at five are farther behind normal five- year-olds, and at eight still farther behind normal eight-year-olds. But, it would be a mistake to predict that intellectual development stops before sexual maturity (Stephens, 1974; Zigler & Hodapp, 1986). Sign language studies of cross-fostered chimpanzees reveal robust growth and development. They promise that much more can be accomplished in future studies with long-term support. Spring 2007 54 References Bloom. Lois (1993). The transition from infancy to language. New York: Cambridge Uni\ ersit>' Press. Bloom. L.. Lightbown. P.. & Hood. L. (1975). Structure and variation in child language. Monograplis of tlie Societs for Research in Clrild De\ elopment. 40 (2) Ser. No. 160. Bloom. L. (1991). Language de\ elopment from two to three. New York: Cambridge Universib Press. Bodamer. M.D.. & Gardner. R.A. (2(X)2). 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Why the language of signs is being taught to a cliimpanzee at the UniversiU of Nevada. The Deaf Americaa 21. 5-7. Swain. R.L. (1970). Washoe's ad\’anced training in the language of signs. The Deaf American. 22. 9-12. Tinbergen. N. (1953b). Social behaviour in animals. New York: Jolm Wiley & Sons. Van Cantfort. T.E., & Rimpau. J.B. (1982). Sign language studies with cliildren and cliimpanzees. Sign Language Studies. 34. 15-72. Van Cantfort. T.E., Gardner. B.T., & Gardner. R.A. (1989). Developmental trends in replies to Wh-questions by cliildren and cliimpanzees. In Gardner. R.A.. Gardner. B.T.. & Van Cantfort. T.E. (Eds), Teacliing sign language to cliimpanzees. Albam : SUNY Press. Veneziano. E. (1985). Replying to mothers' questions. Journal of Pragmatics. 9. 433-452. Wells. G. (1974). Learning to code e.xperience dirough language. Journal of Cliild Language. L 243-269. Wilcox. M. J.. & Webster. E. J. (1980). Early discourse behavior: An analysis of children's responses to listener feedback. Cliild De\ elopment. 51. 1120-1125. Yerkes. R.M. & Yerkes, A.W. (1929). The great apes: A stud^ of antliropoid life. New Haven: Yale Universit\ Press. Zigler. E., & Hodapp. R.M. (1986). Understanding mental retardation. New York: Cambridge Universit> Press. Spring 2007 Tliis page intentionally left blank Washington Academy of Sciences 59 SPORT AND MEDICINE DURING GREEK ANTIQUITY AND ROMAN IMPERIAL TIMES Onoufrios Pavlogiannis** Constantina Lomi Evangelos Albanidis Spiros Konitsiotis Stephanos Geroulanos Abstract This study examines the relationship between gymnastics and medicine using literary^ sources from the Greco-Roman period. Throughout ancient Greek literature gy mnastics was presented in relation to medicine. Gymnasts were not always distinguished from physicians. Gymnastics was thought to protect from disease and to promote health. Members of the Hippocratic School were the first to state that man’s health depends on a balance between diet and exercise. Plato’s works verified the synergistic effects of g> mnastics and medicine to psychophysical balance. According to Aristotle, medicine and gymnastics contributed to the development of a discourse on matters related to health, w hich promotes human felicity , happiness, and balance of life. In the Roman Empire gy mnastic practices changed and championship- aimed training prevailed. This did not respect man’s natural idiosyncrasy and became dangerous to health. Exhausting training and the lack of harmony and symmetry in training endangered the health of athletes. Within this framework, the need for a qualified physical trainer monitoring exercise was obvious. He should have the ability to assess the various exercises, and to test the usefulness or risk of different forms of exercise. Consequently, the physical trainer needed to have medical knowledge and also to know how to practice medicine. ** Onoufrios Pavlogiannis, Ph.D., is at the Dept, of New Teclmologies and Handing of Cultural Enviromnent. University^ of loannina. Greece. C. Lomi, PT. Lie. Med. Res., is in the Dept, of Physiotherapy, Onassis Cardiac Surgery^ Center, Athens. E. Albanidis. M.D., Ph D., is in tlie Dept, of Physical Education & Sport Science, Democritus University of Thrace. S. Konitsiotis, M.D., Ph D., is in tlie Dept, of Neurology' and S. Geroulanos. M.D., Ph D., is in tlie Dept, of History of Medicine, botli at the University of loannina, Greece. Spring 2007 60 Interest in medicine was strong and constant in Antiquity.’ Medicine was characterized by a reflection on human nature and an increasing ability to diagnose and treat different diseases. This included the development of a new discipline of the matters related to health which was of a clear preventive nature." The consequences of the social and political life on the human soul and body accounts for the development of ethics and at the same time required consideration of matters related to health. That is the ability to balance the health- diet relationship, which resulted in the formulation of daily preventive rules."’ It is obvious that a moderate and happy life depends on the existence of the ‘art of healthiness’ which takes care of the human body and its movements, is interested in the relationship between the body and external variables and ultimately takes care of man’s health.’' Under these circumstances, gymnastics or physical training was presented as related to medicine, and physical trainers were not necessarily distinguished from physicians. Because of the need to control physical exercise, physical trainers needed to know the theories of anatomy and physiology. Because of their desire to practice the art of the body in a proper way, gymnasts needed to be knowledgeable about the result of gymnastic exercises and other auxiliary hygienic practices.' The rise of medical literature was associated in Antiquity with creation of a class of professional physicians and the need to transmit medical knowledge and make it known to a wider public.'’ Especially in the Roman Empire, the need to return to past practices was characteristic of the so-called Second Sophists. These philosophers contributed to the redefinition of the art of gymnastics.'” The first ancient Greek treatises on gymnastics were written in the first centuries of the Christian era: 'About gymnasia' by Lucian, ' Gymnastikos' by Philostratos, 'To Thrasyboulus: Is healthiness a part of medicine or of gymnastics?' and 'The exercise with the small ball' by Galen. In this group we can include 'Recommendations for a healthy life' by Galen and Plutarch. All these works emphasized the need to promote a form of “hygienic” physical training, which was characterized by scientific training, the objective of promoting physical and mental well being, and the rejection of malpractices. The relationship between physical training and hygiene was continuously promoted later on in the Greek world. Its basic principles and its effects, often expressed in different ways, basically remained the same but were better categorized in the Roman Empire. Washington Academy of Sciences 61 The investigation into physical training and hygiene greatly contributed to the understanding of the relationship between medicine and gymnastics, and of the respective responsibilities of physicians and physical trainers. According to the Greeks, medicine was a form of higher education, equivalent to philosophy and rhetoric, and was thus included among the ‘free arts.’'"*" Medicine and Philosophy in Greek Antiquity The relationship between philosophy and medicine had already been discussed, defined, and researched within the boundaries of ancient Greek civilization. Pre-Socratic thought constituted the basis on which scientific medicine was built. The ‘care of self contributes to personal health and depends on soul treatment as well as on protection of the body.^ Plato and the Hippocratic physicians confirm this common opinion of philosophers and physicians, that the human person should be viewed as a harmonious whole consisting of soul and body. This defined the therapeutic means so that it would be most effective and in turn act so as to further educate physicians and hygienists of the entire ancient Greco-Roman times. The common ground of the two arts becomes clearer if one considers how impulsiveness can stimulate the soul and hence may cause physical diseases (“dyscrasy”), since the body often cannot tolerate excessive desires of the soul. Contrarily, uncontrolled impulses are likely to have a completely different effect: they may develop within the body and disturb one’s mental health. In the Hippocratic School, medicine was defined for the first time as an independent art dissociated from its philosophical origin. Hippocratic physicians did not speak generally about human nature, but observed accurately the individual idiosyncrasy of their patients.^" A basic principle was the necessity of physical exercise. According to Second Sophistic philosophers who healed the ‘sick’ soul, such role was given more emphasis than the role of the physician who simply cured diseases and restored health. Consequently, it was quite natural for a philosopher such as Epictetus to regard his school as a place for the cure of the soul and he urged his students to show empathy with their patients. The Greek physician Galen supported this view, in which the physician appeared as a charismatic personality with a high educational profile. Galen, in particular, claimed that in his effort to explore the nature of the human body and Spring 2007 62 the differences between several diseases, physicians needed to be trained to astutely observe and apply his methods with diligence and prudence, thereby using such philosophical disciplines as rationality, ethics, and natural knowledge. Consequently the physician who practiced his art according to principles was also a philosopher.^*' According to Plutarch, the physician cannot perform his art without philosophy and conversely the philosopher should not be accused when dealing with matters of health.^' Also, according to the Roman intellectual Celsus (30 B.C. - 50 B.C.), students of philosophy who analyze physical phenomena, cure illnesses. Consequently many philosophers acted as physicians. The practice of medicine was not limited to healing illnesses. It had also a philosophical and human dimension, generating a new attitude towards life by taking into consideration external influences with the ultimate goal of proposing rules for health preservation. This relation of medicine to philosophy was considered of most importance by Plutarch, who supported the view that medicine was a synonym of ‘liberal arts,’ as it offers both health and knowledge. Medicine and Gymnastics in Greco-Roman Antiquity According to Plato, education addressed the entirety of man, that is, the inseparable association of body and soul, and consequently required medicine and physical exercise.^" Knowledge of gymnastics/physical exercise derives from the writings of physicians. There are no books by physical trainers, instead such physicians as Hippocrates or Galen, provide evidence about gymnastics and athletic practices. Over time, however, medicine claimed to be scientific whereas gymnastics/physical exercise developed as a “child-training” art and as a discipline of “gymnastics-hygiene-dietetics. On this basis the physician appeared as an expert on body issues such as gymnastics. Homer’s epics constitute an early source on medicine and dietetics, although they report principally on injuries and their treatment. The description of these injuries presupposed knowledge of anatomy and wounds. Medicine was restricted to their cure by operations performed manually and by drug prescription.^*^ During the period of the 1 f ^ - 8^^ centuries B.C. medicine has a theocratic nature and is described as an art that cures sick bodies by Washington Academy of Sciences 63 means of drugs and manual operations.'"’' In a time when physical excellence was highly valued it is unlikely that diet and exercise contributed to bodily health."’" The witness of sources who complain about the lack of systematic exercise and the absence of physical trainers in those times does not contradict the above.""" The term ‘physician,’ with all its load of special value (since 'doctors indeed are men worth thousands of others was given to those charismatic and educated people who combined empirical knowledge with theoretical education, and practiced the art of medicine as the discipline that promoted and preserved health. Cheiron, for example, who was responsible for Achilles’ education, first fed him with honey and bone marrow and then tried to familiarize him with javelin throwing and running. He also taught him music, which relaxes impulsive behavior and taught him how to take no interest in money. At the same time, Cheiron, known for his wisdom, was a hunter, taught the art of war, and also trained physicians and musicians.""*' Palamides’ advice, when great famine threatened the Achaeans besieging Troy, is characteristic of the relationship between medicine and gymnastics in the pre-classical period. Having admitted that he had no medical knowledge, he urged the Achaeans to take care of themselves, because he thought it was really essential for them to eat well and to have intense physical activity so as to be protected from epidemics. In classical times, Socrates (470/69 - 399 B.C.), according to Xenophon’s ‘Memorabilia,’ thought that physical well-being, as a result of exercise, prevented diseases and physical disabilities. He urged his students to look after themselves by selecting appropriate exercises and using them so as to maintain their health.""'" The art of gymnastics is described as somewhat similar to medicine. Hippocratic physicians enounced the principles of dietetics as able to define human behavior and protect health. They were the first to write about the ‘physiology’ of exercise. They were required to know the art of gymnastics and the relationship between exercise and external variables, as well as the necessity to individualize training beyond specific and strenuous exercises.""'"" Hippocratic physicians formulated the everlasting principle according to which human health depends on the balance between diet and exercise.""'^'" Medicine and gymnastics act on the two bodily states, the unhealthy and the healthy one. According to this, medicine aimed at interfering with the human Spring 2007 64 body so as to change an unhealthy state into a healthy one. Exercise on the other hand aimed at physical well being and the maintenance of the present health. Thus, the two arts are presented as related arts serving human health. On the same issue Galen claimed much later that Hippocrates and his successors were aware of both prevention and hygiene. They adopted the term ‘medicine’ to characterize their practice because the therapeutic part of medicine became more prominent. The in-depth knowledge of physical exercise recommended by Hippocratic physicians implied a deep relationship between exercise and medicine and also resulted in showing that physical exercise not only ensured well-being but also had a therapeutic effect. Hippocratic physicians claim that exercise must differ from athletes’ practices, because the latter often deviate from moderate exercise. Moreover, on the basis of the Hippocratic physicians’ doctrine of humors (xpaoK;), according to which health and disease depend on the equilibrated balance between the four main humors of the body, gymnastics is closely related to medicine because it maintains health and balance within the human body.^^’"’ The association of medicine and gymnastics as well as their contribution to the development of the recommendations for a healthy life is particularly observable in Plato’s works. Although Plato certainly did not practice medicine, he aptly analyzed medical topics thanks to his knowledge of Hippocrates and Pythagoras.’'^^” According to Plato, the maintenance and restoration of health and physical strength were the subject matter of both gymnastics and medicine. Both were regarded as noble arts, primarily thanks to their role in maintaining the good state of the human body, and therefore surpassing all arts, servile and humble. Plato contributed to the development of an idea of an art of the human body, without providing however a name for this art. He thought it sufficient to note that it was divided into two parts, medicine and gymnastics, a division that should separate also the competencies of physicians and gymnasts. Plato stressed the value of gymnastics, which functioned within the framework of Hippocratic dietetics. He considered gymnastics responsible for the well being of the body and its natural development, and distinguished it from medicine. He regarded physical education as essential for young people, provided that it was without the excesses and the dependences that characterize athletic Washington Academy of Sciences 65 training. The parallel contribution of gymnastic and medicine to the protection of psychophysical balance, a prerequisite for man’s overall health, was confirmed by Plato’s work. This relationship fostered the gradual development of the theories and recommendations for a healthy life. Following Hippocrates’ views, Plato reaffirmed that body and soul constitute a harmonious entirety. Therefore, the education he proposed addressed both body and soul.™'" Aristotle’s writings also show an interest in health. Adopting Plato’s views, Aristotle expressed his belief that there was only one art concerning health, even though he accepted the naturalness of the human body and investigated the operation of human movement.^™" What was special, however, in Aristotle’s approach is the importance attached to human felicity as the most perfect of all goods; that is; what Aristotle called ‘act well’ and ‘live well.’™'' This ‘felicity’ could be approached through body harmony, which in turn presupposed health, beauty and vigor. Of all these physical qualities health appeared to be the most significant."' Medicine and gymnastics both aiming at the harmony of the human body were two equal parts of the art of healthiness. The aim of this art was to restore and maintain health, which required both arts to be practiced in moderation."'’ Aristotle himself condemned those physical trainers who deviate from the real goal of health and resort to practices that were detrimental to the human entity. In particular, he criticized the cities that encouraged athletic activities at the expense of bodily shape and development."'" Within this framework, medicine and gymnastics seemed to cooperate in the development of a discourse on hygiene, which promoted human felicity and ensured a happy life."'"’ Medicine and Gymnastics in the Roman Empire The objective of an equilibrated life in society also required the care of health. In the Roman Empire, bodily care, study of the factors influencing health, and the demand for good health stimulated thinking about healthiness and fostered the formulation of rules for a healthy life. Concern about human body decline increased the necessity of its systematic care."'’" Theories on health/hygiene in this period are very important for the understanding of the relationship between medicine and gymnastics, although the province of Spring 2007 66 physicians and physical trainers seem not yet distinct, something that witnesses a controversy between physicians and gymnasts. The question whether “rules for a healthy life” belongs to gymnastics or medicine is indicative of this controversy. It reinforced the development of the art of healthiness/hygiene during the imperial period. This attempt to question the realization of the goals of the hygienic regimens in relation to the arts of medicine and gymnastics offers Galen the opportunity to review long standing views on healthiness/hygiene. He supports that there is only one 'creative ’ art («7coiqTiKf| T8xvr|») concerned with the body and he regards both medicine and gymnastics as two parts of this one art.'^*'^ On the whole, the discourse concerning healthiness during imperial times is fairly complicated and worthy to be further investigated. The dissolute life of the elite during the imperial period with its consequences for the soul and the body justified the intervention of physicians and physical trainers, as well as the gradual development of philosophical thinking that took into consideration and analysis the above facets. In the texts of the first centuries of the Christian era one can see that taking care of oneself is expected to be of vital importance for each individual citizen. The maxim ‘take care of yourself («£auTOU 87cip8>t£io0ai») is emphasized. Many philosophical sects of the first Christian centuries expressed this particular demand for personal development within the boundaries of a community and not out of social context, especially the new Stoics. At the same time medical thinking developed. It aimed at preparing the body in a way that its psychophysical harmony would not be destroyed. Therefore, an art of health-diet was established: it was a system of rules aimed at structuring human education, as well as regulating man’s indulgence in daily pleasures in the most painless way.^*'^" This ‘life education’ functioned within the conceptual framework of health and aimed at rendering man autonomous, (proactive, active, energetic, dynamic) and happy while reducing external dangers. Body care appears mainly as an ‘art of living,’ based on a system of rules that have to do with the prevention rather than the cure of diseases. The specific practice of keeping certain rules for a healthy life, required personal alertness as far as external factors are concerned (such as climate, seasons, times, local customs, pleasures, exercises, diet) as well as the almost obligatory association of medicine and gymnastics. Every man was invited to seek the most Washington Academy of Sciences 67 suitable practices for his body, especially when his health was in excellent condition, with the aim of 'selecting the best way of life and making it pleasant through practice. On the same issue Galen’s point of view is quite interesting. He stated that a healthy body, when accompanied by a prudent soul, is led by natural desires and follows only what is useful to it.^ Celsus provided some evidence for those people who got very tired after a hard day. He suggested proper exercises, walks, massage, and baths. Alternatively, those who have overindulged in food should not undertake strenuous tasks or exercise.’* These views about healthiness/hygiene in imperial times had a further dimension. An irresponsible attitude in society offers only a precarious and most-of-the-times meaningless satisfaction, whereas planning life, preparation of the body, and self-restraint ensure health and permit real and painless indulgence in pleasures. Within this framework, the bodily exercise aimed at the purpose of maintaining health was always timely.’"' Within the art of healthiness/hygiene which fostered a preventive behavior such as a diet, there was a need for therapy, which was widely acknowledged in imperial times. The comparison between the remedial methods of medicine and gymnastics along with their effectiveness constituted speculative and controversial issues. Philostratos, who is neither a physician nor a physical trainer, studied the works of physicians, physical trainers and hygienists.’'' He regarded the art of gymnastics as a combination of medicine and ‘"child-training,” superior to “child-training” and in any case a part of medicine. In particular, he claimed that, while medicine can cure all diseases, gymnastics can deal successfully with only some of them, using diet and massage. What is interesting here is the emphasis on the therapeutic nature of gymnastics.’' Special reference is also made to the contribution of therapeutic gymnastics in situations of people whose excessive or unorthodox training choices have resulted in unpleasant physical states. Galen provides valuable information about massage and exercise, which contribute to the cure of unpleasant states caused by insomnia, anger, sorrow, indulgence in love making, overeating or heavy drinking. He also reports the physical trainers’ views in order to support the appropriate preparatory or recovery exercise as auxiliary remedial methods for the treatment of unpleasant physical states.’'' Furthermore, the usefulness of gymnastics in Spring 2007 68 treating the lack of harmony and symmetry in training is often ascertained.*'" Indicative is the case of stout or skinny young men, who are cured by means of relevant exercise. Finally the use of exercise appears to be valuable for the treatment of athletes as well. Galen claims that he treated athletes using exercises pertaining to their sport and already used in their training context.*'"' In this attempt to investigate the relationship between medicine and gymnastics, Galen’s views, presented in 'Is healthiness a part of medicine or of gymnastics," are of primary importance. *'"' A medical and philosophical concept is proposed according to which there is a single 'efficient' art about the body, the constituent parts of which are medicine and gymnastics. What was new in this concept is the idea of the necessary interaction between medicine and gymnastics, in order to accomplish the primary aim of procuring and maintaining health and secondly their melting into one art. This requires the rejection of the idea that medicine’s unique aim is to maintain health, whereas gymnastics aims solely at ensuring a good condition. Also rejected is the idea about the existence of many more arts about the body. Good physical condition, supposed to be the ultimate goal of gymnastics, was identified with a healthy-looking body and the symmetry of its parts. Correspondingly, good condition was the long and permanent healthy state of the body. On the other hand, health, which is the principal aim of medicine, requires energy and a perfect structure of the body. Conversely, energy requires a perfect structure, similarly absolute health involves good condition, and absolute good condition requires health. The qualities of the body as well as the arts serving these qualities are limited, as are the goals. The aim of the art concerned with the body is the ultimate virtue, namely the excellence of the body. We may describe this aim using several terms, such as perfection or good condition or health or physical structure or physical energy. The choice of one or the other term, however, is not so important. The ultimate good for the human body is its absolute perfection, namely the coexistence and interaction of perfect health as well as fitness and wellbeing. Health, strength and beauty constitute body perfection, some of them being the causes and others the results of this perfection. Therefore the factors that make a body perfectly healthy are not different from those that make it strong and beautiful. Health, strength, and beauty are either improved or deteriorated Washington Academy of Sciences 69 together. Consequently, we refer to an art that focuses on the body. This art is definitely beneficial to all three qualities (health, strength, and beauty) even if it appears to benefit only one of them at a certain time. In this way medicine and gymnastics are melted into one art concerning the body. In other words, we accept that the application of medicine and gymnastics respectively serves all three virtues. The most important of these virtues is health followed by a sense of wellbeing and beauty. In Galen’s thought it was proved therefore that the art concerned with the body, whichever form this may take, is concerned primarily with health and after all the absolute perfection of the body is identified with health. With regards to the relationship between medicine and gymnastics, Galen suggests that it is impossible to have two different arts, one responsible for the establishment of health and another one for its maintenance. The criterion by which each art is defined is the final result. Therefore, one could support the existence of specific techniques (or specializations) for the care of the body. They should be differentiated according to the diseases they cure, the methods or the materials they use. They should all have a common goal, namely health, and should therefore be parts of a single art. After all, what really matters is not so much the establishment, the restoration or even the maintenance of health, but health itself. Speculations about the rules for a healthy life indicate that medicine and hygiene were parts of one single art, and contributed to the constitution of an 'art of bodily development, ’ which can restore the lack of harmony and symmetry in training and the injuries of the body.*'^ This 'art of bodily development'^' is divided into two parts, the healing or medical art, which achieves major restoration and the preservative art, which deals with minor restorations. This 'preservative art’ is further subdivided into four parts, each one of which focuses on a particular aspect of health, namely: 'the art of well-being,’ 'the art of recovery,’ 'the art of healthiness’ and 'the prophylactic art.’ Gymnastics is part of this 'preservative art,’ which is also called 'healthiness.’*^" Galen’s most significant suggestion is the issue of the autonomous existence of the 'art of healthiness,’ which is distinguished from the medical art and includes the rules for a healthy life ('dietetics’) and 'gymnastics’ as its parts. In addition it is made clear that although four arts deal with the care of the body (surgery. Spring 2007 70 pharmacy, dietetics, and gymnastics), only the last two concern healthy men.*^'' The Art of Physical Training or Gymnastics - The Educated Physical Trainer Understandably, gymnastics serves a good condition according to nature, and is part of the art of healthiness. Besides, during imperial times a large number of people, especially those of a higher social status, exercised for their well being. Physical trainers with knowledge and experience were asked to exercise/perform their duties in order to preserve the qualities of the body; the preservation and restoration of health. These practitioners were fully qualified physical trainers who were capable of monitoring exercises aiming at the sound development of the individual while also contributing to a good control of professional, championship - aimed training. With respect to the work of these physical trainers, it is essential to stress two issues. First, special care had to be taken for the selection of a ‘diet’ appropriate to the idiosyncrasy of each individual. This rule dates back to Hippocrates. For Galen it was not easy to suggest the best way of taking care of the body. This was because there are body differences and consequently different lifestyles. In another work Galen criticizes both physicians and physical trainers for having written about the art of healthy life without taking into account individual differences of the human body.’^^ Secondly, we need to stress the contribution of systematic exercise within the framework of a dietetic regime/system, and therefore point out the importance of the physical trainer in relation to the sensible application and use of exercise. Furthermore, qualified physical trainers had to play a primary role in championship - aimed training, which was very popular in the Roman Empire, especially in the spectacular sports field and in the use of unorthodox training methods. These facts influence the form and the techniques used for coaching. Gymnastics of that time, which in a derogatory sense is often called ‘training,’ is characterized by the mistreatment of the athlete’s nature, the encroachment of the real aims of gymnastics and the apotheosis of its exhausting nature.*^" Galen, in particular, distinguishes ‘good condition according to nature’ from ‘athletic good condition,’ the latter being called ‘not natural Washington Academy of Sciences 71 condition,’ and, also writes about ‘vicious condition,’ a state which distorts the nature of gymnastics. In this way “child training” is distinguished from gymnastics and therefore the empirical self-taught trainer is distinguished from the qualified physical trainer. The first to acknowledge the need for a clear distinction between the empirical trainer and the qualified trainer and the degree of cooperation between them was Aristotle. The physical trainer is fully qualified, and should possess medical knowledge and knowledge about hygiene. He should therefore be able to apply athletic exercise in a proper manner and at the same time follow the hygiene regimes. During imperial times the empirical trainer is regarded as a technician, who can supervise the course of exercise, but cannot propose or assess systems of exercise, since he does not have sufficient knowledge of physical and external variables. Proposing and assessing exercises is the responsibility of qualified trainers, who have a sufficient knowledge of gymnastics and medicine and can therefore monitor and plan exercise in a scientific way.'^‘^ In particular he should have knowledge of: • The theory of humors of the human body, that is the balance of humors of the body in relation to the exercise and health of the trainee. Knowledge of idiosyncrasy is of outmost importance for a man to exercise as well as the potential negative impact of any unplanned exercise on human nature. These are issues that the trainer should be fully aware of in order to be able to carry out his athletic or gymnastic program without any further problems. For this reason Philostratos insists that the trainer needs to take into consideration the different individual constitution of the athletes during the implementation of various coaching. • The art of physiognomies, which means that he should be capable of investigating and evaluating physical structure and anatomic features and thus adapt exercise as needed. • Individual physical states, so as to select proper exercises for individual cases and prevent strenuous training. • The special importance of exercise and auxiliary gymnastic methods (such as massage, baths 72 • Monitoring procedures during the course of exercise’^^*' and its duration/""'"' • The relationship between external variables (climate, altimeter etc) and gymnastic exercise, and the necessary adaptation of the program/'"'"''’' In conclusion, a thorough consideration of philological testimonies from Roman imperial times shows that intellectuals of the Roman era redefined gymnastics in relation to medicine and the art of the rules for a healthy life in accordance with the classic beliefs of Greek antiquity. Concurrently they accepted that the art of gymnastics ought to ensure and maintain health. Furthermore they stressed that the art concerned with gymnastics should be a part of the art of the rules for a healthy life. In other words, they claimed that qualified trainers need to have medical knowledge and also know how to perform medical acts. NOTES * Information for this paper was collected from Homer (8^^ centur> B.C.). Xenophon (between 430-425 - after 355 B.C.). Plato (427 - 347 B.C.), Hippocrates (460 - 377 B.C.). Aristotle (384 - 322 B.C.) and authors of the so- called second Sophistic such as Galen (ca. 130 -ca. 200 A.D.). Philostratos (end of the 2""^ centur\ - first half of the3rd centur\ A.D.). and Plutarch (ca. 50 - after 120 A.D.). " Literature concerning the t> pes of medical care, tlieir de\’elopment and consequences is extensh e. Indicative are: Edelstein E. & L..Asclepius. A collection and interpretation of the testimonies, Johns Hopkins Uni\’ersit>’ Press. Baltimore 1945: Sigerist H.E.. A History of Medicine If Oxford UniversiU Press. Oxford 1961; Castiglioni A.. Storia della Medicina. Mondadori. Milano 1948 (Greek translation vol. 3 Atliens 1961), Kudlien F.. Eariy Greek primitive medicine. Clio Medica 3 (1968), 305-336. Staden H. von. Experiment and experience in Hellenistic medicine. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 22 (1975). 178-199, Gnnek M.D. & Gourevitch D., Les E.xperiences pharmacologiques dans l’antiquite,.4rc/7/v^.9 Internationales d' Histoire des Sciences 35 (1985). 3-27. Krug A., Heilkunst und Heilkult: Medizin in der Antique, Munchen. Beck 1993; lAoy&K^.Q., Methods and Problems in Greek Science, Cambridge UniversiW Press. Cambridge 1991. Of particular interest is the work of the well known Byzantine physician and writer Oribasii who has collected passages of therapeutic surgical and dietetic practices Washington Academy of Sciences 73 from ancient sources: Oribasii. Collectionum Medicarum Reliquiae (laipixai lovaycoyai). Edidit I. Raeder. Aeu|/ia (1928-33). In addition Foucault devotes two volumes to tliis topic: Foucault M.. Histoire de la sexualite, L 'usage des plaisirs (2) pp. 1 19-166, Le souci de soi (3) pp. 47-164. Gallimard. Paris 1984. And Brown P., The body and Society': Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity, Columbia Uni\'ersit} Press, Ne\^ York 1988. Particularly for women: Gourevtch D.. Le Mai d'etre femme (La femme et la medicine dans la Rome antique), “Les belles Lettres’', Paris 1984. Ancient Greek sources include: Plutarch, Advice about keeping well, Epictetus, Discourses, Galen, De sanitate tuenda. " Pa\’logiannis O., The evolution of gymnastic and athletic ideals during Hellenistic and Imperial years, Corfu / Greece [lonio Universit\ (diss.)] 2000, pp. 262-325 (in Greek). "" Plato, Gorgias 464b. npp>w Jaeger W., Paideia: The ideals of Greek Culture, pp. 27-69. Krug A., Heilkunst und Heilkult: Medizin in der Antique, pp. 185-208, Jaeger W., Paideia, 54-69. Bowersock G.W., Greek Sophists and the Roman Empire, (O.xford 1969), Bowie E.L., Greeks and their past in the second sophistic. P&P 46, 1970, Touloumakos I., Contribution to the research of historic conscience of the Greeks during the Roman sovereignty, (Athens 1972), pp. 57-92 (in Greek), Andersson G., The second sophistic: a cultural phenomenon in the Roman Empire, (London 1993), pp. 69-86, Pavlogiannis O., The evolution of gymnastic and athletic ideals during Hellenistic and Imperial years, pp. 219- 231. Plutarch. .4 about keeping well 122e. Cf. Bowersock G.W., Greek Sophists and the Roman Empire, (Oxford 1969). p. 67. Indicative are: Longrigg J.. Presocratic Pliilosophy and Hippocratic Medicine. History' of Science 27 (1989), 1-39, Matthen M., Empiricism and Ontolog> in Ancient Medicine, Medicine and Metaphysics: Apeiron XXI, 2 (1988), Edit. R.J. Hankinson. Canada 1988, Lloyd R.E.G., Who is attacked in on Ancient Medicine, Phronesis 17/7 (1963), 108-126, A8>vXf|c I., Democritian influences in the tliought of Hippocrates, Skepsis: A journal for Philosophy and Inter-disciplinary Research XIII -A7r 2002-2003 (Athens), 63-74, Bargeliotes S., Correlation. Aristotle's contribution to the metliodological correlation betw een philosophy and medical art. Skepsis: A journal for Philosophy and Inter-disciplinary Research XIII - A71 ' 2002- 2003 (Atliens). 254-264. Foucault M., Histoire de la sexualite, Le souci de soi (3) pp. 47-82. Plato. Phaedrus 270b, Timaeus 88b. Jaeger W., Paideia, pp. 41-43. See H. Reid. Atliletes as medicine for the health of the soul. Skepsis: A journal for Philosophy and Inter-disciplinary Research XIII - A71 ' 2002-2003. 346-355. See: Galen. Quod optimus medicus sit etiam philosophus, Epictetus, Discourses II, 12-22, HI, 20-24. ^ Plutarch, Advice about keeping well 122d-e. Celsus, On Medicine I, 5ff. Spring 2007 74 A classic work in the field is: Marrou I.H.. Histoire de / 'education dans I'antiquite (Greek translation Athens 1968). For the contribution of exercise in shaping political consciousness and conduct see Miller S.. Naked Democracy, in Pol is and Politics. Museum Tusculanum Press University of Copenhagen 2000. 277- 296. For first hand accounts see: Plato. Laws 728d-e. Statesman 306e-3 13c. Timaeus 42. Gorgias 464a-b. Aristotle. Politics 1338b[4-8]. Geroulanos S.. Bridler R. TRAUMA Wund-Entstehung und Wund Pflege in antiken Griechenland. Pliilipp von Zabem. Mainz. 1994. Homer. Iliad D2 1 Iff N207ff See: Weiler I.. “AIEN ARISTEUEIN’. Stadion 1 (1975). Galen. Thrasybulus or Is healthiness a part of medicine or of gymnastics?, XXXlll. 870. Homer. ///WA5 14. Philostratos. Heroic 708. 733. Philostratos. Heroic 711. ^\XQno\A\on,Memorahilio\\\. 12. 1V.7. Hippocrates. De diaeta. De diaeta salubri. De morbis popularibus 1. 111. Vll. Prognosticon. Hippocrates. De diaeta A, 2. Galen. Thrasybulus XL Vll. Hippocrates. Aphorismi 3-4. De alimento 34. Krug A.. Heilkunst und Heilkult: Medizin in der Antique, pp. 53-58. Plato. Timaeus. X.X.XU1 pjg^Q Qorgias 503e-504c. Plato. Gorgias 5l^a. Plato. Gorgias 464a-b. X.VXV1 Republic 404a-e. X.XXV11 pjgjQ s 729d-c, Timaeus 42. 87d. Phaedrus 270b. The Republic 377a-b. x.xxvm por example see: Aristotle. Metaphysics, Parts of Animals, Movement of Animals, Progression of Animals, Mechanical Problems, Problems. xxxix Aristotle. Politics 1332a. ^‘ Aristotle. Dialogi 45 [7(R2 41. R3 45. W7)]. Aristotle. Politics 13 35b [10- 15], Nicomachean Ethics 1 104[1 1-20]. Aristotle. Politics 1338b[9-ll]. Aristotle. Dialogi 52 [5(R3 52, \v5)]. xiiv xiiv pQyQgj^ ^ Histoirc de la sexualite, vol. 1-3. Gourevitch D.. Le Mai d'etre femme (La femme et la medicine dans la Rome antique). (“Les belles Lettres” 1984). See: Galen. Thrasybulus. For example: Plutarch. Advice about keeping well; Epictetus, Discourse, Galen. De sanitate tuenda. Oribasios (1928), Collectionum medicarum reliquiae, pp. 106-148. Pavlogiannis O., The evolution of gymnastic and athletic ideals during Hellenistic and Imperial years, pp. 262-325. Plutarch. .4 about keeping well 123. Washington Academy of Sciences 75 ' Galen. De sanitate tuencia IL 133. Celsus. On Medicine I. 2. Plutarch. about keeping well 125d. 127a. ‘“‘Galen. De sanitate tuenda IL 133ff. Kitriniaris K.S., Philostratos Gymnastikos^ (Athens 1965). pp. 27-30 (in Greek). Philostratos, Gymnastikos 14-16 (in Greek). Galen. De sanitate tuenda III. 11. 253. Oribasios (1808). pp. 11-113. Also see: Laskaratos J. / Marketos S.. The Physical Education and the Athletics in the Ancient Greece. Materia Medica Greca (6). 1981. 667-72 (in Greek). Galen. De sanitate tuenda II, 158. Galen. Thrasybulus II. 807(1-3). Galen. Thrasybulus II. 807ff. ‘^‘Galen, Thrasybulus XXX. 861. Galen, Thrasybulus XXX. 862(12-14). Galen, Thrasybulus XXXI. 866-867. Galen, Thrasybulus XXIV, 871(6-8). Galen. De sanitate tuenda II, 82, III, 164. ‘^'‘Galen. De sanitate tuenda III. I36ff. Paviogiannis O., The evolution of gymnastic and athletic ideals during Hellenistic and Imperial years^ pp. 247-261. Galen, Thrasybulus IX. 820. Aristotle, Politics 1338b [5-35], Pliilostratos. Gymnastikos 14, Galen, Thrasybulus XLIII. 888[14-16]. De sanitate tuenda II. 146-156. Galen. De temperamentis 559ff, Philostratos, Gymnastikos 40,42. ixxi piulostratos. Gymnastikos 25ff. ixxii Philostratos. Gymnastikos 46-53. Galen, sanitate tuenda II, 130-131. i.\.xin Philostratos, Gymnastikos 55-58. Galen, De sanitate tuenda II, III. G2i[QYi. Hygienic Regimens B. 160-161. Galen, De sanitate tuenda II, 1 36- 1 3 7, 154. Galen, De sanitate tuenda II, 1 36- 1 37, 154. Spring 2007 76 NEWS OF MEMBERS, FELLOWS, AND AFFILIATES THE ANNUAL MEETING AND AWARDS BANQUET of the Washington Academy of Sciences will be held on May 1, beginning at 6 PM, at Meadowlark Botanic Garden in Vienna, Va. The cost is $52. For program, directions, and information about making reservations, see w^v^v washacadsci.org. Michael p. Cohan, a WAS Fellow and past president, has been elected to membership in the International Statistical Institute (ISI). Established in 1885, the ISI is one of the oldest scientific associations in the world. It is composed of more that 2000 elected members, from more than 133 countries, who are internationally recognized as leaders in the field of statistics. John Margosian, a Life Member of the Institute of Electrical and Electronic Engineers and an enthusiastic supporter of cooperation with WAS, died in his sleep a few months before his birthday. The Washington Section of the IEEE was planning to honor him at their upcoming awards banquet on the April 28 with a special award for nearly seven decades of dedicated and loyal service. Thomas Meylan, WAS Vice President, with co-author Terry Teays, has written Optiwizuig Luck: What the Passion to Succeed in Space Can Teach Business Leaders on Earth. It will be published by Davies-Black in November 2007. THE WORLD FUTURE SOCIETY holds its 2007 annual meeting in Minneapolis July 29-31. Sessions will cover technology, health, governance, education, values, and social trends. Next year’s annual meeting will be in Washington; planning for it is already underway. To participate, or for more information see the web site, www.wfs.org. The Council of Science Editors is organizing a Global Theme Issue on Poverty and Human Development in October 2007. Science journals throughout the world will simultaneously publish papers on this topic, to raise awareness and stimulate research into poverty and human development. This is an international collaboration with journals from developed and developing countries. They plan to publish original research, review articles, editorials, perspectives, book reviews, and news Washington Academy of Sciences 77 stories on the subject of poverty and human development. Some will dedicate an entire issue to this subject, others will publish a few papers, or an editorial. This Journal invites papers on this subject for its Fall issue — tentative deadline for submission is September 15. August 2004 78 AFFILATED INSTITUTIONS The National Institute For Standards and Technology Meadowlark Botanical gardens The John W. Kluge Center of the Library of Congress Potomac Overlook Regional Park Washington Academy of Sciences DELEGATES TO THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES REPRESENTING AFFILIATED SCIENTIFIC SOCIETIES Acoustical Society of America American/Intemational Association of Dental Research American Association of Physics Teachers American Ceramics Society American Fisheries Society American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics American Institute of Mining, Metallurgy & Exploration American Meteorological Society American Nuclear Society American Phytopathological Society American Society for Cybernetics American Society for Microbiology American Society of Civil Engineers American Society of Mechanical Engineers American Society of Plant Physiology Anthropological Society of Washington ASM International Association for Women in Science (AWIS) Association for Computing Machinery Association for Science, Technology, and Innovation Association of Information Technology Professionals Biological Society of Washington Botanical Society of Washington Chemical Society of Washington District of Columbia Institute of Chemists District of Columbia Psychology Association Eastern Sociological Society Electrochemical Society Entomological Society of Washington Geological Society of Washington Historical Society of Washington, DC History of Medicine Society Human Factors and Ergonomics Society Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Washington Section Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Northern Virginia Section Institute of Food Technologies Institute of Industrial Engineers Instrument Society of America Marine Technology Society Mathematical Association of America Medical Society of the District of Columbia National Capital Astronomers National Geographic Society Optical Society of America Pest Science Society of America Philosophical Society of Washington Society of American Foresters Society of American Military Engineers Society of Experimental Biolop^ and Medicine Society of Manufacturing Engineers Soil and Water Conservation Society Technology Transfer Society Washington Evolutionary Systems Society Washington History of Science Club Washington Chapter of the Institute for Operations Research and Management Science Washington Paint Technology Group Washington Society of Engineers Washington Statistical Society World Future Society Paul Ajveson J. Terrell Hoffeld Frank R. Haig, SJ. VACANT Ramona Schreiber David W. Brandt Michael Greeley Kenneth Carey Steven Arndt Kenneth L. Deahl Stuart Umpleby VACANT Kimberly Hughes Daniel J. Vavrick Mark Holland Marilyn London Toni Marechaux Emanuela Appetiti Lee Ohringer F. Douglas Witherspoon Barbara Safranek VACANT Alain Touwaide James J. Zwolenik James J. Zwolenik David Williams Ronald W. Mandersheid Robert L. Ruedisueli F. Christian Thompson Bob Schneider VACANT Alain Touwaide Douglas Griffith Gerard Christman Murty Polavarapu Isabel Walls Russell Wooten Hank Hegner Judith T. Krauthamer Sharon K. Hauge Duane Taylor Jay H. Miller VACANT Jim Cole VACANT Vary T. Coates G. Foster VACANT Darren Roesch VACANT Bill Boyer Clifford Lanham Jerry L.R. Chandler Albert G. Gluckman Russell Wooten VACANT Alvin Reiner Michael P. Cohen Russell Wooten T Washington Academy of Sciences Room 637 1200 New York Ave. NW Washington, DC 20005 Return Postage Guaranteed MEDIA MAI U.S. POSTAC PAID MERRIFIELD PERMIT NO. ERNST MAYR LIBRARY MUSEUM COMP ZOOLOGY HARVARD UNIV'ERSITY 26 OXFORD ST CAMBRIDGE. MA 02138-2902 MCZ LIBRARY Volume 93 Number2 Summer 2007 Journal of the AUG 08 2D07 HARVARD UNIVERSITY WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Contents Editor’s Comments i Instructions To Authors ii James O’Connell, Faraday, Maxwell, and Lines of Force 1 Sean A. Genis and Carl E. Mungan, Orbits on a Concave Frictionless Surface 7 Julie Simon Lakehomer, A New Look at Mendel 15 Gene G. Byrd and Sethanne Howard, The Galaxy No One Wanted to See 33 Curtis Struck, Clouds of Moon Dust to Shade the Greenhouse 43 Joseph F. Coates, Book Review 57 Banquet 2007 63 Past President’s remarks 65 New President’s remarks 67 In Memorlam 73 ISSN 0043-0439 Issued Quarterly at Washington DC Washington Academy of Sciences Founded in 1898 Board of Managers Elected Officers President Alain Touwaide President Elect Albert H. Teich Treasurer Russell Vane III Secretary James Cole Vice President, Administration Gerrald Christman Vice President, Membership Murty S. Polavarapu Vice President, Junior Academy Paul L. Hazan Vice President, Affiliated Societies E. Eugene Williams Members at Large Sethanne Howard Donna Dean Vary T. Coates Frank Haig, S.J. Peg Kay Jodi Wesemann Past President: Bill Boyer AFFILIATED SOCIETY DELEGATES: Shown on back cover Editor of the Journal Vary T. Coates Associate Editors; Sethanne Howard Emanuela Appetiti Elizabeth Corona Alain Touwaide Academy Office Washington Academy of Sciences Room 631 1200 New York Ave NW Washington, DC 20005 Phone: 202/326-8975 The Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences The Journal is the official organ of the Academy. It publishes articles on science policy, the history of science, critical reviews, original science research, proceedings of scholarly meetings of its Affiliated Societies, and other items of interest to Its members. It is published quarterly. The last issue of the year contains a directory of the current membership of the Academy. Subscription Rates Members, fellows, and life members in good standing receive the Journal free of charge. Subscriptions are available on a calendar year basis, payable in advance. Payment must be made in U.S. currency at the following rates. US and Canada $25.00 Other Countries 30.00 Single Copies (when available) 10.00 Claims for Missing issues Claims must be received within 65 days of mailing. Claims will not be allowed if non- delivery was the result of failure to notify the Academy of a change of address. Notification of Change of Address Address changes should be sent promptly to the Academy Office. Notification should contain both old and new addresses and zip codes. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to WAS, Rm.631, 1200 New York Ave. NW Washington, DC. 20005 Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences (ISSN 0043-0439) Published by the Washington Academy of Sciences 202/326-8975 email: was@aaas.org website: www.washacadsci.ora MCZ LIBRARY 1 EDITOR’S COMMENTS AUG 0 8 2007 HARVARD The Annual Meeting And Awards Banquet, on in this issue — marked the end of another very successful year for the Academy, and with the installation of new officers also the beginning of a year that should prove equally rewarding. It will include in March the third of our biannual Capital Science Conferences, the planning of which is well underway. In the meantime, the work of the Academy does not stop during the summer. Although there are no regular meetings of the Board of Managers in July and August, member recruitment and fund raising efforts continue, planning for Capital Science and for Junior Academy activities goes on, this Summer issue of the Journal goes to press and work is underway to complete the Fall issue. So as always we urge our readers to contribute papers and book reviews relevant to their research or to broad scientific issues, to volunteer to serve as paper reviewers, and to send us your comments, criticisms, and suggestions for the Journal, and for other activities of your Academy of Sciences. Summer 2007 II INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS THE JOURNAL of the Washington Academy of Sciences is a peer- reviewed journal. Exceptions are made for papers requested by the editors or positively approved for presentation or publication by one of our affiliated scientific societies. We welcome disciplinary and interdisciplinary scientific research reports and papers on technology development and innovation, science policy, technology assessment, and history of science and technology. Book reviews are also welcome. Contributors of papers are requested to follow these guidelines carefully. • Papers should be submitted as e-mail attachments to the chief editor, vcoates@mac.com, along with full contact information for the primary or corresponding author. • Papers should be presented in Word; do not send PDF files. • Papers should be 6000 words or fewer. If more than 6 graphics are included the number of words allowed will be reduced accordingly. • Graphics must be in black and white only. They must be easily resized and relocated. It is best to put graphics, including tables, at the end of the paper or in a separate document, with their preferred location in the text clearly indicated. • References should be in the form of endnotes, and may be in any style considered standard in the discipline(s) represented by the paper. Washington Academy of Sciences 1 FARADAY, MAXWELL, AND LINES OF FORCE James O’Connell Frederick Community College, Maryland ABSTRACT One hundred and fifty years ago, the physical chemist, Michael Faraday first met the mathematical physicist Clerk Maxwell, newly arrived in London. This essay traces the thought process that led them to the development of electromagnetic theory using analogy, symmetry, and the new applications of vector calculus. Faraday’s experimental work on magnetically induced electric currents led him to picture all electric and magnetic interactions as through lines of force. Maxwell quantified this field theory by applying vector calculus. Two of the resulting equations produced the conclusion that visible light is an electromagnetic wave, whose velocity is given by the product of electric and magnetic static-force constants. THE BACKGROUNDS OF FARADAY AND MAXWELL In the 19th century, Faraday was considered the world’s greatest physics experimentalist and Maxwell its greatest physics theorist. They were 40 years apart in age and light years apart in formal education. In the Victorian period, a young man’s future was determined by his father’s occupation and his family’s social rank. Faraday’s father was a blacksmith and his family lived in a poor section, of London. Maxwell’s father was an Edinburgh lawyer and his family held a high position in society. Faraday was a self-taught chemist with rudimentary mathematical skills. Maxwell was a Cambridge University graduate and a skilled mathematical physicist. As different as they were in background and temperament, the two scientists shared an intense desire to understand the mysteries of the electromagnetic phenomena that Faraday had discovered, but which he could only explain in qualitatively terms he called lines of force. FARADAY AT THE ROYAL INSTITUTION Faraday, after a minimal amount of schooling, became an apprentice to a bookbinder. But at age 21, following his interest in Summer 2007 2 science, he became a chemical laboratory assistant to Sir Humphry Davy at London’s Royal Institution. Eventually, Faraday began his own series of chemical investigations that led to discoveries in chemical reactions and in the new field of electrolysis. He established himself among the premier experimentalists of the Victorian period. FARADAY’S EXPERIMENTS WITH MAGNETIC FIELDS Towards the end of his 50-year stay at the Royal Institution, Faraday took up the study of magnetic fields from permanent magnets and from electric currents. His most important discovery was the phenomena of the creation of electric fields by changing magnetic fields. It had been demonstrated by Oersted in 1821 that a current-carrying wire loop creates a magnetic field around itself Ten years later Faraday’s demonstrated the complementary process, namely a changing magnetic field through a wire loop produces a current in the wire. This induced current implied that a changing magnetic field creates its own electric field in space. Thus, time- varying electric and magnetic fields were coupled. Faraday was familiar with the well-known curved-lines pattern created by sprinkling iron filings on a sheet of paper held over the poles of a permanent magnet. This pattern suggested to Faraday the idea of magnetic lines of force. The electric field between charged particles had its own lines of force. Faraday’s lines of force eventually led to the concept of electric and magnetic fields, as we know them today. ASIDE ON ACTION-AT-A-DISTANCE AND LINES-OF-FORCE Nineteenth century scientists were troubled by the concept that forces between bodies acted instantaneously without any intervening mechanism. This paradox was called action-at-a-distance. Since the time of Newton, the gravitational force was considered to be action-at-a- distance over the vast spaces between the Moon and Earth and between the Earth and the Sun. Field theory presented an alternative picture in which electric and magnetic lines-of-force always existed between charges. The same type of field could be true of the gravitational force between masses. In this picture space is filled with force lines between objects interacting via the three classical forces. When the charges or masses move the force lines Washington Academy of Sciences 3 adjust their intensity and direction with a signal that travels along the force lines at a finite speed. MAXWELL’S MATHEMATICAL REPRESENTATION OF LINES OF FORCE The young Maxwell read and reacted to Faraday’s three- volume book Researches in Electricity. Most university-based physicists had ignored Faraday’s research because it lacked mathematical analysis. However, Maxwell saw that Faraday’s concept of lines-of-force lent itself to a mathematical treatment using vector fields. Maxwell developed his concept in a series of three papers: Faraday’s Lines of Force (1857), Physical Lines of Force (1862), and A Dynamical Theory of the Electromagnetic Field (1864). His mathematics increased in complexity with each paper from simple algebra, to calculus, to vector calculus culminating in his famous set of four equations that describe the interactions of electric and magnetic fields with each other and with charges and currents. Maxwell’s field equations formed the most elegant and useful physics theory since Isaac Newton’s 1687 book Principia, which laid the foundation of the theories of gravitation and mechanics. Indeed, Maxwell’s 1873 summary book Treatise on Electricity is considered the Principia of electromagnetic theory. Maxwell’s papers and book are difficult to read today because of the manner in which he wrote his equations. In fact. Maxwell wrote a second book. An Elementary Treatise on Electricity without equations, to reach a broader audience. Oliver Heaviside in 1884 recast Maxwell's mathematics into the now familiar four compact vector equations. MATHEMATICAL BACKGROUND Cambridge University in this mid-century period had a group of mathematicians and physicists who had developed and used vector calculus in the analysis of fluid and heat flow. The operators of gradient, divergence, and curl found great utility in understanding fluid dynamics. Maxwell realized that the curl operator acting on a field vector, V x V, would be useful for developing the mathematical relationships between electric and magnetic fields E and B. In particular, the lines of magnetic force close on themselves, unlike electric force lines that began and ended Summer 2007 4 on charges. It was the curl operator that made magnetic fields mathematically tractable. For the interested reader not familiar with vector calculus and traveling waves, an Appendix provides a brief tutorial on these subjects. MAXWELL’S EQUATIONS RELATING ELECTRIC AND MAGNETIC FIELDS IN EMPTY SPACE Maxwell intuited that electromagnetic fields in space were time- dependent electric and magnetic fields. He described their relationships with the equations V X E = - 3B/at V X B = |Xo£o aE/3t. The second equation, with the time derivative of the electric field, was a hypothesis based on symmetry with the first equation. These equations show the “bootstrap” mechanism by which the two fields regenerate each other as they propagate through space. EXPERIMENTAL COMPARISON OF ELECTROMAGNETIC WAVE SPEED WITH THE VELOCITY OF LIGHT A consequence of Maxwell’s field equations is that all electromagnetic waves travel with a velocity given by l/(|io£o)^^^. Maxwell made the further inspired guess that light was an electromagnetic wave. The speed of light c had been measured by several methods in the 19th century. A comparison with the measured values of po and £o proved Maxwell correct, indeed c was numerically equal to l/(po£o)*^^ within the experimental accuracy of the measurements of the three constants. Another property of an electromagnetic wave is the relation between the magnitudes of the two fields, E = cB. The magnetic field, measured in tesla, is 8 orders of magnitude smaller than the electric field, measured in volts per meter. Heinrich Hertz verified electromagnetic waves could be generated and detected as predicted by Maxwell. Washington Academy of Sciences 5 OTHER FIELD THEORIES Maxwell’s electromagnetic field theory, inspired by Faraday’s magnetic experiments, became the model for modern-day field theories. These theories include: quantum electrodynamics (QED) with photon exchange between charges, quantum chromodynamics (QCD) with gluons exchange between quarks, and quantum gravitational dynamics (QGD) with graviton exchange between masses, a theory still in development. THREE CONCLUSIONS ABOUT WHY FARADAY AND MAXWELL WERE SUCCESSFUL 1. Faraday and Maxwell were well suited to their separate tasks in the development of electromagnetic field theory: Faraday with his intuitive lines-of-force picture and his experimental skills, and Maxwell with his belief in Faraday’s picture and the mathematical skills to convert the fields into equations. Other scientists were studying electric and magnetic fields at this time, but none made the connections so well as Faraday and Maxwell. 2. Cambridge and Scottish University mathematicians and physicists were developing the mathematics of vector fields and applying it to fluid and heat flow theories. Therefore, vector calculus was available for Maxwell to use when he realized its utility to relate electromagnetic fields. 3. A number of scientists had measured the velocity of light c to sufficient accuracy to make the comparison with the experimental values of 8o, the permittivity, and jLlo, the permeability, of empty space to test the surprising relationship between these three constants po^o = 1/c^. APPENDIX Vectors are directed line segments representing a field of some physical quantity, for example force, velocity, or acceleration. In three perpendicular dimensions, a vector can be written as the sum of three independent one-dimensional components V(x,y,z) = ivx + jvy + kvz. In vector calculus the curl operator (in Cartesian coordinates) acting on a vector is written as V X V = i (3vz/3y - 3vy/3z) + ](dwjdz - dwjdx) + k(^Vy/^x - dvx/3y). Summer 2007 6 In Maxwell's theor\\ when the curl operator acts on an electric field E(x, V, r), it gives the time derivative of the magnetic field. WTien acting on a magnetic field B(a% v, r) in free space, the curl gives the time derivative of the electric field. The expression for a time-dependent electric field of magnitude Eq with wavelength X moving with velocity c in the direction v as a function of time r is written as E(a', r) = Eo sin[27r< X(.Y - ct)] and a similar expression for the accompanying perpendicular magnetic field B. Together these fields describe the movement of a wave of light through space. REFERENCES 1. Edmund Whittaker, A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity’, Vol. 1 Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd. London. 1951. 2. Robert D. Purrineton. Physics in the Nineteenth Centidn-, Rutgers Universits' Press, 1997. 3. Alan Hirshfeld. The Electric Life of Michael Faraday, Walker & Company, New York. 2006. 4. Peter M. Harman. Natural Philosophy of James Clerk Max^velL Cambridge Universiu Press, 1998. Washington Academy of Sciences 7 ORBITS ON A CONCAVE FRICTIONLESS SURFACE* Sean A. Genis and Carl E. Mungan U.S. Naval Academy, Annapolis, MD ABSTRACT The equations of motion of a puck sliding frictionlessly inside a parabolic bowl can be straightforwardly deduced using the conservation laws of mechanical energy and angular momentum. But the solution of these equations requires that they be recast into the form of Newton’s second law. The simple example of a ball in vertical freefall illustrates why this is necessary and how to perform the conversion. The method is then applied to the richer problem of a puck gliding on a paraboloidal surface for which the nonlinear equations require numerical solution. A rich variety of orbital patterns of the puck is found. INTRODUCTORY EXAMPLE OF ONE-DIMENSIONAL FREEFALL Consider a ball thrown straight upward (which will be designated as the +z direction) from the origin with an initial velocity of Let’s find its resulting path of motion z{t) in the absence of air resistance. Because mechanical energy is conserved (for the system of ball and earth), the sum of the kinetic {K) and gravitational potential {U) energies at any point on the ball’s path can be written as K + U = (1) where the subscript “0” throughout this article denotes the initial instant / = 0 . Choosing the gravitational reference position to be at the origin and assuming the ball’s altitude never gets large compared to Earth’s radius, Eq. (1) becomes ^Selected by the Chesapeake Section of the American Association of Physics Teachers as the best student presentation at its spring 2007 meeting - Genis is a midshipman majoring in physics and Mungan is a professor of physics. Summer 2007 8 ^ ml)l + mgz = ^ + 0 (2) where m is the mass of the ball, g = 9.80 N/kg is Earth’s surface gravitational field, and =dzl dt is the velocity of the ball. Equation (2) can be rearranged as 2gz. (3) dt Unfortunately this equation is double-valued and cannot be uniquely solved as written. At any given height z, there are two solutions, one corresponding to the ball traveling upward with a positive velocity and the other to the ball descending with an equal-magnitude negative velocity. In order to circumvent this ambiguity, the time derivative of Eq. (3) can be taken to produce the readily solvable form ^ dz^ \dt j dt^ = -2g ^dz^ \dt / az=-g (4) 7 7 where a^=dzldt is the acceleration of the ball. The final equation is simply Newton’s second law with the ball’s mass divided out of both sides. Integrating it twice with respect to time gives the expected solution In this easy example, one could alternatively solve Eq. (3) by manually changing the sign of the square root of the right-hand side of the equation after the topmost point of the trajectory is reached by the ball. But this procedure becomes cumbersome if the orbit has a large number of turning points. In such a case, it is easier to differentiate the energy equation with respect to time and then solve the resulting second-order equation, as was done above. ^ Let’s now apply this method to the richer problem of interest in this paper. ORBITING ON A FRICTIONLESS PARABOLIC SURFACE Suppose that a puck is sliding frictionlessly about the bottom of a concave bowl which has cylindrical symmetry around the vertical axis z, described by the parabolic cross-sectional profile Z = (5) Washington Academy of Sciences 9 using cylindrical coordinates, p, z, as illustrated in Fig. 1. The origin of the coordinate system is at the vertex of the bowl, and a factor of V2 has been included in Eq. (5) to avoid factors of 2 that otherwise arise. Fig. 1. Free-body diagram indicating the normal {N) and gravitational forces {mg) acting on the puck (indicated by the dot) when it is located at arbitrary position {p,(j)^z) . The paraboloidal surface has slope tan^ in the radial direction. Energy conservation implies that j-mv + mgz = constant => v +gkp = constant (6) 7 7 7 7 where V = ^he first constant has been divided by a factor of !/2 m to get the second constant. Here Vp=dpl dt , = pco (where o) = d(l)l dt is the puck’s angular velocity about the axis of symmetry), and v^ = dzldt = kpdpldt. Since neither gravity nor the normal force exerts a vertical torque on the puck about the origin, the z- component of the angular momentum is constant and therefore equals its initial value, 2 2 =mp co= mpfjCOQ 0) = 6% (7) Inserting this expression into the speed squared in Eq. (6) and taking the time derivative to eliminate the constant yields £ dt [\ + k^p^)vl + p^o^p ^ + gkp^ = 0. (8) Summer 2007 10 The derivative can be performed and a factor of 2v^ divided out of every term, in analogy to how Eq. (4) was obtained from Eq. (3), to get -kp(g + kvl) (9) where p / dt^ . This equation can also be obtained (but with considerably more effort) by finding the two orthogonal surface tangential components (to avoid the unknown normal force) of Newton’s second law in cylindrical coordinates. One final step is helpful before proceeding to a computer solution. Equation (9) can be rewritten in terms of the dimensionless variables R = kp and T = (o^t as ^2^ ^RyR^[c + {dRldTf^ dT^ + (10) where C = gk ! co^ is a dimensionless constant. This is a second-order differential equation to be solved with the initial conditions R{Q) = R^ = kp^ and K(0) = Tq “ ^ ^^ere V = dR! dT . Suppose the initial angular velocity is chosen so that the puck travels in a stable counter-clockwise circular orbit around the vertex of the bowl. The puck is then given a quick push toward the rim of the dish. The push provides a radial impulse to the puck. (Note that a radial impulse does not change the value of Lz) Prior to the push, R must have the constant value Rq so that dR ! dT and d^R! dT^ are both zero, and Eq. (10) therefore implies that C = 1 . In turn this result requires that OJ^ = (gk) regardless of the puck’s position on the surface. This is a special property of a parabolic dish and is the reason that the surface of a rotating liquid settles into a paraboloidal shape, a property that can be exploited to make the primary collecting mirror of a reflecting telescope.^ Once Eq. (10) is solved for R{T), it can be substituted into Eq. (7) written in the dimensionless form dcf)! dT = {R^l R) . That result can then be integrated to obtain ^T) with the initial condition 0(0) = 0 (by Washington Academy of Sciences 11 choosing the x-axis to point to the puck’s position at the instant of application of the radial impulse). The results can then be plotted parametrically to give an overhead view of the xy-coordinates of the puck in the dimensionless form X = 7?cos0 and Y = Rs^m(p. (11) Here is the complete code we wrote to solve and plot the motion of the puck using the commercial software program Maple^^ for the case = 1 = Fq , as graphed in Fig. 2(a): R0:=1; V0:=1; eqR:-diff(R(T),T,T)=(ROM-R(T)M*( 1 +diff(R(T),T)^2))/R(T)^3/( 1 +R{TY2); eqphi:=diff(phi(T),T)=(R0/R(T))^2; sol-dsolve({eqR,eqphi,R(0)=R0,phi(0)=0,D(R)(0)=V0},{R(T),phi(T)}, numeric); r:=T->rhs(sol(T)[2]); p:=T->rhs(sol(T)[4]); X:=T->r(T)*cos(p(T)); Y:=T->r(T)*sin(p(T)); plot(['X(T)',’Y(T)',T=0..50*Pi],scaling=constrained); By varying the initial values Rq and Fq in the first line, a rich variety of orbital patterns result; two further examples are plotted in panels (b) and (c) of Fig. 2, chosen to illustrate some common patterns. Our school has a site license for Maple^^ and students are introduced to its use in their introductory calculus sequence and could be given the above code with which to experiment. At other schools, Mathematical'^ or implementation of Euler’s method in a spreadsheet such as Excel™ might be a better choice. 3 However the comparative simplicity of the code above makes this a good example with which to introduce students to algorithmic software packages. Further insight into the puck’s motion is obtained by making the radial impulse very weak, so that the circular orbit is only slightly perturbed.^ In that case, it is easier to see the resulting small effect by jumping into a frame of reference that rotates with the puck’s initial angular speed of The xj^-coordinates of the puck in this rotating frame can be computed using Eq. (11) provided we replace ^ by (j)- co^t ^(p-T . An example is plotted in Fig. 2(d). The puck starts on the x-axis at (/^O’^) travels^ clockwise with very nearly uniform circular motion of dimensionless diameter Fq at an angular frequency of Ico^. That is, the puck performs one clockwise orbit in the rotating frame during the time that the puck Summer 2007 12 rotates counter-clockwise halfway around the bowl in the lab frame. This trajectory is a result of the Coriolis force which produces a rightward deflection of the puck in the rotating frame, ^ analogous to the rotation of hurricanes in the northern hemisphere of the earth. The radially outward centrifugal force is almost perfectly canceled by the inward component of the normal force. Fig. 2. Overhead views of the trajectory of the puck (a) in the lab frame for Rq = 1 and = 1 over the interval 0 < T < 50;r ; (b) in the lab frame for = 1 and Tq = 8 over the interval 0 < T < 1 50;r ; (c) in the lab frame for Rq = 0.05 and = 0.5 over the interval 0